Dialectology As Dialectic: Interpreting Phula Variation (Trends in Linguistics, Studies and Monographs, No. 229)

Dialectology as Dialectic

Trends in Linguistics Studies and Monographs 229

Editor

Volker Gast Founding Editor

Werner Winter Editorial Board

Walter Bisang Hans Henrich Hock Matthias Schlesewsky Niina Ning Zhang Editor responsible for this volume

Hans Henrich Hock

De Gruyter Mouton

Dialectology as Dialectic Interpreting Phula Variation

by

Jamin R. Pelkey

De Gruyter Mouton

ISBN 978-3-11-024584-4 e-ISBN 978-3-11-024585-1 ISSN 1861-4302 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Pelkey, Jamin R., 1974⫺ Dialectology as dialect : interpreting Phula variation / by Jamin R. Pelkey. p. cm. ⫺ (Trends in linguistics: studies and monographs ; 229) Revision of author’s (doctoral) thesis ⫺ LaTrobe University, Australia, 2008. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-3-11-024584-4 (alk paper) 1. Yi language ⫺ Dialectology. 2. Yi Language ⫺ Phonology. 3. Yi (Chinese people) ⫺ Languages. 4. Yi (Chinese people) ⫺ Ethnic identity. 5. Anthropological linguistics ⫺ China ⫺ Yunnan Province. 6. Anthrological linguistics ⫺ Vietnam. I. Title. PL3311.Y5P45 2011 495⫺dc22 2011009360

Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available in the Internet at http://dnb.d-nb.de. ” 2011 Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co. KG, Berlin/New York Printing: Hubert & Co. GmbH & Co. KG, Göttingen 앝 Printed on acid-free paper 앪 Printed in Germany. www.degruyter.com

To Stephanie Jill & Quynh Iris

Preface

In this work I propose a more integrative approach to dialectology and apply the approach to the previously undefined Phula languages of China and Vietnam using original fieldwork and analysis. My hope is that the efficacy of the argument, and hence the merit of the book, will emerge from its selfcontained integration of theory, methodology and praxis. The Phula languages are in need of definition: a task that would seem to fall to the dialectologist. If traditional approaches to dialectology are found to be inadequate to the task, more complex approaches are called for. Such is the case. In fact, this work adds volume to a mounting murmur that is already rising from the halls of language variation research. Numerous recent appeals (e.g., Preston 1999a; Croft 2000; Koyama 2001; Kortmann 2004b; Bisang 2004; Nevalainen, Klemola and Laitinen 2006) suggest that mine is not a solitary voice ‘crying in the wilderness’: language variation research is currently being called to task for re-evaluation, particularly in terms of more integrative approaches to dialectology. Dialectology proper has traditionally focused on the geographic distribution of language variation as an end in itself and has remained relatively segregated from other branches of linguistic (and extra-linguistic) inquiry. Although the field has slowly been opening up to interdisciplinary perspectives since the late 1990’s, dialectologists still tend to approach their data as classical modern reductionists – asking exclusively synchronic or exclusively diachronic questions, using exclusively qualitative or exclusively quantitative analysis, often neglecting insights from history, culture, sociolinguistics, language contact, historical-comparative linguistics and/or language typology. The reductive results of traditional dialectology are intriguing and instructive in their own right, of course; but they are not wellsuited for engaging the gradient, interdependent dynamics that surround the actual operationalization of language and dialect definitions, whether synchronically or diachronically conceived. Bringing opposing linguistic, and extralinguistic, variables into dialectic exchange, on the other hand, results in emergent equilibria useful for language definition at multiple levels – or so I have found in seeking to understand Phula. The languages affiliated with the ancient ethnonym ‘Phula’ descend from the Ngwi (formerly Loloish) branch of Burmic in the Tibeto-Burman family and are spoken in remote mountainous regions of southeastern

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Yunnan Province, China, and adjacent pockets of northwestern Vietnam, by a scattered array of ethnic groups whose populations now total some 367,000. The data considered in this book are the results of my personal fieldwork in 41 Phula villages gathering lexical, textual, ethnohistorical, geolinguistic and perceptual information in cooperation with numerous research and administrative units of Yunnan. Prior to the research leading up to this publication, these language varieties were undefined – not only in terms of synchronic identification and diachronic situation but also in terms of degrees of separation, historical contact, status of endangerment, general demographics, geographic distribution and dialect diversity. As suggested above, in order to arrive at such definitions, I argue that both data collection and data analysis should be approached from multiple perspectives – typological-descriptive, historical-comparative and sociocognitive alike; using diagnostics that are both qualitative and quantitative; blending insights from history, geography, ethnology, language contact and sociolinguistics into an organic whole. The approach incorporates complexity, asserting that dialectology best flourishes as an interdependent dialectic – a dynamic synthesis of correlative perspectives. The overarching dialectic treated in this work is framed in terms of the familiar ‘synchronic-diachronic’ opposition indicative of 20th century linguistic dualism. Taken as a strict dichotomy, synchrony and diachrony are, ipso facto, irreconcilable. If we distance ourselves from the old essentialist presuppositions and approach the actual unfolding of language use and linguistic cognition in time and space with more probing, phenomenological attitudes, the distinction itself becomes liable to an ontological-conceptual shift. Instead of generating artificial binary choices (e.g., between past vs. present, history vs. typology, reconstruction vs. description), synchrony and diachrony emerge as profoundly involved in each other’s affairs in limitless combinations of underlying complementary tensions – tensions that might be more aptly re-framed in interdependent biological terms (see dialogue between Croft 2010 and Mufwane 2010 for precedence and potential problems). In place of the ‘synchronic-diachronic’ dyad, a biology-oriented triad suggests itself, including ‘ecological’, ‘phylogenetic’ and ‘ontogenetic’ contingencies: linguistic ecology including both synchronic context and diachronic contact; linguistic phylogeny including both diachronic lineage and synchronic inheritance; and linguistic ontogeny mediating between the two in the form of specific, polylectal speech varieties growing through space and time. Whatever the case, I use the traditional labels in this work if for no other reason than to demonstrate their inadequacy as discrete categories – and their interdependence as dialectic categories. Attempting to choose between the two seems, at best, more and more shortsighted.

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Theoretical and conceptual considerations aside, the necessity of treating the ‘synchronic-diachronic’ dialectic as central to the current study grows out of a practical bid to disprove and refine the following hypothesis: all synchronic languages traditionally affiliated with the Phula ethnonym also belong to a single exclusive diachronic clade linguistically. In order to actually make this claim falsifiable, two key sets of knowledge are needed: 1) ‘synchronic’ definitions: the number of distinct, contemporary languages affiliated with the Phula ethnonym and 2) ‘diachronic’ definitions: the nature of the genetic relationships they share. Understanding the nature of either, however, is best accomplished through the lens of the other. Synchronic language definitions are shown to provide the categories necessary for diachronic subgrouping, and diachronic subgroupings are shown to provide validation for synchronic language definitions. The two sets of knowledge are interdependent; neither can be adequately defined in a vacuum. Numerous other analogous dynamics are illustrated. A chiastic model emerges as a structure well suited for the dialogic task of complex integration, and the mediation of paradox is affirmed as a fruitful mode of scientific discovery. My approach to fieldwork and analysis are, then, essentially hermeneutic or ‘pragmatist’ in nature – curiosity and doubt seeking understanding, rather than confidence and mastery seeking control. Perhaps I may even lay claim to the ancient sign-based tradition of scientific investigation best articulated and practiced by Charles Sanders Peirce, eminent American scientist, logician and founder of hermeneutic semiotics. According to Peirce (e.g., [1903] 1998), abductive inference, or hypothesis formation, is indispensible for rational inquiry. Peirce demonstrates that deductive and inductive logic depend on abductive inference, though they can by no means be reduced to it; rather, the three work in tandem – abduction responding to problems discovered through inductive testing of deductive assertions, which are themselves habits taken up by assuming the truth of an abduction, due to the elegant explanatory power of the latter. Under this approach, analysis is reflexive with interpretation, or riddle solving; hence the subtitle of this book: ‘interpreting Phula variation.’ The book opens with a review of the contemporary Phula varieties in their historical context and offers a critical evaluation of background issues in dialectology. Fieldwork methods and theoretical assumptions are made transparent in Chapter 2, and synchronic language definitions are presented in Chapter 3. Chapter 4 discusses the status of language vitality among the Phula varieties while Chapter 5 sketches five comparative phonologies of representative Phula languages. Chapters 6 and 7 demonstrate grounds for subgrouping the Phula languages along with their next-of-kin, and the final

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chapter reverses the perspective of the first by examining the newly defined diachronic categories in terms of their newly defined synchronic constituents. Findings are presented in a variety of charts, tables and maps. Appendices include quantitative matrices, field note samples, and a sample comprehension test. The results of Phula language definition fill substantial gaps in our general knowledgebase of an immensely complex ethnolinguistic region and add to the total number of world languages on record. Most of the Phula languages are endangered to varying degrees; thus, the book calls attention to the often overlooked reality that language definition must precede language preservation. Neglected diversity in the Sinosphere is also highlighted, and research results have implications for regional ethnohistory, geolinguistics and our understanding of the interaction between language contact and genetic inheritance. For Tibeto-Burmanists in particular, the process of subgrouping based on the newly available Phula data provides grounds for rethinking several other Ngwi-branch relationships. In summary, Dialectology as Dialectic demonstrates multiple grounds for insisting on a more robust, integrative approach to dialectology while simultaneously demonstrating grounds for defining the Phula languages: 24 synchronic languages belonging to three distinct macro-clades genetically. In the process of interpretation, 22 of these languages are demonstrated to descend from two exclusive clades of the Southeastern Ngwi sub-branch. I would be pleased, of course, if others were drawn into the celebration, and validation, of this zesty array of overlooked speech communities near the Sino-Vietnam border. I would be doubly pleased if this work contributes, in some miniscule way, toward encouraging the realization of a dawning ‘ontology of relations’ – a radical shift in taste, if you please, such that the interpretive mediation of complementary tensions (in language and in life) comes to seem preferable to artificial choices between static dichotomies.

Jamin Pelkey February 22, 2011 Fort Langley, British Columbia

Acknowledgements

This work is the culmination of a twelve year venture (or compulsion), to define the Phula languages. Little did I know during the early stages of my inquiry, begun in 1998, just how many individuals and organizations would eventually assist me in the process. From 2005–2009 I was a postgraduate student in the La Trobe University (LTU) Linguistics department, and this volume constitutes a revised version of my 2008 LTU PhD dissertation. Financial support for the La Trobe period of research was provided by an LTU International Postgraduate Research Scholarship, an Australia International Postgraduate Research Scholarship, an LTU FHSS 2005 fieldwork grant, and an SIL-International project funding grant – along with a number of contributors who donated funds toward a Beijing Jeep, enabling travel to rural datapoints in Yunnan. My two formal advisors during the La Trobe sojourn were David Bradley and Randy LaPolla – an enviable duo for any budding Tibeto-Burmanist to study under. Of course, their guidance meant the difference between failure and success. The long hours they spent laboring through my drafts and talking over the details of my analysis were essential for my progress and sacrificial on their part. As my primary advisor, David’s extensive knowledge of the Burmic group, in both breadth and depth, along with his natural appreciation for language variation in the Sinosphere and his wealth of experience in Asian linguistic fieldwork, made for an ideal source of inspiration. In addition to his eye for details that I had missed or mistaken David was also quick to point out practicalities, theories and implications that I had overlooked. My appreciation goes to Randy for introducing me to Charles Sanders Peirce during this period, for priming me with Sinitic perspectives, and for refining my philosophy of language, among many other insights noted in the text and endnotes. Jerold Edmondson, Graham Thurgood and Harold Koch were the outside examiners of my final dissertation draft, and each provided important affirmation and advice. My appreciation goes to Brian Migliazza, James Matisoff, Keith Slater, Bryan Allen, Peter Lester, Chris Stokland, Lim Chong, Jason Pounders, Nathan Davis, Sung Kim, Brandt Robbins, Andy Castro, Fraser Bennett, Alec Coupe, Cathryn Yang, and Eric Johnson for helping me gain momentum early in the process of research and writing. Dialogue with Cathryn and Eric, in particular, helped define and refine my approach to research and analysis.

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He Lifeng and Bai Keyang were instrumental in opening the gates to official fieldwork in Yunnan Province. My primary field research partners were Yang Liujin of Honghe University (formerly of the Honghe Prefecture Nationalities Research Institute), Bai Bibo of the Nationalities Research Institute of Yuxi Normal University and Wang Mingfu of the Wenshan Prefecture Nationalities Research Institute. These three men coordinated logistics, secured permissions, provided invaluable advice along the way and became my trusted friends. Multiple other government and educational leaders in southeastern Yunnan also granted their permission and logistical assistance in the fieldwork effort, and hundreds of local level Phula speakers patiently provided language data and hospitality in their mountain villages. My data analysis can be broken down into four primary components as will be discussed in Chapter 1. Behind each component is a key source of influence (though, as always, I am solely responsible for remaining errors). Ken Manson introduced me to the Neighbor-Net algorithm when I was sorely in need of a valid quantitative component for diachronic analysis, and Noel Mann helped me think through a number of issues related to synchronic quantitative analysis. The major influence shaping my synchronic qualitative analysis was David Bradley; and, in addition to Bradley’s work on Ngwi relationships, Randy LaPolla’s advice on subgrouping criteria had a substantial influence on my diachronic qualitative analysis. A number of non-academic influences helped sustain me through the thickest stages of the analysis and drafting, such as the encouragement of my parents, Rob and Joan Pelkey, and in-laws, Bud and Marilyn Hopkins. The Equip Training Centre at Kangaroo Grounds provided a private office space for a crucial three month stretch of writing. A jazz ensemble named “Virus”, playing on Saturday evenings at the Laundry pub in Fitzroy, taught me that live jazz, whatever else it may be, is potent therapy. The novels and essays of Walker Percy kept me human, as did extended reflection on Colossians, Ephesians, 2Peter, 1John and other poetry (that of W.H. Auden, Dylan Thomas and T.S. Eliot, in particular). Other sustaining influences included conversations with my friend Matt Rojahn and the birth of Quynh Iris (a.k.a. the Seahorse). Stephanie has been my orientation point and closest companion for nine of the past twelve years of research and writing. She accompanied me to most of the fieldwork datapoints discussed in this volume and helped with video recordings, equipment maintenance, expense accounts, and a host of other crucial details. Thank you again, Stephie. Once again, thank you all.

Contents

Preface Acknowledgements Contents List of maps List of tables List of figures General abbreviations Data source abbreviations 1. Introduction: Synchronic Phula in diachronic perspective 1.1. The Phula hypothesis 1.1.1. Falsifiability and the Phula hypothesis 1.1.2. Chapter overview 1.2. Historical background 1.2.1. Phula, Puzu, Yizu and other classifications 1.2.2. The Phula-Lolo distinction in historical records 1.2.3. Retracing Phula migration patterns from oral and written histories 1.2.3.1. Macro-migration patterns 1.2.3.2. Micro-migration patterns 1.2.4. Previous research on the Phula languages 1.3. Field data orientation 1.3.1. Administrative orientation of Phula villages 1.3.2. Fieldwork data point locations 1.3.3. Overview of field data collection 1.3.4. External data sources 1.4. Research scope, assumptions and approach 1.4.1. Theoretical assumptions: toward an integrative dialectology 1.4.2. On the viability of integrational standards for language definition 1.4.3. Research scope and limitations 1.5. Argument structure and organization

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2. Research background: Field methods, theory, and dialectology 2.1. Introduction 2.2. Nature and scope of the fieldwork 2.2.1. Navigating research approval and fieldwork sponsorship 2.2.2. Navigating administrative terrain 2.2.3. Navigating data point travel 2.2.4. Scope of data collection 2.2.5. Data reciprocity with language communities 2.2.6. Digital archiving and analysis 2.3. Recording equipment and use 2.3.1. Overview of recording equipment 2.3.2. Recording scenarios and setup 2.3.3. Evaluation of equipment and recording methods 2.4. Elicitation instruments and methodology 2.4.1. Sociolinguistic questionnaires 2.4.1.1. Questionnaire goals and design 2.4.1.2. Questionnaire administration 2.4.1.3. Working revisions 2.4.2. Wordlist design and elicitation 2.4.2.1. Wordlist design 2.4.2.2. Elicitation printouts 2.4.2.3. Consultant selection and screening 2.4.2.4. Elicitation framing 2.4.2.5. Cognate fishing 2.4.2.6. Use of elicitation illustrations 2.4.2.7. Non-IPA Chinese phonetic conventions 2.4.2.8. Pronunciation imitation 2.4.2.9. Working revisions 2.4.3. Natural text elicitation 2.5. Assessing identity, demography and vitality 2.5.1. Ethnic identity research 2.5.2. Demographic research 2.5.3. Geolinguistic mapping research 2.5.4. Endangerment, vitality, and language contact research 2.6. Assessing dialect intelligibility and internal contact 2.6.1. Perceptual dialectology 2.6.2. Recorded text testing and the high-intelligibility threshold 2.6.3. Core lexical comparison and the low-intelligibility threshold 2.7. Assessing language variation and change

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Contents

2.7.1. 2.7.2.

Phonological description in light of language variation Grammaticalization, lexicalization and variational semantics 2.7.3. The comparative method 2.8. Assessing phylogenetic relationships 2.8.1. Clustering, subgrouping and phylogenetic situation 2.8.2. Baileyan dialectology and the dynamic wave model 2.8.3. Tree diagrams and other models 2.8.4. The Neighbor-Net algorithm and distance-based relationships 2.9. An experiment in triadic dialectics: ecology-phylogeny-ontogeny 3. Synchronic language definitions: Identity, intelligibility, contact 3.1. Preliminaries 3.2. Phula ethnic identities 3.2.1. West-regional identities 3.2.2. South-central identities 3.2.3. North-central identities 3.2.4. East-regional identities 3.2.5. Trends and observations 3.3. Core lexical comparisons 3.3.1. West-regional comparisons 3.3.2. South-central comparisons 3.3.3. North-central comparisons 3.3.4. East-regional comparisons 3.3.5. Perspective 3.4. Recorded text testing 3.4.1. West-regional results 3.4.2. South-central results 3.4.3. North-central testing results 3.4.4. East-regional testing results 3.5. Reported dialect perceptions and intelligibility indices 3.5.1. West-regional perceptions and indices 3.5.2. South-central perceptions and indices 3.5.3. North-central perceptions and indices 3.5.4. East-regional perceptions and indices 3.6. Language contact issues 3.6.1. External contact 3.6.2. Internal contact 3.7. Integrating identity, contact, and intelligibility 3.7.1. West-regional integration

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3.7.2. South-central integration 3.7.3. North-central integration 3.7.4. East-regional integration 3.8. Conclusion: The synchronic Phula languages 3.8.1. Phala [ISO 639-3: ypa] 3.8.2. Phola [ISO 639-3: ypg] 3.8.3. Phola, Alo [ISO 639-3: ypo] 3.8.4. Muji, Qila [ISO 639-3: ymq] 3.8.5. Muji, Southern [ISO 639-3: ymc] 3.8.6. Muji, Northern [ISO 639-3: ymx] 3.8.7. Muzi [ISO 639-3: ymz] 3.8.8. Bokha [ISO 639-3: ybk] 3.8.9. Phuma [ISO 639-3: ypm] 3.8.10. Alugu [ISO 639-3: aub] 3.8.11. Phupa [ISO 639-3: ypp] 3.8.12. Phupha [ISO 639-3: yph] 3.8.13. Phuza [ISO 639-3: ypz] 3.8.14. Phowa, Ani [ISO 639-3: ypn] 3.8.15. Phowa, Labo [ISO 639-3: ypb] 3.8.16. Phowa, Hlepho [ISO 639-3: yhl] 3.8.17. Azha [ISO 639-3: aza] 3.8.18. Zokhuo [ISO 639-3: yzk] 3.8.19. Khlula [ISO 639-3: ykl] 3.8.20. Moji [ISO 639-3: ymi] 3.8.21. Phukha [ISO 639-3: phh] 3.8.22. Laghuu [ISO 639-3: lgh] 3.8.23. Pholo [ISO 639-3: yip] 3.8.24. Thopho [ISO 639-3: ytp] 4. Ethnolinguistic vitality: Contact, endangerment and shift 4.1. Introduction 4.2. Phola and Alo 4.2.1. Luodie and Natang 4.2.2. Adipo 4.3. Phala 4.4. Muji, Southern 4.4.1. Pujiazhai 4.4.2. Shizitou 4.5. Muji, Northern 4.5.1. Xiepo 4.5.2. Loushuidong

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4.6. Muzi 4.6.1. Nuoguzhai 4.6.2. Malutang 4.7. Bokha 4.7.1. Yibaizu 4.7.2. Dixibei 4.8. Phuma 4.9. Alugu 4.10. Phupa 4.11. Phupha 4.12. Phuza 4.13. Muji, Qila 4.14. Phowa, Ani 4.15. Phowa, Labo 4.15.1. Jiajie and Lugumu 4.15.2. Wudupi 4.16. Phowa, Hlepho 4.16.1. Feizuke 4.16.2. Chekabai 4.16.3. Weibazhu/Xiaozhai 4.16.4. Suozhiwan 4.16.5. Meizichong 4.17. Azha 4.17.1. Luojiayi, Xiaopingba and Huangzhai 4.17.2. Faduke Dazhai 4.18. Zokhuo 4.19. Khlula 4.19.1. Laozhai 4.19.2. Maxi 4.20. Laghuu and Phukha 4.21. Moji 4.22. Pholo 4.22.1. Xiji 4.22.2. Fayixiazhai 4.22.3. Shangxinzhai 4.23. Thopho 4.24. Overview of Phula ethnolinguistic vitality

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5. Phula phonologies: Five representative sketches

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5.1. Preliminaries 5.1.1. General Phonological Features

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5.1.2. Structure of the sketches 5.2. Hlepho-FZK and the Phowa Clade 5.2.1. Syllable 5.2.2. Consonant Initials 5.2.3. Vowel Finals 5.2.4. Tone 5.2.5. Phonation 5.3. Muji-PJZ and the Muji Clade 5.3.1. Syllable 5.3.2. Consonant Initials 5.3.3. Vowel Finals 5.3.4. Tone 5.4. Phuza-BJB and the Downriver Phula clade 5.4.1. Syllable 5.4.2. Consonant initials 5.4.3. Vowel Finals 5.4.4. Tone 5.5. Phola-LDC and the Upriver Phula clade 5.5.1. Syllable 5.5.2. Consonant initials 5.5.3. Vowel Finals 5.5.4. Tone 5.5.5. Phonation 5.6. Azha Phonology 5.6.1. Syllable 5.6.2. Consonant Initials 5.6.3. Vowel Finals 5.6.4. Tone 5.7. Summary

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6. The language clades of Phula Proper: Establishing historical subgroupings

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6.1. Methodology for historical subgrouping 6.1.1. Overview of Ngwi tone 6.1.2. Overview of Proto-Ngwi *initial classes and guide to notation 6.1.3. Overview of Phula tonal reflexes 6.2. A distance-based network of Phula languages 6.2.1. Neighbor-Net and distance-based phylogenetic relationships

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Contents

6.2.2.

6.3.

6.4.

6.5. 6.6.

6.7.

The Phula neighbor network and preliminary subgroupings The Muji meso-clade 6.3.1. Tone system innovations 6.3.1.1. Tone-class 1 6.3.1.2. Tone-class 2 6.3.1.3. Tone-class 3 6.3.1.4. The *checked tone classes 6.3.2. Other independent innovations 6.3.2.1. Phonological innovations 6.3.2.2. Morphological innovations 6.3.2.3. Lexico-semantic innovations 6.3.3. Historical dialectology The Phowa meso-clade 6.4.1. Tone system innovations 6.4.1.1. Tone-class 1 6.4.1.2. Tone-class 2 6.4.1.3. Tone-class 3 6.4.1.4. The *checked-tone classes 6.4.2. Other Innovations 6.4.3. Historical dialectology The Highland Phula macro-clade 6.5.1. Lexico-semantic innovations 6.5.2. Phonological innovations The Riverine Phula macro-clade 6.6.1. Tone system developments 6.6.1.1. Tone-class *1 6.6.1.2. Tone-class *2 6.6.1.3. Tone-class *3 6.6.1.4. The *checked tone classes 6.6.2. Other Innovations 6.6.2.1. Phola-Phala (Upriver Phula) 6.6.2.2. Phupha-Alugu 6.6.2.3. Phuza-Phupa 6.6.3. Historical dialectology Conclusion

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7. Phula and Southeastern Ngwi: Sani, Axi, Azhe, Azha, Nisu, and 352 Phula Proper 7.1. Introduction 7.2. Expanded neighbor network

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7.3. Southeastern Ngwi 7.3.1. Permutations of the alveolar-lateral cluster innovation 7.3.2. Sani, Axi, Azhe, Azha, Southeastern Ngwi and Central Ngwi 7.3.3. Nisu, Southeastern Ngwi and Northern Ngwi 7.3.4. Summary of preliminary subgrouping criteria for SE Ngwi 7.4. Azha, Azhe and Sani-Axi 7.4.1. The status of Azha 7.4.2. The Sani-Axi clade 7.4.3. Tone system developments for Sani-Axi-Azhe-Azha 7.4.3.1. Tone-class *1 7.4.3.2. Tone-class *2 7.4.3.3. Tone-class *3 7.4.3.4. The *checked tone classes 7.4.4. Working conclusion on the internal relationships of the SA clade 7.5. Pholo 7.6. Conclusions 8. Conclusion: Diachronic Phula in synchronic perspective 8.1. Review 8.1.1. Phula language definition as chiastic dialectic 8.1.2. Folk Phula and Phula Proper 8.2. The Riverine Phula Macro-clade in synchronic perspective 8.2.1. Riverine Phula demographics and distribution 8.2.1.1. Upriver demographics and distribution 8.2.1.2. Downriver demographics and distribution 8.2.2. Riverine Phula perceptual dialectology 8.2.2.1. Upriver perceptual dialectology 8.2.2.2. Downriver perceptual dialectology 8.3. The Muji meso-clade in synchronic perspective 8.3.1. Current demographics and distribution of the Muji meso-clade 8.3.2. Muji meso-clade perceptual dialectology by synchronic language 8.4. The Phowa meso-clade in synchronic perspective 8.4.1. Current demographics and distribution of the Phowa meso-clade 8.4.2. Phowa meso-clade perceptual dialectology by language

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8.5. Review of contributions and key findings 8.5.1. Contributions to areal language recognition 8.5.2. Contributions to research on areal language endangerment 8.5.3. Contributions to Ngwi linguistics and regional ethnohistory 8.5.4. Contributions to language contact research 8.5.5. Contributions to ethnic identity research 8.5.6. Contributions to tone system analysis 8.5.7. Contributions to distance-based phylogenetics 8.5.8. Contributions to intelligibility testing 8.5.9. Contributions to regional demography 8.5.10. Contributions to geolinguistics 8.5.11. Contributions to field methods in linguistic survey 8.5.12. Toward a hermeneutic dialectology 8.5.13. Toward a chiastic dialectic model of reasoning 8.6. Extra-disciplinary perspectives on neglected diversity 8.6.1. Neglected diversity and onomastic ambiguity 8.6.2. Neglected diversity, homoplasy and genetics 8.6.3. Neglected diversity and the survival of the cutest 8.7. Suggestions for future studies 8.7.1. Remaining research questions 8.7.2. New research suggestions 8.8. Coda Appendix A: Sociolinguistic questionnaires Appendix B: Lexical elicitation datasheet sample Appendix C: Similarity and distance matrices Appendix D: Sample RTT translations Notes References Index

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418 419 419 420 420 421 421 421 422 422 423 423 423 425 426 426 427 428 429 430 431 432 433 442 444 447 449 460 487

List of maps

1.1. Broad geographic orientation of Yunnan Province, China, and Phula 6 distribution area 1.2. Major river systems of Yunnan and ancient Phula settlement sites 13 1.3. Administrative overview of Yunnan and NW Vietnam with 22 contemporary administrative Phula regions shaded 1.4. Phula village distribution patterns by township 24 1.5. County level overview of Phula distribution marking data point 25 locations 3.1. Orientation of geographic regions and maps discussed in Chapter 3 98 3.2. General distribution of Phola, Phala, and Alo 165 3.3. Distribution of Muji, Qila and location of the three Muji, Qila 166 villages 3.4. Distribution of Southern Muji, Northern Muji, Muzi, Bokha, 170 Phuma, Phupa, Alugu, Phupha and Phuza 3.5. Distribution of Ani, Labo, Hlepho, Azha and Zokhuo 173 3.6. Distribution of Khlula, Moji, Laghuu, and Phukha 175 3.7. Distribution of Pholo and Thopho 177 4.1. Locations of Phula language endangerment maps plotted by region 181 4.2. Overview of language vitality in the core western region 185 4.3. Overview of language vitality in the core central region 208 4.4. Overview of Phula language vitality in the core eastern region 218 8.1. Spatial distribution of Phula Proper and Folk Phula delineated by 400 major genetic clade 8.2. Current distribution of Riverine Phula 403 8.3. Perceptual dialect affiliation by village and subgroup for Riverine 405 Phula 8.4. Current distribution of the Muji Clade 408 8.5. Perceptual dialect affiliation by village for Core Muji 412 8.6. Current distribution of the Phowa Meso-clade 414 8.7. Perceptual dialect affiliation by village for Phowa clade 417 (minus Phukha)

List of tables

1.1. Summary of Phula data collection linked to Map 1.5 2.1. Major stages of approval and sponsorship for Phula field research 2.2. Translated overview of elicitation frames used in lexical data collection 3.1. West-regional onomastic identities 3.2. Onomastic identity overview for Muji and Muzi autonym groups 3.3. Other Phula onomastic identities in the south-central region 3.4. North-central onomastic identities 3.5. East-regional onomastic identities 3.6. Core lexical comparison results for the west-regional Phula varieties 3.7. Core lexical comparison results for south-central Phula varieties 3.8. Core lexical comparison results for Phula varieties in the north-central region 3.9. Core lexical comparison results for Phula varieties in the eastern region 3.10. Phula intelligibility testing results for the south-central region 3.11. Results and evaluation of preliminary testing with Muji-PJZ RTT 3.12. Intelligibility and internal contact summary for the south-central region 4.1. Threatened language status estimates by village and language 5.1. Hlepho Phowa-FZK consonant initial phonemes 5.2. Hlepho Phowa-FZK consonants contrasts 5.3. Status of the lateral affricate series in the Phowa clade 5.4. Evidence for velar reflexes of Phula lateral clusters in Zokhuo 5.5. Reflexes of Proto-Ngwi prenasalized stops in the Phowa clade 5.6. Hlepho Phowa-FZK monophthong final contrasts 5.7. The Muji-PJZ consonant system 5.8. Muji-PJZ consonants in contrastive environments 5.9. Preliminary overview of phone reflexes for Muji lateral-cluster series 5.10. Muji-PJZ vowels in contrastive environments 5.11. The Phuza-BJB consonant system 5.12. Phuza-BJB consonant initial contrast set one 5.13. Phuza-BJB consonant initial contrast set two 5.14. Phuza-BJB vowel final contrasts

26 46 63 101 103 106 111 115 121 123 125 127 130 131 161 221 229 230 233 233 234 235 241 242 243 245 248 249 250 252

xxiv

5.15. 5.16. 5.17. 5.18. 5.19. 5.20. 6.1. 6.2. 6.3. 6.4. 6.5. 6.6. 6.7. 6.8. 6.9. 6.10. 6.11. 6.12. 6.13. 6.14. 6.15. 6.16. 6.17. 6.18. 6.19. 6.20. 6.21. 6.22. 6.23. 6.24. 6.25. 6.26. 7.1. 7.2.

List of tables

Phola consonant initials Phola consonants in contrastive environments Phola vowel finals in contrastive environments Azha-LJY consonant initial phonemes Azha-LJY consonants in contrastive environment Azha-PJZ vowel phonemes in contrastive environment Guide to shorthand for major natural classes of PNg initials Overview of Phula tonal reflexes with reference to other Ngwi languages Unmarked tonal reflex patterns in Phula and other Ngwi languages Muji clade tone correspondences for TC-1 Muji clade tone correspondences for TC-2 Muji clade tone correspondences for TC-3 Muji clade tone correspondences for *checked classes TC-L and TC-H *H > 33/ *[+continuant]_ in Core Muji *H > 21/ *[-continuant]_ in Core Muji *L > 21/ *[+continuant]_ in Core Muji *L > 33/ *[-continuant]_ in Core Muji *L > 21 and *H > 33 / *[-continuant] > PM *[+medial]_ for Core Muji An unusual rhyme reflex pattern in Core Muji Summary of 14 Muji clade innovations Phowa clade tone correspondences for TC-1 Phowa clade tone correspondences for TC-2 Phowa clade tone correspondences for TC-3 Phowa clade tone correspondences for TC-L and TC-H Summary of 14 Phowa clade innovation sets Highland Phula lexico-semantic innovation set one Highland Phula lexico-semantic innovation set two TC-1 tone correspondences for the Riverine Phula macro-clade TC-2 tone correspondences for the Riverine Phula macro-clade TC-3 tone correspondences for the Riverine Phula macro-clade *Checked tone correspondences for the Riverine Phula macro-clade Summary of Riverine Phula innovation sets *bl/y and *pl/y cluster reflexes in various Ngwi languages: Dataset 1 *bl/y and *pl/y cluster reflexes in various Ngwi languages: Dataset 2

255 256 260 265 266 268 274 276 277 288 290 292 293 294 295 296 297 298 301 308 316 318 320 321 325 331 332 338 339 340 341 347 358 359

List of tables

7.3. *ʔ-, *b- and *p- prefixed *resonant initial reflexes and the exclusion of *b-l and *pr 7.4. Further lateral cluster conditioning environments and the exclusion of *k-l syllables 7.5. Family group classifier samples from Azha and Phula Proper 7.6. ‘egg’ and ‘lay(an egg)’ in SE Ngwi, Nuosu and Nasu 7.7. ‘bat’ < ‘flyer’ in SE Ngwi 7.8. Three Azha lexical isoglosses 7.9. Exclusive devoicing of TC-1 *stop initials in Sani and Axi 7.10. Comparison of Sani tone transcription conventions 7.11. TC-1 tone correspondences for Sani, Axi, Azhe and Azha 7.12. TC-2 tone correspondences for Sani, Axi, Azhe and Azha 7.13. Problematic tone reflexes of TC-2 *s initial syllables in the SA clade 7.14. TC-3 tone correspondences for Sani, Axi, Azhe and Azha 7.15. *Checked tone correspondences for Sani, Axi, Azhe and Azha 7.16. Pholo reflexes of SE Ngwi lateral cluster conditioning environments 8.1. Riverine population and village distribution estimates by language and county 8.2. Muji-clade population estimates by language and county 8.3. Muji-clade village distribution estimates by language and county 8.4. Phowa-clade population and village distribution by language and county

xxv

362 364 367 371 373 377 379 379 383 384 385  386 387 390 402 409 410 415

List of figures

1.1. Per-county proportion of total Phula villages 1.2. Theoretical orientation of dialectology assumed in this work: linguistic and extra-linguistic considerations 1.3. Proposed dialogic approach to dialectology: Questions and methods 1.4. Organization of the featured dialectic argument 2.1. Illustration of lexical elicitation recording setup 2.2. Supplementary IPA vowel conventions used by linguists in China 2.3. Bailey’s dynamic wave model of cross-lectal innovations 3.1. The Phowa dialect continuum 4.1. Summary of Phula threatened language status by village totals 5.1. The Hlepho Phowa-FZK vowel system 5.2. Hlepho-FZK pitch plots and tonemes: nasal initial environment 5.3. Hlepho-FZK pitch plots and tonemes: stop initial environment 5.4. Allophonic gradience and the PJZ vowel system 5.5. PJZ pitch plots and tonemes: Nasal initial environment 5.6. PJZ pitch plots and tonemes: Stop initial environment 5.7. The Phuza-BJB vowel system 5.8. Phuza-BJB pitch plots and tonemes: nasal initial environment (male#1) 5.9. Phuza-BJB pitch plots and tonemes: stop initial environment (male#2) 5.10. Phola prenasalized voiceless onsets: ɴqɑ³¹ ‘buckwheat’ and ⁿtɔ³³ ‘drink’ 5.11. Phola-LDC phonemic monophthong and diphthong finals 5.12. Phola pitch plots and tonemes: nasal initial environment 5.13. Phola pitch plots and tonemes: stop initial environment 5.14. Azha-LJY vowel final phonemes 5.15. LJY pitch plots and tonemes: Nasal initial environment 5.16. LJY pitch plots and tonemes: Stop initial environment 6.1. Simple network illustrating ambiguous weighted splits 6.2. Distance-based phylogenetic neighbor network phenogram of Phula language varieties 6.3. Phula neighbor network marking languages and genetic/contact clusters 6.4. Summary of PNg tonal reflex patterns in the nine known Muji clade languages

23 33 34 42 53 66 92 159 220 235 239 239 244 246 246 251 253 253 257 259 261 262 267 269 269 280 282 283 286

List of figures

6.5. Correlative redistribution of *H and *L in the Muji clade 6.6. Traditional isoglossic diagram of Muji clade innovations summarized in Table 6.14 6.7. Simplified dynamic wave model of Muji’s core and periphery 6.8. Internal subgrouping hypothesis for the Muji meso-clade 6.9. Summary of PNg tonal reflex patterns in six Phowa clade languages 6.10. Traditional wave diagram of Phowa clade innovations summarized in Table 6.19 6.11. Simplified dynamic wave model of Phowa clade innovations 6.12. Internal subgrouping hypothesis for the Phowa clade 6.13. Proto-Ngwi tonal reflex patterns in the Riverine Phula languages 6.14. Traditional isoglossic diagram of Riverine innovations summarized in Table 6.26 6.15. Internal subgrouping hypothesis for the Riverine Phula macro-clade 6.16. Full Phula subgrouping hypothesis marking external contact languages 7.1. Expanded Phula neighbor network incorporating Sani, Axi, Azhe and Nisu 7.2. Diachronic development of *pl/y and *ʔ-kl initials in Ngwi 7.3. Diachronic development of lateral clusters in Southeastern Ngwi 7.4. PNg tonal reflex patterns in Northern Nisu 7.5. PNg tonal reflex patterns in Sani-Axi-Azhe-Azha 7.6. Proposed internal genetic-contact composition of the SA Meso-Clade 7.7. Working hypothesis on the genetic composition of Southeastern Ngwi 8.1. Chiastic structure of the underlying dialectic argument 8.2. Dialectology as dialectic: Featuring Ontogeny as analogic mediator

xxvii

299 310 311 312 314 327 328 329 336 348 349 351 354 361 365 370 381 389 392 396 424

General abbreviations

AN

‘after next’ (e.g. ‘yearAN’= ‘year after next’; ‘yearAAN’ = ‘three years from now’, etc.) asp Aspirated (phonetic feature: [+asp] = aspirated, [-asp] = unaspirated) AUG Augmentative C Consonant initial C2 Consonant coda CLF Numeral classifier (vs. NCL) cont Continuant (phonetic feature: [+/-cont]) CPV Completive DEM Demonstrative DIA Local dialect form (e.g., from Xinan Guanhua ‘dialect’ of Mandarin) DIM Diminutive DRG Derogatory DR Downriver EXT Existential (have ~ be) EXC Exclusive G Glide segment HON Honorific HUM Humor (said with more jest than malice) HP Highland Phula (macro-clade: sister node to RP, daughter node of PP) ITF Intensifier LCh Chinese loan LOC Locative Lx Lexeme (Lx² = the second lexeme in a pair or set) Mph Morpheme (used to refer to a specific morpheme: e.g., Mph² = the second morpheme) NA Not applicable NCL Noun classifier (vs. CLF) NC No cognate ND No data Ng Ngwi (formerly known as ‘Loloish’, ‘Yipho’, ‘Yiish’ and ‘Ni’) NUM Number (n) Noun (denoting otherwise ambiguous part of speech for a given lexeme)

General abbreviations

P PB PtLCh PFV PM PW PNg PP Q REA RP RTT RTP S SA SE SFX SPV T TAM TOA TOR UR (v) V VGQ VLQ voc

xxix

(tense voice) Phonation Proto-Burmic (a.k.a ‘Burmese-Lolo’, ‘Lolo-Burmese’, etc.) Partial Chinese loan or lexeme calqued from Chinese Perfective Proto-Muji (meso-clade: sister node to PW, daughter node of HP) Proto-Phowa (meso-clade: sister node to PM, daughter node of HP) Proto-Ngwi Phula Proper (perceptual clade including RP and HP) Questionnaire Reanalysis Riverine Phula (macro-clade: sister node to HP, daughter node of PP) Recorded text test Pilot tested RTT Syllable (used in lexicon to refer to a specific syllable: e.g., S² = the second syllable) Sani-Axi-Azhe-Azha (macro-clade: sister node to HP and RP, SE Ngwi daughter node) Southeastern Suffix Superlative Tone Tense-Aspect-Mood/Modality Term of address Term of reference Upriver Verb (denoting the otherwise ambiguous part of speech of a given lexeme) Vowel final (or syllable nucleus) Village Group Questionnaire Village Leader Questionnaire Voice (phonetic feature: [+voc] = voiced, [-voc] = unvoiced)

Kinship terms are abbreviated as follows but are only used in tandem (i.e., to abbreviate a kinship relationship; e.g., FBW= ‘father’s brother’s wife’ MOS= ‘mother’s older sister’): B ‘brother’ F ‘father’ G ‘grand-’ (i.e., parent)

xxx

General abbreviations

H O M P S W Y

‘husband’ ‘older’ ‘mother’ ‘parent’ ‘sister’ ‘wife’ ‘younger’

Data source abbreviations

ADP (Phola): Honghe County, Menglong, Adipo 㓒⋣৯ऀ嗉ґ䱯ᓅඑ BJB (Phuza): Mengzi County, Lengquan, Bujibai 㫉㠚৯ߧ⋹䭷㺕呑ⲭ BSC (Phala): Honghe County, Baohua, Beishe 㓒⋣৯ᇍॾґ⻁䍺 CKB (Phowa, Hlepho, Phole): Wenshan County, Dehou, Chekabai ᮷ኡ৯ᗧ৊䭷ᢟ঑ⲭ CTL (Alugu): Gejiu County (Shi), Manhao, Chongtianling њᰗᐲ㭃㙇䭷ߢཙዝ DHN (Phowa, Ani): Mengzi County, Xibeile, Daheineng 㫉㠚৯㾯ेंґབྷ唁㜭 DFC (Azha): Yanshan County, Ganhe, Faduke Dazhai (‘Dafa’) ⹄ኡ৯ᒢ⋣ґ⌅䜭ਟབྷመ DPD (Axi, YNYF 1984): Mile County, Xiyi Township, Dapingdi ᕕं৯㾯а䭷བྷᒣൠ DXB (Bokha, Bokho): Jinping County, Ma’andi, Dixibei 䠁ᒣ৯傜䶽ᓅൠ㾯े DXZ (Zokhuo): Wenshan County, Zhuiligai, Daxingzhai ᮷ኡ৯䘭ṇ㺇䭷བྷ‫ޤ‬መ FKC (Phupha): Gejiu County (Shi), Jiasha, Fengkou њᰗᐲ䍮⋉ґ仾ਓ FNS (Phala): Honghe County, Yisa, Feinishao 㓒⋣৯䘔㩘䭷ᯀቬଘ FYX (Pholo): Guangnan County, Wuzhu, Fayixiazhai ᒯই৯ӄ䬒ґ⌅㺓лመ FZK (Phowa, Hlepho): Pingbian County, Xinhua, Feizuke ቿ䗩৯ᯠॾґ㨢』‫ݻ‬

xxxii

Data source abbreviations

GDC (Azha, Wu Z. 1996aandb): Wenshan County, Panzhihua, Gaodeng ᮷ኡ৯ᬰ᷍㣡䭷儈ⲫᯠመ GMD (Phupa): Mengzi County, Shuitian, Gamadi 㫉㠚৯≤⭠ґా傜ᓅ HLT (Phowa, Labo; Wang 2004): Kaiyuan, Mazheshao, Hulutang ᔰ䘌ᐲ傜㘵ଘґ㪛㣖ຈ HZC (Azha): Wenshan County, Dongshan, Huangzhai ᮷ኡ৯ьኡґ㦂መ JJC (Phowa, Labo): Kaiyuan County (Shi), Beige, Jiaji ᔰ䘌ᐲ⻁Ṭґᷦਹ LCC (Moji): Xichou County, Lianhuatang, Luchaichong 㾯⮤৯㧢㣡ຈ㣖ᐞߢ LDC (Phola): Yuanjiang County, Wadie, Luodie ‫⊏ݳ‬৯⍬ුґ㖇ු LGM (Phowa, Labo): Kaiyuan County (Shi), Beige, Lugumu ᔰ䘌ᐲ⻁Ṭґ励ခ⇽ LJY (Azha): Wenshan County, Binglie Luojiayi ᮷ኡ৯⿹⛸ґٞᇦ䛁 LPC (Phukha, Edmondson 2002, Fried 2000): Lào Cai Province, Vietnam LSD (Muji, Northern): Pingbian County, Xinxian, Luoshuidong ቿ䗩৯ᯠ⧠䭷㩭≤⍎ LZC (Khlula): Wenshan County, Liujin, Laozhai ᮷ኡ৯ḣӅґ㘱መ MCD (Nisu, N., Pu et al. 2005): Shiping, Shaochong, Mocedian ⸣ቿ৯ଘߢ䭷㧛⍻⭨ MLT (Muzi): Gejiu County (Shi), Laochang, Malutang њᰗᐲ㘱ল䭷傜咯ୀ MXC (Khlula): Maguan County, Muchang, Maxi 傜‫ޣ‬৯ᵘল䭷傜㾯 MZC (Phowa, Hlepho): Mengzi County, Mingjiu, Meizichong 㫉㠚৯呓咛䭷ẵᆀߢ

Data source abbreviations

NGZ (Muzi): Gejiu County (Shi), Kafang, Nuoguzhai њᰗᐲ঑ᯩ䭷㌟䉧መ NSC (Laghuu, Edmondson 2002): Nậm Sang, Sa Pa, Lào Cai Province, Vietnam NTC (Phola): Yuanjiang County, Lijiang, Natang ‫⊏ݳ‬৯◗⊏䭷䛓ຈ PJZ (Muji, Southern): Jinping County, Adebo, Pujiazhai 䠁ᒣ৯䱯ᗇঊґᲞᇦመ QLC (Muji, Qila): Jinping County, Jinshuihe, Qila 䠁ᒣ৯䠁≤⋣䭷ᵏ㝺 SZT (Muji, Southern, Muzi): Jinping County, Tongchang, Shizitou 䠁ᒣ৯䬌লґ⤞ᆀཤ SXZ (Pholo): Yanshan County, Ganhe, Longyong Shangxinzhai ⹄ኡ৯ᒢ⋣ґ嗉≨кᯠመ SZW (Phowa, Hlepho): Wenshan County, Baxin, Suozhiwan ᮷ኡ৯ඍᗳґᡰ᭟ᕟ WBZ (Phowa, Hlepho): Kaiyuan, Beige, Xiaozhai (‘Weibazhu’) ᔰ䘌ᐲ⻁Ṭґቮᐤ⥚ሿመ WDP (Phowa, Labo, Asaheipho): Kaiyuan, Mazheshao, Wudupi ᔰ䘌ᐲ傜㘵ଘґѼ䜭Ⳟ WZC (Sani, Dai et al. 1992): Shilin County, Weize, Weize ⸣᷇৯㔤ࡉґ㔤ࡉ XBL (Phowa, Ani): Mengzi County, Xibeile, Xibeile 㫉㠚৯㾯ेंґ㾯ें XJC (Pholo): Guangnan County, Zhulin, Xiji ᒯই৯⨐᷇䭷㾯ਹ XPC (Muji, Northern): Mengzi County, Shuitian, Xiepo 㫉㠚৯≤⭠ґᯌඑ XPB (Azha): Wenshan County, Binglie, Xiaopingba ᮷ኡ৯⿹⛸ґሿᒣඍ XZC (Thopho): Guangnan County, Zhetu, Xinzhai ᒯই৯㘵‫ބ‬ґᯠመ

xxxiii

xxxiv

Data source abbreviations

YBZ (Bokha): Pingbian County, Dishuiceng, Yibaizu ቿ䗩৯┤≤ቲґ䛁֠』 YZT (Phuma): Pingbian County, Beihe, Yanzitou ቿ䗩৯ⲭ⋣ґዙᆀཤ ZZC (Azhe, YNYF 1984): Mile County, Wushan, Zhongzhai ᕕं৯ӄኡґѝመ

Chapter 1 Introduction Synchronic Phula in diachronic perspective

Thus, whether we appeal to oriental or western philosophy, to Christian Scholasticism or to contemporary science, we find among the deepest thinkers a resoluteness to steer clear of what is fragmentary and to go for wholeness … a tertium quid that provides the unifying relation that prevents these oppositions from being antagonistic and truncated and instead makes them complementary and mutually fulfilling. – Charles-James N. Bailey (1982: 7) On the Yin and Yang Nature of Language

1.1. The Phula hypothesis The title ‘Phula’1 is a historical ethnonym with affiliates living on both sides of the Sino-Vietnam border. The population in question currently stands at around 367,0002 and is distributed over an area of 100,000 square kilometers – roughly the size of Arunachal Pradesh or the country of Guatemala (see Maps 1.1 and 1.3). The ethnic title itself has traditionally been applied to an array of related ethnolinguistic groups, consolidating them under a common category; but, prior to the analysis and synthesis behind this book, neither the category nor its constituency had ever been defined. In most instances of its application, the category-cum-title is accepted by in-group members and out-group locals alike, but the range and implications of its usage have remained unclear – and, for that matter, largely unexamined. The Phula varieties speak languages belonging to the Ngwi3 branch of the Burmic group in the Tibeto-Burman language family, but the actual number of languages spoken under the Phula ethnonym and the nature of their historical relationships are two questions that have never been formally asked or answered. In this work I attempt to define Phula by answering both questions: ‘synchronically’ speaking, how many Phula languages are there? and, ‘diachronically’ speaking, how do they fit together? To answer these questions, dialectology is called upon – and then called to task – to incorporate

2

Introduction

more complex syntheses of interdisciplinary inquiry into traditional dialect geography. After several years of inquiry, in the early 2000’s – after dozens of visits to libraries great and small and scores of trips into the countryside of Yunnan Province, China – a strong, universal hypothesis slowly emerged that provided focus for Phula data collection and analysis. The hypothesis was explored in more tentative terms in Pelkey (2004, 2005a) and is presented in more transparent terms in (1.1) below: (1.1)

The Phula hypothesis: All synchronic languages traditionally affiliated with the Phula ethnonym also belong to a single exclusive diachronic clade linguistically.

In scientific research, assertive hypotheses making vulnerable claims tend to be more productive than timid hypotheses making safe claims. Whether or not the claims of a given hypothesis are actually interesting is another question. I personally find the Phula hypothesis to be of interest for reasons related to undocumented diversity, undefined taxonomy, regional ethnohistory, ethnolinguistic endangerment, intangible heritage maintenance, linguistic human rights, cartographic experiment, dialectological reform and general curiosity, among other interests. My assumption is that the research question should also be of interest to others, such as Tibeto-Burmanists, areal ethnohistorians, areal language development workers, future dialectologists and Phula speakers themselves. Instead of arguing for the value of the hypothesis in detail here, however, I will let the book speak for itself and return to the theme intermittently. Having asserted a transparent hypothesis of some interest in (1.1), then, the ultimate business of this book is a thoroughgoing attempt to test it, disprove it, and refine it. By the final chapter, if I may spoil the suspense, the Phula hypothesis is both disproved and refined; but six intervening chapters of analysis are needed to illustrate how this is accomplished. The current chapter is concerned with orienting the Phula research endeavor in time and space, with some theoretical preliminaries thrown in for good measure; but before we continue, and lest we forget, it will be useful to underscore my intention to actually make the Phula hypothesis itself falsifiable.

The Phula hypothesis

1.1.1.

3

Falsifiability and the Phula hypothesis

In order to disprove the Phula hypothesis, it must first be falsifiable. This tautology bears stating in order to underscore a problem: as it stands in (1.1), the Phula hypothesis is not falsifiable; after all, ‘synchronic languages’ and ‘diachronic clades’ must be carefully defined, or ‘operationalized’, so that their relationships can be tested and affirmed or disproved and refined. Both must meet certain generally acceptable, sufficiently complex criteria in order to be validated (as falsifiable), and specific instances of each should be defined through numerous layers of analysis – preferably engaging both qualitative and quantitative measures in something of a dialectic synthesis. In fact, the majority of this book is dedicated to making the premises of the Phula hypothesis falsifiable. Falsifiability is asserted by Karl Popper ([1934] [1959] 2002) to be the touchstone for scientific inquiry – that standard which distinguishes science from other pursuits. Following up on problems pointed out by David Hume, Immanuel Kant, and C. S. Peirce, Popper argues that purely inductive arguments, including appeals to probability, do not constitute valid scientific claims. No quantity of positive testing can render an empirical hypothesis verifiable. The empirical hypothesis may still seem meaningful, or even warranted, but such claims may also be made by non-scientific disciplines. The scientist (qua detective) hopes to learn from experience by discarding false claims. In Popper’s own words (2002: 281), “The wrong view of science betrays itself in the craving to be right; for it is not his possession of knowledge, of irrefutable truth, that makes the man of science, but his persistent and recklessly critical quest for truth.” Popper’s perspectives have gained ground among scientists and philosophers of science alike over the last 70-odd years (see discussion in Stone 1991 and Miller 2007). A falsifiable prediction provides the courtesy of a clear scientific agenda on one hand, while discouraging the tempting fallacy of assuming one’s ultimate conclusion, on the other. Popper’s claims also provide a working interpretation of the natural history of science itself, 4 but do his claims constitute grounds for an essentialist segregation, or ‘demarcation’, of scientific inquiry from other modes of inquiry? Popper’s demarcation criterion seems most plausible if we allow ‘science’ to be identified with the pragmatist hermeneutic approach in general: the approach of the detective, the riddle solver, the child immersed in language acquisition, the interpreter of poems, the dialectologist puzzling over ambiguous variation – in short, anyone genuinely seeking understanding – all who are willing to dispense with faulty assumptions in the search for fresh truth. Taken on his own terms, Popper’s thoroughgoing skepticism may well be self-defeating: after all, one’s ‘recklessly critical quest for truth’ must not

4

Introduction

negate itself. C. S. Peirce ([1903] 1998) examines this and related paradoxes in detail, noting that working hypotheses must at least be entertained, and even assumed at some level, in order for them to be critiqued and cultivated at all. Naturally, a certain tension emerges once a hypothesis is assumed to be true, however tentative the assumption may be at first. Peirce provides helpful perspective on Popper’s claims by introducing abductive inference as the necessary grounds for both deduction and induction. The three work in tandem in rational inquiry, with abduction (hypothesis formation) and induction (hypothesis testing) being mediated by deduction (hypothesis assumption) – inductive testing seeking to disprove and refine what abductive guesswork has introduced before deductive certainty fossilizes and the original hypothesis is ultimately taken for granted. Thus, imagination, belief and skepticism comprise the irreducible core of scientific logic, without any one of which progress cannot be made. In this work, I seek to affirm all three and, more importantly, seek to hold them in dialectic tension; thus, I hope, pointing the way to a hermeneutic dialectology. For the Phula hypothesis in (1.1) to qualify as a valid prediction according to Popper’s criteria, two primary courses of investigation are required: 1) the identification and definition of synchronic language varieties putatively affiliated with the ethnic category and 2) the identification and definition of unique shared innovations that qualify its constituents as members of exclusive phylogenetic clades at successively higher levels. The first course of investigation is traditionally framed as ‘synchronic’, the second as ‘diachronic’. In fact, the two are not discrete; each needs the other and both require numerous layers of interdependent fieldwork and analysis. 1.1.2.

Chapter overview

Research stages and book content will be outlined at the end of the current chapter. This introductory chapter provides a time-space orientation to Phula and a broad theoretical orientation to my assumptions on Phula dialectology. Having introduced the Phula hypothesis, we may move on to the heart of the chapter in §1.2 – a discussion of the historical context of synchronic Phula. Varieties affiliated with the Phula ethnonym are sketched out in terms of official and folk classifications, ancient records and oral histories. The chapter then moves on to situate the Phula varieties in space by discussing the range of their distribution in geopolitical terms and introducing fieldwork datapoint locations in §1.3. I then discuss my approach to dialectology in §1.4 along with related assumptions and research scope. The chapter concludes with an overview of the book itself.

Historical background

5

1.2. Historical background In order to approach the Phula varieties in their synchronic situation, it is helpful to understand something of their ethnic history and historical geography. Where did they originate? How did they end up where they are? How were they identified in ancient times? How are they classified today? What do oral histories and official records have to say about their migration routes and relationships? Sketching answers to these questions from the available records provides a useful backdrop for thinking about the languages by placing their speakers in a historical context. Underlying these questions is the much more brief history of my own interest in the Phula languages. My interest in Phula began in 1997. Fresh out of university, I was studying Chinese and slaking my wanderlust in the hidden realm of marvels that is Yunnan Province, China (see Maps 1.1, 1.2, and 1.3). Of the 26 official ethnic nationalities of Yunnan, the internal diversity of the Yi Nationality is the most complex, and it had captured my imagination even before I arrived in Chuxiong, Yunnan’s Yi Autonomous Prefecture, for Chinese studies. After arriving in Yunnan, I started tracing the diversity of the Yi Nationality like an amateur sleuth (with more zeal than knowledge), and the clues I followed sent me to the four corners of the province in search of understanding. Most talk of Yi that I came across in English sources at the time discussed only the Nuosu varieties of the Great Cool Mountains to the north across the Jinsha (a.k.a. Yangtse/Changjiang) River in south-central Sichuan Province – to the apparent neglect of Yi diversity in Yunnan. But here in Yunnan were scores and scores of distinct groups classified as Yi who were wearing unique ethnic dress, using unique ethnic titles, hosting distinct ethnic festivals and maintaining diverse languages and cultures. Many were even given discrete acknowledgement in local ethnohistorical sources. Was I just naïve or had there been some mistake? Why wasn’t there more discussion and research on the Yi varieties of Yunnan? One Yi title that surfaced repeatedly in local sources and in conversations with locals alike was ‘Phula’ – with written and spoken variations including ‘Pula’ Ӷ᣹, Პ᣹, ☞᣹, ᵤஷ, ‘Bola’ঌ᣹, ‘Puzu’ Ӷ᯿ , and ‘Pulapo’ Ӷ᣹亷. Phula seemed to be the most complicated knot in the Yi Nationality to untangle, so I spent more and more time picking at it. There seemed to be at least a dozen unique ethnic groups affiliated with the title. How closely related were they? Phula was (and is) an official nationality in Vietnam. Was it once a traditional nationality in China also? The only two Phula groups classified by Bradley (1997a) were assigned to distinct genetic clades linguistically. Was Phula once a single language or not?

6

Introduction Gansu

Qinghai

Henan

Shaanxi

Anhui

Sichuan Tibet Maps 1.2 and 1.3

Jiangsu

Hubei

C

H

I

N

Zhejiang

A Jiangxi

Hunan Fujian

Guizhou Yunnan Maps 1.4 and 1.5 Phula Distribution Area

Guangdong Guangxi

VIETNAM LAOS

Hainan

0

200

400km

Map 1.1. Broad geographic orientation of Yunnan Province, China, and Phula distribution area

Hence, my overriding interest in dialectology from the outset has been marked by a distinctly pragmatist, hermeneutic drive – a strong compulsion to understand Phula that required the development of theory, methodology and praxis adequate to the task. My early linguistic research on Phula (Pelkey 2004) was carried out through Payap University in Chiang Mai, Thailand, in cooperation with Honghe University in Mengzi, Yunnan. The research focused on a polylectal variety in northern Mengzi County which I now refer to as ‘Ani Phowa’. The Phula category itself, I came to realize early on, also contains numerous distinct ethnolinguistic groups such as Azha, Muji, Phola, Phowa and Zokhuo. As the years passed, I came to understand that not only is Phula embedded in Yi, but several of the groups embedded within Phula also contain their own embedded ethnolinguistic varieties. So much ethnic embedding once seemed odd to me; especially since, generally speaking, it does not seem odd to the individuals who are thus embedded.

Historical background

1.2.1.

7

Phula, Puzu, Yizu and other classifications

To better account for the ethnic embedding of the Phula groups, it is useful to understand the various classifications, both official and traditional, under which the Phula varieties are known to have been subsumed. Two key ethnic classification movements from the twentieth century that are relevant to the discussion are the ‘Minzu Shibie’ project in China and the ‘Dân Tộc’ project in Vietnam. A contemporary local-level dichotomy between ‘Puzu’ and ‘Yizu’ is also of interest. In the early days of my zeal for Yi diversity, I wondered if the condensed ethnolinguistic status of the Yi Nationality did not simply represent an injustice; after all, shouldn’t diversity be described and celebrated? What I did not understand is that this condensed status actually represents the continuation of an ancient tradition of ethnic agglomeration in the region (see discussion in Bradley 2005a: 11–12) – a tradition of agglomeration that most regional ethnic groups happen to be fairly comfortable with. Critical stances toward surface peculiarities are usually best tempered by an emic understanding of underlying traditions. Take a group like PholeCKB5 of northwestern Wenshan County, for example. Even before the 1954 ethnic classification project, Phole-CKB group members would already have been operating under five layers of embedded ethnic identity (see §2.5.1, §3.2.3): 1) village-level: ‘Chekabai’, 2) autonym-level: ‘Phole’, 3) endoautonym-level: ‘Hlepho’, 4) endoethnonym-level: ‘Phowa’ and 5) historical-ethnonym-level: ‘Phula’ – none of which they would have been likely to deny. With five layers of embedded identity, each incorporating a given Phole-CKB speaker in a successively larger, more diversified group, what difference would a sixth superordinate category make – especially if it included the speaker in one of the largest, most celebrated Nationalities in China? While ethnic agglomeration may lead to the neglect of ethnolinguistic diversity (see further discussion in §8.6), outside researchers should understand that the tradition is not new, and, in most cases at least, embedded members of the Yi Nationality are not displeased with the additional layer. The 1954 Minzu Shibie ≁᯿䇶࡛ ethnic classification project in China is now thoroughly documented in Mullaney (2011). One consequence of this grand ethnic downsizing was the deep embedding of Yunnan’s Phula languages within the new agglomerate Yi Nationality. Keyes (2002) provides a comparable description of the 1979 Dân Tộc classification project in Vietnam which classified various Phula languages along more traditional lines under the Phù Lá Nationality. One unfortunate consequence of such embedding is the loss of official census statistics for specific language groups (see further discussion in §2.5.2). However, at lower administrative levels,

8

Introduction

traditional categories remain in the collective consciousness of in-group and out-group locals alike, even if they are not included in official census reports. One clue to the traditional, pre-1954, status of Phula in southeastern Yunnan is the informal use of ‘Puzu’ ☞᯿ to refer to groups and individuals affiliated with the Phula ethnonym. Since the 1950’s, the morpheme, or character, ‘zu’ ᯿, which formerly meant simply ‘clan’ or ‘(ethnic) group’ when used in an ethnographic context, has taken on semantic restrictions and is now used almost exclusively in reference to official nationalities in China – i.e., in reference to one of the 56 official ‘minzu’ ≁᯿. In a formal situation, then, a reference such as ‘Puzu’ might seem to imply that Phula has ‘minzu’ status. Since Phula is not an official nationality in China, such a reference is formally frowned upon. In casual conversation, however, I have noticed that even local government officials are not above using the term – especially as a vernacular shorthand for distinguishing between a given Nisu language (another Ngwi-branch cluster in the region also classified under the Yi Nationality) and a given Phula language at the local level. In such a situation, it is simply more convenient to say ‘Yizu’ and ‘Puzu’ than ‘Yizu Nisu Zhixi’ (The Nisu Branch of the Yi Nationality) 6 and ‘Yizu Pula Zhixi’, (the Phula branch of the Yi Nationality), respectively. Locals functioning in casual settings tend to use the Puzu title liberally in order to distinguish between various Nisu and Phula varieties, a point that is discussed further in §1.2.2. The title is more than a shorthand, however, as became apparent numerous times during various stages of fieldwork. A Phula official in Jinping County, for example, reported that she hadn’t known she was officially Yizu until she registered for high school (in the 1960’s or 1970’s). All of her growing up years she had thought of herself as ‘Puzu’. Even official documents sometimes use ‘Puzu’ in reference to various Phula ethnic groups, e.g., WSDZ (1988: 112), which introduces Azhabo 䱯᡾㉨, a place name in Xigu Township of central Wenshan County, and then explains that although the village is now a Miao Village, it was originally an Azha village, hence the first two syllables in the name ‘Azha’, the autonym used by the Boji (‘winnowing basket’) Pu. The third syllable is a transliteration of the Azha lexeme for mountain. Thus, the editor translates the village name as ‘Puzu Mountain’.7 As mentioned in Pelkey (2005a: 52) a local tourist poster / brochure set in Mengzi County was recently recalled for editing after a Phula group in the County was described using a ‘Puzu’ label. Thus, even though the title is no longer officially acceptable, its continued usage suggests the presence of an ethnic category with long historical precedence.

Historical background

9

The six Yi fangyan ᯩ䀰 (usually translated, ‘dialect’) regions outlined in Chen, Bian and Li (1985) present a more recent classification of Yi languages, slightly more oriented toward linguistic criteria, that include the Phula varieties by matter of course. As discussed in Pelkey (2005a), different Phula languages in China are now classified as ‘Southeastern Yi’ and/or ‘Southern Yi’ depending on their respective geographic locations. In at least one marginal case between the two regions, Chinese linguists note that a Phula variety (which turns out to be a variety of ‘Muji’) might well be classified as either Southern or Southeastern Yi (HHYC 2002: 14). Although some prototypical features have been outlined in support of the six Yi Fangyan hypothesis in Chen, Bian, and Li (1985), the criteria are rather more typological than diachronic; also, most boundaries fall into tidy patterns along geographical regions, so this classification should not be thought of as rigorously linguistic even at the typological level. All other classifications of Phula languages at lower levels are less official and involve folk linguistics, material culture and ethnic identity issues. Classifications at lower levels often overlap or are contradictory between locations. Ethnonyms such as Hua Phula (Flowery Phula), Niuweiba Phula (Cowtail Phula), Labopho (Highland Pho), Muji, and Phowa all function on different levels and indicate different relationships, perspectives and assumptions. Discussion of this level of folk-classification is deferred until Chapter 3, where ethnic identity issues are discussed in detail as part of the process of synchronic language definition. For now, we turn to the PhulaLolo distinction asserted in historical records from ancient times through to the twenty-first century. 1.2.2.

The Phula-Lolo distinction in historical records

Perhaps the best evidence for accepting Phula as an ancient ethnic category is the long-standing distinction between Lolo and Phula asserted across southeastern Yunnan and Northwestern Vietnam in a range of historical records. The scope and importance of the traditional Phula-Lolo distinction were first discussed in Pelkey (2005a). In the contemporary local vernacular, as discussed in §1.2.1 above, the distinction is usually represented as Yizu (Lolo) and Puzu (Phula) since the older titles ‘Lolo’ and ‘Phula’ are now considered derogatory in many regions; but in Vietnam, where ethnic categories are slightly more specific, the traditional Lolo-Phula distinction is trenchant enough for the two to be assigned to distinct nationalities. In Yunnan the distinction is reinforced in local historical documents and by the accounts of European explorers and

10

Introduction

anthropologists who traveled in Yunnan during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Many modern-day Chinese ethnohistorical sources of southeastern Yunnan present brief summaries of the internal diversity of the Yi Nationality at the local level. Such sources (e.g., WSZZ 2000, WSXZ 1999, MZXZ 1995, HHXZ 1991) frequently reference the traditional Phula-Lolo distinction with a zhixi ᭟㌫ ‘branch’ modifier – i.e., Pula Zhixi ☞᣹᭟㌫ ‘Phula Branch’ and ٞٞ᭟㌫ Lolo Zhixi ‘Lolo Branch’ – and cite historical documents as old as the Ming Dynasty (1368–1644) for precedence. European explorers and ethnologists of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries also call attention to this tradition in passing. Three examples may be noted in the writings of d’Orléans ([1898] 1999), Henry (1903) and Davies (1909). Prince Henri d’Orléans (1999) passed through the Phula region in early 1895 as part of an expedition surveying French interests overland from Hanoi to Calcutta. He notes many encounters with Phula (transcribed ‘Poula’) in Mengzi and near the Honghe River in Manhao and adjacent regions during the early stages of his journey. His ethnic classifications are adopted from casual conversation with locals, and, on these grounds, he makes a clean distinction between Lolo and Phula.8 Linguist-anthropologist Augustine Henry (1903) affirms a Lolo-Phula distinction to apply to the region between Yuanjiang and Mengzi (see Map 1.3). He refers to the Phula groups as ‘pigmy’ populations9 and assumes that they have an aboriginal status compared to the Lolo. H. R. Davies (1909), a British military surveyor and amateur linguist/ ethnologist, also makes use of the Phula-Lolo distinction in his proposed linguistic taxonomy of the languages of Yunnan. He erroneously classifies Phula as a subtype of Woni, however – which, in turn, he identifies as a sub-type of Lolo (in this case represented by Nisu). Although nineteenth century European conclusions based on the PhulaLolo distinction were not always sound, the appearance and re-appearance of the contrast in so many historical sources provide further grounds for affirming the title as a historical ethnonym. To pick up on an earlier theme, an important point that should be noted about the Phula historical ethnonym is its function in history past – a function much the same as the Yizu ethnonym today: a general cover term for numerous distinct, but related, ethnolinguistic groups10. Some of the earliest of these groups are also noted in Chinese historical records.

Historical background

1.2.3.

11

Retracing Phula migration patterns from oral and written histories

No Phula language is known to have had a written form prior to 1987.11 All non-linguistic details about Phula history must rely on passing mention in official Chinese records and oral traditions passed down between generations. Such details are not always historically reliable, but they at least provide a good starting place for further inquiry. Official ethnohistorical documents in rural Yunnan have long recorded selected details on the origin and status of ethnic groups under the purview of a given administrative region. Such information often includes oral traditions of ancient migration routes. During the fieldwork component of this research project I also elicited a small collection of oral traditions concerning migration patterns. Combining this information and tracing some of the major themes enables a tentative sketch of Phula history useful for approaching synchronic varieties and forming initial hypotheses about their relationships. Reported patterns may be sub-divided into ancient macro-geographical movements and more recent micro-movements. 1.2.3.1. Macro-migration patterns The earliest records of reported migration routes involve the ancestors of at least six contemporary groups affiliated with the Phula ethnonym: Azha, Phowa/Muji, Zokhuo and Phola/Phala. Two locations of origin and four migration routes can be traced for these five groups. Azha and the Phowa/Muji groups reportedly trace their ancestry back to the shores of Dianchi Lake near modern-day Kunming, while most Zokhuo and Phola reportedly trace their ancestry back to the Dali region in northwestern Yunnan, as do the Sani of Shilin County. These locations are marked on Map 1.2. Based on genetic linguistic findings discussed in Chapters 6 and 7, we may assume that one of these Phula settlements was prior to the other. The best candidate for this proto-homeland would seem to be the Dali region since speakers of two widely distinct Phula languages, Zokhuo and Phala, both trace their ultimate ancestry to the region. The region near Dali was a center of political power for two successive kingdoms which were independent of Chinese rule for a combined total of more than 500 years: the Nanzhao Kingdom (718–902) and the Dali Kingdom (937–1253)12. Given this scenario, the ancestors of Sani-Axi-Azhe-Azha and Highland Phula may well have moved (or been relocated) to the shores of Dianchi Lake from Dali along with the ancestors of the Nisu sometime during the Nanzhao Kingdom (see also MLXZ 1987: 698).

12

Introduction

In support of this theory, Backus (1981: 63–66) describes the events surrounding the Nanzhao conquest of the divided Cuan ⡘ kingdom during the 740’s which would have precipitated such an emigration from Dali. He notes that in the year 748 more than 200,000 Cuan families (the majority of the Cuan population) were forcibly removed from the area that is now northeastern Yunnan, including the shores of Dianchi Lake, and resettled into western and southwestern Yunnan (Backus 1981: 66). This resettlement enabled the Nanzhao kingdom to gain control of a region that was slowly yielding to the influence of the Tang Dynasty. After deporting the local population and cutting their leadership off from further negotiations and alliances with Tang rulers, Nanzhao authorities would have naturally repopulated the region with their own loyal citizens and soldiers. This historical scenario provides a plausible rationale for the relocation of the ancestors of modern-day language groups such as Phowa, Muji, Azha and Sani from the Dali region to the shores of Dianchi Lake sometime during after the middle of the eighth century. Some 150 years later, in the waning years of the Nanzhao, near the beginning of the tenth century and sometime before the end of the Tang Dynasty in 907, the ancestors of modern-day Azha are said to have begun moving into the region which is now northeastern Wenshan County (WSZZ 2000: 389; WSXZ 1999: 184). To this day Azha speakers consider Milewan 䘧ं⒮ in Binglie Township13 to be the home of their ancestors’ spirits – this being the place they send the spirits of their deceased, according to custom (WSZZ 2000: 389) as discussed in Pelkey, Wang and Johnson (2005). The early ancestors of the Phola and Phala languages, which I dub ‘Riverine Phula’ in Chapter 6, reportedly migrated into Yuanjiang, Shiping and Honghe Counties along the Honghe River from their ancestral homeland in the Diancang Mountains, just west of Erhai Lake (HHYC 2002: 53, 83). The headwaters of the Honghe begin just south of Dali. HHYC (2002: 83) records a composite oral history from Phola and Phala speakers in Menglong ऀ嗉 Dayangjie བྷ㖺㺇, Baohua ᇍॾ and Yisa 䘔㩘 that traces the Riverine Phula migration route along the Honghe river basin from modern-day Weishan County through Shuangbai, Xinping and Yuanjiang Counties into Honghe. The time of this migration is unknown but is unlikely to have been later than the end of the Dali Kingdom in 1253 at which time numerous Bai and Ngwi-speaking inhabitants in the area fled from Mongolian invaders. 14 In support of this hypothesis, the middle waters of the Honghe River were known as Pu Shui ☞≤ 15 in ancient times, presumably named after the

Historical background

13

Phula inhabitants whose villages lined its banks (HHYC 2002: 53, 83; WSZZ 2000: 388). TIBET

SICHUAN

Erhai

Dali

GUIZHOU

Y U NN AN Kunming Dianchi Fuxian

Yuanjiang Honghe

Huaning Kaiyuan Mengzi

50 100 km

Wenshan

VIET NAM

MYANMAR 0

GUANGXI

LAOS

Map 1.2. Major river systems of Yunnan and ancient Phula settlement sites

The ancestors of modern-day Phowa and Muji groups, which I collectively dub ‘Highland Phula’ in Chapter 6, reportedly dwelled along the shores of Dianchi Lake for several hundred years until the middle of the thirteenth century. Speakers of the Highland Phula ancestor language are said to have begun migrating south sometime between the fall of the Dali Kingdom in 1253 and the advent of the Yuan Dynasty in 1271. Chinese historical records and oral histories (HHYC 2002: 43, 50, 83; MZXZ 1995: 131) hold that this wave of Phula migration passed into the fertile basin that lies between the Mengzi and Kaiyuan County seats via what is now Huaning County – a slow migration that continued into the Ming Dynasty (1368– 1644). In support of this migration route, Huaning County historical records

14

Introduction

(HNMZ 1990: 46) note the presence of Phula in ancient times (location and time period unspecified) with an ethnonym transliterated Pula ᢁ᣹ and a possible exonym transcribed Heipu 唁ಇ ‘Black Phu’, but the source notes these former inhabitants left no trace of their presence in the contemporary local Ngwi population – neither in terms of identity nor in terms of oral traditions. The earliest known mention of the ethnonym ‘Muji’ shows up in local Ming Dynasty records. The title is transliterated ⇽ส (HHYC 2002: 48). During the Ming and Qing Dynasties, what is now northern Mengzi County (see Map 1.3) was part of a distinct administrative region known as ‘Ami Zhou’, whose capital, Ami, corresponds with modern-day Kaiyuan City (see You 1994: 273 and Map 1.2). HHYC (2002: 50) and MZXZ (1995: 131) record that in the year 1573 the Muji of Mengzi and the Phowa of Ami joined forces to revolt against the oppression of a local monarch. They appointed their own king and rallied the mountain peoples into a revolt. The conflict lasted three years, but was finally unsuccessful (HHYC 2002: 50). Thus, by the middle of the sixteenth century speakers of the Phowa and Muji ancestor languages had already developed somewhat distinct identities. In the case of Muji, the identity was loconym-based (see §3.2.2 for further discussion). After the revolt failed, however, Muji descendants moved further south into the mountains of Gejiu, Mengzi, Pingbian and Jinping Counties (HHYC 2002: 50, 65–66, 83), among other places. Thus, a likely MujiPhowa split can at least be traced back to the middle of the sixteenth century, as MZXZ (1995: 131) concurs. A final ancient migration route that can be traced with relative certainty is that of the ancestors of the Zokhuo. This overland migration route from Dali to Wenshan seems to have been established during the Nanzhao Kingdom period when soldiers were sent southeast into what is now Wenshan. Zokhuo speakers report that their ancestors came into the area over a period of four hundred years for military and commercial purposes alike. Details of the various stages are somewhat hazy, but they are recorded in multiple sources such as WSZZ (2000: 389), WSXZ (1999: 184), WSJZ (1990: 117), Lu (1987: 5–6) and YNSJ (2000: 97–99). Clearly, the most dramatic event that led, in turn, to the most massive migration, occurred in the year 1253 when the Dali Kingdom fell to Mongolian invaders. The memory was apparently vivid since many Zokhuo speakers are still able to recount the specific details and stages of the journey which passed from Dali through what is now Yuxi Prefecture and northern Honghe Prefecture into Wenshan – a route that would have potentially reunited them with their (not-so-)long-lost compatriots, the Highland Phula, along the way.

Historical background

15

Further macro-migration details related to Phula are available in Chinese sources, but the above movements constitute a sketch of the major, most widely cited, themes. As will become clear in Chapters 6 and 7, these details do not account for all Phula groups or historical relationships, nor can they all be accepted as historical fact, but they present us with a starting place for understanding the diachronic background of the Phula milieu in its modern, or ‘synchronic’ context. 1.2.3.2. Micro-migration patterns Micro-migration patterns reported by the inhabitants of single villages are also sometimes revealing, and the reported age of a given village site provides a further gauge of time depth useful for understanding population movements. These questions were included in interviews with locals at most of the datapoints researched during the fieldwork component of this project. The oldest reported village sites will be reviewed here along with a more detailed treatment of Muji-affiliated migration patterns which are by far the most complex in the Phula milieu. See Map 1.6 for county and datapoint locations. Phupa residents of Gamadi (GMD) in Shuitian Township of southern Mengzi County estimate that the old upper-village site has been there for over 500 years. Locals reports that their ancestors arrived at this site by passing through Jianshui, presumably by following the Honghe River, down to Hekou and then back up to their current location. Phola residents of Luodie (LDC) in Wadie Township of Yuanjiang County claim their village site is anywhere from 200–500 years old. Local ethnohistorians, including those of Nisu descent, affirm that the village was ethnically Phula at the time of its founding. Across the Honghe River and slightly upstream, Phola residents of Adipo village, Lijiang Township, Yuanjiang County report their village site to be more than 300 years old. Phala residents of Feinishao (FNS) note that their village site was originally located in the heart of Yisa Zhen – the area that is now home to the downtown shops and streets of the Honghe County seat. Feinishao residents moved to their current location on the outskirts of town some 300 years ago, but other Phala residents still live in pockets closer to downtown Yisa. This micro-migration pattern lends evidence to the general folk knowledge in the area that Honghe County seat was founded by Phula. Phowa residents of Weibazhu (WBZ, more recently known as ‘Xiaozhai’) in southeastern Beige Township of Kaiyuan County, claim their village has been established for some 300–400 years, but most of the inhabitants are

16

Introduction

reported to have descended from a Phowa speaking family, with the surname Wang ⦻,16 who moved in to the village four generations (100–120 years) ago from Xin’ansuo Township in Mengzi County. Phowa residents of Feizuke (FZK) village, in Xinhua Township of northern Pingbian County report that their village was established some eleven generations ago, making the village between 200–300 years old. Some elderly Khlula residents of Maxi in Muchang Township of Maguan County estimate that their forefathers immigrated to their current location over 10 generations ago from the area that is now Wenshan County. Alugu residents of Chongtianling and Alonggu villages in Huangcaoba Township of southern Gejiu County report an interesting micro-migration scenario. The Phula variety spoken in these villages is apparently a mixture of closely related lects whose speakers converged on the village site. Speakers with the surname Li ᵾ are said to have moved in upriver from the east, speakers with the surname Shi ⸣ are said to have moved in downriver from the west. Speakers from the two clans maintain different pronunciations and/or different forms for certain basic lexical items to this day such as those listed in (1.2): (1.2)

Clan-based lexical/pronunciation distinctions in Alugu ‘paddy field’ Li: tjɛ⁵⁵ŋə⁵⁵ Shi: tjɛ⁵⁵mi³³ ‘demon’ Li: ʦʰɔ²¹a²¹ma²¹ Shi: ʦʰɛ²¹a²¹ma²¹ ‘scatter’ Li: ɕɛ³³ Shi: ɕi³³ ‘old’ Li: mɔ²¹ Shi: mɛ²¹

The /ɔ/~/ɛ/ variation in ‘old’ and the first syllable of ‘demon’ are both reflexes of the PNg *aŋ rhyme (i.e., PNg#535 *maŋ² and PNg#156 *tsaŋ¹, ‘person’, respectively). Based on rhyme correspondences in neighboring languages, the Li clan seems to have once been a variety of Phupa, which, together with Phuza, forms a closely related sister node to Alugu and Phupha – all four of which belong to the ‘Downriver Phula’ meso-clade of ‘Riverine Phula’ as defined in Chapter 6. Accordingly, Phupa is situated downriver from the Alugu distribution. Of all Phula migration patterns, those of the Muji-affiliated varieties seem to range the widest. Since the defeat of their ancestors in 1573 (see discussion in §1.2.3.1 above), Muji migration patterns have become more and more intricate. Several Muji-affiliated dialect communities have migrated into Vietnam since the sixteenth century; and, as discussed in Pelkey (2006), more than one such community has migrated back into Yunnan from Vietnam.

Historical background

17

The last known villagers from the Muji-affiliated Bokho population of Vietnam are said to have migrated back across the border into Yunnan in the year 1979 (perhaps due to unrest associated with the Sino-Vietnam war) where they were resettled in two adjacent villages of central Mengqiao Township of eastern Jinping County. Bokho inhabitants of Dixibei in western Mengqiao Township report that their forefathers established the village more than ten generations ago, but they report that five Bokho families moved in from Vietnam sometime during the Qing Dynasty (from villages named Xiaotongchang and Phulazhai), so Bokho migration has been fluid for centuries in some cases but relatively stable in others. The Muji inhabitants of Qila (QLC) in Jinshuihe Township of Jinping County, on the other hand, returned to Yunnan from Vietnam 5 generations ago and report that speakers of their unique lect still live in at least one village in Vietnam. They report being descended from Muji in Mengong and Mengla villages of Lai Chau Province, Vietnam – situated to the southwest of QLC.17 Originally, however, QLC speakers maintain that their ancestors started off in China. Geographic place name gazetteers at the county-level also record village names that show evidence of previous Muji occupation in regions where Muji speakers no longer dwell. Muji distribution apparently once extended to Huangmaoling and Huangcaoling Townships of southeastern Yuanyang County, for example, as is evidenced by several place names which are now inhabited by Hani and Nisu residents (YYDZ 1992:95, 101, 104). Two villages named Mujizhai ࿶สመ in Huangmaoling are now inhabited by Nisu and Hani and a third, named simply Muji ࿶ส is also now a Hani village. Also in central Leshichong Township of western Wenshan County is a village named Mujichong ⇽呑ߢ which is now inhabited by Han and Miao. A Qing Dynasty (1644–1912) document, Kaihua Fuzhi ᔰॆᓌᘇ, written in 1828, further attests to the historical presence of Muji (transliterated ⇽呑) in the western Wenshan region and lists 192 villages under the supervision of Kaihua Fu,18 inhabited by Muji at the time (Tang et al. [1828] 2004: 54, 66–67). Kaihua Fu was a Qing Dynasty administrative region that included much of modern-day Wenshan Prefecture and parts of far southeastern Honghe Prefecture (Tan 1996: 48–49). Muji villages are listed in the source in general regions that correspond with modern-day Pingbian and Hekou counties, the southern third of Wenshan County, the far eastern tip of Jinping County and southeastern border areas of Mengzi County. The number of Muji villages listed in the source is roughly 15% higher than the total number of modern-day Muji-affiliated villages that are in the geographic

18

Introduction

area corresponding to the old Kaihua Fu administrative region – a fact that may indicate obsolescence, out-migration or both.19 A handful of early Muji speakers apparently migrated back into Huaning County sometime during the Ming Dynasty according to historical records, but they have since been assimilated into the local population (HNMZ 1990: 46). Oral tradition in Huaning County holds that they were the previous inhabitants of Dalila and Xiaolila villages of Tonghongdian Township. Understanding the wide-ranging migration tendencies of various Muji lects helps to explain the surprising genetic status of a group using the autonym ‘Thopho’ as discussed in Chapters 3, 4 and 6. The variety is spoken in two villages of eastern Guangnan County and turns out to be the most distantly separated Muji-affiliate of all. Not all Muji have ranged so broadly, of course. The Muji population center is eastern Gejiu, southern Mengzi, western Pingbian and northern Jinping Counties. The ancestors of Muji inhabitants in these areas did not move far from their original homeland, and many villages such as Shizitou (SZT) that lie in pockets just beyond the population center have been stable for hundreds of years. SZT locals use Muzi as an autonym and claim to have been in their current location for a total of seven generations. SZT elders report that the original inhabitants of the village moved there from Mengzi. 1.2.4.

Previous research on the Phula languages

Linguistic research on the Phula languages was very sparse until the late twentieth century, and this book constitutes the first comprehensive, published attempt to define these languages, but previous research on various Phula varieties has been crucial in paving the way. Research done by Chinese scholars such as Yang Liujin, Bai Bibo, Wu Zili and Wang Chengyou on various Phula varieties of China and research carried out by Jerold Edmondson on various Phula varieties in Vietnam have been particularly helpful. A summary of previous research on the Phula languages was presented in Pelkey (2005a). I will review that discussion here and add further entries published or discovered since that time. Until the 1990’s, wordlist collection (mostly short wordlists) and sparse comparisons with other Tibeto-Burman languages were the extent of linguistic research carried out on any of the Phula varieties. In addition to the brief wordlists elicited by d’Orléans and Davies in the late nineteenth century (see discussion in §1.2.2, above), Fu ([1950] 1997) reports that F. S. A. Bourne elicited two 38-item wordlists from Phula varieties in 1888 –

Historical background

19

perhaps the first linguistic fieldwork in history to be carried out on a Phula variety. According to items listed in Huffman (1986), the Phula varieties of Vietnam were first researched in 1906 through the comparative work of Étienne Edmond Lunet de Lajonquière. Claudius Madrolle and Alfred Liétard followed up on this work in 1908 and 1909, respectively (Huffman 1986). These treatments include a small data sample from a Phula-affiliated dialect as supporting evidence in more comprehensive comparisons between various Tibeto-Burman languages. Some Phula varieties were likely considered by Chinese researchers engaged in the 1954 Minzu Shibie project, but no data is known to be published from this era of research. Robert Shafer (1952) was apparently the next linguist to publish research using Phula data. The data is from a variety listed as ‘Phupha’ from Alfred Liétard and Claudius Madrolle. Shafer (1974) also includes this Phupha data and makes reference to a Ngwi language Tśökö (1974: 4) which likely corresponds with the glossonym Zokhuo in this book. According to Edmondson and Lama (1999), research on the Phula varieties of Vietnam resumed in 1975 when Vietnamese linguist Nguyễn Văn Huy published a 13-page article claiming that out of three major ‘dialects’ classified as Phula in Vietnam, most share lexical similarity of 50% or less and none share greater than 65%. In 1984 (YNYF 1984) the Yunnan Institute of Nationalities (now the Yunnan University of Nationalities) published a comparative wordlist of Yi varieties, each listing over 2,700 lexical items. This lexical compendium included Zokhuo, a Phula variety spoken in southeastern Wenshan County. Various ethnohistorical sources in southeastern Yunnan have reported lexicostatistic counts between a handful of Phula varieties. Criteria for determining similarity are not discussed, nor is the number of items compared in several cases, but the presence of such reports demonstrates that some degree of linguistic analysis has been undertaken. Such reports may be found in WSZZ (2000: 394) which reports Tula (represented herein as Khlula) to share 58% lexical similarity with Phowa (presumably Hlepho Phowa) and 54% lexical similarity with Pholo. MZXZ (1995: 131) reports that Phowa (presumably Ani Phowa) and Muji (presumably Northern Muji) share 50% similarity (though lexical comparison is not necessarily implied). GJMZ (1990) reports 70% lexical similarity between Muji and Phola. ZSKY (1994: 636) reports that language varieties spoken by the Yi Nationality in Pingbian County (including four to five distinct Phula varieties and a Nisu variety) share 40% lexical similarity on average. Finally, WSZZ (2000: 394) claims that Zuoke and Azha lexical similarity stands between 30% and

20

Introduction

60%.20 The source of the discrepancy in this final case is unknown. In many cases these findings correspond with my own. Lexical comparison will be discussed further in Chapters 2 and 3. The most helpful and thorough linguistic research on the Phula languages has been published since the mid-to-late 1990’s. Bai Bibo pioneered linguistic research among a remote Phula affiliated group called ‘La’ou’21 with fieldwork carried out in far southeastern Mengzi County in late 1988 and early 1989. Published in Bai (1994), his elegant sketches of La’ou phonology and grammar are the first known descriptive work carried out on a Phula language. The next year, David Bradley (1995) included lexical and morphological research on a Yunnan Phula variety, based on his own data collection, as part of the analysis of a Ngwi-branch paradigm involving statives of dimensional extent. Two years later, Bradley (1997a) used data from this Phula variety to support its preliminary genetic classification in the Ngwi branch. Wu Zili’s (1996a, 1996b) 13-page phonological and grammatical sketch of Azha constitutes the second published description of a Phula-affiliated language. Wu Z. (1997) went on to provide a comparative account of lateral clusters in minority languages of southwest China which included data from six Phula varieties in Yunnan – a topic he had earlier treated in Wu Z. (1992). A few years later, Edmondson and Lama (1999) introduced the Vietnam Phula language, ‘Xá Phó’, or ‘Laghuu’, to the English linguistic literature. The article provides a phonological sketch of Laghuu and a brief word list. The next year Fried (2000) used more of Edmondson’s Vietnam data to introduce another language of the Vietnam Phù Lá Nationality: ‘Phukha’. Fried’s MA thesis includes a phonological sketch of Phukha and a 573 item wordlist comparing Phukha and Xá Phó. A few years later the editorial committee of the Honghe Yizu encyclopedic dictionary, HHYC (2002), published brief phonological inventories of two previously undescribed Phula languages along with historical facts and demographic figures related to several Phula varieties, largely based on fieldwork carried out by Yang Liujin. The same year, Edmondson (2002) published his comparative lexicon of seven minority languages of northern Vietnam including Phukha and Laghuu data, and Bradley (2002) proposed that the Phula varieties should be assigned to a distinct genetic subgroup of Ngwi, ‘Southeastern Ngwi’. The next year, Edmondson (2003) discussed relationships between Phukha and Laghuu and compared lateral clusters between these and a number of other Phula languages in Yunnan using supplementary data from Wu Z. (1997). The same year Wang Chengyou (2003a) published a brief description (32 pp.) of a Phowa variety spoken in Mazheshao Township of central Kaiyuan County. His work includes a

Field data orientation

21

grammatical and phonological sketch of the variety which he later reworked and republished as (Wang 2004) with the addition of a 685-item wordlist. Long (2004) published a similar sketch of ‘Bola’ phonology, syntax and lexicon based data collected from a Phala variety in Honghe County. My own published and presented research on the Phula languages includes Pelkey (2003, 2004, 2005a, 2005b, 2006, 2007a, 2007b), Pelkey et al. (2005) and the current volume, which is a revision of my PhD dissertation (Pelkey 2008). My MA thesis (Pelkey 2004) provides phonology and grammar sketches of Ani Phowa, a Phula variety spoken primarily in Xibeile Township of northern Mengzi County, along with an analysis of Phowa verbal semantics, an interlinearized narrative and a 927-item wordlist. Pelkey (2005a) constitutes my early attempt to consolidate the Phula languages, and Pelkey (2006 and 2007b) constitute my early attempts to define the Muji clade – the most diversified subgroup in the Phula complex. 1.3. Field data orientation Modern-day Phula affiliates inhabit expansive pockets of southeastern Yunnan and also live in scattered villages of northwestern Vietnam (see Maps 1.4 and 1.5). An understanding of regional geo-political administration is key for approaching data collection among the Phula languages. This section provides an overview of relevant administrative regions, population pockets and other factors influencing the selection of village-level data points for Phula fieldwork. The section also illustrates the locations of these datapoints, provides a summary of the data collected and discusses a handful of supplementary data sources considered in my analysis. 1.3.1.

Administrative orientation of Phula villages

Total Phula village counts and population estimates were unavailable at the beginning of this research project (see further discussion in §2.5.2). I offered an early population estimate of 400,000 in Pelkey (2005a) based on information compiled from numerous Chinese ethnohistorical sources. Further on-site fieldwork has enabled a more refined understanding of Phula demographics. I now place the ethnic population at 367,000 living in some 1,156 villages of southeastern Yunnan and northwestern Vietnam. Of this number, 388 (34%) villages are reported to be mixed with other ethnic groups.

22

Introduction

TIBET SICHUAN Diqing Nujiang

Zhaotong

Lijiang GUIZHOU Dali

Kunming

Baoshan

Y U NN AN Yuxi

Dehong Lincang Border Key International Provincial Prefectural County 0

Qujing

Chuxiong

Simao

Xishuangbanna

Honghe Mengzi

LAI CHAU

50 100 km

MYANMAR

GUANGXI

LAOS

Wenshan Wenshan

HA CAO GIANG BANG LAO CAI TUYEN BAC QUANG KAN YEN BAI SON LA

VIET NAM

Map 1.3. Administrative overview of Yunnan and NW Vietnam with contemporary administrative Phula regions shaded

More than 97% of the Phula population is located in China, where I estimate Phula affiliates inhabit some 1,125 villages in 105 townships of 18 counties. As Map 1.4 illustrates, Yunnan Province is divided into 16 prefectures (ᐎᐲ/ൠ४) and 130 counties (৯ᐲ४). Below the county level lie the township (ґ䭷), community (ᶁ≁ငઈՊ)22 and village (㠚❦ᶁ/ᶁ≁ ሿ 㓴 ) administrative levels, respectively. Phula-inhabited counties are located in three prefectures: Honghe, Wenshan and Yuxi. By contrast, only about 3% of Phula-affiliated villages are located in northwestern Vietnam, where they are scattered through four contiguous provinces. As can be noted in Map 1.3, the land area of one Vietnam province is roughly equivalent to the land area of two or three counties in China. The relative scale between administrative regions in the two countries is not equivalent and should not be confused.

Field data orientation

23

Figure 1.1 illustrates the per-county breakdown of Phula villages. Wenshan, Yanshan and Mengzi counties are home to the largest density of Phula villages followed by Kaiyuan, Jinping, Maguan, Pingbian and Gejiu. Village counts in other counties are sparse by contrast. ~1,156 TOTAL PHULA VILLAGES VIETNAM , 31, 3% Xichou, 1, 0.1%

Yuanjiang, 29, 3%

Shiping, 21, 2% Honghe, 23, 2%

Guangnan, 22, 2%

Jianshui, 1, 0.1%

M alipo, 7, 1%

Yuanyang, 15, 1%

M aguan, 81, 7%

Gejiu, 58, 5% Jinping, 99, 9%

Wenshan, 249, 22% M engzi, 148, 13%

Kaiyuan, 106, 9%

Yanshan, 165, 14%

Pingbian, 76, 7%

Qiubei, 18, 2% Hekou, 6, 1%

Figure 1.1. Per-county proportion of total Phula villages

Map 1.4 illustrates the cluster density of Phula village distribution by township. Comparing these patterns with Maps 1.2 and 1.3, we may note that village clusters roughly pattern into four geographic regions (illustrated in Map 3.1; cf. Map 1.5 for county locations): 1. Western: near the confluence of the Yuanjiang (Honghe) and Xiaohedi rivers in Yuanjiang, Shiping and Honghe Counties. 2. South-central: especially along the common borders of Gejiu, Mengzi, Yuanyang and Jinping Counties 3. North-central: especially along the common borders of Mengzi, Kaiyuan, northwestern Wenshan and western Yanshan Counties. 4. Eastern: especially in Maguan, Wenshan, and eastern Yanshan Counties.

24

Introduction

These general geographic patterns are not necessarily meaningful in themselves, but they provide a good starting place for understanding Phula variety and relationships. Surface cluster patterns are especially useful for understanding identity and language contact issues. Accordingly, this fourway geographical division will be picked up again in Chapters 3 and 4, where it is interpreted, and tested, as a Sprachbund hypothesis.

0

25

50km

Many village locations in Vietnam are uncertain cf. Map 1.3 and 1.5 for administrative names

Map 1.4. Phula village distribution patterns by township

Village cluster patterns provide one gauge for understanding Phula distribution. Other factors that should be considered for the definition of distribution polygons include intervening villages of other ethnic groups, villages containing ethnic groups mixed with Phula, topography, river systems, and administrative boundaries. Related issues are discussed in more detail in §2.5.3. Phula distribution polygons rendered according to these guidelines are compiled in Map 1.5 and elsewhere in the book.

Lüchun

25

50km

VIETNAM

CHINA

LAOS

18-FNS

17-BSC Honghe

19-ADP

20-LDC

Shiping

(MCD)

14-MLT

16-SZT

Lai Chau

12-QLC

11-PJZ 7-DXB

40-DXZ

(NSC)

(LPC)

9-MXC

Ha Giang

Malipo

KEY #- (e.g., 8-LZC): See Table 1.1 ABC: Primary datapoint ABC: Supplementary datapoint (ABC): External data source

41-LCC

Xichou

Guangnan

Datapoints at which the full 1,200-item wordlist was elicited are considered ‘primary’ datapoints. All other datapoints are considered ‘supplementary’. Datapoint importance was anticipated ahead of time, but village stays were adjusted as necessary during the course of the research, and some locations such as Alugu-CTL were visited more than once in order to acquire sufficient data. 25-XJC 23-FYX

39-XZC

24-SXZ 2-DFC

Maguan

Wenshan 8-LZC

Lao Cai

Hekou

38-BJB 1-CTL 13-XPC 10-LSDPingbian 35-YZT 36-GMD

26-FZK

6-YBZ

Qiubei

22-CKB 5-XPB 4-LJY 3-HZC 33-SZW (GDC)

Yanshan 29-WBZ

28-MZC Mengzi

31-DHN 34-XBL

32-LGM

(HLT) Kaiyuan 27-JJC

Gejiu 15-NGZ

Jinping

37-FKC Yuanyang

Jianshui

30-WDP

Mile

Map 1.5. County level overview of Phula distribution marking data point locations

0

N

Jiangcheng

21-NTC

Yuanjiang

Xinping

(ZZC)

Field data orientation 25

Village

Xinxian

Adipo

Jinshuihe

Shuitian

Laochang

Kafang

Tongchang

Baohua

Yisa

Menglong

11. Jinping

12. Jinping

13. Mengzi

14. Gejiu

15. Gejiu

16. Jinping

17. Honghe

18. Honghe

19. Honghe

Adipo

Feinishao

Beishe

Shizitou

Nuoguzhai

Malutang

Xiepo

Qila

Pujiazhai

Luoshui

Maxi

Laozhai

8. Wenshan Liujing

Muchang

Dixibei

Ma’andi

7. Jinping

9. Maguan

Yibaizu

10. Pingbian

Xiaopingba

Dishuiceng

6. Pingbian

Luojiayi

4. Wenshan Binglie

5. Wenshan Binglie

Huangzhai

Huangcaoba Chongtianling Ganhe Dafa

Township

3. Wenshan Dongshan

1. Gejiu 2. Yanshan

Map# County

Location

500

1200

85

1200

250

1200

1200

1200

1200

20

250

1200

1200

1200

500

1200

250

1200 250

Lx

4

7

0

3

0

3

2

5

5

0

0

3

2

4

0

5

5

3 0

Texts

2

2

2

2

2

2

2

2

2

1

2

2

2

2

2

2

2

2 2

Q

0

1

0

0

0

0

1

0

1

0

0

1

1

1

0

1

0

1 0

RTP

Data Collected

Table 1.1. Summary of Phula data collection linked to Map 1.5

1

0

1

1

0

2

1

1

0

0

0

0

5

0

0

0

0

3 0

RTT

pʰo³¹la⁵⁵

pʰa³¹la³³

pʰa³¹la³³

m̩ ¹³ʣɿ³³

m̩ ¹³ʣɿ³³

m̩ ¹³ʣɿ³³

mɯ²¹ʥi³³

m̩ ¹³ʥi³³

m̩ ¹³ʥi³³

m̩ ²¹ʨi³³

kɬʰu²¹la³³

kɬʰu²¹la³³

po²¹kʰo⁵⁵

pʌ²¹kʰɑ⁵⁵

a³³ʦa²¹

a³³ʦa²¹

Phola-ADP

Phala-FNS

Phala-BSC

Muzi-SZT

Muzi-NGZ

Muzi-MLT

Muji-XPC

Muji-QLC

Muji-PJZ

Muji-LSD

Khlula-MXC

Khlula-LZC

Bokho-DXB

Bokha-YBZ

Azha-XPB

Azha-LJY

Azha-HZC

Alugu-CTL Azha-DFC

a⁵⁵lɯ³³ɡɯ³³ a⁵⁵tʂa³³ a³³ʦa²¹

Shorthand

Autonym

Identity

26 Introduction

Yuanjiang Yuanjiang Wenshan Guangnan Yanshan Guangnan Pingbian Kaiyuan Mengzi Kaiyuan Kaiyuan Mengzi Kaiyuan Wenshan Mengzi Pingbian Mengzi Gejiu Mengzi Guangnan Wenshan

41. Xichou

20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40.

Luodie Natang Chekabai Fayixiazhai Shangxinzhai Xiji Feizuke Jiaji Meizichong Weibazhu Wudupi Daheineng Lugumu Suozhiwan Xibeile Yanzitou Gamadi Fengkou Bujibai Xinzhaicun Daxingzhai

Lianhuatang Luchaichong

Wadie Lijiang Dehou Wuzhu Ganhe Zhulin Xinhua Beige Mingjiu Beige Mazheshao Xibeile Beige Baxin Xibeile Baihe Shuitian Jiasha Lengquan Zhetu Zhuiligai 32000

250

1200 250 1200 10 250 1200 1200 1200 250 500 250 1500 100 250 110 1200 1200 1200 1200 1200 1200 114

0

5 0 1 0 0 4 5 9 0 4 1 5 3 0 0 4 6 4 4 2 6 79

2

2 2 2 1 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 1 2 2 2 2 2 2 18

0

1 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 0 1 24

0

0 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 3 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 0 0 Unspecified

pʰo³¹la⁵⁵ pʰo³¹la⁵⁵ pʰo²¹lə³³ pʰo⁵⁵lo⁵⁵ pʰo⁵⁵lo⁵⁵ pʰo⁵⁵lo⁵⁵ pʰo²¹va³³ pʰo²¹(va⁵⁵) pʰo²¹va³³ pʰo²¹(va³³) pʰo²¹va⁵⁵ pʰo²¹(va³³) pʰo²¹(va⁵⁵) pʰo²¹wa³³ pʰo²¹va³³ pʰɯ⁵⁵ma²¹ pʰɯ³³pa²¹ pʰɯ⁵⁵pʰa³³ pʰɯ⁵⁵za³¹ tʰo²¹pʰo³³ ʦo²¹kʰuo⁵⁵ Moji-LCC

Phola-LDC Phola-NTC Phole-CKB Pholo-FYX Pholo-SXZ Pholo-XJC Phowa-FZK Phowa-JJC Phowa-MZC Phowa-WBZ Phowa-WDP Phowa-DHN Phowa-LGM Phowa-SZW Phowa-XBL Phuma-YZT Phupa-GMD Phupha-FKC Phuza-BJB Thopho-XZC Zokhuo-DXZ

Field data orientation 27

28

Introduction

1.3.2.

Fieldwork data point locations

The decision-making process for selecting data points factored in major known population pockets, reported ethnic identity and/or dialect distinctions, geophysical features (i.e. mountain ranges and riverbeds) and geographic spread. Initial preferences on datapoint placement were revised as necessary during the course of the research in order to factor in new insights from locals, such as previously undocumented reports of diversity, and in order to adjust for unexpected obstacles, such as impassable roads. In the end, with the oversight of government administrators (discussed further in §2.2.1 and §2.2.2), I carried out fieldwork in 41 village-level datapoints located in 35 townships of 13 counties in three prefectures. Field methods, data archiving and data analysis are discussed in §2.2. For now, I draw attention to the distribution of the Phula data points considered in the book which are plotted in Map 1.6. Datapoint numbers and acronyms are linked to the Table 1.1 data elicitation summary. Overall, the data-point spread, placement and quantity satisfied my qualitative criteria for researching spatial distribution as widely as possible and investigating reported variety in as much detail as possible within the 13-month time frame allotted for fieldwork. Due to time constraints, research priority and available lexical data from two varieties (see §1.3.4), no fieldwork was carried out in Vietnam. Some outlying pockets remain unresearched and may turn up important distinctions which I have not accounted for in this book. Several of these possibilities are reviewed in §8.7. More datapoints were originally planned for Maguan and Malipo Counties in particular, but newly discovered diversity in Guangnan (39-XZC), Jinping (12-QLC), Gejiu (1-CTL) and Mengzi (38-BJB) Counties took precedence. 1.3.3.

Overview of field data collection

Table 1.1 presents an overview of data collected during the fieldwork component of this research project.23 Datapoints are arranged in alphabetical order sorting autonym romanizations first followed by village names. Each data point is assigned a number in the left hand column linked to its geographic location in Map 1.5. The three-letter abbreviations used in this chart serve as identifiers of the corresponding language variety in the remainder of the book. Chinese character versions of administrative locations are provided in the Data Source Abbreviation reference table listed in the front matter of this book on pages xxxi-xxxiv.

Field data orientation

29

In most cases, the lexeme counts listed under ‘Lx’ in Table 1.1 are round estimates including (for the primary data points) a basic wordlist of 1,127 items plus additional semantic distinctions, numeral classifiers, sentence final particles, and other items collected through elicitation frames or in order to clarify various lexical issues. Thus, the total number of elicited items is rounded off to 1,200. Research methods for lexical data elicitation are discussed in §2.4.2. Generally speaking, if a variety turned out to exhibit more variation than expected in terms of lexicon, phonology, ethnic identity, folk linguistics and other surface indicators during the course of the research, the research schedule was adjusted to spend more time gathering data in the village, and vice-versa for varieties that turned out to exhibit less variation than expected. Thus, many of the primary datapoints turned out to represent unique synchronic languages; though this was not always the case (e.g., Phole-CKB, Muzi-SZT and Bokho-DXB), as will become clear in Chapter 3. The Q column in Table 1.1 represents the administration of sociolinguistic questionnaires as discussed in §2.4.1. The RTT column represents the administration of recorded text tests using pilot tested (RTP) RTT’s from other locations as a qualitative gauge of intelligibility. The RTP column represents the development and pilot-testing of a recorded text test in the village in-question. RTT and RTP research methods are discussed in more detail in §2.6.2. Oral text collection was carried out for recorded text testing, language documentation and other purposes as discussed in §2.3, §2.4.3 and §2.6.2. 1.3.4.

External data sources

In order to make valid phylogenetic claims, a large corpus of data is needed for comparison. Thankfully, recent decades have seen a substantial amount of newly published lexical and phonological data on Ngwi-branch languages spoken in China. External data sources consulted in this book are summarized in (1.3) listed in alphabetical order of language name with varieties that are Phula-affiliated being listed in bold: (1.3)

External data sources considered in this book 1. Axi (DPD): Mile County, Xiyi Township, Dapingdi (YNYF 1984) 2. Azha (GDC): Wenshan County, Gaodeng (Wu Z. 1996a, 1996b). 3. Azhe (ZZC): Mile County, Wushan Township, Zhongzhai24 (YNYF 1984); supplementary data from Wu Z. (1992), two varieties from an unspecified location in Huaning County. 4. Bisu: Laopinzhai, Menghai County (Li 2004).

30 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24.

Introduction Hani: Luchun County, Dazhai (Sun 1991); Supplementary data from Dai and Huang (1992), Mojiang and Luchun lects. Jinuo: Jinghong County, Jinuo Township, Manka (YNSZ 1998). Laghuu (NSC): Lao Cai Province, Sa Pa Township, Nam Sang (Edmondson 2002). Lahu: Lancang County, Shofumenglaba (Sun 1991) Lalo: Weishan County, Wuyin Township, Baiwudi (Dai and Huang 1992) with supplementary data from Björverud (1998), Weishan County, Longjie Township, and Sun (1991), Nanjian County, Zhonghua Township. Laomian: Lancang County, Zhutang Township, Laomiandazhai (Zhang 2004). Lisu, Northern: Bradley (1994), Nujiang Prefecture; some forms also from (Sun 1991), Fugong County, Jiakedi Township, Chada and YNSZ (1998), Lushui County, Gudeng Township. Lisu, Southern: Bradley (2006), northern Thailand. Nasu: Luquan County, Sayingpan Township (YNSZ 1998); supplementary data from Chen, Bian and Li (1985) Nisu, Northern (MCD): Shiping County, Shaochong Township, Mocedian (Pu, Kong and Pu 2005); supplementary data from YNSZ (1998), Xinping County, Laochang Township. Nisu, Southern: Zhu (2005), Wang (2003b), Yang (2009). Nuosu: Sichuan Province, Xide County (Dai and Huang 1992); supplementary data from Chen, Bian and Li (1985). Phala: Honghe County, village unspecified (Long 2004). Phowa (HLT): Kaiyuan County, Mazheshao Township, Hulutang (Wang 2004).25 Phukha (LPC): Vietnam, Lào Cai Province, Bảo Yên Township, 30 km southeast of Lào Cai city along the Honghe River (Edmondson 2002, Fried 2000). Proto-Burmic: Matisoff (1972a, 2003) Proto-Ngwi: Bradley (1979) Proto-Tibeto-Burman: Matisoff (2003) Sani (WZC): Shilin County, Weize Township (Dai and Huang 1992); Supplementary data from Wu, Ang and Huang (1984). Nyisu: Shilin County, Zhuqing Township, Gaohanshan Community (Wu Z. 1997; YNYF 1984).

In total, Dialectology as Dialectic considers data from more than 70 language varieties, 41 from my own fieldwork on Phula and 30 or so from external sources, including three proto-languages, five additional Phula varieties and 25 or so additional dialects of various Ngwi languages not affiliated with Phula. Other Tibeto-Burman languages are also referenced for comparative purposes as noted in the text.

Research scope, assumptions and approach

31

1.4. Research scope, assumptions and approach In terms of approach to fieldwork and analysis, the primary focus of this work is dialectology. Dialectology is concerned with the discovery of variation patterns at the intersection of language usage and human geography – whether socially, spatially or temporally conceived. I do not wish to pursue dialectology simply for dialectology’s sake, however. The empirical discovery of isoglossic boundaries in geographic space should also attempt to operationalize – to interpret, to signify (see Bailey’s 1996d: 62-64 critique of Labovian positivism in this regard). In short, I am faced with the necessity of a more hermeneutic, integrative dialectology useful for making the Phula hypothesis falsifiable in terms of its antecedent (‘synchronic’ languages) and its consequent (‘diachronic’ relationships). This section introduces my theoretical assumptions on dialectology and language definition and attempts to define the necessary boundaries that have delimited my fieldwork and analysis. 1.4.1.

Theoretical assumptions: toward an integrative dialectology

The traditional focus of dialectology proper has been the geographic (traditionally spatial, more recently also social) distribution of language variation as an end in itself. Chambers and Trudgill (1998) provide a standard account of the traditional approach – a field of inquiry which has primarily been limited to dialect geography, isoglossic mapping and selective insights from sociolinguistics. Labov’s (1972) classic quantitative work on the social motivations of language variation breathed new life into the field in the late 20th century and continue to inspire practitioners (cf. Labov 1994, 2010, in press). Change is slow, but, as Chambers and Trudgill (1998: 189) note, traditional dialectology is continually opening up to include more and more interdisciplinary perspectives. One emerging branch is now known as ‘perceptual’ dialectology. Preston (1989, 1999) presents the standard account of this approach by outlining ways in which folk knowledge and language attitudes can be useful for understanding the significance of geographic variation. The importance of this approach is discussed further in §2.6.1. Other approaches to dialectology emphasize the overlapping significance of historical linguistics and language contact with dialect geography. Although most practicing dialectologists tend to incorporate doctrines of the regularity of sound change into their assumptions, traditional dialectology has focused on synchronic surface variation, to the neglect of underlying

32

Introduction

diachronic processes or historical-comparative interpretations of this variation. Strains of dialectology such as Labov (e.g., 1994, 2001, 2010) and Bailey (e.g., 1973, 1982a, 1996a, 1996b) both emphasize the intersection of comparative linguistics and dialectology. Both also highlight the gradual gradience of language change, and both insist on the importance of investigating language contact for adequate dialectology. Bailey, however, is skeptical of the usefulness of traditional isoglossic representations to convey anything substantial about the nature of language or linguistic relationships (1996a, 1996d). He is also unwilling to accept the antitheoretical Labovian ‘inventory mentality’ that seems to find only chance statistical norms (see Bailey 1996d: 64); instead, in order to better interpret the competing ambiguities of phylogenetic divergence and ecological convergence, Bailey seeks to establish a theory that blends natural internal change, normative external change and the implicational hierarchies that mediate between the two. His approach is discussed further in §2.8. Another strain of dialectology emphasizes intelligibility testing as a means of discovering dialect divergence. Labov (2010: 19-86), Casad ([1974] 1987) and B. Grimes (1988, 1994) are examples of dialectologists who work under the assumption that intelligibility issues are closely linked to socio-cognitive consequences of language variation. The latter two, at least, argue that comprehension testing via carefully prepared recorded text tests should be actively incorporated into dialect definition. This approach is discussed further in §2.6.2. In defining the Phula languages, I am not interested in choosing between these various strains of dialectology; rather, I wish to incorporate insights promoted by each insofar as they are useful for making the Phula hypothesis falsifiable. Two key theoretical assumptions underlying this work are that dialectology should be useful for defining actual languages and dialects and that, in the pursuit of such definitions, dialectology should be approached dialectically. To the degree that perspectives which have traditionally fallen outside the purview of dialectology proper are actually useful or relevant for defining languages and dialects, they should, on these grounds, be incorporated into dialectology. I will argue for the viability of operationalizing language definitions in §1.4.3 and §2.6. For now, let me simply assert that major language varieties should be defined according to some adequate, consistent set of criteria and that one job of the dialectologist should be to discover and apply such criteria. Figure 1.2 presents an illustration of the orientation I assume dialectology to take within linguistics proper (solid lines) and some of the most basic extra-linguistic realities with which linguistics is concerned (dotted lines).

Research scope, assumptions and approach

Space & Geography

Historical-Comparative •Reconstruction •Subgrouping •Semantic Shift •Language Contact •Grammaticalization •etc.

Socio-Cognitive •Demography •Intelligibility •Identity •Vitality •Usage •etc.

33

Time & History

Dialectology Typological-Descriptive •Phonetics •Phonology •Lexicology •Morphology •Syntax •etc.

Society & Culture

Figure 1.2. Theoretical orientation of dialectology assumed in this work: Linguistic and extra-linguistic considerations

In addition to the innovation and maintenance of unique linguistic forms, human languages are dependent on time, space, society and other extralinguistic variables. Presumably, then, an adequate study of human language would seek to gain insights from descriptive-typological linguistics, sociocognitive linguistics and historical-comparative linguistics, within linguistics proper, and would also be well advised to ensure that such insights are informed by historical, political and ethnographic contingencies lying beyond the scope of linguistics. If the job of the dialectologist is to discover major patterns of language variation, dialectology itself would be best carried out at the overlapping margins of these three approaches to language and would also be interested in their outside influences. If dialectology is to be carried out at the intersection of comparative linguistics, descriptive linguistics and sociolinguistics for the identification of languages and dialects, research methods and models should be designed that foster insights from all three perspectives (a topic discussed more fully in Chapter 2). Nor is there any apparent need to limit the dialectological

34

Introduction

analysis to procedures that are either purely quantitative or purely qualitative. Figure 1.3 summarizes some key practical ways in which dialectology might be carried out as a fusion of ‘synchronic-diachronic’ oppositions on the one hand and ‘qualitative-quantitative’ oppositions on the other.

onomastic identity, perceptual dialectology, intelligibility testing

distribution, geolinguistics

descriptive typology, culture, ethnohistory

distance-based cladistics, implicational hierarchies

comparative method, subgrouping, dynamic wave analysis

contact

DIACHRONIC

core lexical comparisons, acoustic measurements, speaker demographics

Q U A L I T A T I V E endangerment

SYNCHRONIC

Q U A N T I T A T I V E

Figure 1.3. Proposed dialogic approach to dialectology: Questions and methods

Research methods strongly affiliated with each of the four possible combinations in Figure 1.3 are listed in one of the four corresponding boxes. Other relevant research considerations are listed along the horizontal and vertical axes which function as transition zones between the four methodological oppositions. Adequate language definitions should, for example, accommodate contact-induced phenomena into their criteria. Contact is a diachronic phenomenon, but its presence may be detected by research results in any of the four domains. Diachronic contact leads to synchronic endangerment, but research methods on endangerment need not be restricted to qualitative or quantitative analyses (see §2.5–§2.7 and Chapter 4). As is discussed further in §8.1.1, building on research methods and theory outlined in Chapter 2 and implemented in the remainder of the book, this approach to dialectology provides research means that are not only integral but also organic. In such a system, rather than competing claims cancelling each other out, different insights from different approaches are called on to inform and/or correct each other. At a macro-level, this process of dynamic

Research scope, assumptions and approach

35

synthesis proceeds in such a way that synchronic language definitions (which are themselves already based on multiple interdependent criteria) may be grouped together genetically via adequate diachronic analysis. With this mode of inquiry well under way, the diachronic analysis may then be called on to re-interpret the original assumptions about various synchronic phenomena. This is a condensed summary of my approach to Phula language definition, to be more fully realized in the coming chapters. Human languages are complex, dynamic and gradient – contingent on time, space, linguistic structures and extralinguistic variables alike. Such realities may have engendered defeatist positions on the part of some dialectologists in the past regarding the possibility of language and dialect definition, but I see no compelling reason that the definition of language varieties should be a reductionist task carried out in a theoretical vacuum. If anything, the task of language definition should seek to incorporate complexity and competing claims. The process of hermeneutic synthesis enables inclusivity without yielding to relativism and yields to strong theoretical claims without defaulting to foundationalism. Such an approach proceeds in the spirit of interdisciplinary pragmatism rather than seeking to align itself with any particular reductionist paradigm. Pragmatism’s general affirmation of organic, integrational system building welcomes multiple insights from numerous traditions and, thus, seems better suited for approaching actual language candidates, which are themselves composed of far more complexity than a single linguistic tradition, or dialectological perspective, can adequately account for. The idea of incorporating multiple perspectives into language definition and/or linguistic description is certainly not novel; but rigorous, broadscale applications are lacking. Croft began issuing calls in the 1990’s for shifts toward a more ‘dynamic paradigm’ in language variation research. He calls for a “… paradigm in which the study of all types of linguistic variation – cross-linguistic (typology), intralinguistic (sociolinguistics and language acquisition) and diachronic (historical linguistics) – are unified” (1990: 258– 259).26 Kortmann (2004a) constitutes perhaps the clearest concerted effort to-date to articulate the possibilities of such an approach. Therein Bisang (2004: 39) issues a clarion call for the “integration of typology, dialectology, and sociolinguistic models of diffusion plus findings from contact linguistics” in order to better interpret both micro-level variation between individual speakers and macro-level variation between the extant distribution of typological features in the languages of the world. With some recent exceptions such as Labov 2010, ethnohistory, cognition and culture do not yet appear to weigh in heavily in the emerging conversation related to integrational dialectology. A cluster of closely related

36

Introduction

issues were also recently reviewed by Eira and Stebbins (2007) who call attention to ‘lineages of authenticity’, or traditional assumptions about what counts as a valid perspective on the status of a given language variety or linguistic form. Eira and Stebbins point out that different viewpoints on authenticity can be contradictory but are frequently negotiable. The two authors also remind us that linguists and language speakers both approach such definitions within their own cultural frameworks. They conclude their review of the problem by suggesting that those engaged in language definition and linguistic documentation should seek to incorporate and affirm competing claims – not by treating them as if they were separate strands in dissonance, but, rather, by inquiring at what interval in the lineage of the language variety in question such a viewpoint or form came to be part of the overall narrative or lineage. This is a particularly useful insight for dealing with competing claims – one that is reinforced by the outcomes of this research. 1.4.2.

On the viability of integrational standards for language definition

One might expect that a discipline taking human language as its focus would have a time-honored set of complex criteria for defining what does and does not constitute a basic subtype of its own set. On the contrary, the very possibility of language definition is itself still unsettled in linguistics. In part, of course, this is due to the interdisciplinary nature of the task in what has been a remarkably segregated field of essentialist inquiry. In the words of Chambers and Trudgill (1998: 4–5): … paradoxically enough, a ‘language’ is not a particularly linguistic notion at all. Linguistic features come into it, but it is clear that we consider Norwegian, Swedish, Danish and German to be single languages for reasons that are as much political, geographical, historical, sociological and cultural as linguistic.

Here we would do well to note that the same may be said of anything we attempt to define – especially superordinate categories with gradient, processual underpinnings, inclusive of ecological and phylogenetic contingencies: A ‘plant’ is not a particularly botanical notion, for example; nor is an ‘animal’ a particularly zoological notion; a ‘nation’ is not a particularly political notion; an ‘economy’ is not a particularly economic notion. Classical modern thought since Kant has been confronted with the assertion that everything we know and categorize (excluding, in his view, the a priori analytic) must come to us empirically through various conceptually constructive

Research scope, assumptions and approach

37

filters such as space and time. Less metaphysical filters, such as interaction and convention, also apply. 27 In other words, any given domain of inquiry is naturally implicated in (frequently neglected) domain-external dynamics such as geography, history, sociology and culture. It would be a mistake to assume on these grounds, however, that linguists are ill-equipped, or no better equipped than non-linguists, to set forth complex criteria for operationalizing the subtypes of their own set – any more than we should assume a skilled botanist is ill-equipped to classify and identify plant species. Naturally, linguists and laypersons alike tend to refer to the world’s ‘languages’ as distinct entities. Unlike the layperson, however, the linguist should be more acutely aware of the dynamics, complexities and interdependent contingencies underlying linguistic variation. Thus, even if language definitions must range beyond linguistics proper, e.g., into geography, history, sociology, cognition, political administration and culture, the lot for defining a ‘language’ would still seem to fall to the linguist – or, more particularly, the dialectologist. The difference between an epistemologist and a layperson, to draw a further analogy, is not that the former is endowed with an understanding of epistemology while the latter has none. One need not study epistemology in order to have beliefs and knowledge. One need not be an epistemologist to classify systems of thought. The difference between an epistemologist and a layperson is that the former is more acutely aware of how and why s/he does and does not know what s/he does and does not know. The epistemologist is uniquely trained to identify the limits of reason and classify systems of thought. If s/he is led beyond the bounds of philosophy proper, say into the realm of neuroscience or cultural anthropology, in order to develop specific, consistent criteria for the definition of the boundaries of reason or systems of thought, then so be it. This should not seem odd. In both cases, the person who has been trained to understand the complexities, contingencies and limits of her field of study is uniquely qualified to interpret and incorporate criteria external to her field of study for defining the subtypes of her own set. In neither case should we assume the task to be impossible or unnecessary or, worse, equally suitable to the abilities of the experienced investigator and the layperson alike. Language varieties, like systems of thought, happen to be fluid, complex and gradient. Since any given lect constitutes a dynamic phenomenon with underpinnings that are linked to contact, intelligibility, socio-history, geopolitics, culture, cognition and structure alike, the dialectologist should simply require that a given language or dialect definition attempt to be equally complex in its application.

38

Introduction

This is often not the case in Sinosphere linguistics, however – nor in many language regions around the world. Languages are frequently asserted or assumed to exist without clear criteria – even by linguists. Contrast, for example, two statements from van Driem’s (2001) otherwise breathtaking overview of language contact in the Indoshpere and Sinosphere. Upon discussing various Tibeto-Burman varieties of southwest China he notes, “There are two Naxi or Moso languages … Eastern Naxi consists of heterogenous, mutually unintelligible dialects, whereas Western Naxi is a single fairly homogenous language” (2001: 443). A few pages later he states the following: “The rGyal-rong dialects are diverse enough to warrant treating some of the dialects as separate languages …” (2001: 446). Careful dialectology does not appear to underlie such definitions, and the author’s own ad hoc criteria seem to be in conflict between the two sets of languages. This will not seem unusual to most, however, since rigor and consistency in definition of languages and dialects seem to be lacking worldwide. In an attempt to address such problems, the International Organization for Standardization has, since the advent of the ISO639-1 codes in 2002, called on linguists to define clear criteria for accepting one or more linguistic varieties as a single synchronic ‘language’. Five years later, the ISO6393 code guidelines (ISOL 2007) propose specific but flexible standards for language definition. I present the ISO639-3 guidelines in (1.4): (1.4)

ISO639-3 language code guidelines (ISOL 2007) a. Two related varieties are normally considered varieties of the same language if speakers of each variety have inherent understanding of the other variety (that is, can understand based on knowledge of their own variety without needing to learn the other variety) at a functional level. b. Where spoken intelligibility between varieties is marginal, the existence of a common literature or of a common ethnolinguistic identity with a central variety that both understand can be strong indicators that they should nevertheless be considered varieties of the same language. c. Where there is enough intelligibility between varieties to enable communication, the existence of well-established distinct ethnolinguistic identities can be a strong indicator that they should nevertheless be considered to be different languages.

Note that criterion (1.4a) primarily involves dialect intelligibility and language contact, both of which overlap substantially with descriptive linguistics, historical linguistics and sociolinguistics. Criteria (1.4b) and (1.4c)

Research scope, assumptions and approach

39

primarily involve ethnic identity – although, literacy, education, culture, political administration and other contingencies may be implicated as well. In terms of writing systems, a distinction must be made between politically motivated orthographic cohesion, i.e., cohesion enforced on a group from the outside using orthography as an ideological rationale for unity, and identity motivated orthographic cohesion, i.e., cohesion arising from within a given ethnolinguistic group using orthography as an extension of common ethnic identity. The ISO639-3 language code guidelines are not simply allowing for the former possibility in criteria (1.4b); otherwise, in such cases, the presence of a distinct identity could be invoked in spite of a common orthography, and the language definition process would default to a slightly modified interpretation of criteria (1.4c). Bradley (2006: xv-xvi) provides an example of two otherwise distinct synchronic languages, Northern and Southern Lisu, that have recently begun to merge due to identity-motivated orthographic cohesion. In a case such as this, intelligibility cannot be woodenly invoked as the ultimate criteria for language definition. In both cases, ethnic identity is the key issue at stake, not politics or ideology. In this way, languages may be justifiably defined without capitulating to official definitions – taking as much care as possible to define the language from the point of view of its speakers. As discussed above, identity issues related to orthography do not factor in to Phula language definition. The key components of Phula language definition, then, seem to be threefold: identity, intelligibility and contact. In practice, however, we find that diachronic considerations are inextricably enmeshed in the definition process. Insights from historical dialectology, subgrouping, internal reconstruction and comparative reconstruction are also essential for understanding distinctions between individual varieties. This point constitutes a serious critique of the ISOL (2007) criteria that should be incorporated into future versions. These themes will be considered in more detail in Chapters 2 and 3. Methodology for researching contact, phylogeny identity and intelligibility will be discussed more fully in Chapter 2. As is outlined in Harris (1990), and elsewhere, the definition of language-internal dialects leads us ever deeper in the fog of abstraction where idiolect, sociolect, isolect, and minilect seem to cavort and interchange at will; nevertheless, in the words of Charles-James N. Bailey (1996a: 146), “If the notion of a dialect is an abstraction … it is an abstraction that is clearly a psychologically real one for the users of a language.” Dialectology as Dialectic will attempt to define both Phula languages and dialects – both synchronically and diachronically. ‘Synchronic’ dialect definitions are (out of necessity) more preliminary, and lower in priority, than historical dialect definitions, however. Synchronic language definitions also take precedence

40

Introduction

over synchronic dialect definition. Furthermore, the latter will be defined with more reference to perceptual dialectology (see §2.6.1) than the former. 1.4.3.

Research scope and limitations

Approaching dialectology integrationally with the intention to define actual language varieties is, as one would expect, labor intensive. Dialogic or not, the dialectologist must admit to limitations. Here I sketch the major boundaries that mark my task and note some questions that will be left for later research. First of all, the work is bounded by the constraints of my proposed approach to integrational dialectology sketched out in Figure 1.3 above. I will outline this approach further in the next chapter in terms of methodology. In attempting to disprove and refine the Phula hypothesis, I will be unable to engage in extended discussions of acoustic phonetics, morphosyntax, or textual analysis. My forays into (variationally-informed) phonology will be somewhat more thorough, but they may also be found lacking in their attention to detail if considered in isolation. Comparative morphosyntax has the potential to further refine the conclusions of this research, but due to the breadth and geographical range of language varieties researched, I have, in terms of descriptive-typological linguistics, necessarily limited myself to phonological analysis and a smattering of morpho-semantic discussions. In terms of ‘synchronic’ dialectology, I place primary limitations on intelligibility testing and the definition of sub-dialects. I adopt the former limitation largely because comprehensive testing proved unnecessary (see §8.5.8) and time-prohibitive. The latter limitation I have discussed above in §1.4.2. Further intelligibility testing may be deemed useful in some cases, but the incorporation of multiple perspectives, including quantitative measures and diachronic subgroupings, tends to provide satisfactory answers to questions originally intended for intelligibility testing in most cases. In terms of diachronic dialectology, my research emphasis does not require a full phono-lexical reconstruction. The hybrid internal/comparative reconstruction plus historical dialectology analysis carried out in this work is intended to identify embedded historical relationships. In fact, subgrouping (vs. the mere identification of regular sound correspondences) is considered to be the primary goal of the comparative method by historical linguistics as diverse as Nichols (1996) and Ruhlen (2005). This work, then, provides a proper foundation for more comprehensive phonological and lexical reconstruction of Proto-Phula and/or any of its sub-branches in the future.

Argument structure and organization

41

In addition to these constraints, natural limitations of time such as those that marked the data collection schedule, will be noted, when relevant, in the remainder of the book. 1.5. Argument structure and organization Thus far in this introductory chapter, I have presented the Phula hypothesis, discussed the historical background of the Phula milieu and argued for a more interpretive approach to dialectology. In the next chapter, I will further develop the practical and theoretical implications of my proposed approach to dialectology and summarize the fieldwork and analysis that underlie the project. These two introductory chapters set up the core dialectic tensions that I rely on for Phula language definition. Allow me to summarize the general weave of the argument here. As it stands in (1.1), the Phula hypothesis is not falsifiable. For its logical antecedent to function as an argument in a valid scientific prediction, synchronic dialectology must be able to identify and define the actual languages affiliated with the Phula ethnonym. This pursuit will be the focus of Chapter 3. For the logical consequent of the Phula hypothesis to function in a valid prediction, diachronic dialectology must be able to identify and define the distinct genetic clades to which the synchronic languages belong. This pursuit will be the focus of Chapter 6. The analysis presented in Chapter 6 is dependent on the prior analysis of Chapter 3, both of which are dependent on the fieldwork, theory and background outlined in Chapters 1 and 2. Thus, the arguments of Chapters 1, 2, 3 and 6 essentially flow in reverse chronological order from synchronic to diachronic. Chapter 7 pushes this trend further back in time by exploring the broader genetic position of the Phula subgroups identified in Chapter 6. The very process of making the Phula hypothesis falsifiable determines whether or not it is indeed false and, if so, how it should be refined. By the end of Chapter 7, both the antecedent and consequent arguments of the Phula hypothesis are provided with ample definition to prove the Phula hypothesis false (but only partially so). In Chapter 8, the Phula hypothesis is refreshed and refined, and the direction of the dialectic argument is reversed. Building on the diachronic definitions in Chapters 6 and 7, Chapter 8 is able to review and reinterpret the results presented in the first half of the book. While the initial flow of the work moves from synchronic to diachronic in order to establish the arguments of the Phula hypothesis, the final ascent of the discussion moves from diachronic to synchronic in order to reorganize insights gained from Phula ‘synchronic’ dialectology into embedded ‘diachronic’ clades. Thus, in

42

Introduction

addition to refining the Phula hypothesis, the end result of this work provides a historical reinterpretation of the demographics, distribution, identity, contact, intelligibility, and folk linguistics applied to Phula definitions in earlier chapters. The final chapter also examines some possible factors related to neglected diversity in the Sinosphere and reviews possibilities for future research and analysis. At the heart of the book lie two practical applications of hermeneutic dialectology. Chapter 4 is primarily an application of dialect ecology, examining the status of endangerment that currently characterizes the Phula languages, with an eye to predicting future decline and/or maintenance. This is accomplished, in part, by establishing a typology of threatened statuses. Chapter 5 anticipates the reverse chronology of Chapter 8 by using insights from dialect phylogeny to select representative Phula phonologies for analysis. Five representative languages are examined from five meso-clade subgroups affiliated with the Phula ethnonym. My argument is organized in something of a figure-eight pattern or chiastic structure in which the top half complements the thematic content of the bottom half and the flow of the argument is reversed once it has run its course, allowing an inversion of antecedent and consequent, as is illustrated in Figure 1.4.

Synchronic Æ Diachronic

Chapter 1: Hypothesis Chapter 2: Theory

SYNCHRONIC

Chapter 3: Variety

Synchronic research background Synchronic language definitions Synchronic application to future

Diachronic application to present Chapter 6: Phylogeny Chapter 7: Consanguinity Chapter 8: Reinterpretation

Diachronic language definitions DIACHRONIC

Diachronic research background Diachronic Æ Synchronic

Figure 1.4. Organization of the dialectic argument featured in this work

The argument may also be understood in terms of dialectic interpretation, such that the first chapter presents a thesis, the final chapter presents its

Argument structure and organization

43

antithesis and the middle chapters comprise an organic synthesis connecting the two extremes. Such terminology must not be confused with the static holism of Hegelian dialectics. ‘Synthesis’ in this work is intended to signify an organic sense of growth—the growth enabled by opposing forces being brought into complementary relationship and held in tension. The meaningful ontogenetic gestalt that emerges from such dynamics I hold to be the best evidence for ‘synchronic’ and ‘diachronic’ (or better, ecological and phylogenetic) definitions. These points are discussed more thoroughly in §8.1.1 in order to better draw on insights in the intervening chapters of analysis. An approach that celebrates paradox and incorporates complexity may seem peculiar, if not fundamentally flawed, to theorists functioning under reductive presuppositions. Givón, in this connection, prompts us to reconsider “… our Western aversion to paradoxes, our inherent recoil from logical contradiction, as an analogical stand-in for our well-documented penchant for reductionism” (2005: 248–249). In his work on the complex emergence of communication pragmatics from the evolution of other complex systems ranging from biology to culture, Givón argues that language theorists should seek to forge “… adaptive compromises … whereby the complex design of the whole responds to and integrates together conflicting adaptive demands” (2005: 249). The application of dialectology to the task of language definition should be no different. Instead of assuming polarized perspectives to be antagonistic or simply unrelated, I assume in this work that opposing viewpoints should be called upon to inform and correct each other in unifying relationships via a tertium quid or triadic intermediary. Here, the structure of the intermediary is chiastic (compare Figures 1.4 and 8.1). The argument of the intermediary is dialectic. The method of the intermediary is, in this case, a hermeneutic dialectology – dialect geography beyond the inductive warehouse, historical dialectology released from deductive confinement, social dialectology beyond the statistical vacuum – an abductive, integrational dialectology gathering to itself sufficient means whereby the Phula hypothesis itself may be made falsifiable.

Chapter 2 Research background Field methods, theory, and dialectology There is a case in which a disciple of the noble ones notices: When this is; that is. From the arising of this comes the arising of that. When this isn't; that isn't. From the ceasing of this comes the ceasing of that. – Siddhartha Gautama Anguttara Nikaya 10.92

2.1. Introduction From its beginning stages, this project has yielded to an overriding principle: the necessary symbiosis of its various research components. Without a carefully crafted wordlist, for example, eliciting the basic ‘lexicon’ of a given Phula speech variety would have been time and cost prohibitive, but the full development of the wordlist itself depended on lessons learned during local elicitation sessions (see §2.4.2.8). Eliciting the developing wordlist from multiple related speech varieties provided comparative lexical data needed for language definitions, but the lexical data itself was often best elicited by using lexemes and morphemes collected from other Phula speech varieties to fish for cognates (see §2.4.2.4). Counting apparent cognates between Phula speech varieties provided ways of predicting both low intelligibility (see §2.6.3) and phylogenetic affiliation, but the ultimate determination of cognacy and lineage alike could only be established diachronically using the comparative method. Using the comparative method for phonological and lexical reconstruction enabled the definition of genetic relationships between Phula languages, but the validity of diachronic sound correspondences depended on the quality of synchronic phonological analysis (and viceversa!). Peter Ladefoged (2003: 1) articulates a further step in this interdependent series: “The phonology has to be clear before you can make a meaningful description of the phonetics; and without a description of the sounds, you cannot get very far with the phonology. The two kinds of investigation have to advance hand in hand.” In fact, each component necessary for interpreting Phula variation have had to advance ‘hand in hand’ with other components – including such

Nature and scope of the fieldwork

45

diverse aspects as funding, recording, mapping, archiving, transportation, readings, and hypotheses. Though it might be tempting to call such progressions circular, the ancients have called them paṭicca-samuppāda: ‘dependent co-arising’. Keeping this dialectic principle prominently in mind, the current chapter offers an overview of both the fieldwork methods and theoretical infrastructure that inform the research and analysis contained in the remainder of the book. 2.2. Nature and scope of the fieldwork Among other things, field research parameters for this project involved research approval, administrative agreements, travel logistics, the practical definition of research questions, and methods of data reciprocity. These issues are briefly outlined in this section. 2.2.1.

Navigating research approval and fieldwork sponsorship

The field research underlying this work was contingent upon the formal approval and official sponsorship of multiple entities in China, Australia, and the USA. These entities, along with the major approval milestones achieved through application processes with them, are listed in chronological order in Table 2.1 – a list summarizing both the complex nature of the application process and the broad nature of the research partnerships that underlie the fieldwork behind the data analyzed in this work. 2.2.2.

Navigating administrative terrain

An orientation to administrative regions in Yunnan is provided in §1.3.1. Upper-level administrative regions in the province tend to be very closely united ideologically but functionally diverse. As is implied in Table 2.1, the result of this dynamic was that formal negotiation and approval for Phula research were required at Provincial and Prefectural levels alike in order to proceed with fieldwork. Since Phula speakers inhabit three different prefectures in Yunnan, after having obtained clearance from the Provincial level, three separate formal agreements were needed with research institutions in Honghe, Wenshan, and Yuxi Prefectures. All such agreements required multiple document drafts, discussions, and revisions. With formal fieldwork partnerships established at the Prefectural level, appropriate connections

46

Research background

could then be facilitated through the respective county, township, and community administrative levels within which a given data point was situated – down, finally, to the data point itself located at the Village level. Thus, most data points required approval, entailing varying degrees of formality, from six administrative levels of government. All totaled, the Phula data gathered in preparation for this work relied on administrative sanction from 41 Villages, 40 Communities, 35 Townships, 13 Counties, and three Prefectures in south Yunnan. Table 2.1. Major stages of approval and sponsorship for Phula field research Date

Approval Process

Sponsoring Entity

Oct. 2004

Acceptance of Phula research proposal

La Trobe University (LTU)

Oct. 2004

Acceptance of Phula survey proposal

SIL-International, East Asia Group

Apr. 2005

Invitation to engage in linguistic research

Yunnan Province Language Commission

May 2005

Approval of research ethics application

LTU, FHSS-Human Ethics Committee

May 2005

Funding of research grant 1

LTU, FHSS-Research Grant Funding Scheme

June 2005

Funding of research grant 2

SIL-International, Project Funding

July 2005

Beginning of Fieldwork Partnership 1

Yuxi Normal University (Yuxi Prefecture)

Aug. 2005

Beginning of Fieldwork Partnership 2

Wenshan Prefecture Zhuang Studies Council

Sept. 2005

Beginning of Fieldwork Partnership 3

Honghe Prefecture Nationalities Research Institute

2.2.3.

Navigating data point travel

Almost all of the villages listed in Table 1.1 are situated in remote mountainous locations. Transportation is improving rapidly in rural Yunnan; nevertheless, most Phula villages are still only accessible via jeep (or some other rugged vehicle) over small dirt roads or improved trails. Although the westernmost data point (Phola-NTC) was situated only 275 kilometers away

Nature and scope of the fieldwork

47

(as the bird flies) from the easternmost data point (Thopho-XZC), the primary year of data collection (July 2005 – July 2006) required a total driving distance of some 15,000 kilometers, mostly by jeep over mountain roads, due to the dramatic, winding, and frequently spectacular, topography of Yunnan. Stopping at relevant administrative seats along the way, my Chinese research partner – who was usually a researcher/official arranged by a Prefectural level research institute – would orchestrate the friendly formalities and introductions with overseeing officials. Having gained necessary sanction from the various embedded administrative levels outlined in §2.2.2, we would then travel the remaining distance to a destination village – usually accompanied by two or three more government officials in the end than had set out with us at the beginning of the trip. Upon arrival, the gracious hosts of a given data point would usually arrange food and lodging in a family’s home, and then the data collection would commence. 2.2.4.

Scope of data collection

Local fieldwork consultants in each data point locale were selected based on a number of predetermined criteria. In order to ensure that the data collected in a given village was representative of the village in question, consultants native to the data point – both in terms of ethnicity and birth-place – were selected to provide data. Generally, as a related precondition, such a person’s mother and father would also be speakers of the dialect in question, and one or both of them would have grown up in the village in question. In order to ensure that possible gender-based pronunciation differences were accounted for, both male and female consultants were requested in each location. In order to account for generation-based pronunciation differences, a range of able speakers from 18 to 70 was preferred. In order to ensure that such speakers were considered by their community to be prototypical speakers of the dialect in question, village elders were usually asked to select ideal speakers based on the above criteria. These selected speakers were then screened using an introductory questionnaire to verify their speaker status (see §2.4.2.3 and Appendix A). Due to regional social customs, female adults in Phula villages frequently originate from other villages nearby and marry in to the host village; in rare cases male speakers may marry in as well. Speakers such as these proved to be especially helpful in providing sociolinguistic insights into dialect gradations and distinctions in nearby areas. Such speakers were sometimes selected to provide lexical and textual data as well under the following three conditions: 1) the community reported no major communication

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differences/difficulties with speakers from the village of origin, 2) the speaker in question had lived most of his/her life in the host village (i.e., years-of-marriage greater than age-at-marriage) and/or was considered to be a fluent speaker of the host dialect upon arrival (i.e., village of origin considered to speak an ‘identical’ lect), and 3) a greater number of truly local speakers were available to provide data than engrafted speakers. Depending on data point objectives and available time, data was collected from five to twenty speakers in each location. For lexical elicitation sessions, three or four local consultants were required in each data point – including at least one male speaker, at least one female speaker, and a third (and sometimes a fourth) speaker of either gender. For reasons described in §2.4.2, lexical elicitation proved to be the most time-intensive component of the fieldwork. The longer ‘1200-item’ wordlist usually required some 20 hours of concentrated work to elicit, transcribe, and record. As such, the local consultants providing lexical data made the longest time commitment in each research venue and usually spent additional time providing other language data as well. As will be discussed further in §2.4, in addition to lexical data, local consultants were also called on to relate sociolinguistic background information, information related to ethnic identity and ethnolinguistic vitality, natural textual data, oral clause translations of textual data, and responses to recorded text tests. As discussed in §1.3, the 41 Phula data points can be broken down conceptually into primary and secondary research locations, but in most cases, the status of a given data point was decided only after an initial period of introductory data elicitation (see further discussion in §1.3.3 and §2.4.2). Due to these dynamics, village stays for data elicitation ranged from one to five days – three-to-five days for primary data points and one-to-three days for secondary data points. Prior to departing from a given data point, local fieldwork consultants were provided with a financial gratuity – not as payment in exchange for language data (and, therefore, not negotiated ahead of time), but as requisite, fair compensation for time spent away from pressing agricultural and household responsibilities. Preliminary language data and photos were also returned to language communities as is further outlined in §2.2.5. All fieldwork was carried out using a mix of standard Mandarin and various Southwestern Mandarin dialects of Chinese as the language of communication. Although functional literacy rates in written Chinese are extremely low in Phula areas, and although a portion of the population in most Phula villages are unable to understand or communicate fluently in Chinese, every Phula village visited in the course of this research project contained enough speakers with adequate Chinese communication abilities to enable

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successful data collection, though for some minor tasks such as recorded text testing a Chinese-Phula interpreter was sometimes recruited. 2.2.5.

Data reciprocity with language communities

Reflecting on the implications of researching dialect diversity, Wolfram (1997) casts the social dialectologist not only in the role of sociolinguistic researcher but also in the role of social-change agent. After reviewing the responsibilities linguists have toward taking social action on behalf of the dialect communities they study, he introduces the “principle of linguistic gratuity” which makes the following claim: “Investigators who have obtained linguistic data from members of a speech community should actively pursue positive ways in which they can return linguistic favors to the community” (1997: 126). Wolfram notes that this principle is particularly relevant for dialectology since it carries with it the potential for the affirmation of each dialect studied as uniquely valuable on its own terms. In an attempt to align with this principle, preliminary data collected during the fieldwork phase of this research was returned in video compact disk (VCD) format to most Phula communities studied. Currently, rural China is experiencing rapid growth in home ownership of VCD and DVD machines which, in minority communities, are used to display everything from bull fights and ethnic songs to mainstream pop music and martial arts films. Especially for villages in which the longer wordlist and texts were elicited, but also for some of the others, VCD’s were mixed using data filmed and recorded while carrying out research in the village. In general, these VCD’s contained still shots of group photos along with photos of scenery and elicitation sessions followed by edited footage of vocabulary elicitation interspersed with ethnic music footage and storytelling segments. This provided a popular-media pathway for nurturing positive feelings toward a given community’s dialect. Hopefully the method also provided a way for the sounds of a given dialect to be more strongly linked with the group’s identity, through association with images of their own folklore, culture, and fellow group members. Naturally, another part of Wolfram’s proposed commitment to the language community involves adequate documentation, as will be discussed below.

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2.2.6.

Digital archiving and analysis

Intermittently during the primary year of fieldwork, I returned to a rented apartment in Wenshan County to work on the backup and archiving of data and metadata. In general, data formatting and other archival practices were influenced by the long-term digital portability recommendations for language documentation outlined in Bird and Simons (2003). All audio files were recorded digitally in uncompressed format (*.pcm and *.wav). These files, along with MPG video data and digital (*.jpg) photos of material culture were organized into folders and subfolders labeled according to the village name and the nature of the data (e.g., natural texts, wordlist, video, etc.), respectively. Folders were numbered in chronological order relative to the sequence of the research visit, and a database was created to track the status of archiving and backup. Digital image copies were made of data elicitation sheets, sociolinguistic questionnaires, and mapping notes as well. Image copies of data elicitation sheets were collated and formatted into *.pdf documents for ease of access. Due to the enormous digital size of uncompressed audio files (*.wav and *.pcm formats), audio files were converted to *.ape format for archiving via the proprietary, but freeware, program Monkey’s Audio (v3.99) – a lossless audio compression codec that can reduce uncompressed audio file size up to 40%. Since encoding and decoding such files back-and-forth between *.wav and *.ape has no effect on sound quality, archived *.ape files can be converted back-and-forth with *.wav format for acoustic and pitch analysis. All together, digital archives of Phula audio, video, photo, and pdf files – along with layered mapping files and database files – added up to some 300GB of data. This corpus was further backed up onto three hard-disks for storage in separate locations. Data and metadata input into various databases was carried out using Unicode fonts: Doulos SIL has been used for IPA input, and other fonts – both Chinese and Roman-based – are consistent with UTF-8 encoding as well. Although some databases have been authored in Microsoft Excel, the features of such databases are easily compatible with open-source equivalents. The main lexical input database was transferred to Open Office Calc spreadsheet format early in the input process, however, and continues to be maintained using that software. Phonetic data analysis was assisted by the following two programs: Goldwave (v5.1), which was used for isolating and saving lexeme utterances from lengthy elicitation sound files, and Speech Analyzer (v2.7), which was used for F0 pitch plot extraction, waveform analysis, and spectrogram analysis.

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The original maps presented in this book I first created using layering technology packaged in the proprietary program Photoshop (v6.0) but the resulting files are fully compatible with such open source programs as The Gimp (v2.2) since the file format of the former are fully readable with the latter. Numerous other layers of analysis were undertaken without the assistance of computer programs. These, and the layers of analysis described above, will be introduced in further detail in the remainder of the chapter. 2.3. Recording equipment and use In order to best make use of the limited time available in each data point, recordings of language data were carried out in multiple media, on multiple recording devices, for a variety of purposes. 2.3.1.

Overview of recording equipment

Audio recordings were captured on two machines: 1) an iRiver iHP-140 (firmware version: 1.66U) with 40GB hard disk capacity, *.wav format recording capabilities, and recording-level adjustment functions; and 2) a Sony MZ-NH1 Hi-MD recorder with removable 1GB disks capable of recording in uncompressed *.pcm format. For hard disk archival, the *.pcm format recordings were later converted to *.wav via a Sony conversion program with no data loss. Video recordings were made in SP mode (highest quality setting) using a Panasonic AG-DVC30 3CCD Mini-DV camcorder. Upon return from a given elicitation trip, these video recordings were uploaded to hard disk and saved in MPEG-1 (VCD quality) and MPEG-2 (DVD quality) formats depending on the nature of the recording, as described in §2.3.2. Three microphones were used for various recording purposes: 1) a Samson QV hypercardioid headset microphone with balanced PM4 phantom power adaptor, 2) a balanced Eagle supercardiod table microphone with tripod, and 3) a mini-plug (1/4 inch) Sony EMC-717 electret condenser unidirectional microphone with clip-on and table-top features. The dedicated uses of these three microphones are described in §2.3.2. In order to compensate for inadequate native preamplifiers in the iRiver recorder, and in order to mix multiple microphones into a single recording with channel volume control, an ART ProMix 3-channel field mixer, with optional phantom power switches, was used – a compact device powered by

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two 9-volt batteries. A battery operated portable speaker unit, the Travel Sound 200 – manufactured by CREATIVE – was also used to facilitate various recording and testing sessions. In order to avoid electrical surges and sound quality distortions, all recordings were carried out using battery power only. Recording devices and spare batteries were recharged overnight and/or during elicitation breaks. 2.3.2.

Recording scenarios and setup

Lexical elicitation sessions were recorded by mixing the Samson headset microphone and the Eagle table microphone through the ART field mixer into the iRiver. The Samson microphone was used in order to acquire a highquality recording of isolated utterances with dramatically minimized background noise (such as frightened chickens, water in hot wok grease, or crying children), and the Eagle microphone was dedicated to recording lexeme discussion and sentence-framed utterances of a given lexeme. As such, the field mixer volume controls were used to alternate between the two microphones. In order to archive as much elicitation context as possible, the recording was generally only stopped during lengthy discussions, outside interruptions, and elicitation breaks. In addition to audio recording, the isolated utterances of the first 250-items of a given lexical elicitation session were video recorded in order to provide an objective record of mouth shape and external vocal tract movements for future visual reference and/or for cross-reference with acoustic measurements. These rather lengthy video recordings were archived in MPEG-1 format. In order to facilitate this wordlist recording scenario, the consultant fitted with the Samson headset microphone was seated at a small, square table opposite myself so that I could have a clear view of his or her lips and external vocal tract. At least two other speakers were situated at this person’s side around the corner of the same table with the Eagle table microphone either pointed between them or trained specifically on the one most capable of constructing sentence frames for lexemes (not an immediately intuitive task). The video camera was then set up over one of my shoulders and operated by a colleague.1 The recording process adhered to the following pattern: After a new lexical item had been introduced, clarified, and discussed to everyone’s satisfaction, the person wearing the headset microphone would pronounce the word clearly at least three times with a brief pause between each utterance. After his or her last utterance, I would begin transcribing the utterance with close phonetic transcription in IPA while adjusting the volume controls for

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the second microphone with my free hand. Looking up, I would give a verbal prompt for the frame utterance to be given; this utterance would then be repeated two to five times. I would then adjust my transcription as necessary, make any additional notes, ask clarifying questions (see §2.4.2.5), and then re-adjust the volume for the next isolated utterance. An illustration of this recording scenario is provided in Figure 2.1: 40GB Harddisk Wave Recorder Mini-DV 3CCD 3-Channel Field Camcorder Mixer

Hypercardiod Headset Mic. Supercardiod Table Mic.

Figure 2.1. Illustration of lexical elicitation recording setup

In general, natural oral texts were recorded using the iRiver wave recorder + ART field mixer combo with the Hi-MD recorder standing in as a backup device (e.g., in case the iRiver was nearing full capacity). With a few exceptions, textual data was also video recorded, and these video recordings were archived in MPEG-2 format. In order to gain a rough, clause-level translation of natural texts for archiving purposes, a method was devised using patch cords, both recorders, the portable speaker system, and the Sony EMC-717 microphone to record clause-level oral translation sessions live. By playing back the recorded text over the speakers using one machine, and pausing after each clause for an oral translation into Chinese, both

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utterances could be recorded in succession on the second machine. In this way a clause of text followed by a clause of oral translation could be archived together in a single recording. Recorded text testing was carried out using the Sony Hi-MD recorder due to the convenience of track-mark capabilities featured on the machine. RTT preparation and testing are discussed further in §2.6.2. 2.3.3.

Evaluation of equipment and recording methods

With a few exceptions, the recording equipment and recording setup were planned in advance and worked well. Most components turned out to be critical, but some of the components developed over time and others dropped off as unessential. At the beginning of the fieldwork, for example, I was using a pair of wired “portable” speakers that were bulky, always tangled, and difficult to find electrical outlets for. Switching to the CREATIVE speaker unit eliminated such problems. As for recorders, both units were necessary for their different functions. I also considered both to be preferable to solid-state (e.g., SD-card) recorders that are proliferating in the current market. The great advantage of using a high-capacity hard disk recorder is the efficiency it offers: enormous amounts of data can be recorded in standard format and stored uncompressed in a small space without the need for purchasing and tracking removable media. The two major problems presented by the iRiver iHP-140, however, are its poor preamplifiers (an issue with numerous other such portable recorders) and its current lack of availability. The former problem can be solved by turning down the native recording levels as low as possible and plugging the unit into an external pre-amp or mixer like the ART ProMix. The latter problem is rather unavoidable in the contemporary world of mutable technology (newer iRiver models have not incorporated wave recording capabilities). I was very pleased with the performance and sound quality of the Samson QV headset microphone, but was sometimes dissatisfied with the Eagle supercardiod table microphone. Overall, mixing two microphones for wordlist elicitation worked well, and is to be recommended. Regarding recording setup, I began fieldwork data collection with the idea that four to five local consultants should be requested to take part in the lengthy lexical elicitation sessions in each data point. Partly due to the tedium of worthwhile lexical elicitation, partly due to the time commitment involved and partly due to the actual number of necessary roles (among other group dynamics), having four or five local consultants for lexical elicitation turned out to be unnecessary and impractical: three speakers (of varying age

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and gender) turned out to be a much more efficient combination provided that these speakers were selected by a village leader and screened according the criteria outlined in §2.2.4. Other speakers could always still be briefly consulted when a difficulty arose. Especially for reasons related to data reciprocity outlined in §2.2.5, but also for adequate documentation, video recording turned out to be a more valuable research component than I had anticipated at the beginning of the fieldwork. 2.4. Elicitation instruments and methodology This fieldwork behind this project employed three primary categories of data elicitation: sociolinguistic questionnaires, wordlists, and natural texts. The preparation of the elicitation instruments used and the practical issues surrounding their application in the field are described in this section. 2.4.1.

Sociolinguistic questionnaires

Recognizing the value that sociolinguistic information and other related metadata hold for augmenting and interpreting actual linguistic data, two background questionnaires were prepared and administered during the fieldwork component of this research project. One questionnaire I designed for use in an interview session with the village or community leader of a given data point; this questionnaire will be referred to as ‘VLQ’ (Village Leader Questionnaire) and can be viewed in Appendix A. A second questionnaire I designed for use in less formal interview sessions with a group (or groups) of villagers in the same location; this questionnaire will be referred to as ‘VGQ’ (Village Group Questionnaire) and can also be viewed in Appendix A. These two questionnaires provided focus, depth, and consistency for sociolinguistic investigation, but were only intended for the elicitation of qualitative, anecdotal information in the tradition of folk linguistics. Due to time and focus constraints, neither questionnaire attempted to interview a random sampling of a given population for quantifiable results. Other brief interviews were also conducted as part of the screening process for selecting appropriate local language consultants for various research tasks. Although these brief interviews contributed to the general metadata knowledgebase, screening interviews were brief in comparison to VLQ and VGQ and will be discussed separately in §2.4.2.3 and §2.6.2.

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2.4.1.1. Questionnaire goals and design VLQ and VGQ were elicited in virtually all data points for introductory, qualitative insights into such issues as demographics, distribution, oral history, ethnic social customs, ethnic identity, dialect intelligibility, language contact, language use, language attitudes, language endangerment, and ethnolinguistic vitality. Interview questions were crafted around three core themes or ends: 1. 2. 3.

Ethnic identity (§2.5.1 – §2.5.3) Ethnolinguistic vitality (§2.5.4) Dialect intelligibility (§2.6.1)

Specific questionnaire content will be discussed in the respective sections listed beside each of the above three themes. Insights for the design and content of the questionnaires were gleaned from Showalter (1991), Duan (2004), Miller (1994), Blair (1990), Lehonkoski (2003), and Bourhis, Giles and Rosenthal (1981). Showalter’s (1991) perspectives proved particularly helpful for questionnaire design. Presenting an overview of social research design methods, she reminds the sociolinguistic researcher to distill abstract survey questions into concrete, practical indicators which are unambiguous, simple, and nonthreatening, since such questions are more natural for local speakers to interpret and respond to and, furthermore, lead to more valid, trustworthy results. Thus, a question like “What other ethnic groups attend the market days in [the nearby market town]?” was preferred over a question like “Please describe the language contact situation between your village and surrounding ethnic groups”, and a question like “What language do you use in village meetings?” was preferred to a question like “What are your general language-use habits in work-related domains?” As such, questions were crafted around everyday practicalities such as family relationships, marriage practices, schooling dynamics, village announcements, market days, and folk-customs. This does not mean that subjective content questions were ruled out altogether. As Bourhis et al. (1981: 145) notes, “group members’ ‘subjective’ vitality perceptions may be as important in determining interethnic behaviors as the Groups’ objectively assessed vitality.” Beyond a few specific statistical questions related to village demographics, for which careful records are usually kept by village leaders, reported and estimated statistics and/or percentages gathered in the elicitation process were not treated as actual objective figures. Such estimated reports were still factored in as general supporting evidence for various issues,

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however. Informal follow-up questions such as “what percentage of [Miao] living in [Meiziqing] can speak [Phula] in your estimate?” and “what percentage of the [Meiziqing] [Miao] do you estimate can understand [Phula]?” might provide helpful clues to the status of language vitality for a given Phula variety – a possible indicator that language vitality is high if neighboring language groups are also learning to speak the variety in question. 2.4.1.2. Questionnaire administration As was mentioned above, the time and focus restrictions of this research project made statistically quantifiable sociolinguistic data impossible to gather; therefore, random samplings were not attempted in the administration of the two sociolinguistic questionnaires. A casual quota sampling of respondents was preferred to homogenous groups of interviewees, however; so VGQ was usually elicited from a group of mixed ages and genders in order to gain different perspectives. After obtaining informed consent, questionnaires were administered verbally in a conversational style and were usually administered referencing village-marked map printouts in order to inquire into known distinctions in outlying villages and townships. Elicitation printouts were formatted with English prompts only in order to save space and in order to keep from distracting literate respondents with a possibly irrelevant question for a given context. Since the questions were fairly simple and were often context-dependent, this was considered to be a more efficient approach. Notes were transcribed on questionnaire elicitation printouts, map printouts, and in field-data notebooks alike for eventual compilation into databases. 2.4.1.3. Working revisions In the process of questionnaire drafting, a number of items were excluded as being too peripheral to the primary goals of the research. These included general social or ethnographic questions such as “What are the cash crops in this village?” and “How many tractors are there in this village?” and bilingualism questions such as “When you speak Chinese do you sometimes feel that you lack words to adequately express yourself?” The process of field elicitation also led me to eliminate further peripheral questions related to marriage customs, crops, and free time.

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Along with the experience of multiple questionnaire elicitations came an increasing realization of the crucial role that market towns and marriage networks play in maintaining contact between scattered villages in rural Yunnan. Along with this realization, I began to ask more questions on these themes than originally planned. Village-marked maps also turned out to be more useful for understanding distribution, vitality, and perceptual dialect distinctions than I had originally imagined. A discussion of my geolinguistic research is provided in §2.5.3. 2.4.2.

Wordlist design and elicitation

Adequate lexical and phonological analysis depend heavily on the precision, relevance, and elicitation methodology of the wordlist originally used in collecting the data under consideration. When a wordlist will be used for additional purposes, and/or for comparisons with other pre-existing data sources, the related challenges are compounded. As a background for the lexical and phonological data contained in this book, the following sub-sections outline the design and elicitation processes undergirding it in an attempt to make underlying decisions explicit. 2.4.2.1. Wordlist design Numerous challenges confront the construction of a multipurpose areal wordlist. Considerable foresight is required in order to exclude irrelevant items such as modern loans and incorporate useful items such as iconic subbranch paradigms. The following seven considerations were incorporated into the construction of the master wordlist used for Phula data elicitation: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

Exclusion of modern items likely to glean Chinese loans. Incorporation of items included in other areal data lexicons for comparative purposes. Incorporation of items with available Burmic, Ngwi and TB protoforms. Broad grammatical scope covering available paradigms and major word classes. Regard for semantic complexity catering to areal features and semantic gradience. Attention to overall length and limitations of the final product. Built-in flexibility for multipurpose usage.

The initial substratum of the Phula master wordlist was constructed from Chen, Bian and Li (1985) in the interest of addressing considerations 1, 2

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and 4. Due primarily to consideration 1, this list was pared down from 1,018 to approximately 750 items. This revised list formed the basis of my initial inquiry into Phowa noted in §1.2.4 (Pelkey 2004). Further semantic complexity was added to the wordlist, in the interest of 5 and on the basis of further distinctions discovered in Phowa such as numerous verbal distinctions for throwing, and various material culture items (Pelkey 2004). In the interest of 5 and for broader comparison with other Ngwi languages the list was further refined by incorporating lexical items and paradigm sets from Bradley (1995, 2001, and 2003). Further items were also added from Edmondson (2002) in the interest of broader comparison potential with the Phula languages of Vietnam. Further areal-specific items were prompted by Dai and Huang (1992) and Wang (2004). Finally, additional items were added from Bradley (1979 and 1997b) and Matisoff (1978), in order to broaden the base of possible protoform comparisons with Proto-Ngwi and Proto-Burmic. In view of consideration 6, the overall length of the list was constrained to a margin of total entries between 1,000 and 1,200 in order to address two competing concerns simultaneously: The wordlist needed to a) provide a comparative base adequate for phonological definition and in-depth lexical/phonological reconstruction and b) comprise a list manageable enough to elicit in a period of three to five days. By the beginning of fieldwork, the master wordlist had settled to 1,127 items – not including additional semantic distinctions, numeral classifiers, and basic particles that were elicited along the way (see for example §2.4.2.4). In view of consideration 7, and in order to accommodate both primary and secondary data points (as outlined in §1.3), the list was sorted into two lengths, both of which incorporated consideration 4. One list was limited to 250 items and the second was initially set at 887 items. Both lists were elicited at primary data points, but usually only the shorter list was elicited at secondary data point locations. Neither list repeated content contained in the other, and, as a result, both needed to be cross-referenced frequently for the sake of semantic disambiguation during elicitation sessions. A third list was also condensed for synchronic lexical comparisons (discussed further in §2.6.3 and §3.3) in order to comply with general constraints featured in similar Swadesh-based studies. For this list, the 250-item list was pared down to 200 items based on frequency correspondences in Swadesh (1952, 1955), Mann (2004) and Matisoff (1978). Once entered into the archive database, items from these three lists were then available for sorting back into the combined master-list for various stages of inter- and intra-comparison.

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2.4.2.2. Elicitation printouts In order to arrange the wordlist into a functional format for field data collection, the entries were grouped 25 items per page into ‘landscape’ layout for printing. In addition to item-numbers, English glosses, and Chinese glosses for each lexeme, the printouts also included a semantic-specific prompt for a given item’s elicitation frame, three columns of comparative utterances from related language varieties for the purpose of cognate fishing (see §2.4.2.5), a wide space for close phonetic IPA transcription, and a righthand margin for marking items ‘baited’ for alternate cognate lexemes. Each of these elicitation methods will be discussed in more detail below. The elicitation datasheets were only printed on one side in order to allow for extra note taking on the facing page. Appendix B provides an illustration of the basic lexical elicitation datasheet layout and use. Each datasheet printout was arranged into a two-hole plastic binder to facilitate ease of use in data collection. A coversheet for recording village location, dates, accompanying party and other general metadata was placed on top of each printed elicitation list, and this sheet was followed by a form containing screening questions for potential local language consultants (Appendix A). Informed consent for lexical elicitation was also recorded on this page. 2.4.2.3. Consultant selection and screening As discussed in §2.2.4, potential lexical elicitation consultants were first selected by a village leader according to certain prescribed criteria. Each person selected was then screened via a brief interview eliciting information in the following four categories to ensure their suitability to represent the lect spoken by members of the host village: 1. 2. 3. 4.

Personal history and demographics: Age, gender, birthplace, marital status, education level (if natural and appropriate). Individual history: frequency and locations of outside travel; length of time (if any) lived away from home village and location of outside stay (if applicable). Family history and demographics: parent’s birthplace, ethnicity of spouse (if applicable), number and ages of children (if applicable), Language Use: Other languages spoken, estimated proficiency, how often, and under what circumstances; language(s) spoken with children and spouse.

These questions were arranged thematically into a screening/consent questionnaire which can be viewed in Appendix A. A number of the screening items (e.g., gender, ethnicity of spouse, mother’s birthplace, language

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spoken to children) were asked primarily in order to gain contextual insight into a given language consultant’s possible idiosyncrasies – not in order to uncover disqualifying information. A consultant might be politely disqualified from providing lexical data depending on the nature and/or degree of other responses, however. During the fieldwork process, for example, a number of potential consultants were disqualified due to having recently lived for a long period of time outside the host village. Others were disqualified due to having recently married in to the host village or due to being non-native speakers of the dialect in question. If one or both of a potential consultant’s parents happened to be born in a different village, the consultant might still be allowed to provide language data as long as the other consultants providing data were raised by parents from the host village in a combined majority of instances. 2.4.2.4. Elicitation framing As mentioned in §2.3.2 and illustrated in Figure 2.1, above, lexical data was usually elicited from a group of two to five local speakers – most often three. After introducing each lexeme and allowing time for discussion, each lexeme was recorded both as an isolated, citation utterance and in an elicitation frame. An elicitation frame provides a natural, contrastive context for a given lexical utterance ideally by situating it in a sentence with lexemes or morphemes pronounced both before and after the lexeme in question. Ladefoged (2003: 7–8) presents two purposes served by elicitation frames: first, they enable speakers to avoid special list intonations, and second, they assist the researcher in identifying segmental length. In a Sinospheric context this second purpose expands to include suprasegmentals in general. Using elicitation frames in recording is especially important for the elicitation of lexical data in the Sinosphere since the possibility of list intonation threatens to severely compromise the veracity of any lexical tonal data if recorded only in isolation. Elicitation frames themselves often introduce other tonal problems, however, such as sandhi variation. Coupe (2007: 20, 59–72) describes the use of elicitation frames in a lexical elicitation context involving a TB language. In Coupe’s experience2, sandwiching a lexeme between two segments with high sonority is less likely to yield sandhi phenomena and more likely to represent true tonal value. Nevertheless, the most preferable lexical elicitation scenario for the Sinosphere involves both isolated and framed utterances which can be cross-checked against each other – as Coupe himself has noted (2007: 20).

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Elicitation frames proved to be useful in other ways as well in the process of Phula lexical data collection. Beyond counteracting the threat of list intonation, frames also enabled a better context for distinguishing pitch levels and provided introductory insights into sandhi rules. As other regional fieldworkers3 have also remarked, elicitation frames are very useful for eliciting numeral classifiers as a by-product of using a NUM+CLF construction for eliciting nouns. In other cases, the elicitation frame served to disambiguate the part of speech (such as ‘plow(n)’ vs. ‘plow(v)’) for local consultants, and it also served to test the boundedness of certain nominal morphemes. Other useful data gleaned, somewhat by accident, through the use of elicitation frames included the discovery of subtle existential predicates and final TAM particles. Beyond these useful applications, elicitation frames often provided much needed comic relief for tedious data collection situations. Consider, for example, the implications of frame templates that result in sentences such as ‘His family has three cockroaches,’ and ‘His armpit is very good.’ A number of issues emerged during the construction and application of elicitation frames – the most challenging of which turned out to be the construction of semantically and grammatically felicitous frames that did not distract local consultants from the data elicitation process (beyond those which provided comic relief). One may comfortably say, for example, “she has three nephews”, (literally, in Ngwi syntax, ‘s/he nephew three CLF have’) but one may not comfortably say, “she has three husbands” or “he has three fathers.” In these latter two cases, then, the substitute frame “his ____ is very good” was used instead. A summary of elicitation frames used in Phula data collection is presented in Table 2.2 listed in literal Ngwi syntax with English examples for interpretation. In general, when an item could be counted, the number three was used in the elicitation frame due to the relative sonority of its initial combined with its tendency to retain a level pitch in most Phula varieties – a combination useful for more reliably contrasting and analyzing the framed utterance. Sandhi patterns on the framed numeral three, such as occur in Lisu,4 vary among the Phula languages, but are usually transparent and/or rare. One exception in Muji-PJZ, for instance, occurs when so⁵⁵ ‘three’ is preceded by two high tones and followed by a mid-level tone: e.g., in a framed utterance of ʑi²¹ma⁵⁵ ‘money’ /ɛ²¹ ʑi²¹ma⁵⁵ so⁵⁵ ta⁵⁵ ʣa³³/ > >ɛ²² ʑi²¹ma⁵⁵ so³³ ta⁵⁵ ʣa³³], ‘s/he has three kuai (lit., monetary units of) money’. Among the many lessons learned from local consultants regarding the felicity of elicitation frames, the most valuable was the following: in the rural Sinosphere, family ownership makes much more sense than individual ownership: e.g., “His family has three chickens” was always a more felicitous

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(i.e., conceivable, workable) frame than “He has three chickens.” Besides being culturally unsuitable, the latter frame is also much more susceptible to zero anaphora – leaving the frame open at the beginning in Ngwi syntax. Table 2.2. Translated overview of elicitation frames used in lexical data collection Class

Primary Frame

Alternate Frame

Count Nouns

3S (FAMILY) ____ three CLF have

3S (POSS)____ good INTF

e.g., His family has three dogs. Mass Nouns e.g.,

His brain is very good.

3S (FAMILY) ____ three CLFM have

3S (POSS) ____ (NEG) good INTF

His family has three piles of manure.

His bile is no good.

(Today) ____ (NEG) good (Today) ____ bright/big INTF INTF The sun is very bright toe.g., Frost is no good. day. 5 3S ____ PFV (…) ____ CPV Activity Predicates Meteorological Nouns

e.g., He has ridden (before). Statives

3S ____ SPV.INTF e.g., He is extremely thin.

The wood burned up; His father died. DEM LOC ____ INTF That place is very far (from here). [each unique]

Interrogatives and

[each unique]

General Adverbials e.g.,

Who hit me? Why didn’t he Come again tomorrow. come?

Time Adverbials

3S ____ hither come

NA

He came the day before yesterday. ____CLF good INTF

NA

e.g., Numerals

e.g., ‘nine of them (are/would be) very good’ Locatives and Demonstratives

3S____ EXIST e.g., He’s on the left side.

Thing ____CLF good INTF That thing is very good.

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2.4.2.5. Cognate fishing Another component deemed crucial for worthwhile lexical data collection was the elicitation of cognate lexemes if at all possible. For various reasons, cognates often failed to surface immediately during the data elicitation process; and, as a result, elicited utterances that did not seem to be cognate with – or were clearly non-cognate with – corresponding lexical items elicited elsewhere in related dialects and languages had to be clarified on the spot. Oftentimes researchers assume lexical replacement to be the sole reason behind the absence of a cognate lexeme in a lexical elicitation session (or in a published data list), but the possible reasons behind a local language consultant’s verbal reproduction of a non-cognate lexeme during the elicitation process are manifold. Other reasons may include any combination of the following: lexical borrowing, synonymy, semantic nuance, semantic shift, taboo, archaism, animacy distinctions, assumed sociolinguistic register, vantage point of the speaker, inability to remember, and/or misunderstanding of the lexeme being elicited in the first place. Since cognate utterances are essential for adequate reconstruction and genetic classification, a cognate lexeme must be sought after, or ‘fished for’, during the elicitation process when one fails to surface immediately. Due to the wide margin for possible error, and the narrow time frame for data elicitation, this research project developed a systematic method for inquiry into the status of apparently non-cognate utterances as part of the data elicitation process. As described in §2.4.2.2, part of the preparation process for visiting each data point involved the printing of data elicitation sheets formatted with three columns of transcribed elicitations from related languages and/or dialects (see sample page in Appendix B). This data, along with transcriptions written in up to three other data notebook folders, could then be crossreferenced and used as ‘bait’ to fish for cognate utterances or, at least, to inquire into the possible reasons for the cognate lexeme’s disappearance. After eliciting and recording the local consultants’ initial translation of a given lexeme, if the utterance appeared to be non-cognate with one or more related varieties, the cognate item could be fished for by reproducing the lexeme from another variety in a simple question (e.g., “can you also say ‘A’ to mean B ?” [Chinese: “ B ҏਟԕ䈤, ‘A’ ੇ?” ] (in which ‘A’ = a given utterance elicited from an alternate language variety and B = the Chinese gloss under consideration). This or some similar question usually provided an ample prompt for the local consultants to know what was being looked for whatever the reason behind their not having used the cognate item in the first place may have been – whether semantic shift, euphemism, misunderstanding, lexical replacement, or some other reason. If this simple technique

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didn’t work, further baiting techniques often included adjustment of pronunciation to account for observed rules of phonological change, asking what the outside lexeme pronunciation would refer to in their dialect, asking if they had ever heard speakers of other dialects say the lexeme in this way, asking if the cognate lexeme might indicate a member of a class (specific vs. general), etc. Although lexical replacement (or partial lexical replacement) still turned out to be the reason behind more than half of the non-cognate utterances encountered in the course of fieldwork, other reasons were always assumed to be the cause at first, and this assumption turned out to provide much more insight into Phula semantics, lexicon, and history than would have been available otherwise. 2.4.2.6. Use of elicitation illustrations A further invaluable component of lexical data collection proved to be the use of visual aids for the elicitation of obscure or highly constrained flora, fauna, and material culture artifacts. In preparation for data elicitation, illustrations were first extracted from local pictorials, personal photographs, and other public sources. These were then printed and combined into a portable display book for use as elicitation aids. The resulting usefulness of these visual aids was partly due to limited Chinese proficiency among most Phula speakers in remote areas, and partly due to the otherwise ambiguous and problematic nature of asking for translations of words like 㨌࠰ càidāo, lit., ‘vegetable knife’ (when hoping to elicit the lexeme, ‘square-bladed Chinese butcher cleaver able to chop through bones’ instead of the lexeme ‘fruit paring knife’); or 㵕㵤 xīyì ‘lizard’ (for which, in most Phula languages, there are usually three specific kinds but no general cover term); or 㛼㈬ bèidōu ‘basket backpack’; ‘baby sling’ (when wanting to elicit the latter sense, but knowing that seeing one being worn would be much more clarificatory than a description of one which attempts to disambiguate between it and the alternate interpretation). In short, visual prompts proved to be indispensable. In addition to saving a substantial amount of confusion and discussion time, the illustrations also validated the veracity of numerous elicitations and always served to lighten the general mood around the elicitation table. 2.4.2.7. Non-IPA Chinese phonetic conventions In order to facilitate the transcription and archival of lexical data in a way standard for linguistic documentation in the Sinosphere, IPA transcriptions

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have been occasionally modified and/or supplemented in order to make use of various areal standards introduced by Chinese linguists. Chinese phonetic notation conventions are summarized well in Sun and Jiang (2004). For the sake of reference, I mention a number of symbols here that are useful for representing Phula-specific sounds. Building on the characters specified in standard IPA for alveolopalatals [ ɕ ] and [ ʑ ], Chinese linguists have expanded the series to include a nasal [ ȵ ] and two stops [ ȶ ] and [ ȡ ] – all useful for the transcription and analysis of Phula sound systems. Regarding vowel segments, the apical semivowels [ ɿ ] and [ ʅ ] (alveolar and retroflex, respectively, but sometimes also used to represent sounds at adjacent places of articulation) are also highly useful for the transcription and analysis of Phula sound systems. Further vowel distinctions are summarized in the Figure 2.2, which is adapted from Sun and Jiang (2004: 50).6

ɿ ʮ ʅ ʯ i•y

ɨ•ʉ

ɩ• ɪʏ e•ø ᴇ• ɛ•œ æ• a • ɶ

ʊ

ɯ•u •ɷ

ɘ•ɵ

ɤ•o

ə

• o̧

ɜ•ɞ ɐ

ᴀ

ʌ•ɔ •ω ɑ•ɒ

Figure 2.2. Supplementary IPA vowel conventions used by linguists in China

Regarding diacritics and suprasegmental notation, a number of other Chinese conventions proved highly useful. In most cases, the superscript symbol [ ʴ ] has been used as a notation for rhoticization instead of [ ˞ ] due to the superior visibility and flexibility of the former which can be situated either before or after the segment it modifies. Light pre-glottalization – as opposed to glottal-stop initials or glottal-initial clusters – has been represented with a superscript glottal stop [ ˀ ]. In rare instances implosives have also been encountered in which case the symbol [ ʻ ] has been used to indicate ingressive glottalic airflow on segments with no available implosive

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notation. Chao numbers (Chao 1930), which are now in standard use, have been used to mark pitch values between the highest relative pitch [ ⁵⁵ ] and the lowest relative pitch [ ¹¹ ] in a given variety. Tense voice phonation has been noted with an abbreviated underscore [ ̠ ], e.g., [ ɔ̠ ], [ ɿ̠ ] and is intended to indicate a laryngealized, constricted quality as opposed to sheer creakiness phonetically, but may be used to indicate both/either creakiness and/or laryngealization phonemically when there is no contrastive distinction between the two in a given phonology. Other areal conventions include the fusion of various affricate clusters, i.e., [ ʦ ], [ ʣ ], [ ʧ ], [ ʤ ], [ ʨ ], and [ ʥ ], in order to underscore their status as single segments in the phonologies which feature them. 2.4.2.8. Pronunciation imitation A further safeguard I sought to use during the elicitation of lexical data was my own attempt to pronounce a given lexeme – either during or after transcription. Consultants frequently pointed out errors in my pronunciation that matched errors in my transcription. 2.4.2.9. Working revisions As mentioned in the introduction to this chapter, the full development of the wordlist used for lexical data elicitation was dependent on lessons learned in the elicitation sessions themselves. Having the list split into two parts turned out to be useful for secondary data points, for example, but was problematic at times for semantic disambiguation. It soon became clear that certain additional items would have to be elicited for disambiguation even when only transcribing the shorter list in a secondary data point location. Concept domains such as the foot+leg continuum (including ‘leg’, ‘foot’, ‘foot-leg’, ‘thigh’, ‘calf’, ankle, ‘heel,’ ‘toe’, etc.) are too integrally intertwined in areal languages to separate unless disambiguated each with each. Similarly, verbs pairs such as ‘look’ and ‘see’, ‘hear’ and ‘listen’, ‘throw overhand’ and ‘throw underhand’ had to be elicited together even though originally separated in the initial wordlist drafts. Certain items included in the list initially, such as the finely graded spatial deixis distinctions relevant to Lisu and some other Southeastern Tibeto-Burman languages (Bradley 2003), were only discovered to be used by a few Phula varieties7 and were left out of the final comparative lexicon as a result. On the other hand, certain distinctions that had not been anticipated were eventually incorporated into the list since

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they were consistently brought up during elicitation sessions – additions such as an extra lexeme for ‘cricket’, two additional terms for ‘lizard’, a distinction between hulled and unhulled peanuts, different verbs for pinching actions (e.g., pinching between the knuckles, pinching and twisting) and other distinctions. Regarding elicitation printouts, although I initially formatted them with only two columns for cognate fishing purposes, the method turned out to be so useful that I soon modified the format to provide space for three. Cognate fishing was also was a learning process. Upon sensing that local consultants were becoming impatient with my constant questions about other possible ways of saying words, I soon learned to make the process more bearable for all involved by varying the pace of questioning.8 Elicitation frames were challenging to elicit in the field largely due to frequent clashes between a frame and a given lexeme’s perceived semantic state of affairs. Although I started off anticipating the need for six or so distinct frames, as Table 2.2 shows, in the end I was using more than twice this many. Finally, regarding illustrations, more turned out to be better than less. Although I began with only a handful of illustrations for the most problematic lexemes, the collection soon developed into dozens – partly by taking on-site photos of material culture artifacts in data point locations and incorporating these photos into the elicitation process in future locations. 2.4.3.

Natural text elicitation

As illustrated in Table 1.1, a total of 114 natural texts were elicited during the course of field data collection among the Phula varieties. The collection of these texts was intended to serve four primary purposes: 1. 2. 3. 4.

Language Documentation: Natural oral recordings archived for heritage and posterity. Reciprocity and Affirmation: Included on VCDs returned to community (see §2.2.5). Recorded Text Testing: Selected recordings developed into intelligibility tests. Preliminary and Future Analysis: Texts archived for grammatical reference.

To assist with dialect intelligibility research, 18 of the 114 texts were selected for development into RTT pilot tests in various locations (see §2.6.2 and Table 1.1). In most locations, after recording, the texts were orally translated clause-by-clause into a second sound file for purposes of RTT development, archival and future analysis.

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Regarding the actual elicitation process, local consultants were encouraged to relate experiential narratives in order to provide a natural record of the dialect in question. Narratives were encouraged from experiences that had left a vivid impression on the storyteller – such as a humorous event, dramatic episodes, lessons learned in childhood, etc. In addition to experiential narratives, however, jokes, folktales, oral ethnic history (such as immigration routes), and procedural texts, were also elicited in order to provide a meaningful range of oral discourse genres. Records were kept of audio recordings in a separate field notebook – including track numbers, content, dates, speaker information, location, etc – for later input and archival with the digital audio data. Due to time constraints and research focus, this corpus of texts awaits full development in future analyses.9 2.5. Assessing identity, demography and vitality By its very nature, sociolinguistic inquiry often involves a cross-disciplinary blending of linguistics with social, ethnographic and geographic considerations. In order to provide a more comprehensive definition of the Phula ethnolinguistic situation, this research project included components geared toward investigating and describing ethnic identity, ethnolinguistic vitality, language contact, general demographics, and geographic distribution. The related literature background and research methodology are described in this section. 2.5.1.

Ethnic identity research

As will become clear in §3.2, the multi-layered issues of ethnic nomenclature and ethnic classification that characterize the Phula language varieties make for one of the most complex identity scenarios in mainland Southeast Asia. In the process of researching the graded profusion of Phula identities, a number of previous studies on related theoretical topics and regional languages prove helpful for identifying ethnic features, researching ethnic titles and sorting through the implications of each. On a broad-based theoretical level, Tabouret-Keller (1997) outlines the psychological underpinnings of identity-through-language along with its accompanying manifestations in speech styles, standardization processes, and commonly shared language-external behaviors such as beliefs and symbols. She further explores issues of identity that involve intensive language contact situations and argues that the ‘existential locus’ of humanity is found in

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language – as realized by groups and individuals alike. Invoking many emic perspectives from major world language communities, Fishman (1997) deals more specifically with ethnicity as the “identificational dimension of culture” involving subjective group-internal perspectives on ‘belongingness’ with inherently strong links to language. Both perspectives provide rationale for linking language and identity, and both studies outline useful principles for understanding the nature and implications of Phula identity. Moving in closer to the Sinosphere, Bradley (1983, 1997c) explores ethnic identities among the minority languages of mainland Southeast Asia, along with insights on identity, nomenclature and classification issues among ethnolinguistic groups such as Lisu and Lahu. In these two works, he makes several observations useful for understanding and describing the Phula situation. First of all, a given language supergroup in the region will often feature a macro-identity with numerous sub-languages sharing not only the supergroup identity, but various embedded identities as well. Also of significance, several Phula varieties qualify for ‘transnational minority’ status (Bradley 1983: 477, 1997c: 107) which Bradley describes as an ethnolinguistic group living on both sides of a given nation-state border, often classified differently by the respective majority groups in each location but maintaining some degree of solidarity in spite of the separation. Among other insights relevant for the Phula varieties, Bradley also explores the consequences that long distance migrations have on ethnic identities. Proschan (1997) explores identity issues among the Khmu, another language group in the macro-region and makes a number of useful observations as well, including a distinction between folk and analytical ethnonym models and the importance of affirming the co-existence of multiple identity models within a single group system. Proschan notes that “… scholars and analysts ought to be able to conceive of ethnicity and ethnic identity as both subtle and supple, simultaneously primordial and situational, at once fixed and fluid” (1997: 106). This overtly paradoxical approach to ethnic identity has particular relevance for understanding identity issues within Phula. Gros (2004) discusses Rawang ethnicity from a somewhat different perspective, examining it in terms of official nationality status in China as ‘Dulong’ and its simultaneous relationships with a continuum of groups with different titles in China and Burma alike. The Dulong distinction in China provides some closes parallels to the Yi distinction in China and Vietnam. In both cases, the power of naming has led to the re-imagining of traditional categories in different nation states, as is discussed further in §1.2.1 above. Mullaney (2004a, 2004b) discusses further historical issues with implications for Phula identity by documenting the official ‘Minzu Shibie’ ethnic classification project in Yunnan which incorporated the Phula groups into

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the Yi Nationality. Mullaney’s helpful discussion retraces the decisionmaking process and historical influences underlying the decision to lump the Phula groups in with many other Ngwi languages. Further historical background discussed in §1.2, above, allows an even broader perspective on the Minzu Shibie project. The Phula category itself seems to constitute a historical precedent for ethnic agglomeration in the region. The impulse toward ethnic lumping by Chinese taxonomists should be understood not only as a recent phenomenon, but also as a traditional tendency. Keyes (2002) pans out still further in the region to compare the methodology and motivations behind ethnic classification in China, Thailand and Vietnam. He places regional ethnic categorization in a historical/ideological context, and draws numerous parallels between regional classification procedures that are helpful for understanding official identity perspectives on Phula in China and Vietnam. Official ethnic identities in both countries were often imposed on local minority groups from the top-down whenever local categories conflicted with official agendas. The official dân tộc ethnic groups of Vietnam, however, are slightly less under-specified than the official minzu ethnic groups of China. As a result, Phula, while still containing multiple ethnolinguistic groups, is granted official status in the country distinct from Lolo (discussed further in §1.2). On a more practical level for actual fieldwork and analysis, Matisoff (1986) presents a collection of useful neologisms for distinguishing between various levels and grades of ethnic identity, including autonyms (selfdesignations), ethnonyms (broad-based, official, or supergroup designations), exonyms (outsider designations), loconyms (regional or place-name designations), glossonyms (language name designations), allonyms (alternate designations), allograms (written forms of any of these designations), and other useful terms. These distinctions are all relevant for researching Phula onomastic identities. As discussion in §3.2 reveals, however, even more distinctions are needed, such as embedded identity distinctions and identity distinctions that are applied relative to the altitude of a speaker. Incorporating insights and distinctions such as these, fieldwork on ethnic identity was carried out using a three-fold approach: observations, interview questions, and elicitation frames. Observations included notes and photographs taken on distinctive material culture or customs in a given village setting that were held to be related to group identity in some way. Anecdotal information was often volunteered in the course of casual mealtime conversation along these lines as well. Interview questions provided a primary layer of research into various ethnic titles by asking for a given group’s understanding of what outsiders called them, their ideas on neighboring Phula groups, and a first elicitation of their ethnonym(s), autonym(s), glossonym,

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and loconym. In order to provide a recorded archive of the core identity utterances and in order to double check for accuracy, these questions were usually repeated and studied in greater detail, as part of the wordlist elicitation process along with additional questions about exonyms for other nonPhula groups. Other interview items related to ethnic identity included questions about village history, ancient migration routes, traditional leadership, distinctive ethnic holidays, ethnic music, ethnic embroidery, intermarriage, and perceptual, anecdotal information about neighboring villages and dialects. Many of these questions were also asked in order to gain insights into other issues – such as dialect distinctions and status of ethnolinguistic vitality. Interview schedules can be viewed in Appendix A. 2.5.2.

Demographic research

Albert F. Verdoodt (1997: 41) affirms that “sociolinguists are all in some sense language demographers.” As can be noted in Appendix A, village leader questionnaires administered at each data point included basic questions on local population counts for general reference and metadata purposes. The larger issue of estimating representative population figures for Phula varieties in general, however, is much more complicated. In his essay, Verdoodt (1997) goes on to point out the need for basic demographic data on all language groups – especially language groups not represented in official censuses. Although his assumptions are based primarily on European research situations, Verdoodt’s general concern still holds relevance for Phula groups if they are to be defined in a meaningful way beyond linguistic abstractions and general locations. Since the 1950’s, official population statistics are virtually non-existent for ethnic groups in China beyond the official 56 minzu categories – or for ethnic groups in Vietnam beyond the official 54 dân tộc categories, though scattered exceptions sometimes occur.10 Due to the sheer variety of ethnolinguistic groups within the official Yi nationality under which the Phula varieties are classified, teasing apart Phulaaffiliated populations from other Yi Nationality populations living alongside them turns out to be a challenging task – even at the county and township levels. Estimating representative speaker populations is even more difficult. Although precise population numbers are currently impossible to obtain for the Phula varieties, representative estimates can still be calculated through piecing together clues from Chinese ethnohistorical, geographic, and demographic sources and combining these clues with village-level interviews regarding outlying villages using village-marked maps. Chinese sources that provide clues in this regard prominently include such book

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series as the ᐎᘇ zhou zhi (prefectural gazeteers),৯ᘇ xian zhi (county gazeteers), ൠ਽ᘇ diming zhi (geographic place name gazeteers), and ≁᯿ ᘇ minzu zhi (ethnic nationality gazeteers) published by the ൠᯩᘇ Difang Zhi or ‘Local Gazetteer’ offices at various administrative levels. Other encyclopedic dictionaries and regional annuals provide useful clues for matching population statistics with ethnic groups as well. All of these sources can then be updated or back-checked against the county-level Yi Nationality populations published in the official 2000 census (RKPC 2002). Representative speaker populations are more tentative, but generalized estimates are still possible. Each village-level interview incorporated questions about any known linguistically moribund Phula villages in the surrounding area. For purposes of the questionnaire this was defined concretely as any village in which some or all of the parents have stopped communicating with their children in Phula on a day-to-day basis in favor of shifting to a second language (see Appendix A). If such villages were known, local consultants were asked to estimate a general generational age-range of remaining speakers in the moribund village(s). Population estimates, both ethnic and linguistic, in the remainder of the book will be made based on information gleaned from village-level interviews using village-marked maps combined with algorithms deduced from clues and statistics published in some combination of the following 45 sources, listed in alphabetical order: Edmondson and Lama (1999), Edmondson (2003), GJDZ (1984), GJMZ (1990), GNDZ (1986), HHNJ (1997), HHXZ (1991), HHYC (2002), HHZZ (1997), HKXZ (1994), JPDZ (1990), JPXZ (1994), JSDZ (1992), KYDZ (1984), KYSZ (1996), Lama (2003), Lu and Nong (1998), Michaud, Turner and Roche (2002), MGDZ (1988), MLMZ (2001), MLXZ (1987), MZDZ (1987), MZNJ (2005), MZXZ (1995), PBMZ (1990), PBXZ (1999), QBDZ (1987), RKPC (2002), SBYP (2004), SPDZ (1987), SPXZ (1990), Tang et al. (2004), WSDZ (1988), WSXZ (1999), XCDZ (1986), XCXZ (1996), XPDZ (1986), YJDZ (1983), YJXZ (1993), YSDZ (1991), YSXZ (2000), YXNJ (1997), YXZZ (1994), YYDZ (1993) and YYXZ (1990). 2.5.3.

Geolinguistic mapping research

This research project has worked from the assumption that visualizing complex patterns of Phula distribution, demographics, dialects, identity, and vitality is essential for an adequate understanding of their current status and for an adequate introduction of the varieties to the international linguistic and ethnographic communities. I finalized the maps presented in this work

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using Microsoft Word but first created them using Photoshop 6 layering technology to merge geographic data collected from personal fieldwork and Chinese sources with representations of physical terrain publicly available online through Google Earth. As Michaud, Turner and Roche (2002) argue in their review of ethnological mapping for minority groups in northern Vietnam, topographic details are often key for interpreting patterns of ethnic distribution. The maps in this book are two-dimensional representations, but distribution polygons are primarily based on three-dimensional models of geo-physical terrain and have been archived digitally along with visual representations of the terrain. Other considerations in plotting the size, shape, and locations of ethnic distribution polygons for the Phula varieties include geo-political boundaries (including national, provincial, prefectural, county and township levels), relative village size, status of ethnic mixing in a given village, and distance to neighboring non-Phula villages. In addition to polygon representations, village plots also provide unique perspectives for understanding complex Phula sociolinguistic issues such as group-internal dialect perceptions. Visual representations of language vitality presented in this book rely on both polygons and village plots to make their case, and much of my dialectology research has relied on insights from geolinguistic mapping as well. As mentioned in §2.4.1.3, printouts of village-marked maps turned out to be more useful for fieldwork data collection than I had originally imagined. Based on principles described in works such as Preston (1999a) and Goeman (1999), village-marked maps are useful for eliciting folk-knowledge on identity and intelligibility between speakers in a given host village and speakers in nearby villages. Since notes can be taken directly on a locallevel map using supplementary arrows and circles to link villages and illustrate perceived clusters, such maps also provide an efficient solution for notating speaker perceptions of complex relationships in the field. In most cases, during my fieldwork I sketched notes on village-marked map printouts and questionnaire forms alike when eliciting VGQ and VLQ. Gaining insights into neighboring villages also effectively reduced the number of datapoints required for an overall understanding of Phula-internal linguistic diversity. 2.5.4.

Endangerment, vitality, and language contact research

Southeast Asia is a region “ … where hundreds of languages and dialects teem in symbiotic profusion” (Matisoff 1983: 57). Unfortunately, language contact often leads to language shift and language endangerment. Since the

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early 1990’s, increasing attention has been brought to focus on the plight of the world’s endangered languages. Numerous monographs and collections dedicated to the topic (e.g., Hale, et al. 1992, Dixon 1997, Grenoble and Whaley 1998, Bradley and Bradley 2002b) have surveyed the situation on theoretical, global, national, and local levels. Some have characterized the issue in terms of threat and reversal (e.g., Fishman 1991c, 2000); others have characterized it in terms of survival and death (e.g., Craig 1997); others in terms of competition and selection (e.g., Mufwane 2004); still others as a natural and unremarkable phenomenon (e.g., Ladefoged 1992). Most, at least, agree on the following issues: 1. 2. 3. 4.

The world’s languages are disappearing more rapidly now than ever. Language contact is a major factor in language loss. Linguistic diversity is preferable to linguistic homogeneity. Linguists have a responsibility to promote and document endangered languages and to encourage speakers of such languages toward language maintenance.

In addition to the relevant linguistic documentation issues addressed in sections above, this research project also sought to discover general information on Phula endangerment and external contact in order to provide an initial overview of the current levels of vitality among these underresearched and unreported varieties. Fishman (1991b) provides a good starting place for thinking about stages of ethnolinguistic decline, which he describes as “a graded typology of threatened statuses” (see further discussion and application in §4.1), but since Fishman presupposes the existence of a written language which is taught in local schools – a luxury unknown to any Phula community – many of his categories turn out to be less relevant for the Phula varieties. Ideas gleaned from Fishman (1991c) turned out to be more helpful for researching Phula ethnolinguistic endangerment in the field, especially when combined with perspectives from Hatfield and Lewis (1996), who suggest more specific areas of practical inquiry within Fishman’s (1991b) categories of dislocation. Fishman identifies numerous factors related to dislocation (social, cultural and demographic) that may influence language shift and reminds fieldworkers to consider history, attitudes, domains and generational distinctions, when seeking to understand ethnolinguistic endangerment. Hatfield and Lewis condense Fishman’s insights into practical research questions which were useful for developing the questionnaires discussed in §2.4.1. Landweer’s (2000) indicators of ethnolinguistic vitality incorporate such dynamics as urban proximity, regional prestige, domains of language use, economic viability and social networks, each of which were

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also useful for constructing related research questions and interpreting responses. Craig (1997) further summarizes theory, fieldwork methods, and fieldwork ethics for researching endangered languages. She tends to represent research on endangered languages in terms of ‘salvage linguistics’ and her suggestions on data collection were not useful for Phula fieldwork, but her overview of the ethical infrastructure undergirding such research helped reinforce my own inquiry into the state of Phula ethnolinguistic vitality. Moving in closer to regional-specific issues of contact and endangerment, Matisoff’s (1983) treatment of language contact in the Sinosphere frames contact issues in terms of linguistic diffusion rather than language shift. The axiom that contact leads to endangerment should also be tempered by its more positive counterpart: contact leads to the sharing of linguistic features. The panorama Matisoff sketches of inter-genetic language contact in the Sinosphere constitutes a needed reminder that language contact does not always lead to shift or endangerment. Matisoff (1991) makes the distinction more overt and argues that predicting language death under the pressure of diglossia is not straightforward. He uses Bai as an example, a language cluster in northwestern Yunnan that has replaced as much as 75% of its vocabulary, in some varieties, with Chinese loans over a period of hundreds of years, and yet the language still seems to thrive. This perspective is a useful counterbalance for field workers doing research in an atmosphere that encourages pessimistic assumptions about the imminent death of minority languages worldwide. Further helpful perspectives on endangered languages in the Sinosphere are provided by Bradley (2005a) and Poa and LaPolla (2007). These two works detail the specific policies, assumptions, socioeconomic factors, classifications and historical background related to endangered language documentation in China that form the context for Phula language identification. Both sources assert that language identification is a necessary first step for endangered language documentation in the region. In the words of Poa and LaPolla (2007): “Much work needs to be done recording languages, but the first step would be to recognize the many language varieties that now are not recognized as languages worth recording and possibly maintaining.” Bradley (2005b) provides a recent example of endangered language identification through linguistic survey that serves as a predecessor to my similar research on the Phula languages in this work. His identification of Sanie and a number of other languages in the counties surrounding Kunming not only draws attention to endangered languages in the region but also enabled the beginning of a language maintenance project, as described in Bradley and Bradley (2002a).

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As can be noted in the questionnaire content in Appendix A, concrete indicators of ethnolinguistic vitality and language contact researched during the fieldwork phase of this project included reports and observations related to the following practical issues: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13.

Estimated degrees of bilingualism and multilingualism. Relative proportions of other ethnic populations nearby. Estimated proportions of ethnic groups attending nearby market days. Reports that non-Phula speakers living nearby had learned to speak a local Phula variety. Language spoken daily between parents and children in a given village. Whether or not children were able to function in Chinese by grade one. Language of oral instruction for the first few grades of elementary school. Possible attitudes toward where spoken Phula is considered to sound the best. Status of ethnic music, folklore, holidays, and material culture. Language(s) used in village announcements. Language(s) used in village meetings. Language(s) spoken between spouses and children in ethnically mixed marriages. Demographics regarding the numbers, locations, domains and degrees of linguistically obsolescent villages nearby.

Of these topics, language use between children and parents and language use as it relates to primary school education turned out to be the most useful for identifying and defining linguistic vitality and degrees of language endangerment among the Phula varieties. Following up on ideas put forward in Fishman (1991b) I arrange these themes into an index of language endangerment in §4.1. Chapter four reports on the status of Phula ethnolinguistic vitality from observations and interviews carried out in each local datapoint. In addition to the relevance language contact holds for interpreting ethnolinguistic endangerment, it is also important for undertaking an adequate diachronic analysis, as scholars such as Thomason and Kaufman (1988), Ross (1996), Matisoff (1983), and LaPolla (2002) have clearly illustrated. Interpreting Phula data through the lens of historical contact is essential for identifying loans, recognizing areal features, distinguishing between diffusion and innovation, interpreting aberrant phonological variation, and tracing other such changes. Furthermore, considerations of Phula-internal contact often turn out to be just as important for interpreting the data as considerations of Phula-external contact.

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2.6. Assessing dialect intelligibility and internal contact An underlying assumption supported by folk-knowledge and the linguistic literature alike (e.g., Sapir [1916] 1994: 65–66; Crystal 1997: 114; Campbell 2000: 157–158; ISOL 2007; Dixon 1997: 7; Bradley 1983: 49; Gerner 2002: 11, van Driem 2001: 443; Matisoff 1983: 57) holds that dialect intelligibility is a key component of synchronic language definition. Intelligibility is concerned with the scope, gradience, direction, and/or possibility of a given language variety’s inter-comprehension with other surrounding language varieties (see Labov 2010: 19-86). A given language is at least partially defined by the natural ease of intelligibility experienced by language insiders who hear it spoken, on one hand, and by the simultaneous difficulty or lack of intelligibility experienced by language outsiders who hear it spoken, on the other hand. The popular, but sparse, counterexamples used in critique of this position (e.g., Chambers and Trudgill 1998: 4, Milroy and Milroy 1997: 63)11 are relatively rare exceptions to a trenchant rule. The close connection between language and intelligibility is based on the premise that language is fundamentally associated with oral/aural communication and that successful oral communication depends on successful aural comprehension. Due to phenomena such as dialect chains, complex ethnic identity issues, national political situations, socio-economic statuses, and other issues, language definitions cannot rely on intelligibility criteria alone; but this does not preclude intelligibility as a key factor in synchronic language definition – especially for clusters of undefined ethnic minority languages like the Phula varieties. Dialect intelligibility research has its own pitfalls, many of which will be discussed in this section, but attempting to provide synchronic definitions of the newly emerging Phula languages and dialects without examining their inter-intelligibility would be odd – rather like recommending new candidates for parliament or congress without ever specifying their ideological commitments. Three main methods were implemented in the course of this research to gain introductory insights into the synchronic inter-intelligibility of Phula speech varieties: qualitative assessment methods via local-level interviews, quantitative predictions of low intelligibility via core lexical comparison, and empirical diagnostics via recorded text testing. Intelligibility definitions face three primary difficulties: uni-directional intelligibility (vs. ‘mutual’ intelligibility), partial intelligibility, and skewing via contact (including clade-internal contact). To address these challenges, each of the three intelligibility assessment methods presented below also involves partial means for detecting directionality and/or contact-based intelligibility. I will, furthermore, be cautious of framing the issue in binary terms. In the words of

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Matisoff, “The oft-invoked criterion of ‘mutual intelligibility’ is itself a matter of degree. Much depends on the willingness of speakers to make accommodations” (1991: 193). Dialect intelligibility is a gradient reality. 2.6.1.

Perceptual dialectology

The inter-intelligibility of two related dialects by two given speakers from each of the respective lects might involve any combination of related complications both linguistic and extra-linguistic. Extra-linguistic variables such as contact, attitude and social assumptions might be equally crucial for comprehension as linguistic variables such as correspondences (or noncorrespondences) in phonology, morphology, lexicon and syntax. As a result, positive intelligibility cannot be reduced to purely quantitative measures. Qualitative research methods are at home in such ambiguous territory – proving helpful for gaining insights into intelligibility issues among Phula varieties and forming basic hypotheses about dialect relationships. Both the VLQ and VGQ questionnaires include questions designed for providing insights into intelligibility indices and perceptions. Eliciting speaker perceptions and intelligibility anecdotes falls into a broader tradition of folk linguistics or ‘perceptual dialectology’ as described in Preston (1989, 1999b). Ideas for researching perceptions and anecdotes in the field are gleaned from Casad (1987: 122–124), Blair (1990), Radloff (1993) and Lehonkoski (2003), and concrete questions (see Appendix A) related to the topic are arranged around the following themes: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Speakers’ perceptions regarding the geographic spread, dialect distinctions, and intelligible gradience of their own language (often more gradient than the three categories listed in Appendix A for this question). Speakers’ opinions and anecdotal experiences regarding the intelligibility of Variety X and/or their the dialect spoken in Location Y. Whether or not locals claim to be able to communicate with speakers of Variety X and/or in Location Y using their own dialects(s) vs. needing to switch to the local Chinese lingua franca in order to be understood. Whether or not brides who married in from and/or out to Variety X and/or Location Y required a substantial period of learning time to be able to function in the host dialect, and if so, how long. Whether or not a very young, yet speaking-aged, child would be able to understand a visitor from Variety X and/or Location Y.

The final topic seeks to address issues of contact-based vs. inherent intelligibility by selecting a demographic unlikely to have had contact with

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speakers of the other dialect(s) in question. The other topics provide insights into this issue as well, and topics 2 through 4 often grant insights into directional intelligibility. Village-marked maps were also used for this research component in order to ask about intelligibility issues between specific villages or regions located nearby and in order to elicit perceived dialect boundaries in terms of geographic village clusters. Similar methods are reviewed in Preston (1999a), Rensink (1999), Goeman (1999) and Sibata (1999). The results of this inquiry are presented and analyzed in Chapter 3. 2.6.2.

Recorded text testing and the high-intelligibility threshold

Voegelin and Harris (1951) first proposed the use of empirical methods for testing the intelligibility of related dialects by capturing an audio recording of a natural oral text in a given dialect, obtaining a translation of the text into a shared language, asking speakers from different dialects to provide their own translation of the text into the shared language, and then comparing and quantifying the results. The first studies to apply the proposed method were carried out by Hickerson, Turner and Hickerson (1952) and Pierce (1952). Since then, dialect intelligibility testing methods have been developed and refined through applications around the globe. Casad (1987) provides an applied guide to intelligibility testing procedures that have evolved since the 1950’s. Some of the key practical changes to the method during the interim were the use of content questions instead of translations as a diagnostic of intelligibility and the fixing of an 80% score as the threshold marking relatively high-intelligibility between varieties. The theory and practice of intelligibility testing went on to be further refined in such works as Simons (1979), B. Grimes (1988, 1994) and Blair (1990: 73–85), and the method came to be called the ‘recorded text test’ (RTT). Some of the substantial contributions these later studies made include the discovery of a correlation between contact-induced intelligibility and high standard deviations in test scores and the recommendation that a given test subject’s reactions to (and perceptions about) a recording should be elicited along with each testing instance to help interpret test scores. Practically speaking, the RTT research method involves eliciting, recording, and translating a brief, but detailed (and preferably vivid) experiential narrative for development into a content-based audio test with at least ten varied questions tailored to the story content. Once the test has been recorded, translated, and pilot-tested for clarity and accuracy with a variety of speakers in the village of origin, it can then be used as a diagnostic of

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general intelligibility in other research data points. Ideally, the process of testing a given RTT involves the selection of ten speakers native to the test village who listen, one at a time, to the audio text from start to finish. Then, during a second playback, the recording is paused at prepared intervals for the test subject to answer a corresponding content question (either through a local interpreter or in Chinese). Results and notes are recorded by an assistant researcher seated nearby in a non-threatening way with the understanding that the recording is being tested rather than the person’s aptitude. Afterwards, a perceptual interview is conducted with the test subject, including such questions as how much the subject thought s/he understood of the text and where s/he thought the speaker in the recording was from, in order to identify language attitudes and dissonance between perceived intelligibility and apparent intelligibility. After ten subjects have been tested, scores can be combined into two rough calculations: a mean score, and a standard deviation. If the standard deviation is higher than 15%, this is taken to indicate the presence of learned intelligibility due to contact (vs. inherent intelligibility) among those with markedly higher scores – a variable often corresponding with certain socio-demographic factors such as age, gender, and mobility. After adjusting the mean score to account for any such anomalies, the minimum RTT threshold for intelligibility is usually placed at 85%. As O’Leary (1994) cautions, however, “RTT means are not direct measures of intelligibility.” In the end, a realistic evaluation of RTT results simply interprets the data as supporting evidence (alongside speaker perceptions, anecdotal information and other evidence) of three basic qualitative possibilities: that dialect A shares either 1) high levels of intelligibility, 2) low levels of intelligibility, or 3) marginal levels intelligibility with dialect B – thus resisting the temptation to quantify the unquantifiable. In less than ideal situations, a rapid-appraisal style administration of a given RTT text can be carried out with a group of people as an alternative, as long as the group is native to the village in question, fairly mixed demographically, and as long as most in the group feel free to respond to the test questions. Due to a condensed fieldwork schedule seeking to address diachronic and synchronic questions alike, and covering a broad expanse of geographic, ethnic, and administrative terrain, RTT testing was only incorporated into Phula fieldwork as a secondary, limited research component. Insights gleaned from preliminary RTT tests were useful, however, and included both full testing and group testing scenarios in numerous locations, as will be discussed further in § 3.4. RTT pilot tests alone were developed in 18 total locations for follow-up research to address more detailed issues of Phula intelligibility.

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Allen (2004) provides an example of rigorous RTT testing in a Sinosphere context. His research on Bai dialects in northwestern Yunnan carried out intelligibility testing between six datapoints, and he used the results to identify three distinct varieties of Bai. 2.6.3.

Core lexical comparison and the low-intelligibility threshold

Core lexical comparison provides a quantitative method for predicting the presence of low intelligibility between varieties. Studies carried out by Simons (1979) and J. Grimes (1992) have noted a cross-linguistic correlation such that varieties demonstrating 60% or fewer apparent cognates in a basic wordlist of core (stable, quasi-universal, non-cultural), Swadesh-based vocabulary also consistently yield low RTT scores. A number of other studies (such as Biggs (1957), Casad (1987: 78–81), Allen (2004), and my own research, presented in Chapter 2) replicate these findings and, together, provide reasonable grounds for predicting that lexical similarity of 60% or lower will correspond with low inherent intelligibility. In order for the correlation to be valid, however, the original testing conditions must be replicated. Since most comparisons of lexical similarity over the past 55 years have been Swadesh-based, the relevant elements of the Swadesh approach must be adapted. In doing so, however, one’s research method must be carefully disambiguated from ‘lexicostatistics’. The mere mention of lexicostatistics is likely to raise hackles in most linguistic circles. The dubious method has been attacked as much as it has been applied, but some hopeful practitioners continue to apply it. Swadesh’s (1952) attempt to assert a link between the statistical tabulation of phonolexical similarities between short wordlists and the establishment of historical relationships and even time-depth estimates (“glottochronology”) fell under early criticism from such scholars as Hoijer (1956) and Rea (1958), and its use as a diachronic diagnostic continues to be pointedly discouraged through to the present (e.g., Matisoff 1990; Comrie 1990; B. Grimes 1994; van Driem 2001: 154–155, etc); nevertheless, recent work such as Peiros (1997), Deng and Wang (2003), and Slaska (2005) demonstrates that the classical lexicostatistic approach is still being applied in hopes of clarifying not only phylogenetic relationships but also dates of divergence for related languages.12 In light of this situation, I should underscore that I do not intend to use traditional lexical comparison for the reconstruction of historical relationships.13 In the words of Bailey (1996b: 283): “If anything is clear, it is that a counting of the heads, a statistical majority vote is no way to engage in

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linguistic reconstruction.” The general impropriety of mixing lexicostatistics and historical linguistics stems from the following three issues: 1. 2. 3.

The problematic, unpredictable influence of diachronic language contact on the lexicon. The fallacy of using shared retentions as evidence for subgrouping. 14 The simplistic, cursory nature of doing rough cognate counts.

Although such studies as Baxter and Manaster-Ramer (2000), Kessler (2001), and McMahon (2005) propose new ways to get at historical relationships through the quantitative analysis of wordlists (see Croft 2008 for a review of many more similar studies), such authors recommend these more sophisticated methods mainly for cases in which possible directions using time-honored methods of historical reconstruction for subgrouping have been exhausted and/or when fresh data are no longer available.15 Thus, while the use of core lexical comparison to identify a lowintelligibility threshold is a constrained adaptation of lexicostatistics, the adaptation has a widely different agenda from the original intention of the approach. The application neither seeks to use the similarity results for establishing genetic relationships between varieties nor does it attempt to make positive claims about intelligibility. In order to set valid testing parameters analogous to traditional studies, a basic wordlist of 200 core lexical items was compiled for comparisons between the Phula varieties researched. Although most researchers have traditionally used some adaptation of the Swadesh 100-item or 210-item lists for such studies, others have compared longer lists ranging from 250-items to 500-items. Due to general language change dynamics in ‘core’ vocabulary vs. ‘cultural’ vocabulary, lexical similarity counts tend to have an inverse correlation with the increasing size of a given wordlist (see related discussion in Casad 1987: 79; Huffman 1976 and Mann 2004). In order to follow standard procedures of lexical comparison as usually practiced and, at the same time, attempt to make the procedure culturally and areally relevant, the Phula 200-item list compiled for core lexical comparison shares 81 items with the Swadesh 100 list, 124 items with the Swadesh 210 list, 116 items with the 200-item Matisoff CALMSEA list (Matisoff 1978), and 193 items with the SIL Mainland Southeast Asia 482-item wordlist (Mann 2004). With these guidelines in place, the core lexical comparison approach proved to provide a useful introductory layer of analysis for defining the underresearched Phula varieties. Further discussion of issues related to lexical comparison methodology are presented in §3.3.

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Combined with historical comparison (discussed in the next section), core lexical comparison results sometimes also prove useful for identifying the presence of Phula-internal contact. If variety A is demonstrated to belong to genetic clade X, but shares a relatively high percentage of apparent cognates with variety B even though B belongs to the more distantly related genetic clade Y this might be taken as evidence of internal contact between the two which has had a substantial impact of the lexicon – especially if other members of Y share substantially lower percentages of apparent cognates with variety A. Numerous examples of this scenario emerge from among the Phula varieties, and these examples are generally borne out by language external evidence as well, such as historical migration patterns or reports of market day interaction, as is discussed in Chapters 3 and 4. 2.7. Assessing language variation and change Though ‘synchronic’ language definitions are helpful for cataloguing the presence of linguistic diversity and encouraging language maintenance, static linguistic models disintegrate when called upon to account for variation, change, and actual historical relationships. In order to understand the significance and origins of Phula linguistic diversity, historical relationships must be defined; and only dynamic, gradient, diachronic models of analysis are fit for the task. Establishing historical relationships requires not only applications of the comparative method and internal reconstruction, but a simultaneous identification of such processes as semantic shift, analogy, grammaticalization, and lexicalization. Even basic phonological description is best carried out with diachronic and gradient realities in mind.16 2.7.1.

Phonological description in light of language variation

A phonological description of a modern language functions as an idealized snapshot of the sound system in question. Be this as it may, any given phonology will be better understood in light of gradient variations featured in closely related dialects, along with an awareness of the historical sound changes that lead up to the current ‘snapshot’. Thus, the phonological descriptions presented in this book seek to incorporate and reference perspectives of multi-lectal variation and diachronic change. Aside from integrating this additional background, the phonological research behind this work proceeded along well-trod pathways: first, the audio recordings originally made while engaged in close phonetic transcription of articulatory

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phonetics in the field were analyzed and checked against my original transcriptions as necessary via auditory and acoustic analysis – primarily using functions in Speech Analyzer such as spectrogram, fundamental frequency and wave analyses. Syllable-based phone comparison was then used for phoneme definitions in contrastive environments. Phonology sketches and an overview of general Ngwi and Phula phonological process are presented in Chapter 5. Due to space and scope constraints, the book necessarily limits formal phonology definitions to a collection of five representative sketches – one for each major genetic clade of related languages. In each phonology sketch, however, substantial variation in sister lects is noted as well. 2.7.2.

Grammaticalization, lexicalization and variational semantics

Three areas of inquiry that are relevant for an adequate understanding of variation and change among the Phula varieties are semantic shift, lexicalization and grammaticalization. These three processes are frequently encountered and are often interrelated. An awareness of all three is crucial for responsible historical comparison and subgrouping. ‘Semantic shift’ refers to the process in which the meaning of a given lexical item changes to an analogous or related meaning even though the lexeme’s basic form remains intact or, more accurately, continues to change within the system according to the regular rules. The importance of identifying semantic shift for adequate historical comparison was first outlined in Matisoff (1978) and was further explored in Wilkins (1996) – both studies focusing on semantic shifts in body part lexemes. Hock (1991: 280–308) also discusses semantic change and, like Matisoff, broadens the discussion to include shifts in semantic field (such as mealtime words). In Wilkins (1996), semantic shifts are depicted as gradual processes involving an intermediate stage of polysemy in which the two meanings involved co-exist. Slowly, the new, preferred meaning may come to replace the older meaning. This leads not only to complex semantic content within a single lexeme but also to substantial semantic variation between cognate lexical items – both of which must be considered when engaging in historical reconstruction. In some cases, if the change involved is relatively unusual, or particularly systematic, semantic shift may also be useful as isoglossic evidence for subgrouping and/or dialect definition. Lexicalization and grammaticalization are two interrelated processes which have gained increasing attention in linguistics over the past few decades. Studies in both directions are numerous but recent work seeking to synthesize the two (e.g., LaPolla 2003b; Brinton and Traugott 2005;

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Lightfoot 2005) has provided clear evidence that both represent the same process of generalization or, alternatively, two sides of the same spectrum. Lexicalization is the unidirectional process17 of conventionalized or idiomatized word formation which provides fresh concrete referential or predicative content to a given language’s available inventory, usually via metaphorical processes affecting compounds. As a rule, morpheme boundaries slowly coalesce18 during the process of lexicalization. Grammaticalization is also unidirectional, also frequently involves the coalescence of morpheme boundaries, and also involves conventionalization and frequently evolves via processes of metaphor. Grammaticalization diverges from lexicalization however, in that it bleaches items of semantic content for use in grammatical and pragmatic capacities. Furthermore, grammaticalization processes are almost always more productive (i.e., more analogically systematic) than lexicalization processes. Another distinction between the two is that lexicalization processes usually remain language-specific,19 while grammaticalization processes are more likely to be replicated crosslinguistically (Brinton and Traugott 2005). LaPolla (1994, 2003b) identifies numerous specific instances of this last point at work in vastly distinct TibetoBurman languages and identifies the process with Sapir’s concept of ‘drift’, whereby distantly related languages come to develop parallel grammaticalizations independently through time. Such parallel changes cannot be used as evidence of close genetic relationships. Bradley (1995), however, provides an illustration of a way in which grammaticalization may occur as an independent innovation that is diagnostic of close genetic relationship. All Burmic languages feature a non-TB lexical innovation of an eight-member set of statives encoding positive dimensional extent. One of the distinctive Ngwi-branch innovations is a further grammaticalization of the Burmic eight-member extentive paradigm into interrogative, adverbial and nominal forms reflecting *Tone 3. Different sub-branches of Ngwi have grammaticalized the extentive stative paradigm to differing degrees, but the Burmish languages and Burmic languages such as Mru and Gong show no evidence of such grammaticalization. All of these insights are relevant to reconstruction and subgrouping among the Phula languages, as will be discussed further in §2.8 below. In addition to LaPolla’s (1994, 2003b) studies mentioned above, Post (2006) and Gerner (2002) provide two further recent examples in which applications of lexicalization and grammaticalization, respectively, not only benefit from but contribute to the diachronic analysis of Tibeto-Burman languages. Post’s discussion of word formation in Tani is especially relevant for the current study since the Phula languages are all undergoing massive lexical change via similar word-formation processes as the morphosyntactic

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structure of these languages slowly shifts from highly isolative morphology to a more fusional and (mildly) agglutinative morphology. 2.7.3.

The comparative method

The comparative method emerged in tandem with the Neogrammarian hypothesis that sound change patterns between related languages will be highly regular through time – an assertion that proved to be one of the most productive and predictive theories in the history of linguistics. The classic comparative method involves the identification of regular sound correspondences between cognate morphemes from related languages in order to reconstruct the phonology and lexicon of a historical proto-language. Corequisite with this task, shared innovations are identified to establish internal relationships (and, paradoxically, to validate or disprove cognacy). Although the Neogrammarians focused most of their attention on regularity in sound change, recent studies such as Thomason and Kaufman (1988) and Durie and Ross (1996) have drawn attention to irregular changes in an attempt to identify and salvage what the classical comparative method has too often discarded as insignificant. Campbell (1996) identifies a number of important cases that might lead to irregularity in sound change: sound symbolism, onomatopoeia, homophony avoidance, morphological conditioning, areal borrowing, and language death. Others include grammaticalization and lexicalization (as discussed in §2.7.2), diachronic tone sandhi (as discussed in §6.1.1) and further effects of diglossia such as shifts in syntactic word order and calquing or ‘loan translations’ (see discussion in LaPolla 2005). In some situations, aberrations and/or non-genetic overlap conditioned by changes like these can lead to such ‘pandemic irregularity’ (Blust 1996) or such ambiguous correspondences that the comparative method ceases to be useful. More often, though, irregularity is still the exception to the rule. When identified, hypotheses regarding the internal and/or external causes of irregularity are important to note and understand so that the history of a given language can be reconstructed with more confidence. Both regular and irregular correspondences prove to be important for tracing variation, change, and relationships among the Phula languages. The two primary types of historical reconstruction that make use of the comparative method are internal reconstruction and comparative reconstruction. Both of these methods identify regular synchronic variation and trace it back to a stage at which the variation was non-phonemic. The two methods typically differ in that internal reconstruction works within a single language while comparative reconstruction works within a cluster of related

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languages. Although both methods will be used in the course of this work, I will rely on internal reconstruction with Proto-Ngwi (Bradley 1979) for the majority of my genetic claims among various Phula varieties. This work will not seek to provide a full phonological and lexical reconstruction of Proto-Phula; instead, I will primarily use internal reconstruction with ProtoNgwi to identify distinctive innovations between varieties according to principles discussed in §2.8. For reconstructing historical relationships among the Phula varieties, a modified approach to internal reconstruction is enabled by established proto-reconstructions that already exist at a number of ancestor-language levels: Sino-Tibetan (Benedict 1972), Tibeto-Burman (Matisoff 2003), Burmic (Burling 1968; Matisoff 1972a; Bradley 1979a), and Ngwi (Bradley 1979a). These reconstructions can be used as guides in Phula reconstruction, and this is especially important in light of the fact that none of the Phula languages have left behind written records from their linguistic past which can be cross-referenced for accuracy. Bradley (2002: 73) characterizes this lower-level internal-reconstruction approach as the ‘micro-approach’ and argues that current historical reconstruction within Tibeto-Burman is most needed at lower genetic levels such as these. Principles, priorities and procedures for identifying sound change motivation, directionality, and other considerations will follow general methodology as outlined in such standard sources as Hock (1991) and Trask (1996). 2.8. Assessing phylogenetic relationships In order to establish phylogenetic relationships for internally unclassified varieties like the Phula languages, clear evidence must be produced via historical dialectology and the comparative method to demonstrate robust collections of unique linguistic changes, or ‘shared innovations’, featured exclusively20 by the varieties in question. Predictable changes and/or arbitrary changes that can be demonstrated to be parallel innovations or borrowed from another language are poor evidence for subgrouping. Some historical linguists such as Bailey (1974) have framed the criteria for subgrouping in terms of natural vs. non-natural changes. Matisoff (1983) discusses the distinction in terms of ‘heredity’ vs. ‘environment’. Hamp (1998) discusses ‘significant’ vs. ‘tautologous’ correspondences. Lehmann (2005) speaks of ‘arbitrary’ vs. ‘motivated’ features, and Nichols (1996) refers to the narrow diagnostic as ‘individual (vs. type)-identifying evidence’. In general, historical comparativists hold that any unusual, shared isoglossic feature, whether phonological, morphological, lexical, grammatical

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or semantic in nature, might be used as evidence of unique genetic relationship provided that the innovation in question is not attested in closely related languages – thereby ruling out parallel drift or normal internal change – and does not occur in adjacent, unrelated languages – thereby ruling out diffusion or borrowing (see, Matisoff 1978; Hock 1991: 578; Trask 1996: 182; Dixon 1997; Hamp 1998, etc.). Nichols (1996) discussion of ‘individualidentifying’ evidence further argues that subgrouping is accomplished with high levels of certainty only when such innovations are paradigmatic in nature or grouped into paradigm-like sets. I use Nichols’ term ‘individualidentifying’ in this work to refer to shared innovations that form a set useful for subgrouping. LaPolla (2000) reinforces the validity of this assumption for subgrouping in Tibeto-Burman, arguing that, in the absence of grammatical paradigms, idiosyncratic phonological changes and other unique innovations should be considered as sets in order to provide higher confidence for subgrouping in the family. LaPolla also argues in his paper that individual-identifying sets of evidence are especially needed in Tibeto-Burman subgrouping due to a dynamic history of unpredictable migration patterns that often lead to apparent mismatches between genetic relationship and geographic location. Dixon (1997: 41) agrees with Nichols (1996) that morphological systems and paradigm-like sets are the best measures of genetic affiliation. Interestingly, both works also imply in that languages featuring more-or-less isolating morphology cannot be classified historically with as much confidence as their inflectional counterparts. Unfortunately for the isolative Ngwi languages, and many like them in the Sinosphere, which are poor in inflectional morphology, morphological systems and classical grammatical paradigms are few and far between. As Kessler (2001: 102) reminds historical comparativists, however, “even the great proponents of morphological data such as Meillet insisted that what one compares across languages is the exponent of the grammatical category, that is, a morpheme.” Kessler (2001: 99), speaks from the perspective of a linguist who also happens to be a trained statistician and takes issue with Nichols (1996) statistical proofs of the superiority of grammatical paradigms for subgrouping in Indo-European. Kessler agrees that a given paradigm set might be taken as a better ‘rule of thumb’ for subgrouping, but disagrees that this quality of evidence can be quantified in terms of statistical probability. Nichols herself (1996: 64) suggests that cognate tone systems may be used as individual-identifying evidence for isolating languages, however. A cognate21 tone system functions as a natural complex set of suprasegmental categories and thus has an inherent paradigmatic quality. In fact, cognate tone systems have long been given priority in the phylogenetic diagnosis of

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Burmic language relationships (as is discussed in Matisoff 1972; Bradley 1978, 1979; see also §6.1.1). Tone systems are not the only possibilities in this category, however. Although classic paradigmatic evidence such as noun declensions and verb conjugations cannot be found in Ngwi languages, other supporting evidence is still available. Bradley (1995, 2001, 2003) and Thurgood (1982) provide some tone-system external examples of complex idiosyncratic innovations that contribute to individual-identifying evidence of genetic relationships among Ngwi languages in particular, and idiosyncratic lexical, semantic and segmental innovations provide supporting evidence as well – especially when grouped into paradigm-like sets as argued for in Nichols (1996) and LaPolla (2000). 2.8.1.

Clustering, subgrouping and phylogenetic situation

With these distinctions in mind, I will consider tone system phenomena alongside other exclusive linguistic innovations – whether phonological, lexical, morphological or semantic – provided that a) the change in question is relatively unusual and b) language contact and internal drift can be reasonably ruled out as the cause of the innovation. These innovations will be grouped into paradigmatic sets for the definition of diachronic linguistic relationships. Since very little work has been done to investigate the detailed internal and external genetic affiliations of the Phula languages, subgrouping must proceed in four interrelated phases to establish ‘micro-clades’, ‘mesoclades’, ‘macro-clades’ and overall ‘phylogenetic situation’. The heart of Chapter 6 is focused on the definition of two Phula macro-clades and four meso-clades that are, in turn, composed of numerous micro-clades. Chapter 7 concerns itself with the phylogenetic situation of these two macro-clades in terms of their relationship to each other and in terms of even higher levels of genetic relationship. Each of these phases will proceed with an eye toward the effects of language contact, both historical and contemporary. Each phase will also seek to discover individual-identifying evidence to support embedded relationships at each level. As Hamp (1998: 311) affirms, subgrouping is primarily a qualitative enterprise; all too often, however, clustering and subgrouping rely on folk classifications or surface typological observations with little diachronic backing. Deciding which features are useful for subgrouping was discussed above, but deciding how exactly to characterize or illustrate distinctive shared innovations is another matter.

Assessing phylogenetic relationships

2.8.2.

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Baileyan dialectology and the dynamic wave model

The so-called ‘wave model’ has traditionally been used for conceptualizing overlapping isoglossic innovations between related dialects or languages – sometimes in order to draw attention to clade- or branch-internal contact in spite of substantial divergences elsewhere. Usually, quasi-spatial distributions of language or dialect names are plotted on a page for isoglossic lines to be drawn around them that correspond with a given innovation. However, the resulting tangle of lines is often so difficult to comprehend that the diagrams themselves come to seem self-defeating (see illustrations in Hock 1991: 446, 455; Anttila 1989: 305; Labov 2007; Bailey 1996a: 138; and in §6.3.3). The primary problems presented by such depictions are threefold: 1. 2. 3.

How are we to meaningfully interpret traditional wave-model isoglossic diagrams? What should be made of the fact that certain dialects or languages otherwise strongly affiliated with a clade or sub-branch fail to incorporate one or more of the defining linguistic innovations of a given sub-branch? When a given variety qualifies only partially for a given linguistic innovation, how should its status be depicted relative to the rest of the subgroup?

As historical-comparative dialectologist Charles-James N. Bailey (1996a: 140) notes, “… linguists who advocate the isoglossic approach have not provided us with the means for making principled (motivated, non-arbitrary) decisions in such matters.” Bailey has devoted much work to answering these questions and his response can be summed up in the term ‘implicational hierarchies’. As presented in such works as Bailey (1973, 1982b, 1996a, 1996b) and Mühlhäusler (1996), Bailey’s position is partially summarized in what follows, as it relates to language and dialect definition. First of all, he argues that internal arrangement is much more important than spatial distribution for conceptualizing dialect innovations. As innovations spread through social and/or geographic space from one lect to the next, the presence of a set of innovations in one variety that is only partially shared by another variety recommends the first variety either as the origin of the innovation or as a variety closer (either in terms of geography or social strata) to the origin of the innovation. This is illustrated in the Figure 2.3 diagram, in which letters represent successively later innovations and numbers represent differing geographic locations and/or social strata (adapted from Mühlhäusler 1996: 10). Thus, given the presence of innovations A and B in variety 3 and the presence of innovations A, B, C and D in variety 1, we may expect to find varieties 2 (with innovations A, B and C) and 4 (with only innovation A) as

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well. If linguistic innovations are shared through time and space, language varieties may reasonably be expected to incorporate such innovations in spatio-temporal gradations.

Innovations

A B C D Lect 1

A B C

A B

A

2 3 4 Figure 2.3. Bailey’s dynamic wave model of cross-lectal innovations

With this in mind, Bailey argues for the existence of a ‘lect of origin’ – represented by the “most fully changed isolect” in any proposed clade of related languages or dialects: “as newer changes overlap older ones, the isolect with all of them – i.e. with the latest change – is the lect of origin” (Bailey 1996a: 143–144). Bailey also advocates the use of ‘implicational constellations’ for depicting clusters of changes which imply or are implied by changes elsewhere. Such a schematic compiles innovations such that three types of lects are marked: 1. 2. 3.

Those that imply changes elsewhere but are implied by no others (i.e., lects that are the most innovative, and often the least affected by contact from elsewhere). Those that both imply changes elsewhere and are implied by others (i.e., lects that are intermediate between the lect of origin and the most conservative variety and are sometimes substantially affected by contact from elsewhere). Those that are implied by other changes but do not imply on their own (i.e., highly conservative peripheral lects that are usually substantially affected by contact from elsewhere).

Such diachronic scenarios are not incompatible with genetic inheritance on two accounts. First of all, the spatial distribution of dialects is such that some are situated farther from the most innovative dialect than others. Secondly, the most distant dialects oftentimes lose contact or develop into

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distinct languages due to distance and increased contact from genetically unrelated (or more distantly related) languages.22 In essence then, Bailey’s system provides an approach to subgrouping that resists an over-reliance on sudden splits (a problem introduced by tree models) or ambiguous diffusion (a problem introduced by the classic wave model). Bailey places a strong emphasis on language contact, however, and insists that virtually all languages are, at some point in their past, heavily influenced by other surrounding language varieties. In his own words, “… Stammbaum questions do not greatly concern the scholar who realizes that all language varieties (whether genetically related or not) share traits with all their neighbors” (1974: 16). Bailey’s insights prove helpful in many cases for understanding and conceptualizing internal genetic/contact relationships between Phula lects, but his insights will not be subscribed to exclusively for an analysis of Phula phylogeny. 2.8.3.

Tree diagrams and other models

Assessing the tree model in light of the wave model, Trask (1996: 187) is right to note that underlying splits illustrated in tree diagrams are usually still validated in static wave diagrams – though to a less apparent degree. While many have castigated the model for its oversimplification, no other model seems to have emerged which is able to simultaneously summarize multiple levels of probable historical ancestry and various detailed levels of approximate relationship between synchronic varieties as elegantly as the family tree model. In the words of Holden and Gray (2006: 20), “any tree remains simply a hypothesis about phylogeny”; yet, to deny the reality of historical splits seems futile in most cases, and to deny the usefulness of their depiction as working hypotheses would be similarly absurd. On the other hand, the tree model is notoriously inept at depicting historical contact between varieties. Various attempts have been made to fuse the two, including Bailey’s innovative model described above. Hock (1991: 452–454) proposes a ‘hose-like’ model with overlapping innovations flowing down separate diachronic nodes. Variationists like Labov (2010: 306) and comparativists like Matisoff (1983: 75) and Dixon (1997: 51–52) attempt to illustrate the effects of contact and diffusion by adding tree-external notations such as arrows and circles signifying differing degrees of language contact. When tree diagrams are used to represent phylogeny in Chapters 6 and 7, additional information is marked through footnotes, symbols and connecting

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lines to integrate ecology: the nature and degree of various language contact situations. 2.8.4.

The Neighbor-Net algorithm and distance-based relationships

Many new quantitative approaches to language phylogeny are currently being tested (see Croft 2008 for an excellent review). One of the most useful for forming basic hypotheses about genetic/contact relationships seems to be the distance based Neighbor-Net algorithm (Bryant and Moulton 2004), recently adapted from evolutionary biology by linguists such as Bryant, Filimon and Gray (2005), Holden and Gray (2006) and Ben Hamed and Wang (2006) for viewing historical language networks as phenogram representations. Whereas traditional quantitative analyses of genetic relationships between languages have been unable to deal with contact-induced ambiguities, the Neighbor-Net algorithm actually incorporates such ambiguities into weighted splits, which are interpreted as line length by the tree building software SplitsTree4 (Huson 1998; Huson and Bryant 2006, 2007) such that longer lines are used to represent splits that can be calculated with higher confidence. The Neighbor-Net approach requires that the core lexical matrix (used for identifying varieties likely to share low levels of intelligibility) discussed in §2.6.3 be computed as a distance matrix (i.e., with reverse values such that, e.g., 40% similar = 60% dissimilar). The resulting phenogram output provides further grounds for forming working cladistic hypotheses, but relationships must be tested and refined via the comparative method, drawing on sociohistorical and geographic insights for full interpretation. The method is further introduced in §6.2 along with a phenogram representation and analysis of the Phula distance matrix as a complex unrooted network. Although contact-induced phenomena skew the genetic position of several language varieties in the network, the overall picture is largely borne out by the comparative method. 2.9. An experiment in triadic dialectics: ecology-phylogeny-ontogeny This chapter has moved from an overview of field methods used in data collection to an overview of assessment methods used to understand and present the data. Both were intentionally gauged to facilitate interdependent dialogue between ‘synchronic’ and ‘diachronic’ dynamics. Studies in dialectology tend to choose between exclusively diachronic or exclusively synchronic methods and models to define the relationships and

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features that characterize a given cluster of lects. Two recent areal studies on Bai dialects in northwestern Yunnan (Allen 2004 and Wang 2006) illustrate this dichotomy. Synchronic studies such as Allen (2004) have the advantage of uncovering extant sociolinguistic dynamics among dialect communities – a service that can be especially helpful for documenting linguistic diversity, identifying endangered languages, identifying directional intelligibility, and targeting future heritage maintenance projects. Diachronic studies such as Wang (2006), on the other hand, have the advantage of being able to reconstruct actual historical relationships that underlie current distributions, identities and contact situations; in so doing, such studies add substance and clarity to documented linguistic diversity and provide insights into underlying motivations for synchronic variation. Both are needed, especially since the two approaches facilitate each other correlatively. The process of diachronic subgrouping, for instance, provides crucial triangulation perspectives for interpreting ambiguities encountered in synchronic language definition; and yet, that which has not been defined can scarcely be subgrouped. The venerable dualist tradition of choosing between synchrony and diachrony is itself called into question, as are many of the assumptions behind the distinction. Thus, my use of the traditional terminology herein should not be interpreted as capitulation; on the contrary, I am seeking to undermine the standard implicature of the terms. Underlying concerns associated with the old dyad may be more aptly framed in interdependent biological terms, as in Mufwane (2001, 2008) and Croft (2000, 2006, 2008). Furthermore, if we assume purposive problem solving (analogy) to be among the forces driving linguistic evolution, we are presented with an overlooked triadic possibility such that language ecology (ongoing interdependence and contact) and language phylogeny (historical innovation and ancestry) are processually mediated by language ontogeny (contingent gradience and analogic development in space and time). As described in §1.5 and §8.1, an array of approaches, some in apparent competition, are needed for developing an understanding of Phula dialectology. Blending this essentially pragmatist, hermeneutic approach with the fieldwork and theory outlined in the chapter above, I attempt in the remainder of this work to cultivate an understanding of dialectology rooted in dialectic interpretation. The first grand puzzle involves the discovery and synthesis of adequate criteria for defining the languages themselves – thereby providing preliminary (necessary but not sufficient) rationale for granting falsifiable status to the antecedent argument of the Phula hypothesis.

Chapter 3 Synchronic language definitions Identity, intelligibility, and contact [China] has many nationalities and many languages, but exactly how many is still not clear… This is a question of our national demographic situation, and linguists have a responsibility to clarify the facts. – Sun Hongkai (1992: 7) Randy LaPolla, trans.

3.1. Preliminaries Yunnan ranks highest among China’s provinces in extant linguistic diversity and ethnic complexity. The same could be said of the northwestern provinces of Vietnam. The ethnolinguistic mosaic traditionally entitled ‘Phula’ is not out of place in the region; yet, considering their relative population size (367,000) and the broad range of their geographic spread (100,000 square kilometers), the Phula varieties have been left remarkably ill-defined. Even basic facts such as language totals and speaker demographics have thus far been passed over with little more than rough, generalized deferrals based on severely constrained knowledge (as in Pelkey 2005a). The current chapter seeks to correct this situation by identifying criteria for proposing working definitions of the synchronic Phula languages. Sun (1992: 7) argues that linguists have a responsibility to clarify the facts of total language counts in China. Bradley (2005a) and Poa and LaPolla (2007) have pointed out that the first step for documenting endangered languages in the region is the identification and definition of the actual candidates for endangered status. Whether we approach the Phula languages from the perspective of undocumented diversity, from the perspective of potential endangerment or from linguistic perspectives such as genetic classification and typological description – we are met with the same necessity: language identification. As discussed in §1.4, §2.5 and §2.6, synchronic language definitions should involve interrelated assessments of ethnolinguistic identity, dialect intelligibility and language contact. These assessments should incorporate both folk-linguistic speaker perceptions (see §2.6.1 and §2.6.2) and rigorous

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linguistic research methods alike (see §2.6.2 and §2.6.3). Furthermore, both qualitative and quantitative analysis should be used to interpret the data, and historical subgrouping should be carried out as a paradoxical co-requisite for adequate interpretation. To address each of these concerns, this chapter presents a range of perspectives on, and approaches to, identity, intelligibility and contact among the Phula varieties before finally settling on working definitions of the synchronic languages themselves by the chapter’s end. First, a detailed overview of ethnic identity issues among the Phula varieties will be presented from multiple viewpoints in order to set the stage for grappling with issues of communication and contact. Next, the results of core lexical comparison will be presented from a broad spectrum of Phula and non-Phula varieties in order to identify low intelligibility scenarios and provide supporting evidence of internal contact. The insights gleaned from the results of these two approaches will then be examined in light of preliminary recorded text testing (RTT) results (methodology described §2.6.2), followed by a per-datapoint summary of folk-dialectology and anecdotal evidence related to dialect intelligibility, ethnic identity and language attitudes. A summary of key language contact issues will then be presented giving special attention to cases of Phula-internal contact. An integrated summary of Phula intelligibility will then be provided in §3.7. This summary will be elucidated in §3.8 with working definitions of the current Phula languages condensed into profile format seeking to synthesize ethnic and linguistic distinctions with statements of geographic distribution and comprehensive demographic estimates of villages, populations and dialect estimates. As discussed in §1.3, it is useful to divide the Phula varieties geographically into four regional contact zones, or Sprachbund, for the sake of presentation and discussion: western, north-central, south-central, and eastern. The artificial boundaries of these regions are illustrated in Map 3.1 on the next page along with the orientation of the individual distribution maps presented at the end of the chapter. As Chapters 5–8 demonstrate, geographic distance does not always correspond with phylogenetic distance in the Phula realm. The artificial regions used as guides in this chapter are not intended to imply genetic relationship. Two of these four geographic zones contain languages that are more closely related to varieties in other zones than to adjacent languages in the same zone. As future chapters reveal, diachronic/phylogenetic links are key for interpreting the synchronic/ecological relationships discussed below; nevertheless, this chapter does not overtly concern itself with diachronic relationships. I delineate distribution areas as geographic Sprachbund for reasons related to language contact and ease of discussion alone; Map 3.1 may be compared with Map 8.1 to make the regional-genetic distinction visually explicit.

SOUTH-CENTRAL REGION

Map 3.3

Map 3.4

Map 3.1. Orientation of geographic regions and maps discussed in Chapter 3

Note: Cf. Maps 1.1, 1.3 and 1.5 for orientation

WESTERN REGION

Map 3.2

Map 3.5

NORTH-CENTRAL REGION

Map 3.6

EASTERN REGION

Map 3.7

98 Synchronic language definitions

Phula ethnic identities

99

3.2. Phula ethnic identities As discussed in §1.4.2 and §2.5.1, ethnic identity is a key factor in language identification. Ethnic identity is not simply a matter of categories and nomenclature; nor can identities be researched reductively as if it they were ‘first-order communicational phenomena’ (Pablé, Haas, and Christe 2010). A given group may also assert its unique status through any range of symbols including distinctive values, rituals, traditions, festivals, ethnic dress, and other miscellaneous aspects of material culture. Since the status of a given group’s identity can also be understood to some degree via an assessment of ethnolinguistic vitality, further ethnic identity issues will be touched on in the next chapter. As discussed in §2.5.1, however, identity is most deeply associated with language; and, insofar as language depends on ethnic identity for adequate definition, assessments of ethnic categories and nomenclature provide key insights into perceived ethnolinguistic identity distinctions useful for synchronic language definitions. Emic perspectives, etic perspectives and perceived ethnic hierarchies are all helpful in assessing identity, but the different viewpoints involved must be sorted out, defined and clarified lest they be confused with each other. Outsiders’ perspectives on identity may help in interpreting an overall situation, but ideally a group’s own understanding of their identity, relationships and ethnic titles should hold more weight in defining the synchronic status of their speech variety. In light of these and other distinctions (see §2.5.1), the highly complex ethnic appellation situation for Phula (and other language groups in E and SE Asia) must be carefully considered in order to distinguish autonyms from exonyms, loconyms, glossonyms and other titles (as discussed in Matisoff 1986). Furthermore, surface forms must be clarified via reference to underlying emic perceptions at the local level. Virtually identical autonyms, or unclarified exonyms, can sometimes be profoundly misleading if taken as a straightforward diagnostic of linguistic relationship or dialect intelligibility. In the following sections, onomastic identities will be summarized in five charts (Tables 3.1–3.5) delimited according to geographic region, as illustrated in Map 3.1 (see Maps 1.3 and 1.5 for names of administrative regions), with related discussion following each summary. In the first column of each table, the group’s romanized autonym and datapoint identification code will be listed for cross-reference with Map 1.5 and Table 1.1. The second column in these charts lists a transcription of the group’s primary autonym in bold followed in italics by the loconym for the village in which data was collected. In the third column, exonyms, glossonyms, allonyms and other titles are listed together. Minority language pronunciations in this

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column are usually transcribed in IPA, and local Chinese and/or Vietnamese pronunciations are listed in italics using a (sometimes slightly modified) Pinyin or Vietnamese romanization. The final column then summarizes the nature, origin and/or translation of each title in column three. Boxed information in this column is intended to represent further dialect-based distinctions reported for related varieties nearby. Since 1954, all China-based Phula varieties in these five tables are also heir to the additional exonym, ‘Yizu’ ᖍ᯿, as discussed in §1.2.1. This fact need not be listed in the tables redundantly. By definition, virtually all of the Phula varieties also take some form of ‘Phula’, ‘Phu’, and/or ‘Phuzu’ (see §1.2.1 and §1.2.2) as both an alloautonym and/or exoym. Since these ‘Phula’ titles vary in pronunciation somewhat more than Yizu and since they are more central to the history of most of these groups, ‘Phula’ titles will be listed as frequently as they occur. Unless otherwise noted, a ‘Phula’ listing in Column 3 also indicates that the group in question accepts the title as a secondary or tertiary autonym – even if primarily attributable to exonymic usage by local Han or other ethnic groups. As I have argued in Pelkey (2007a), the etymology for ‘Phula’ is most likely traceable to the nominal stacking of PTB morphemes *pwa ‘person’ and *lak ‘youngster’. Nominal stacking (Aikhenvald 2000) is the compounding of nominalizer morphemes in the process of word formation. Reflexes of PTB *pwa (> pho and phu) are commonly grammaticalized as agentive nominalizers and lexicalizing suffixes in Ngwi languages and are also frequently incorporated into autonyms (e.g., Lipho, Lolopho). Instances of PTB *lak ‘youngster’ grammaticalizing into a nominal lexicalizer are also attested in some Ngwi languages (e.g., Zokhuo la³⁵ ‘young’ < PNg#159 *ʔ-lakL ‘youngster’ > ʦʰə²¹la³⁵ ‘youngster’, ŋʌ⁵⁵pa²¹la³⁵, ‘turtle’, a³³na²¹la³⁵ ‘insect’). Hellwig (2006) presents a cross-linguistic precedent of nominalizer morphemes being stacked together to function as an autonym in the Chadic language Goemai. Autonyms such as Phuma, Phupa, Phupha, Phuza and Phowa discussed below are also examples of autonym formation via nominal stacking. See §1.2 for background discussion on ‘Phula’ and ‘Yi’ as ethnonyms. The usually gender-specific suffixes ma (feminine) and pa or pʰa (masculine) apply freely to most of the varieties listed in Tables 3.1–3.5 but have been included in Column 1 only when the term is specified (i.e., when it has grammaticalized into a gender neutral suffix) and/or when it is required for purposes of disambiguation.

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3.2.1. West-regional identities Considered in light of the other four zones, Phula onomastic identities in the western region are relatively few and identity issues are fairly straightforward. Table 3.1 summarizes the situation based on data collected from five data points distributed across the region (see Map 1.5). The phonetic parallels between the broad historical ethnonym Phula and the autonyms used by Phula groups in the western region are clear. The Phula ethnonym is generally transliterated with an unaspirated initial in regional Chinese sources, using the Chinese logograph ঌ (< *pok) bo. Long (2004) and YYDZ (1993) are two other regional sources using this allogram. The logograph is not known to be used in reference to any Phula groups outside the west-regional zone. Table 3.1. West-regional onomastic identities Key

Phala FNS BSC

Autonym & Loconym

pʰa³¹la³³

χa³³lə⁵⁵mi³³

Exonyms, glossonyms, and allonyms pʰu⁵⁵le³³pʰo²¹

< Nisu

kʰa³³pʰo²¹

< Dai

pʰu³³la³³ʦʰu²¹ Bola

< Hani (third syllable, LCh zu ᯿)

Hei Phula Phula; Phuzu

Phola LDC NTC

pʰo³¹la⁵⁵

la²¹ɬɛ³³

Phula Bola Hua Phula pʰu⁵⁵le³³pʰo³³

Phola ADP

pʰo³¹la⁵⁵

bə³³kʰæ⁵⁵

Notes and dialect distinctions

ʦʰa²¹pʰu³³la⁵⁵ Hua Phula Bola Phuzu

< Han, (HHXZ 1991: 100) ঌ᣹ < Phola-ADP: ‘black’ < Han (distinct from Hani appelation, tshu < DIA:zu ᯿) < Han, Nisu, etc. a⁵⁵lo³³: LDC > Tuguozhai Phola < Phala-FNS: ‘flowery’ (of all Yuanjiang County Phula) < Nisu < Han,ঌ᣹

< Dai < Autoethnonym: ‘flowery’ (vs. ‘black’ cf. Phala-FNS) < Han, (YJXZ 1993: 89) ঌ᣹ < Han

Two primary identities emerge in the region that are confirmed by autonymic, exonymic, and material culture differences alike. Although the pair of autonyms ‘Phala’ and ‘Phola’ are cognate, the two groups they represent

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are perceived to be distinct branches of Phula by Phala and Phola speakers and by non-Phula locals living in the region. Traditional ethnic garments mark the distinction visually with Phola (‘Flowery Phula’) traditionally wearing bright multicolored ethnic garments and Phala (‘Black Phula’) wearing relatively unadorned indigo outfits. These two identities are also marked linguistically by dialect differences (in terms of independent innovations affecting lexicon, phonology and intelligibility) as will be discussed in later sections. The Phola lect referenced as a⁵⁵lo³³ under the Phola-LDC entry is located in Tuguozhai of northwestern Lijiang Township, Yuanjiang County. Locals note this variety to be exceptionally distinct linguistically due to language contact with Dai as is discussed further in upcoming sections (§3.5.1, §3.6.1 and §4.2). The title a⁵⁵lo³³ is a loconym and should neither be confused with Alu, an undocumented Ngwi variety of southern Jinping County classified under the Yi Nationality (JPXZ 1994), nor the Laka/Alo of northern Wuding (Heijdra 1998). 3.2.2. South-central identities Onomastic identities in the south-central region are the most complex of the four geographic zones. Due to heightened ethnolinguistic diversity, especially along the Honghe river, more data points were situated in this region than in any other. For the sake of convenience, charts for the region will be broken down into two main categories: groups using Muji or Muzi as their primary autonym and groups using other primary autonyms. Muji-type nomenclature issues are summarized in Table 3.2. The primary, historical autonym ‘Muji’ is usually pronounced [m̩ ¹³ʥi³³pa²¹] (male speakers) or [m̩ ¹³ʥi³³ma²¹] (female speaker). Most Muji speakers of the present day are no longer aware of the autonym’s historical roots, and ‘just-so’ folk-etymologies regarding its origins range from puns using language internal homonyms like ‘widow’ [mȵ̩²¹tsʰɯ⁵⁵ma²¹]1 and ‘horseback riding’ [mɯ¹³ʣɿ¹³] (both from Muzi-SZT) to Chinese folk etymologies involving roosters (gongji) and hens (muji). Moving beyond humor and folklore, HHYC (2002: 50) claims that ‘Mujiba’ means ‘Mengzi [Basin] People’. This account is supported by many ethnic language names for Mengzi County such as Phowa-DHN m̩ ²¹ʥɯ³³ɕi³³ (the third morpheme being a likely Chinese loan: xian ৯ ‘county’).

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Table 3.2. Onomastic identity overview for Muji and Muzi autonym groups Key

Autonym & Loconym

Notes Exonyms, glossonyms, and allonyms and dialect distinctions < Bokho-DXB: ‘pants-wearing’ ʦʰɿ³³bɯ²¹ kɬʰa²¹ka²¹

Muji PJZ

< Muji-QLC: ‘pants-wearing’ ɬa²¹ka²¹m̩ ¹³ʨi³³ma²¹ < Phuma-YZT: ‘stuttering’ (DRG:HUM:REA) < FKC m̩ ¹³ʥi³³ lo³³m̩⁵⁵ʥi⁵⁵pʰa³³ la²¹xɨ³³ [all Muji] PJZ > Shayipo Muji ka²¹ʥɛ²¹χɨ⁵⁵ < Hani mɯ³³ʥi⁵⁵ a³³ɡa¹³ DXB > Poto Muji < Han, FKC pʰu³³la⁵⁵; ʦʰə³³bu²¹ pʰu³³ʦʰu¹³

Muji QLC

Muji XPC

Muji LSD

Muzi SZT

Muzi MLT Muzi NGZ

m̩ ¹³ʥi³³

ʨʰi⁵⁵la²¹

mɯ²¹ʥi³³

a³³ɬi⁵⁵ljɛ³³ m̩ ²¹ʨi³³ -

m̩ ¹³ʣɿ³³

məj³³ti³³

m̩ ¹³ʣɿ³³

ma²¹tʰa³³ʦʰa²¹ m̩ ¹³ʣɿ³³³

pʰu³³ʦu²¹

SZT > Ma’andi Muji < Muzi-SZT: ‘unable to find; lost’ (DRG:HUM) < Han

mu²¹ʨi³³ʦu²¹

< Hani, Lawu Yi , etc.

mɯ²¹ʥi³³

< Phupa-GMD, Hani, Dai, etc.

pʰu³³la⁵⁵

< Han

pʌ²¹kʰɑ⁵⁵

< Bokha-YBZ

mu²¹ʨi³³

< Han, etc.

mə²¹ti³³ma²¹

< PJZ: exoloconym

m̩ ²¹ʨi³³ʦʰɿ³³pa²¹

< Muji-QLC

ma⁵⁵

< Miao

to³³ka²¹

2

tjɛ³³kɨ³³ YBZ > Xinxian Muji; cf. LSD ɬa²¹ka²¹m̩ ¹³ʨi³³ma²¹ < Phuma-YZT: ‘stuttering Muji’ (DRG:HUM:REA) < Han pʰu³³la⁵⁵

χã³³pʰu³³la⁵⁵ SZT: DRG > Jinhe Muji

mɯ³³ʥi⁵⁵

< Han, Lawu Yi, etc.

mu²¹ʨi³³

< Han

m̩ ²¹ʨi³³

< Nisu

cf. NGZ

χã³³pʰu³³la⁵⁵

< Muzi-NGZ: MPH =LCH:DRG

mo²¹ɡɛ²¹χa²¹

< CTL: of Muji in Kafang, Gejiu

nu³³kɯ²¹ʨi¹³ mu²¹ʨi³³

1

< Han

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Synchronic language definitions

The Gazetteer of Geographic Names (ൠ਽ᘇ, hereafter Dimingzhi) for Mengzi County adds further plausibility and background to this claim by tracing the historic name of the county back to ‘Yi language’ origins. Early Yuan Dynasty records from the year 1273 transliterate the name as Muze ⴞ ࡉ(You 1994: 269, 272), and MZDZ (1987: 1) indicates that this was the ‘Yi’ name of a mountain in the area from which the town and, later, the county took their names. Also notable is that the first morpheme of this title has a likely Ngwi ‘sky’ < PNg#321 *mo² etymology, as is corroborated by MZDZ (1987) and HHYC (2002). These sources note that the name probably meant ‘sky piercer’ in reference to the tall mountains southwest of the Mengzi basin on the border with modern-day Gejiu County. The autonym [m̩ ¹³ʥi³³], then, is likely to be a slightly modified pronunciation; the older form was probably [m̩ ¹³ʣɿ³³] as is preserved in such varieties as Muzi-SZT, NGZ, and MLT. Note in Table 3.2 that the three Muzi-autonym groups (SZT, MLT and NGZ) do not directly affiliate with the Phula/Phuzu titles as autoexonyms or exoethnonyms – nor do outsiders seem to disagree. Muzi locals in these villages, in fact, deny that they are affiliated with Phula, though they recognize the presence of other Phula groups nearby and count Phula to be distinct from Yizu (Nisu). Naturally, Muzi-autonym groups are still strongly affiliated with the historical Phula ethnonym via their direct affiliation with other Muji varieties with whom they are closely related both perceptually and genetically (see Chapter 6), but SZT, MLT and NGZ should still be noted as the only observed objections encountered during the course of this research to perceived Phula affiliation among otherwise ethnically affiliated varieties. Note that Muji-PJZ and the Muji in adjacent areas are called ‘Pants Wearing Muji’ by DXB and QLC (though the respective utterances are not cognate) since females in both DXB and QLC have traditionally worn skirts instead of pants. Phuma-YZT uses a cognate utterance with QLC kɬʰa²¹ka²¹ to refer to various Muji groups living in counties outside Pingbian. The Phuma-YZT utterance ɬa²¹ka²¹ has, in fact, been reanalyzed to mean ‘Stuttering Muji’ instead – a humorous, mildly derogatory jab against the strange-sounding speech of outsiders. Other mildly derogatory jabs include χã³³pʰu³³la⁵⁵ in this case, literally ‘Han Phula’: a reference to Hanized or relatively assimilated Phula groups (but also possibly being interpreted more severely). The NGZ use of this appelation toward MLT is consciously related to language shift. More light-heartedly, to³³ka²¹ m̩ ¹³ʣɿ³³ or ‘Lost Muji’ is used in reference to QLC – a Muji group that has migrated from China to Vietnam and back to China over the centuries. Note also that PJZ refers to

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105

SZT and the adjacent Muji in Tongchang Township of Jinping County by using the Shizitou village loconym. Regarding boxed-in dialect distinctions, the three specific dialect names that are listed under PJZ are references to adjacent townships located in northern Jinping County with the exception of Poto – a community name in Ma’andi Township. Further explanation will be provided later in this chapter and in Chapter 6. The reference to Xinxian Muji, a variety evidently affiliated with XPC, is to Muji as spoken in Xinxian Township, Pingbian County. Further onomastic identities held by non-Muji groups within the southcentral region are summarized in Table 3.3. Note first of all that most of the Phula groups in the south-central region unaffiliated with the Muji autonym actually employ multiple autonyms: a primary autonym and one or two alloautonyms or quasi-autonyms. In such cases, primary autonyms are chosen as representative based on the clearly expressed preferences of local speakers interviewed. Alloautonyms represent one of two possibilities: alternative but less frequently used autonyms (e.g., Bokha-YBZ’s use of m̩ ¹³ʨi³³ ) or group-internal distinctions (e.g., Phuma-YZT’s use of pʰɯ⁵⁵pa²¹ ). Titles marked as ‘quasi-alloautonyms’ are reportedly used even less frequently and/or are used only under certain group-external circumstances. PhumaYZT speakers, for example, at first denied being affiliated with Muji, and held that they did not call themselves Muji, but later (infrequently, but on more than one occasion), different speakers were observed to use the title in reference to themselves as a collective. Another example comes from Bokho-YBZ speakers who usually only refer to themselves as a⁵⁵pʰɯ³³ when speaking with a Muji person or when speaking Chinese with an outsider. Most likely this is due to the dual facts a) that Muji is considered to be a prestige variety in the region, and b) that Muji speakers refer to Bokho speakers in the area as ‘Aphu’. The Chinese sources listed in Table 3.3 now cite them as Aphu in spite of the fact that this is not their primary autonym when speaking their own language. As Table 3.3 illustrates, the ethnic title Muji also applies in various ways to other Phula groups in the region who do not employ it as their primary autonym. Uses of the Muji title in the region can be categorized into four types, listed in (3.1): (3.1)

Uses of the ethnonym ‘Muji’ in the south-central Phula region a. Those who take Muji/Muzi as their primary autonym: listed in Table 3.2.

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Synchronic language definitions

b. Those who use a non-Muji primary autonym, but still use Muji as an alloautonym or quasi-autonym: i.e., Bokha-YBZ and Phuma-YZT. c. Those who, contrary to their own viewpoint, are considered to be Muji by (3.1a) and/or (3.1b): i.e., Alugu-CTL and PhuzaBJB. d. Those who, contrary to their own viewpoint, are considered to be Muji by other ethnic groups but not by (3.1a) and/or (3.1b): i.e., Bokho-DXB and Phupa-GMD. Phupha-FKC and Laghuu-NSC, then, represent the only Phula groups in the region that are not identified with Muji in some way – either by insiders or outsiders. As further discussion and analysis will demonstrate, however, their apparent lack of ethnic affiliation with Muji is attributable to widely different reasons. Table 3.3. Other Phula onomastic identities in the south-central region Key

Bokha YBZ

Autonym & Loconym po²¹kʰɑ⁵⁵

a²¹tʰo³³mi³³kʰa⁵⁵

Notes Exonyms, glossonyms, and dialect distinctions and allonyms < Alloautonym m̩ ¹³ʨi³³ a²¹ka²¹pa²¹

< Phuma-YZT

pao³³tɬə³³

< Miao

pʰu²²ʦʰu²¹

< Zhuang, etc. < Han: ‘old.DIM/HON’ or transliteration < alt. La’ou 㝺⅗ < PJZ, HHYC (2002), JPXZ (1994), quasi-alloautonym

Lao Phula a⁵⁵pʰɯ³³ Bokho DXB

po²¹kʰo⁵⁵

pʰu³³la⁵⁵;

tɑ⁵⁵mi³³kʰɑ⁵⁵ pʰu³³ʦʰu¹³ mɯ²¹ʥi³³ pʰɯ⁵⁵pa²¹

Phuma YZT

pʰɯ⁵⁵ma²¹

nə̘²¹ʨʰɛ²¹vɛ¹³

m̩ ¹³ʨi³³ pʰu³³la⁵⁵ pʰu³³ʦʰu¹³ Shaoji Phula Hei Muji

< Han, Miao, Yao

‘Flowery’ Phula

< Hani, Nisu < YZT: alloautonym (if specifying a male speaker) < YZT; YBZ: quasi-alloautonym; endoethnonym < Han pʰɯ²¹li³³ YZT > Akha, Phuma < Miao m̩ ¹³ʨi³³ Akha Phuma > YZT < Bokha-YBZ: ‘sifter basket (Phula)’ < Qing Dynasty Han: ‘black’ (Tang et al. 2004: 245)

Phula ethnic identities Key

Laghuu NSC3

Autonym & Loconym

la²¹ɣɯ⁴⁴

Notes Exonyms, glossonyms, and allonyms and dialect distinctions < Alloautonym Lao-pa Phù Lá Xá Phó Bȍ Khô Pạ Phù Lá Lão la³³la¹³

la³³mɯ²¹ ɬa³¹ɣɤ⁵⁵pa³³ Phupa GMD

Phupha FKC

Phuza BJB

pʰɯ³³pa²¹

ɡa⁵⁵dɛ³³

pʰɯ⁵⁵pʰa³³

nɛɹ¹³bə̝⁵⁵

107

la²¹ʁʷo¹³pa²¹ la¹³pa²¹

< Vietnamese < Vietnamese & Hmong < Unspecified: ‘Flowery’ Phula, ‘Black’ Phula < Unspecified: ‘old.DIM/HON’ < alt. La’ou 㝺⅗, cf. YBZ < Quasi-alloautonym (status ambiguous) < Glossonym (status ambiguous) < Muji: (Bai 1994:80); Alt., [la²¹ɣɨ⁵⁵]; 4 archaic < Muji: Archaic; Alt., La’ou (MZXZ 1995: 131) < Muji: Modern usage

ʦʰə⁵⁵bu²¹

< Muji-PJZ

pʰu²¹la⁵⁵

< Muji-XPC

mɯ¹³ʥi³³

< Phuza-BJB

Muzi pʰɯ³³la⁵⁵

pʰɯ⁵⁵pʰa²¹ BJB > Nuogumi Phupa < MZXZ (1995: 131) < Alloautonym

pʰɯ³³pʰo²¹

< Nisu Yi

< Dai ʦʰa³³pʰo²¹ Phuzu, Phulatsu < Han < Alloautonym 1 pʰɯ⁵⁵a³³ < Alloautonym 2 (infrequent: used in Phujitshu Chinese dialogue) pʰɯ⁵⁵za³¹ pʰu³³la⁵⁵; < Han, Miao bɯ³³ʥi³¹kʰɛ³³ pʰu³³ʦʰu¹³ mɯ²¹ʥi³³ Hei Phu

< Muji-XPC, NGZ < Phowa-DHN: ‘black’ < Gejiu Muji: locoexonym, Chinese: a⁵⁵lɯ³³ɡɯ³³pʰa²¹ Alonggu 䱯嗉ਔ < Muji-XPC Alugu a⁵⁵lɯ³³ɡɯ³³χa²¹ mɯ²¹ʥi³³ CTL ʨʰi³³dɛ³³ma²¹ pʰɯ⁵⁵pʰa³³ < Phupha-FKC li⁵⁵sa³³χa²¹ CTL > Yuanyang Alugu < Nisu Yi pʰɯ³³pʰo²¹ Phulatsu < Han

108

Synchronic language definitions

The groups that fit description (3.1c) are Alugu-CTL and Phuza-BJB. Speakers affiliated with these lects insist that they are distinct from the groups they refer to as ‘Muji’ around them (e.g., varieties represented by Muzi-NGZ, Muzi-MLT and Muji-XPC), and do not consider themselves to affiliate with Muji ethnolinguistically (though Phuza has apparently adopted traditional Muji ethnic garments). As will become clear, even though both seem to have been mildly influenced by contact with Muji speakers around them, very substantial linguistic differences distinguish the two from Mujirelated varieties as well. Phuza-BJB uses pʰɯ⁵⁵a³³ as an alloautonym – possibly a variant of the Phowa autonym (see Table 3.4); although, as Chapter 6 will show, the Muji and Phowa groups are more closely related to each other than Phuza and the Phowa groups. Furthermore, historical tone correspondences do not match between speakers using the Phuza alloautonym and those using the Phowa endoethnonym. As can be noted in Table 3.4 (§3.2.3), Phuza-BJB speakers interviewed consider the nearest variety of Phowa known to them, located in Muji County, Daheineng Township, to be ethnically Muji. Thus Phuza does not seem to identify with either of the major Phula populations living nearby. Alugu is one of the few Phula primary autonyms that is traceable back to a loconym. As discussed in §1.2.3.2 and discussed further in later sections, the variety claims to be a mixture of two language varieties, once distinct, spoken by two separate families, who converged upon a particular location nearby – one family traveling upriver and the other traveling downriver. These two families named their new home a⁵⁵lɯ³³ɡɯ³³χa²¹, and the new residents became a⁵⁵lɯ³³ɡɯ³³pʰa²¹ – speaking an apparent mixture of two formerly distinct Phula varieties. Phupa-GMD has been invested with a proliferation of ethnic titles that will require further research to sort through and clarify adequately. Most importantly, a number of titles emerge which are strikingly similar to the Laghuu autonym still in use in Vietnam. The autonym is listed in Bai (1994) as ɬa³¹ɣɤ⁵⁵pa³³. Speakers I interviewed in lower Gamadi who had moved down from the same village site in which Bai carried out his 1988–1989 research recognized the title; but, oddly enough, even after interviewing multiple speakers – using three different approaches to elicit their ethnonyms on three successive days – speakers still insisted that this title should not be used to represent their self-designation. Speakers interviewed held that Muji speakers formerly used the title as an exonymic reference to them but that even this usage is now archaic. Perhaps the title was also used as an autonym (and an exonym) in generations past – an autonym which has simply fallen out of use by present day. The research in Bai (1994) was carried out

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109

from late 1988 to early 1989 – nearly 20 years prior to the fieldwork represented in this work – so this would be a plausible scenario, especially if the autonym report was elicited from an elderly speaker. Interestingly, the title ‘Phupa’ (second syllable unaspirated), which GMD speakers interviewed preferred as their autonym might justifiably be used of both GMD and YZT. In spite of almost identical autonyms, the two varieties are actually belong to distinct clades phylogenetically, as diachronic analysis presented in Chapter 6 will reveal. The two also have substantial lexical, historical, and cultural differences. With this in mind, the two are best distinguished from each in terms of language titles if at all possible. Using ‘Phuma’ and ‘Phupa’ to distinguish YZT and GMD, respectively, is a justifiable choice since the final syllable in phɯ³³pa²¹ for Phupa-GMD has grammaticalized as a gender-neutral bound morpheme. In other words, female speakers in GMD are referred to as phɯ³³pa²¹ma²¹ – not simply as phɯ³³ma²¹ – but female speakers in YZT refer to themselves as simply phɯ⁵⁵ma²¹ and sometimes use phɯ⁵⁵ma²¹ as a metonymic reference to the whole group – inclusive of male and female speakers. Note that the tonal values of the root syllables differ between these two as well. Phuza-BJB’s reference to pʰɯ⁵⁵pʰa²¹ listed in Table 3.3 is a reference to a language variety spoken in Nuogumi (southern Lengquan Township near the Honghe) is a reference to a dialect of Phupa-GMD located slightly upriver in Lengquan Township. As will become clear in Chapter 6, the apparent correspondence between this exonym and the Phupha-FKC autonym is not wholly fortuitous. Although Bokha-YBZ and Bokho-DXB share similar autonyms, one affiliates with Muji ethnically and the other does not. As further discussion will show, however, Bokho and Bokha are dialects of the same language, a language closely related to the Muji-affiliated varieties genetically. The ethnic disassociation from Muji by speakers of the DXB variety is attributable to close proximity and frequent contact with Muji speakers from the Muji ethnic ‘core’ (represented by Muji-PJZ) who live nearby. Bokho-DXB villagers interviewed estimate that their ancestors migrated into Jinping County from Vietnam some 10 generations ago where speakers of the variety still live on the Vietnam border in six villages along the western rim of Ma’andi Township. Locals report that the last remaining Bokho villagers in Vietnam, who they claim are identical with them ethnolinguistically, moved into Jinping County from Bát Xát Township of Lào Cai Province in 1979 and were resettled by the local government in two villages of Mengqiao Township of Jinping County. Vietnamese sources from previous decades refer to the presence of Bokho as Bồ Khô Pạ in Vietnamese script (Fried 2000: 3). In general, Bokho speakers refer to nearby Muji speakers as m̩ ²¹ʨi³³, but

110

Synchronic language definitions

they prefer to divide the Muji living nearby into two groups based on perceived dialect differences: a³³ɡa̠¹³ – living in three villages to the north of them – and ʦʰɿ³³bɯ²¹ – living south of them in four villages and scattered elsewhere as well (both dialects are apparently very similar to Muji-PJZ). Bokho speakers reportedly perceive these two varieties to be distinct based on variation in their usage of sentence-final particles, among a range of other differences. 3.2.3. North-central identities With only one exception, onomastic identities in the north-central Phula region are relatively homogenous in terms of primary autonym usage. Ethnic identity in the region is also nicely unified in terms of upper-level affiliation. Both factors converge on the title ‘Pho’ or, alternatively, ‘Phowa’. This homogenous super-group level of ethnic identity belies a much more subtle proliferation of micro-identities, however. In terms of embedded identities and gradient ethnic perspectives within the Phowa supergroup, the onomastic situation in Phula’s north-central region is actually highly complex. The basic titles and distinctions involved are presented in Table 3.4. The general title Phowa is a lexicalization of two grammaticalized morphemes from PTB *pwa or *pu ‘male/person’ and PTB *wa ‘man/father/ husband/person’ both attested as nominalizers in many Tibeto-Burman languages (Matisoff 1972b, 2003), though the second syllable morpheme is usually pronounced as [va] instead of [wa] (or in free variation with [wa]) by speakers of most present-day Phowa varieties. The one exception to homogenous primary autonym usage in the north-central Phula region is Phole-CKB, but even this variety uses the titles Pho and Phowa as alternate self-designations. Thus Phowa qualifies as a clear example of Bradley’s (1983, 1997c) macro-group distinction. For Phowa, embedded identities reveal important ethnic distinctions that should not be overlooked. Essentially, five embedded titles emerge from within the Phowa macro-group that have broader implications for Phowa ethnolinguistic definition. I will romanize these titles as Hlepho < ɬɛ³³pʰo²¹ , Anipho < a³³nɨ⁵⁵pʰo²¹, Digaopho ti²¹kaʌ⁵⁵pʰo²¹, Labopho < lɑ²¹bo²¹pʰo²¹, and Asaheipho < a³³sa³³χɨ⁵⁵pʰo²¹ 䱯⋉唁⌬. These titles are each autonyms in some sense, but they are not primary autonyms, nor are they simply alloautonyms. It will be most helpful to refer to them as endoautonyms, instead, in order to situate these terms within their macro-group context. In all six cases, these titles might qualify

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111

as loconyms, but they do not all refer to village locations: two are reportedly references to elevation, two to village names and one to the forest. The title ‘Hlepho’ is of unknown origins for most modern day Phowa speakers in the population pockets who affiliate with the title 5, but speakers in Phole-CKB, at least, claim that the term is a reference to mountain forests – likely indicating that the homeland originally associated with this group was heavily forested. This etymology seems to be corroborated by the fact that one of the largest forest preserves in Mengzi County is located in the heart of the Hlepho-Phowa distribution. Table 3.4. North-central onomastic identities Key

Autonym and Loconym

Notes Exonyms, glossonyms, and allonyms and dialect distinctions < Alloautonym 1 pʰo²¹va⁵⁵; pʰo²¹ sɿ⁵⁵pʰo²¹

< Alloautonym 2 < Labopho, endoautonym: ɬɛ³³pʰo²¹ ‘alpine forest (dwellers)’ pʰo²¹lə³³ Phole Sandaohong Phula < Han: ‘thrice red-striped’ CKB ʦʰɛ²¹kʰa³³pʰo²¹ Jiantou Phula < Han: ‘conehead’ Hua Phula < Han: ‘flowery’ (WSZZ 2000: 389) < Tang and Qing Dynasty Han Abo, Boren, Minjia (WSXZ 1999: 184–185): ‫ܠ‬Ӫ < MZ & KY Phowa, KYSZ (1996): a³³nɨ⁵⁵pʰo²¹ endoautoloconym < Muji-MLT (used of all Phowa in pʰo²¹(va³³) Phowa lɔ³³ʦʰɿ⁵⁵pɯ⁵⁵ Daheineng Township) DHN χə²¹nɨ⁵⁵ pʰu²¹ʦu²¹; pʰu²¹la³³ < Han, Nisu, Miao Hua Phu < Autoethnonym: ‘flowery’ < MZ & KY Phowa, KYSZ (1996): a³³nɨ⁵⁵pʰo²¹ endoautoloconym < Muji-MLT (used of all Phowa in pʰo²¹va³³ lɔ³³ʦʰɿ⁵⁵pɯ⁵⁵ Phowa Daheineng Township) XBL bɿ²¹ni³³ pʰu²¹ʦu²¹; pʰu²¹la³³ < Han, Nisu, Miao < Phuza-BJB: ‘flowery’ (used of Hua Muji Phula in Xibeile Township) < endoautoloconym, a³³sa³³χo⁵⁵pʰo²¹ transliterated Ashahei 䱯⋉唁 pʰo²¹va⁵⁵ < JJC, LGM, WBZ, KYSZ (1996): Phowa a³³sa³³χɨ⁵⁵pʰo²¹ endoethnoloconym WDP ɛ²¹ɬo⁵⁵pʰo²¹ pʰu²¹ʦʰu²¹; pʰu²¹la⁵⁵ < Han, Miao, and other ethnic groups Bai Phu < Phowa-DHN: ‘white’

112

Synchronic language definitions

Notes Exonyms, glossonyms, and allonyms and dialect distinctions < JJC, LGM, KYSZ (1996): ti²¹kaʌ⁵⁵pʰo²¹ endoautonym, ‘lowland’ < CKB, inclusive of Mingjiu, Ashe, lɑ²¹bo²¹ and Beige Townships pʰo²¹(va³³) Phowa WBZ vɛ³³pa²¹nʦõ¹³ pʰu²¹ʦʰu²¹; pʰu²¹la⁵⁵ < Han Daizhanpho: KYSZ < Miao paʌ²¹la⁵⁵ (1996) > nearby Phowa Bai Phu < Phowa-DHN: ‘white’ < DHN, WBZ, WDP, JJC: la²¹bo²¹pʰo²¹ endoautonym, ‘highland’ Phowa pʰo²¹(va⁵⁵) ɛ³³kʰɛ³³pʰo²¹: LGM > LGM pʰu²¹ʦu²¹; pʰu²¹la³³ < Han, Miao Feinichong Pho Bai Phu < Phowa-DHN: ‘white’ < DHN, WBZ, WDP, JJC: la²¹bo²¹pʰo²¹ endoautonym, ‘highland’ pʰo²¹(va⁵⁵) Phowa ʣə²¹ma²¹pʰo²¹: JJC kɛ³³ʦɿ²¹mi⁵⁵ pʰu²¹ʦu²¹; pʰu²¹la³³ < Han, Miao JJC > Yanggai Labo Bai Phu < Phowa-DHN: ‘white’ < endoautonym, inclusive of Laozhai ɬe³³pʰo²¹ & Pingbian Phowa < Phuma-YZT ɬjo¹³pa²¹ < CKB, inclusive of Mingjiu, Ashe, pʰo²¹va³³ Phowa lɑ²¹bo²¹ and Beige Townships MZC ʨʰi³³ʥi³³kʰa⁵⁵ pʰu²¹ʦu²¹; pʰu²¹la³³ < Han, Nisu; [po³³lua⁵⁵] <Miao < Han: archaic exoethnonym, Niuweiba Phula ‘cow tail’ Shaoji Phu < Phowa-DHN: ‘sifter basket’ < MZC, Labo Phowa of Mingjiu, ɬɛ³³pʰo²¹(va³³) endoautonym pʰu²¹ʦu²¹; pʰu²¹la³³ < Han; [po³³loa⁵⁵] < Miao Key

Phowa FZK

Autonym and Loconym

pʰo̝²¹va³³

fɛ²¹a²¹kʰɨ³³

ʣə²¹ndi³³ Bozi Xiupo Hua Phula Niuweiba Phula

< Miao: ‘long ears’ < Qing Dynasty Han: ‫ܠ‬ᆀ (PBXZ 1999:137) < PBMZ (1990), PBXZ (1999): origin unknown: 㗎亷 < PBXZ (1999), ‘flowery’ < Han: archaic exoethnonym, ‘cow tail’

Phula ethnic identities Key Phowa SZW

Exonyms, glossonyms, Autonym and allonyms and Loconym pʰo²¹wa³³ pʰu²¹ʦʰu²¹; pʰu²¹la⁵⁵ < Han

sa³³ʦa⁵⁵m̩ ³³- pʰu²¹ni²¹kə²¹ Hei Phula ȶjɛ³³

113

Notes and dialect distinctions

< Phole-CKB: ‘black’ < Phole-CKB: ‘black’

The title ‘Anipho’ is reportedly a true loconym and is claimed by at least one Daheineng local to originate from his village name χə²¹nɨ⁵⁵ (northwestern Xibeile Township, Mengzi County). Further research is necessary to test this latter claim, but Phowa from numerous other regions agree that the Phowa in Xibeile Township and in immediately surrounding areas of Mengzi and Kaiyuan Counties all affiliate under the endoautonym/loconym Anipho. ‘Asaheipho’ is a more clear-cut case of loconym-as-endonym since the Chinese allogram, ‘Asaheipo’ 䱯⍂唁⌬, and village name transliteration, ‘Asahei’ 䱯⋉唁 (located in western Mazheshao Township, Kaiyuan County), both correspond phonetically to the group’s own loconym a³³sa³³χo⁵⁵mi⁵⁵, endoautonym a³³sa³³χo⁵⁵pʰo²¹, and slightly modified endoethnoloconym a³³sa³³χɨ⁵⁵pʰo²¹. The titles ‘Labopho’ and ‘Digaopho’,6 meaning ‘Highlanders’ and ‘Lowlanders’, respectively, cannot qualify as loconyms in a fixed sense due to their perspectival nature, but beyond circumlocution, no appropriate term is available for signifying that an interpretation of one of these titles is dependent on the status of conceived elevation relative to a particular Phowa group’s physical location. After all, what is low to a highlander might still be high to a lowlander, and a group living lower than the reputed lowlanders might consider both to be highlanders. This is, in fact, the very conundrum that prevents a tidy summary of Phowa ethnic identity beyond Anipho and Asaheipho. Labopho locals living at the perceived highest point of elevation in this continuum (apparently, western Beige Township, Kaiyuan County) are called ‘Labopho’ by all other Phowa groups; but beyond this cluster of ten or so villages, distinctions are very gradient and often contradictory. On the opposite side of Beige Township live the ‘lowland’ Digaopho. Although substantial dialect differences are apparent between the two, even within Beige Township there is some disagreement between the lowland Digaopho and the highland Labopho regarding just where one endo-ethnic distribution ends and the other begins. Labopho in the west-lying highlands place the demarcation of Digaopho distribution at a higher elevation than do the

114

Synchronic language definitions

east-lying ‘lowland’ Digaopho, thus leaving a nebulous grey zone of six or so villages in the middle. For the Hlepho, however, who live at lower elevations than both the Labopho and the Digaopho, the Digaopho distinction does not seem to exist at all. Hlepho speakers call both groups ‘Labopho’ and the issue becomes one of where the ‘highland’ Labopho distribution begins and the ‘alpine forest’ Hlepho distribution ends. The Hlepho in particular regard all Phowa of Beige Township (and adjacent areas of Ashe Township, Yanshan County) to be ‘highlander’ Labopho. In fact, no Hlepho or Anipho speakers interviewed during the course of this research were even aware of the ‘lowlander’ Digaopho distinction and most referred to both groups as Labopho. There is even disagreement among Hlepho groups on where Hlepho distribution ends and Labopho distribution begins – once again, due to perspectival elevation assumptions (see Phowa-MZC in Table 3.4). Obviously, then, a gradient approach is necessary for understanding Phowa endonymic distinctions and for eventually incorporating these distinctions into definitions of the Phowa languages and dialects. Interestingly enough, this endo-ethnic Phowa gradience corresponds with gradient dialect distinctions as well, as further sections will clarify. Numerous folk exonyms surface within the north-central region as well – especially related to distinctive features of traditional ethnic clothing associated with a given group. Even a quick scan of Table 3.4 reveals that these titles do not correspond in a consistent way with the Phowa-internal system of ethnic identity. The titles are primarily listed for the sake of nomenclature documentation and field disambiguation. The bo ‫* < ܠ‬bək7 allogram used in various Chinese ethnohistorical sources in reference to Hlepho populations such as Phowa-FZK and PholeCKB, is an ancient but rather elusive ethnonym that surfaces in historical documents of Yunnan as early as the Qin and Han dynasties (221BC–AD220) (You 1994). The title is sometimes associated with the Bai Nationality as can be noted in the corresponding ≁ᇦ Mínjiā ethnonym which is usually used in reference to members of the Bai ethnic group. The significance this title may hold for Hlepho Phowa is as yet unclear, and contemporary speakers interviewed do not seem to be aware of this historical exonym. 3.2.4. East-regional identities Eight key autonym identities emerge in the east-regional Phula zone: Azha, Pholo, Khlula, Zokhuo, Moji, Thopho, Laghuu and Phukha. Laghuu was

Phula ethnic identities

115

summarized in Table 3.3, and Phukha will be treated with a brief prose summary due to limited space in the Table 3.5. Onomastic identity issues for Phukha are summarized in Edmondson (2003: 307) which lists pʰu²¹kʰa³³ and pʰu²¹kɬʰa³³ as alternate autonym pronunciations for the group and notes that (beyond ‘Phula’) known exonyms are limited to Phù Lá Hán ‘Chinese Phula’. The remaining six groups are summarized in Table 3.5 primarily focused on twelve data points visited in the region. A key feature of ethnic identities in the eastern region is the sheer number of competing folk taxonomies and the corresponding, overlapping folk exonyms of each that must be sorted through and clarified. The eastern region features this exonymic identity crisis more pervasively than any of the other four Phula zones. Table 3.5. East-regional onomastic identities Key

Azha DFC

Autonym and Loconym a⁵⁵tʂa³³

Exonyms, glossonyms, and allonyms a³³nʦʌ²¹zo³³

< Pholo-SXZ

ʌ⁵⁵ʨi³³

< Zokhuo-DXZ (of all Azha)

ve⁵⁵ɬɛ²²kʰɜ³³ Hua Phu, Hua Yi < Han: ‘flowery’ Shaoji Phula ɑ³³nʣe²¹ a³³ʨi²¹wa²¹ nɨ⁵⁵mi⁵⁵ʦɤ³³

Azha LJY XPB HZC

Notes and dialect distinctions

pʰɯ³³pjɛ⁴¹ Phula, Phuzu a³³ʦa²¹

la²²ʦʌ⁵⁵ʑi²¹

< Han: ‘sifter basket’ archaic: round object worn on back < Phole-CKB (of all Azha) < Phowa-SZW (of all Azha) < Khlula-LZC (of all Azha, also of Zokhuo) < Zhuang < Han, etc.

Hua Phuzu

< Phowa-SZW: ‘flowery’ (of all Azha)

Hei Phula

Shaoji Phula

< Han, WSZZ (2000: 389): ‘black’ < Khlula-LZC: ‘cowtail’ ( of all Azha, also of Zokhuo) < Zokhuo-DXZ: ‘sifter basket’

Jin Phula

< Han: ‘golden’ (of XPB)

Han Phula

< Han: ‘Hanized’ (of XPB)

Azan

< Historical allogram, 䱯ૡ (WSZZ 2000: 389)

Niuweiba Phula

116

Synchronic language definitions

Key

Autonym and Loconym

Exonyms, glossonyms, and allonyms na̠²¹m̩ ³³pʰa³³ ʦo²¹kʰwo⁵⁵na²¹

Khlula LZC

kɬʰu²¹la³³

Phulapha

ʣɤ²¹m̩ ⁵⁵di³³ mɤ³³ Phula; Phuzu Hei Phula paɔ⁵⁵

Shaoji Phula kɬʰu²¹la³³ Khlula MXC ma²¹χja⁵⁵di³³ Hei Phula Phula

Notes and dialect distinctions

< Khlula of NW Dalishu Township, Maguan County < Zokhuo-DXZ: ‘black Zokhuo’ (also of Maguan Khlula) < Han (WSXZ 1999) a³³la³³pʰa³³: LZC > Dalishu Khlula < Han and other ethnic groups < Miao

< Zokhuo-DXZ, Han (WSXZ 1999): ‘black’ < Miao < Khlula-LZC ‘sifter basket’ (of all Muchang Khlula) < Zokhuo-DXZ: ‘black’ Niuweiba Phula ‘cow< Han, etc. tail’: MXC > Dalishu

< Han, Zhuang, etc. cf., XCXZ (1996: 568) Phulawa < WSXZ (1999: 184): in southern Wenshan County Pingtou Phula < WSXZ (1999: 184): ‘Flathead’ (in southern Wenshan County) Muji < Tang et al. (2004: 245): in southern Wenshan County

Phula Moji LCC

Thopho XZC

Pholo SXZ Pholo XJC FYX

Unspecified

tʰo²¹pʰo³³

Hei Phula

ʦʰu²¹mi²¹- Hei Mao Ren Phula; Phuzu ndi³³ pʰo⁵⁵lo⁵⁵

nu⁵⁵mu⁵⁵ʨʰi³³ pʰo⁵⁵lo⁵⁵

ɕi³⁵ʣɛ⁵⁵

< Autoethnonym < Pholo-XJC: ‘Black Hat People’ < Han, Zhuang, etc.

pʰɯ³³

< Azha-DFC

Hei Phula

< Han, Zhuang, etc. ‘black’

Hua Phula

< Thopho-XZC: ‘flowery’

Hei Phula

< Han, etc: ‘black’

Phuzu

< Han, etc

Phula ethnic identities Key

Autonym and Loconym

Exonyms, glossonyms, and allonyms ʣɛ²¹kʰə³³ ʦʰo³³kʰa⁵⁵

Zokhuo DXZ

ʦoo²¹kʰuo⁵⁵ nɨ⁵⁵mi⁵⁵ʦɤ³³ lʌ²¹m̩ ³³ʨi³³ Nuoke Phula, Phuzu Niuweiba Phula

117

Notes and dialect distinctions

< Azha-LJY < Pholo-SXZ (of Zokhuo in central Yanshan County) < Khlula-LZC (also of Azha) < Han (WSXZ 1999) < Han, Zhuang, etc. < Han (WSXZ 1999), CKB, DFC, LZC, etc.: ‘cowtail’

The title ‘Black Phula’ alone is used by locals in different areas to refer to four out of six of the major Phula ethnic groups in the region. In addition, ‘Sifter Basket Phula’, ‘Flowery Phula’, and ‘Cowtail Phula’ may all refer to two of the major groups each depending on who is being asked. The different Phula groups these identical Chinese titles designate are usually divergent ethnolinguistically both in terms of synchronic and diachronic definitions, so confusing them with each other based on folk-titles alone would be a grave mistake. The origins of the primary autonyms used by ethnic groups in the region were unknown to those interviewed in the course of this research project; though ‘Pholo’, at least, seems traceable back to the Phula historical ethnonym. The actual autonym used by Moji-LCC speakers is unknown. According to reports, Luchaichong seems to have lost memory of any former ethnic titles used by their ancestors. The autonym ‘Moji’ is substituted temporarily based on evidence recorded in Tang et al. (2004) and vowel changes between this and other Muji varieties. Based on historical comparative findings discussed in Chapter 6, Moji appears to be a distant member of the Muji clade. The village Luchaichong is one of the only remaining Mujiaffiliated villages in Wenshan Prefecture that is not mixed with other ethnic groups. According to reports, it is also the most linguistically vital. Most other Muji-affiliated villages are located in southeastern Wenshan County, based on combined reports in Tang et. al (2004) and WSXZ (1999), but Chinese sources and Wenshan locals who have visited the region both claim that Phula speakers in these villages are highly assimilated. Another complex regional feature that is important to note is a series of perceived ethnocentric endoethnic affinities8 between Zokhuo, Khlula, and Azha, in spite of the fact that the three report very low levels of interintelligibility and feature substantial diversity phonologically and lexically. Azha is also relatively distant from Khlula and Zokhuo genetically as will

118

Synchronic language definitions

be shown in Chapters 6 and 7. In spite of these differences, at least some Zokhuo consider Khlula to be ethnically Zokhuo (‘Black Zokhuo’), and some Khlula, in turn, consider Zokhuo to be ethnically Khlula. Furthermore, Khlula speakers in LZC consider Zokhuo and Azha to belong together under the title nɨ⁵⁵mi⁵⁵ʦɤ³³, thus incorporating Azha into the Khlula ethnic fold as well. To top things off, at least some Azha also consider Zokhuo to be ethnically Azha. These ethnic perceptions, though not linguistically decisive, are still important to note – especially since they demonstrate cases of Phula internal cohesion in spite of ethnolinguistic diversity. Zokhuo-DXZ notes that they consider a further variety of Zokhuo to live in unspecified areas of Xichou and Funing counties and call this variety of Zokhuo, ʦo²¹kʰuo³³ka⁵⁵la⁵⁵mʌ³³ (also referred to as ‘Hua Phula’). This may be a reference to Moji, since some Moji of Luchaichong have reportedly learned to speak Zokhuo and since the Luchaichong variety of Moji has clearly been influenced phonologically and lexically by contact with Zokhuo. The two belong to distinct meso-clades genetically, however, as Chapter 6 illustrates. 3.2.5. Trends and observations A number of insights should be coalesced and highlighted in summary of Phula’s complex ethnic identity situation. First of all, the four Phula regions are each characterized by distinctive dynamics in terms of ethnic nomenclature. Identities in the western region are fairly straightforward and folkexonyms generally correspond with the perspectives of ethnic insiders. Identities in the south-central zone are relatively diverse but almost all Phula-affiliated ethnic groups in the region are also somehow associated with a single pervasive identity, Muji,9 whether or not ethnic insiders agree with the affiliation. Identities in the north-central region are homogenous on the surface due to widespread affiliation under the primary autonym Phowa, but this homogeneity turns out to be a macro-group identity that incorporates numerous embedded ethnic identities. Identities in the eastern region are straightforward in terms of autonyms, but are marked, nonetheless, by a proliferation of highly ambiguous folk-exonyms. Sometimes the sheer depth of consciously accepted ethnic hierarchy embedding within Phula is striking. To say nothing of corresponding auto- and exo-allonyms and folk distinctions, some groups associate emically with as many as seven hierarchically embedded layers of ethnic titles. Take PholeCKB for example who, in addition to being citizens of the PRC, are officially ‘Yizu’, ethno-historically ‘Phula’, macro-ethnically ‘Phowa’,

Core lexical comparisons

119

micro-ethnically ‘Hlepho’, dialectally ‘Phole’, and locally ‘Thsekha’ – each of these levels being embedded in the preceding level along with other villages and other ethnic groups. In general, Phula groups like Phole seem to be quite comfortable identifying with so many embedded layers of ethnicity and see no contradictions implied by the various layers. However, in light of this situation, responses often differ substantially if elicited ethnic titles are not framed properly or disambiguated adequately in a given Phula language setting. Furthermore, different titles from different hierarchies may emerge depending on the language and or discourse register a Phula insider happens to be using. Although the Phula/Phuzu title usually emerges in casual Chinese conversation, this is not always the case. MuziNGZ speakers, for example, frequently refer to themselves as Yizu (see discussion in §3.2.2) when engaged in casual Chinese conversation and refer to their Nisu neighbors as ‘Lolo’ in contrast. On the other hand, although Bokha-YBZ speakers sometimes refer to their language as ‘Yihua’ (‘Yi speech’) when casually conversing in Chinese, they do not refer to themselves as ‘Yizu’ – preferring instead to reserve this title for their Nisu neighbors and referring to themselves as ‘Phuzu’. As for folk-exonyms, it is worth noting that identical surface forms are not always references to the same features (e.g., of material culture). Take, for instance, the folk-exonym ‘Cow Tail Phula’. The title is used in reference to Zokhuo-DXZ, Phowa-FZK, and Phowa-MZC alike, and while all are references to features of the ethnic garments traditionally worn by female speakers of these groups, the title was sometimes used in reference to different features in different groups. A long tassel hanging down the back apron of their traditional garments won Zokhuo-DXZ the title, while the title when used in reference to the Hlepho-affiliated groups such as PhowaFZK and Phowa-MZC reportedly references an old feature of female traditional headdresses which incorporated a long tuft of human hair. 3.3. Core lexical comparisons A useful entry-level approach to examining the intelligibility of multiple related language varieties is a broad-brush process of elimination. This can be accomplished quantitatively through an adaptation of lexicostatistics. While no positive association can be claimed between dialect intelligibility and lexical similarity, as discussed in §2.6.3, core lexical comparisons are useful for identifying the likely presence of low inherent intelligibility between related language varieties by identifying those varieties that share 60% or fewer cognates in a 200-item Swadesh-based, areally relevant wordlist

120

Synchronic language definitions

based on findings corroborated by studies on languages spoken around the world (Biggs 1957, Casad 1987, Simons 1979, Grimes 1992, Allen 2006). The analysis involves a rough application of the comparative method, but its results must not be taken as straightforward measures of genetic relationship. The results may occasionally provide a cross-reference for identifying the presence of language contact, however; and converting the results to a distance matrix, as discussed in §6.2, provides grounds for forming diachronic genetic/contact hypotheses. Due to extensive compounding and other lexicalization processes combined with limited communication between scattered population pockets over several centuries, the Phula varieties generally evidence low levels of core lexical similarity from one major population pocket to the next. In addition to lexical replacement, semantic shift, and reanalysis, many split cognate scenarios have also developed. Different Phula varieties frequently feature corresponding lexical items that share at least one cognate morpheme compounded with one or more non-cognate morphemes. Compare SZT and ADP ‘mouth’, for example – pronounced ȵɪ²¹kɯ²¹ by the former and ɲɛ⁵⁵tʰo³³ by the latter – although the first syllable morphemes are cognate, the second syllable morphemes are not, so the lexical items are considered to be ‘lexically dissimilar’. Monomorphemic lexemes in one variety that are apparently cognate with one of the morphemes in a corresponding compound lexeme in a second variety should not be considered dissimilar, however. Take XJC ‘clothing’ for example, ᵐbe³³, which is cognate with the first morpheme of FZK bi²¹ɕɛ³³ : the two qualify as ‘lexically similar’ entries. BJB tɬʰo²¹ɕi⁵⁵, however, could not be considered lexically similar with either variety in spite of a second morpheme cognate with the FZK entry. A comprehensive summary of the results of core lexical comparison between 36 Phula varieties and four additional Ngwi languages is presented in Appendix C. In order to provide a meaningful overview of the results that can eventually be synthesized into synchronic language definitions, these statistics are examined region-by-region in this section using other Ngwi varieties for validation and using select Phula varieties from other regions to provide further evidence in the process of elimination. 3.3.1. West-regional comparisons Core lexical comparison results in the western region show high lexical similarity between the Phola and Phala lects researched. As a result, firm intelligibility judgments cannot be made either way between these varieties based on this broad-brush level of comparison alone, but we may predict,

Core lexical comparisons

121

based on these results, that Phala-FNS is unlikely to share high intelligibility with Phola-NTC. Core lexical comparison results between these westregional Phula varieties and Phula/Ngwi varieties in other regions provide more decisive results, however, as can be noted in Table 3.6:

ADP

ADP LDC NTC FNS LJY PJZ JJC x 86% 81% 79% 44% 48% 50%

LDC 86%

x

NTC 81% 80%

80% 74% 40% 44% 49% x

FNS 79% 74% 68%

Axi

Sani

Nisu

XJC MCD WZC DPD 45% 55% 49% 52% 45% 55%

47%

55%

41% 50%

44%

47%

43% 49%

49%

49%

47% 59%

52%

61%

53%

48% 50%

46%

54%

x

51% 59%

50%

60%

49%

51%

58%

70%

68% 43% 43% 45% x

Other Ngwi groups Pholo

Phowa

Muji

Azha

Phala

Phola

Other Phula regions

Phola

West-regional Phula Phola

Table 3.6. Core lexical comparison results for the west-regional Phula varieties

42% 46% 45%

LJY

44%

40%

43%

42%

x

44% 57%

PJZ

48%

44%

43%

46%

44%

JJC

50%

49%

45%

45%

57% 53%

XJC

45%

45%

41%

43%

47% 48% 51%

x

MCD 55%

55%

50%

49%

59% 50% 59%

53%

WZC 49%

47%

44%

49%

52% 46% 50%

49% 58%

x

70%

DPD 52%

55%

47%

49%

61% 54% 60%

51% 70%

70%

x

x

53% x

Based on these results (see Appendix C for full comparisons), we may safely predict that the Phola and Phala lects will not share adequate inherent intelligibility with Phula varieties in any of the other four regions, nor are these west-regional Phula varieties likely to share adequate inherent intelligibility with other (Phula-external) Ngwi varieties based on the sampling provided above. Regarding region-internal dynamics, note that the PhalaFNS results are consistently the lowest of the four lects – with percentages of lexical similarity dropping lower and lower the further away a given data point is situated from Feinishao (ADP being the closest and NTC being the farthest).

122

Synchronic language definitions

3.3.2. South-central comparisons Phula’s south-central region is much more complex. Table 3.7 summarizes the core lexical comparison results for this region. Of the data points researched, Muji-PJZ and Muji-XPC rank the highest in terms of overall lexical similarity with other varieties in the region and Muji-QLC, Laghuu-NSC and Phupha-FKC rank the lowest. Laghuu-NSC is so divergent lexically that it can be predicted to qualify as a distinct synchronic language. My findings of 45% similarity between Laghuu-NSC and Phukha-LPC, the two major Phula varieties of Vietnam, are only slightly higher than those published in Fried (2000), who places lexical similarity between the two at 42%. Barring the very faint possibility of intelligibility with DXB (ruled out in §3.4.2), intelligibility between Muji-QLC and any of the other varieties surveyed can also be predicted to be low. Phupha-FKC and Alugu-CTL demonstrate consistently low lexical similarity with other varieties in the region as well. Alugu-CTL’s tentative connections with Phupha-FKC and Phuza-BJB are best established using diachronic criteria discussion in Chapter 6 will demonstrate. FKC’s slightly higher lexical similarity with Nisu can be attributed to language contact since the variety is situated in a predominantly Nisu-speaking area as is discussed further in §3.6 and §4.11. Apart from the general tendency of lects in the south-central region to feature high levels of lexical similarity with the Muji/Muzi varieties, a few other lexical affinities are apparent as well: Phuma-YZT, Bokha-YBZ, and Bokho-DXB all pattern together, as do Phupa-GMD and Phuza-BJB. Interestingly, Phuza-BJB and, to a lesser extent, Phupa-GMD both demonstrate marginal levels of lexical similarity with a number of Muji varieties and Phowa varieties (see Table 3.8 and Appendix C) – a point discussed further in §3.3.3 and §3.8. A number of questions are left unanswered, or only partially unanswered, by these results that must be clarified or interpreted by research findings related to identity, perceptual dialectology, language contact and intelligibility testing (not to mention later historical comparative analysis). Although the Phuma-YZT, Bokha-YBZ, and Bokho-DXB results in Table 3.7 provide us with grounds for making a strong prediction that these varieties will share low intelligibility with the Muzi varieties of Gejiu County (MLT and NGZ), for example, the question of their intelligibility with Muji varieties in other counties is left open. More importantly, though, Phula varieties in the region can, overall, be predicted to share minimal intelligibility at best with Phula varieties in other regions and with other Ngwi varieties in general.

PJZ XPC SZT NGZ MLT YZT YBZ DXB GMD BJB CTL FKC QLC NSC LDC FZK LJY SXZ MCD WZC ZZC DPD

Other Phula Regions

South-central Phula Region

54% 48% 46% 58% 49% 50% 53% 49% 50% 56% 50% 44% 57% 51% 51% 51% 47% 44% 50% 44% 38% 50% 44% 43% 58% 52% 50% 60% 54% 53% 59% 48% 49% 58% 55% 53% 44% 39% 39% 49% 42% 46% 55% 51% 47% 57% 54% 54% 44% 59% 52% 48% 49% 48% 55% 62% 58% 49% 62% x 68% x 62% x 68% 49%

50% 51% 48% 45% 50% 41% 40% 43% 51% 62% 57% 62% 38% 45% 55% 59% 59% 53% x 58% 62% 55%

48% 49% 45% 47% 43% 45% 47% 45% 54% 52% 48% 51% 37% 42% 49% 51% 49% x 53% 48% 49% 48%

44% 46% 42% 41% 44% 43% 41% 40% 50% 47% 44% 52% 34% 33% 40% 52% x 49% 59% 52% 59% 44%

57% 60% 54% 59% 59% 55% 54% 49% 64% 63% 53% 58% 43% 42% 47% x 52% 51% 59% 54% 54% 57%

44% 45% 43% 40% 39% 38% 34% 34% 43% 51% 50% 55% 35% 38% x 47% 40% 49% 55% 47% 51% 55%

60% 51% 58% 46% 47% 54% 57% 58% 46% 49% 38% 38% 57% x 38% 42% 33% 42% 45% 46% 42% 49%

60% 55% 54% 46% 48% 57% 58% 61% 42% 43% 35% 38% x 57% 35% 43% 34% 37% 38% 39% 39% 44%

52% 52% 55% 54% 55% 47% 51% 45% 62% 60% 65% x 38% 38% 55% 58% 52% 51% 62% 53% 55% 58%

50% 51% 48% 55% 53% 44% 39% 39% 59% 65% x 65% 35% 38% 50% 53% 44% 48% 57% 49% 48% 59%

61% 64% 56% 63% 64% 52% 56% 50% 71% x 65% 60% 43% 49% 51% 63% 47% 52% 62% 53% 54% 60%

66% 63% 55% 59% 57% 55% 51% 53% x 71% 59% 62% 42% 46% 43% 64% 50% 54% 51% 50% 52% 58%

73% 64% 64% 57% 53% 68% 73% x 53% 50% 39% 45% 61% 58% 34% 49% 40% 45% 43% 43% 44% 50%

75% 68% 64% 56% 56% 75% x 73% 51% 56% 39% 51% 58% 57% 34% 54% 41% 47% 40% 38% 44% 50%

76% 70% 72% 69% 75% 78% 65% 62% 66% 57% 85% x 59% x 85% x 59% 57% 75% 56% 56% 68% 53% 57% 55% 57% 59% 52% 64% 63% 44% 53% 55% 47% 55% 54% 57% 48% 46% 54% 47% 46% 38% 39% 40% 55% 59% 59% 43% 44% 41% 45% 43% 47% 41% 50% 45% 44% 51% 44% 47% 51% 50% 51% 57% 56%

80% 82% x 71% x 82% x 71% 80% 66% 78% 72% 62% 75% 70% 65% 69% 76% 64% 68% 75% 64% 64% 73% 55% 63% 66% 56% 64% 61% 48% 51% 50% 55% 52% 52% 54% 55% 60% 58% 51% 60% 43% 45% 44% 54% 60% 57% 42% 46% 44% 45% 49% 48% 48% 51% 50% 50% 50% 46% 49% 49% 48% 53% 58% 54%

DPD ZZC WZC MCD SXZ LJY FZK LDC NSC QLC FKC CTL BJB GMD DXB YBZ YZT MLT NGZ SZT XPC PJZ

Axi Azhe Sani Nisu Pholo Azha Phowa Phola Laghu Muji Phupha Alugu Phuza Phupa Bokho Bokha Puma Muzi Muzi Muzi Muji Muji

Non-Phula Ngwi

Table 3.7. Core lexical comparison results for south-central Phula varieties

Core lexical comparisons 123

124

Synchronic language definitions

3.3.3. North-central comparisons Core lexical comparison results for the north-central Phula region are compiled in Table 3.7. In terms of region-internal comparisons, the results are similar to the west-regional results – leaving little grounds for making strong predictions one way or the other in terms of intelligibility. PhowaSZW alone can be confidently predicted to share low intelligibility with two other varieties: Phowa-DHN and Phowa-WDP. Phowa-FZK and Phole-CKB demonstrate the most consistently high levels of lexical similarity with other varieties in the region, though the highest individual percentages of similarity (i.e., those varieties over 85%) are in all cases apparently related to geographic proximity. Phowa-SZW demonstrates the lowest levels of lexical similarity in the region, and the variety shares marginal levels of similarity with languages in the south-central and eastern Phula regions as well. In some cases this is apparently due to historical language contact, but in others it corresponds with genetic inheritance (see further discussion in §1.2, §6.3, §6.4 and elsewhere). Regarding other region-external correspondences, the north-central varieties on the whole can be defined as synchronically distinct, in terms of intelligibility, from Phula varieties in the other three regions with the marginal, but fairly consistent, exceptions of Phupa-GMD and Phuza-BJB – both from the southern region. A few other isolated anomalies surface as well such as Phole-CKB’s 65% score with Khlula-LZC and 62% score with Nisu-MCD and four involving the chameleon-like lect Phowa-SZW: 65% < KhlulaMXC, 64% < Phukha-LPC, 63% < Khlula-LZC, and 61% < Muji-XPC. None of these correspondences consistently involve other related northregional lects, and all are still relatively low, so these exceptions need not be considered to have serious implications for intelligibility. Whether or not such correspondences have implications for language contact or whether or not they may be shown, via other methods, to be mildly symptomatic of genetic relationship will be left for later discussion. Referencing the findings of an unspecified lexical comparative study, MZXZ (1995: 131) provides at least one source of external confirmation for the Phowa-Muji core lexical comparison results published here (see Appendix C for full comparisons). The study identified 50% lexical similarity between Muji and Phowa in the county. Though the specific varieties are left unidentified, and while the statistic is slightly lower than my own findings, the independent study at least confirms the existence of substantial lexical diversity between these two major subgroups.

FZK CKB JJC WDP MZC WBZ DHN SZW FNS XPC DXB GMD BJB LJY LZC XJC LPC MCD WZC ZZC DPD

Azhe Sani

Nisu

PhukhaPholo Khlula Azha Phuza Phupa Bokho Muji Phala Phowa Phowa Phowa Phowa Phowa Phowa Phole Phowa

North-central Phula Region

57% 61% 60% 61% 62% 63% 57% 62% 49% 58% 50% 58% 60% 61% 52% 51% 53% 70% 70% 68% x

54% 57% 56% 57% 57% 58% 54% 52% 49% 49% 44% 52% 54% 59% 44% 46% 49% 62% 62% x 68%

54% 55% 50% 52% 52% 53% 47% 51% 49% 50% 43% 50% 53% 52% 52% 49% 47% 58% x 62% 70%

59% 62% 59% 59% 59% 61% 56% 58% 49% 51% 43% 51% 62% 59% 51% 53% 52% x 58% 62% 70%

57% 58% 56% 54% 55% 56% 53% 64% 41% 53% 42% 54% 56% 42% 57% 44% x 52% 47% 49% 53%

48% 54% 51% 51% 52% 54% 51% 53% 43% 49% 45% 54% 52% 47% 51% x 44% 53% 49% 46% 51%

58% 65% 57% 57% 59% 60% 55% 63% 45% 52% 48% 56% 56% 50% x 51% 57% 51% 52% 44% 52%

52% 54% 57% 55% 55% 57% 53% 51% 42% 46% 40% 50% 47% x 50% 47% 42% 59% 52% 59% 61%

63% 67% 64% 63% 66% 61% 65% 62% 47% 64% 50% 71% x 47% 56% 52% 56% 62% 53% 54% 60%

64% 66% 61% 62% 65% 59% 57% 65% 45% 63% 53% x 71% 50% 56% 54% 54% 51% 50% 52% 58%

49% 50% 47% 45% 47% 48% 39% 51% 40% 64% x 53% 50% 40% 48% 45% 42% 43% 43% 44% 50%

60% 59% 58% 55% 61% 59% 56% 61% 43% x 64% 63% 64% 46% 52% 49% 53% 51% 50% 49% 58%

43% 47% 45% 45% 47% 45% 39% 48% x 43% 40% 45% 47% 42% 45% 43% 41% 49% 49% 49% 49%

71% 70% 62% 60% 63% 62% 59% x 48% 61% 51% 65% 62% 51% 63% 53% 64% 58% 51% 52% 62%

72% 76% 83% 74% 85% 82% x 59% 39% 56% 39% 57% 65% 53% 55% 51% 53% 56% 47% 54% 57%

72% 82% 91% 83% 85% x 82% 62% 45% 59% 48% 59% 61% 57% 60% 54% 56% 61% 53% 58% 63%

76% 83% 84% 77% x 85% 85% 63% 47% 61% 47% 65% 66% 55% 59% 52% 55% 59% 52% 57% 62%

72% 77% 85% x 77% 83% 74% 60% 45% 55% 45% 62% 63% 55% 57% 51% 54% 59% 52% 57% 61%

74% 81% x 85% 84% 91% 83% 62% 45% 58% 47% 61% 64% 57% 57% 51% 56% 59% 50% 56% 60%

78% x 81% 77% 83% 82% 76% 70% 47% 59% 50% 66% 67% 54% 65% 54% 58% 62% 55% 57% 61%

x 78% 74% 72% 76% 72% 72% 71% 43% 60% 49% 64% 63% 52% 58% 48% 57% 59% 54% 54% 57%

DPD ZZC WZC MCD LPC XJC LZC LJY BJB GMD DXB XPC FNS SZW DHN WBZ MZC WDP JJC CKB FZK

Axi

Other Ngwi Varieties Other Phula Regions

Table 3.8. Core lexical comparison results for Phula varieties in the north-central region

Core lexical comparisons 125

126

Synchronic language definitions

3.3.4. East-regional comparisons Lexical comparison proves most useful in the eastern Phula region: with only one marginal exception, each major autonym group in the region can be established as synchronically distinct from each of the other autonym groups based on lexical criteria alone, though ethnic identity, perceptual dialectology, and genetic subgrouping corroborate these distinctions. The related core lexical comparison statistics are listed in Table 3.9. First note that none of the Phula east-regional varieties share more than 60% lexical similarity with Nisu, Sani, or Azhe. This is particularly important for the beginning stages of comparison with Sani and Azhe since these two Ngwi varieties are often assumed to be closely aligned with languages in the region like Pholo and Azha. Also note that, with the exception of the chameleon-like Phowa-SZW (see Appendix C), no Phula languages in other regions share more than 60% lexical similarity with Phula languages in this region either. An unspecified, independent lexical similarity study referenced briefly in WSZZ (2000: 394) demonstrates general support for the Khlula core lexical statistics calculated in the current study. The WSZZ study finds that Khlula (transliterated ‘Tula’) shares 54% lexical similarity with Pholo – comparable to the 51% findings between LZC and SXZ in the current study – and 58% lexical similarity with Phowa – comparable to most comparative combinations of the Phowa and Khlula varieties (see also Appendix C). Region-internally, the Moji-LCC variety shares a marginal 63% lexical similarity with both of the Khlula varieties. This slight margin is unlikely to correspond with inherent intelligibility, however, as is discussed further in §3.6.2, and is likely due to language contact. Thus, at least seven lects can be predicted to share, at best, low levels of lexical similarity among the Phula varieties of the region: Azha, Khlula, Pholo, Thopho, Zokhuo, Moji, and Phukha: a claim that is corroborated by speaker perceptions, anecdotal information at the village level (§3.5.4), and genetic subgrouping (as discussed in Chapters 6 and 7). 3.3.5. Perspective The fact that Phula lexical similarity is generally low from region to region should not come as a surprise. As discussed in Chapter 1, the migration patterns of ancestor languages since the eighth century are difficult to unravel. Most Phula distribution pockets do not pattern like the better known, more densely clustered ethnic languages of China such as Zhuang, Bai, Nuosu Yi,

Axi DPD 61%

59%

64%

52%

54%

51%

52%

53%

53%

44%

53%

70%

70%

68%

x

LJY

HZC

DFC

LZC

MXC

XJC

SXZ

XZC

DXZ

LCC

LPC

MCD

WZC

ZZC

DPD

68%

x

62%

62%

49%

41%

46%

52%

49%

46%

49%

44%

58%

57%

Azhe ZZC 59%

70%

62%

x

58%

47%

36%

50%

46%

48%

49%

46%

52%

59%

56%

Sani WZC 52%

East-Regional Phula Varieties

70%

62%

58%

x

52%

37%

48%

51%

53%

53%

50%

51%

60%

57%

53%

49%

47%

44%

41%

36%

37%

53%

x 52%

x

50%

47%

45%

42%

63%

63%

45%

44%

53%

52%

44%

43%

44%

57%

57%

48%

46%

53%

46%

50%

48%

52%

50%

x

49%

44%

43%

54%

56%

47%

44%

53%

52%

46%

51%

44%

47%

49%

x

53%

55%

52%

54%

52%

48%

52%

49%

48%

53%

43%

45%

44%

53%

x

91%

50%

51%

51%

44%

51%

46%

49%

53%

44%

42%

43%

55%

91%

x

50%

51%

47%

44%

54%

49%

46%

50%

57%

63%

54%

52%

50%

50%

x

75%

51%

48%

52%

44%

52%

51%

57%

63%

56%

54%

51%

51%

75%

x

51%

46%

64%

58%

59%

60%

48%

45%

47%

52%

51%

47%

51%

51%

x

84%

Nisu Phukha Moji Zokhuo Thopho Pholo Pholo Khlula Khlula Azha MCD LPC LCC DXZ XZC SXZ XJC MXC LZC DFC 59% 42% 40% 49% 46% 49% 47% 50% 50% 94%

Non-Phula Ngwi Groups

59%

57%

56%

57%

46%

44%

44%

48%

44%

44%

48%

46%

84%

x

Azha HZC 84%

Azha LJY

61%

59%

52%

59%

42%

40%

49%

46%

49%

47%

50%

50%

94%

84%

x

Table 3.9. Core lexical comparison results for Phula varieties in the eastern region

Core lexical comparisons 127

128

Synchronic language definitions

or Dai in regions that feature high population concentrations. In most cases distinct varieties live in scattered population pockets that have been separated from each other by high ranges and deep gorges for hundreds of years with little opportunity for communication until late in the twentieth century. We must also understand that geographic isolation has been coupled with a widespread shift in morphological typology resulting in the independent lexicalization of compounds due to internal drift, without recourse to the standardizing effects afforded by contact or literacy. 3.4. Recorded text testing As discussed in §2.4.3 and §2.6.2, of the 114 natural oral texts collected during the fieldwork component, 18 were developed and pilot tested in the village of origin for intelligibility testing in other locations. In most cases – especially those involving inter-regional comparisons – extensive RTT work was deemed unnecessary due to sufficiently low levels of lexical similarity, but in other region-internal cases, RTT testing was applied to ambiguous situations and yielded insights useful for language definition. Time and focus constraints limited RTT applications to a supplementary research role; thus, future research may provide finer grades of understanding regarding intelligibility issues within various Phula languages, as defined in §3.9. In order to avoid the appearance of quantitative certainty on an issue as intricate and elusive as intelligibility, the RTT test results listed below will not be posted as percentages, but rather as mean scores – zero being the lowest and 100 being the highest. In each case, RTT results involve much more than numbers, so the final evaluation of each test is not number-based at all. Intelligibility is better construed in gradient, qualitative terms such as ‘high’, ‘low’, and ‘marginal’ and should ideally also make reference to related variables such as social strata, directionality, language contact, and evidence of learned vs. inherent intelligibility. These perspectives will be partially applied to evaluations in this section, but will be applied more thoroughly in §3.7 in an attempt to summarize and synthesize the multiple intelligibility findings of §§3.3–3.6. 3.4.1. West-regional results Two recorded text tests were administered in the west-regional Phula zone – both using a pilot tested RTT from Phala-FNS. The test was administered on Phala-BSC as a rapid appraisal group RTT and was administered on ADP

Recorded text testing

129

Phola as a formal RTT. Speakers in both locations correctly identified the general location of the variety as being spoken in villages directly adjacent to the county seat, but the test results themselves identified an important dialect rift. The BSC group RTT was carried out with a group of five speakers. All agreed that this dialect was identical to their own and an overall score of 90 affirmed this claim. The five speakers were a fair mix of ages and genders. In Adipo, the test was administered one-on-one with nine locals: three females and six males ages 18–60. The mean score was 70 but featured a high standard deviation of 23.3 suggesting the presence of learned intelligibility. Contact between the two varieties is inevitable, since Adipo locals regularly attend market days in the county seat; thus, a higher standard deviation was unavoidable. Notably, middle-aged and elderly test subjects consistently scored higher on the test than younger speakers. In evaluation, lowto-marginal inherent intelligibility can be claimed from FNS to ADP with learned intelligibility apparently increasing in proportion to contact through time. 3.4.2. South-central results Most of the RTT work carried out during the fieldwork component was done in the south-central region: of the 24 total RTT tests administered, 14 were carried out in this region. Most possible recorded text test scenarios were unnecessary due to low levels of lexical similarity providing confident predictions of low intelligibility automatically (see further discussion in §2.6.3 and §3.3.2). Numerous questions were still answered by the RTT approach on several of the remaining varieties. The general results are presented in Table 3.10 in which the following notations are used: grey cells marked ‘NA’ indicate a core lexical comparison score of 60% or lower between the two varieties in question. A checked cell (3 3) represents the completion of an RTP for a given variety. Formal, standard RTT’s are noted by mean score followed by standard deviation and separated by a colon (e.g., 82:20). Rapid appraisal group RTT scores are noted by lone numbers. The presence of learned intelligibility is marked by an asterisk (for group RTT’s) or by a standard deviation higher than 15 (for formal RTT’s). The letter L signifies apparent low intelligibility based on informal playback and questioning using a recorded text not developed as an RTP. The results are discussed briefly following Table 3.10. By cross-referencing the RTT results in Table 3.10 with core lexical comparison results listed in Table 3.7 we may note that the correspondences

130

Synchronic language definitions

further corroborate the 60% low-intelligibility threshold (i.e., GMD>CTL and PJZ>QLC) and even support its placement at 70% (i.e., YZT>DXB, PJZ>MLT, PJZ>GMD, GMD>BJB, FKC>CTL, BJB>CLT, XPC>DXB). Table 3.10. Phula intelligibility testing results for the south-central region Audience► ▼RTT Alugu-CTL Bokha-YBZ Bokho-DXB Muji-PJZ Muji-QLC Muji-XPC Muzi-SZT Muzi-MLT Muzi-NGZ Phuma-YZT Phupa-GMD Phupha-FKC Phuza-BJB

CTL YBZ DXB PJZ QLC

XPC

SZT MLT NGZ YZT GMD FKC BJB

3 NA NA NA NA NA NA NA 3 90 NA NA 3 NA NA NA 100* 3 38:05 66:24 82:20 50 NA NA L NA NA NA NA 3 NA 35 NA NA NA NA NA NA NA NA

NA NA NA

NA

40 15 NA NA 40 NA NA NA 15 NA NA

NA

NA

NA

NA

NA

NA

NA

NA

NA NA

NA

NA

NA NA

60* NA NA

NA

NA NA

NA NA

NA

NA

NA

NA

NA

NA NA NA

NA

NA

3

NA

NA

NA

NA

NA

3

NA

NA

NA

NA

NA

NA NA NA

-

NA NA

NA

NA

45 3 3

Most testing was carried out using a Muji-PJZ pilot tested RTT. This RTT is posted in its Chinese and English translations in Appendix D along with testing questions in order to better facilitate an understanding of the process involved. PJZ RTT results are summarized in Table 3.11 along with evaluations. The learned, or contact-based, intelligibility noted to characterize GMD and DXB in Table 3.11 is in both cases an evaluation consistent with anecdotal information provided by speakers in the area. GMD speakers interact with speakers of a very similar Muji lect not only in shared market day events but living in nearby villages in the same community. Children from the two varieties also attend school together in some cases. Furthermore, older generations did better answering the RTT questions, and GMD locals report that they must still mix Chinese with what they have learned of this Muji dialect in order to communicate with speakers from these villages. The two are unable to communicate using Phupa. GMD locals identify these Muji villages as the origin of the PJZ recording (though PJZ is actually many kilometers distant to the south in another county). As for the DXB group RTT, participants guessed that the recording was from Shuitou or Tiepongzhai – two Muji villages nearby with whom locals

Recorded text testing

131

have almost daily contact. Most Bokho in the area are bilingual in this dialect of Muji and note that they have learned to speak the variety due to frequent contact (see further discussion in §3.5.2). Bokho-DXB’s high score on the Bokha-YBZ RTT is not due to learned intelligibility, however, since DXB speakers even seemed unaware of the presence of their fellow Bokha in Pingbian. The score should be interpreted as ‘high inherent intelligibility’. Table 3.11. Results and evaluation of preliminary testing with Muji-PJZ RTT Location

Mean Score

Subjects SDV

Muji-XPC

66

10

Muzi-SZT

82

10

Muji-QLC

38

4

Muzi-MLT

50

5 (group)

Phupa-GMD

60

10 (group)

Bokho-DXB

100

5 (group)

Evaluation

Low-to-marginal inherent intelligibility 24.4 but certain mobile speakers of both genders have learned to understand. Marginal inherent intelligibility but 19.9 learned intelligibility is high among mobile speakers – usually males. Low inherent intelligibility due to dis5.0 tance and time separation. Genetically close, but lexically divergent. Low inherent intelligibility due to disNA tance and time separation. Genetically close but lexically marginal. Low learned intelligibility due to weekly NA contact in market towns. Genetically and lexically divergent. High learned intelligibility due to generations of daily contact with a similar diaNA lect. Genetically close but lexically marginal.

The high standard deviations in Table 3.11 mark the inevitable presence of contact, but unlike the Phala/Phola contact situation in §3.4.1 in which the contact demographic is defined by age, the contact scenarios between XPC–PJZ and SZT–PJZ, respectively, seem to be defined by mobility regardless of age. In SZT this mobile demographic is primarily restricted to male speakers, but female speakers are just as likely to be among the mobile demographic in XPC. Some XPC speakers even indicated that substantial learning time was required for their current level of PJZ comprehension. When asked, three XPC speakers guessed that the PJZ recording was from a Muji variety spoken in Gamadi Community of Shuitian Township, Mengzi County. The community is not only home to villages associated with PhupaGMD, but also to three or so Muji villages that evidently affiliate with the

132

Synchronic language definitions

same lect of Muji as PJZ. A village leader noted six months learning time was required for him to learn this variety of Muji upon acceptance of a previous administrative post in Gamadi, as is discussed further in §3.5.2. Interestingly, when the PJZ recording was played for MLT, local participants insisted that the recording was their own language and were confident in their ability to understand all of the narrative content. Although this underlying attitude of affinity should not be dismissed as irrelevant, participants nevertheless still misunderstood much of the basic story content as is indicated by their mean score in Table 3.11. In answer to Question 6, for example, instead of the expected response “we couldn't find them”, the MLT response was “there were lots of grasshoppers”. After listening to a narrative from Phowa-DHN (not-pilot tested, but played nonetheless for an initial reaction), however, MLT participants declined to even attempt discussion of the content saying that the recording was not Muji and that they could not understand it. 3.4.3. North-central testing results Dialect distinctions in the north-central Phula region are the most gradient of the four zones; future comprehensive RTT testing between dialects would doubtless bring refined clarity to the picture, but this degree of focus on a single cluster was beyond the scope of the current project. For now, results from eight group-level, informal RTT’s shed ample light for preliminary language definitions when considered alongside genetic subgrouping carried out in Chapter 6 and speaker perceptions, anecdotal information and identity issues discussed in the current chapter. An RTT developed in Phowa-FZK was tested on three Phowa dialects: Phowa-MZC, Phowa-CKB, and Phowa-WDP. Of these three, MZC scored the highest at 85. When asked for their opinion on intelligibility, MZC participants reported thinking that they were able to understand 100% of the recording but insisted that this was primarily because the storyteller was speaking slowly. MZC locals claim they have difficulty understanding this dialect when they hear it spoken at normal speeds. Intelligibility from FZK to MZC can, nevertheless, be evaluated as ‘high inherent intelligibility’. Testing the Phowa-FZK RTT on Phole-CKB yielded a score of 60; though participants optimistically estimated 90–100% intelligibility after listening to the recording. The CKB participants guessed that the variety in the recording was Labopho – likely a reference to the Phowa of Ashe Township, Yanshan County. The results can only be considered ‘low-to-marginal inherent intelligibility’. Testing the FZK-RTT on the much more distantly

Reported dialect perceptions and intelligibility indices

133

located Phowa-WDP variety of central Kaiyuan County resulted in such poor comprehension that participants were not even able to formulate answers to test questions – a situation that may simply be evaluated as ‘low intelligibility’. An RTT developed in Phowa-WBZ was tested on Phowa-CKB and Phowa-WDP. Once again CKB participants estimated that they were able to understand 100% of the recording, and this time they were correct with a score of 100. An evaluation of ‘high inherent intelligibility’ is in order since the two varieties are separated by a considerable distance geographically and three counties administratively. Testing Phowa-WBZ on Phowa-WDP also yielded a ‘high intelligibility’ evaluation – whether learned or inherent is unclear, however. Phowa-JJC test results in WDP and WBZ can also be given ‘high intelligibility’ evaluations. In both of these cases, however, the varieties in question have been in such frequent contact for such a long time that distinctions between learned and inherent intelligibility are not possible without more formal testing measures. 3.4.4. East-regional testing results Due to consistently low levels of lexical similarity between Phula language varieties of differing ethnic identities in the eastern region, no intelligibility testing was deemed necessary in the region for this stage of Phula language definition. Future inquiry may seek a finer understanding of intelligibility issues within any of these major varieties, however; and RTT pilots were prepared and tested in four regional locations for this purpose (see summary in Table 1.1). 3.5. Reported dialect perceptions and intelligibility indices Perceptual and anecdotal information elicited from Phula speakers is also useful for forming basic hypotheses about synchronic dialect relationships and language definitions. As discussed in §2.6.1, intelligibility indices considered in the questionnaire elicitation process included gradient, opinionbased perceptions (e.g., where is Muji spoken the most differently from here?), intermarriage anecdotes (e.g., how long a bride who married in from, or out to, village x required before she was able to speak the host dialect), market day interaction anecdotes (e.g., what language is used to communicate with speakers of dialect x in market town y?), hypothetical childspeaker situation (e.g., if a speaker from dialect x came to the host village

134

Synchronic language definitions

speaking dialect y would a young [speaking-aged] child from dialect y unexposed to dialect x actually be able understand dialect x if the visitor tried to converse with the child using dialect x?), among other questions (as summarized in Appendix A). Important to note, however, is that most Phula speakers are not highly mobile and have usually never had contact with speakers of other dialects beyond a 20 km radius of their home. Dialect intelligibility indices will be summarized below – arranged according to geographic zone and listed by data point. Secondary data points are sometimes described together with primary data points to avoid redundancy. It should be noted that the degrees of intensity with which language and dialect differences are expressed (e.g., ‘virtually identical’, ‘somewhat different,’ ‘somewhat more different,’ ‘very different,’ ‘extremely different’) can only be interpreted in light of an overall linguistic situation and should not be held to correspond in any fixed way from region to region or even from data point to data point in some cases. In other words, a degree of similarity that speakers in one location describe as ‘somewhat different’ may be described by speakers in another location as ‘very different’ depending on the diversity and complexity of the linguistic situation. 3.5.1. West-regional perceptions and indices Of the five data points in this region, two can be clustered together with adjacent points to make for three general reporting areas: Phala-FNS and BSC representing the southeastern distribution, Phola-ADP representing the central distribution, and Phola representing the northwestern distribution. Phala-FNS and BSC. Feinishao locals hold that their dialect is virtually identical with that spoken in two other villages in Yisa Township, 12 or so villages to the east of them in Menglong Township, and 12 or so villages across the Yuanjiang (Honghe) river from them in Niugai Township of Shiping County. Beisha locals agree that they can easily communicate in Phala with Feinishao locals and note that the lects are virtually identical. Some speakers also say they think Phala sounds best as spoken in Feinishao and immediately surrounding villages – especially including Yibeidi and Shaojiashan to the northeast in Niugai Township of Shiping County. Local speakers further hold that a variety of Phala spoken in southwestern Jianshui County is somewhat more different (presumably a reference to Nianshao, of southeastern Guanting Township, the only known Phula village in the county), but Phala brides who marry in from Jianshui reportedly require no substantial adjustment period to function in the local dialect of Phala and speak Phala with their respective husbands from the day of their arrival.

Reported dialect perceptions and intelligibility indices

135

Dabaineng and Adipho (Phola-ADP), two villages in western Menglong Township of Honghe County, are reported to be somewhat more different as is the dialect spoken in Wadie Township of Yuanjiang County (represented herein by Phola-LDC). Some locals indicate that they must use Chinese in order to communicate with speakers from these dialects. Chinese is used to communicate with Nisu speakers – even among speakers who have been friends for 30 years or more. One local noted that after saying a few polite phrases in each other’s language, the two friends then switch to Chinese. Phola-ADP. Adipo locals perceive their dialect to be most similar to that spoken in a few other nearby Phola villages of western Menglong Township, Honghe County – especially Dashuitang and Panzhihua. Somewhat more different, according to locals, are the dialects of Phola spoken in villages along both banks of the Honghe river across the Yuanjiang County border in southern Dashuiping and Wadie Townships – notably Bolumu, Qingmuli, and Luodie (Phola-LDC). The Phola dialects spoken in Niugai Township of Shiping County and in Yisa and eastern Menglong Townships of Honghe County (represented herein by Phala-FNS) are considered to be very different from their own dialect and locals report no small difficulty in attempting to communicate with speakers of this dialect using Phula. Adipho’s most well-developed marriage networks are with Phola villages in southeastern Yuanjiang County. Phola-LDC and NTC. Luodie locals consider Phola to be spoken slightly differently in each village of the region, but hold that the Phola varieties most similar to their own lect are those spoken in two other Phola villages of Luodie community, Zhabadie and Yiweidie, and in the five Phola villages of Tajike Community to the northeast of Luodie around the final bend of the Xiaohedi river before its confluence with the Honghe. They regard the Phola dialect spoken to the west across the Honghe river in Nanhun, and presumably Nansa, Communities of Dashuiping Township to be somewhat more different, but hold that communication in Phola is relatively uninhibited by these differences nonetheless. Some hold, however, that a young, speaking-aged child might have difficulty at first understanding speakers from Nanhun. According to local speaker perceptions, the Phola spoken in Honghe County is more different still, and local children are reportedly unable to understand speakers from Honghe County. The Phola spoken in Niugai Township of Shiping County is held to be even more different and very difficult for locals to understand. Finally, the most extremely different Phola dialect of all is reportedly spoken in Tuguozhai of northwestern Lijiang Township, Yuanjiang County. Locals insist that the dialect is very different and impossible for them to understand. Speakers from the two

136

Synchronic language definitions

locations must use Chinese to communicate, they say. Tuguozhai is surrounded by Dai villages, and Luodie locals say the dialect sounds like a mixture of Dai, Phola, and Chinese. Local speakers usually only attend market days in Wadie Township seat, their home township, and do not seem to be aware of Phula languages spoken beyond Yuanjiang, Shiping, and Honghe counties. The few Hani brides who have married in to Luodie have reportedly required between two and three years to learn Phola to an adequate level of proficiency for daily communication. 3.5.2. South-central perceptions and indices Due to the relative complexity of the south-central region, each data point provides unique insights into the overall dialect intelligibility picture, and each will be reported on separately. Alugu-CTL. As was mentioned in §1.2.3.2, the five villages of Alonggu Community just north of the Honghe river in Huangcaoba Township of Gejiu County feature residual dialect distinctions that affiliate strongly along surname or clan boundaries even within the same village, evidently due to language or dialect mixing between two families – each originally speaking a different speech variety – who converged on the spot to start a new village in centuries past. Nevertheless, Alugu speakers local to Alonggu community report that now the five villages comprising their home community pattern together very closely ethnolinguistically. Local speakers also report a strong affiliation with two other Phula villages in Gejiu County: Shewomi of southwestern Kafang Township and four or so families living in Mayutian of southeastern Baohe Township. This latter village is said to be predominantly composed of Nisu, however. The language variety is also spoken in four adjacent villages south of the Honghe river in Yuanyang County: Asuozhai and Cuomopingzhai of northwestern Fengchunling Township and Zhutiezhai and Lüshanzhai of north Xiaoxin'gai Township. Alonggu community residents refer to speakers in these four villages as ‘Lisaha’ (see Table 3.3) and claim high mutual intelligibility with them. Beyond these eleven villages, Alonggu locals claim no further dialect affiliations with other Phula varieties. In-marriage from language-external ethnic groups is reportedly not practiced in Alonggu Community-proper, and all community-external in-marriages are from the Lisaha villages in Yuanyang or one of the other Alugu affiliated villages in Gejiu. Speakers from these locations reportedly have no difficulty communicating in the host village context upon arrival. Even though a number of Muji villages are located only five kilometers or so to the north of Alonggu, locals report very low

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137

intelligibility with Muji – with one man estimating less than one-third comprehension. Though a few Alonggu locals report that they have learned to speak basic Muji, they report that most Alugu speakers must use Chinese in order to communicate with the nearby Muji locals of Kafang and Baohe Townships. In their minds, this includes both Phuza (represented herein by BJB) and Muji-affiliated dialects that would presumably be most similar to Muzi-NGZ and Muzi-MLT. Those who marry out to Muji villages reportedly require at least two months learning time before they are able to begin communicating in Muji. Bokho-DXB. Local Bokho speakers in Dixibei perceive their lect to be identical with that spoken in six other Bokho villages in the community (one mixed with Muji), two other Bokho villages in Mengqiao Township, and possibly some other speakers in Vietnam (including some who have now migrated into the suburbs of Hanoi).10 They perceive their lect to be somewhat different from Bokha in Pingbian (represented herein by Bokha-YBZ); though locals were evidently not aware of Pingbian Bokha until after hearing the RTT recording mentioned in §3.4.2 (which they scored very highly on). Locals perceive their dialect to be even more different from Muji-QLC – an opinion voiced after listening to a non-pilot-tested recording of the variety which they described as little more than half intelligible. They perceive their lect to be even more different still from various dialects that affiliate with Muji-PJZ and offer an estimate of about half similarity with this variety; nevertheless, most Bokho in the area are said to be bilingual in this variety. Bokho-DXB represents a very multilingual, linguistically flexible situation: All Bokho in the region are reportedly able to speak Chinese. Very high percentages – an estimated 90% of the villagers – are also able to speak fluent Muji (two dialects closely affiliated with PJZ). High percentages are able to function well in Hani (an estimated 70% of the villagers). A lesser number can also speak some Miao (est. 10%). Some also report fairly limited functionality in Zhuang (Sha), and Dai. DXB being an important (but rare) community-level market town for surrounding villages on both sides of the Sino-Vietnam border, villagers mainly host and attend market days in their home village. They also attend market days in Ma’andi Township seat and Zhongliang. Although bilingualism is high in the Muji variety affiliated with PJZ, locals estimate that a young child (3–6 years old) having had no previous contact with Muji would only be able to understand 50% of a Muji speaker’s language upon first meeting. Most intermarriage has been with other Bokho villages in the community. Intermarriage with Muji (dialects affiliated with PJZ) is the second most frequent. Bokha-YBZ. Two counties north of Bokho-DXB, across the Honghe river, lies Bokha-YBZ. Local Bokha speakers in Yibaizu perceive their dialect to

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be identical with that spoken in other Bokha villages in the eastern half of Dishuiceng Township (Pingbian County) and very similar to the Bokha variety spoken in the western half of the township. They hold that their lect is somewhat more different from the following language varieties: ‘Phula’ as spoken in Baihe and Wantang Townships (represented in this research by Phuma-YZT), ‘Bokha’ as spoken in Qilubai Township of Mengzi County (represented herein by Muji-LSD, XPC), and ‘Muji’ as spoken in Xinxian Township (represented herein by Muji-LSD, XPC). All speakers over age seven can function in Chinese but, beyond this, can function in no other ethnic languages besides Bokha. Locals usually attend market days in Pingbian County seat. Phula brides from Baihe Township (represented herein by Phuma-YZT) sometimes marry in to YBZ, but YBZ brides do not marry out to speakers of this variety. Muji-LSD. Luoshuidong is in such an advanced stage of language obsolescence that it contains no remaining speakers who are native to the village. Intermarriage with surrounding Muji villages is still common, however, and in 2005 the village was home to at least eight Muji-speaking brides – ages 20–70 – from outlying villages: three from Malongdi (Xinxian Township, Pingbian County) and one each from Shelima (Lengquan Township, Mengzi County), Ma’anshan (Qilubai Township, Mengzi County), Yibaizu (BokhaYBZ), Qidima (Lengquan Township, Mengzi County), and Qiche (Xinxian Township, Pingbian County). Three of these women were interviewed: one each from Malongdi, Shelima, and Ma’anshan. These three women, at least, report communicating with each other daily using the Muji dialects spoken in their respective hometowns, and each reports that no substantial learning time was required to adjust to the dialects of the other two. The Malongdi variety is set off from the others by a fairly conservative retention of lateral initial clusters, however. The bride from Malongdi notes that Phupa-GMD, spoken only a few kilometers away from her home village, is extremely different from her mother-tongue Muji lect. In her estimation the two dialects are only 1/3 similar. The Shelima speaker says villagers from her hometown regularly attend market days in Lengquan. The Malongdi speaker says villagers from her hometown regularly attend market days in Manhao, Shuitian, and Lengquan, though they attend the latter less frequently. Muji-PJZ. In terms of perceived dialect affiliation, Pujiazhai locals describe their lect as being identical with the Muji variety spoken in many surrounding townships (prominently including Dazhai, Shayipo and Mengqiao Townships) of Jinping County. They also note that their lect is somewhat different from the Muji variety spoken in Tongchang Township (represented herein by Muzi-SZT) and very different from Muji varieties spoken in Mengzi (represented herein by Muji-XPC) and Gejiu (represented herein by

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Muji-MLT and NGZ) Counties. A well-traveled Muji official from Dazhai Township reports personal estimates of two-thirds intelligibility with a Muji variety in Ma’andi Township (apparently the same Muji dialect that BokhoDXB speakers refer to as ‘Agaba’ as noted in Table 3.2), one-third intelligibility with the Phula (i.e., Phowa) of Kaiyuan County, Beige Township; and zero intelligibility with the Phula (i.e., Phala/Phola) of Honghe County. Most who marry in to PJZ are Muji brides from north Jinping but some Muji brides also marry in from a cluster of villages near the Jinping County seat. Locals report low intelligibility with speakers of Muji varieties in Gejiu and Mengzi Counties with some adding that they can only partially understand what such speakers say even if these speakers talk very slowly. PJZ brides often marry out to surrounding Muji villages (and to Han villages in Yuanyang), and some Hani brides have married in to PJZ. Locals attend market days in the Adebo Township seat and Jinping County seat, but those interviewed reported that they don’t usually go to Dazhai market days. Muji-QLC. Qila locals claim that their lect is very similar to a variety of Muji spoken in Wantangcun of Laojizhai Township, Jinping County, but very different from the Muji variety spoken in Adebo, Dazhai (represented herein by Muji-PJZ) and Tongchang (represented herein by Muzi-SZT) Townships in the same county. Locals describe ease of communication with speakers in Wantangcun but inability to communicate in Muji with Muji speakers from Dazhai, Adebo, and Tongchang Townships. A close affiliation is also noted with at least one village in Lai Chau Province across the border in Vietnam. Locals usually intermarry with Wantangcun locals, and children from such marriages learn to speak both dialects. One Muji bride from Shizitou (SZT) has married in to Qila, and locals estimate that she required one and a half years to learn to function in the local Muji lect. Beyond Muji, locals also sometimes intermarry with Miao, Hani, and Dai and attend market days in Jinshuihe and Mengla Township seats. Muji-XPC. Xiepo locals perceive their variety of Muji to be virtually identical with that spoken in most of Shuitian Township with the exception of a distinct Phula varieties spoken in the southeastern corner of the township – a distinct Muji variety that is reportedly spoken in Lengshuigou, Dimami, Adapo, and Emazha Villages (apparently affiliated with Muji-PJZ) and a distinct Phula variety that is centered on the Gamadi Community seat (represented herein by Phupa-GMD). XPC locals hold that these two language varieties are very different from their own. They further claim that their lect is very different from the ‘Muji’ variety (actually Phuza, represented herein by Phuza-BJB) spoken in Shumubai and Chanaka Villages of neighboring Lengquan Township and the Muji variety spoken in Dabaqi of southeastern Kafang Township, Gejiu County. They further hold that their

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local lect is extremely different from Alonggu as spoken in Huangcaoba Township of southern Gejiu (represented herein by Alugu-CTL). Locals identified the Muji-PJZ recording referenced in §3.4.2 as sounding just like the Muji variety spoken in Lengshuigou, Dimami, Adapo and Emazha Villages of Shuitian Township. An XPC official who once took up an administrative position in Gamadi Community reported being unable to learn the language spoken by the ‘Phula’ (represented herein by Phupa-GMD) there even after three years in residence. He estimates that he could only understand half or less by the end of his time there. The Muji variety that XPC locals identified with the PJZ recording is spoken in the same area, and the same official reported that he was able to function in this Muji variety after hearing it spoken for six months – though he estimated a marginal twothirds intelligibility with the variety to begin with. One bride who married in to XPC from this Muji variety required six months to a year to be able to function in the local Muji vernacular. The same time frame was reportedly required of a Muji bride who married in from Gejiu County (represented herein by Muji-MLT and NGZ) and an XPC bride who was married out to a ‘Muji’ village (which turns out to be Phuza ethnolinguistically, represented herein by Phuza-BJB) in Lengquan Township, Mengzi County. Muzi-MLT. Malutang locals perceive their dialect to be virtually identical with that spoken in seven nearby villages (all located in Laochang Township, Gejiu County), somewhat different from Daxinzhai (Kafang Township, Gejiu County), even more different from Duimenshan (in their own township, Laochang), and very different from Adibo and Nuoguzhai (both of Kafang Township, Gejiu County). Locals note that Duimenshan, and upper and lower Qilinshan Villages of Laochang and adjacent Datun Townships are reported to affiliate with each other as a single dialect – evidently fairly distinct from both MLT and NGZ (see Muji-NGZ notes below). MLT locals primarily visit market days in Laochang, Datun, Mengzi, and Gejiu. They intermarry mainly with Muji but also with Hani, Nisu and Han. Some Miao have married in to the village, but Muji have not traditionally married out to Miao. One person had lived for a time in Jinping County seat and noted ease of learnability with Muji spoken in Shilicun near the county seat. Some MLT speakers note that they regard the Phowa varieties of Mengzi County to be related to them in some sense but don’t consider these varieties to be Muji. Muzi-NGZ. Nuoguzhai locals perceive their dialect to be identical with a dialect of Muji spoken in Xiaozhaizi nearby and in Daxinzhai (Longtouzhai Community, Kafang Township). They hold that their variety is slightly different from the Muji dialects spoken in Malutang and Yangbadi of Laochang Township to the north (represented herein by Muji-MLT) and the

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Mideqi Muji in Kafang Township to the south. They further hold that their variety is very different from the Duimenshan dialect of Muji spoken in Laochang Township and report not being able to understand the ‘Muji’ (actually Phuza, represented herein by Phuza-BJB) in Dabaqi Community of Kafang Township at all. Interestingly, an apparent discrepancy surfaces between perceptions between MLT (where some speakers claim very low intelligibility with NGZ) and NGZ (where some speakers claim relatively high intelligibility with MLT). This is especially puzzling since the same MLT speakers report fairly high intelligibility with Daxinzhai though it is geographically much further away from them to the south than NGZ. The apparent discrepancy may be due to a number of factors including directional intelligibility, migration patterns, and even language attitude. All of these possibilities are worthy of further investigation – especially since the MLT speakers interviewed estimated dramatically low levels of intelligibility (less than one-third) with NGZ, even though the two share the highest percentage of lexical similarity of all Muji/Muzi varieties compared to date. Perhaps the discrepancy can be attributed to an underlying tension between speakers in the two villages, reflected by the fact that NGZ speakers employ a mildly derogatory exonym in reference to MLT speakers (see Table 3.2 above). For purposes of this study, the two will simply be considered two dialects of the same language. Muzi-SZT. Although Shizitou locals report that they do not consider their dialect to be identical with Muji dialects spoken in any other village, they remark that their dialect is fairly similar to Muji dialects spoken in Shuitang and Tuanjie of Yingpan Township and Laojizhai Townships respectively. They further claim that their variety of Muji is fairly different from Wuqidi, Qidishan and Shilicun (Jinhua Township, Jinping County) and very different from the Muji dialect spoken in Moshi, Wantang, and Adebo (represented herein by Muji-PJZ). They hold, finally, that their variety is extremely different from Qila Muji (Muji-QLC). Reportedly Shuitang Muji is fairly easy for SZT locals to understand, but Adebo Muji is more difficult. A local consultant who married in from Shuitang reported no transition time in being able to communicate with SZT residents. Locals marry in and out frequently with Muji villages in Shuitang, Huanniuzhai, and Niuchang Villages but also with Moshi and Potou. They usually attend market days in Tongchang Township seat but sometimes also attend market days in Qingshuigai of Yingpan Township. Both of these market days reportedly have Miao, Yao, Lawu Yi in attendance as well as speakers of other Muji varieties. Two Miao women have married in to the village. Phuma-YZT. Yanzitou speakers perceive their dialect to be identical with those of 19 surrounding villages and slightly different from four other

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nearby villages that reportedly constitute their own dialect of Phuma (see Table 3.3). Somewhat more different are the ‘Aga’ (represented herein by Bokha-YBZ) near the county seat. The Phula and Muji varieties of Jinping, Yuanyang, Hekou, Mengzi, and Gejiu are considered to be very different (although consultants report almost never leaving Pingbian County in general). YZT locals claim that the Phuma spoken in four villages on the western rim of the Phuma distribution (Tuoguzahi, Aka, Longtan and Potouzhai) is slightly different, but easily understandable and that speakers of the two dialects communicate with ease using their respective Phuma dialects. Some speakers also claim that much of what the Aga/Bokha say is understandable. Locals usually attend market in Baihe Township seat where they have weekly contact with the Aga/Bokha in Baihe market since the Aga/Bokha come there to buy pigs from the Phuma. Brides marry out to Aga/Bokha villages but Aga/Bokha brides do not marry in to Phuma villages. They report that brides marrying out to Bokha homes learn Bokha fairly quickly, but would not venture a time estimate. Older generation YZT speaker are reported to speak Aga/Bokha when interacting with Aga/Bokha who come to the Baihe market from Dishuiceng Township, but younger generation YZT speakers reportedly only speak Chinese to communicate with Aga/Bokha speakers in the market. Phupa-GMD. Gamadi locals perceive their dialect to be virtually identical or very similar to 10 Phupa villages nearby and somewhat different from Phupa as spoken in Nuogumi Village (southern Lengquan Township, Mengzi County). Locals do not consider any other Phula or Ngwi varieties spoken nearby to be dialects of their language. In accordance with the association made by Muji speakers in XPC, GMD locals also identified the RTT recording from PJZ as being the Muji variety spoken closest to them in three villages: Emazha, Adapo and Lengshuigou (the first two located in Gamadi Community, the third in Xiepo Community). The RTT results indicated low-to-marginal learned intelligibility as discussed in §3.5.2. GMD locals reportedly use a mixture of Chinese and Muji to communicate with speakers of this Muji variety but they report being unable to communicate with this Muji variety using Phupa. Local GMD brides sometimes marry out to Muji speakers from this dialect, but no Muji or Han marry in to GMD – only other Phupa. Many report also being able to understand the Muji variety spoken in the western half of Shuitian Township (represented herein by Muji-XPC). Some claim to be able to speak it, but they report that speakers of XPCaffiliated varieties cannot understand what Phupa speakers say when they attempt to communicate with them in Phupa. Jiangnanbo (Fengchunling Township, Yuanyang County), located southwest of Nuogumi across the Honghe River, is probably also a Phupa or Phuza speaking village, though

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this is unconfirmed. A middle school teacher I met from this location reports that he is unaware of his group’s autonym but claims they are Phula, not Nisu. The village is unlikely to be Muji since the Jiangnanbo local claims that he and his fellow villagers have a very difficult time understanding Muji even though it is spoken in numerous villages around them. Neither are they likely to be Alugu (represented herein by Alugu-CTL and also spoken nearby) since Alugu brides who have married in to Jiangnanbao have required about six months or so to learn to speak Jiangnabo Phula. Phupha-FKC. Fengkou residents claim that the dialect spoken in their village is very similar to a dialect spoken on the south side of the Honghe river in Shangxincheng Township of Yuanyang County. Locals describe the differences between the two as being restricted to a few minor sound changes. Interestingly, this Yuanyang village is also named Fengkou, so the Gejiu Fengkou residents distinguish the two by calling their own village ‘Little Fengkou’ and the Gejiu village ‘Big Fengkou’ holding that the Yuanyang village is the older of the two. Aside from this affinity, Fengkou locals know of only five other villages which they consider to speak a dialect of their own language: Mayutian, Baiwushan, Baizhimu, Muqide, and Shewomi – all located downstream from Fengkou in the mountains along the north bank of the Honghe river in Baohe and Kafang Townships of Gejiu County. Fengkou speakers hold that all of these villages are Phupha like them. Based on contact with the first three of these villages (the three closest to Fengkou geographically), however, Fengkou locals make an interesting claim: They hold that this downstream dialect of Phupha is extremely different from their own and claim only 1/3 intelligibility with its speakers. Locals were less certain about Muqide and Shewomi. The Phula varieties spoken in Shewomi and Mayutian are also claimed by Alugu speakers to affiliate with Alugu (represented herein by Alugu-CTL, description above). Fengkou locals hold that this cluster of villages speaks a dialect of Phupha so different from their own that the two must use Chinese or Nisu to communicate. This being a predominantly Nisu speaking area, however, local Phula reportedly use Nisu as a lingua franca as much or more than they do Chinese. As for possible affiliations with Muji, Fengkou speakers report that they consider it to be a completely different language from their own, with one speaker quipping that the two are 99% different. The two sometimes have contact during Friday market days in nearby Lengdun. Phuza-BJB. Bujibai locals claim their dialect is virtually identical with that spoken in 18 surrounding villages of Lengquan Township, Mengzi County. They further hold that their dialect is only slightly different from that spoken in nine other villages nearby: three located in Lengquan Township to the northwest of Bujibai and six located in Dabaqi community of

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southeastern Kafang Township, Gejiu County. Within this second dialect, two subdialects are perceived to exist, and the division evidently falls along the Mengzi-Gejiu County line. Phuza speakers in Lengquan Township reportedly have regular contact with this western dialect of Phuza through participation in Wednesday market days in Doumuge Community seat (Kafang Township, Gejiu County). One speaker from the western Phuza dialect who had married in to Bujibai reported no adjustment time was necessary for ease of communication in the host village context. The differences I observed in her dialect of Phuza were primarily allophonic and allotonic. In all, then, BJB villagers consider their language to be spoken in 28 villages, total. Locals report only marginal intelligibility with the Phula variety spoken in Nuogumi in southern Lengquan, with which they have frequent contact, but they do not consider it to be a dialect of Phuza – holding, rather, that it is a dialect of ‘Gamadi Phula’ (represented herein by Phupa-GMD). This affiliation is corroborated by GMD locals. Although Muji speakers nearby refer to Phuza as Muji (see Table 3.3), Bujibai locals do not accept this folk classification and consider themselves distinct from Muji. In terms of perceived intelligibility, they claim only one-third to one-half comprehension of the various varieties of Muji that surround them in Gejiu and Mengzi Counties and claim they must use Chinese in order to communicate with speakers of these varieties. Locals report even lower intelligibility with Phowa of Xibeile Township north of the Mengzi County seat (represented herein by Phowa-DHN and XBL). Interestingly, they perceive Phowa to be a Muji variety (see Table 3.4), but claim to understand less than one-third of the Xibeile Phowa variety, whose speakers they occasionally encounter in market days in the Mengzi County seat. 3.5.3. North-central perceptions and indices Of the ten data points visited in the north-central region, eight provide perspectives distinct enough for separate reports. Intelligibility indices and dialect perceptions from these locations are summarized below. Phole-CKB. Chekabai locals consider their dialect to be virtually identical with that spoken in two villages to the south of them – Zemuzu and Mosuomo (Dehou Township, Wenshan County). They also note very slight differences between their dialect and the varieties spoken by 12 other villages – seven to the west of them in Dehou Township and five more to the south of them in the northern half of Leshichong Township. The Phowa varieties of Mingjiu and Zhicun Townships of Mengzi County are considered to be somewhat different still, but CKB speakers maintain that they share

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high levels of intelligibility with Phowa speakers in these areas.11 The Phowa dialect spoken primarily in Baxin and Laohuilong Townships of Wenshan County (e.g., Phowa-SZW) is perceived to be substantially different from their own, and the Phowa dialect spoken in Ashe Township of Yanshan County is considered to be very different from their own, with claims of only 1/3 intelligibility. This final claim seems to conflict with preliminary intelligibility tests carried out using a recording from the Asheaffiliated dialect spoken in Weibazhu (Phowa-WBZ), however, as was discussed above in §3.4.3. Perhaps this is due to limited contact between the two regions in recent decades which has left inherent intelligibility intact in spite of an absence of communication. The most active marriage networks for this village seem to be with other Phowa villages in Mingjiu and Zhicun Townships of Mengzi County. The four brides in the village who married in from two different Hlepho affiliated villages in Mingjiu (similar to PhowaMZC) were reportedly able to communicate with relative fluency from day one. Likewise, a bride who married out to Xuping, a Hlepho-affiliated Phowa village in Zhicun Township of Mengzi County, also reported ease of communication with the local vernacular of the host village from day one. Speakers report very low intelligibility with the Azha of Binglie and Matang Townships of Wenshan County – a perception corroborated by low levels of lexical similarity between the two, as can be noted in Appendix C. Phowa-DHN and XBL. Local speakers interviewed in Xibeile Township, Mengzi County perceive their dialect to be most similar to the Phowa vernacular spoken in 31 surrounding villages: the 19 Phowa villages of Xibeile Township, three or so of the Phowa villages of eastern Mingjiu Township of Mengzi County, and nine or so of the Phowa villages in Yanggai Township of southern Kaiyuan County. These villages all claim affiliation under the endoautonym ‘Anipho’ and/or the exonym ‘Hua Phu’ (‘Flowery Phu’), as detailed in Table 3.4 and discussed in §3.2.3. Gradient dialect differences exist even within this contiguous cluster of villages, as speakers are well aware, but intelligibility is consistently claimed to be high nevertheless. DHN speakers and XBL speakers consider their speech varieties to be different dialects of Anipho Phowa but are able to communicate with each other without difficulty using their respective dialects. Some speakers refer to the non-Anipho Phowa in Kaiyuan County as ‘White Phu’ in Chinese and hold that the White Phu dialects are rather more different from their own; but intelligibility is still claimed to be high between the two regions. One speaker estimates 80% intelligibility. I have personally observed a DHN speaker conversing with JJC speakers in Phowa, and the two reported little difficulty in communication. This may have been partially due to learned intelligibility, however, since the Anipho

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speaker was well traveled in the area, and ease of intelligibility between the two might very well be restricted to the northern sub-dialect of Anipho closest to Beige (i.e., DHN but not XBL). The Phowa dialect spoken in Ashe Township of southwestern Yanshan County, Wenshan Prefecture, is claimed to be ‘White Phu’ as well, though a little less similar still. One distantly separated village in northeastern Xin’ansuo Township is claimed to speak a dialect similar to this Ashe Township variety as well. The Phowa dialects spoken in Zhicun Township, as well as central and eastern Mingjiu Township, are referred to as ‘Shaoji Phu’ and are held to speak dialects somewhat more different from their own compared to ‘White Phu’. These ‘Shaoji Phu’ dialects are also claimed to be more difficult for DHN Anipho speakers to understand – with claims of one-half to less than two-thirds intelligibility. One speaker claims that he must mix Chinese with Phowa in order to communicate with speakers in these villages. Speakers further hold that the ‘Black Phu’ dialect of Lengquan Township (represented herein by Phuza-BJB), is the most different dialect from their own. One speaker claims that he can understand no more than half of the dialect spoken by this group. Muji is considered a different language – with one speaker estimating that he could understand no more than one-third of what the Muji of eastern Lengquan Township say (represented herein by Muji-XPC and LSD). Other Anipho speakers report that the two groups are only able to communicate if both are speaking Chinese. Phowa JJC and LGM. Jiaji and Lugumu speakers claim that eleven nearby villages in western Beige Township, Kaiyuan County, speak varieties most similar to their own, but hold that the entire township and adjacent areas in bordering townships are also very similar. They claim all Phowa in the immediate region can communicate with ease using their respective varieties of Phowa. JJC speakers include the Anipho Phowa of Xibeile Township in this category as well. Speakers in both villages agree that Asaheipho Phowa spoken in Mazheshao Township is substantially different and claim lower levels of intelligibility with this variety along with difficulty using Phowa to communicate. Speakers admit that they don’t travel much outside their own township, however, and most marriages are in-marriages. On the other hand, LGM locals have married a few brides out to Mazheshao Township. All villages in Beige Township reportedly attend market days in the Beige Township seat. Phowa-WBZ. Webazhu/Xiaozhai speakers claim that their dialect is virtually identical with a dozen or so other villages nearby (in eastern Beige Township, Kaiyuan County and western Ashe Township, Yanshan County) whom they identify as ‘Digaopho’ or ‘Lowland Pho’. They claim that the ‘Labopho’, or ‘Highland Pho’ (see discussion in §3.2.3 above), in the

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western half of Beige Township speak dialects slightly different from their own as do speakers living in villages of southwestern Ashe township of Yanshan County in areas sharing common borders with Mengzi and Kaiyuan. Three adjacent villages in southeastern Beige Township (Da Lutubai, Xiao Lutubai and Zhanguo) are also perceived to fall into this category as are numerous Phowa villages in Zhicun, Mingjiu and Laozhai Townships of Mengzi. They note, however that they perceive the Highland Pho dialect of western Beige to be very different from the Phowa varieties spoken in southwestern Yanshan and eastern Mengzi. I have personally observed Labopho and Digaopho speakers communicating in Phowa with no apparent difficulty. WBZ speakers maintain that the Anipho dialect of Xibeile Township in Mengzi County is somewhat more different from both of these, but they still claim high intelligibility between this and their own dialect. They further claim moderate-to-high comprehension of the Asaheipho variety spoken in Mazheshao Township. Most local marriage networks have been established with the Phowa of western Yanshan County, but some Labopho from eastern Beige also marry in. Villagers usually attend market days in Ashe Township seat and Dizhe’en (a Phowa village) both located across the prefecture border in nearby Yanshan County. Some contact with Zhuang and Miao is also enjoyed in these places as well as contact with various Phowa varieties. Phowa-WDP. Wudupi speakers consider their dialect to be virtually identical with a variety spoken in nine other Phowa villages in Chongmen community of Mazheshao Township, but perceive their dialect to be somewhat different from Phowa as spoken in the following areas: Luweitang and Xiaomazhe (both of Mazheshao Township), Beige Township, Dazhuang Township, and Yanggai Township. They still report being able to use Phowa to communicate with speakers from these locations however. WDP speakers do not seem to be aware of the presence of Phowa and/or Phula speakers residing outside of Kaiyuan County. Some Phowa brides have married in from western Beige Township and reportedly have no difficulty communicating in the host village dialect context. Brides are not married out to Phowa in Beige, however. Many Nisu speakers in Mazheshao Township have reportedly learned to understand Phowa, but Phowa speakers in the area generally do not learn to understand Nisu. Phowa-MZC. Meizichong locals affiliate under the endoautonym ‘Hlepho’ and are situated at the intersection of this and two other Phowa endoethnonymic dialect groups: Anipho and Labopho. The Meizichong Hlepho Phowa frequently interact with Anipho and Labopho during Mingjiu market days and accept many in-marriages from Anipho. Speakers claim their dialect is virtually identical with six other Hlepho villages in Mingjiu

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Township but somewhat more different from the Hlepho dialect spoken in Zhicun and Xin’ansuo Townships with which they still claim more than two-thirds intelligibility. The Hlepho dialect spoken in Laozhai Township, Mengzi County, and Feizuke community in northern Pingbian County (Phowa-FZK) is perceived to be more different still with reported intelligibility estimates of less than two-thirds. Speakers claim they must use Chinese or slowly enunciated Hlepho to communicate with this latter variety. The Phowa dialect spoken in Lahaji village, Zhicun Township, however, is reported to be the most difficult for locals to understand – with claims of only 50% intelligibility. Due to frequent contact, learned and inherent intelligibility may be difficult to distinguish between Hlepho and Labopho speakers in the area, but inherent intelligibility with Anipho clearly seems to be low since two Anipho Phowa brides who married in from Xibeile Township reportedly required more than six months learning time to be able to communicate fluently in the local vernacular. A bride who married in from Potouzhai in Pingbian (the Hlepho dialect affiliated with Phowa-FZK) required two-to-six months learning time for fluent communication. Phowa-FZK. Phowa speakers in Feizuke also perceive their local dialect to be virtually identical with that spoken in six villages total: four (including FZK) in Xinhua Township of Pingbian County, and two in Laozhai Township of Mengzi County. Somewhat more different is the Phowa dialect spoken in Mingjiu and Laozhai Townships of Mengzi, but FZK speakers report still being able to use Phowa to communicate with these speakers. Local speakers perceive the Phowa variety spoken in Yanggai Township, Kaiyuan County (either Labopho or Anipho) to be very different and claim to be able to understand only half of what such speakers say. The Phowa variety spoken in Xibeile Township of Mengzi County (Anipho) is perceived to be the most different dialect of Phowa from their own, and speakers claim only one-third intelligibility with this dialect based on attempts at communication with them during Sunday market days in the Mengzi County seat. Speakers also claim some intelligibility with an unidentified Phowa village in Ashe Township of Yanshan County which they refer to as la²¹pʰɯ³³pə²¹. One FZK man who married out to an Anipho Phowa village in Xibeile Township reportedly required a full year of learning time before he could speak the host village vernacular fluently. In former times a marriage network seems to have been in place with Phowa-speaking villages in Baxin Township of Wenshan County (represented herein by Phowa-SZW) as well since this is reportedly the hometown of one local consultant’s mother. Phowa-SZW. Remaining local Phowa speakers (all elderly) in Suozhiwan, perceive their dialect to encompass surrounding villages in Baxin

Reported dialect perceptions and intelligibility indices

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Township and adjacent areas and also perceive their dialect to be very similar to the variety of Phowa spoken in Laozhai Township of Mengzi County and Heping Township of Pingbian County – specifically, Zuohemu (a.k.a. ‘Hongxing’), in the northeast corner of the township. In former times, a traditional marriage network seems to have been in place with Phowa villages in Laozhai in particular. Speakers claim very high intelligibility with Laozhai Phowa12 and affirmed high intelligibility with Phowa-FZK after informally listening to the FZK RTT recording. These same speakers claim only 1/3 intelligibility with Azha in Binglie Township (Wenshan County), however, based on communication attempts between Azha and SZW speakers in their respective vernaculars during Saturday market days in Matang Township seat. This anecdotal information is corroborated by low levels of core lexical similarity between the two as can be noted in Appendix C. 3.5.4. East-regional perceptions and indices Of the 12 data points visited in Phula’s western region, ten offer sufficiently distinct perspectives to be reported on separately in terms of intelligibility perceptions and dialect affinities. The remaining two can be combined with other data points. Azha-LJY and XPB. Local Azha speakers in Binglie Township, Wenshan County, claim their dialect is very similar with Azha as spoken in most of Binglie and surrounding townships (Matang, Panzhihua, and Dongshan in Wenshan County and Weimo Township in Yanshan County), but some LJY speakers claim that their dialect is fairly different from that spoken in Bolie of northwestern Matang Township and Tuobaini in southern Jiangna Township of Yanshan County. Interestingly, some locals in both villages consider Zokhuo (represented herein by Zokhuo-DXZ) to be a dialect of Azha, but claim that it is extremely different from their own dialect – so different that the two must use Chinese to communicate. Azha speakers in these locations claim extremely low intelligibility with the Nisu variety spoken in northeastern Binglie Township. One Nisu man even reported that his Azha friends once thought he was speaking Zhuang when he tried to communicate with them in Nisu. Azha-DFC. Although Dafa locals perceive the dialect spoken in their home village to be a unique variety on its own terms, they note that ten or so neighboring Azha villages in Ganhe and Weimo Townships of Yanshan County speak an Azha dialect very similar to their own. They perceive the Azha variety spoken in Wenshan County’s Binglie Township to be quite different, however, and hold that intelligibility between the two is difficult,

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though still possible. They hold that the most different Azha variety from their own is spoken in Tuobaini Community, of Jiangna Township. Locals do not consider Pholo to be an Azha variety and claim extremely low intelligibility with the language – with some remarking that they are unable to understand even a single sentence – even though speakers of the two languages interact weekly. When Pholo brides (e.g., from SXZ) marry in to the village, they reportedly require three months to one year before they are able to function in Azha – shorter times being required of those who have had substantial previous contact with Azha and longer times being required by those who haven’t. Khlula-LZC. Laozhai locals (Liujin Township, Wenshan County) perceive their dialect of Khlula to be virtually identical with that spoken in 40 or so surrounding villages in their home township, a few villages in southern Gumu Township and two villages in northwestern Pijiao Township of Maguan County (Jiuzhai and Laoshandi). They hold that the dialect of Khlula spoken in nearby Xiaoluozhe (Dalishu Township, Maguan County) and a dozen or so surrounding villages is slightly different from their own but easily intelligible. One local also placed the Khlula variety spoken in Nayilong (Dalishu Township, Maguan County) and a half dozen or so surrounding villages in this category. Liujin Khlula speakers refer to the Dalishu Khlula speakers as Alapha, and the Dalishu Khlula speakers refer to the Liujin Khlula as Namupha (see Table 3.5). Locals hold that the Khlula variety spoken in Muchang Township of Maguan County (represented herein by Khlula-MXC) is very different from their own, with one speaker estimating that he can understand little more than half of what Khlula speakers from the Muchang region say. Though intermarriage and market-town networks are primarily limited to Liujin Township itself, Laozhai locals say that three Namupha Khlula brides have married in to Laozhai from Xiaoluozhe. These women reportedly required no transition time and experienced no difficulty in communicating with locals in the host village from the day of their arrival. Although Khlula locals don’t seem to think of Zokhuo and Azha as speakers of their own language, they refer to both as ‘Nïmitshe’ (see Table 3.5) and hold that both are ethnically Khlula. Liujin Khlula speakers report that they must use Chinese in order to communicate with Azha and Zokhuo speakers. One man estimated that two-to-three months of living in a Zokhuo village would be required just in order to understand what Zokhuo speakers were saying. Four local brides have been married out to the Phole (affiliated with CKB) of Dehou Township in north Wenshan County (indicating the presence of a traditional marriage network), and they reportedly required two months learning time before they were able to function in Phole.

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Khlula-MXC. Remaining Khlula speakers are sparse in the villages of Maxi community, but some of those who remain claim a close affiliation between Khlula as spoken in Muchang and Renhe Townships of Maguan County. They hold that the Liujin variety of Khlula in southeastern Wenshan County (represented herein by Khlula-LZC) is very different from their own, with one person placing intelligibility at less than half. Interestingly, though, this person still seemed to think that the two groups could communicate using Khlula instead of Chinese. Local speakers estimate that the Khlula variety spoken in Dalishu Township, Maguan County is even more different from their own dialect, with one speaker estimating that he can only understand about 1/3 of what speakers from there say. Moji-LCC. Due to restricted access caused by landslides, village-level interviews were carried out in a nearby market town with a single speaker. The speaker had no opinions regarding perceived dialect differences but noted that some in his village have learned to understand Zokhuo (represented herein by Zokhuo-DXZ). He also reported that a number of Han and Miao have married in to the village, but that very few villagers every marry out. Shared innovations with Muji give reason to link this with the nowmoribund and nearly extinct Muji of southern Wenshan County – once spoken extensively in Xiaogai and Pingba Townships. Pholo-SXZ. Local Pholo speakers (Ganhe Township, Yanshan County) consider their dialect of Pholo to be very similar with that spoken in all other Pholo regions – including Yanshan, Qiubei, and Guangnan counties. The SXZ Pholo practice in-marriage from Pholo in many surrounding townships – including Zhela, Aji and Tianxing – and report no substantial learning time required for new brides to communicate in the local dialect of Pholo regardless of their origin. Shangxinzhai provides a good case study of Azha/Pholo intelligibility, located as it is on the very margins of the convergence zone between the Azha and Pholo distributions (see also AzhaDFC). Locals report that Pholo brides who marry in to Azha families in the township require at least two-to-three months, and up to a full year, to learn to speak Azha. This time difference is presumably dependent on previous levels of contact between the two languages in each case. Many Pholo in the region are said to speak Azha, but Azha locals reportedly seldom learn to speak Pholo – a trend that indicates Azha is considered to be the more prestigious of the two languages. Speakers from both languages count their two speech varieties to be very distinct, as may be noted in the Azha-DFC perceptual-dialectology profile above). Pholo-XJC. With only one exception, Pholo speaking locals in Xijie (Zhulin Township, Guangnan County) report no dialect distinctions within Pholo. Those interviewed consider Pholo speech to be the same in Yanshan

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Synchronic language definitions

and Qiubei counties as it is in their own region of Guangnan. One speaker notes that the Pholo dialect spoken in Changchong, just southeast of Fangyang community seat in Zhugai Township, is somewhat different, but he holds that, with some difficulty, he can still communicate with speakers from this variety. Many brides marry in to the village from Yanshan and Qiubei counties, and have for many generations, judging from the number of elderly locals who report that their mothers were native to these places. All XJC Pholo speakers interviewed report that brides who marry in from Yanshan and Qiubei Counties experience no difficulty, and require no substantial period of adjustment, before being able to communicate fluently within the Pholo-XJC dialect context. Regarding Pholo-external language varieties, Pholo-speaking locals claim that they are neither able to understand the Lolo varieties (specific identities unspecified) spoken in the region nor are they able to understand the Thopho-XZC language variety – who they refer to as ‘Heimaoren’ (see Table 3.5) – and must use Chinese to communicate with both. Pholo-FYX. Fayixiazhai locals (Wuzhu Township, Guangnan County) report that the Pholo dialects spoken in Bonuo (Wuzhu Township, Guangnan County), Xijie (Pholo-XJC, Zhulin Township, Guangnan County), Shugexiazhai and Wubailiang (both of Ameng Township, Guangnan County) are virtually identical to their own. The Pholo dialect spoken in southern Ameng Township – especially Dingqiu – is considered to be somewhat more different, but no known Pholo speaking location is thought by locals to be extremely different from the dialect spoken in Fayixiazhai. Locals usually attend Wednesday market days in Ameng Township seat of Yanshan County where they interact with Pholo from such villages as Dingqiu, Kaku, and Wubailiang, and some locals hold that Pholo sounds the most standard as spoken in Dingqiu. Local speakers note that no Pholo brides who have married in from villages in this or surrounding townships (including villages in Aji and Ameng Townships of Yanshan County) have experienced difficulty or required adjustment time in speaking Pholo in their new village contexts. This demographic also includes Pholo brides from Dingqiu. Thopho-XZC. Xiaozhai locals who still speak Thopho report that their language is spoken in only two known villages – both located in Guangnan County: Xinzhai of Zhetu Township, and Bacai of Zhulin Township. Locals report that a visitor from Hekou County (Honghe Prefecture) once told them that their language sounds like an ethnic language spoken in Hekou, so some locals believe that at least one more Thopho village must be located in Hekou County. Locals reported no further dialect perceptions but did offer a few anecdotes related to other Phula and Yi language speakers who have

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married in to their village. The Thopho refer to the Pholo of Xijie Community (Pholo-XJC, Zhulin Township, Guangnan County) as ‘Flowery Phula’, and note that none of the flowery Phula brides who have married in to their village have learned to speak Thopho and only communicate with Thopho speakers in Chinese. A Gepho (pronounced ‘Gopho’) Yi bride who married a Thopho husband in Xinzhai some years ago is also reportedly still unable to understand Thopho and communicates in Chinese with her husband. This dynamic, however, may be partially attributable to language obsolescence and language shift in the village. Zokhuo-DXZ. Local speakers of Zokhuo in Daxingzhai report that their dialect is virtually identical with that spoken in 15 or so villages in their home township, Zhuiligai (Wenshan County); four villages in the southern half of Dongshan Township; and one village, Guniangzhai, of Panzhihua Township – all in Wenshan County. Beyond Wenshan County, speakers hold that their dialect is still virtually identical with that spoken in scattered villages of Baga, Panlong and Zhela Townships of neighboring Yanshan County. Speakers further hold that Azha (whom they refer to as ‘Flowery Phula’) and Khlula (whom they refer to as ‘Black Zokhuo’) (see Table 3.5) are both dialects of Zokhuo. Nevertheless, they further claim that they are unable to communicate with speakers from these varieties using Zokhuo, and must resort to Chinese for communication. They further report only being able to understand one-third of what Khlula speakers say and roughly one-tenth of what Azha speakers say in their respective languages. In spite of the fact that speakers generally insist on broad homogeneity among the Zokhuo varieties they consider to be intelligible with their own dialect, when faced with the question of where the most standard, most pleasant sounding Zokhuo might be spoken, some speakers are willing to admit the presence of further variety by claiming that Zokhuo sounds best as spoken in Longle – a modest sized village in west-central Zhela Township of Yanshan County. Other speakers disagree, however, and hold that Zokhuo sounds best as spoken in their home village, Daxingzhai. 3.6. Language contact issues Two types of language contact can be distinguished in the Phula milieu: external and internal contact. For the purposes of this work, external contact is broadly defined as regular or semi-regular interaction with speakers of a language unaffiliated with the Phula ethnonym provided that these other language speakers usually opt to speak the contact language in the presence of Phula speakers instead of attempting to speak the Phula language in

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question. Thus external contact is taken to include genetically unrelated language groups such as Zhuang and Miao as well as more closely related languages such as Nisu. Internal contact, on the other hand, can be narrowly defined as regular or semi-regular interaction with speakers of another Phula-affiliated variety. This latter contact issue is usually more difficult to unravel, but research methods were employed for identifying the presence of internal contact (as discussed in Chapter 2), and descriptions of internal contact are important for an adequate understanding of both synchronic and diachronic relationships within Phula. 3.6.1. External contact External contact issues are closely related to language vitality, shift and endangerment. Since these issues will be taken up more thoroughly in the next chapter, only a brief overview of external contact will be undertaken here, especially as it applies to identity and intelligibility. Naturally, the major external contact language for Phula speakers in all areas besides Vietnam is Southwestern Mandarin. This Chinese lingua franca is most frequently used in market towns between Phula speakers and speakers of other ethnolinguistic backgrounds, but not always. In southeastern Yuanjiang County, for example, where Nisu is the majority language, many Phula men, and some mobile women as well, learn to speak Nisu to varying levels of proficiency for business, agricultural and administrative interaction. At the far eastern end of Phula’s distribution, however, the situation is reversed. In Binglie Township of Wenshan County, Nisu speakers learn the local Phula variety, Azha, but few if any Azha are reported to learn Nisu. The major contact language in Binglie for both Nisu and Azha is Nong, a Zhuang-affiliated language with more than 500,000 speakers in Wenshan Prefecture alone (WSZC 2004). Numerous Azha speakers in the township learn to understand and/or speak Nong (Pelkey, Wang and Johnson 2005). In central Pingbian County, the major contact language is Miao; in northern Jinping County, the major contact language is Hani; in southern Jinping County numerous contact languages can be identified including varieties of Dai, Yao, Hani and Lawu Yi 13. More importantly for issues of identity and dialect definition, however, are external contact cases in which a neighboring language influences a particular Phula variety to become remarkably distinct linguistically. In some cases, this may simply contribute to the development of a dialect with minor iconic features. Azha-XPB, for example, enjoys daily contact with Nong, unlike its highland counterparts. This contact seems to have had little effect

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on the XPB lexicon, but it has led to the development of minor dialect distinctions – especially in terms of phonetics and phonology – as described in Pelkey, Wang and Johnson (2005). In other cases, external contact dynamics may contribute to the development of distinct synchronic languages. Within Phula, external contact at this level is most apparent in five cases: MujiQLC, Laghuu-NSC, Phukha-LPC, Thopho-XZC, and a Phola variety in the far northwest of the distribution region, referred to as ‘Alo’ by Phola-LDC. For four of these varieties, Thopho-XZC, Muji-QLC, Laghuu-NSC, and Phukha-LPC, long periods of contact with various Mon-Khmer (e.g., Vietnamese), Tai-Kadai (e.g., Nong), and/or Hmong-Mien (e.g., Miao) languages have in each case led not only to phonological changes, but also to lexical borrowing, morphological restructuring, and revisions to the syllable template. These facts seem especially true of Laghuu and Phukha. For the Alo variety of Phola, extended contact with Dai has reportedly led to the development of a mixed language, no longer intelligible with Phola proper. In each of these cases external contact has played a major role in the development of a distinct synchronic language. 3.6.2. Internal contact As introduced under individual entries in §3.5, Phula-internal contact also plays an important role in shaping synchronic dialect relationships among Muji varieties. Such contact sometimes leads to borrowing, but loans at this level are more difficult to detect. More importantly for synchronic language definitions, Phula-internal contact must be identified in order to distinguish between learned and inherent intelligibility. The presence of internal contact can be identified in various ways, each discussed in detail elsewhere but recapped here. Formal RTT test results suggest the presence of internal contact in higher than normal standard deviations between test scores. Lexical comparisons suggest the presence of internal contact via cross-checks with genetic relationships (discussed further in Chapter 6). Local level interviews can determine the presence of internal contact (vs. inherent intelligibility) via the elicitation of anecdotal information, dialect perceptions, and other folk perspectives along with local-level observations. Of course, varying levels of Phula-internal genetic relationship make internal contact issues problematic, and language definitions must consider many other issues as well, so the identification of contact vs. genetic similarity does not always determine the existence of distinct synchronic languages. Nine key cases of Phula-internal language contact are summarized briefly below.

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Phala-FNS > Phola-ADP. No Phola lect shares a higher degree of lexical similarity with Phala-FNS than Phola-ADP. Nevertheless, RTT results suggest only marginal levels of intelligibility from FNS > ADP, with younger generation speakers scoring substantially lower than older generation speakers. The resulting high standard deviation is consistent with a former language contact/learned intelligibility scenario and provides good evidence for considering Phala and Phola to be synchronically distinct languages. Muji-PJZ > Muzi-SZT. Once again, a high standard deviation suggests the presence of language contact from PJZ > SZT, but in this case intelligibility scores are higher overall than FNS > ADP. Intelligibility seems highest among mobile males speakers in SZT who have interacted more with PJZ, but anecdotal information indicates that the differences between the two dialects are easily surmountable after relatively short and infrequent periods of learning. Thus, the definite differences that exist between the two are not deemed characteristic of distinct languages. Muji-PJZ > Bokho-DXB. Bokho-DXB provides an example of daily Phula-internal contact that has resulted in a high level of uni-directional intelligibility with PJZ-type Muji speakers (i.e., those locals speaking language varieties represented by and identified with the dialect spoken in PJZ). Multiple folk perspectives indicate that this high degree of intelligibility is learned – not inherent. Muji-PJZ is one of the majority languages in the region, and the variety is considered a prestige dialect by DXB speakers. Commerce between the two and out-marriage from DXB to PJZ (though not in the other direction) is also common. According to reports, few local ‘PJZ’ speakers are able to communicate in Bokho, in spite of daily contact. Speaker perceptions and child-comprehension thought experiments by DXB speakers also point to the two lects are substantially dissimilar – even more dissimilar to their own variety than they consider the lexically aberrant QLC to be. The overall scenario provides good grounds for defining DXB and PJZ as dialects of distinct languages synchronically. Phylogenetic insights from historical comparative analysis further support this distinction. Muji-PJZ > Phupa-GMD. This contact scenario requires lexical, diachronic, RTT, anecdotal, and perceptual evidence alike for clarification. Many GMD speakers have learned to function in the major Muji lect represented by PJZ at a marginal level due to daily or weekly contact with PJZ-type speakers – both in neighboring villages of Shuitian Township and in Manhao – a local market town in the valley nearby. The two languages are decisively distinct genetically and lexically as is demonstrated in Chapter 6 and Appendix C. Among the striking diachronic distinctions between the two are their tone system irregularities – most notable in proto-checked

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syllable classes. Speaker perceptions and phylogenetic patterns are corroborated by low-to-marginal RTT results and low levels of core lexical similarity. Since Phupa cannot be considered a member of the Muji clade phylogenetically, the fact that lexical similarity levels between the two varieties are higher than PJZ shares with a few other more remote members of the Muji clade should be attributed to language contact, along with the apparently low-to-marginal level of uni-directional learned intelligibility from PJZ to GMD. Muzi-MLT and Muji-XPC > Phuza-BJB. Like Phupa-GMD, Phuza-BJB is surrounded by Muji varieties. The lect shares marginal lexical similarity with Muji, Phowa, and Alugu varieties alike but shares its highest levels of lexical similarity with Phupa-GMD. Phuza does not qualify for membership in the Muji clade genetically – a fact that points to lexical influence from the Muji varieties around it, and also disqualifies it from being considered a dialect of MLT or XPC. Its intelligibility with Phupa or a Phowa variety is also low according to anecdotal information and speaker perceptions. Bokha-YBZ > Phuma-YZT. The clade-internal contact situation between Phuma-YZT and Bokha-YBZ also points to the presence of distinct languages in spite of frequent market-town contact between the two and YZT out-marriage to YBZ. Older generation Phuma speakers once learned to speak Bokha for business transactions, but younger generation speakers converse with Bokha in Chinese. Bokha seems to have traditionally functioned as the prestige variety between the two. This is perhaps related to its relative proximity to the Jinping County seat. Distinct ethnic identities and numerous linguistic structural features differentiate the two. The modestly high degree of lexical similarity between them should probably be attributed to a combination of close genetic relationship and relatively close proximity over hundreds of years. The fact that Bokho-DXB scored low on the Phuma-YZT RTT but high on the Bokha-YBZ can also be factored in to the decision to define Phuma and Bokha as distinct synchronic languages. Khlula-LZC > Moji-LCC. Core lexical similarity levels between MojiLCC and other Phula varieties are consistently low. The highest levels of similarity are with the two Khlula varieties LZC and MXC which share a scant 63% each. It is tempting, as a result, to hypothesize some manner of relationship between Moji and Khlula. As will be discussed in Chapter 6, however, the two appear to be members of different meso-clades genetically – Moji being an isolated descendant of the Muji clade and Khlula being a descendant of the Phowa clade. Moderately higher levels of lexical similarity are attributable to contact, and are not likely to indicate the presence of a synchronic dialect affinity.

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Alugu-CTL. As an apparent mixture of two formerly distinct Phula languages, Alugu constitutes a rather unique case of Phula-internal contact. Hundreds of years ago, speakers with the surname Li are said to have moved in upriver from the east – perhaps from Pingbian or Mengzi County according to locals, and speakers with the surname Shi are said to have moved in downriver from the west – perhaps from Shiping County, locals say. CTL now has core lexical similarity levels lower than 60% with all Phula varieties except Phupha-FKC and Phuza-BJB – both of which share 65% similarity with the variety. Interestingly, FKC is situated upriver from CTL, and BJB is situated downriver from CTL. Furthermore, FKC and BJB share a scant 60% core lexical similarity with each other. Thus, as discussed in §2.6.3, §3.3 and §3.4.2, intelligibility levels between CTL speakers and speakers of other Phula varieties can safely be predicted to be low – thus recommending Alugu as a distinct language synchronically. This scenario corroborated by ethnic identity, perceptual dialectology, preliminary recorded text testing and genetic subgrouping (in Chapter 6) alike. Phowa. Of all the Phula varieties, the Phowa lects comprise the clearest case of a dialect continuum or ‘dialect chain’ with varieties at the opposing ends of the continuum (or, more precisely, at the ends of various nodes that branch off from the continuum) unable to communicate, even though linear communication with nearby varieties apparently proceeds through the continuum with relative ease in both directions. Figure 3.1 represents a sketch of this gradient situation interpreted from the combined perspectives of ten Phowa fieldwork data points. The proposed continuum is based on a combination of preliminary intelligibility testing results, personal observations, core lexical comparison counts, and perceptual dialectology insights gleaned from local-level interviews. The four varieties at the end of each chain share low levels of intelligibility with most other Phowa lects (as do other varieties that are somewhat distant from each other), but all of the varieties are linked with ease of intelligibility in some way through neighboring lects. This final example of Phula-internal contact makes synchronic language definition for Phowa challenging, indeed, but not impossible thanks to the added perspectives of embedded ethnic identities and other perspectives, including distinctive shared innovations discussed in Chapter 6.

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WDP LGM DHN

JJC WBZ CKB

XBL MZC

14

FZK

SZW

Figure 3.1. The Phowa dialect continuum

3.7. Integrating identity, contact, and intelligibility Maintaining all of these variables in dynamic equilibrium, we come much closer to a representative understanding of the complex ethnic identities, synchronic inter-lectal relationships and language contact networks extant within Phula. All of these variables are further supplemented and interpreted by diachronic insights discussed in Chapters 6 and 7. Plausible synchronic language definitions emerge from this complexity via hermeneutic synthesis –summarized region-by-region in this section. None of the four regions contain language varieties that can justifiably be said to have a synchronic affinity with language varieties in other regions. Summary profiles of these languages are provided in §3.8. 3.7.1. West-regional integration Phola-LDC, NTC, and ADP are distinguished from Phala-FNS and BSC by low inherent intelligibility results between the two most likely candidates for intelligibility – ADP and FNS. The distinction is confirmed by historical splits, anecdotal evidence, perceptual dialectology, autonyms, exonyms and material culture alike. Although the two varieties were certainly a single language in centuries past, and are demonstrated in Chapter 6 to belong to the same genetic micro-clade, they have developed into distinct synchronic languages. At least one further variety, Phola-Alo, should be defined as a distinct language in the region as well, due to heavy influence from Dai, according to Phola locals.

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3.7.2. South-central integration Eleven distinct languages can be identified from among the Phula varieties of the south-central region. The most complicated issues involved in these definitions are related to intelligibility and contact. Table 3.12 seeks to summarize this situation in terms of gradience (High, Marginal, Low), affinity (inherent vs. contact-based), and social strata (demographic restrictions, if any). The key below the main body of the table explains the notation conventions used. From among the data points researched, three synchronic affinities emerge: PJZ-SZT, NGZ-MLT, and DXB-YBZ (defined below as Muji-S, Muzi and Bokha, respectively). Each of these three pairs may be considered dialects of the same respective language synchronically—a scenario that is further validated by shared innovations and internal subgrouping criteria discussed in Chapter 6. Apart from these three pairs, most other cases of inter-intelligibility or directional intelligibility that surface within the region are attributable to clade-internal contact. More thorough intelligibility testing may be deemed necessary for future heritage maintenance efforts and language development projects among the Muji varieties in particular – especially for the values listed in parentheses in Table 3.12 – to clarify and confirm various degrees of synchronic affinity. Further investigation of Muzi-SZT, for example, may recommend it as a distinct synchronic language; but this definition does not seem warranted based on current findings. Integrating these results with ethnic identity, eleven synchronic languages can be defined in the south-central region. Four are identified with the Muji/Muzi identity, four with Phu/Pho-based autonyms, one with a locoautonym, and two with alternate identities. PJZ, SZT and their affiliates can be distinguished as ‘Southern Muji’. XPC, LSD and their affiliates can be distinguished as ‘Northern Muji’. QLC and its two satellite villages can be distinguished as ‘Qila Muji’. MLT, NGZ and their affiliates can be distinguished simply as ‘Muzi’ since the only known outlying Muzi autonym group, Muzi-SZT, seems best described as a dialect of Southern Muji. The Phu/Pho groups can be distinguished as follows: ‘Phuma’ (YZT and affiliates), ‘Phupa’ (GMD and affiliates), ‘Phuza’ (BJB and affiliates), and ‘Phupha’ (FKC and affiliates). The CTL variety can be referenced after its locoautonym, ‘Alugu’. The Bokho/Bokha varieties (DXB, YBZ and affiliates) can be referenced as ‘Bokha’, and the title ‘Laghuu’ has already been established in the literature (Edmondson and Lama 1999, Edmondson 2003) in reference to NSC and its affiliates.

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Table 3.12. Intelligibility and internal contact summary for the south-central region

FKC

CTL

GMD

NSC

QLC

DXB

YBZ

YZT

MLT

NGZ

XPC

SZT

PJZ - Mh2 Lh2 (L) L (L) (L) Lh(1) L (L) Lm(4) SZT (M) - (L) (L) (L) (L) (L) (L) L L L XPC (L) (L) - (L) (L) (L) (L) L L L (Lm2) NGZ (L) (L) (L) - (M) L L L L L L MLT (L) (L) (L) (H) L L L L L L YZT (L) (L) (L) L L - (Lm3) L L L L YBZ (L) (L) (L) L L (Lh3) H L L L DXB (Lm4) (L) (L) L L (L) (H) - (L) L L QLC L L L L L L L L - L L NSC (L) L L L L L L L L L GMD (L) L (L) L L L L L L L BJB L L L (L) (L) L L L L L (L) FKC L L L L L L L L L L L CTL L L L L L L L L L L L

BJB

Origin of Speaker

PJZ

Origin of Audience

(L) L (L) L L L L L L L (L) (L) (L)

L L L L L L L L L L (L) (L) (L)

L L L L L L L L L L L L L -

Key to notations L Low inherent intelligibility. M Marginal inherent intelligibility. H High inherent intelligibility. Proposed status based on reports and observations but not verified by () empirical testing. bold A synchronic affinity: apparent dialects of a single synchronic language. An internal-contact situation: strong evidence that an apparent affinity is etc contact-based (learned, not inherent). h High contact-based (learned) intelligibility. m Marginal contact-based (learned) intelligibility. 1 Applies to all demographic segments of the population with the exception of young children. 2 Applies primarily to members of a mobile demographic who frequently interact with speakers of the lect in question. 3 Applies primarily to older generations; younger generations use Chinese to communicate. 4 Applies only to a small cluster of adjacent villages near the variety being compared.

162

Synchronic language definitions

3.7.3. North-central integration As mentioned in §3.6.2, embedded Phowa ethnic identities play a key role in defining synchronic Phula languages in the north-central region. Intelligibility, internal contact, and ethnic sub-identities are all gradient in the Phowa realm, so neat language boundaries cannot be defined. Nevertheless, in addition to numerous distinct dialects that can be identified in spite of this gradience, important lectal distinctions exist at the extremities of the Phowa distribution (as sketched in Figure 3.1) that are characteristic of distinct synchronic languages. After synthesizing folk-perspectives from multiple locations, three primary identities emerge in the region that seem relevant for synchronic language definition: Anipho, Labopho, and Hlepho. Other Phowa sub-identities do not seem to be widely known. The Asaheipho variety and other Phowa varieties nearby, for example, seem best described as dialects of Labopho since the two apparently share high intelligibility and since Asaheipho is unknown to most Phowa speakers beyond the Kaiyuan County line. In contrast, the identity ‘Labopho’ is known in all four counties. Similarly, the title ‘Digaopho’ seems to be used only in Beige Township, Kaiyuan County, and what is referred to as ‘Digaopho’ in Beige Township is often referred to as ‘Labopho’ elsewhere. Each of these three ethnic sub-varieties (Anipho, Labopho, and Hlepho) subsume multiple dialects, so in order to integrate both gradience and variation into Phowa synchronic language definitions, a region of transitional dialects must be defined between the Phowa varieties spoken in southeastern Kaiyuan County and the Phowa varieties spoken in Mengzi, Yanshan, and Wenshan. The dialects of Anipho spoken in northern Xibeile Township of Mengzi County and south Yanggai Township of Kaiyuan County are apparently transitional with the Labopho dialects of western Beige Township. The dialects of Phowa spoken along the KaiyuanYanshan border and in parts of northeastern Mengzi County are apparently transitional with these Labopho varieties as well. In both cases, however, these transitional varieties evidence phonological and lexical characteristics that distinguish them from the Labopho of western Beige Township and from each other. Below the transitional zones in each case, are further dialects of Anipho and Hlepho that are neither intelligible with the Labopho dialects of Kaiyuan nor with each other (i.e., the dialects of Hlepho with the dialects of Anipho and vice-versa). Illustrations of this gradient, dynamic scenario are provided in Maps 3.5 and 8.7 – and further confirmed by numerous ambiguous splits diachronically, as discussed in Chapter 6. Thus, the Phowa lects researched for this project may be divided into three synchronic languages: Phowa-Labo, Phowa-Ani and Phowa-Hlepho,

Conclusion: The synchronic Phula languages

163

with Labo incorporating JJC, LGM and WDP (along with HLT from Wang 2004), Ani incorporating XBL and DHN – with northern lects such as DHN functioning in a transitional role between Anipho and Labopho – and Phowa-Hlepho incorporating FZK, MZC, WBZ, CKB and SZW – with lects like WBZ, and possibly CKB, functioning as transitional between Hlepho and Labopho. In further support of this latter transitional zone, the southerly Hlepho lects often refer to the northerly Hlepho lects using the endoethnonym ‘Labopho’ (though WBZ, at least, disagrees with this designation). Scant evidence also exists for positing a slim transitional zone between Anipho and Hlepho, but this possibility needs to be borne out by further fieldwork in Mingjiu Township of north-central Mengzi County. 3.7.4. East-regional integration Phula’s eastern region is much more straightforward by comparison. Identity, intelligibility and contact line up relatively neatly in support of seven synchronic language definitions: Azha (subsuming LJY, XPB, HZC and DFC), Khlula (LZC and MXC), Zokhuo (DXZ), Moji (LCC), Thopho (XZC), Pholo (FYZ, SXZ and XJC), and Phukha (LPC). Some evidence suggests that Khlula-LZC and Khlula-MXC have developed into unintelligible varieties, but this possibility would need to be established by more formal measures since some contradictions surface in local-level reports between the regions. Perceived affinities between Khlula, Zokhuo, and Azha in the minds of some speakers (in spite of an admitted lack of intelligibility between any combination of the three) are interesting from a social viewpoint, but these perceptions disagree on the nature of the affiliation (as discussed in §3.2.4) and are not ultimately useful for synchronic language definition. As is demonstrated in Chapter 6, diachronic evidence supports a close genetic link between Khlula and Zokhuo, but the link between Azha and either of these languages is relatively distant by contrast. 3.8. Conclusion: The synchronic Phula languages Based on the above synthesis of identity, intelligibility and contact, 24 synchronic Phula languages emerge. Most of these synchronic definitions are further corroborated by clear diachronic splits, as Chapters 6 and 7 illustrate. The 24 Phula languages are introduced below via brief profiles in order to provide a demographic, geographic, onomastic, and dialectal reference point for each. The profiles are arranged by geographic region preceding regional

164

Synchronic language definitions

maps that illustrate distributions and proposed language boundaries. Map 3.1 represents the broader orientation of each of the maps in this section. Population statistics should all be taken as my personal estimates, deduced following methods described in §2.5. Where speaker populations are lower than ethnic populations, the subtracted percentage is based on calculations suggested by reported non-speakers per-village according to reported degrees of language obsolescence as discussed in Chapter 4. Village estimates are based on Dimingzhi information and local-level inquiry but may be slight undercounts in some cases, due to new villages being established over the past few decades. Dialect estimates are intended to reflect speaker perceptions and should be taken as fluid generalizations in most cases. Language name entries are followed by ISO 639-3 three-letter identifiers for the sake of standard reference. Most of these ISO codes were granted as late as 2008. Research findings presented in this book led to the official, international validation of 18 of these language definitions, along with their first-time inclusion in the 16th edition of the Ethnologue (Lewis 2009). 3.8.1. Phala [ISO 639-3: ypa] – Population: 13,000 ethnic; 12,000 speakers. – Location: Primarily in the mountains lining the north and south banks of the Yuanjiang (Honghe) river in Niugai Township of Shiping County and Yisa and Mengla Townships of Honghe Counties. Three isolated villages downriver in Yuanyang and Jianshui counties are also thought to affiliate with Phala (see Maps 3.2 and 8.3). – Alternate names: Phula, Bola, Khapho, Phulepho, Black (唁) Phula. – Villages: 33 (Honghe 18, Shiping 12, Yuanyang 2, Jianshui 1). Mixed villages: None reported. – Dialects: 5+ (see Map 8.3) 3.8.2. Phola [ISO 639-3: ypg] – Population estimate: 13,000 ethnic; 13,000 speakers. – Location: Yuanjiang, Shiping and Honghe counties primarily along the confluence of the Yuanjiang (Honghe) and Xiaohedi rivers (see Maps 3.2 and 8.3). – Alternate names: Phula, Bola, Tsha Phula, Phulepho, Hua Phula. – Villages: 42 (Yuanjiang 28, Shiping 9, Honghe 5). Mixed villages: 3. – Dialects: seven or more (see Map 8.3).

Conclusion: The synchronic Phula languages

165

3.8.3. Phola, Alo [ISO 639-3: ypo] – Population: 500 ethnic; 500 speakers. – Location: Yuanjiang County in a single village, Tuguozhai, located in the mountains east of the county seat surrounded by Dai villages – Lijiang Township, Dashuiping Community (see Map 3.2). – Alternate names: Phula, Phola, Bola. – Villages: One reported (Tuguozhai, located in eastern Lijiang Township, Yuanjiang County). Mixed villages: None reported. – Dialects: Single variety; originally a dialect of Phola, now reportedly mixed with Dai.

Shiping € Lake Yilong

Jianshui €

€ Yuanjiang NTC LDC

ADP

Honghe€ BSC

FNS

Datapoint Alo Phola Phola 0

Phala

4

8 12 km

Map 3.2. General distribution of Phola, Phala, and Alo

3.8.4. Muji, Qila [ISO 639-3: ymq] – Population: 1,500 ethnic; 1,500 speakers.

Yuanyang €

166

Synchronic language definitions

– Location: Laojizhai and Jinshuihe Townships of south Jinping County and northwest Lai Chau Province, Vietnam in three isolated villages: Qila, Wantang, and Muong Gong (respectively) (see Maps 3.3, 8.5). – Alternate names: Doka, Mujitsu, Phuzu. – Villages: Three reported (China: Jinping 2; Vietnam: Lai Chau 1). Mixed villages: None reported. – Dialects: three (Qila, Wantang, Muong Gong; see Maps 3.4 and 8.5). Zhemila ○

Wantang

Jinping

y

€

Mengla ○ QLC Qila

○ Jinshuihe

○ Muong Te

○ Ban Pa Ha y Muong Gong Approximate location

○ Muong Mo

○ Muong Tong

0

15 km

Map 3.3. Distribution of Muji, Qila and location of the three Muji, Qila villages

3.8.5. Muji, Southern [ISO 639-3: ymc] – Population: 28,000 ethnic; 26,000 speakers.

Conclusion: The synchronic Phula languages

167

– Location: Primarily dwelling in the imposing mountains south of the Honghe river just before it begins its course into Vietnam – including Shayipo, Dazhai and Adebo Townships of northern Jinping County. Some also in Tongchang Township of southwestern Jinping County, Fengchunling Township of eastern Yuanyang County, southeastern Shuitian Township of southern Mengzi County, and Manhao Township of southeastern Gejiu County. Two villages are also thought to be located in Lai Chau Province of Vietnam across the border adjacent to the Jinping County seat (see Map 3.4). – Alternate names: Phula, Khlaka, Hlaka Mujima, Tshibu, Tshebu, Lahi, Aga, Tjeki, Muzi. – Villages: 104 (China: Jinping 90, Mengzi 4, Yuanyang 7, Gejiu 1; Vietnam: Lai Chau Province 2). Mixed villages: 13. – Dialects: six or more (Dazhai, Ma’andi, Tongchang, Yingpan, Jinhe, Gamadi; see Map 8.5). 3.8.6. Muji, Northern [ISO 639-3: ymx] – Population: 15,000 ethnic; 9,000 speakers. – Location: Primarily in Shuitian, Lengquan, and Qilubai Townships of Mengzi County and Xinxian Township of Pingbian County (see Maps 3.4 and 8.5). – Alternate names: Phula, Hlaka Mujima, Bokha. – Villages: 61 (Mengzi 44, Pingbian 17). Mixed villages: 11. – Dialects: Three or more (Xiepo, Xinxian, Qilubai; see Map 8.5). 3.8.7. Muzi [ISO 639-3: ymz] – Population: 16,000 ethnic; 10,000 speakers. – Location: Kafang, Laochang, and Datun Townships of Gejiu County and eastern Lengquan Township, Mengzi County (see Maps 3.4, 8.5). – Alternate names: Muji, Mogeha. – Villages: 42 (Gejiu 35, Mengzi 7). Mixed villages: 5. – Dialects: Five or more (Yangbadi, Duimenshan, Nuoguzhai, Mideqi, Xiaoxinzhai; see Map 8.5).

168

Synchronic language definitions

3.8.8. Bokha [ISO 639-3: ybk] – Population: 12,000 ethnic; 10,000 speakers. – Location: In Dishuiceng Township of central Pingbian County, Lianhuatan Township of northwestern Hekou County, and Mengqiao and Ma’andi Townships of eastern Jinping County (see Maps 3.4 and 8.5). Some also formerly living in Lao Cai Province of Vietnam prior to 1979, after which all relocated to Jinping County, Yunnan. – Alternate names: Bokho, Muji, Black (唁) Muji, Phula, Flowery (㣡) Phula, Aphu, Akapa, Lao (㘱) Phula, Pao Tle. – Villages: 31 (Pingbian 21, Jinping 8, Hekou 2). Mixed villages: 4. – Dialects: 3+ (Wangjia, Dixibei, Lianhuanan; see Map 8.5). 3.8.9. Phuma [ISO 639-3: ypm] – Population: 8,000 ethnic; 8,000 speakers. – Location: Densely clustered in the high mountains of northwestern Baihe Township, primarily in Dixi Community and adjacent areas of Wantang and Baiyun Townships down to the east bank of the Nanxi river, central Pingbian County (see Maps 3.4 and 8.5). – Alternate names: Phupa, Muji, Phula, Paotlo, Sifter Basket ( ㆢ㇅ ) Phula, Black (唁) Muji, Phuli. – Villages: 23 (Baihe Township 18, Wantang Township 4, Baiyun Township 1). Mixed villages: 2. – Dialects: 2 (Baihe ‘Phuma’ spoken in 19 villages, Wantang/Aka ‘Phuli’ spoken in 4 villages; see Map 8.5). 3.8.10. Alugu [ISO 639-3: aub] – Population: 3,500 ethnic; 3,500 speakers. – Location: In the mountains along the north and south banks of the Honghe River between the Shizi River confluence and Huangcaoba market. Primarily located in Alonggu Community of western Manhao Township, Gejiu County, but also a few villages in Baohe and Kafang Townships of Gejiu County, two villages in Fengchunling Township, Yuanyang County, and two in Xiaoxingai Township, Yuanyang County (see Maps 3.4 and 8.3). – Alternate names: Phula, Phupha, Phupho, Lisaha, Muji. – Villages: 11 (Gejiu 7, Yuanyang 4). Mixed villages: 1.

Conclusion: The synchronic Phula languages

169

– Dialects: 2 (Alonggu, north of the Honghe River; Lisaha, centered on Asuohei Village south of the Honghe River; see Map 8.3). 3.8.11. Phupa [ISO 639-3: ypp] – Population: 4,000 ethnic; 3,000 speakers. – Location: Southeast Gejiu County panhandle near Manhao market and adjacent parts of southeastern Shuitian and southeastern Lengquan Townships; adjecent regions of Shuitian Township in southern Mengzi County inhabiting villages in the high mountains above the Honghe River gorge; also thought to inhabit one village in northwestern Fengchunling Township, Yuanyang County (see Maps 3.4, 8.3). – Alternate names: Phula, Lala, Lamu, Laghï, Larhwo, Hlagho, La’ou, Lapa, Phupha, Tshebu, Muzi. – Villages: 13 (Mengzi 7, Gejiu 5, Yuanyang 1). Mixed: None reported. – Dialects: 3 (Gamadi, Nuogumi, Jiangnanbo15; see Map 8.3). 3.8.12. Phupha [ISO 639-3: yph] – Population: 1,500 ethnic; 1,300 speakers. – Location: In the mountains along the north and south banks of the Honghe River between the Gusha River confluence and the Huobachong River confluence. In southern Gusha and southeastern Baohe Townships of Gejiu, and in northwestern Shangxincheng Township of Yuanyang County (see Maps 3.4 and 8.3). – Alternate names: Phula, Phupho, Thsapho. – Villages: 5 (Gejiu 4, Yuanyang 1). Mixed villages: None reported. – Dialects: 3 (Xiao Fengkou, Da Fengkou, Baiwushan16; see Map 8.3). 3.8.13. Phuza [ISO 639-3: ypz] – Population: 8,000 ethnic; 6,000 speakers. – Location: Along the southern half of the Mengzi-Gejiu county line, primarily in western Lengquan Township of Mengzi County but also in southeastern Kafang Township of Gejiu County (see Map 3.4). – Alternate names: Phula, Pho’a, Muji, Phujitshu, Black (唁) Phu. – Villages: 28 (Mengzi 22, Gejiu 6). Mixed villages: None reported. – Dialects: 2+ (Bujibai, Dabaqi; see Map 8.3).

SZT

FKC

PJZ

Jinping €

CTL

MLT

XPC

BJB

GMD

DXB

LSD

€

Muji, Southern Muji, Northern Muzi Bokha Phuma Datapoint Phupa Alugu Phupha cf. other maps Phuza

Pingbian

YBZ

YZT

0

6

Map 3.4. Distribution of Southern Muji, Northern Muji, Muzi, Bokha, Phuma, Phupa, Alugu, Phupha and Phuza

Yuanjiang €

NGZ

Gejiu €

170 Synchronic language definitions

12 km

Conclusion: The synchronic Phula languages

171

3.8.14. Phowa, Ani [ISO 639-3: ypn] – Population: 10,000 ethnic; 10,000 speakers. – Location: Primarily in the karst hills of the high plateau behind the eastern ridge of the Liba range in Xibeile Township, Mengzi County, but also in central Yanggai Township, Kaiyuan County and western Mingjiu Township, Mengzi County (see Maps 3.5 and 8.7). – Alternate names: Anipho, Pho, Phula, Laotshipu, Flowery (㣡) Phu, Flowery Muji. – Villages: 30 (Mengzi 22, Kaiyuan 8). Mixed villages: 4. – Dialects: three or more (Daheineng: northern dialect transitional with Labo, Xibeile: central dialect centered on Xibeile Township Seat, Dayongsheng: eastern dialect, possibly transitional with Hlepho; see Map 8.7). 3.8.15. Phowa, Labo [ISO 639-3: ypb] – Population: 21,000 ethnic; 17,000 speakers. – Location: Heavily concentrated in the mountains of western Beige Township, Kaiyuan County; also in adjacent parts of Mazheshao, Laozhai, Zhongheying, Yanggai Townships. A second population cluster is centered on Asahei Village in western Mazheshao township with some villages in the eastern highlands of Lebaidao Township as well (see Map 3.5). – Alternate names: Labopho, Pho, Phula, White ( ⲭ ) Phu, Ekhepho, Zemapho, Asaheipho, Asahopho. – Villages: 70 (all in central and eastern Kaiyuan County). Mixed villages: three. – Dialects: Gradient dialect chain with Hlepho and Ani Phowa (see Maps 3.5 and 8.7) 3.8.16. Phowa, Hlepho [ISO 639-3: yhl] – Population: 50,000 ethnic; 36,000 speakers. – Location: Thickly concentrated in eastern Beige Township, Kaiyuan County and southeastern Ashe Township, Yanshan County. Also scattered in population pockets through the mountains of five townships in north Mengzi County, nine townships in western Weshan County,

172

Synchronic language definitions

and Heping and Xinhua Townships of north Pingbian County (see Maps 3.5 and 8.7). – Alternate names: Hlepho, Pho, Phula, Paola, Polua, Phunike, Hljopa, Sipho, Zendi, Digaopho, Daizhanpho, Labopho, Thrice Striped Red (й䚃㓒) Phula, Conehead (ቆཤ) Phula, Flowery (㣡) Phula, Cowtail ( ⢋ቮᐤ) Phula, Sifter Basket (ㆢ㇅) Phula, Black (唁) Phula, Abo, Boren, Bozi, Xiuba, ≁ᇦ Minjia (see also Table 3.4). – Villages: 187 (Wenshan 76, Yanshan 26, Kaiyuan 28, Pingbian 15, Mengzi 42). Mixed villages: 86. – Dialects: Gradient dialect chain merging with Labo Phowa, numerous dialects (see Maps 3.5 and 8.7). 3.8.17. Azha [ISO 639-3: aza] – Population: 54,000 ethnic; 53,000 speakers. – Location: Primarily distributed through the hills of the karst plateau forming Wenshan County’s eastern border with Yanshan; in five townships of southwestern Yanshan County and seven townships of eastern Wenshan County (see Map 3.5). – Alternate names: Aji, Ajiwa, A’ndze, A’ntsaozo, Azan, Nimitso, Phuphje, Phula, Flowery (㣡) Phula, Flowery Yi, Sifter Basket (ㆢ㇅) Phula, Black (唁) Phula, Cowtail (⢋ቮᐤ) Phula, Golden (䠁) Phula, Chinese/Hanized (≹) Phula (see also Table 3.5). – Villages: 98 (Wenshan 63, Yanshan 35). 17 Mixed villages: 50. – Dialects: 5+ (Luojiayi, Xiaopingba, Gaodeng, Ganhe, Dongshan). 3.8.18. Zokhuo [ISO 639-3: yzk] – Population: 17,000 ethnic; 13,000 speakers. – Location: Most heavily concentrated in the karst hills of far southeastern Weshan County – especially the northern two-thirds of Zhuiligai Township and the southern third of Dongshan Township. Also living in scattered pockets to the north and east of this location through four townships of southern Yanshan County as far north as Longle – a village situated in east-central Zhela Township (see Maps 3.5 and 8.7). – Alternate names: Zekhe, Tshokha, Nimitso, Nuoke, Phula, Cowtail (⢋ቮᐤ) Phula. – Villages: 56 (Yanshan 35, Wenshan 21). Mixed villages: 37. – Dialects: Two (Daxingzhai, Longle).

€

MZC

WBZ

FZK

Map 3.5. Distribution of Ani, Labo, Hlepho, Azha and Zokhuo

See other maps

Hlepho-Labo transition zone Ani-Labo transtion zone

XBL

JJC

LGM

CKB

SZW

XPB

€ Wenshan

LJY HZC

15 km

10

5

0

DFC

DXZ

Yanshan

€

Datapoint Phowa, Hlepho Phowa, Ani Phowa, Labo Zokhuo Azha

DHN

WDP

Kaiyuan

Conclusion: The synchronic Phula languages 173

174

Synchronic language definitions

3.8.19. Khlula [ISO 639-3: ykl] – Population: 34,000 ethnic; 21,000 speakers. – Location: Most densely concentrated in Liujin Township, Wenshan, among the karst hills separating southern Wenshan County from northern Maguan County. Substantial population pockets can also be found in the mountains of Renhe, Dalishu, Muchang, and Miechang Townships of Maguan County (see Maps 3.6 and 8.7). – Alternate names: Tula, Namupha, Alapha, Mo, Pao, Phula, Black (唁) Phula, Sifter Basket (ㆢ㇅) Phula, Phulapha, Black (唁) Zokhuo. – Villages: 114 (Wenshan 45, Maguan 67, Hekou 2). Mixed villages: 63. – Dialects: 3+ (Liujing, Muchang, Dalishu; see Map 8.7). 3.8.20. Moji [ISO 639-3: ymi] – Population: 7,000 ethnic; 2,000 speakers. – Location: Luchaichong is situated in the mountains of Lianhutang Township, Xichou County. The variety is most likely related to a Muji-affiliated scattering of ethnically mixed and linguistically moribund Phula villages in Pingba, Xingai, and Xigu Townships of southeastern Wenshan County (see Map 3.6). – Alternate names: Phula, Muji, Phulawa, Flathead (ᒣཤ) Phula. – Villages: 45 (Wenshan 44, Xichou 1. Mixed villages: 44. – Dialects: 2+ (Luchaichong, southeastern Wenshan). 3.8.21. Phukha [ISO 639-3: phh] – Population: 14,000 ethnic; 10,000 speakers; est. 50% in China and 50% in Vietnam. – Location: Primarily located in Lao Cai and Ha Giang Provinces of northern Vietnam, but also thought to inhabit a number of adjacent villages across the border in southern Yunnan including mountain villages in Xiaobazi and Dulong Townships of Maguan County, Nanwenhe Township of Malipo County, and Qiaotou Township of Hekou County (see Map 3.6). Further research required on full distribution. – Alternate names: Phula, Phukhla, Chinese (≹) Phula. – Villages: 41? (Vietnam: Lao Cai 19, Ha Giang 2; China: Maguan 14, Malipo 4, Hekou 2). Mixed villages: Unknown. – Dialects: Unknown.

Conclusion: The synchronic Phula languages

175

€ Wenshan

LCC

LZC

€ Maguan

Hekou € Lao Cai

(NSC)

N

(LPC)

0

Moji Khlula Phukha Laghuu

10

See other maps Datapoint

15 km

5

Note: Exact Phukha and Laghuu village locations in Vietnam, and the extent of Phukha distribution in China, require further research.

Map 3.6. Distribution of Khlula, Moji, Laghuu, and Phukha

MXC

176

Synchronic language definitions

3.8.22. Laghuu [ISO 639-3: lgh] – Population: 1,500 ethnic; 500 speakers. Vietnam. – Location: Situated exclusively in northern Vietnam and probably limited to a handful of scattered villages in SonLa and LaoCai Provinces (see Map 3.6). – Alternate names: Lao-pa, Phula, Sapho, Bokhopa, Phula Lao. – Village estimate: 7 (Vietnam: Son La 1, Lao Cai 6). Mixed villages: Unknown. – Dialects: Unknown. 3.8.23. Pholo [ISO 639-3: yip] – Population: 34,000 ethnic; 30,000 speakers. – Location: Most densely clustered in Aji Township of northeastern Yanshan County and the far eastern third of Tianxing Township in southeastern Qiubei County. Other population pockets are scattered through four further townships of eastern Yanshan, Pingzhai Township of eastern Qiubei, six townships of western Guangnan County, and Xinzhai Township of northeastern Malipo County (see Map 3.7). – Alternate names: Phu, Phula, Black (唁) Phula , Flowery (㣡) Phula. – Villages: 112 (Yanshan 71, Guangnan 20, Qiubei 18, Malipo 3). Mixed villages: 56. – Dialects: None reported; three observed. Further dialects are sure to have developed in distant, outlying pockets of distribution. 3.8.24. Thopho [ISO 639-3: ytp] – Population: 500 ethnic; 200 speakers. – Location: Living in two isolated villages of eastern Guangnan County situated about one hour’s walk distance from each other: Xinzhai of south-central Zhetu Township and Bacai of northeastern Zhulin Township (see Map 3.7). Living alongside Nong Zhuang speakers in Xinzhai. – Alternate names: Phula, Black (唁) Phula, Black Hat Folk (唁ᑭӪ). – Villages: 2 (in eastern Guangnan County). Mixed villages: 1. – Dialects: None reported.

Conclusion: The synchronic Phula languages XZC {

177

Thopho Pholo €See other Guangnan maps Datapoint

Pingzhai {

Zhulin {

Jiumo XJC {

SXZ

Aji

0 FYX { Wuzhu

10 Shuguang {

Zhela

20 km

{

€ Yanshan

€ Xichou

Map 3.7. Distribution of Pholo and Thopho

Chapter 4 Ethnolinguistic vitality Contact, endangerment and shift

[Minority groups]of course need to make their own decisions about the importance of language maintenance; but if we do not do the descriptive work now, their grandchildren may reproach them, and us, the members of a discipline which is presiding over the demise of most of the objects of our study! – David and Maya Bradley (2002a: 96)

4.1. Introduction One key benefit of interpreting synchronic language definitions is the necessary symbolic basis such definitions provide for discussing language endangerment and ethnolinguistic vitality. A ‘language’ can hardly be discussed as vital or endangered without first providing its constituency with some form of rigorous delimitation. The ethnolinguistic vitality of the 24 Phula languages defined in Chapter 3 is examined in the current chapter based on research methods and assumptions outlined in §2.4–§2.5. The synchronic Phula languages run the gamut from severely endangered to highly vital. Identifying the relative stages each has reached is important for more the more full documentation of each in future studies. Since language, identity and material culture are so finely interwoven, cultural vitality is often closely related to language vitality. A decline in one usually forebodes a decline in the other, but the two must be researched on separate terms, and immediate correspondences between them are sometimes unpredictable. In the interest of outlining the sociocommunicational context surrounding these language varieties, and in order to more adequately report their synchronic status of vitality and endangerment to ethnologists and linguists alike, both aspects will be detailed in this chapter. Speakers of the unwritten Phula languages are mountain-dwelling agriculturalists enveloped in an administratively and socio-economically pervasive second-language realm, i.e., regional varieties of Southwestern Mandarin. In search of concrete indicators of language use and linguistic

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vitality relevant to their social context, the research behind this book investigated relationships, activities, and domains of language use as contextual channels not only shaping the status of language vitality and endangerment among Phula speakers but also providing insights into that status. Indicators of regional language prestige and inter- and intra-group language contact scenarios between these languages and those of other ethnic minorities were also considered, as is discussed further in §2.5.4 above. Insights into ethnic vitality were gained from the following concrete indicators: the status of ethnic music, song, dance, distinctive holidays, distinctive ethnic garments, ethnic embroidery, and the presence of traditional leadership (such as shamans and/or non-political elders). Insights into these issues were gained through the use of questionnaires and observations. The results from village-level interviews are presented in this chapter to document the current status of ethnolinguistic vitality and language maintenance among the 24 Phula languages. While many concrete indicators provided useful evidence for interpreting the status of ethnolinguistic vitality, generational use and language domains, proved to provide the most rigorous definitions for establishing an areally relevant “graded typology of threatened statuses”, to borrow a phrase from Fishman (1991b: 87). The status of language use among children in a given village was particularly relevant. When all or most children in a given village were reported to have shifted to Chinese in conversation with their parents even in the home domain, the generational status of remaining speakers was then taken into consideration. Combined dynamics were found to fall into a graded typology of six stages based on local-level reports, summarized in (4.1), in which ‘X’ stands for the specific language variety in question. Shift, when it occurs, is usually toward Chinese, but is also reported to occur toward Nisu and Zhuang in a few cases. (4.1)

Graded typology of threatened status for Phula languages a. Level 1. Least Threatened Status: Children speak X daily with parents and are not able to function in Chinese by first grade (and are usually not able to do so until third grade). b. Level 2. Minimally Threatened Status: Children speak X daily with parents, but are already able to function in Chinese by grade 1. c. Level 3. Moderately Threatened Status: Some parents are primarily speaking Chinese with their children in the home domain, but these children still learn to speak X by playing with other village children.

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d. Level 4. Substantially Threatened Status: Few to no children are able to speak X, due to widespread loss of X usage in home domain, but young-to-middle-aged adults native to the village are still able to speak X. e. Level 5. Highly Threatened Status: X is not spoken in the home domain, and only older generation speakers of X remain. f. Level 6. Moribund Status: There are no remaining X speakers who are native to the village, but outside X speakers are introduced through intermarriage with speakers of X from other villages. These six levels of threatened status are transposed into visual representations in the form of three regional maps inserted at intervals in the chapter in an attempt to illustrate the current state of language endangerment among the Phula varieties. The maps may be matched with polygons in Maps 3.2– 3.7 in order to visualize the endangered status of specific Phula languages. In order to visualize endangerment in terms of dialect diversity and/or genetic clades, the maps in this chapter can be compared with Maps 8.3, 8.5 and 8.7. A key to the geographic orientation of the maps in this chapter is illustrated in Map 4.1. See maps in Chapter 1 for county names and broader geographic context. The graded scale in (4.1) above may also be reinterpreted as ‘most endangered’ (Level 6) to ‘least endangered’ (Level 1). In some cases, reports on the status of outlying villages were too general to qualify precisely for one of the six categories; in others, specific age ranges of speakers in outlying linguistically moribund villages were reported that would require even finer grades than the six stages listed above. Thus, in some cases, generalizations were necessary in the interest of presenting a wide-scale overview of the scope and degree of threatened status among the Phula languages. Naturally, other graded statuses could be inserted as well, as will become clear in the ensuing discussion, but six levels adequately account for general trends and provide an initial overview of Phula language endangerment. A more detailed perspective can be gained from summarizing observations and interviews conducted in representative villages. The sections below are organized around the 24 known Phula languages defined in the previous chapter. The presentation moves from west to east, summarizing questionnaire (see Appendix A) and observation data into composite reports. Similar data points and secondary datapoints are often coalesced into a single summary as is noted in the text.

Map 4.1. Locations of Phula language endangerment maps plotted by region

Map 4.2

Map 4.3

Map 4.4

Reference Maps 1.1 and 1.3 for scale and broader orientation

Introduction 181

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4.2. Phola and Alo Phola is linguistically vital overall, with exceptions in some villages foreshadowing shift. Ethnic vitality is in apparent decline, however; and the vitality of several scattered population pockets, such as Alo, is unknown. 4.2.1. Luodie and Natang Luodie (LDC) and Natang (NTC) are located on opposite sides of the Honghe River in southeastern Yuanjiang County, but the two are quite similar in terms of endangerment and vitality. Insights from both are combined into a single report below, but most information presented in this section is based on research carried out in Luodie. Ethnic vitality. Locals reportedly still celebrate two ethnic festivals: a feast day on the eighth day of the sixth lunar month, and sacred tree veneration on an unspecified, auspicious day of the third lunar month. Although reportedly very few young people are still able to sing the traditional folksongs and none are able to sing the antiphonal songs, numerous middle-aged speakers retain the ability; and most younger generation speakers can still sing the ethnic drinking songs. Ethnic embroidery is no longer practiced by local girls in Luodie, but may still be practiced in Natang. No sign of traditional ethnic garments was noted in Luodie, but most women middle aged and up in Natang still retain a set of traditional ethnic garments which they wear on special occasions The outfit is very similar to that worn among the Phola in northwestern Honghe County (e.g., Phola-ADP). One elderly shaman is still active in Luodie. He is literate in the Nisu script and uses the script as a guide to his ceremonial incantations. Language vitality. Locals in Luodie and Natang alike report that Phola is spoken between parents and children in all households and in all surrounding villages. Luodie children are reportedly unable to understand Chinese at the beginning of grade one, so local teachers use Phola as the language of instruction for these students into grade three. The closest Phola villages locals report having heard of shifting to Chinese are located near the Honghe County seat (e.g., Phala-FNS) some 20 kilometers downriver. Nisu Yi makes up the majority ethnic population in the area, however; so Nisu seems to pose more of a threat to Phola than Chinese. A county-level leader of Nisu descent even noted that Duolongyi, an isolated Phola village of western Wadie Township, decided to renounce its Phola ethnicity in the late 1990’s in order to become Nisu. The success of this venture is unclear and worth further investigation. Reportedly, Duolongyi locals are said to have

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held a formal ceremony, complete with the slaughter of a bull, and announced that from that day forward Phola would no longer be spoken in their village – only Nisu. During the ensuing feast, however, as the men became more and more affected by the local brew, they are said to have begun speaking Phola once again in spite of themselves. A Phola community leader in Luodie estimates that more than two-thirds of the adult Phola population in the township have learned to speak and understand Nisu with a high level of proficiency. Some locals give lower estimates, however (as low as one-third), and note that more men than women qualify in this demographic. Some Luodie locals also have limited proficiency in Hani since Hani speakers often attend the Wadie Township market days. Two Hani girls have married in to Luodie and have slowly learned to communicate in Phola. Although very few Nisu in the township have learned to speak Phola, many Dai villagers in Nanhun across the Honghe River are reportedly able to speak the language. Luodie village announcements are made in Phola over the village loudspeaker, and village meetings are convened in Phola unless Han Chinese are attending the meeting – in which case the regional Chinese vernacular is used. 4.2.2. Adipo Adipo (ADP) is located further downriver from LDC in northwestern Honghe County. While it appears to be slightly less linguistically vital overall than LDC, Phola language use seems relatively stable for the time being. Ethnic vitality. Adipo locals report that they no longer celebrate any distinctive ethnic holiday – only Han holidays are celebrated. A few younger generation speakers are reportedly able to sing the traditional antiphonal songs, however, and numerous youngsters are said to still play folk tunes on leaves in the traditional style. A few are also able to play flute and ethnic banjo. Traditional folktales have reportedly fallen out of use, but ethnic clothing is still maintained among females. Girls reportedly begin learning ethnic embroidery techniques from age 15, and all female villagers own a set of ethnic garments consisting of a yarn headdress and an embroidered jacket with long apron flaps in front and back. Most only wear these garments on special occasions, however. Ten or so traditional shamans reportedly still practice in surrounding Phola villages. As in Yuanjiang County (i.e., LDC), these shamans use Nisu as a ceremonial language – some practice the Nisu rituals from memory, but others are able to read the old Nisu script.

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Language vitality. Children in this and all surrounding Phola villages are said to communicate exclusively in Phola with their parents and are unable to function in Chinese by grade one. Since Adipo shares a community school with a number of other ethnic groups, however, teachers are unable to use Phola as the language of instruction for grade one. Chinese is used instead. A number of Hani, Nisu, and Han in surrounding villages are said to be able to speak Phula. Many Adipo locals are said to have some proficiency in Nisu but report that when an Adipho local meets a Nisu person in the area, the two converse in Phula instead of Nisu, even if both people know each other’s language. One Han bride and one Hani bride have married in to Adipo and locals report that both converse in Phola with their respective spouses. Locals also report that Phola and Chinese are usually mixed during village meetings. 4.3. Phala Both of the Phala data points visited are in decline ethnolinguistically – though Beishe (BSC) evidences more advanced stages of shift than Feinishao (FNS). Phala villages in outlying areas are reportedly more vital than both FNS and BSC. Feinishao is located on the outskirts of Honghe County seat, which the villagers’ Phala forefathers are said to have founded centuries ago. A cluster of a dozen or so Phala villages in Menglong Township to the east of Feinishao are said to be more vital ethnolinguistically, but Feinishao itself is evidently still only in the early stages of language shift and provides a good case study of a Phula language being spoken close to a more urbanized setting. Beishe is located to the south of Feinishao in the northern reaches of Baohua Township. The two are very similar in terms of dialect and ethnolinguistic vitality, so they will be treated together here with remarks on any relevant differences. Ethnic vitality. Locals report that the only remaining ethnic holiday celebrated by villagers is a feast day held on the 24th day of the sixth lunar month. Although this is the same date as the traditional ‘torch festival’ celebrated by numerous ‘Yi’ groups, the festival was not described as a torch festival by local speakers interviewed. No more than a few young people are still able to sing the old folk tunes, and none are still able to sing the traditional antiphonal songs. A few youngsters are still able to play leaf-tunes in the ethnic style, but none are able to play traditional musical instruments. The elderly are said to no longer tell traditional folk tales with any frequency, and this is said to be the case even in the more ethnically vital Phala

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villages to the east in Menglong Township. Local Phala girls reportedly no longer learn ethnic sewing skills, but most females, middle aged and up retain ethnic dress which they wear on special occasions. The Phala outfit consists of a monochrome navy blue jacket with a matching cylinder-shaped headdress with fringe at the back. The outfit is still worn daily by some elderly village women. Some men retain a navy blue jacket as well-crafted in a style common throughout Southeast Asia with traditional cloth buttons. These monochrome garments have evidently led to the Phala being referred to as ‘Black Phula’ as opposed to the more colorful Phola of western Honghe County which are referred to as ‘Flowery Phula’ (see Table 3.1). Although no traditional shamans still function in Feinishao, some continue to practice in the Menglong Phala villages to the east. Estimate only; no distinctions reported

Shiping Yuanjiang Tuguozhai (Alo)

see (4.1) 1 2

Least

3 5 6

Honghe Xin Beishe

4 Most

Threatened Language Status

Duolongyi (Shift to Nisu)

Beishe

Feinishao

Luojiazhai, Wangtangzi, Feijiao

Map 4.2. Overview of language vitality in the core western region

Language vitality. Children in this village are reportedly all able to speak Phala – the younger ones presumably by playing with their older friends, however, since most younger generation parents have shifted to Chinese as the language of communication with their children in the home. As a result, all children are now already functional in Chinese by grade one. Beishe, surrounded by Han and Hani villages, has experienced even further shift to

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Chinese, with few children still able to speak Phala in the village. Xinbeishe, has more child speakers, but has also started down the path toward language shift in the home. Luo’azhai, a Phala village situated within the city limits of Yisa, the Honghe County seat, is reportedly less vital than either Beishe, Xinbeishe or Feinishao, however, with only middle aged and older generation speakers remaining. Other villages in eastern Menglong Township are all said to use Phala as the language of communication between parents and children; but, in most cases, children in these villages are also reportedly able to speak Chinese by grade one. Some speakers in Feinishao are reportedly able to speak Hani and Nisu, and a few Nisu, Hani, and Dai are reportedly able to speak Phala. Inter-ethnic marriages in the village are reported to result in both spouses speaking Chinese with each other. Announcements over the village loudspeaker are still made using Phala, however, and village meetings are reportedly convened using a mixture of Phala and Chinese. 4.4. Muji, Southern With the exception of a cluster of villages near the Jinping County seat and an isolated village in southeastern Gejiu (Manhaoheichong of Manhao Township), Southern Muji speakers report high linguistic vitality. Ethnic vitality is on the decline in some areas, but is still substantially more vital than among other groups such as Phola and Phala. 4.4.1. Pujiazhai Pujiazhai (PJZ) is situated near the middle of the Muji-Jinping distribution and evidences high ethnolinguistic vitality overall, but PJZ inhabitants do not consider their village to be the most ethnically vital in the region – a position they ascribe to nearby Hetoucun of Laozhai Township, Jinping County. Ethnic vitality. At least one major ethnic holiday is still observed by villagers in Pujiazhai: The lunar eleventh Xiangba festival (ߜᴸ૽ᢺ㢲) which is held for 13 consecutive days beginning on the tenth day of the eleventh lunar month in Hetoucun. Many Muji locals and non-Muji outsiders alike travel long distances to participate. All young women are able to embroider ethnic clothing by ages 13–14. Even men and boys own handembroidered ethnic jackets. Numerous children were observed fitted with ethnic dress. Hand embroidered ethnic outfits are for sale in Jinping County seat. Everyone still owns ethnic dress, but many youth no longer wear it

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daily; it is worn daily by female youth nearby, however. Ethnic storytelling and traditional instrument playing is reportedly seldom practiced in this village, but much is still practiced nearby – especially in Hetoucun, the regional cultural center, where even most young people reportedly still play ethnic musical instruments. A further detail related to ethnic vitality has to do with political leadership: locals report that five of Jinping County’s 14 townships have ‘Phuzu’ (Muji) township leaders. Language vitality. Parents and children reportedly communicate exclusively in Muji in this and surrounding villages. Children do not begin learning to speak Chinese until grade one and are reportedly not considered functional in spoken Chinese until grade three. The township chief, who is also a Muji, is originally from a predominantly Han village nearby which has three Muji families, but even in that village, all of the families reportedly still speak Muji. Village announcements are made in Muji (by shouting). Village meetings are held in Muji. Some Han Chinese living in Han villages in Shayipo Township nearby are able to speak Muji. Locals report that they think Muji sounds best the way it is spoken in their own village. All older than age 7 have at least some proficiency in Southwestern Mandarin, however, and locals are also in frequent contact with Hani. One local estimated that perhaps one-third of the villagers are able to communicate with some proficiency in Hani – mainly men. Some estimate that they can understand roughly half of what the Hani say in their own language. There are also many Yao, Miao, and Zhuang living in nearby villages but few Nisu. Some Hani have married in to the village. Locals reportedly marry out to Han in Yuanyang and Muji nearby but don’t marry out to Hani. 4.4.2. Shizitou Shizitou (SZT) and its satellite villages seem relatively vital overall, though traditional lifestyle is perhaps more threatened than language use in Shizitou itself. Villagers have frequent contact with Miao, Yao, Han, and Lawu Yi1 – especially in Qingshuigai market nearby. Ethnic vitality. Three ethnic holidays are celebrated in the village: 1) sacred tree veneration: First dragon day of the lunar new year – held in three stages over a period of 50 days; 2) earth god veneration: second day of the second lunar month. 3) Buffalo sacrifice: 24th day of the sixth lunar month. Once again, this latter festival occurs on the traditional ‘torch festival’ date, but it is not associated with torch festival activities according to locals interviewed. Traditional ethnic dress is primarily worn by elderly females, but most middle-aged women still wear partial ethnic dress such as aprons and

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hand woven belts. Ordinarily, very few younger women wear even partial ethnic dress, but women of all ages retain a traditional outfit for special days. Many women still play the bamboo flute – featuring a unique design and playing style. Folktales are reportedly still told by some members of the community. Ethnic dances have fallen out of use, however, and only the simplest steps are remembered. Language vitality. Families report communicating exclusively in Muji in this and surrounding villages and report no known Muji villages in western Jinping County in which parents and children no longer speak Muji in their homes. SZT children don’t begin learning Chinese until grade one. One official who moved away from the village to live in the county seat, however, reports speaking Chinese instead of Muji to his children even when at home (in the county seat). Village announcements are made in Muji, and village meetings are held in Muji. Some villagers report that they think Muji sounds best the way it is spoken in their own village. All (older than age 7) have at least some proficiency in Southwestern Mandarin. Muji is reportedly moribund in Jinhezhen Township, Yongping Community near Jinping County seat with some children no longer able to speak Muji. Shizitou locals claim that this is the reason they refer to them using a mildly derogatory title. Two Miao brides have married in to the village, and many men are able to communicate in Miao – most estimate 2/3 proficiency. Muji brides from this village do not marry out to Miao villages, however. 4.5. Muji, Northern With the exception of a reportedly vital cluster of villages in western Pingbian County, Northern Muji is in rapid decline ethnolinguistically – at various stages of obsolescence in different villages. Villages in some areas evidently began shifting to Chinese over 50 years ago, and others have only recently begun to shift, but strong language vitality is the exception to the rule for this Phula language. 4.5.1.

Xiepo

Xiepo (XPC) residents have already started down the path of language shift, as have most other Muji villages in Shuitian Township, and signs of ethnic vitality in the area are sparse. Ethnic vitality. Locals report that distinctive ethnic holidays are no longer celebrated in the village: all holidays follow the Han Chinese calendar.

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Only those aged 50 and older can still sing Muji folk songs, and only a few in the village can still play traditional leaf songs or ethnic instruments. A few elderly locals reportedly still tell traditional folktales, but very few girls still learn to embroider traditional ethnic clothing. Three traditional shamans [be²¹ma²¹] remain in the community, however – one aged 40+ and two aged 50+. Language vitality. Families in the village that speak only Muji in their homes are estimated to comprise slightly more than half of the village total, while the remaining portion of the families mix SW Mandarin and Muji in their homes. Two other villages nearby share this trend in roughly the same proportions. In five other villages to the north, the trend is lower, with an estimated 10% of families mixing Muji and Chinese in the home. Muji is reportedly moribund in seven other villages in the township – most situated closer to the township seat – with only middle aged or elderly speakers remaining. Other ethnicities who have married in to the village (one Han man, one Miao woman, and four Hani women) have all slowly learned to speak Muji. The Han man reportedly required three years before he was able to function in Muji. Spouses in these mixed ethnic marriages communicate using Southwest Mandarin, but the Han man speaks both Muji and Chinese with his children. Village announcements are made in Chinese over a loudspeaker. Village meetings are held in Chinese – which locals refer to as ‘gongzuohua’: ‘business language’ or ‘work language’. 4.5.2.

Loushuidong

As discussed in Chapter 3, Luoshuidong (LSD) has no remaining Muji speakers native to the village, but locals still marry in brides from Mujispeaking villages elsewhere. The village is in the last stage of language decline, but fares slightly better in terms of ethnic vitality. Ethnic vitality. No ethnic clothing was observed being worn except for simple headdresses worn by the handful of women who married in to the village from Muji villages elsewhere. At least one man is still able to play the xianzi ethnic banjo, however, and locals still observe a dragon worship festival complete with a sacred tree. No folktales, ethnic dance, or other signs of ethnic vitality were reported. Language vitality. No children or village dwellers native to LSD are able to speak Muji – all have shifted to Chinese. The three local consultants, all of whom had married in from elsewhere, were from Malongdi (Xinxian Township, Pingbian County), Shelima (Lengquan Township, Mengzi County), and Ma’anshan (Qilubai Township, Mengzi County), and they report

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daily communication with each other using the Muji dialects from their respective hometowns. Even these mothers do not communicate with their children in Muji, however – opting for Chinese instead. The Malongdi and Shelima speakers report that children still speak Muji with their parents in their respective home villages, but the Ma’anshan speaker reports that only the elderly can still speak Muji in her hometown, and even the elderly speak Chinese daily instead of Muji. 4.6. Muzi Generally speaking, Muzi ethnolinguistic vitality can be described as increasingly vital as one moves from north to south. Some linguistically moribund villages are reported in south Kafang Township, however; and at least one linguistically vital village, Nuoguzhai, remains in northern Kafang Township. 4.6.1.

Nuoguzhai

Nuoguzhai (NGZ) is a virtual island of Muzi language use with villages on all sides, in Kafang Township and Laochang Township alike, that are linguistically moribund in Muzi. Ethnic vitality. Ethnic dress – usually marked only by a simple headdress or towel is worn only be older generations. Folksongs are no longer sung. Folk instruments are only played by some middle-aged and older. Girls no longer learn to embroider ethnic garments. Only a few elderly people – one being a 90 year-old woman – are reported to still be telling folktales to children. Language vitality. Only a few parents in the village are reported to be speaking Chinese with their children in the home; the rest are said to use Muzi. Even those children who speak Chinese with their parents are said to learn Muzi from other children in the village. Many children still do not speak Chinese by grade one and some teachers use Muzi as a language of instruction in grade one. All instruction is given in Chinese by grade two. In the three Muzi villages nearest to NGZ in Kafang Township – Xiaozhaizi, Huobazhongxin and Xiaoxinzhai – only the elderly generations are reported to still speak Muzi. Of the 16–20 other Muzi villages in the township, further south toward the Honghe river, however, they report all children still speak Muzi with their parents – with the exception of Tianbazi, in which only the elderly still speak. Many of these villages are in regular contact

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191

with Nisu speakers, and there are likely to be many bilingual speakers in mixed Nisu/Muzi villages of Weixiwan Community in particular. Many younger generation speakers spend large amounts of time away from home village. Some Nisu villages are located nearby, and some Nisu brides have married in, but NGZ is mainly surrounded by Han villages. The Nisu (called ‘Lolo’ by NGZ) in Langjiuba nearby Kafang Township seat are able to speak Muzi. Reportedly, most in NGZ can understand Nisu, but are unable to speak it. Village announcements are made in Muzi over a loudspeaker, but village meetings are held in both Muzi and Chinese. 4.6.2.

Malutang

Malutang (MLT) is situated in Laochang Township, Gejiu County, one of the largest tin mining townships in China. Originally, very few other ethnic groups lived in the township, but the township and surrounding areas experienced an increasing influx of other language speakers moving in to work the mines since the 1950’s. Language shift in many villages in the township began two or three generations ago as a result and has slowly worked its way through each of the 14 Muzi villages in the township and surrounding areas. In spite of this scenario, ethnic vitality in Malutang, at least, shows some signs of life, and Muzi speakers in four villages in the township have apparently only just begun to shift to Chinese. Ethnic vitality. No ethnic holidays are reportedly preserved in the area, but elaborate ethnic dancing is still practiced. Muzi ethnic dances are even encouraged by the county government which often invites locals to perform for public events and pays them a stipend for doing so. Many men still play xianzi ethnic banjos, and most girls reportedly still learn to embroider cloth in the traditional Muzi style between the ages of 13 and 14. Language vitality. Some Muzi is spoken between parents and their young adult and/or middle-aged offspring in the home, but Chinese is used most, and Chinese is used exclusively between youngest generation children and their parents. Children all learn to speak Chinese from birth, and grade one is taught in Chinese. All villages in the township are reported to be in a similar situation. All villages are reportedly still home to at least oldest generation speakers, however. Of 14 Muzi villages in the township, only four are reported to retain youngest generation speakers. Chinese is used for village announcements, and Chinese is used in village meetings

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4.7. Bokha The Bokha distribution still features pockets of ethnolinguistically vital villages, but the traditional language culture are endangered overall. 4.7.1.

Yibaizu

In spite of high levels of language shift to Chinese in most Bokha villages of Dishuiceng Township, Yibaizu (YBZ) and a core of seven villages nearby still show many signs of ethnolinguistic vitality. Ethnic vitality. Two distinctive ethnic holidays are retained in Yibaizu. On the second day of the Lunar New Year, a three-day festival featuring the use of bamboo xiangba percussion instruments and dancing has traditionally been held to frighten away wild animals, and on the first dragon day of the second Lunar month, sacred tree veneration is held for three days with ceremonies being led by a longtou elder.2 Most female locals still wear a simple towel wrap headdresses daily, but only older generations still wear traditional aprons. The village has a loom which is still used to make cotton cloth. Locals report that elderly and younger generation parents alike still tell traditional folktales to their children, and many folktales are reportedly well preserved. Only a few in the village are said to be able to play traditional instruments, however. Regarding traditional leadership, the village still maintains a longtou elder or chieftain as noted above. Language vitality. Parents and children in this and six surrounding villages reportedly speak exclusively Bokha in the home and village domains. In five other villages to the northwest and three villages to the southeast, only those aged 40 and older are said to still speak Bokha, however. Another more distant village, Gabudi, in western Dishuiceng is also reported to maintain Bokha language use between parents and children, but five villages surrounding Gabudi (three of which are mixed with other ethnic groups) are reported to be linguistically moribund, with speakers under 40 estimated to no longer be speaking Bokha. Referencing village-marked maps, local consultants estimate that parents in only 8 out of 21 Bokha villages in Dishuiceng Township still speak Bokha with children in their homes. Children in such cases don’t begin learning to speak Chinese until grade one according to locals. Teachers in Wangjia community school use Bokha to explain things in grade one and use both Bokha and Chinese in grade two. Instruction is all in Chinese by grade three. Three Miao, two Han, and one Zhuang have married in to the villages of Wangjia community. All have learned to speak Bokha, but are not perceived to be fluent speakers even

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193

after two to three years. Children of inter-ethnic marriages in Wangjia community still learn to speak Bokha. Village announcements are made in Bokha (through door-to-door messengers). Village meetings are held in Bokha unless Han Chinese and/or speakers of another ethnic language are present, in which case the meeting proceeds in Chinese. 4.7.2.

Dixibei

Dixibei (DXB) provides the most complex case study of language contact encountered during my year of dialectology fieldwork. In spite of heavy contact with numerous other languages (including Northern and Southern Muji varieties), few of the Bokho villages in the area are reported to be threatened linguistically. Dixibei is one of the few, however. Ethnic vitality. Local ethnic holidays include worship of the earth god at the village ceremonial tree – a three-day event beginning on the second day of the second lunar month. Then, on the first dragon day of the sixth lunar month locals honor their cattle by draping a strip of red cloth over each cow’s neck, among other festivities. The traditional ethnic outfit for females consists of a hand embroidered skirt and top, very similar in design to Phuma-YZT and Muji-QLC. All females still own a set but none wear these garments daily – reserving them for special occasions, instead. Whether or not this is the case for other Bokho villages nearby DXB is unclear. Locals say that no ethnic songs are still sung and no ethnic instruments are still played nor are traditional folktales still being told in this village. Not many young girls still learn to embroider in the village, though some start learning at age 17–18 if interested. At least three traditional shamans are still active in the area, however – two aged 50+ and one aged 40+. Language vitality. Since upper and lower Dixibei are located only a few minutes’ walk from each other, local consultants were invited from both villages. Parents of young children in the main market village, Lower Dixibei, are shifting to the use of Chinese in their homes. The two consultants from lower Dixibei (Male, age 51; Female, age 41) reported that they converse mostly in Chinese even with their adult children. The third consultant (Male, age 29), from upper Dixibei, however, reported using Bokho daily in the home even with his young children. Locals estimate that around two-thirds of the children in Lower Dixibei aged 10 and under speak Chinese with their parents, and around two-thirds of the children in Lower Dixibei over the age of 10, speak Bokho with their parents. They remark, however, that regardless of this trend, all children in the village still learn to speak Bokho at an early age by playing with their friends. Children in the other five Bokho

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villages in the community all still speak Bokho with their parents, however. Children from Lower Dixibei already speak Chinese by grade one. Some (but ‘not many’) Jinping Muji living nearby are reportedly able to speak Bokho. Most intermarriage has been with other Bokho villages in the community. Intermarriage with Southern Muji speakers is the second most frequent, and many Bokho speakers are fluent in the language. Most intermarriage has been between partners in other Bokho villages in the community, but three families in the village have also practiced in-marriage from other ethnic groups: Han, Miao, and Hani. The Hani wife speaks Bokho with her husband, but the Han and Miao wives speak Chinese with their respective husbands. Village announcements are made in Bokho by shouting from the hilltop and village meetings as well as community meetings are reportedly usually held in Bokho with some Chinese mixed in unless non-Bokho speakers are present – in which case only Chinese is used. 4.8. Phuma In spite of featuring a relatively small population with a limited distribution, Yanzitou (YZT) and surrounding villages comprise one of the most ethnolinguistically vital situations observed among all of the Phula varieties surveyed. Ethnic vitality. Ethnic Holidays include the second day of the second lunar month with festivities including contests and dancing with xiangba bamboo percussion instruments, and sacred tree veneration on the first chicken, dog, and dragon days of the third lunar month, involving the sacrifice of a rooster and a hen. Many ethnic folk songs are retained – including highly scripted antiphonal songs – but the songs are sung using Chinese lyrics, reportedly because the ancient pronunciations became too difficult to understand (and thence remember). These songs can be sung by many of different ages, and seem to be enjoyed by all. Many are able to play leaves, flutes and other ethnic instruments. Most girls begin studying ethnic embroidery at age 10. Full ethnic dress consists of a skirt, an apron, a twolayered top, shell and bead necklaces, two bags, and a tall elaborate headdress consisting of several layers. All still own a set of traditional clothing and many women still wear some portion of the Phuma ethnic dress daily. Language vitality. Phuma is spoken daily between parents and children in the village. Local consultants report using Chinese only when talking to a Miao person or sometimes when joking with their children. Children and parents speak Phuma in this and all 22 surrounding Phuma villages. Many Miao living in the two mixed villages with Phuma are reported to speak

Alugu

195

Phuma, but Phuma in those villages often learn Miao as well. Other Miao children attending schools with Phuma children learn to speak Phuma as well. Phuma children are said to be unable to speak Chinese by grade one, so first grade instruction is in Phuma with some Chinese. More Chinese is used in grade two along with some Phuma, and grade three is taught completely in Chinese. 4.9. Alugu Overall, Alugu also seems highly vital ethnolinguistically, though education concerns seem to be introducing tension into an otherwise stable linguistic situation. The village Chongtianling (CTL) is the current administrative seat for Alonggu Community and the location of the Alugu research. The Alonggu Community seat moved from Alonggu Village proper to Chongtianling in the 1980’s in order to provide better transportation access, but the community itself kept the name Alonggu in spite of this move. Ethnic vitality. In addition to the Lunar new year, four traditional days of feasting and resting are reportedly observed by the Alugu of Alonggu Community--all according to the Lunar calendar: 1) the fifth day of the fifth month, 2) the 24th day of the sixth month, 3) the 14th day of the seventh month, and 4) the 15th day of the eighth month. Locals say that they usually cross the Honghe river to celebrate lunar new year with the Lisaha Alugu in Asuohei (Fengchunling Township, Yuanyang County). This yearly celebration reportedly features traditional antiphonal singing contests and group folk dancing sessions. Alonggu is said to be the oldest Alugu village, but Asuohei has been chosen as the yearly gathering place due to its larger reservoir. In addition to the middle aged and elderly, many Alugu youth are reportedly able to sing traditional folk songs and antiphonal songs and are also able to play traditional ethnic instruments such as the xianzi folk banjo. Traditional folktales do not enjoy such a high degree of preservation, however, and are reportedly no longer being told to the younger generations. Select elderly speakers are said to be the only ones able to remember them at all. A large majority of females from all generations were observed to be wearing traditional ethnic garments daily – an outfit consisting of intricately embroidered pants, a jacket and an apron with yarn sometimes twisted into the hair in a decorative fashion. Girls are said to begin learning ethnic embroidery between ages five and ten. Language vitality. With the exception of a few known sets of parents who reportedly speak Chinese with their children, all other parents in all eleven Alugu villages are said to still converse with their children in Alugu,

196

Ethnolinguistic vitality

and most children are reportedly only able to speak minimal Chinese by grade one – a basic competency learned in kindergarten classes (ᆖࡽ⨝ Xueqianban) since Alugu is the language of instruction used in kindergarten. In Alonggu village itself, home to a primary school shared with two other Alugu villages nearby, however, Alugu is used as the language of instruction into the second grade. Alugu Children elsewhere often do not have Alugu speaking teachers after kindergarten and must learn to function in Chinese more rapidly. Intermarriage with other ethnic groups is reportedly seldom practiced, and no other ethnic groups have married in to the Alugu villages north of the Honghe river in Alonggu Township. A number of outmarriages to Han and Muji have taken place, however. The children of outmarriages to Han reportedly only learn to speak Chinese, but at least some of the children from out-marriages to Muji villages still learn to speak Alugu in addition to Muji. Alugu is used for village announcements via door-todoor messengers and is reportedly also used as the language of communication in village and community-level meetings unless a Han individual is present and participating in the meeting. 4.10. Phupa The Phupa language vitality question is complicated but points to a substantially endangered status overall. Of the 13 villages, shift seems to have begun in some villages near the Honghe River as early as two generations ago; in another village further downstream it began one generation ago and has only just begun with the current generation in Gamadi (GMD) itself (specifically, New Gamadi). Four or five other villages (including Old Gamadi) have reportedly not yet begun shifting to Chinese. Ethnic vitality. One ethnic holiday is still celebrated in Gamadi: Sacred tree veneration on the first dragon day of the third lunar month. The only ethnic clothing remaining in the village is owned by elderly women, and even they do not wear it daily. Although antiphonal singing has fallen out of use, some middle aged and elderly speakers can still sing traditional folk songs in Phupa – including an epic oral history chant reportedly detailing such things as the immigration routes of their ancestors. I was able to record the chant, but have not yet had the opportunity to transcribe or translate it. Many young men reportedly still play the ethnic flute. Folktales are said to be no longer told – even by the elderly – and, reportedly, no one practices or learns ethnic embroidery any longer. Language vitality. Locals report that most parents in New Gamadi have intentionally shifted to speaking Chinese with their children in recent years;

Phupha

197

though some still use Phupa in the home. Most parents in Malipo, Weishanzhai, Bailedi, and Old Gamadi, parents in all Phupa villages located nearby, are said to be still speaking Phupa with their children, however. In Jiangnabo (Fengchunling Township, Yuanyang County) – also thought to be a Phupa village – parents are reported to still speak ‘Phula’ with their children as well. Among these villages, even children whose parents have shifted to Chinese in the home reportedly still learn to speak Phupa by playing with their friends. Parents in Nuoguzhai3 are also reported to still speak Phupa with their children in the home. In another Phupa village, Niupeng, only some of the children are reported to still retain Phupa language abilities. In four others, Potou, Heichong, Xidudi and Zhamakong, only those aged 50 and older are reportedly still able to speak Phupa. Most children from New Gamadi can already speak Chinese by grade one. Most children from Malipo, Weishanzhai, Bailedi, and old Gamadi are reportedly still only able to speak Phupa by first grade (with no Chinese abilities). As a result, some Phupa is still mixed with Chinese in grade one in the Gamadi community school (a two-year primary school), but only Chinese is used in grade two. Most adult Muji speakers (speaking a dialect of Jinping Southern Muji – not Mengzi Northern Muji) in the community have reportedly learned to speak Phupa. Village announcements are still made in Phupa over a loudspeaker, and village meetings are still held in Phupa. Community meetings are reportedly held using a mix of Muji, Phupa, and Chinese – with Chinese being the primary language used of the three. 4.11. Phupha Like Phola and a few other Phula languages, Phupha seems to be more endangered by Nisu than by Chinese. Of the five known villages, one seems fairly vital (Xiao Fengkou), one has been shifting to Nisu for the past 20 years or so (Da Fengkou) and three (Baiwushan, Baizhimu and Muchude of southeastern Baohe Township, Gejiu County) are of unknown status but are assumed to be vital since they are clustered together in a remote location. The Phupha datapoint visited for this research project was Xiao Fengkou (FKC), also known simply as ‘Fengkou’. Ethnic vitality. Although Han holidays are celebrated in Fengkou, no ethnic holidays are reported to still be celebrated in the village. Folk dancing is reportedly still practiced, but younger generations are no longer able to sing the traditional folksongs or play folk instruments – with a few possible exceptions. Folktales are also reportedly no longer told in the village. All women in the village own a set of distinctive traditional ethnic garments

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Ethnolinguistic vitality

with a high headdress, but most only wear them on market days and for other special occasions. Language vitality. Parents and children in this village converse in Phupha only, as do friends and family. Children are reportedly unable to speak Chinese by grade one and are not considered fully functional in Chinese even by grade three. Across the Honghe river in Da Fengkou, the older of the two villages, only those over age 20 are reported to still speak Phupha in the village. Those aged 20 and under have reportedly shifted to Nisu. With the exception of children, all speakers in both villages are reported to be bilingual in Nisu, but Nisu very rarely learn to speak Phupha unless a Nisu child is born to a Phupha mother who has married out to a Nisu village. Outmarriage to Nisu is frequently practiced in FKC, and in-marriage from Da Fengkou Phupha is frequently practiced as well. Village announcements are made in Phupha over a loudspeaker, but village meetings are said to involve a mixture of Chinese and Phupha. 4.12. Phuza Bujibai (BJB) represents a crossroads that seems to summarize the Phuza population itself. Of the 28 Phuza speaking villages, 13 are linguistically moribund to various degrees, 12 are vital, and three are in the early stages of shift. Bujibai is one of the latter. Ethnic vitality. Bujibai villagers remember a time when sacred tree veneration took place during the second or third Lunar month, but neither this nor any other distinctive ethnic festivals are still practiced at present in the village. Most young men in the village are reportedly still able to play the ethnic xianzi banjo, and some can still play leaves in the traditional style, but other traditional musical forms such as antiphonal singing and flute playing have fallen out of use among the younger generations by present day. Most young females are still reportedly able to dance the Sanbuxian – a traditional dance said to have originated with Phula groups in the area. Young girls reportedly no longer practice ethnic embroidery, however. Some middle aged and elderly speakers are still able to tell traditional folktales, but younger speakers seem unaware of them. Most females retain a set of traditional ethnic clothing which consists of a simple apron with an embroidered frontispiece and a headdress composed of a pewter sequin skull cap worn beneath a head towel rimmed with yarn sprigs above the forehead. This ethnic outfit looks remarkably similar to those of the Mujispeaking groups around them in Gejiu and Mengzi counties, but it is not

Muji, Qila

199

worn daily. One traditional shaman, 40+ years old, is reportedly still active in the region. Language vitality. Locals estimate that nine out of ten parents in the village speak Phuza with their children, but one in ten communicate with their children only in Chinese. They further claim this to be the situation in Luomi, a Phuza village to the west of them, and Diaopo, a Phuza village to the southeast of them – both in Suobendi Community, Lengquan Township. Children in 13 other Phuza villages to the north of Bujibai are no longer speaking Phuza with their parents at all – having shifted to Chinese even in the home. Most of these 13 Phuza villages where the language is moribund are said to be home to middle aged and/or elderly speakers only. In the 12 remaining Phuza villages, all situated west of Bujibai, parents and children reportedly converse in Phuza only, however, and children in these villages reportedly do not begin speaking Chinese until grade one. In at least three of these twelve west-lying villages (Liuma, Feidugu, and Xinubai of Xingfeng Community), elderly villagers are even said to be unable to understand basic Chinese. In Bujibai both Phula and Chinese are used over the village loudspeaker for announcements, and both languages are reportedly used in village meetings as well. Some Miao in Lower Luomi village to the south of Bujibai are reportedly able to speak Phuza, and some Phuza in Upper Luomi are able to speak Miao as well. 4.13. Muji, Qila In spite of its geographic isolation, Qila (QLC), and at least one of its two sister villages, are still highly vital ethnolinguistically, though assimilation and shift can be seen on the horizon. Ethnic vitality. Ethnic holidays celebrated in Qila include sacred tree veneration on the first chicken day of the lunar new year, and ‘Fengsu Jie’, a three-day ethnic dancing festival, held sometime during the eighth lunar month. All female locals own a set of traditional ethnic clothing – including a long skirt and matching embroidered top, but few wear this regularly. Ten or so young men are reportedly able to play the lusheng gourd reed organ, and major folktales are said to be known by young and old alike. Ethnic dancing takes place twice each year – during spring festival and the lunar eighth holiday mentioned above. Locals further report that certain oral accounts may not be told except by one of the three village elders, and all three elders must be present, and seated, for the such retellings to take place. A special place on a mountainside is reportedly maintained for traditional storytelling. The village also still carries on a longtou chieftain tradition in

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Ethnolinguistic vitality

which a husband-wife couple aged 50+ takes on traditional leadership responsibilities (evidently including shamanistic duties) and the recitation of the sacred oral texts. Two other traditional village elders (both males) are also still maintained in addition to the chieftain couple. Traditional architecture in the village has been done away with in favor of cement block homes. Language vitality. Parents and children communicate using Muji-Qila in the village – a fact that is reportedly true in Wantangcun as well; but children are, nevertheless, said already to be able to speak Chinese by grade one. Some adult speakers are able to communicate in Miao as well, and all can function in Chinese. Miao, Hani, and Dai who have married in to the village in the past have all learned to speak Muji slowly and the children of such families learn to speak the mother’s mother tongue as well as Muji. 4.14. Phowa, Ani Both Daheineng (DHN) and Xibeile (XBL) are situated behind the Liba range in the high karst plateau that comprises Xibeile Township of northwestern Mengzi County. Ethnically speaking, Xibeile is a relatively homogenous administrative region which also shows many signs of ethnolinguistic vitality. Although speakers in these two villages are separated by a few hours’ walk and evidence mild dialect differences, Phowa villagers throughout the township share onomastic and cultural identities. Since the two also seem virtually identical in terms of ethnolinguistic vitality, they will not be treated separately here. Ethnic vitality. Two key ethnic holidays are celebrated in the township: the sacred tree festival and the torch festival. In DHN the sacred tree festival is held on the first dragon day of the third lunar month and consists of three days of ethnic dancing, feasting, courtship ceremonies, and bullfighting, and a village-wide pig sacrifice at the village sacred tree. The torch festival is held on the 24th day of the sixth lunar month. Ethnic embroidery still flourishes in elaborately decorated, multi-layered traditional ethnic garments which are still being worn daily by females of all ages in these and most surrounding villages in the township. Phowa entrepreneurs have even set up shop in Caoba, a neighboring market town, to sell mass-produced versions of this ethnic dress. Ethnic dance still flourishes, as well, but the singing of ethnic songs and playing of ethnic instruments have fallen out of use over the past few generations. Many youth can still play some of the folk tunes using tree leaves, however, and a few still learn the old folktales and ethnic songs.

Phowa, Labo

201

Language vitality. Based on reports and more extensive observation, Phowa is known to be spoken daily between friends and family and between parents and children in these and all other Phowa villages in the township. Children do not begin learning Chinese until grade one and are not considered functional in Chinese until grade three. Few attend school beyond grade six. Some code switching with Chinese has been observed between younger generation school-aged speakers, but Phowa is used between youngsters as well. Intermarriage with other ethnic groups is rarely practiced. In one known case of intermarriage between a Phowa man and a Miao woman, their children have learned to speak both Miao and Phowa. Village announcements are made in Phowa over a loudspeaker, and village meetings are held in Phowa. Phowa seems to be spoken in the township offices unless a Han official is present. 4.15. Phowa, Labo Although ethnolinguistic vitality has been severely compromised in many Labo villages of Mazheshao Township, the great majority of Labo Phowa villages are still highly vital ethnolinguistically. Three Labo villages are considered here, along with their broader context. 4.15.1. Jiajie and Lugumu Like DHN and XBL, Phowa speakers in Jiajie (JJC) and Lugumu (LGM) feature mild dialect differences, but the two villages are virtually identical in terms of ethnolinguistic vitality – relatively vital overall. Both are situated in western Beige Township of Kaiyuan County. Ethnic vitality. The most celebrated traditional ethnic holiday in this region is the torch festival – held on the 24th day of the sixth lunar month – a holiday which features bullfighting, antiphonal singing, ethnic dancing, embroidery contests, torch-lighting and other traditional activities. Although ethnic headdresses are no longer worn daily, having been replaced by a simple towel, most women still wear a hand-embroidered ethnic vest and blouse combination daily. All girls are reportedly able to do ethnic embroidery and begin learning when they are five to six years old. Some heirloom garments and wigs of woven ancestral hair survive as well – some having been passed down for nine generations. Phowa traditional folktales are told frequently by young and old alike – especially in Lugumu. Expert storytellers are also recognized in the villages. Ethnic songs and the playing of ethnic musical

202

Ethnolinguistic vitality

instruments have fallen out of use among the younger generations in the area, but these practices are reportedly more vital in eastern parts of the township. Traditionally, in Beige Township, the Labopho, or ‘Highland Pho’ have been known for their storytelling abilities and the Digaopho, or ‘Lowland Pho’ have been known for their antiphonal singing abilities. Language vitality. With Phowa comprising 93% of the total township population in Beige, Phowa language use is provided with a nurturing environment. Villagers of all ages reportedly speak Phowa in all situations – including village meetings and announcements over the village loudspeaker. Phowa is also reportedly spoken in the community and township administrative offices. Children do not begin learning Chinese until grade one and are not considered functional until the end of grade three. Local teachers use Phowa as the language of instruction through grade two. This situation is reportedly characteristic of all Phowa villages in the township. Many female villagers – of older and younger generations alike – are reportedly unable to communicate in Chinese on even a basic level, and some elderly men are also reported to have no Chinese ability. Very few women in the village are considered to speak Chinese well. Intermarriage with other ethnic groups is rare and was not allowed in the past. No other ethnic groups have married in to either of these villages. In-marriage is allowed from the Ani Phowa of Xibeile Township but out-marriage to Ani Phowa is not practiced. Many Miao living in a handful of villages in the western half of the township are reportedly bilingual in Phowa. 4.15.2. Wudupi Even though many other Phowa villages in Mazheshao Township are highly endangered linguistically, Wudupi (WDP) and others like it have been able to maintain relatively high degrees of language vitality. Ethnic vitality has seen a sharp decline in the area, however, especially compared to the Labo cultural center which is western Beige Township. Ethnic vitality. As in other Phowa villages of the region, the two characteristic ethnic holidays celebrated in Wudupi are the sacred tree festival held on the second day of the second Lunar month and the torch festival on the 24th day of the sixth lunar month. Ethnic dances have been replaced by popular Han dances taught by the county-level cultural education bureau and are now danced to rock-n-roll tunes, but some younger generation speakers are still able to sing a number of the traditional folksongs and drinking songs. Antiphonal singing has reportedly fallen out of practice, but some young people can still play leaf tunes in the ethnic style. Folktales are no

Phowa, Hlepho

203

longer told, and ethnic embroidery is no longer practiced. Traditional ethnic clothing is maintained but is only worn on festival days and other special occasions. One traditional shaman is reportedly still active in the region. Language vitality. Parents in Wudupi report that they still speak only in Phowa with their children, and I observed friends and family also speaking with each other exclusively in Phowa. Children do not begin learning Chinese until grade one and are not considered functional until grade three. Teachers in the local school use Phowa as the primary language of instruction well into grade two. These dynamics are not true of all Phowa villages in Mazheshao Township, however. Thirteen or so villages in the northern half of the township are reported to have shifted to Chinese even in the home domain, with only older generation speakers still able to communicate in Phowa. Locals also claim this to be the case for Moshichong, Yuanjinchong, Damazhe, Zhezulaozhai and Zhezuxinzhai in the southern half of the township. Xiaomazhe has reportedly shifted to Chinese in the home domain, but children over the age of 6 still learn to speak Phowa by playing with their friends from school and from other villages. In spite of these trends, 14 other Phowa villages in Mazheshao Township have not yet shifted to Chinese in the home. Seven or so Nisu villages in the township reportedly have speakers who are bilingual in Phowa as well. Out-marriages to other ethnic groups are relatively limited, but children are said to only speak Chinese with their parents in such cases. Phowa is still used for announcements over the village loudspeaker and is still used as the medium of communication in village meetings. Both Phowa and Chinese are reportedly spoken in the community-level offices in Chongmen. 4.16. Phowa, Hlepho Hlepho Phowa contains numerous dialects – some of which are severely endangered. The most linguistically vital distribution spans from the northern reaches of Pingbian County to eastern Kaiyuan through Mengzi and the far western tip of Yanshan County, including FZK, MZC and WBZ. 4.16.1. Feizuke Feizuke (FZK), along with the other Phowa villages of north Xinhua Township, Pingbian County, and neighboring Laozhai Township of Mengzi County are all ethnolinguistically vital, with some warning signs in sight.

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Ethnolinguistic vitality

Ethnic vitality. Feizuke locals still celebrate three ethnic holidays: 1) Duanwujie, a festival featuring bullfights, held on the fifth day of the fifth lunar month; 2) Torch festival held on the 24th day of the sixth lunar month, and 3) an ancestor veneration festival held on the 15th day of the seventh lunar month. Ethnic dancing, ethnic music, and traditional folktales have fallen out of use, but a few young people are reportedly still able to play leaf music in the traditional style. Although every female still owns an elaborately decorated set of traditional clothing featuring a unique, arching headdress, most only wear such garments for festivals and other special occasions. Less than half of the local middle-aged and elderly women were observed to still be wearing some form of traditional dress daily. Only ten or so young women are reported to be learning traditional embroidery techniques. The most ethnically vital Phowa village affiliated with this variety is reportedly Luo’e of Laozhai Township, Mengzi County, which contains 300 families and is reported to have preserved traditional ethnic practices much better than Feizuke. Language vitality. Phowa is reportedly spoken between parents and children in this and all nearby Phowa villages. Three distant Phowa villages in the southern half of the township (Daladi, Niutouzhai, and Pingchang) are reported to have completely shifted to Chinese, however. Phowa-speaking villages in Hongxing community of Heping Township may also have shifted to Chinese, but this is unclear. Feizuke children can only function partially in Chinese by grade one, so Phowa-speaking teachers use Phowa to explain things to them in first grade when needed. FZK villagers do not marry out to Miao villages, but six Miao brides have married in to FZK. These brides have all learned to speak Phowa and are said to speak both Phowa and Miao with their children. Traditionally, most intermarriage was practiced between this village and Lou’e of Laozhai Township. Now, however, most outmarriage from FZK is to Han villages in Mengzi and Kaiyuan counties. Children from these marriages are reported not to learn Phowa. Substantial numbers still marry out to Hlepho-Phowa villages in Mingjiu Township, however. Feizuke is surrounded by Miao villages, and many villagers are at least partially functional in Miao. Announcements over the village loudspeaker are made in Hlepho and Hlepho is used in village meetings as well. Phowa is reportedly mixed with Chinese in the community-level offices. 4.16.2. Chekabai Chekabai (CKB) is marked by a very recent shift to Chinese that evidently began within the past decade. The village was apparently one of the final

Phowa, Hlepho

205

mainstays of this particular dialect of Hlepho, so the dialect (though not Hlepho as a whole) should now be considered seriously endangered. Ethnic vitality. Locals still celebrate two ethnic-specific holidays. Firstly, sacred tree veneration is held for three days beginning on the 7th, the 17th, or the 27th day of the second lunar month, depending on which day is deemed to be most auspicious. Six chickens, two pigs, and one goat are sacrificed. 4 The second ethnic holiday is held on the traditional torch festival date, the 24th day of the sixth month, but locals have reportedly adapted Zhuang customs for this event such as eating purple and yellow sticky rice in place of the torchlight ceremonies usually associated with the event. Other ethnic practices are falling out of use, with only those aged 40+ still able to sing the antiphonal songs, and only elderly members still able to play traditional musical instruments. Folktales are reportedly no longer told, but locals report ethnic dancing is still practiced even by the younger generations, and village girls still learn ethnic embroidery from age ten. Full ethnic dress is no longer worn in the village, but numerous females of all ages were observed wearing embroidered aprons, and many middle aged and elderly females retain elaborate sets of distinctive ethnic dress for special occasions – each set consisting of a headdress, jacket, apron, pants, shoes, and jewelry. Distinctive marriage customs are reportedly still practiced in some cases as well, such as a mandatory post-wedding waiting period of three years prior to cohabitation. Language vitality. Although parents in the village report speaking Phole with their children, they note that this only pertains to children ages ten and older. Chinese is now spoken between parents and children under age ten – thus indicating a shift to Chinese in the home that is only a decade old. As a result, all children in the village are able to speak Chinese by grade one. Nevertheless, most children in the village reportedly still learn to speak Phole from their older friends with whom they play in Phole. This situation is reportedly true for other Phole villages nearby as well, though some in Leshichong have already reached later stages of language obsolescence. The village is in an area with many Zhuang (Tu) and Miao, and some Phole in the village have limited proficiency in these languages. One elderly Tu Zhuang woman who married in to the village has learned to communicate minimally in Phole, but estimates that she has only learned to understand 2/3 of what she hears. Of the three Han women who have married in to the village, only two report a limited degree of learned Phole comprehension, but none have learned to speak Phole. All reportedly speak Chinese with their spouses and children, but locals say that in all four families the children still learn to speak Phole by playing with friends. As in XPC and a few

206

Ethnolinguistic vitality

other linguistically endangered locations, locals call Chinese ‘gongzuohua’ or ‘work language’. 4.16.3. Weibazhu/Xiaozhai The community seat ‘Xiaozhai’ (WBZ) in eastern Beige Township was formerly named ‘Weibazhu’. The village, along with other Phowa villages nearby, all seem vital ethnolinguistically. Ethnic vitality. Two primary ethnic holidays mark the Phowa calendar in Weibazhu: 1) the sacred tree festival, held on the first horse or rat day of the second lunar month with pig and chicken sacrifices at a designated sacred tree in the forest, and 2) the torch festival, held on the traditional 24th day of the sixth lunar month, but reportedly no longer featuring torch-light festivities. Although the region was once known and celebrated for its preservation of traditional folk tunes and antiphonal songs, now only a handful of elderly speakers preserve the ancient musical traditions. Elderly members of the society are reportedly the only ones still able to tell traditional folktales as well. Young women still learn ethnic embroidery from ages five to six, however, and a number of traditional shamans are reported to live in the area – one aged 30, one aged 40 and several elderly shamans as well. Language vitality. Children in the village do not begin learning Chinese until grade one, and local teachers use Phowa as the primary language of instruction through grade two. Children are not considered functional in Chinese until grade three. Phowa is spoken between parents and children and between friends and family in the village. This dynamic is reportedly true of all surrounding Phowa villages as well. Even Miao speakers in two villages nearby are reportedly able to speak Phowa, as are most members of Zanihei, a Han village nearby. Intermarriage with other ethnic groups has traditionally been discouraged, but some Phowa from neighboring Lutubai who have married in to Zanihei reportedly only speak Chinese with their children. Many Digaopho male speakers are reportedly able to communicate in Miao at a very basic level. Announcements over the village loudspeaker are made in Phowa, and village meetings are held in Phowa unless a Han person is present. If a Labopho speaker is present at a meeting, Chinese is reportedly mixed with Phowa. Phowa is also the general medium of communication in the community administrative offices.

Phowa, Hlepho

207

4.16.4. Suozhiwan Suozhiwan (SZW) and surrounding villages in Baxin Township, Wenshan County are in advanced stages of cultural assimilation and language shift to Chinese. A mere quarter of the ethnic population are estimated to still speak Phowa – and this number is in rapid decline. Ethnic vitality. Two ethnic holidays are still celebrated in Suozhiwan: Sacred tree veneration – held for three days beginning on an unspecified auspicious day in the first Lunar month – and a mid-year sacrifice of a chicken, a dog, and/or a goat that is held on the sixth day of the sixth lunar month. Other traditional ethnic practices in the village, such as folklore, folk music, folk dancing, and the like, have reportedly fallen out of use by young and old alike, and ethnic dress is no longer worn. Language vitality. Parents and young children in this and surrounding villages have shifted to Chinese for communication in all domains of language use. Friends and family members over 60 years old still communicate in Phowa, however, and locals aged 40 and over can reportedly understand Phowa, though they are unable to speak it. Some elderly parents still speak Phowa with their children in this age bracket, but the middle-aged children respond in Chinese. Locals seem to think that a few Phowa villages in Pingba and Xiaogai Townships affiliated with their dialect still maintain Phowa language use among parents and children, but they hold that most surrounding villages are in the same state of language attrition as they are. No members of other ethnic groups nearby are reported to be able to speak Phowa. Chinese is used for village announcements and in village meetings. Locals refer to Chinese as ‘work language’ (ᐕ֌䈍). 4.16.5. Meizichong Meizichong (MZC) is less linguistically vital than Hlepho speaking populations to the north and south of them (e.g., WBZ and FZK, respectively), but is more linguistically vital than much of the Hlepho speaking populations to the east and west of them (e.g., CKB and the Phowa villages of Xin’ansuo, respectively). Ethnic vitality is low. Ethnic vitality. The two primary ethnic holidays in the village are the sacred tree festival, held on the second day of the second lunar month, and a forest preservation festival held on the second day of the fourth lunar month. With the exception of three villages in Zhicun Township (Tupingzhai, Xinzhai, and Taqi) in which females over 30 reportedly still wear their ethnic dress daily, all other Hlepho villagers in Mingjiu, Zhicun, and Xin’ansuo

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Ethnolinguistic vitality

Yanshan

Kaiyuan Jianshui

Gejiu

Mengzi

Yuanyang

Pingbian Hekou Jinping

see (4.1) Threatened Status

3 4 5 6

Most

Map 4.3. Overview of language vitality in the core central region

2

Least

1

Azha

209

Townships are reported to wear Han-style clothing only. Ethnic embroidery is no longer practiced in the village, and other ethnic practices, such as folktales and folk music, have fallen out of use as well. Language vitality. Although parents and children reportedly communicate primarily in Hlepho with each other in this village, children are already functional in Chinese by grade one, and classes are taught in Chinese from the first grade onward. In Mingjiu and Zhicun Townships, a total of 16 linguistically vital Hlepho-speaking villages are reported to remain, but in a cluster of 10–12 Hlepho villages on both sides of the Zhicun/Xin’ansuo Township border, the language is reportedly moribund, with only elderly speakers remaining. Two Han women who have married in to the village have learned to understand the local Phowa vernacular, but they are unable to speak it and only speak Chinese with other villagers. No members of other ethnic groups in the area are reported to be able to speak Hlepho. Village announcements are made by the village leader herself, who goes-door todoor. She reports using both Chinese and Hlepho to make such announcements. Likewise, village meetings feature code-switching – reportedly being convened using half Chinese and half Hlepho. 4.17. Azha The Azha population boasts a relatively broad geographic spread which is fairly uninterrupted by intervening ethnic populations. Numerous mixed villages are reported on the periphery of the Azha distribution, however, and these villages may turn out to house more ethnolinguistic decline than I have witnessed thus far. Both language and traditional culture are still clearly vital in most areas, and locals interviewed report very few endangered and/or assimilated villages. Kindergartens are reported as having been established in some villages in an attempt to teach Chinese prior to grade one. These and other vitality issues are described in two profiles below based on insights gleaned from four Azha data points. 4.17.1. Luojiayi, Xiaopingba and Huangzhai The Azha villages Luojiayi (LJY), Xiaopingba (XPB) and Huangzhai (HZC) are all situated in the rugged karst mountains lying along both sides of Wenshan’s border with Yanshan County. Although the three villages evidence mild dialect differences, they are virtually identical in terms of ethnolinguistic vitality so I summarize them here together, with notes specifying

210

Ethnolinguistic vitality

occasional differences. All three are fairly large villages by Yunnan standards (as are most Azha villages WSXZ 1999:185, 189, WSDZ 1988), and all three appear to be relatively vital ethnolinguistically. Ethnic vitality. Four traditional ethnic holidays are reportedly celebrated among Azha villages in the region: 1) sacred tree veneration and other ethnic sacrificial traditions are carried out throughout the first month of the Lunar new year (see WSXZ 1999:189); 2) the torch festival is held on the 24th day of the sixth lunar month; 3) Chamajie, a festival featuring the construction and decoration of a straw horse, is held on the first horse or rat day of the eighth lunar month (with the actual day differing from village to village), and 4) Niuwangjie – a festival featuring bullfights, dancing and feasting held to honor village cattle – is celebrated on the first day of the tenth lunar month. Traditional musical instruments, including ethnic banjos, flutes, and reed organs are still played by select members of all adult generations, and traditional ethnic dancing is still practiced in many complex variations. Older generation speakers are reportedly still telling the traditional folktales to the younger generations. Folksongs and antiphonal songs are still sung by some speakers (but only those over 20 years old). Younger generation locals in Luojiayi are reportedly able to sing recently updated versions of their traditional songs but not the ancient versions. Traditional ethnic garments, consisting of a sequined headdress, a jacket with horizontal striped sleeves, and a colorfully embroidered apron, are still worn daily by females of all ages, and Azha girls in these areas still learn ethnic embroidery from childhood – beginning at age 8 or so in Luojiayi and beginning between the ages of 12–13 in Xiaopingba. Five or so traditional shamans, between 40–60 years old, reportedly still function in Luojiayi, and a few are reported in Xiaopingba as well. Locals hold that Minüji of western Binglie, north of Luojiayi, is considered to be an Azha cultural center and has preserved Azha traditional culture better than any other village. Language vitality. All parents in these villages reportedly converse with their children in Azha, as do friends and family members. Azha is reported to be the language of instruction in kindergarten classes, but Chinese is reportedly used as the language of instruction in grade one. Intermarriage with Zhuang and Han is especially frequent in Binglie Township (LJY and XPB) and one Miao bride has also married in to Luojiayi. In all cases, the inmarried bride is reported to slowly learn to speak Azha with her husband. Azha is also reportedly spoken between parents and children in such homes in Luojiayi. In Xiaopingba, in-married Zhuang mothers communicate with their children in Zhuang, but their children still learn to speak Azha playing with friends. A handful of Han families live in each of these three villages, and, in Pujiazhai at least, the Han family locals are reportedly unable to

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211

speak Azha. As a result, village announcements are made in Chinese in Luojiayi, and Chinese is spoken in village meetings. In Binglie Township, a Nisu local estimates that between 80–90% of the Nisu Yi in his home village Yakege (located in the northeast of the Township) have learned to speak Azha with some proficiency, but no Azha in the region are known to have learned to speak Nisu. Miao villagers in Ma’anshan are reportedly able to speak Azha as well. Most Azha in Xiaopingba are reported to have some proficiency in Nong Zhuang, and some Zhuang in nearby Milewan are reported to have limited proficiency in Azha. Xiaopingba speakers report knowing of only one Azha village where the language is moribund: Kamo of Matang Township. Luojiayi locals say that in Shemuna, a mixed village containing Han, Zhuang and Azha to the southeast of Yanshan County seat, Azha is also linguistically moribund. All other Azha villages are as vital as their own, to the knowledge of those interviewed. 4.17.2. Faduke Dazhai The Azha of Faduke Dazhai (DFC), which locals refer to as “Dafa” for short, differ only in minor details from their counterparts to the west, and are also relatively vital ethnolinguistically. Ethnic vitality. Dafa locals also celebrate four ethnic holidays, though not exactly the same four as LJY, XPB, and HZC: 1) sacred tree veneration is held for three days beginning on the first day of the Lunar new year; 2) torch festival is held on the 24th day of the sixth lunar month; 3) an agriculture festival is held on the 14th day of the seventh lunar month; and 4) the Chamajie straw horse festival is held on the first rat day of the eighth lunar month. Ethnic dancing is still practiced by old and young alike, but only certain locals aged 35 and older are reported to still play leaves and ethnic banjo. Antiphonal singing and ethnic flute playing is reportedly only practiced by those aged 50 and older. Some elderly speakers are still telling traditional folktales to their grandchildren, and most young girls still learn ethnic embroidery from ages five to six. Traditional ethnic dress, consisting primarily of a sequined headdress and a plain apron, was observed being worn mainly by middle aged and elderly women but also by a few young women and children. Language vitality. All parents in the village reportedly converse with their children using Azha, and local friends and family were also observed speaking exclusively in Azha with each other. This is reported to be the situation for all surrounding Azha villages as well, with the exception of Hongsheke – a mixed village containing Han, Nong Zhuang, Azha, and

212

Ethnolinguistic vitality

Nisu Yi – in which some parents reportedly speak Chinese with their children. Local children in Dafa and surrounding villages are said to be able to function in Chinese by grade one, but this seems largely due to the fact that Chinese instruction begins in special kindergarten classes which using Azha as the language of instruction. Azha is used over the village loudspeaker for announcements, and village meetings are also reportedly convened in Azha. Locals affirm that they think Azha sounds best as spoken in their own village. In-marriage is often accepted from Pholo (e.g., SXZ), but out-marriage to Pholo is not practiced. Pholo brides reportedly learn to speak Azha, and then speak it daily in the home. Some Pholo in surrounding villages are also able to speak Azha, as are some Han and Zhuang, though in lesser numbers. In addition to frequent contact with Pholo, locals also have frequent contact with Nong Zhuang and Nisu Yi in Ganhe Township’s Tuesday market days. 4.18. Zokhuo Owing to its location in a natural basin surrounded by high peaks, the Zokhuo name for Daxingzhai (DXZ) is lʌ²¹m̩ ³³ʨi³³ ; literally, ‘fortress.wall sky create’: “fortress sculpted with sky-high walls” or “fortress walled to the sky”. When the ancestors of the Zokhuo moved into this compact basin hundreds of years ago,5 marauders were evidently still a threat. With the exception of some scattered pockets of Zokhuo distribution in Yanshan County, Zokhuo society continues to maintain much of its ancient heritage in spite of outside pressures toward language shift and cultural assimilation. Ethnic vitality. Zokhuo locals report that their most lively ethnic holiday is held on the 24th day of the sixth lunar month. The festival features bull fights, dancing, ethnic music, bonfires, and the beating of bamboo sifters and winnowing baskets to frighten away evil spirits. Although ethnic folk songs and antiphonal songs have fallen out of use among the younger generations, many youth still learn to play traditional musical instruments including reed flutes and ethnic banjos. One interviewee estimated that onethird of all the village youth are able to play ethnic instruments. Traditional folklore is reportedly still being told to younger generation speakers. Zokhuo girls do not learn ethnic embroidery techniques, but this may be due to the simplicity of the Zokhuo ethnic garments which are composed of black pants and a primarily black jacket with orange, blue, and green folds of cloth stitched in to the arms and shoulders, complemented by a simple head towel. Zokhuo females of all ages own a set of traditional garments, however, and many wear them daily. Two traditional shamans are reported to still practice in the village – a man and a woman. Locals report being unable to

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213

understand the ceremonial language used in the incantations of these shamans, and claim that it is a combination of Miao, Zokhuo, Chinese, and English! English loans were reportedly borrowed from secondary school curriculum. Language vitality. Parents and children reportedly communicate exclusively in Zokhuo in this and surrounding Zokhuo villages in Zhuiligai and Dongshan Townships. Local children reportedly do not begin learning to speak Chinese until grade one, and Zokhuo is used as the language of instruction through grade three. This dynamic is also reported to be the case for surrounding villages. One interviewee noted that, in her opinion, around three-fourths of the Zokhuo students who reach grade six might be considered functional in Chinese. Many Miao living in the area are also reported to be quite fluent in Zokhuo, but locals report that few Zokhuo villagers have learned to speak Miao. Most marriage networks and market day participation involve engagement with locals from nearby Zokhuo villages – including villages in the two townships mentioned above and a number of villages in neighboring Baga Township of Yanshan County. Locals report that they seldom leave the area, and in-marriage from other ethnic groups is seldom practiced. In spite of the linguistically vital status of Zokhuo villages in Zhuiligai and Dongshan Townships, most Zokhuo villages in Baga, Panlong, Zhela, and Jiangna Townships of Yanshan County are at said to be at various stages of language obsolescence. Reported exceptions to this general status include Longle of Zhela Township, and Pianyan and Muguaguo of Baga Township. 4.19. Khlula Though vital pockets remain within the Khlula distribution, the language is severely threatened overall, and speakers have yielded up much of their traditional culture as well. 4.19.1. Laozhai Laozhai (LZC) represents a relatively vital population pocket within the Khlula distribution. Ethnic vitality. Locals report that three ethnic holidays survive in the area. One is held on the 24th day of the sixth lunar month and features feasting and antiphonal singing. The other two are held on the first horse day of the lunar new year and on a unspecified day during the fourth lunar month.

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Ethnolinguistic vitality

Both of these two latter holidays are focused on sacred tree veneration – the first featuring goat or chicken sacrifices and the second featuring a pig sacrifice. Three sacred tree veneration holidays were reportedly observed in history past (including one on the 15th day of the eighth lunar month), but the third has now been discontinued. Although most elderly parents and approximately half of the younger generation parents are said to still be telling the traditional folktales to their children and/or grandchildren, other ethnic practices have experienced a sharp decline. Only those aged 50 and over are reportedly still able to sing the antiphonal folk songs, and only a handful of the elderly are still able to play traditional musical instruments. A handful of youngsters can still play leaf tunes in the traditional style, however. Khlula girls in the village no longer learn traditional ethnic embroidery, and apparently only the elderly still maintain traditional ethnic dress, which they wear only on special occasions. Language vitality. All parents in the village are said to communicate exclusively in Khlula with their children. Khlula was also observed to be spoken between friends and family members in normal village situations. A Nisu man from a Chinese-speaking Nisu village nearby who married in to Laozhai reportedly learned to speak Khlula after two years learning time and now speaks it exclusively with his wife and children. Two Han women who have married in to the village are also said to be able to speak Khlula, though they usually only speak Chinese with fellow villagers. Although the children of these two mothers are reportedly all able to speak Khlula, their mothers speak Chinese with them in the home. In Meiziqing, a mixed village nearby composed of approximately one-fourth Khlula and three-fourths Han, more than half of the Han Chinese in the village have reportedly learned to speak Khlula. A Miao family living nearby is also said to have learned to speak Khlula. Village announcements in Laozhai are made using Khlula via door-to-door messengers, and village meetings are reportedly held in Khlula. Community-level administrative meetings are reportedly held using a combination of Khlula and Chinese. Laozhai locals report that most surrounding Khlula villages that they know of share their level of language vitality – specifically, Khlula villages in the southern half of Liujin Township, Wenshan County, numerous villages in Malishu Township of Maguan County, and two villages in western Pijiao Township of Maguan County. A dozen or so Khlula villages in the northern half of Liujin Township, however, are reportedly less linguistically vital than the villages surrounding Laozhai. In these northern villages, those aged 30 and older are reportedly still able to speak Khlula, but those between the ages of 20 and 30 are able to understand the language yet unable to speak it. Those under 20 in these northern villages are apparently no longer able to either speak or

Laghuu and Phukha

215

understand Khlula. A similar situation is reported for a few mixed villages in south Gumu Township, Wenshan County, as well. A separate report from speakers in Lezuoshangzhai of Dalishu Township, Maguan County indicates that parents are no longer speaking Khlula with their children in the village. 4.19.2. Maxi In contrast to Laozhai, Maxi (MXC) represents the severely endangered side of the Khlula population. Ethnic vitality. Two traditional ethnic holidays are celebrated in the village: 1) sacred tree veneration on the first dragon day of the third Lunar month and 2) ancestor veneration on the 14th day of the seventh lunar month. Numerous young men are reportedly still proficient ethnic banjo players, but all other indicators of cultural vitality are in decline. Folktales are no longer being told, even by the elderly; ethnic songs have fallen out of use; young women are no longer learning ethnic embroidery; and ethnic clothing is no longer worn. Language vitality. Locals report that, with the exception of some elderly speakers, most of whom are over 70 years old, but also a few of whom are between 60–70, no one in the village is still able to speak Khlula. Parents speak Chinese with children and grandchildren in all domains. Even though the Maxi community is home to ten Khlula villages with Khlula accounting for 75% of the population in the community, a similar state of affairs is reported for every village in the community. Some villages, like Yakuda, to the south of Maxi, are reported to still have middle-aged speakers, and in Boche Community nearby, two Khlula villages (Xiaoboche, and Dawanzi) are reportedly more vital, with parents communicating with their children in Khlula. Even in these villages children are reportedly able to speak Chinese by grade one, however. 4.20. Laghuu and Phukha Detailed descriptions of Phula vitality in Vietnam are unavailable, but Edmondson (2003:307) indicates in passing that both languages are undergoing shift to Vietnamese and other ethnic languages in the region. For now, both Laghuu and Phukha should be considered highly endangered.

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Ethnolinguistic vitality

4.21. Moji Due to rain and mudslides making for an impassable road, Luchaichong (LCC) ethnolinguistic conditions were not observed onsite; nevertheless, locals interviewed at the foot of the mountain report vital language use. Ethnic vitality. A resident of the village reports that a number of Han and Miao have married in to the village, but very few have married out. Villagers are allowed to marry cousins on their mother’s side or more distant. The unspecified autonym status of this group (for which a loconym is substituted) is confirmed by Wang Mingfu, a Chinese scholar from native to Xichou County who had visited the village previously.6 Language vitality. Parents are still reportedly speaking Moji with their children. All who have married in to the village (some Han and Miao) have learned to speak Moji and also speak Moji with their children in the home. 4.22. Pholo In general, the Pholo distribution evidences higher vitality among its more densely situated village clusters, but lower vitality in isolated pockets. Some isolated villages such as Fayi Xiazhai (FYX) have managed to remain linguistically vital, however. 4.22.1. Xiji Xiji (XJC) is nestled in a modest forest preserve located in the far southeast corner of Zhulin Township, Guangnan County. The village is home to around 120 Pholo families, 70 Han families, and 20 Zhuang families. Although Xiji is said to have once been a regional cultural center for Pholo, the past few generations have seen a rapid shift to Chinese among Xiji’s Pholo villagers in both language and cultural domains. Ethnic vitality. Ethnic holidays and folk songs in the village have reportedly been completely replaced by Han culture. The ethnic banjo is still played proficiently by some middle aged and elderly men in the village, however, and folk dancing continues to find representation among the younger generations thanks to in-marriage from Pholo brides native to Yanshan and Qiubei counties. Pholo girls no longer learn ethnic embroidery and ethnic outfits were only observed being worn daily by a handful of elderly Pholo women in the village. Two traditional shamans are still active in the village

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Language vitality. Only Pholo villagers older than 50 are still able to speak Pholo, but these speakers report still speaking among themselves in Pholo from day to day. Many aged 30 and over are said to still be able to understand Pholo when spoken, though they are unable to speak the language. With the exception of some elderly Han in Tuochong, a Pholo village nearby, no members of other ethnic groups are reported to be able to speak Pholo in Xiji and the surrounding area. Chinese is used in village announcements, village meetings, and every other domain with the exception of conversations between elderly speakers. 4.22.2. Fayixiazhai Fayixiazhai (FYX) is composed of about 40 Pholo families and is situated in the low, rolling mountains of western Wuzhu Township along the Guangnan-Yanshan county line. Ethnic vitality. Locals report that the single surviving distinctive ethnic holiday celebrated in the village is held from the fourth through fifth days of the seventh lunar month. The holiday includes feasting, dancing, and the decoration of straw horses. Other ethnic practices are evidently falling out of use in the village; though a few young women were noted to still be able to play leaves in the traditional style. No women were noted to be wearing traditional ethnic dress. Language vitality. Parents in this village are reportedly all still communicating daily in Pholo with their children. Young children and some elderly speakers in the village are said to be unable to understand Chinese. Locals claim that all Pholo villages around them are vital as well and hold that they know of no cases in which Pholo is no longer being spoken between parents and children in the home (yet consider Pholo-XJC which is located only one Township away). Four Han women who have married in to FYX speak Chinese with their children. 4.22.3. Shangxinzhai Shangxinzhai (SXZ) is the local shorthand for ‘Longyong Shangxinzhai’, a village of 70 or so families located in east-central Ganhe Township of Yanshan County near the western edge of Pholo’s general distribution. The area is predominantly inhabited by non-Han ethnic groups – prominently including Azha, Pholo, Tu Zhuang, Nong Zhuang and Miao.

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Ethnolinguistic vitality Qiubei

Guangnan

Yanshan

Xichou

Wenshan

Pingbian Malipo Maguan see (4.1) Threatened Status

Map 4.4. Overview of Phula language vitality in the core eastern region

3 4 5 6

Most

Hekou

2

Least

1

Thopho

219

With the exception of one or two mixed villages in Ganhe Township, ethnolinguistic vitality is reported to be high among all ethnic groups. Ethnic vitality. Onsite village access to Shangxinzhai was discouraged by local officials for reasons unknown; therefore, onsite notes on Pholo ethnic vitality were limited to market town observations, where I observed numerous females of all ages to be wearing traditional Pholo ethnic garments. Language vitality. The three local language consultants for this village each affirm that all children in the village speak Pholo with their parents. Most who marry in are Pholo from the surrounding townships. Out-marriage to Azha is frequently practiced, but Azha have traditionally restricted outmarriage to Pholo villages. Only two Han women are reported to have married in to Shangxinzhai. The nearby village Milele Shangzhai – ‘Shangmi’ in local shorthand – is reportedly half Azha and half Pholo. Reflexive bilingualism is practiced: all speakers of both languages in Shangmi are reportedly bilingual in the other language. Two Han brides have married in to the village, but only one is said to have learned to speak Pholo. 4.23. Thopho Xinzhai (XZC) is surrounded by Zhuang villages in south Zhetu township, Guangnan County, but locals report that the village is roughly three-fourths Thopho and one-fourth Han with more than 50 families total. The only other known Thopho village is Bacai which is situated an hour’s walk away to the southeast in the northeastern corner of Zhulin Township. Bacai is said to contain 9 families, is reportedly unmixed ethnically and is reported to be much more intact in terms of linguistic vitality. Ethnic vitality. Thopho society seems to have been influenced heavily by the regional majority Nong Zhuang population in many ways. Most homes in Xinzhai are built with wood in the traditional Nong style. Distinctive ethnic garments are no longer worn by locals, though some females wrap their head in a towel resembling the Nong style. No traditional ethnic music or folklore is known to have survived, though some may still be extant in Bacai. Language vitality. Parents in Xinzhai are reportedly no longer communicating in Thopho with their children – having switched to Nong and/or Chinese even in the home domain. Remaining Thopho language use in Xinzhai reportedly follows the terrain, with the lower half of the village retaining only elderly speakers and the upper half of the village retaining both middle aged and elderly speakers with a few young adult speakers as well. The Han households are located on the lower slopes of the village, so Xinzhai locals

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attribute this language-terrain demographic to the fact that speakers in the homes located on the lower slopes of the village intermingle with the Han more than speakers in the homes on the upper slopes do. All Thopho in the village are said to be able to speak Nong with functional proficiency. In fact, the Nong proficiency of my local Thopho language consultants turned out to be much higher than their Chinese ability, to the point that I frequently had to rely on a bilingual Nong Zhuang interpreter to communicate with them in Chinese. Children in Bacai, the other more vital Thopho village, reportedly all still speak Thopho with their parents. Nevertheless, all are reportedly functional in Nong, and possibly Chinese, by grade one – presumably due to playing with children from neighboring villages. Thopho locals report that they sometimes marry out to Nong villages, but no Nong marry in. Thopho phonology and the Thopho lexicon have both been influenced by extended contact with Nong Zhuang. 4.24. Overview of Phula ethnolinguistic vitality The Phula languages as a whole may be described as relatively intact linguistically with multiple threatened varieties and a loosening grip on traditional ethnic heritage. A number of severely endangered varieties have been noted, and all can perhaps claim endangered status in a broad sense. The general threatened status of Phula language use is summarized in Table 4.1 by language and village and is illustrated in Figure 4.1. Most Threatened: Moribund 4 villages Least Threatened: Vital 235 villages (20%) 380 villages (33%) Level66

5

Level 5 164 villages Level 4 (14%)

4

Level 3

153 villages 3 (13%)

Level 1

1

Level 2 223 villages 2 (19%)

Figure 4.1. Summary of Phula threatened language status by village totals

Villages like MLT, LSD, XJC, MXC and SZW rank as the most endangered of the data points visited – being home to only elderly or (in the case of LSD) in-married speakers.

Overview of Phula ethnolinguistic vitality

221

Table 4.1. Threatened language status estimates by village and language Village L1 % L2 % L3 % L4 % L5 % L6 % Totals Phala 33 0 0% 25 76% 4 12% 4 12% 0 0% 0 0% Phola 42 34 81% 0 0% 8 19% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% Alo 1 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 1 100% Ani 30 24 80% 5 17% 0 0% 0 0% 1 3% 0 0% Labo 70 43 61% 0 0% 5 7% 2 3% 20 29% 0 0% Hlepho 187 70 37% 15 8% 10 5% 25 13% 64 34% 3 2% Phupha 5 4 80% 0 0% 0 0% 1 20% 0 0% 0 0% Alugu 11 8 73% 2 18% 1 9% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% Phuza 28 12 43% 0 0% 3 11% 3 11% 10 36% 0 0% Phupa 13 7 54% 0 0% 1 8% 1 8% 4 31% 0 0% Muzi 42 5 12% 1 2% 13 31% 5 12% 18 43% 0 0% Muji-S 104 80 77% 4 4% 2 2% 17 16% 1 1% 0 0% Muji-N 61 11 18% 0 0% 15 25% 4 7% 30 49% 1 2% Muji-Q 3 1 33% 1 33% 1 33% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% Bokha 31 12 39% 2 6% 4 13% 13 42% 0 0% 0 0% Phuma 23 23 100% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% Khlula 114 15 13% 7 6% 13 11% 45 39% 34 30% 0 0% Phukha 41 0 0% 0 0% 41 100% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% Pholo 112 10 9% 71 63% 12 11% 12 11% 7 6% 0 0% Azha 98 0 0% 85 87% 9 9% 3 3% 1 1% 0 0% Zokhuo 56 20 36% 4 7% 3 5% 28 50% 1 2% 0 0% Thopho 2 0 0% 1 50% 0 0% 1 50% 0 0% 0 0% Laghuu 7 0 0% 0 0% 7 100% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% Moji 45 1 2% 0 0% 0 0% 0 0% 44 98% 0 0% Totals 1159 380 223 153 164 235 4 Averages 33% 19% 13% 14% 20% 0% Key, cf. (4.1) L1= Level 1. Least Threatened Status: Children speak X daily with parents and are unable to function in Chinese or other prestige L2 by grade 1. L2= Level 2. Minimally Threatened Status: Children speak X daily with parents, but are already able to function in Chinese by grade 1. L3= Level 3. Moderately Threatened Status: Some parents are primarily speaking Chinese with their children in the home domain, but these children still learn to speak X by playing with other village children. L4= Level 4. Substantially Threatened Status: Few to no children are able to speak X, due to widespread loss of X usage in home domain; but youngto-middle-aged adults native to the village are still able to speak X. L5= Level 5. Highly Threatened Status: X is not spoken in the home domain, and

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Table 4.1. Continued only older generation speakers of X remain. L6= Level 6. Moribund Status: No remaining X speakers are native to the village, but outside X speakers are introduced through intermarriage with speakers of X from other villages.

In contrast, numerous vibrant mountain villages still pulse with ethnolinguistic life. DHN, JJC, LGM, FZK, LJY, PJZ, DXZ, CTL, and YZT are some of the best examples. For varieties such as these, even nearby Han Chinese and/or members of other ethnic groups are learning to speak the local Phula varieties. Furthermore, even some isolated villages like QLC and LCC, remain vital against all odds. Signs of impending shift are on the horizon for such villages; but, for now at least, members of many island lects still speak their respective Phula varieties among all generations. Even the most linguistically moribund villages still tend to claim remaining elderly, or in-married, speakers, with the possible exception of some highly shifted villages in southern Wenshan County and a few villages in northern Pingbian. This suggests that broadscale language shift in most areas began fairly recently – likely accelerated by the rapidly evolving socioeconomic and educational systems in which these language communities are involved. Speakers in GMD report that parents of the current generation were the first to decide to speak Chinese with their children. With language shift in such early stages in most regions, perhaps action can still be taken on behalf of these communities to encourage them toward retention of their unique identities, cultures, languages and dialects.

Chapter 5 Phula phonologies Five representative sketches What talent for the makeshift thought A living corpus out of odds and ends? What pedagogic patience taught Pre-occupied and savage elements To dance into a segregated charm? – W.H. Auden (1945: 31) “In Sickness and in Health”

5.1. Preliminaries An introduction to the sound systems of representative Phula languages is useful for the purposes of the current study on two accounts. First of all, most of the languages in question are undocumented linguistically, so even introductory descriptions provide further validation of their existence as distinct varieties. Secondly, an understanding of basic phonological features sets the stage for identifying internal genetic relationships shared by these languages based on a more detailed diachronic analysis undertaken in Chapters 6 and 7. This chapter examines the phonologies of five representative languages traditionally affiliated with Phula in order to work toward these two ends. These five languages are selected based on the subgrouping definitions outlined in Chapters 6 and 7. Thus, the three chapters are interdependent as discussed in §1.5, §2.1 and §8.1. The five languages under consideration are Hlepho (FZK), Muji-S (PJZ), Phuza (BJB), Phola (LDC) and Azha (LJY). These five languages are selected from the five corresponding macro-level subgroupings introduced in Chapters 6 and 7. Further notes on cladeinternal variation between each of the five representative languages and other languages in each corresponding cluster will be mentioned as well when deemed useful to the discussion at hand. Although descriptions will appear to be primarily ‘synchronic’, diachronic considerations are frequently called upon to elucidate otherwise opaque synchronic phenomena. Following an introduction to general phonological features that apply to all five languages and an overview of the basic structure of the sketches, the chapter will proceed to discuss the phonology of each representative language in turn.

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5.1.1.

Phula phonologies

General Phonological Features

Naturally, numerous phonological features apply to all, or most, languages of a given branch due to common ancestry. Areal features are also pervasive. In most cases such phenomena are adequately discussed elsewhere in the literature as they pertain to Ngwi-Branch phonology and need only be reviewed briefly here rather than rehashed in each sketch below. Syllable structure. As in all Sino-Tibetan languages the syllable is the essential springboard for phonological analysis (see discussion in Matisoff 1973 [1982]). In Ngwi linguistics, as in much of the Sinosphere, consonants and vowels are more aptly discussed in terms of initials (onset) and finals (rhyme, with or without coda). Most Ngwi languages have lost consonant codas altogether; but suprasegmentals, including complex interaction between tone and voice quality, make the Ngwi syllable fairly complex. Unique consonant clusters further enrich syllable possibilities, and complex interaction between initials, finals and suprasegmentals is to be expected. The relative sonority of a given segment is also crucial for interpreting its place in the syllable. According to the sonority hierarchy, segments are ranked from less sonorant to more sonorant as follows: plosives > fricatives > nasals > liquids > high vowels > mid and low vowels. In many Ngwi languages fricatives and nasals are frequently allowed to function as vowel nuclei. Syllabic nasals. Due to their high sonority, nasal phonemes such as /m/, /n/, /ȵ/ and /ŋ/ sometimes fill the vowel nucleus position in various Ngwi syllable templates. This process is well described for a broad cross-section of Ngwi languages in Bradley (1988). Alveolar, palatal and alveolopalatal syllabic nasals usually result from the elision of close front unrounded vowel /i/. Bilabial and velar syllabic nasals usually occur through the elision of the high back unrounded or (see below) ‘compression rounded’ vowel /ɯ/, close central vowels /ɨ/ and /ʉ/, and/or close-mid central vowels with closemid [ɨ] allophones. Sometimes the elision is phonemic (i.e., in this case, complete and consistent between idiolects); an example of this is PholeCKB ‘sky’ /m̩ ²¹/ ‘sky’. In other cases, the elision occurs in free variation with the full vowel; an example of this is Azha-XPB [ni³³ʨjø͡œ³²] ~ [n̩³³ʨjø͡œ³²] ‘mouth’. Lateral fricatives. In the Phula languages voiced lateral /l/ is usually pronounced as fricative [ɮ] in all environments; thus, rather than functioning as a lateral approximate per-se, the segment functions as a fricative initial in contrast with voiceless /ɬ/. This understanding is assumed in the phonology sketches below, and it holds additional significance for understanding the

Preliminaries

225

nature of the alveolar-lateral/velar-lateral affricate series that is an iconic typological feature of most Phula languages. Glottal initials. As in many other Sinospheric languages, a nonphonemic glottal stop is often inserted as a syllable initial in the absence of any other initial. While this latter distinction sometimes varies between phonologies, the distinction is not phonologically motivated and, as such, will not be discussed below. Alveolopalatal off-glides. The alveolopalatal series regularly conditions palatal off-glides in the Phula languages such that /ȵ, ʑ, ɕ, ʨ, ʨʰ/ > [ȵj, ʑj, ɕj, ʨj, ʨʰj], respectively – especially in the environment of front vowels: e.g., Azha-XPB /ȵy̠²¹/ > [ȵjy²̠ ¹] ‘cry’, /ʑi ̠³⁵/ > [ʑjiʔ³⁵] ‘lie down’, /ʨi²¹/ > [ʨji²¹] ‘liquor’, /ʨʰi³³/ > [ʨʰji³³] ‘dog’. Apical vowels. All Phula languages, along with many other Sino-Tibetan languages, feature one or more rhymes that are pronounced midway between a high vowel, or apical approximant, and a fricative. These vowels are usually transcribed [ɿ] and [ʅ] in Chinese linguistics (at alveolar and retroflex places of articulation, respectively), and are sometimes referred to as ‘apical semi-vowels’. Two examples from standard Mandarin are ᆇ zì [ʦɿ⁵¹] ‘written word’ and 䈅 shì [ʃʅ⁵¹] ‘try’. Rounded variations of these two vowels may also occur: transcribed [ʮ] and [ʯ], respectively (see §2.4.2.7). 1 To describe these vowels as syllabic fricatives would be inaccurate in terms of physical articulation and misleading in terms of syllable (vs. segmental) phonology. On the one hand the degree of impedance is not as compressed as with a true voiced fricative; on the other hand, these segments are most consistently described as filling the vowel slot in any given syllable template. Different languages treat these vowels differently in terms of phonemic status, however. In languages such as Phuza, [ɿ] and [ʅ ] are allophones of the phoneme /i/. In other languages such as Ani Phowa, /ɿ/ and /i/ are in clear contrast. In no case has [ʅ ] been noted to contrast with [ɿ] in Phula. Compression rounding. In most Phula languages, the close back rounded vowel /u/ and/or the close-mid back rounded vowel /o/ usually contrasts with a fricativized high vowel pronounced with lips spread and/or compressed which I transcribe phonemically in this work as /ɯ/. This manner of articulation may also be described as ‘compression rounding’. The vowel is labialized but characteristically pronounced with lips pursed closely together regardless of initial place of articulation. This results in audible friction that may be phonetically transcribed [β̩] and/or [v̩] in extreme cases. Usually the vowel is pronounced with both a close-back vocalic and bilabial or labiodental fricativized quality simultaneously, such as Phuza-BJB

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Phula phonologies

/ʦʰɯ⁵⁵/ > [ʦʰv͡ɯ⁵⁵] ‘push’, Azha-XPB /le³³kɯ̠ ³⁵/ > [le³³kβ͡ɯʔ³⁵] ‘palm (of hand)’ and Hlepho-FZK /bɯ²¹ɕi⁵⁵ma³³/ > [bβ͡ɯ²¹ɕji⁵⁵ma³³] ‘centipede’. In most cases this vowel is in contrastive distribution with other high vowels such as [ɨ] and [u]. Phonation. As is discussed in greater detail in §6.1.1 (see also Matisoff 1973, Bradley 1977, Benedict 1992, Thurgood 2002, and other studies), tone and voice quality go hand-in-hand as suprasegmental features in the Sinosphere. In addition to obligatory pitch contrasts, many Tibeto-Burman languages feature tense voice phonation that is either contrastive with modal voice on a given toneme (as in Phola §5.5.5; see Björverud’s 1998:3 description of Lalo phonation and any number of other studies) or functions as a suprasegmental quality inherent to a given toneme (as in Azha §5.6.4; see Matisoff’s 1970 description of a similar tone in Lahu). According to Dai (1990:3), this articulatory feature was first described in Tibeto-Burman linguistics by Ma Xueliang in 1948. The feature has usually been reported as laryngealization or creaky voice phonation in the English literature, though Edmondson et al. (2001) have demonstrated via direct laryngoscopic observation that the articulators in Bai and Nuosu tense voice phonation are, in fact, the aryepiglottic folds. Tense voice phonation sometimes results in a full glottal closure. 5.1.2.

Structure of the sketches

Each of the five sketches presented in this chapter is subdivided into at least four sections. An introduction to the language and cluster under consideration is followed by 1) an overview of the syllable template, 2) an overview of consonant initial contrasts, 3) an overview of vowel final contrasts and 4) an overview of tone. When warranted, a fifth section may also be added in order to distinguish phonation from tone. The core content of each phonology sketch is based on a lexical database of more than 2,000 syllables elicited in framed utterances. In each case, framed utterances are considered along with citation utterances for defining the phonology and standardizing phonemic transcriptions. When syllable statistics are cited in the discussion in order to compare various phonological phenomena, however, only phonemicized citation utterances are counted. Consonant and vowel inventories are arranged according to place of articulation and, for consonants, manner of articulation. Plain alveolars, alveolar affricates and alveolar-lateral clusters are considered distinct places of articulation in the inventories since affricates function as single segments in

Hlepho-FZK and the Phowa Clade

227

these phonologies, as discussed above, and since non-affricated alveolars are generally fronted – making them closer to dentals than to true alveolars. Tonal contrasts in identical or analogous environments are illustrated using F0 fundamental frequency pitch plots. For each language, a nasal initial contrast set is compared with a stop-initial contrast set in order to demonstrate pitch differences related to manner of articulation. In all cases, Chao (1930) tone numbers 1–5 are listed to the right of the diagram. These relative pitch values are correlated with F0 semitones on the left of the diagram. This enables a standard measurement for transcribing phonetic pitch values for the sake of analysis and discussion alike. 5.2. Hlepho-FZK and the Phowa Clade This section examines the FZK dialect of Hlepho Phowa in order to provide an introduction to the key phonological features of the Phowa clade. In terms of ethnolinguistic identity, the title ‘Phowa’ subsumes three languages: Ani, Labo and Hlepho, as demonstrated in Chapter 3; but the title subsumes three additional languages in terms of phylogenetic clustering: Zokhuo, Khlula and Phukha, as will be demonstrated in Chapter 6. Previous phonological studies on these six languages are meager overall, but more linguistic research has been carried out on the Phowa clade than on any of the other sub-branches of Phula. Pelkey (2004, 2005) provides preliminary sketches of Ani Phowa phonology, Wang (2003a, 2004) presents phonology sketches of the Asaheipho dialect of Labo Phowa and Wang (2003b: 113–116) presents a terse sketch of Wenshan Zokhuo phonology. Fried (2000) provides a more in-depth study of Phukha phonology followed up in a slightly modified sketch by Edmondson (2003). These studies are all preliminary, but only Khlula and Hlepho have been left completely untreated to date. For reasons described in §6.4, Hlepho may be considered a diachronic hinge for the Phowa genetic clade. The language is widely distributed geographically and is also internally diverse with multiple gradient dialects. Hlepho dialects merge with Labo Phowa in their northwestern distribution, and in their southeastern distribution speakers of Hlepho dialects maintain marriage networks with speakers of Wenshan Khlula (e.g., Khlula-LZC). The FZK variety of Hlepho Phowa represents a middle-ground between these two extremes. Hlepho-FZK is relatively conservative phonologically with eight manners of articulation and four lateral-cluster phonemes (tɬ, tɬʰ, dɮ, ⁿdɮ). The variety is innovative in other ways, however, and has lost certain features such as retroflex initials and tense voice phonation. These features make Hlepho a fair representative of Phowa clade phonology in general.

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Phula phonologies

Major differences between Hlepho and other Phowa clade phonologies will be noted in the discussion below when relevant. The following phonological sketch of Hlepho is based on a lexical database of 2,274 syllables. 5.2.1.

Syllable

The Hlepho-FZK syllable template is {(C)(V)VT} in which (C) represents one of 43 optional consonant initials or initial clusters; (V) represents one of two (rare) optional diphthong on-glides that may only occur given the presence of (C); V represents one of eight obligatory vowel phonemes, or a consonant of high sonority; and T represents one of four obligatory tonemes. Certain dialects of Ani, Labo and Zokhuo retain traces of tense voice phonation on some PNg *checked syllables, distinct from tone; for those that do, the syllable template is emended to {(C)(V)VT(P)}, but no Phowa clade languages retain this distinction systematically. Fried (2000) notes the tenuous presence of stop /p/ and nasal /n, ŋ/ codas in Phukha. In all cases these appear be the result of language contact (i.e., with Chinese, Tai-Kadai, Miao-Yao and/or Mon-Khmer languages) rather than retentions from ProtoNgwi; nevertheless, the synchronic syllable canon for Phukha should be modified from the Hlepho template to read {(C1[V])VT(C2)}. 5.2.2.

Consonant Initials

The 43 consonant initial contrasts of Hlepho Phowa are summarized in Table 5.1 – organized by place and manner of articulation – and contrasted in Table 5.2. Hlepho features a full series of alveolar-lateral cluster phonemes and also preserves prenasalized and glottal-prefixed nasal initial contrasts from the Proto-Ngwi stage. In addition to the places of articulation listed in Table 5.1, most dialects of Ani and Labo also retain a contrastive retroflex affricate or fricative series; other Phowa clade languages have merged retroflex initials with alveolar and/or alveolopalatal affricates and fricatives. Syllabic nasals tend to be marked by voiceless onsets in Hlepho: e.g., ‘sky’ /m̩ ²¹/ > [m̩ ] ~ [m̥ ͡ m̩ ], ‘emperor’ /va²¹m̩ ⁵⁵/ > [va²¹m̥ ͡ m̩ ⁵⁵], ‘three’ /n̩³³/ > [n͡ ̥ n̩ ³³], ‘father’s older sister’ /a⁵⁵n̩³³/ [a⁵⁵n͡ ̥ n̩ ³³]. Alveolar nasals are not devoiced in lexical environments preceding other alveolar initials, however: e.g., ‘father’s younger sister’ [a⁵⁵n̩³³za⁵⁵], ‘beard’ /n̩³³ʦʰɿ³³m̩ ²¹/ > [n̩³³ʦʰɿ³³m̥ ͡ m̩ ²¹].

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Table 5.1. Hlepho Phowa-FZK consonant initial phonemes p

t

ʦ

ʨ

tɬ

k

pʰ

tʰ

ʦʰ

ʨʰ

tɬʰ

kʰ

b

d

ʣ

ʥ

dɮ

ɡ

ᵐb

ⁿd

ⁿʣ

ⁿʥ

ⁿdɮ

ᵑɡ

f

s

ɕ

ɬ

x

v

z

ʑ

l

ɣ

m

n

ȵ

ŋ

ʔm

ʔn

ʔȵ

ʔŋ

h

Within the Phowa clade, the contrastive glottal+nasal initial cluster series /ʔm/, /ʔn/, /ʔȵ/ and /ʔŋ/ surfaces only in Hlepho and Khlula; Khlula, however, lacks the /ʔŋ/ phoneme in the current database. The series is primarily a preservation of the original Proto-Ngwi *ʔ-prefixed nasal initial contrasts *ʔm and *ʔn as can be noted in the Hlepho-FZK data in (5.1): (5.1)

Preservation of Proto-Ngwi glottal+nasal clusters in Hlepho-FZK Gloss PNg Hlepho Contrasts PNg Gloss 2 *ʔ-mre¹ > ʔmi³³ mi⁵⁵to³³ < *C-mi² ‘earth’ ‘fire’ ‘day’ ‘low’ ‘red’

*ʔ-ne³

> ʔn̩⁵⁵

*ʔ-n-yim³ > ʔŋə⁵⁵ *ʔ-ni¹

> ʔnə³³

n̩³³ ŋa²¹ nɛ³³

< *C-mwatH ‘hungry’ < *ŋa²

< *may¹

‘five’ ‘delicious’

Dai and Huang (1992) and Björverud (1998) note a similar set of phonemes in Lalo. Bradley (1979:144) notes similar reflexes in Bisoid languages. While these phonemes are usually reflexes of PNg *ʔm and *ʔn syllables forHlepho, Khlula and Lalo, some original PNg *ʔm and *ʔn syllables have merged with their plain voiced counterparts, and other synchronic glottal+nasal initials are post-Ngwi innovations in all three languages. The innovative glottal+nasal forms in Hlepho and Khlula are likely independent of the innovative Lalo forms, however, since the respective innovations usually appear on different syllables: e.g., PNg#140 *(C)-nokL ‘brain’ > Lalo ʔno²¹, but > Hlepho no³³, Khlula ə⁵⁵nua³¹ ; and PNg#757 *nyay¹ ‘little’ > Hlepho ʔȵɔ³³, Khlula ʔna⁵⁵, but > Lalo nɯ²¹. Interestingly enough, however, all three languages show a number of glottalized nasals as

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Phula phonologies

reflexes of *s-prefixed *nasal initials: e.g., PNg#764B *s-miŋ³ ‘cooked; ripe’ > Lalo ʔmi³³, Hlepho ʔmɛ³³, Khlula ʔm̥ jɛ³³. But reflexes are not consistent: e.g., PNg#600 *s-ŋa² ‘borrow’ > Lalo ʔɑ²¹ Hlepho ʔŋa⁵⁵ Khlula ʔɑ̃⁵⁵ and PNg#288 *s-mo¹ ‘mushroom’ > Lalo m̩ ⁵⁵lɪ ̠²¹hɑ²¹ Hlepho m̩ ³³lɯ³³ Khlula a⁵⁵m̩ ³³ʦʰa³³. Table 5.2. Hlepho Phowa-FZK consonants contrasts FZK p

-pa²¹

Chinese English

FZK

Chinese English

(ࣙ䇽)

‘NCL.ANIMAL’ tʰ

-tʰa⁵⁵

ᰦ

‘TIME’

⅑

‘CLF.times’

d

dɔ³³pʰɛ⁵⁵ Ὥ

‘rafter’

ⁿd

ⁿdɔ³³

‘collapse’

ʦʰ

pʰ

pʰa²¹

b

ba²¹

⍵

ᵐbɛ²¹

䇢

‘shallow’ ‘speak’

ma³³

н

‘NEG’

ᵐb m n

ʦ

i⁵⁵ʦa³³

㓶ᇶợᆀ ‘lice pick’

ʦʰa³³

䘉

‘this’

ʣa⁵⁵

൘

na³³

⯵

‘sick’

ȵ

ȵa⁵⁵

஺

‘shout’

ⁿʣ

ⁿʣa³³

䗷

ŋ

ŋa²¹

ӄ

i⁵⁵ʨɛ³³

ᮉ

‘teach’

ʨ

≤

ʔma³³

‘five’

‘EXT’ ‘cross over’ ‘water’

ʨʰɛ⁵⁵

䟂

‘awake(v)’

ʔn

ʔna³³

䰞

‘ask’

ʥ

ʥɛ²¹

ߧ

‘cold’

ⁿʥɛ²¹

ᘛ

‘fast’

tɬ

tɬa³³

ਈ

‘change’

tɬʰ

tɬʰa³³

㳻

‘egg’

ʔm ʔȵ

ʣ

‫ق‬๼

ʨʰ

ʔȵɛ⁵⁵

⭘

‘use’

ʔŋ

ʔŋa⁵⁵

ُ

‘borrow’

f

fa⁵⁵ma²¹ ㉨㇅

v

-va³³

(ࣙ䇽)

‘NCL.HUMAN’

dɮ

dɮa³³

䗃

‘lose’

s

sa⁵⁵

й

‘three’

ⁿdɮ ɮ

ⁿdɮa²¹

᧧

‘pitch’

z

-za⁵⁵

(ࣙ䇽)

‘DIM’

ɬ

ɬa³³

㼔ᆀ

‘pants’

ɕ

ɕɛ³³

䮯

‘long’

l

la³³ba³³

ᴸ

‘moon’

ʑ

ʑa⁵⁵

ⶑ

‘sleep’

k

ka³³

䛓

‘that’

ɣ

ɣoa⁵⁵

ㄉ

‘stand’

kʰ

kʰa⁵⁵

૨

‘salty’

χ

χa⁵⁵

ᵰ

‘kill’

ɡ

ɡa³³

ク

‘wear’

h

ha³³

ᗇ

‘obtain’

ᵑɡ

ᵑɡa⁵⁵

೬

‘chew’

t

ta³³

а

‘one’

‘winnowing basket’

ⁿʥ



In addition to this already loaded consonant canon, Zokhuo and Labo retain a complex velar-alveolopalatal cluster series that consists of a double

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articulated velar stop + alveolopalatal affricate: /kʨ/, / kʨʰ/, /ɡʥ/, /ᵑɡʥ/ (not noted in Wang 2003a or Wang 2004). The prenasalized phoneme in this set occurs in the Labo data only, but Zokhuo and Labo both feature contrasts with the other three initial clusters. Contrast the Labo pairs in (5.2): (5.2)

Velar stop+alveolopalatal affricate clusters in Labo ʁɔ¹³kʨɛ²¹ ‘vegetable dish’ na³³ʨɛ³³ ‘earring’

kʨʰi³³ ɡʥɛ²¹ ᵑɡʥi¹³

‘dog’

‘overcast’ ‘boil(v)’

ʨʰi³³ ʥɛ²¹ ⁿʥɛ²¹

‘carry from hand’ ‘cold’ ‘drum’

I have only noted this series to occur with front vowels, and even in Labo and Zokhuo the series is rarely encountered. In short, the complex clusters appear to be phasing out. For morphemes with available reconstructed protoforms, the double-articulated clusters usually occur as reflexes of PNg *kr and *kw syllables, but Zokhuo and Labo apparently preserve the clusters in different proto-environments as the (5.3) dataset implies: G (5.3) Phowa double articulations as *kr and *kw reflexes PNg Labo Zokhuo Ani Hlepho Gloss ‘leg’ *kre¹ kʨʰi²¹ ʦʰɿ²¹ ʨʰi²¹ ʦʰɿ²¹ *kwe²

*m-kritH

kʨʰi³³ ⁿdʐɯ²¹

ʦʰɿ⁵⁵ ᵑɡʥi ̠²¹

ʨʰi³³ ʦʰɿ²¹ ⁿʥɯ³³ ʣɯ²¹

‘dog’ ‘mill by grinding’

Thus, this series of clusters appears to be the partial preservation of an intermediate stage before *kr and *kw initials merged completely with coronal affricates. Since Labo and Zokhuo not only preserve this contrast in differing proto-environments but are themselves distantly separated in space and time – occupying distinct genetic nodes within the Phowa clade (see §6.4.3) – we may surmise that this contrast was featured intact at the Proto-Phowa stage. In Hlepho, as in many Phula languages, the phoneme /ʑ/ is defricativized and is usually pronounced in free variation with [j], in some idiolects more than others: e.g., /ʑa¹³/ ‘affirmative’ > [ʑja¹³] ~ [ja¹³], /ɛ³³ʑi¹³ma²¹/ ‘stomach’ > [ɛ³³ʑji¹³ma²¹] ~ [ʔɛ³³ji¹³ma²¹], /a⁵⁵fi⁵⁵ʑa⁵⁵/ ‘left’ > [a⁵⁵fi⁵⁵ja⁵⁵]. In rare, apparently more lexicalized, cases a glottal initial is substituted in the free-variation mix for this phoneme: e.g., /ʑɛ³³n̩¹³/ ‘day’ > [ʑjɛ³³n̩¹³] ~ [jɛ³³n̩¹³] ~ [ʔɛ³³n̩¹³] (cf. Labo Phowa /ɛ²¹n̩¹³/).3

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Phula phonologies

Velar obstruents are in free variation with uvular obstruents in the environment of back rounded vowels [o] and [ɔ]: e.g., ‘pick up’ /kɔ³³/ > [kɔ³³] ~ [qɔ³³], ‘return’ /ɡo³³/ > [ɡo̝³³] ~ [ɢo̝³³]. Uvular realizations are more frequent for aspirated velar stops in this environment, however: e.g., ‘ladle out’ /kʰo³³/ > [qʰo³³] ~ [kʰo³³]. Voiced velar fricatives become labialized in the environment of back rounded vowels; e.g., ‘raise (animals)’ /ɣo²¹/ > [ɣʷo²¹], ‘ant /bo⁵⁵ɣo³³/ > [bo⁵⁵ɣʷo³³]. This process cannot be generalized to include the [+back] voiceless fricative counterpart, however, which is usually realized as a uvular fricative featuring allophonic free variation according to the rules listed in (5.4). It should be noted, however, that voiceless velar fricative phoneme /x/ does not co-occur with /i/, /ɿ/ or /ɛ/ vowels in the current database. (5.4)

Hlepho voiceless velar fricative allophonic free variation /x/ > [χ] ~ [k] /__/ɯ/: e.g.,

‘snake’ /sə³³la²¹χɯ⁵⁵/ > [sə³³la²¹χɯ⁵⁵] ~ [sə³³la²¹kɯ⁵⁵] > [χ] ~ [x]/__/ə/: e.g., ‘village’/ʨʰɛ²¹χə³³/ > [ʨʰɛ²¹χə³³] ~ [ʨʰɛ²¹xə³³] > [χ]/__ elsewhere: e.g., ‘kill’ /χa⁵⁵/ > [χa⁵⁵]

Even though the unmarked articulation of Hlepho /x/ is uvular [χ], the phoneme is represented with the velar symbol in order to better fit with the overall system. The Hlepho /h/ phoneme corresponds with /ʁ/ in most other Phowa clade languages and should not be confused with the /x/ phoneme. In Hlepho, the phoneme is usually voiceless, pre-velarized or voiced-breathy with a variety of phonetic realizations including [h], [◌̤], [h◌̤], [ʁ̤◌̤], [ˠh], [hˠ] and [ʔ◌̠̤] (in which [◌] represents a given syllable nucleus) dependent on complex interaction between vowel height and tone: e.g., ‘earth’ /ha²¹/ > [ha̠²̤ ¹], ‘mosquito’ /hə²¹sə³³/ > [ʁ̤ə²̤ ¹sə³³], ‘house’ /hɛ²¹/ > [hɛ̤²¹] ~ [ʔɛ²¹], ‘obtain’ /ha³³/ > [ˠha³³], ‘strength’ /ɛ³³ha²¹/ > [ɛ³³ha²¹] ~ [ɛ³³a̤²¹], ‘sambar deer’ /ha⁵⁵/ > [hˠa⁵⁵], ‘reside’ /hɛ⁵⁵/ > [hɛ⁵⁵]. The lateral-cluster phoneme series listed in Table 5.1 above (see further discussion in §7.3.1) can be found in all languages of the Phowa clade with the exception of Zokhuo. Corresponding velar initials in Zokhuo point to the prior presence of a lateral cluster series, however, as will be discussed below. Phukha retains the lateral cluster series but has apparently lost the prenasalized contrast, and most Labo dialects have merged /tɬʰ/ > /ɬ/: e.g., ‘hair’

Hlepho-FZK and the Phowa Clade

233

i⁵⁵tɬʰa⁵⁵ (Hlepho-FZK) > i³³ɬa¹³ (Labo-JJC), ɪ³³ɬa³³ (Labo-HLT), e³³ɬa¹³ (Labo-WDP). Table 5.3 summarizes the status of the lateral affricate series in the Phowa clade. Table 5.3. Status of the lateral affricate series in the Phowa clade /tɬ/ Ani Labo Hlepho Phukha Khlula 4 Zokhuo

/tɬʰ/

/dɮ/







/ⁿdɮ/ 

3 3 3 3 3 2

3 2 3 3 3 2

3 3 3 3 3 2

3 3 3 2 3 2

Strong evidence indicates that Zokhuo once featured a lateral-cluster series as well. The proposed path of development assumes an intermediate stage of alveolar ~ velar initial variation: e.g., *bl > dɮ/ɡɮ > ɡɮ > ɡ rather than *bl > dɮ > ɡ. Consider the Table 5.4 dataset: Table 5.4. Evidence for velar reflexes of Phula lateral clusters in Zokhuo PNg

Ani

Labo

Hlepho

Phukha

Khlula

Zokhuo Gloss

*ʔ-glaŋ² [5]

tɬe⁵⁵

tɬe⁵⁵

tɬɛ³³

tja³³

kɬa³³

ka⁵⁵

‘eagle’

*plu¹

tɬʰo²¹

ɬo²¹

tɬʰo²¹

ʦʰɯ³¹

kɬʰu²¹

kʰɯ²¹

‘silver’

*b-yam¹

dɮo³³

dɮo³³

dɮɔ²¹

dɮu³¹

ɡɮo²¹

ɡɯ²¹

‘fly(v)’

*m-ba¹

ⁿdɮa¹³

ⁿdɮa¹³

ⁿdɮa²¹

ND

ᵑɡɮa²¹

ᵑɡʌ²¹

‘throw’

As is discussed more fully in §7.3.1, lateral clusters are not unique to the Phula languages, but Proto-Phula apparently extended the lateral cluster innovation to incorporate more proto-environments. Plain velar-initial reflexes for these four protoforms are not known to be attested in Ngwi outside of Zokhuo. The most efficient explanation for their development is an intermediate lateral-cluster variation between alveolars and velars such that /alveolar+lateral/ > /alveolar~velar+lateral/ > /velar+lateral/ > /velar/. Khlula is the closest language to Zokhuo, genetically speaking, as will be demonstrated in §6.4. The Khlula innovation of velar-laterals from alveolarlaterals likely constitutes a preservation of the intermediate environment that conditioned the Zokhuo innovation. A number of Highland Phula languages

234

Phula phonologies

feature allophonic variation between [alveolar+lateral clusters] and [velar+lateral clusters]. The dominant realization is usually alveolar or dental, but some Muji-clade languages also show a preference for velar+lateral clusters as is discussed further in §5.3.2. In a few marginal cases, a language such as Hlepho with an otherwise alveolar+lateral cluster preference will demonstrate a velar+lateral cluster preference on certain morphemes; in rare cases these segments have even been noted in free variation with plain velars: e.g., Hlepho-FZK ‘shoot (fireworks)’ /tɬʰɛ³³/ > [kɬʰɛ³³] ~ [kʰɛ³³]. Back vowels preceded by lateral clusters in Hlepho-FZK favor velar-initial realizations: e.g., /dɮu²¹/ > [ɡɮu²¹] ‘kick’. Such synchronic variation provides further background for understanding the probable fate of Zokhuo lateral-clusters, as suggested in Table 5.4 above. The Proto-Ngwi prenasalized series is preserved in various states of dissolution throughout the Phowa clade – usually as a reflex of the original Proto-Ngwi innovation. The full set, apparently intact at the Proto-Phowa stage, would have included /ᵐb/, /ⁿd/, /ⁿʣ/, /ⁿʥ/, /ⁿdɮ/ and /ᵑɡ/ contrasts. Note the reflexes in the Table 5.5 dataset: Table 5.5. Reflexes of Proto-Ngwi prenasalized stops in the Phowa clade PNg

Ani

Labo

Hlepho

Zokhuo Khlula Gloss

*m-kritH

ⁿdʐɯ³³

ⁿdʐɯ²¹

ʣɯ²¹

ᵑɡʥi ̠²¹

ⁿʣɿ¹³

‘mill by grinding’

*m-ga²

ᵑɡa¹³

ᵑɡɑ¹³

ᵑɡa⁵⁵-

ᵑɡʌ³⁵

ɡɑ²¹-

‘buckwheat’

*m-daŋ¹

ⁿdʌ¹³

ⁿdʌ¹³

ⁿdə²¹

də²¹

dɑ³¹

‘drink’

*m-cikH

ⁿʣɿ³³

ⁿʣɿ²¹

ʣɿ²¹

ʣi³³

ʣɿ¹³

‘chop (down)’

*m-bliŋ³

ⁿdɮɛ²¹

dɮɛ²¹

dɮɛ³³

ɡʥi³³

ⁿdɮɛ³³ ‘full’

Ani appears to be the most conservative with the prenasalized contrast in citation utterances but usually loses prenasalization intervocalically, as I have noted in Pelkey (2004, 2005). Further research has determined that Ani prenasalization is not simply in free variation with plain voicing in citation utterances, however, as these sources previously claimed. Intervocalic plain voicing of prenasalized segments generally occurs in other Phowa clade languages as well; though, Hlepho frequently retains the contrast even in lexicalized intervocalic environments: e.g., ‘pillow’ i⁵⁵ᵑɡɔ⁵⁵ < PNg#380 *m-gum², ‘fern’ a³³ⁿda²¹ < PNg#300-1 *m-da¹.

Hlepho-FZK and the Phowa Clade

235

Some dialects of Hlepho such as MZC and WBZ aspirate the prenasalized contrast: e.g., MZC ‘pull’ ᵑkʰɔ¹³ < PNg#728 *m-gaŋ¹, ‘dig’ ⁿtʰə¹³ < PNg#619 *m-du¹. The Luquan variety of Nasu, a Northern Ngwi language, also features this innovation independent of Hlepho. 5.2.3.

Vowel Finals

Hlepho-FZK features eight monophthong finals and a marginal collection of diphthong contrasts. The vowel system is illustrated in Figure 5.1 and monophthong finals are contrasted in Table 5.6.

ɿ

i ɛ

ə a

ɯ

ɿ

i

o

ə

ɔ

a

ɯ o ɔ

Figure 5.1. The Hlepho Phowa-FZK vowel system Table 5.6. Hlepho Phowa-FZK monophthong final contrasts FZK Phonemic

Phonetic

Chinese

English

i

-pi⁵⁵

[pi⁵⁵]

ଷ

‘lips’

ɛ

pɛ²¹

[pɛ²¹]

⻇

‘CLF.bowlful’

a

pa³³

[pa³³]

ᦒ

‘exchange’

ɿ

pɿ¹³

[pz̩¹³]

㔉

‘give’

ə

pə³³

[pɘ³³]

㛼

‘carry (on back)’

ɯ

pɯ⁵⁵

[pβ͡ɯ⁵⁵]

᧘

‘push’

o

po²¹

[po²¹]

‫؟‬গ

‘prostrate(v)’

ɔ

pɔ³³

[pɔ³³]

ึ

‘pile up’

Though not necessarily the case throughout the Phowa clade, the Hlepho-FZK high vowel phonemes /i/ and /ɿ/ are close to being in full

236

Phula phonologies

complementary distribution. The two phonemes contrast after voiced labiodental fricatives (e.g., vi²¹ ‘buy’, a³³vɿ²¹ ‘coyote’6) and after three manners of the bilabial stop series, /p/, /pʰ/ and /ᵐb/: e.g., i⁵⁵pi³³‘belly’, pɿ¹³ ‘give’; pʰɿ³³ ‘hull(v)’, pʰi²¹ ‘roll up sleeves’; ᵐbɿ¹³ ‘flowery’, no²¹ᵐbi²¹ ‘gun’). The phones are in complementary distribution elsewhere with /i/ being realized after alveolar stops, alveolopalatals, nasals and unaspirated laterals and /ɿ/ being realized after alveolar affricates, alveolar fricatives, and aspirated laterals. Neither phone has been noted to occur after a velar or uvular initial. When preceded by a /pʰ/ initial, there is a fricated palatal on-glide between /pʰ/ and /i/: e.g., ‘roll up sleeves’ /pʰi²¹/ > [pʰɕ͡ji²¹]. By contrast, the /ɿ/ final in this environment starts voiceless [s͡z]̩ : e.g., ‘spit’ /pʰɿ³³/ > [pʰs͡z]̩ . In most other environments, the /ɿ/ final might be described as a voiced alveolar syllabic fricative, e.g., ‘give’ /pɿ¹³/ > [pz̩¹³], since friction and closure are virtually the same as [z]. When the vowel follows a voiced alveolar fricative, e.g., ‘urine’ /zɿ²¹/ the effective phonetic shape is a lengthened syllabic fricative [z̩ː]. This should not be confused with a zero initial syllable, e.g., ‘look at’ /ɿ⁵⁵/ since the phonetic shape of the latter includes a glottal initial, i.e., [ʔɿ⁵⁵] ~ [ʔz̩⁵⁵]. In lateral fricative environments, the /ɿ/ phoneme takes the phonetic shape of a syllabic voiced lateral fricative [ɮ̩]: e.g., ‘excrement’ /tɬʰɿ⁵⁵/ > [tʰl͡ɮ̩⁵⁵]. The close-mid central phoneme /ə/ usually takes the phonetic shape /ə̝/ or /ɘ/ and tends to be pronounced even higher after velar initials, e.g., ‘arrive at’ /kə²¹/ > [kɨ ̞²¹]. In some languages of the Phowa clade, [ɘ] and [ɿ] are allophones of the same phoneme, but the two are in clear contrastive distribution in Hlepho, even in the environment of alveolar fricatives: e.g., /sə³³/ ‘study’ /sɿ³³/ ‘new’. The back unrounded phoneme /ɯ/ is usually pronounced using substantial lip compression with [ɯ͡v], [ɯ͡β͡v] and [β̩] realizations. However, the vowel shifts to [ɨ], with no lip compression, when not preceded by an onset: e.g., ‘lay (an egg)’ /ɯ³³/ > [ʔɨ³³]. The phoneme may also take the shape of a syllabic voiced labiodental fricative when preceded by one: e.g., /ɛ³³vɯ²¹/ > [ɛ³³v̩²¹] ‘stem; stalk’. Interestingly, the syllable [ʔɨ͡v³̩ ³] < PNg#670 *ŋo¹ ‘cry’ fits none of these descriptions, and leaves open the possibility of a further initial phoneme, syllabic /ʔv̩/, as may be noted in the contrasts listed in (5.5). Thus, /ʔv̩/, though very marginal to the system, may be interpreted as a distinct phoneme, as I earlier described for Ani Phowa in Pelkey (2004, 2005). The close-mid back rounded vowel /o/ usually takes phonetic shapes [o̝] or [u̞] and may be considered the plain rounded counterpart of /ɯ/.

Hlepho-FZK and the Phowa Clade

(5.5)

237

A marginal glottalized labio-velar cluster in Hlepho /ɯ³³/ > [ʔɨ ̙³³] ‘invite’ /ʔv̩³³/

/vɯ²¹/

>

>

[ʔɨ͡v³̩ ³]

[vβ͡ɯ²¹] ~ [v̩²¹]

‘cry’

‘bone’

Two monophthong phonemes, /ɯ/ and /ɔ/, become diphthongs in the environments listed in Figure 5.1. Note the complementary distribution of these phones in (5.6). (5.6)

Complementary distribution of Hlepho diphthongs /ɯ/ > [ɿɯ]/ [+coronal, +strident] __ , [ɯ]/ elsewhere __ ‘blood’ ‘kidney’ [sɿɯ⁵⁵] [ʔɯ⁵⁵] [ʣɿɯ²¹] [ʦɿɯ³³]

[ʦʰɿɯ²¹]

‘sweep’ ‘sew’ ‘sweet’

/ɔ/ > [aɔ]/ [- back] __ , ‘savor’ [maɔ³³]

[ⁿdɯ³³] [pɯ⁵⁵]

[kʰɯ⁵⁵]

‘hope’ ‘push’ ‘steal’

[ɔ]/ elsewhere __

[ʔŋɔ³³]

‘bend(v)’

[taɔ³³]

‘fold(v)’

[kɔ³³]

‘pick up’

[ⁿʣaɔ⁵⁵]

‘stab’

[i⁵⁵ᵑɡɔ⁵⁵]

‘pillow’

[saɔ⁵⁵]

‘count’

[sa³³hɔ²¹]

‘peach’

In terms of frequency, phonemic diphthongs are rare in most Phowaclade varieties, and Hlepho is no exception, with native diphthong finals7 being realized on only 1% of the syllables in the database (24/2,274). Of this number, nine are occurrences of /oa/ (e.g., ɣoa⁵⁵ ‘be standing’, a²¹vɿ⁵⁵tɬʰoa¹³ ‘Job’s tears’; contrast with ɣo²¹‘intestines’,tɬʰo²¹ ‘silver’), nine are occurrences of /ia/ (e.g., hə⁵⁵lia⁵⁵ ‘weasel’, ɬia⁵⁵ ‘grandchild’; contrast with ɬa⁵⁵ ‘marry a wife’, pa²¹li⁵⁵ ‘sickle’) and three are occurrences of /əa/ (e.g., ŋəa¹³ ‘lean against’; contrast with ŋa²¹ ‘five’, nə⁵⁵n̩²¹ ‘thing’). An even more rare smattering of other possibilities emerge as well, such as /iɔ/ in lɛ³³ka⁵⁵piɔ⁵⁵ ‘pinkie’.

238

5.2.4.

Phula phonologies

Tone

All six known languages in the Phowa clade feature a four tone system. For four of the six languages – Ani, Labo, Hlepho and Khlula – the system consists of contrastive high-level, mid-level, low-rising, and low-falling pitches. Zokhuo and Phukha follow this general pattern but lack a low-rising toneme. Instead, Zokhuo features a mid-high rising contour tone and Phukha features a high-mid falling contour tone (Fried 2000, Edmondson 2003). A detailed historical comparative discussion of diachronic correspondences between these tonemes is provided in §6.4. The Hlepho tone system is fairly representative of the clade overall. From the lexical database of syllables discussed in the introduction to this section, 27% (623) are high-level /55/ tones, 39% (889) are mid-level /33/ tones, 30% (689) are low-falling /21/ tones, and only 3% (74) are low-rising /13/ tones. These four tones are contrasted in Figures 5.2 and 5.3. Both pitch plot sets feature a female speaker’s citation utterances, with transcription checked against framed utterances. The phonetic pitch transcriptions are based on relative correspondences between F0 semitones on the left of the diagram and regular Chao number correspondences on the right of the diagram. Note the variation in relative pitch height between the two initial environments illustrated in the two figures. One contributing factor to the description of extra tonemes in previously published phonological sketch of various Phowa clade varieties may be the substantial pitch variation in different environments for the same toneme. In YNYF (1984) and Wang (2003b), for example, Zokhuo syllables are transcribed with an extra /44/ toneme in contrast with /55/; in Wang (2004) Labo Phowa-WDP syllables are transcribed with numerous /22/ tonemes; and in Pelkey (2004, 2005), Ani Phowa-DHN is also transcribed with a fifth /22/ toneme. In all three cases, however, the pitch differences are more likely conditioned by sandhi and/or initial environment. Further validation of the 4-tone (vs. 5-tone) system account is provided in the historical comparative account of tone system developments for Phowa clade languages in §6.4. The Hlepho /13/ tone is sometimes lowered to [22] following a /33/ tone: e.g., ‘rain’ ma³³ha¹³ > [ma³³ha̤²²]. Another combination that usually yields a /22/ toneme is /21+21/ > [22-21]: e.g., ‘leg’ /ʦʰɿ²¹vɯ²¹/ > [ʦʰɿ²²vɯ²¹], /za²¹mi²¹/ > [za²²mi²¹] ‘daughter’. This sandhi process does not appear to apply to compounds featuring two stop initials in succession, however, as is illustrated below. Another process affecting /13/ tones is /13+13/ > [13-21]: e.g., ‘remember’ /ʣɿ¹³ta¹³/ > [ʣɿ¹³ta²¹], /jɛ¹³jɛ¹³/ > [jɛ¹³jɛ²¹] ‘slowly’.

Hlepho-FZK and the Phowa Clade

f 0 semitones

55 [ȵi⁵⁵] ‘water buffalo’ ≤⢋

33 [ʔʔȵii³³] ‘frost 䵌

13 [ȵi²³] ‘sing’ ୡ

239

21 [ȵi³¹] ‘cow’ ⢋

64 62 60 58 56 54 52 50

5 4 3 2 1 t(sec) 0.20

0.40

0.60

0.20

0.40 0.60

0.20 0.40 0.60

0.20

0.40

0.60

Figure 5.2. Hlepho-FZK pitch plots and tonemes: nasal initial environment

f 0 semitones

55 [to⁴⁴] ‘there’ 䛓(䗩)

33 [to³²] ‘light(v)’ ⛩

13 [do¹³] ‘exit’ ࠪ

21 [to²²¹] ‘meaty’ 㜆; 㛕

64 62 60 58 56 54 52 50

5 4 3 2 1 t(sec) 0.20

0.40

0.20

0.40

0.20

0.40

0.20

0.40

Figure 5.3. Hlepho-FZK pitch plots and tonemes: stop initial environment

The Hlepho /55/ tone often becomes low rising [25] on voiced fricative initial syllables following a /21/ tone : e.g., ‘bird’ /he²¹za⁵⁵/ > [he³¹za²⁵], ‘job’s tears’ /a²¹vɿ⁵⁵tɬʰoa¹³/ > [a²¹vɿ²⁵tɬʰoa¹³]. And two /55/ tones in succession often results in the first member of the pair being lowered slightly: /pʰɛ⁵⁵ɬi⁵⁵/ > [pʰɛ⁴⁴ɬi⁵⁵] ‘day before the day before yesterday’. The Hlepho /21/ tone is often pronounced [31], or even [41], in monomorphemic citation utterances (e.g., /vi²¹/ ‘buy’ [vi⁴¹] ~ [vi³¹]), but usually [21] in framed utterances and lexical environments. The toneme may also be realized as [32] preceding a high-level /55/ tone on a stop-initial syllable (e.g., ‘back’ /kʰə²¹di⁵⁵/ > [kʰə³²di⁵⁵], ‘door’ /ᵑɡa²¹ʦʰɿ⁵⁵/ > [ᵑɡa³¹ʦʰɿ⁵⁵]). In a

240

Phula phonologies

few cases, apparently conditioned by two stop initials in succession, /21+21/ > [31-21]: e.g., ‘roll up’ /ko²¹ʨʰi²¹/ > [ko³¹ʨʰi²¹]. Verb final particles in Hlepho are frequently conditioned by sandhi processes. The most common sandhi process at this level involves the perfective/stative particle /a²¹/ and often results in tonemic fusion. The completive marker /χa⁵⁵/ followed by a perfective/stative yields what sounds like a high falling tone but is, in fact, a fusion of tonemes and vowels: e.g.,G ‘s/he lost (it)’ /ɛ⁵⁵ȵo³³χa⁵⁵a²¹/ > [ɛ⁵⁵ȵo³³χaː⁵¹], /ɛ⁵⁵kɯ⁵⁵χa⁵⁵a²¹/ [ɛ⁵⁵kɯ⁵⁵χaː⁵¹] ‘s/he knelt’. Similar processes of sandhi and/or fusion involve the perfective marker interacting with other morphemes: e.g., ‘(it just) thundered’ /m̩ ²¹kɯ²¹kɯ²¹la⁵⁵a²¹/ > [m̩ ³¹kɯ²¹kɯ²¹laː⁵¹], ‘(s/he) grabbed it’ /ɡə³³ʣɿ⁵⁵ mi⁵⁵a²¹/ > [ɡə³³ʣi⁵⁵mɪ͡ja͡ ⁵³], ‘become’ /tɬʰɛ³³li⁵⁵a²¹/ > [tɬʰɛ³³- lɪ͡ja͡ ⁵³], ‘very dry’ /zə⁵⁵ʦʰə²¹a²¹/ > [zə⁵⁵ʦʰə³¹a¹³], (it’s) started raining /ma³³ha¹³ lɛ²¹a²¹/ > [maː³¹³lɛa³¹⁴], ‘(it’s) rotten’ /ʦʰɯ³³sɿ²¹a²¹/ > [ʦʰɯ³³sɿ²¹a⁵⁵]. 5.2.5.

Phonation

Although Hlepho has lost tense voice phonation as a contrastive feature, tonemes /21/ and /13/ are often tense by default. Some other Phowa clade languages retain contrastive tense voice phonation on Proto-Ngwi checked tone syllables. Of the six, Zokhuo is the most conservative with the distinction followed by Ani and Labo, but none preserve the distinction intact on all *checked-tone class syllables. Overall, *ak rhyme syllables tend to preserve tense voice phonation more than other rhyme classes in the Phowa clade. As described in Pelkey (2004) for Ani Phowa-DHN /ʁ/-initials, Hlepho /h/-initial syllables often result in a non-phonemic tense voice quality over the entire syllable. Sometimes this voice quality spreads to neighboring syllables as well: e.g., ‘bear’ /hɔ²¹bɔ²¹/ > [hɔ̠²̈ ¹bɔ̠²¹]. 5.3. Muji-PJZ and the Muji Clade The Muji clade is the largest of the four Phula meso-clades in terms of known synchronic languages, and choosing a dialect to represent Muji phonology is somewhat problematic. Muji-XPC, for instance, is the most centrally located dialect geographically, but the least conservative phonologically. Muji-QLC is (perhaps) the most conservative phonologically, but is far flung geographically and is in many ways not representative of the sound systems of most other present day Muji varieties. As such, the PJZ dialect of Southern Muji emerges as a compromise – a variety that is

Muji-PJZ and the Muji Clade

241

fairly centrally located and moderately conservative. Nevertheless, in what follows, some notes will also be made regarding important phonological distinctions present in other Muji varieties. Earlier versions of this sketch were presented in Pelkey (2006 and 2007b). 5.3.1.

Syllable

The Muji-PJZ syllable template is {(C)(V)VT} in which V may also be filled by a syllabic nasal or a non-phonemic bilabial fricative and (V) represents various vowel or glide segments, the most common being [j]. In several Muji varieties the consonant template should be modified to {(C)(V)V(N)T} in which (N) represents contrastive vowel nasalization or an optional nasal final. The seeds of this change are in fact sown in PJZ phonetic processes, but they do not modify the phonemic template itself. A non-phonemic glottal stop is always inserted in the absence of any other initial C and is obligatory intervocalically as well. 5.3.2.

Consonant Initials

PJZ features 34 initial consonants at seven places of articulation, as summarized in Table 5.7, in which dotted boxes represent the absence of an initial that would be expected to occur but is not found in the current database. These segments are contrasted in Table 5.8. Table 5.7. The Muji-PJZ consonant system p

t

ʦ

ʨ

pʰ

tʰ

ʦʰ

ʨʰ

tɬ

b

d

ʣ

ʥ

m

n

ȵ

f

s

ɕ

ɬ

v

z

ʑ

l

dɮ

k

q

kʰ

qʰ

ɡ ŋ χ ɣ

ʁ

Some Muji varieties retain a retroflex initial series in addition to the alveolopalatal series. The back voiceless fricative /χ/ has [x] as an allophone

242

Phula phonologies

in the environment of high vowels. Some varieties also feature contrastive glottal-cluster stops and fricatives. As discussed above in §5.2.2 (see also §7.3.2) the lateral cluster series is a typological feature of Phula varieties in general, so the development and status of Muji lateral clusters are of particular interest. The series is fading out in PJZ and some idiolects do not pronounce the distinction at all, merging it instead with the plain-stop (or palatalized plain-stop) dental/alveolar series: e.g., ‘stomp on’ IDL1, du³³ ~ IDL2, dɮu³³ . Table 5.8. Muji-PJZ consonants in contrastive environments

p

PJZ

Chinese

English Gloss

pa²¹



MALE SFX CLF.father

PJZ

Chinese

English Gloss

ʦʰ

ʦʰa²¹

㥦

‘tea’

ʣ

ʣa¹³

ਲ਼

‘eat’

ʨ

ʨa²¹pə⁵⁵

л䶒

‘LOC.below’

pʰ

pʰa²¹

⡦ᆀ

b

ba¹³

㮴

m

ma²¹



FEMALE SFX

ʨʰ

ʨʰa¹³ɕa²¹

␩↫

‘drown’

n

na³³

ੜ

‘listen’

ʥ

ŋɯ²¹ʥa²¹

䱣‫ݹ‬

‘sunshine’

ȵ

ȵa¹³

ྭ

‘good’

ɬ

ɬa³³bjɛ³³

㠼ཤ

‘tongue’

ŋ

ŋa⁴²

⭘

l

la⁵⁵ɕi²¹

⒯

‘wet’

f

fa³³ma²¹

㉨㇅

tɬ

tɬa²¹

ᧂ

‘drain(v)’

v

va¹³

䴚

‘use’ ‘winnowing basket’ ‘snow’

dɮ

dɮa³³

ђ

‘throw’

s

sa³³jɛ⁵⁵

᥁䘹

‘choose’

k

ka³³

ᥐ

‘scratch(v)’

ྣӪ

‘female’

kʰ

kʰa³³

僇

‘cheat’

z

za²¹ mi²¹

+ son(s) ‘thick.2D’

ɕ

ɕa²¹la¹³

ᖸ

‘very’

ɡ

ɡa¹³

㦎哖

‘buckwheat’

ʑ

ʑja⁵⁵

⿫ᔰ

‘leave’

ɣ

ɣa³³

ᑞ

‘help’

t

ta¹³

⍱

‘flow’

‘eggplant’

ᰦ

TIME

qʰ

qa⁵⁵ʦɯ²¹

㤴ᆀ

tʰa⁵⁵

q

qʰa³³

⺜

‘hard’

da²¹ɬa²¹

‫ބ‬ᆀ

‘rabbit’

χ

χa⁵⁵

㚹

‘meat’

ல

‘feed’

࣋≄

‘strength’

tʰ d

ʦ

ʦa⁵⁵

ʁ

ʁa¹³ɡʷa¹³

Based on tentative reconstruction among the most conservative Muji and Phowa varieties, these hypothesized PPM *initials are listed in Table 4 followed by the gradient state of their current preservation among the modern Muji varieties surveyed to date. These varieties are listed in ascending order

Muji-PJZ and the Muji Clade

243

in Table 5.9 from least conservative to most conservative with dominant allophones listed first in a given set: Table 5.9. Preliminary overview of phone reflexes for Muji lateral-cluster series /tɬ/

/tɬʰ/

/dɮ/

/ndɮ/

Muji-XPC

ȶ~t

ɬ

ȡ~d

d, ɬ

Phuma-YZT

ȶ~tɬ

ɬ

ȡ~dɮ

d, ɬ

Muji-PJZ

tɬ~ȶ~t

ɬ

ȡ~d~dɮ

dɮ, tɬ, ɬ

Muzi-MLT

tɬ~ȶ

ɬ

dɮ~ȡ

dɮ~ɡɮ

Muzi-SZT

tɬ~kɬ

dɮ~ɡɮ

dɮ, ɬ

Bokha-YBZ

tɬ~kɬ

ɬ

Bokho-DXB

ɬ, tɬ~kɬ

dɮ~ɡɮ

dɮ~ɡɮ, ɬ

tɬ~kɬ kɬ~tɬ

ɬ, tɬ~kɬ

dɮ~ɡɮ

dɮ~ɡɮ, ɬ

Muji-QLC Laghuu

kɬ

kɬʰ

ɡɮ

(ᵑɡɮ?)

kɬʰ

ɡɮ~dɮ

ɡɮ, kɬʰ

The frequent occurrence of [ȡ] and [ȶ] as allophonic reflexes of these phonemes among Muji varieties suggests that lateral clusters have conditioned an environment of increased palatalization on the syllable. Muji-Qila is the only Muji variety known to merge the voiceless lateral cluster phoneme /ɬ/ to /kɬʰ/ via a process of affrication: e.g., Muji-PJZ /ɬi⁵⁵/ > Muji-QLC /kɬʰi⁵⁵/ ‘four’; Muji-PJZ /ɬɑ²¹pa²¹/ > Muji-QLC /kɬʰɑ³³bə³³-mɑ²¹/ ‘moon’. Residual evidence of prenasalized segments is preserved in Phuma and, to a lesser extent, in some dialects of Northern and Southern Muji: e.g., PNg#631 *m-daŋ¹ ‘drink’ > ⁿdɛ³³ (Muji-XPC), ⁿdə³³ (Phuma-YZT), but PNg#631 *m-du² ‘dig’ > dɛ¹³ (Muji-XPC), ⁿdə¹³ (Phuma-YZT). Prenasalization has almost completely merged with plain voicing in Northern and Southern Muji. A few residual allophonic counterexamples remain in PJZ, such as reflexes of PNg#619 *m-du² ‘dig’ > ⁿdə¹³ ~ də¹³ and PNg#697 ‘hit’ *m-di² > dji¹³ ~ ⁿdji¹³, but prenasalized variation disappears intervocalically, as in /χo³³dji¹³/ > [χo³³dji¹³]. 5.3.3.

Vowel Finals

The Muji vowel space is heavily loaded with a fine gradience of front, close and central allophones as is illustrated in Figure 2. This is especially true of the cardinal vowels [e] and [ɨ] which are split between three phonemes each.

244

Phula phonologies

Nine vowel phonemes are currently proposed, as summarized in Figure 5.4 and contrasted in Table 5.10: i

ɿɿ

ɪ ɛ

ə a

ɯ

u o

i

ɪ ɛ

ɿ ə

ɯ

u o

a

Figure 5.4. Allophonic gradience and the PJZ vowel system

Some Muji varieties may feature a contrast between /a/ and /ɑ/, but PJZ does not. Diphthong/glide pairs include the following phonemic combinations: /ji/, /jɪ/, /jɛ/, /ja/, /jo/, /ʴɯ/, /ao/, and /oa/. Note these segments in contrastive environments in Table 5.10. Non-phonemic diphthong pairs occur as well, usually involving labialization of the back rounded /o/ vowel following velar initials as in /ko²¹/ > [kʷo²¹] ‘skin’ /ɡo²¹/ > [ɡʷo²¹] ‘return’ and /ŋo³³/ > [ŋʷo³³] ‘bark’. The voiceless uvular fricative /χ/ participates in this change as well, further suggesting its shifting status to a velar along with the rest of the uvular series, which is already in free variation with the velar series in some idiolects. Mid-back rounded vowel /o/ is also pronounced with a labio-velar approximate in the absence of any other onset: e.g., /la²¹o²¹/ > [la²²wo²¹] ‘hail’ and /ɛ²¹o²¹pi⁵⁵/ > [ɛ²²wo²¹pi⁵⁵@‘intestines’. The rhoticized /ʴɯ/ phoneme is a reflex of an earlier retroflex initial distinction and occurs more frequently in other Muji varieties. In PJZ, the segment is usually realized with the phonetic shape [ɨɯ]. The labialized diphthong segment [oa] usually occurs with velar and uvular consonants, exceptions do occur as in the last segment of ‘dragonfly,’ [a⁵⁵ʨʰi²¹ʨʰi³³nʷa²¹]. The /ao/ diphthong usually only occurs on Chinese loans, though the example above provides at least one exception. Although velarized and rhoticized vowels are also infrequent in Muji, typologically speaking, the palatalized vowel series constitute one of the most distinctive features of Muji phonology in general and often affects the preceding consonant. The verb ‘vomit’, for instance, has the phonetic shape [pʰɕji²¹], but is phonemically interpreted /pʰji²¹/.

Muji-PJZ and the Muji Clade

245

Table 5.10. Muji-PJZ vowels in contrastive environments Segment

Environment 1

/i/ [i e̝ ɪ ̝]

ȵi⁵¹

‘move back’

Environment 2

Environment 3

i²¹ɕi³³

‘melon’

ʨi³³

/ɛ/ [ɛ e̞ ə̘ æ̝ ] ȵɛ²¹

‘sticky’

ɕɛ³³

‘louse’

ʨɛ⁵⁵

/a/ [a æ̞ ɑ]

ȵa¹³

‘itchy’

sa⁵⁵

‘poor’

ʨa³³

/ɪ/ [ɪ i ̙ e̙]

ȵɪ²¹tʰa⁵⁵

ɕɪ³³

‘firewood’ ʨɪ³³

‘DADA tomorrow’ -

sɿ²¹tʰa²¹

/ə/ [ə̝ ɘ ɨ ̞]

nə²¹

‘2Sg’

sə⁵⁵

/ɯ/ [ɯ ɨ ̙]

nɯ²¹

‘dip (out)’ sɯ³³

/u/ [u u̞]

nu²¹

‘powder’

su⁵⁵

/o/ [o o̝ ɔ]

no²¹

‘stinky’

so⁵⁵

ments

-

Diphthong Seg-

/ɿ/ [ɿ ɨ]

‘TIME (of day)’

‘snap in two’ ‘shout’ ‘like; enjoy’ ‘pull up grass’

m̩ ¹³ȵɛ²¹ʦʰɿ³³ ‘cloud’

‘hoof’

n̩²¹ʦʰə³³

‘twenty’

‘winnow’

jɛ²¹ʦʰɯ⁵⁵

‘seed’

ʦʰu³³

‘write’

‘pinch & twist’ ‘three’

ʦʰo²¹

‘tilt hammer’

/ji/

ji⁵⁵sa³³

‘beautiful’ /oa/

pa⁵⁵koa²¹ ‘turtle’

/jɪ/

jɪ³³

‘look’

/ʴɯ /

ʣʴɯ³³

/jɛ/

jɛ²¹

‘3S’

/ao/

ʨʰao²¹pə³³ ‘calf (of leg)’

/ja/

ja³³

‘this’

/jo/

ljo²¹pə⁵⁵ ‘arm’

‘prick’

Vowel nasalization is non-contrastive in PJZ, but occurs in some interesting environments indicative of more substantial changes elsewhere in the syllable templates of other Muji varieties as is discussed further in §6.3.2.1. Vowels preceding stops in compounds often become nasalized or tense voice, e.g., [ʔɑ̃³³ko²²] ‘older brother’ [bɑ̠³³tɛ⁵⁵] ‘skinny,’ and [ʔɑ̠³³tʰβ͡ɯ²¹] ‘bucket’. 5.3.4.

Tone

Muji-PJZ features five pitch contrasts: 55, 33, 13, 21 and 52. These tonemes are illustrated in Figures 5.5 and 5.6 below with nasal and stop initial

246

Phula phonologies

contrasts respectively. Transcriptions are intended to indicate allotonic pitch values relative to the F0 increments to the left of the pitch plots. Of these four tonemes, 52 is the most marginal. Muji varieties often feature this pitch as an allotone of the low-falling toneme 21, the high-level toneme 55, and/or the low-rising toneme 13 – via sandhi induced phenomena such as /21+13/ > [52-13]: e.g., /da²¹pə¹³/ > [da⁵²pə¹³] ‘belly’. Other /13/ sandhi rules appear to include /21+55/ > [52-55] and /55+21+52/ > [52-21 -52]. 55 [ȵ ȵi⁴⁵ɡɯ²¹] ‘sweet potato’ ⭈㯟

33 [ȵ ȵi³³] ‘sit’ ඀

13 [ȵ ȵi²³] ‘good’ ྭ

21 [ȵ ȵi³¹] ‘two’ Ҽ

52 [ȵ ȵi⁵²] ‘go backwards’ 䘰

f 0 semitones

60 58 56 54 52 50 48 46

5 4 3 2 1 t(sec) 0.20

0.40

0.20

0.60

0.20

0.60

0.20

0.60

0.20

0.40

Figure 5.5. PJZ pitch plots and tonemes: Nasal initial environment 55 [ttɯ⁵⁵⁵lə³²] ‘go down’ л৫

33 [ttɯ³³³li³³] ‘arise’ 䎧ᶕ

13 [ʑi³²ttɯ²²¹²] ‘bed’ ᒺ

21 [ttɯ²²¹] ‘butt(v)’ ԕཤᣥᫎ

52 [ttɯ⁵⁵¹] [8] ‘steep’ 䲑

f 0 semitones

60 58 56 54 52 50 48 46

5 4 3 2 1 t(sec) 0.20 0.40 0.60 0.20 0.40 0.60

0.20 0.40 0.60

0.20

0.40

0.20 0.40

Figure 5.6. PJZ pitch plots and tonemes: Stop initial environment

Contrastive environments are well-established, however, and include cases of tonemic fusion. The lexeme ‘day before yesterday’ as realized in the more conservative Southern Muji dialect Muzi-SZT, for instance, is ɕɪ⁵⁵ɣɯ²¹tʰa⁵⁵ ; but in PJZ the middle syllable has been deleted, and its tone fused with the first syllable to become ɕɪ⁵²tʰa⁵⁵.

Phuza-BJB and the Downriver Phula clade

247

Regarding other Muji tonemes, in PJZ as in many varieties the lowrising /13/ toneme is often realized with contour shapes such as [213], [212] and [313]. This can be noted occurring mildly in the Figure 4 pitch plot for this toneme. A [22] allotone also frequently surfaces due to sandhi in Muji clade languages: e.g., /21/ > [22] / __21 unless three 21 tones are in succession in which case /21, 21, 21/ > [22, 21, 21] or [21 22 21] depending on the variety. MLT /a³³nɯ²¹ma²¹/ ‘monkey’, for example, is pronounced [a³³nɯ²²ma²¹], and QLC ‘weave’ /jɛ²¹kʰə²¹/ is pronounced [jɛ²²kʰə²¹] until preceded by another /21/ tone such as the 3S pronoun /ɛ²¹/; this combination is then pronounced [ɛ²²jɛ²¹kʰə²¹] ‘s/he weaves’. A variation on this sandhi pattern is found in YZT, e.g., /ɑ²¹ʦɯ²¹mɯ²¹/ ‘be angry’ is pronounced [ɑ²¹ʦɯ²²mɯ²¹]. In PJZ at least, activity predicates do not seem to be affected by this sandhi pattern to the same degree as nominal constructions, statives or noun phrase followed by a verb. The serial verb constructions lo²¹ta²¹ ‘sink’ and ɡə²¹ʥi²¹ ‘finish’, for example, have the same pitches tonemically and allotonically. As in other Muji varieties, phonation does not function contrastively on the syllable in PJZ but often occurs as a feature of tones 21 and 13 and seems to have contributed to the development of nasal finals in certain environments – a point that is discussed further in §6.3.2.1. 5.4. Phuza-BJB and the Downriver Phula clade Phuza is closely affiliated with the languages Phupa, Phupha and Alugu, all four of which belong to the Downriver meso-clade of Riverine Phula (see §6.6). These languages are more closely related to Phola and Phala (Upriver Phula) than they are to nearby Highland Phula languages such as the Muji and Phowa varieties. Of these four languages, only Phupa has received any level of previous recognition or linguistic analysis. Bai (1994) presents a terse but elegant sketch of Phupa phonology and grammar and Pelkey (2006) compares Phupa with various varieties of Muji. These are the only known analyses, and practically the only recorded evidence in the literature, of a language in this entire meso-clade. The existence of Phupha, Phuza and Alugu have not been previously mentioned to my knowledge. This situation is partially due to the under-researched status of all Ngwi varieties in the region and, it would seem, partially due to a confusion of Phupa and Phuza with neighboring Muji varieties (see MZXZ 1995: 946–949, Bai 1994:80 and discussion in §3.2.2, etc.). Phupa and Phuza enjoy frequent language contact with Muji varieties, as discussed in §3.5–§3.6, §4.10 and §4.12; but, as the historical comparative analysis in Chapter 6 demonstrates, these two

248

Phula phonologies

languages, along with Alugu and Phupha, are genetically distinct (and relatively distant diachronically) from the languages of the Muji clade. As can be noted in Map 3.4 in §3.8 and Map 8.3 in §8.2.2, Phuza is spoken near the center of the Downriver Phula distribution. This fact, along with its relatively conservative phonology, makes Phuza a good representative of the Downriver Phula meso-clade. The following Phuza phonology sketch is based on a lexical database of 2,263 syllables. 5.4.1.

Syllable

Phuza syllable structure may be represented as {(C)(G)V1(V2)T}, in which (C) represents one of 37 optional consonant initial phonemes, (G) represents a glide initial that may occur with or without the presence of (C), V 1 represents one of seven obligatory vowel nuclei, (V2) represents one of two optional diphthong off-glides and T represents one of four obligatory toneme contrasts. Tense voice phonation has been lost as a contrastive feature on all languages of the Downriver Phula meso-clade. 5.4.2.

Consonant initials

Phuza’s 44 consonant initial phonemes include contrasts at eight places and seven manners of articulation as summarized in Table 5.11 and contrasted in Tables 5.12 and 5.13. Table 5.11. The Phuza-BJB consonant system p

t

ʦ

ʨ

tɬ

tʂ

k

pʰ

tʰ

ʦʰ

ʨʰ

tɬʰ

tʂʰ

kʰ

b

d

ʣ

ʥ

dɮ

dʐ

ɡ

ɡw

f

s

ɕ

ɬ

ʂ

x

xw

v

z

ʑ

l

ʐ

ɣ

ɣw

m

n

ȵ

ŋ

ŋw

w

kw

j

The palatal glide /j/ may occur as an onset and may also occur following onsets at all places of articulation. The glide phoneme is not contrastive

Phuza-BJB and the Downriver Phula clade

249

following alveolopalatal initials, however. Examples of the /j/ on-glide include bə³³tʰji³¹ ‘mat’ nɯ³³xjɛ⁵⁵ ‘sand’ and i³³pʰja³³ ‘elderly female’. The labio-velar approximant /w/ may also occur in initial position, but, as a glide candidate, it only occurs after velar initials: e.g., za³¹tja⁵⁵ŋwa³³ ‘boy’ kwʌ³¹ʣɛ³¹ ‘grab’ ʦʰɛ⁵⁵xwɔ³³ ‘sharp’ (contrast with ŋa³³ ‘1S’, kʌ³¹ ‘horn’ and i³¹xɔ³³ ‘morning’, respectively). Thus, instead of interpreting the segment as a true glide, it seems to fit the system better as a participant in a series of labialized velar clusters. Table 5.12. Phuza-BJB consonant initial contrast set one BJB

Chinese English

p

pɯ⁵⁵

┊

‘roll’

ʦ

vɯ³¹ʦɯ³³ ңᡯ

‘breast’

pʰ

ɛ³³pʰɯ⁵⁵

ԧṬ

ʦʰ

ʦʰɯ⁵⁵

᧘

‘push’

b

bɯ³³

‫ݸ‬

tʂ

tʂɯ⁵⁵

੨

‘suck’

m

mɯ⁵⁵

੩

‘price’ ‘before (sequential)’ ‘blow (on)’

tʂ ʰ

tʂʰɯ⁵⁵

‫ޝ‬

‘six’

n

a³³nɯ⁵⁵

⥤ᆀ

‘monkey’

dʐ

dʐɯ⁵⁵

㞠

‘waist’

ȵ

ȵɯ⁵⁵wa³¹ ⴻ㿱

‘see’

ʣ

a⁵⁵ʣɯ³³

ỽᆀ

‘stick’

ŋ

ŋɯ⁵⁵

ᤲ

‘hang’

ʨ

pa³³ʨɯ³³

呭

‘dove’

f

fɯ³³

䳹

‘pheasant’

ʨʰ

ʨʰɛ³¹

ᦹ

‘fall’

v

vɯ³³

ཤ

‘head’

ʥ

mi³³ʥu³¹

ྣӪ

‘female’

s

a³³sɯ³³

䈱

‘who?’

tɬ

a³³tɬɛ³³

㢻ཤ

‘taro’

z

zɿ³³

ⴻ

‘look’

tɬ ʰ

tɬʰɯ³¹

ⲭ

‘white’

ɕ

ɕɯ³¹

ᆖ

‘study’

dɮ

dɮɯ¹³

䑒

ʑ

ʑɛ³³

സ

‘pen; fold’

ɬ

ɬɯ⁵⁵

᭮⢗

ʂ

ʂɯ³³

⍫

‘live’

њ

kɯ³³

⥌

‘guess’

ɣ

ɣə⁵⁵

ਛ

kʰ

kʰɯ⁵⁵

ᥐ

‘scratch(v)’

x

xə³³

⢥

‘CLF.EXC’ ‘call; be called’ ‘lead along’

k

lɯ⁵⁵

䏣ཏ

ʐɯ⁵⁵

l

‘kick’ ‘graze; herd’ ‘enough’

ɡ

ɡɯ³³

ᕟ

‘crooked’

t

tɯ⁵⁵

䗷

‘cross over’

j

ti³¹ja¹³

ᖸ

INTF

‘butt(v)’ ‘exit’

֯ᕟ

‘bend(v)’

dɯ⁵⁵

⻠ᫎ ࠪ

ʐ

tʰ d

tʰɯ³³

BJB

w

wɯ³³

Chinese English

250

Phula phonologies

Both back and front vowel contrasts are required in order to validate the phonemes listed in Table 5.11. Due to near complementary distribution on a few consonant classes, Table 5.12 illustrates these phonemes primarily in the environment of unrounded high-back vowel /ɯ/ and Table 5.13 illustrates these phonemes primarily in the environment of low-mid front vowel /ɛ/. Table 5.13. Phuza-BJB consonant initial contrast set two BJB

Chinese

English

BJB

Chinese

English

p

pɛ³³

䇢

‘speak’

ʦ

ʦɛ³³lɛ³³

䫳

‘bell’

pʰ

pʰɛ³³

⍷

ʦʰ

ʦʰɛ³³

ը

‘stretch’

b

bɛ¹³

ሴ

tʂ

a⁵⁵tʂɯ³³

㤴ᆀ

‘eggplant’

m

mɛ³³

⟏

tʂʰ

tʂʰɯ⁵⁵

߉

‘write’

n

nɛ³³

֐

‘water’ ‘shoot (a gun)’ ‘cooked; ripe’ 2S

dʐ

a⁵⁵dʐɯ³³

ㆧᆀ

‘chopsticks’

ȵ

ȵɛ³³

⭘

‘use’

ʣ

ʣɛ¹³

僁

‘ride (on)’

ŋ

ŋa³³

ᡁ

1S

ʨ

ʨɛ³³

䞨

‘sour’

f

-fɛ³³

ᐖ

ʨʰɛ³¹

ᦹ

‘fall’

v

vɛ³³

⁚

ʥɛ¹³

䘭

s

sɛ³³

䠁

‘gold’

tɬ

tɬɛ¹³

䘭; 䎦

z

zɛ¹³

⡜㹼

‘slither’

tɬʰɛ³³

ᣈ

ɕi³³

tɬʰ

‘chase’ ‘chase; drive out’ ‘fold’

г

‘seven’

ʑ

ʑɛ³³

സ

‘pen; fold’

ʂ

a³³ʂɯ³¹

਄਄

ʐ

ʐɯ⁵⁵ʦʰɿ³³

ɣ

ɕ

‘left (side)’ ʨʰ ‘horizontal’ ʥ

dɮ

dɮɛ³³

┑

ɬ

ɬɛ³³

ᩃ

l

lə³³

৫

‘go’

勿ཛ

‘father’s YB’ ‘widower’

k

kɛ⁵⁵

ᥐ

‘scratch(v)’ 9

ɣə³³

㳻

‘egg’

kʰ

kʰɛ³³

ࢸ

‘split; chop’

x

xa³³

㚹

‘meat’

ɡ

ɡɛ³³ʐɿ³¹

⊇

t

tɛ³³mi³³

⭠

‘field’

j

jɛ³¹pʰa³³

བྷ(ᇈ)

tʰ

-tʰɛ⁵⁵

ࠪ

EXIT

w

wʌ⁵⁵

‘sweat’ ‘high ranking’ ‘carry in arms’

d

dɛ³³

ᜣ

‘think’

ᣡ

‘full’ ‘rub (circular motion)’

Phuza-BJB and the Downriver Phula clade

251

Phuza preserves the most comprehensive evidence for reconstructing lateral clusters to the Upriver Phula stage. Elsewhere in Upriver Phula only Phola and Phala preserve phonetic traces of the series as allophones of the lateral fricative phoneme /ɬ/ in some environments (see §5.5.2). The Phuza retroflex series is primarily marked by a strong rhoticized quality on the vowel nucleus rather than the absolute retroflex tongue position. Thus, /ʐi³¹mɔ³³/ > [zʴɿ³¹mɔ³³] ‘river’, /a⁵⁵tʂɯ³³/ > [a⁵⁵ʦʴɯ³³] ‘eggplant’, /dʐɯ⁵⁵/ > [ʣʴɯ⁵⁵] ‘waist’. The retroflex series is apparently being phased out and currently occurs only before finals /ɯ/ and /i/. The voiceless fricative /x/ is usually pronounced further back as a uvular [χ], but the voiced velar fricative /ɣ/ is almost always pronounced as a true velar. 5.4.3.

Vowel Finals

The seven Phuza vowel final phonemes are represented in Figure 5.7 along with two marginal diphthong phonemes. The monophthongs listed in Figure 5.7 are contrasted in Table 5.14. Monophthongs i ɛ

Diphthongs

ə

ɯ ʌ

ɔ

a

i ɛ

ʌ a

Figure 5.7. The Phuza-BJB vowel system

Added together, diphthongs /ɛi/ and /aʌ/ occur in only 2% (39) of the syllables in the database. Of this number, 22 are occurrences of /ɛi/ and 17 are occurrences of /aʌ/, but /ɛi/ occurs almost exclusively on Chinese loans: e.g., sɛi³¹ɕi³³ ‘deity’ < LCh ⾎ԉ shenxian, kwɛi¹³ ‘kneel’ < LCh 䐚 guì. vɯ³³kwɛi³³ ‘turtle’ < LCh Ѽ嗏 wugui. A few non-loan exceptions occur, however, such as ʦɛi³³kʰɯ⁵⁵ ‘hoe’. As can be noted in Table 5.14, the Phuza front-close vowel /i/ has apical fricative [ɿ] as an allophone in the environment of alveolar and retroflex initials. /ʦʰi³¹/ > [ʦʰɿ³¹] ‘untie’, /si³³/ > [sɿ³³] ‘blood’, /ʐi³¹/ > [zʴɿ³¹]

252

Phula phonologies

‘water’ /zi³¹mʌ³³/ > [zɿ³¹mʌ̝³³] ‘money’. The phoneme /i/ does not occur as a monosyllable without a preceding [j] glide: e.g., /i¹³kʰə⁵⁵/ > [ji¹³kʰɘ⁵⁵] ‘this evening’. Table 5.14. Phuza-BJB vowel final contrasts Final

LDC Phonemic LDC Phonetic

Chinese

English

i

ʣi¹³

[ʣɿ¹³]

ቯ≤

‘urine’

ɛ

ʣɛ¹³

[ʣɛ̝¹³]

僁

‘ride(on)’

a

ʣa¹³

[ʣa¹³]

ਲ਼

‘eat’

ə

ʣə¹³

[ʣə̝¹³]

ᖸ

‘very’

ɯ

ʑi⁵⁵ʣɯ¹³

[ʑji⁵⁵ʣβ͡ɯ¹³]

呑ߐ

‘cockscomb’

ʌ

ʣʌ²¹

[ʣʌ̝²¹]

ᴹ

‘have’

ɔ

ʣɔ¹³

[ʣɔ̝¹³]

ࡪ

‘stab’

The Phuza mid-vowel series /ɛ/, /ə/, /ʌ/ and /ɔ/ are all higher than their cardinal positions phonetically. This is especially true of the phoneme /ə/, which is often pronounced as high as [ɘ̝] and [ɨ ̞]. When following the midfront phoneme /ɛ/, mid-central /ə/ is slightly fronted in pronunciation: e.g., /mɛ³¹tə⁵⁵/ > [mɛ³¹tɘ̘⁵⁵] ‘fire’. The back rounding contrast between /ɔ/ and /ʌ/ is possibly being lost in Phuza. Rounded [u] appears to have completely merged with the unrounded/compression rounded /ɯ/ phoneme, and is apparently only preserved phonetically in the environment of alveopalatal affricates: e.g., /mi³³ʥɯ³¹/ > [mi³³ʥju³¹] ‘female’,/la³³ʥɯ³¹/ > [ɮa³³ʥju²¹] ‘song’. Similarly, back rounded /ɔ/ is possibly merging with unrounded /ʌ/. The current database features 164 instances of syllables featuring the /ʌ/ monophthong but only 64 syllables featuring the /ɔ/ monophthong. A further monophthong /æ/ occurs only twice in the database and is considered too marginal for inclusion in the system. Both instances are borrowings of the Chinese morpheme 㨌 cai ‘vegetable’: bɛj³¹ʦʰæ³¹ ‘Chinese cabbage’ < LCh ⲭ㨌 baicai ‘Chinese cabbage’ and ʦʰæ³¹taʌ³³ ‘knife’ 㨌࠰ caidao ‘kitchen knife’.

Phuza-BJB and the Downriver Phula clade

5.4.4.

253

Tone

Phuza features four contrastive tones: high-level /55/, mid-level /33/, lowrising /13/ and mid-falling /31/. In the current Phuza lexical database of 2,263 syllables, mid-level /33/ occurs on 38% (871) of the total syllable count, high-level /55/ occurs on 30% (684), mid-falling /31/ occurs on 21% (475) and low-rising /13/ occurs on 10% (233). These tonemes are contrasted in Figures 5.8 and 5.9 in nasal-initial and stop-initial environments, respectively. The two sets of utterances are from two different male speakers. The utterances in Figure 5.9 are from a speaker with a lower and more compacted range than the Figure 5.8 speaker. This may be noted in the relative range of the two F0 semitone scales to the left of the two diagrams.

f 0 semitones

55 [na⁴⁴] ‘sticky’ ㋈

33 [na³³] ‘ear’ 㙣

13 [na²¹³] ‘reside’ տ

31 [na⁴¹] ‘hurting’ Ⰻ

54

5

52

4

50

3

48

2

46

1 t(sec) 0.10

0.30

0.10

0.30

0.10

0.30

0.10

0.30

f 0 semitones

Figure 5.8. Phuza-BJB pitch plots and tonemes: nasal initial environment (male#1) 55 [ʦi⁵⁴]

33 [ʦi³²]

13 [ʦi¹³]

‘gall(bladder)’ 㛶

‘finger’ ᤷ

‘(arm) joint’ 㞅/㛈

31 [ʣi³¹] ‘flow’ ⍱

47.5 46.5

5

45.5

3

44.5 43.5

2

t(sec) 0.10

4

1 0.30

0.10

0.30

0.10

0.30

0.10

0.30

Figure 5.9. Phuza-BJB pitch plots and tonemes: stop initial environment (male#2)

254

Phula phonologies

Phonation does not function contrastively in Phuza, but a laryngealized or creaky tense voice quality is inherent to the low-rising toneme /13/ in some word classes, and also emerges in a few other tone sequences. Phonation on the low-rising toneme is especially notable on nominal citation utterances: e.g., [va̰¹³] ‘snow’, [ȵḭ¹³] ‘cow’, [lɯ̰ ¹³] ‘dragon’ [zɿ³¹bo̰¹³] ‘bear’. For monomorphemic verbs in citation utterances, however, the /13/ tone tends to lose tense voice phonation and gain a higher pitch: e.g., mʌ¹³ > [mʌ³⁵] ‘touch, feel’; nɯ¹³ > [nɯ³⁵]; ʥi¹³ > [ʥi³⁵] ‘hunt’. Creaky phonation may be returned to verbal utterances in compound environments, however: e.g., bɛ¹³ > [bɛ³⁵] ‘shoot’, but > [bɛ̰¹³ʦʌ³¹] ‘hit (a target)’. Apparently depending on the idiolect, the low-rising /13/ toneme may often vary with /31/ or [21] in compound environments: e.g., /mɛ¹³kʰə³³/ > [mɛ¹³kʰə³³] ~ [mɛ³¹kʰə³³] ‘tobacco; cigarette’, wɔ³³ʨi⁵⁵bɯ¹³ > [wɔ³³ʨi⁵⁵bɯ̠ ²¹] ‘mantis’; cf. /bɯ¹³/ ‘insect’, /bɯ¹³dɮa³³/ > [bɯ¹³dɮa³³] ‘butterfly’. Further interaction between /13/ and /31/ is apparent when the former precedes the latter in a compound environment such that /13+31/ > [21-21]: e.g., /za¹³mɛ³¹/ > [za̰²¹mɛ̰²¹] ‘daughter’; cf. ‘son’ [za̰¹³]. Phonation and pitch lowering also occurs when two mid-falling tonemes appear in compound environments such that /31+31/ > [31-21]: e.g., /dɮɛ³¹va³¹/ > [dɮɛ³¹va̰²¹] ‘bat’, /ʦʰɿ³¹bɯ³¹ʦɿ⁵⁵/ > [ʦʰɿ³¹bɯ̠ ²¹ʦɿ⁵⁵] ‘knee’. Similarly, three mid-falling tones in succession result in the following sandhi pattern: /31+31+31/ > [31-21-21]: e.g., /ʦʰɿ³¹kʰɛ³¹di³¹/ > [ʦʰɿ³¹kʰɛ̠²¹di ̠²¹] ‘top of foot’, /mɯ³¹kə³¹kə³¹/ > [mɯ³¹kə³¹kə̠²¹] ‘thunder(v)’. In numerous prosodic and/or lexical environments involving sandhi interaction with lower-pitched tonemes, high-level /55/ becomes mid-high rising: e.g., /tʰa³³lə⁵⁵/ > [tʰa³³lə⁴⁵] ‘don’t move’, /i¹³kʰə⁵⁵/ > [i¹³kʰə⁴⁵] ‘this evening’ /dɮa³¹mɛ⁵⁵/ > [dɮa³¹mɛ⁴⁵] ‘honeybee’, /ɕi³¹ʨi⁵⁵/ > [ɕi³¹ʨi³⁵] ‘chain’. 5.5. Phola-LDC and the Upriver Phula clade No previous study of Phola phonology is known to have been undertaken. Long (2004), however, offers a brief sketch of Phala, one of the other three synchronic languages now known to comprise the Upriver clade of Riverine Phula (see §3.7.1, §6.6, etc.). Long’s study downplays the possibility of all but minor dialect differences between the two, but even a casual glance through the lexical data for FNS and LDC reveals that substantial differences have developed between them, especially in non-core vocabulary.

Phola-LDC and the Upriver Phula clade

255

Long (2004) also implies that Phala should be considered a representative of the widely diversified Phula languages in general, but the current chapter alone renders this latter assumption untenable. In fact, even within the Upriver clade of Riverine Phula, Phola phonology features a number of distinctive characteristics as will become clear in this section and in §6.6, below. Nevertheless, the following discussion selects the LDC variety of Phola to represent the phonological characteristics of the Upriver Phula clade. Phola-LDC is the most conservative of the Phola dialects surveyed, and the variety is also more conservative, and better preserved, in a number of ways than the closely related Phala language. The following sketch draws from a lexical database of 2,061 citation syllables phonemicized with reference to framed utterances. 5.5.1.

Syllable

The Phola syllable template is {(C)(V)VTP}. Each syllable consists of an optional consonant initial or initial cluster, an obligatory vowel or initial segment with high sonority, an optional diphthong, one of five pitch contrasts, and a tense/lax phonation contrast. No varieties in the Upriver clade are known to feature nasal or stop codas, but the transitional 23 tone in Phola-LDC often features a glottal closure as a suprasegmental-based syllable coda. 5.5.2.

Consonant initials

Phola’s consonant initial phonemes are summarized in Table 5.15. Table 5.15. Phola consonant initials p

t

ʦ

ʨ

tʂ

pʰ

tʰ

ʦʰ

ʨʰ

tʂʰ

b

d

ʣ

ʥ

dʐ

ᵐp

ⁿt

ⁿʦ

ⁿʨ

f

s

ɕ

ʂ

v

z

ʑ

ʐ

m

n

ȵ

(kʰj)

k

q

kʰ

qʰ

ɡ (ᵑkj) (xj)

ᵑk ɬ

x

l

ɣ ŋ

ᵑq

256

Phula phonologies

Marginal phonemes are listed in parentheses, and anticipated-but-absent phonemes are noted by dotted boxes – either missing due to mergers with other phonemes or simply due to an absence in the current database. Phola’s 42 core consonant initials are contrasted in Table 5.16: Table 5.16. Phola consonants in contrastive environments PholaLDC

Chinese

English Gloss

pɔ³³

ᩜ

‘move’

pʰ -pʰɔ³³

(ࣙ䇽)

MALE SUFFIX

b

価

ʦʰ ʦʰɔ⁵⁵

Ӫ

ᵐp ɑ³¹mpu³³ ⯆ᆀ

‘full’ ‘boil (large)’

‘drink’ ‘wear (a hat)’ ‘person’

ʣ

ʣɔ³³ɬɛ³³

䗛ᆀ

‘braid(n)’

m mɔ³³

䓛փ

‘body’

ⁿʦ

u⁵⁵ ⁿʦɑ³¹

䗩⭼ 䇠ਧ

‘boundary marker’

n

nɔ³³ȵi³¹

ਾᒤ

‘year AN’

ʨ

ʨɔ⁵⁵ʨi³¹

㞠

‘waist’

ȵ

ȵɑ⁵⁵

ᖸ

ITF

ʨʰ ʨʰɔ³³mɛ⁵⁵

ဌ

‘ginger’

ŋ

ŋɔ³³

ⴻ

‘look’

ʥ

f

lɔ³³fɑ⁵⁵

䴩

‘hail’

ⁿʨ ⁿʨɑ̠³¹

ⶑ

‘sleep’

v

vɔ³³

Ⲵ

NZR

tʂ

ᇼ

‘rich’

s

sɔ̠³¹

࠷

‘slice(v)’

tʂʰ tʂʰɔ⁵⁵

䲚

‘accompany’

z

zɔ⁵⁵

བྷ哖

‘barley’

dʐ

dʐuɑ³³

տ

‘reside’

ɕ

ɕɔ³³nɑ̠²³

᰾ཙ

‘tomorrow’

ɬ

ɬɔ̠³³

᠂

‘lazy’

ʑ

ʑɔ̠²³

ᇦ

‘home’

l

lɔ³³

᧧

ʂ

ʂɔ³³

㉨

‘winnow’

k

u³³kɔ⁵⁵

ʐ

ʐɔ̠²³

㔥㖺

‘sheep’

kʰ

kʰɔ̠³¹

‘pitch(v)’ ‘pit (of a Ṩ peach)’ ‘wear (a turᡤཤᐮ ban)’

ɣ

ɣɔ³¹

㭜㨌

‘vegetable’

ɡ

ɡɯ⁵⁵kʰɑ̠³¹

䳮

‘difficult’

x

xɔ³³

ḃ

‘dye(v)’

ᵑk

ᵑkɔ³³

੨

‘suck’

t

ɑ³³tɔ³³

Ṩṳ

‘walnut’

q

qɔ̠⁵⁵

ᕟ

tʰ

tʰɔ̠²³

Ầ

‘bucket’

qʰ

qʰɔ³³

䬪ᒺ

d

dɔ³³

ᣅ

‘toss’

ɴ

‘crooked’ ‘make the bed’ ‘buckwheat’

p

bɔ³³

PholaLDC

Chinese

ⁿt

ntɔ³³

்

ʦ

ʦɔ³³

ᡤ

q

ʥɔ³³ɣu̠²³ɕi³³ 㞠㣡 tʂɔ³³

ɴ

qɑ³¹

㦎

English Gloss

‘kidney’

Phola-LDC and the Upriver Phula clade

257

With the exception of a single co-occurrence restriction, the glide element of the three marginal velar-glide clusters are better interpreted as the first segment of a pair of diphthongs (see §5.5.3). The three velar-glide clusters only fill slot C in the syllable template when occurring with monophthong /i/ finals: e.g., kʰji³³ ‘manure’, xji³³pɛ̠³¹ ‘grass’; contrast with kʰi⁵⁵ ‘foot-leg’ and xi⁵⁵mɯ³³ ‘lime’, respectively.10 Elsewhere, the [j] glide should be interpreted as an /i-/ segment in two possible diphthong phonemes. The segment /pʰj/ is also attested with /i/, but is even more marginal with only a single instance in the current database: pʰji³³kɯ³³tæ⁵⁵ ‘lame person’ (contrast with pʰi³³mɔ³¹ ‘wife’s mother’). Since this phoneme seems to be even more marginal to the system than the velar-glide pairs, it is not included in the Table 5.15 summary. As elsewhere in Ngwi these palatalized clusters are usually realized with frication on the offglide (see §5.1.1). The Phola prenasalized series is, in most cases, a direct descendant of the iconic Proto-Ngwi prenasalization contrast: e.g., ‘pus’ *m-bliŋ¹ > ⁿtɨ³³, ‘chop down’ *m-cikH > ⁿʦɛ̠³³, ‘buckwheat’ *m-ga² > ɴqɑ³¹. With the exception of a few residual contrasts in Phupa and Phupha, Phola is the only known remaining language in the Riverine Phula macro-clade to retain solid evidence of the PNg prenasalization contrast. Prenasalization has been all but lost in Phala11 and is preserved only in various states of decay in the Phola dialects: the ADP dialect preserves the distinction less completely than LDC and the NTC dialect appears to have all but lost the distinction as well. Prenasalization in most environments has resulted in the loss of initial voicing in the Upriver Phula clade even after the series has been phased out. As is illustrated in the Figure 5.10 wave diagrams, Phola prenasalized segments are devoiced.

50

ɴ

q

voicelessness

ɑ ³ ¹

0 -50

voiceless onset prenasalization

t(sec) 0.10

0.20

0.30

0.40

Waveform (%)

Waveform (%)

voicelessness 50

ⁿ

t

ɔ ³ ³

0

-50

prenasalization

voiceless onset

t(sec) 0.10 0.20 0.30 0.40 0.50

Figure 5.10. Phola prenasalized voiceless onsets: ɴqɑ³¹ ‘buckwheat’ and ⁿtɔ³³ ‘drink’

258

Phula phonologies

One potential motivation for the devoicing of prenasalized segments in Phola is the need for a clear contrast with the plain voiced series, which is also sometimes mildly prenasalized phonetically – especially in citation utterances: e.g., ʣɨ⁵⁵ ‘speak’ [ⁿʣɘ⁴⁵]~[dzɘ⁵⁵]. Prenasalized segments are often dropped in favor of plain voiceless stops in framed utterances, fast speech and various lexicalized environments: e.g., ‘brother’s child’ *m-du¹ > ⁿtu³³ > [zɑ³¹ntu³³] ‘nephew’, but [nɨ⁵⁵tu³³] ‘niece’. Prenasalization is also sometimes resyllabified as a nasal final segment phonetically in certain lexical environments: e.g., /vɑ³³lɔ̠²³ŋkɨ³³/ > [vɑ³³lɔ̠ŋ²³kɨ³³] ‘front teeth’. Note that this process is distinct from the lexical prenasalization process described for the Muji clade in §5.3.3 and §6.3.2.1. Alveolopalatal fricatives often assimilate to retroflexes in compounds: e.g., ‘widower’ /ʑɔ³³tʂʰɯ³³pʰɔ³³/ > [ʐɔ³³tʂʰɯ²²pʰɔ³³], and retroflex stops usually takes on a rhoticized quality: e.g., /ʐ/ > [ʑʴ ] ~ [ʐʴ], especially in the environment of high back vowels: e.g., ‘take’ /ʐɯ³³/ > [ʐʴɯ³³]; ‘twist’ /ʂɯ³³/ > [ʂʴɯ³³]. The lateral fricative /ɬ/ was noted to occur in free variation with lateral cluster [tɬ] in some idiolects on seven initials in the database including ‘eagle’ ɬɑ³¹mɔ³¹ > [tɬɑ³¹mɔ³¹] ~ [ɬɑ³¹mɔ³¹] and ‘heel’ kʰi⁵⁵ɬɔ³³mi ̠³¹ > [kʰi⁵⁵tɬɔ³³mi ̠³¹] ~ [kʰi⁵⁵ɬɔ³³mi ̠³¹]. Such free variation was noted in PhalaFNS as well: e.g., /ɕi³³ɬɑ⁵⁵/ > [ɕi³³ɬɑ⁵⁵] ~ [ɕi³³tɬɑ⁵⁵] ‘tree branch’. This at least adds supporting evidence for the historical presence of lateral clusters in Upriver Phula; however, in all of Riverine Phula the series is only preserved phonemically in Phuza (see further discussion in §5.4.2). Phonetic labialization affects voiced labio-dental fricatives in all environments and affects velar fricatives preceding rounded back vowels: e.g., ‘pig’ vɑ̠³³ > [w͡vɑ̠³³]; ‘intestines’ ɣu̠²³tɛ̠²³ > [w͡ɣu²²tɛ̠²³], ‘vegetable’ ɣɔ³¹ > [wɔ³¹]. In the latter environment labialization is often so complete that the initial fricative is lost altogether. The voiceless velar fricative /x/ has three allophones [x], [h] and [χ] distributed according to the rules listed in (5.7) in which the second entry supersedes the first (e.g., ‘sell’ / xɔ̠³¹ / > [χɔ̠³¹]): (5.7)

Distribution of voiceless velar allophones in Phola-LDC /x/ > [h] /_[+ tense]12: e.g., /xɛ̠³¹/ ‘eight’ > [hɛ̠²¹] > [χ]/_[+ back]: e.g., /xɔ³³/ ‘dye(v)’ > [χɔ³³]

> [x]/_elsewhere: e.g., /xiɛ³³/ ‘pull’ > [xiɛ³³]

Phola-LDC and the Upriver Phula clade

259

The Phola voiceless uvular stop is usually realized as an ejective phonetically: e.g., ‘nine’ qu⁵⁵ > [q’u⁵⁵] and ‘snake’ /ɕɛ⁵⁵qɔ⁵⁵/ > [ɕɛ⁵⁵ q’ɔ⁵⁵]. 5.5.3. Vowel Finals The Phola vowel-final inventory features 13 contrasts composed of eight monophthongs and five diphthongs. These phonemes are illustrated in Figure 5.11 in which two further marginal diphthong distinctions are noted as well. Phola’s vowel-final phonemes are contrasted in Table 5.17.

Monophthongs i

ɨ

Diphthongs ɯ

ɛ

u ɔ ɑ

æ

i

u ɛ

ɔ æ

ɑ

Figure 5.11. Phola-LDC phonemic monophthong and diphthong finals

Relative to monophthong contrasts, diphthongs are rarely used in Phola. Out of 2,061 citation syllables in the current database, only 30 (1.46%) contain diphthongs. In Phala even fewer vowel final contrasts are realized with diphthongs: e.g., ‘grandchild’ > Phola liɛ³¹, > Phala li³³ . Additional evidence for the Phola monophthong series is presented in (5.8) using bilabial nasal initials for contrast: (5.8)

Further evidence for Phola monophthong phonemes mɛ⁵⁵ ਽ᆇ ‘name’

mæ³³ mɨ⁵⁵ʑi³¹ xi⁵⁵mɯ³³ mɔ³³ mɑ³³

㾱

‘want’

㩭ਾ

‘backwards’

⸣⚠

‘lime’

䓛փ

‘body’

н

‘NEG’

260

Phula phonologies

Table 5.17. Phola vowel finals in contrastive environments Monophthongs

æ kʰæ³³

Diphthongs ChiPhonetic English LDC nese ‘sweat ⊇ [ki³³] iɛ ᵑkiɛ³¹ (n)’ ‘that’ [kɛ⁵⁵] 䛓 iæ ᵑkiæ̠ ³³ ‘split [kʰæ³³] ࢸ uɛ qʰuɛ³¹ (v)’

ɨ

[kɨ³³]

䐘

‘stride’

uɔ uɔ³³tɔ⁵⁵ [wɔ³³tɔ⁵⁵] ਾ䶒

ɯ kɯ⁵⁵

[kβ͡ɯ⁵⁵]

஺

‘shout’

uɑ xuɑ⁵²

u ku³³

[ku³³]

㕍㓛 ‘sew’

ɔ kɔ̠⁵⁵

[kɔ̠⁵̝ ⁵]

ᑅ

LDC i

ki³³

ɛ kɛ⁵⁵

kɨ³³

Phonetic

ChiEnglish nese

[ᵑkjɛ³¹]

僇

‘cheat’

[ᵑkjæ̠ ³³]

䳹

‘pheasant’

[qʰwɛ³¹] ‫ڧ‬

[xwɑ⁵²]

ჱ

‘steal’ ‘LOC. behind’ ‘marry a husband’

‘fear(v)’ ɑ kɑ⁵⁵ʐu³¹ [kɑ⁵⁵ʐu³¹] ⿽ᆀ ‘seed’

A further validation of the /ɨ/ vs. /ɯ/ contrast in an environment analogous to the (5.8) set is ŋɨ³³‘language’ vs. ŋɯ³³‘cry’. /ɯ/ is the only monophthong that does not occur with tense voice phonation in the current database; though there are many occurrences of /ɯ/ with the transitional toneme /23/, which is tense-voice by default. Of the diphthong pairs, only /uɛ/ and /uɔ/ do not occur with tense voice phonation in the current database. The /ɨ/ phoneme is usually pronounced [ɘ] or [ə̝] but goes to [ɨ] ~ [ɨ ̞] in the environment of velar initials: e.g., [ɑ³³kʰɨ⁵⁵] ‘above’ and [xɨ⁵⁵] ‘hate’. The vowel is also realized as an apical segment, [ɿ] or [ʅ] (sometimes still in free variation with [ɘ]), in the environment of unaspirated affricates and retroflex fricatives, but not alveolar or alveolopalatal fricatives or aspirated affricates: e.g., ‘official’ /ʣɨ³¹mu̠²³/ > [ʣɿ²¹muʔ²⁴], ‘walk’ /ʂɨ³³/ > [ʂʅ³³], ‘iron (ore)’ /ɕɨ⁵⁵/ > [ɕɘ⁵⁵], ‘hang’ /tʂʰɨ³³/ > [tʂʰɘ³³]. The /ɛ/ phoneme is usually realized at a higher place of articulation than cardinal /ɛ/: i.e., [e̞] or [ɛ̝]. Other allophonic variations for /ɛ/ include [e̞j] and [ɘ̘]~[ɛ̙] realizations – the former in the environment of nasal initials and the second in the environment of alveolar affricates: e.g., ‘soil’ /nɛ³¹ʨʰi³³/ > [ne̞j³¹ʨʰi³³], ‘tail’ mɛ³³ʨu⁵⁵ > [me̞j³³ʨu⁵⁵] and ‘tree’ /si⁵⁵ ʦɛ⁵⁵/ > [si⁵⁵ʦɘ̘⁵⁵] ~ [si⁵⁵ʦɛ̙⁵⁵]. Phola /ɔ/ is often pronounced higher than cardinal /ɔ/ with allophones [o̞], [ɔ̝] and [ɔ]. The vowel is notably raised after stop initials: e.g., ‘hips’ /tɔ³³pi³¹/ > [to̞³³pi³¹]. Uvular initials also have a raising effect on /ɔ/ such

Phola-LDC and the Upriver Phula clade

261

that /ɔ/ > [o̞]/[+uvular] __ and a lowering effect on /u/ such that /u/ > [o̝]/__ [+ uvular]: e.g., ‘ashes’ /qɔ³³ʦʰɑ⁵⁵/ > [q’o̞³³ʦʰɑ⁵⁵] and ‘peel(n)’ /u³³qɛ̠³¹/ > [o̝³³qɛ̠³¹]. Of Phola’s seven diphthong contrasts, /uɑ/ and /iɛ/ claim the most occurrences in the current database at 33% (10) each, followed by /iæ/ at 13% (4). Diphthongs /uɛ/ and /uɔ/ register very few occurrences (three and two, respectively), and one further diphthong, /ɔɑ /, has only a single occurrence in the current database: ‘study’ sɔɑ⁵², a likely fusion of the verb with a final particle (compare with Phala so⁵⁵ ). Either way, with only a single occurrence it is considered too marginal for inclusion in the system represented in Figure 5.11 and Table 5.17. The diphthong /iæ/ has [ɛæ] as an allophone in the environment of aspirated initials: e.g., ‘tell’ tʰiæ⁵² > [tʰɛæ⁵²] and ‘steal’ pʰiæ³¹ > [pʰɛæ³¹]. 5.5.4.

Tone

Phola has five contrastive tonemes: 55, 33, 31, 23 and 52 as well as tense voice versions of 55, 33 and 31. In the current Phola-LDC lexical database of 2,061 syllables, tonemes /33/, /31/ and /55/ appear most frequently in roughly equal quantities: 37%, 25% and 24%, respectively. The 23 toneme is found on 14% of the syllables, and the 52 toneme is the most marginal with only 14 instances (less than 1% of the total syllable count). Figures 5.12 and 5.13 illustrate these tonemes in contrastive environments. Tense voice phonation will be considered in §5.5.5. 55 [nɑ⁵⁵] ‘listen’ ੜ

33 [nɑ̠³³] ‘black’ 唁

31 [nɑ³¹] ‘many’ ཊ

23 [mɛ̠ʔ³⁵] ‘chili pepper’ 䗓ὂ

52 [nɑ⁵²] ‘ask’ 䰞

f 0 semitones

5 4 3 2 1

52

50 48 46 t(sec) 0.20

0.40

0.20

0.40

0.20

0.40

0.20

0.40

0.20 0.40

Figure 5.12. Phola pitch plots and tonemes: nasal initial environment

For further validation of the /23/ contrast in this environment, consider CIE contrasts mɛ⁵⁵ ‘name’/‘savor’, mɛ³³ ‘forget’, and mɛ̠³¹ ‘warm’.

262

Phula phonologies

f 0 semitones

55 [tʰi⁴⁴] ‘one’ а

33 [tʰɛ³³] ‘busy’ ᘉ

31 [tʰi³¹] ‘do’ ‫ڊ‬

23 [tʰi ̠ʔ²³] ‘board’ ᶯ

52 [tʰɛa⁵³] ‘tell’ ੺䇹 5 4 3 2 1

52 50 48 46 t(sec) 0.20 0.40

0.20

0.40

0.20 0.40

0.20

0.40

0.20 0.40

Figure 5.13. Phola pitch plots and tonemes: stop initial environment

Historical and cross-lectal comparisons strongly suggest that the PholaLDC /23/ toneme is a recent innovation with origins in /33/. The toneme is not found on corresponding syllables in closely related languages such as Phala, Alugu, Phupha, Phupa or Phuza. The toneme regularly corresponds with /33/ in Phala, the closest language to Phola genetically. The toneme has no clear correlation with any PNg syllable class, but in modern Phola it occurs primarily in syllables with nasal, liquid and voiced fricative initials. For these reasons, the toneme should be considered a recent, transitional innovation: i.e., diachronic /33/ in the process of a synchronic tone split with a contour pitch as one outcome. The /23/ toneme has [23ʔ], [35ʔ], [44] and [22] as allotones. Allotone [23ʔ] is usually the citation realization, with higher pitch values often being realized on syllables with nasal initials (see Figure 5.12), and [22] is usually the frame/utterance citation, especially in the environment of /33/: e.g., /tʂʰu̠²³/ ‘thorn’ > [tʂʰu²²tʰi³³pɔ⁵⁵] ‘one thorn’ and /-pʰi ̠²³/ ‘husk(n)’ > [vɑ̠³³pʰi²²] ‘chaff (fine)’, cf., ‘rice hulls’ /ʨʰi⁵⁵pʰi ̠²³/ > [ʨʰi⁵⁵pʰi ̠ʔ²³]). Another /23/ > /22/ sandhi pattern is /23/+/23/ > [22]-[23ʔ]: e.g., ‘back teeth’ /ɣɨ ̠²³mɔ̠²³/ > [ɣɨ²²mɔʔ²³] and ‘intestines’ /ɣu̠²³tɛ̠²³/ > [ʷɣu²²tɛʔ²³]. Between a /33/ and /55/ tone, however, /23/ shifts to [44] (/33+23+55/ > [33-44-55]): e.g., ‘lick’ /læ̠ ²³/ > [ȵu³³læ⁴⁴fɛ⁵⁵] ‘you licked (it)’ and ‘blow (on)’ /pʰɯ̠ ²³/ > [ȵu³³pʰɯ̠ ⁴⁴fɛ⁵⁵] ‘you blew on it’. By contrast, /33+33+55/>[33-33-55] with no sandhi effects: e.g., ‘twist’ /ʂɯ³³/ > [ȵu³³ʂɯ³³fɛ⁵⁵] ‘you twisted (it)’ and ‘do’ /mu³³/ > [ȵu³³mu³³fɛ⁵⁵] ‘you did (it)’. The /33+23+55/ > [33-44-55] sandhi rule must be disambiguated from /33+55+55/ which also goes to [33-44-55]: e.g., ‘chop down’ /nʦɛ̠⁵⁵/ > [ȵu³³nʦɛ̠⁴⁴fɛ⁵⁵] ‘you chopped (it) down’. Other sandhi rules featuring the /33/ toneme are unrelated to the /23/ toneme but involve a [22] allotone nonetheless. These rules include

Phola-LDC and the Upriver Phula clade

263

/33+33+33/ > [33-22-33] and /33+33+33+33/ > [33-22-33-22] e.g., ‘widower’ /ʑɔ³³tʂʰɯ³³pʰɔ³³/ > [ʑɔ³³tʂʰɯ²²pʰɔ³³], ‘Hani’ /vɑ³³ȵi³³pʰɔ³³/ > [vɑ³³ ȵi²²pʰɔ³³] and ‘girl’ /zɨ³³mi³³zɨ³³ɑ³³ȵɛ³¹/ > [zɨ³³mi²²zɨ³³ɑ²²ȵɛ²¹]. In Phala /55+55+33/ > [55-44-33], e.g., ‘tusk’ /ʨi⁵⁵ʨi⁵⁵mə³³/ > [ʨi⁵⁵ʨi⁴⁴mə³³]. 5.5.5.

Phonation

Tense voice phonation in Phola can be described as an intensified laryngealized or glottalized quality on the rhyme that sometimes results in a full glottal stop final and functions contrastively at the phonological level. Aside from the citation utterances of the /23/ toneme, which are glottalized by default, virtually all tense voice phonation in Phola occurs as a reflex of PNg stop final syllables (i.e., tone classes *H and *L) affecting tones /31/, /33/ and /55/. In terms of statistical distribution in the current database, a combined 15% of /31/, /33/ and /55/ syllables are marked by tense voice phonation, but most of these occurrences are tense-voice versions of the /31/ tone. In the current database 31% of /31/ tones are tense voice (162 occurrences), 6% of /33/ tones are tense voice (47 occurrences) and only 3% of /55/ tones are tense voice (17 occurrences). Tense voice phonation on such syllables is most marked on citation utterances and often disappears in lexicalized environments. This is especially true for tones /33/ and /55/: e.g., PNg#021 *wakL ‘pig’ > /vɑ̠³³/ > [vɑ̠³³] ~ [vɑ̠ʔ³³] (contrast with modal voice ‘NZR’ /vɑ³³/) in citation but > modal voice in the following compounds: [vɑ³³mɔ̠²³] ‘sow’, [vɑ³³zɑ³¹] ‘piglet’, [vɑ³³ȵi⁵⁵] ‘wild boar’, etc. Another example is PNg#111 *lakL ‘hand/arm’ > /lɑ̠³³/ > [lɑ̠³³] ~ [lɑ̠ʔ³³] in citation (contrast with modal voice ‘pants’ /lɑ³³/) but > modal voice in the following compounds: [lɑ³³lɛ⁵⁵] ‘arm’, [lɑ³³ȵɯ⁵⁵] ‘finger’, [lɑ³³tu³³] ‘sleeve’, etc. Other lexicalized environments of /lɑ̠³³/, however, still preserve tense voice: e.g., pre-velar/uvular [lɑ̠³³ɣɯ³¹pɔ⁵⁵] ‘arm’ and pre-tense voice syllable [lɑ̠³³nu̠²³] ‘back of hand’. In other cases, tense voice phonation is preserved on grammaticalized forms, but not on lexical forms: e.g., PNg#301 *k-watH ‘flower’ > modal voice on the lexicalized form /-vɛ⁵⁵/, /si ̠³¹vɛ⁵⁵/ but > tense voice on the classifier form /vɛ̠³³/ as in /si ̠³¹vɛ⁵⁵ sɛ⁵⁵ vɛ̠³³/ ‘three flowers’. Sometimes phonation is reinterpreted as vowel length in lexicalized contexts: e.g., ‘pinkie’ /lɑ̠³³ȵɯ⁵⁵zɑ³¹/ > [lɑː³³ȵɯ⁵⁵zɑ³¹]. In a few lexical environments involving the /31/ tone, tense-voice phonation is re-interpreted as tone sandhi: e.g., PNg#301 *sikH ‘tree’ > /si ̠³¹/ becomes modal voice with a low-level pitch in a lexical environment

264

Phula phonologies

preceding another /31/ tone such as in [si²²tɑ̠³¹] ‘tree trunk’. Lower phonetic pitch realizations without phonation loss may result in similar cases of /31+31/ as well, such as /nɑ³³ʨʰi ̠³¹ȵɯ³¹/ ‘eyebrow’, which is phonetically realized: [nɑ³³ʨʰi ̠¹¹ȵɯ³¹]. 5.6. Azha Phonology Azha phonology is marked by an absence of contrastive voicing on initial obstruents and two tonemes that incorporate non-contrastive phonation features. Although only one of the four Phula lateral clusters has been preserved in Azha, some unique lateral-cluster reflexes are still evident in a palatalized velar series. Previous studies on Azha phonology are Wu Z. (1996a) and Pelkey, et al. (2005). The former study provides a sketch of Gaodeng Azha, a variety spoken in a village adjoining the Wenshan County seat, and the latter study provides a sketch of Xiaopingba Azha, a variety spoken in central Binglie Township, Wenshan County. The XPB phonology study was carried out as part of a larger work on language contact between Azha and Nong (Zhuang) since XPB phonology has been notably impacted through frequent contact with Nong speakers. A third dialect, Azha-PJZ, has been chosen as the primary representative of Azha phonology in this section due to its fairly prototypical nature and its central geographic location within the Azha distribution. Most Azha varieties feature numerous rounding contrasts, but Azha-LJY seems especially rich in vowel rounding contrasts. The following phonological sketch of Azha-LJY is based on a lexical database of 2,083 citation syllables, using additional framed utterances for interpretation. 5.6.1.

Syllable

The PJZ syllable template can be described as {(C)VT} in which a vowel (or a segment with high sonority) and contrastive tone are obligatory. With only one observed exception (in Azha-XPB) no phonemic consonant codas are permitted on the syllable. Some varieties also incorporate marginally phonemic diphthong off-glides, in which case the template may be revised to {(C)V(V)T}. According to Wu Z. (1996a), Gaodeng Azha (Azha-GDC) features contrastive tense-voice phonation. Thus the GDC syllable template is amended to {(C)V(V)T(P)} for GDC based on Wu’s analysis. Numerous allophonic diphthongs occur in XPB that are much less marked or absent altogether in LJY. As will be discussed in §5.7.4, two Azha tonemes have

Azha Phonology

265

been noted to regularly feature tense voice phonation in all varieties except GDC. Neither of these exceptions modify the actual syllable template, however. 5.6.2.

Consonant Initials

LJY features 33 consonants initials at nine places of articulation summarized in Table 5.18 in which the dotted box represents a cluster that would be expected to occur but is absent in the current database. These segments are contrasted in Table 5.19. Table 5.18. Azha-LJY consonant initial phonemes p

t

ʨ

tɬ

tʂ

k

kj

f

s

ɕ

ɬ

ʂ

x

xj

v

z

ʑ

l

ʐ

ɣ

m

n

ȵ

pʰ

tʰ

ʦ

ʦʰ

ʨʰ

tʂʰ

kʰ

kʰj χ ʁ

ŋ

The glide segment of the velar-glide series might alternatively be analyzed as the first segment of a diphthong series. This was, in fact, the decision made in the XPB analysis (Pelkey et al. 2005). Such an interpretation overlooks one likely diachronic origin of the aspirated and unaspirated stops in this series, however. At least some of the /kj/ and /kʰj/ (six instances total in the current database) are probably reflexes of an earlier lateral cluster innovation shared by the Southeastern Ngwi languages as discussed in Chapter 7. LJY ‘pants’ kjɛ⁴⁴pɛ²², for example, corresponds with Muji-QLC kɬʰa²¹pji⁵⁵. Palatalization is a reflex of lateral-cluster phonemes in numerous Muji languages as well. The expected voiced pair /ɣj/ in this series occurs in non-phonemic environments, in complementary distribution with [ɣ], since palatalization occurs only in the environment of rounded mid vowels such that /i³³ɣɞ²¹/ >[i³³ɣjɞ²¹] ‘intestines’ and /ɣœ³³/>[ɣjœ³³] ‘sell’. Palatalization processes also affect the voiced alveolopalatal fricative /ʑ/, which is in free variation with [j] in the environment of front vowels such that /ʑɛ³³/ ‘chicken’ > [ʑɛ³³]~[jɛ³³] and /ʑi⁴⁵/ ‘sleep’ > [ʑi⁴⁵]~[ ji⁴⁵] – with [ʑ] being the dominant phonetic realization in all cases.13

266

Phula phonologies

The voiced velar fricative /ɣ/ is affected by labialization conditioned by back rounded vowels such that /ɣ/ > [w͡ɣ]~[ˠw]/__[+back, +round]: e.g., /ɣɔ³³/ ‘house’ > [ˠwɔ³³]; /ɣu²²pu³³/ ‘belly’ > [ˠwu²²pu³³]; /a⁴⁴ɣɔ²²/ ‘snow’ > [ a⁴⁴w͡ɣɔ²²]. Numerous Chinese loans introduce further glide segments that should not be considered native to the phonology. Examples include /kwã²²kwã²²/ ‘pipe; tube’, /χwa⁴⁴pɔ²²/ ‘flowery’, /lja²¹/ ‘beam’ and /wɛj²¹lɨ⁴⁵/ ‘surround’. Table 5.19. Azha-LJY consonants in contrastive environment LJY

Chinese English

LJY

Chinese English

p

pɛ⁴⁴

ᮒ

‘dare’

ʁ

ʁɜ²¹

࠷

‘slice’

pʰ

pʰɛ²²

䗓

‘spicy’

t

tɛ³³

к

‘ascend’

m

mɛ²²

༛‫ޥ‬

‘soldier’

tʰ

tʰɛ³³

ᘛ(࠰

‘sharp

n

ਓ)

(blade)’

nɛ³³

ྭਲ਼

‘delicious’ ʦ

ʦɛ⁴⁵

㖾ѭ

‘beautiful’

ȵ

ȵɛ³³

䞹Ҷ

‘drunk’

ʦʰ

ʦʰɛ²¹

ॱ

‘ten’

ŋ

ŋɜ⁴⁵

‘drink’

ʨ

ʨɛ³³

ߧ

‘cold’

‘sibling’

ʨʰ

ʨʰɛ³³

ợ

‘comb(V)’

v

் ‫ݴ‬ᕏ ni²²sɨ⁴⁴fɛ³³ က࿩ vɛ²² ⥚

‘pig’

tɬ

tɬɛ³³

┑

‘full’

s

sɛ³³

〠

‘weigh’

ɬ

ɬɛ²²

㍟

‘tired’

z

zɛ⁴⁵

ᖸ

l

lɛ²²

᡻

‘hand/arm’

ɕ

ɕɛ³³

᪈

‘INTF’ ‘pick’

tʂ

tʂœ³³

⢱

‘plow(N)’

ʑ

ʑɛ³³

呑

‘chicken’

tʂʰ

tʂʰœ³³

✗

‘burn’

ʂ

ʂɞ⁴⁵

㫌

‘garlic’

k

kɛ³³ʦɔ³³

ᑞࣙ

‘help’

ʐ

ʐy²²

⭏≄

‘be angry’ kʰ

kʰɛ²¹

њ

‘CLF.general’

x

xɛ³³

⋨

‘boil’

kj

kjɛ³³

⡜㹼

‘crawl’

ɣ

ɣœ³³

‘sell’

kʰj

χ

χɜ²¹

আ 䫱

‘iron’

xj

kʰjɛ²¹tʂɔ³³ 㓯 僇 xjɛ²¹

f

‘thread’ ‘deceive’

Apparently due to frequent contact with Nong Zhuang, Azha-XPB features the phoneme /s/ in free variation with [θ] in all environments: e.g., [sɨ⁴⁴] ~ [θɨ⁴⁴] ‘three’, [sʌ⁴⁴lʌ⁴⁴vi²²] ~ [θʌ⁴⁴lʌ⁴⁴vi²²] ‘cotton’, and [to³³sɛ⁴⁴] ~ [to³³θɛ⁴⁴] ‘turtle’. This phenomenon was not observed to occur in LJY or any other Azha variety.

Azha Phonology

267

The retroflex fricatives /ʐ/ and /ʂ/ include [ʒ] and [ʃ] as allophones in free variation. These phonemes also frequently condition a rhoticized quality on vowels--a quality that often spreads over the entire syllable as in /ʐɯ²¹/ ‘sheep’ which takes the phonetic shapes [ʐɯ̠ ˞²¹] ~ [ʐɹɯ˞̠²¹] ~ [ɹʒɯ̠ ˞²¹]. The velar stops /k/ and /kʰ/ have as allophones [q] and [qʰ], respectively, in the environment of mid-back vowels /ʌ/ and /ɔ/ such that, e.g., /kʌ³³/ ‘pick up’ > [qʌ³³] and /kʰɔ²²/ ‘bitter’ > [qʰɔ²²]. The velar fricative /x/ is in free variation with [h] in all environments; e.g., /xɛ³³/ ‘boil’ > [xɛ³³] ~ [hɛ³³]; /mi⁴⁴xi²¹/ ‘wind’ > [mi⁴⁴hi²¹] ~ [mi⁴⁴xi²¹]; /i³³xɔ²¹/ ‘soul’ > [i³³xɔ²¹] ~ [i³³hɔ²¹]. Although [h] is the dominant realization of this phoneme in LJY, this is not necessarily the case for all Azha varieties, and [x] better represents the systematic status of the phoneme in the Azha consonant canon. In LJY the retroflex affricates /tʂ/ and /tʂʰ/ are apparently merging with alveolar affricates /ʦ/ and /ʦʰ/, respectively. Younger generation speakers scarcely distinguish between the two at all. 5.6.3.

Vowel Finals

The PJZ vowel system consists of 13 phonemes featuring six rounding contrasts, as illustrated in Figure 5.14 and contrasted in Table 5.20. i

y

ɨ

ʉ

ɯ

u

ɛ

œ

ɜ

ɞ

ʌ

ɔ

a Figure 5.14. Azha-LJY vowel final phonemes

Although Chinese loans have introduced a handful of contrastive diphthongs into the language, no native phonemic diphthongs have been noted to occur in LJY. The phoneme /ʌ/, however, usually takes the phonetic shape [ɑʌ], and numerous allophonic diphthongs, particularly, in XPB are conditioned by the glottalized high-rising toneme [35] as will discussed further in §5.7.4. The high-central phoneme /ɨ/ is generally realized with the phonetic shape [ɘ], thus keeping it quite distinct in from /ɯ/. /ɨ/ also goes to [ɿ] following /s/ and to [ʅ] following retroflex initials: e.g., /tɨ⁴⁴/ ‘fold’ > [tɘ⁴⁴]; /sɨ³³/ ‘charcoal’ > [sɿ³³]; /ʂɨ²²/ ‘seven’ > [ʂʅ²²].

268

Phula phonologies

Table 5.20. Azha-PJZ vowel phonemes in contrastive environment LJY

Chinese

English

LJY

Chinese

English

i

ni³³

Ҽ

‘two’

ɞ

nɞ²²

䖟

‘soft’

y

ny³³

㔯

‘green’

a

na³³

⒯

‘wet’

ɛ

nɛ³³

ྭਲ਼

‘delicious’

ɯ

nɯ²¹

֐

‘2S’

œ

mœ³³

傜

‘horse’

u

a³³nu⁴⁵

⥤ᆀ

‘monkey’

ɨ

nɨ³³

∋

‘body hair’

ʌ

nʌ³³

䘁

‘near’

ʉ

na³³nʉ³³

公

‘demon’

ɔ

nɔ³³

ཊ

‘many’

ɜ

nɜ²¹

㠝

‘stinky’

The phoneme /ɛ/ includes [ɛ], [æ̝ ] and [e̞] as allophones – [æ̝ ] only occurring with the tense-voice low-falling tone /21/: e.g., /xɛ²¹/ ‘nest’ > [hæ̝̠ ²¹]; /ʦɛ²¹/ ‘wood’ > [ʦæ̝̠ ²¹]. With the exception of residual vowel nasalization occurring as a reflex of tense voice contrasts in HZC, vowel nasalization has only been found to be present in Chinese loans such as /ʑɛ̃²¹tʰã²¹/ ‘finely ground sugar’ and /lɛ̃²¹ ʦɨ³³/ ‘chain’. Only one nasal coda was encountered in the Azha data, occurring after an open-mid central vowel in XPB /mɜŋ⁴⁵/ ‘gong’, a Chinese loan from Southwestern Mandarin. The occurrence defies the Azha syllable template but is the only known exception (cf. LJY /ma³³/). 5.6.4.

Tone

Azha features five contrastive tones – three level tones, /44/, /33/ and /22/, and two contour tones, /45/ and /21/. The three level tonemes are pronounced with modal voice, but the two contour tones both incorporate phonation features. The high-rising /45/ toneme is frequently glottalized or constricted and sometimes results in a full glottal final. The low-falling /21/ toneme is pronounced with laryngealized, breathy, and/or creaky phonation. Out of a lexical database of 2,083 phonemicized syllables, 30% (629) have /33/ tones, 21% (434) have /22/ tones, 20% (422) have /21/ tones, 16% (342) have /44/ tones and 12% (256) have /45/ tones. Pitch plots for these five tonemes are illustrated in Figures 5.15 and 5.16. A sixth toneme /13/ is arguably marginal but has only been noted to occur on Chinese loans: e.g., the second morpheme of the partial Chinese loan /tʰa²¹la¹³kɔ³³mɔ³³/ ‘mantis’.

Azha Phonology

f 0 semitones

44 [nɔɔ⁴⁴] ‘ask’ 䰞

33 [nɔɔ³³] ‘good’ ྭ

22 [ŋɔɔ²²] ‘five’ ӄ

45 [nɔɔ³̠ ⁵] ‘stop’ ‫ڌ‬

269

21 [nɔɔ²̠ ¹] ‘sick’ ⯵

52

5 4 3 2 1

50 48 46 44 t(sec) 0.20

0.40

0.20 0.40

0.20

0.40

0.20

0.40

0.20

0.40

Figure 5.15. LJY pitch plots and tonemes: Nasal initial environment

f 0 semitones

44 [kɯ ɯ⁴⁴] ‘write’ ߉

33 [kɯ ɯ³³] ‘warm(v)’ ✔

22 [--kɯ ɯ²²] ‘head’ ཤ

45 [kɯ ɯ̠⁴⁵] ‘inside’ 䟼

21 [kɯ ɯ̠³¹] ‘pull’ ᣹

52 50 48 46 44

5 4 3 2 1 t(sec) 0.20

0.40

0.20

0.40

0.20

0.40

0.20

0.40

0.20 0.30

Figure 5.16. LJY pitch plots and tonemes: Stop initial environment

The tense-voice, glottalized toneme /45/ is particularly marked in AzhaXPB, e.g., /i⁴⁵ʦʉ⁴⁵/ ‘hat’ > [i ̠ʔ⁴⁵ʦʉ̠⁴⁵]. The tone seldom results in a full glottal final in LJY, however, and is sometimes pronounced simply as [55] by younger generation speakers – thus making for four level tones contrasts. As can be noted in Figure 5.15, /45/ > [45] ~ [35] in the environment of nasal initials. The toneme sometimes conditions vowel length as well, e.g., /ʂi⁴⁵lɔ²²/ ‘rabbit’ > [ʂiː⁴⁵lɔ²²]. Tone sandhi was infrequently encountered in the Azha data; though, /45/+/45/ has usually been noted to yield either [44]-[44] or [55]-[44]: e.g., /lɯ⁴⁵si⁴⁵/ ‘grass’ > [lɯ⁴⁴si⁴⁴] ~ [lɯ⁵⁵si⁴⁴]. Another, more complex process, has also been noted: /33/+/22/+/33/+/22/ > [33]-[34]-[33]-[22]: e.g., /ti³³kʰɯ²²ti³³kʰɯ²²/ ‘year by year’ (lit. ‘one year one year) > [ti³³kʰɯ³⁴ti³³kʰɯ²²].

270

Phula phonologies

In XPB the glottalized /45/ tone was also noted in Pelkey, Wang and Johnson (2005) to condition a series of allophonic diphthongs, four such diphthongs are summarized with examples in the list below: 1. 2. 3. 4.

/ɨ/ > [ɨɜ] /___ /45/: e.g. /nɛ²²tɨ⁴⁵/ > [nɛ²²tɨɜʔ⁴⁵] /ʉ/ > [ʉɞ] /___ /45/: e.g. /pʉ⁴⁵kɔ³³/ > [pʉɞ̠ʔ⁴⁵qɔ³³] /a/ > [a̙ʌ] /___ /45/: e.g. / i²²mʌ⁴⁵/ [i²²maʌʔ⁴⁵] /ɛ/ > [ɛɪ] /___ /45/: e.g. /ȵi⁴⁵ʨi³³pʰɛ⁴⁵/ [ȵi⁴⁵ʨi³³pʰjɛɪʔ⁴⁵]

‘blind’ ‘knee’ ‘tail’ ‘wall’

Note that these four allophonic diphthongs conditioned by the /45/ tone in XPB include two pairs: 1 and 2 move downward in the mouth from close to open-mid and 3 and 4 move upward in the mouth, albeit to different places of articulation. 5.7. Summary This foray into the phonologies of five representative Phula languages provides a feel for the diversity that has developed within the five genetic meso-clades (see Chapters 6 and 7) traditionally affiliated with the ethnic title (see Chapters 1 and 3). Of the five, Hlepho features the most complex system of consonant initials, Southern Muji features the most complex rhyme system, Phola features the most complex system of suprasegmentals, Phuza stands out with versatile glide initials and Azha stands out with numerous vowel rounding contrasts and an unorthodox tone system. Many of the typological characteristics found in these five clades also overlap with genetically significant diachronic innovations – an unexplored area the next two chapters seek to discover.G

Chapter 6 The language clades of Phula Proper Establishing historical subgroupings The Dao gave birth to the one, One gave birth to two, Two gave birth to three, And three gave birth to the ten thousand things. – Lao Zi Daode Jing §42

6.1. Methodology for historical subgrouping This chapter concerns itself with how the Phula languages fit together – attempting to answer simple questions such as ‘Who goes with who?’ and ‘What came from what?’ More complex questions are also of interest: Are there upper and lower-level clades within Phula? If so, what are they, and what are the defining innovations of each? Can genetic inheritance be distinguished from language contact even within Phula? Do all languages affiliated with Phula ethnically actually affiliate with Phula linguistically? In an attempt to answer these key questions for the 24 languages known to affiliate with the historical Phula ethnonym, a two-pronged approach will be taken in this chapter, ultimately oriented toward historical dialectology. The approach seeks to blend quantitative and qualitative analyses into an organic overview of Phula genetic/contact relationships. Quantitative overview. Following introductions to Ngwi and Phula tone, the chapter proceeds with a quantitative phylogenetic analysis of 37 Phula varieties using the agglomerative Neighbor-Net phenogram algorithm (Bryant and Moulton 2004) in order to provide an overview of potential internal subgroupings. One strength of the Neighbor-Net approach in attempting to quantify genetic relationships is its active incorporation of ambiguous historical contact relationships implied by core lexical data. Qualitative evaluation. In order to filter out the noise of historical contact, the chapter goes on to critique, affirm, and revise these preliminary subgroupings using the comparative method to identify systematic and peculiar shared innovations. The focus of the search for shared innovations will be on tone system developments, primarily relying on internal reconstruction with Proto-Ngwi (see §2.7.4). Complex tone system developments

272

The language clades of Phula Proper

within Phula provide a robust paradigm-like diagnostic for subgrouping. Other individual-identifying innovations will be demonstrated as well – especially for larger clades. Bailey’s dynamic wave model and implicational hierarchies will be applied in some cases to represent the outward movement of innovations in space and time. Background discussion of the theory and assumptions behind these qualitative approaches are provided in §2.7. The chapter concludes by presenting a comprehensive working overview of Phula subgroupings. Ultimately, arbitrary, paradigm-like sets of shared innovations suggest two macro-clades, four-meso clades and 13 microclades from among 22 of the 24 Phula languages defined to-date. The discussion of broader genetic affiliation is deferred until Chapter 7. 6.1.1.

Overview of Ngwi tone

As discussed in §2.8, as long as a group of languages can be shown to share broad genetic affiliation at an upper level, e.g., Ngwi, Burmic, etc., internal tone system innovations provide a potential lode of robust, paradigm-like criteria for identifying exclusive internal subgroupings. In order to provide a context for the tone system developments discussed at length in the chapter, this section introduces the Proto-Ngwi tone system along with a summary of various factors that have been demonstrated to lead to tonogenesis, tone-splitting, and tonal redistribution in the Sinosphere. Proto-Ngwi featured five tone contrasts – three in open syllables (with vowel or nasal codas) and two in checked syllables (with *-p, *-t, and *-k codas) as is demonstrated in Burling (1967), Matisoff (1972) and Bradley (1977, 1979a). The shorthand for these five *tonemes is *1, *2, *3, *H, and *L (following Bradley 1979a) in which the numbers 1–3 represent the three open-syllable tone classes (high, low, and mid, respectively) and *H and *L represent the two checked-syllable tone classes (high and low, respectively). Although TC-3, was already present at the Proto-Burmic stage (previously, ‘Burmese-Lolo’), the conditioning of the two-way pitch contrast in checked syllables is an innovation unique to Ngwi. The split was conditioned by initial voicing such that *checked *syllables with *voiceless *initials split to a higher pitch and *checked *syllables with *voiced *initials split to a lower pitch around the time of Ngwi’s separation from Burmic. Most modern day Ngwi languages have lost final stop consonants from *H and *L syllables, but many of these same languages retain glottalized and/or tense voice phonation as a suprasegmental reflex of earlier stop codas. Tracing tonal developments of these six tone classes in modern day Ngwi languages has long proven useful for subgrouping within Ngwi (see

Methodology for historical subgrouping

273

Matisoff 1972, Bradley 1979a, Thurgood 1982, etc.), though sometimes with conflicting results. More diagnostic rigor is required at higher levels when assessing the subgrouping potential of tone systems. At lower levels, such as establishing internal subgroupings within Phula, finer details often prove diagnostic for micro-subgrouping provided that the tonal innovations in question are relatively unusual, systematic and/or arbitrary, but even here comprehensive evidence from the entire tone system is considered the most sound method for subgrouping. Tonogenesis, the development of tonal contrasts in previously non-tonal languages, and ongoing tonal developments are now well-established as being primarily influenced by initial and final consonants – with glottalization, voicing, devoicing, and aspiration of initials and the glottalization of codas usually cited as the major conditioning factors (see Matisoff 1970, 1973, Haudricourt 1972, Bradley 1977, Benedict 1992, etc). Thurgood (2002) provides a recent clarification of this generalization by asserting that there is no direct connection between tone and consonant type per se. The link is, more accurately, due to “… laryngeal gestures associated with the production of the voice quality that affect the pitch of the vowel” (2002:341). Thurgood holds that certain classes of consonants affect voice-quality distinctions over time, and these phonation distinctions in turn develop into new tones or influence the shift of existing tones. Another factor that introduces fresh tonal complexity into a given system is allotonic variation or tone sandhi that becomes contrastive over time (see Bradley 1990 for a Ngwi-branch example). Tonal flip-flops also occur in the region. In a tonal flip-flop, synchronic reflexes come to be reversed relative to the pitch values of the proto-tones from which they descended. Importantly for the Ngwi languages, numerous tone splits and mergers can also be traced back to the influence (or loss) of various proto-prefix classes and prenasalization contrasts. An introduction to the major Ngwi prefix classes and initial consonant classes is provided in the next section. 6.1.2.

Overview of Proto-Ngwi *initial classes and guide to notation

In order to present the comparative results needed for Phula subgrouping in this chapter, a number of notation conventions should be clarified. These conventions are especially important for representing historical classes of proto-initials and proto-prefixes which frequently play a substantial role in tone splits and tonal redistribution. Proto-Ngwi featured three major prefix classes: *C-, *ʔ-, and *s- along with a prenasalized contrast *m-. These prefix classes may be combined

274

The language clades of Phula Proper

with one or more of six major consonant initial classes to make 13 further initial classes. Initial stops + medial combinations make for three further classes, and *C-prefixed stops + medial combinations comprise two additional classes for a total of 28 major classes of Proto-Ngwi initials. These classes, along with the shorthand notations used to represent them in this chapter, are summarized in Table 6.1. Following this outline, the symbol *ʔ-, for example, is intended to represent all glottal-prefixed initials; but, following Bradley’s (1979a) shorthand, *ʔm is intended to represent all glottal-prefixed nasals. Likewise, *p represents all voiceless stops, *Cb represents all *C-prefixed voiced stops, and so on. The notation *s- (*s-prefixed initials) is intended to be kept distinct from *s (voiceless fricatives), but *sr and *sm indicate *s-prefixed resonants and nasals respectively. Table 6.1. Guide to shorthand for major natural classes of PNg initials PNg Class *Stops *Fricatives

Vl *p *s

*Nasals

Vd *b

*C-PFX Vl Vd *Cp *Cb

*Glottal-PFX Vl Vd *ʔp *ʔb

*m

*Cm

*ʔm

*z *r

*Resonants *+Medials All *PFX

*Cs

*pr

*br

*mr

*Cr

*Cpr

*Prenasalized *s-PFX Vl Vd *mp *mb *sm

*ʔr

*sr

*Cbr *C-

*ʔ-

*m-

*s-

When tonal innovations fail to fall along major natural class lines, other notations will be used to indicate conditioning environments. Segment notations preceding (or following) an underscore indicate regular exceptions to natural classes such as *ʃ_ (*palatal fricative initials). Proposed intermediate innovations that do not descend from Proto-Ngwi are marked in square brackets, and unmarked environments are listed with the exception of minor residual irregularities often mentioned in prose descriptions. Due to the broad scale nature of the comparison coupled with the detailed analysis required for identifying relationships, major innovations will be focused on for Phula insular subgrouping. Irregular residues will often be pointed out, but this analysis will not attempt to account for all irregularities in the tonal data – most of which are inevitably due to historical tone sandhi,

Methodology for historical subgrouping

275

branch-internal borrowings, tonal derivations, homophony avoidance, and other variables. 6.1.3.

Overview of Phula tonal reflexes

Perhaps the most suitable word for describing Phula tone is “flux”. Pervasive tone splitting, conditioned mergers, and wholesale tonal redistribution seem to be a typological trademark of the sub-branch – a trademark I have referred to as ‘tonal bleaching’ (Pelkey 2005). The PNg tone classes are routinely split between three and four overlapping synchronic tones, and this is especially true in tone classes one and two. On the other hand, numerous Phula languages also feature uncommon tone mergers – especially in the checked tone classes. Close inspection of conditioning environments reveals adequate evidence that tonal developments are cognate with Proto-Ngwi, and morphological and lexical correspondences yield strong evidence for Ngwi affiliation as well, but the degree of tone flux shared by most Phula languages is uncommon in the rest of the Ngwi branch – even when compared to Central Ngwi languages like Lahu and Lisu (though Sani, Axi, and Azhe come close to the complexity of the Phula varieties). Table 6.2 provides an overview of Phula tonal reflexes compared to other Ngwi languages traditionally unaffiliated with Phula. The Hani, Lahu and Lisu correspondences are based on analysis presented in Bradley (1977, 1979); remaining correspondences are based on my own analysis. In split tone classes, dominant reflexes are listed first, followed by split reflexes listed in descending order of frequency. With a few exceptions, minor splits occurring in less than 15% of the cognate forms are not included in the Table 6.2 summary. Conditioning environments for both major and minor splits are discussed in §6.3–§6.7. While the dominant toneme usually corresponds to the unmarked (‘elsewhere’) reflex for a given tone class, this is not always the case (see discussion in §6.4.1, below). In cases such that the dominant reflex does not correspond with the unmarked toneme, the unmarked toneme is listed in bold in Table 6.2. Here, as elsewhere in the analysis, both unmarked reflexes and conditioned reflexes are claimed with the exception of minor irregularities apparently due to lexicalized tone sandhi, grammaticalization, tonal derivation, homophony avoidance, etc. With the exception of TC-3, which seems to have remained unsplit at the Proto-Phula stage, most Phula languages that feature only a single tonal reflex in a given tone class do so as a result of merging the checked tone classes *H and *L.

276

The language clades of Phula Proper

Table 6.2. Overview of Phula tonal reflexes with reference to other Ngwi languages Language

*1

*2

*3

*H

*L

Phola

55/33

33/31/55

33/55

31/33/55

31/33

Phala

55/33

33/31/55

33/55

31/33/55

31/33

Phupa

21/33/55

33/21/13/55

33/21/55

55

55

Phuza

21/33

33/13/55/21

33/55

55

55

Phupha

21/33/55

33/13/21/55

33

55

55

Alugu

33/21/55

33/13/55/21

21

52

52

Phowa, Ani

55/21/33/13

21/33/13/55

21/55

33/21

33/55

Phowa, Labo

55/21/33/13

21/33/13/55

21/55

21

33/55/13

Phowa, Hlepho

21/33

33/55/21

33

21/33

33

Phukha

21/33

35/31/33

33/31

31

31/33

Khlula

21/33/55

55/33/13

33

13/33/55

33/55

Zokhuo

21/33

55/33

33

21/33

55/33

Muji, Northern

33/21

55/21/13

21/55/33

33/21

21/33

Muji, Southern

33/21

55/21/13

21/55/33

33/21

21/33

Bokha

33/21

21/55/13/33

21/33

33/21

21/33

Phuma

33/21

21/55/33/13

21/33

33/21

21/33

Muzi

33/21/55

21/55/13/33

21/55

33/21

21/33

Muji, Qila

33/21/55

55/21/33

21/55/33

33/21

21/33

Laghuu

33/21/55

55/33

33/55/21

33/55

21/33

Thopho

33/55/24

21/55/52

33/55

33/21/55

21/33

Moji

52/55/33

33/55/21

55

52/55

35

Pholo

53/44/33

24/33/53

21/45

45

45

Azha

21/44/33

22/33/45

33

33/44/45

22/45

Azhe

22/33

21/55

22/33

22/33

21/55

Axi

22/33

21/55/33

33

33

21/55

Sani

33/33

21/55/33

33/33

33

21/55

Lisu, Northern

44/33

21/55

33

44/33

21/55

Lahu, Black

21/33

11/53

33

45

21/35

Nisu, Northern

21/55

33/21

21

33

21

Hani, Luchun

55

21

33

33

21

Methodology for historical subgrouping Table 6.3. Unmarked tonal reflex patterns in Phula and other Ngwi languages Language

*1

*2

*3

*H

*L

Phola

55

33

33

31

31

Phala

55

33

33

31

31

Phupa

21

33

33

55

55

Phuza

21

33

33

55

55

Phupha

21

33

33

55

55

Alugu

33

33

21

52

52

Phowa, Ani

55

33

21

33

33

Phowa, Labo

55

33

21

21

33

Phowa, Hlepho

33

33

33

21

33

Phukha

33

35

33

31

31

Khlula

33

55

33

13

33

Zokhuo

33

55

33

21

55

Muji, Northern

33

21

21

33

21

Muji, Southern

33

21

21

33

21

Bokha

33

21

21

33

21

Phuma

33

21

21

33

21

Muzi

33

21

21

33

21

Muji, Qila

33

55

21

33

21

Laghuu

33

55

33

33

21

Thopho

33

21

33

33

21

Moji

52

33

55

52

35

Pholo

53

24

21

45

45

Azha

21

22

33

33

22

Azhe

22

21

22

22

21

Axi

22

21

33

33

21

Sani

33

21

33

33

21

Lisu, Northern

44

21

33

44

21

Lahu, Black

21

53

33

45

21

Nisu, Northern

21

33

21

33

21

Hani, Luchun

55

21

33

33

21

277

278

The language clades of Phula Proper

In Pholo the merger is to a glottalized /45/ pitch. In Phupa, Phupha and Phuza the merger is to a high-level /55/ pitch. In Alugu, the two classes merge to a high-falling /52/ pitch. Table 6.3 presents a simplified overview of Table 6.2 by listing only unmarked reflexes and marking apparent patterns in the data. The patterns that emerge enable several initial hypotheses about Phula internal relationships. Unsurprisingly, Phola and Phala correspond across all tone classes, as do Phupa, Phupha and Phuza. Bokha, Phuma and Muzi also correspond with the two major Muji languages, Northern and Southern Muji, across all tone classes. Of the three languages belonging to Phowa proper (i.e., languages whose speakers identify with the Phowa ethnonym), however, none correspond across all tone classes. Unmarked reflexes in Ani and Labo correspond in every class except TC-H, but Hlepho corresponds only with the Labo checked-tone classes. Conversely, Phukha, Khlula and Zokhuo correspond only in the non-checked tone classes. Naturally, this evidence alone is insufficient for subgrouping; otherwise, Thopho, for example, might just as easily be linked with Sani, but this would be an error. Discussions of more distant relationships with non-Phula languages and upper-level affiliations are deferred until Chapter 7. Phulainternal relationships marked in bold in Table 6.3 are borne out and clarified by more detailed tonal reconstruction and the comparative identification of other distinctive innovations in §6.3–§6.7. Before engaging in a qualitative analysis of Phula-internal relationships using the comparative method, a distance-based quantitative approach provides much needed perspective and a broader basis for hypothesis, comparison and critique. 6.2. A distance-based network of Phula languages The quantitative analysis of genetic relationships in linguistics has often been critiqued as a dubious enterprise (see discussion in §2.6.3). In recent years, however, historical linguists have adopted quantitative methods from evolutionary biology that go beyond the forced output of simple rooted trees. As discussed in §2.8.4, phylogenetic models have recently emerged that are able to deal with (and represent) much of the ambiguity inherent in quantifying historical relationships. One such leading method is applied in this section in order to provide an overview of Phula internal relationships with an emphasis on historical contact and dialect continua. This overview will be used as a launch pad for a more in-depth qualitative exploration of Phula genetic subgroupings in the remainder of the chapter.

A distance-based network of Phula languages

6.2.1.

279

Neighbor-Net and distance-based phylogenetic relationships

As described in §2.6.3 and §3.3, one component of this research project involved the calculation of lexical similarity for 200 Swadesh-based lexical items from 41 related language varieties (37 Phula varieties and four Ngwi varieties not traditionally considered to affiliate with Phula). The results of this analysis can be viewed in Appendix C as a standard lexical similarity matrix. Transforming the pair-by-pair results of this matrix into values reflecting their dissimilarity (e.g. 0.64 similar > 0.46 dissimilar) results in a distance matrix. Software designed for computing phylogenetic networks are able to rapidly interpret the complex relationships implied by distance matrices into visual phenograms. Since rough cognate counts are ultimately unable to distinguish homoplasy (common inheritance, areal diffusion and chance correspondences) from unique independent innovations, networks are much more suitable than trees for distance-based quantitative analysis of language relationships. Network representations enable an intuitive visual overview of historical contact, dialect continua, and – more tentatively – genetic subgroups by identifying the presence of both clear and conflicting relationship claims between all pairs in a given distance matrix. Judging from positive reviews in recent linguistic publications (Bryant et al. 2005, Holden and Gray 2006, Ben Hamed and Wang 2006), the current leading cladistic network method in the field is Neighbor-Net – first introduced to evolutionary biology by Bryant and Moulton (2004). The method has been incorporated into the phylogenetic tree-building software SplitsTree4 (Huson 1998, Huson and Bryant 2006, 2007) and has recently been used in linguistics to clarify the nature of complex historical relationships between Indo-European languages (Bryant et al. 2005), Bantu languages (Holden and Gray 2006), and Chinese languages (Ben Hamed and Wang 2006). Bryant and Moulton recommend the method as an introductory visual means of data exploration – providing “… a snapshot of the data that can guide more detailed analysis” (2004: 255, 263). SplitsTree4 generates these neighbor-network ‘snapshots’ by weighting ambiguous splits in the data. When splits are compatible (i.e. unambiguous), a precise tree shape results. When splits are ambiguous, the Neighbor-Net algorithm uses SplitsTree4 to output a box pattern featuring relative edge-length as a guide to judging the weight of competing splits. Longer edge-lengths are assigned to more heavily weighted splits of distance matrix pairs. The longer the edge-length of a given split, the higher the relative weight of that split. Figure 6.1 provides a simple illustration of this decision-making process by comparing distance

280

The language clades of Phula Proper

results from four pairs of Phula languages computed using Neighbor-Net and rendered using SplitsTree4.1 Phupha-FKC

A Alugu-CTL

B Phupa-GMD

B A

Phuza-BJB Figure 6.1. Simple network illustrating ambiguous weighted splits

In this ‘splits graph’, distance-based lexical evidence supports two competing groupings: split A groups Alugu and Phuza vs. Phupha and Phupa. Split B groups Phuza and Phupa together vs. Alugu and Phupha. Line length, however, indicates that there is more evidence for split B than split A; thus, Phuza-Phupa and Alugu-Phupha can be grouped together with more confidence than Alugu-Phuza and Phupa-Phupha. As will be discovered in §6.6 below, tone system developments and other unique innovations between these four pairs confirm the B-split subgrouping scenario to be the best supported. In addition to representing ambiguous splits that are often discarded by conventional quantitative methods, the Neighbor-Net method provides ways of identifying the presence of long-term borrowing (due to language contact through space and time), dialect continua (due to gradient genetic variation through space and time), and ‘rapid radiation’. Rapid radiation is described by Holden and Gray (2006) as abrupt, successive historical splits that leave little time for the development of shared innovations between daughter lects. This is the opposite scenario from a dialect continuum in which closely related dialects diverge more slowly. Rapid radiation is visually represented by long, star-like bursts of branches with few reticulated patterns. Widespread borrowing (in the case of distantly related varieties that come back

A distance-based network of Phula languages

281

into contact) or innovation sharing (in the case of closely related varieties slowly diverging), on the other hand, results in complex reticulated patterns represented by rectangular grids. Such patterns imply long-term historical contact and/or the presence of a dialect chain. Dialect chains usually involve numerous varieties and are marked by the most heavily reticulated patterns (Bryant et al. 2005, Holden and Gray 2006). As mentioned in the introduction to this chapter, phenograms must not be mistaken for cladograms. Initial subgroupings arrived at through this quantitative method must be critiqued and modified via qualitative insights from synchronic and diachronic dialectology – especially applications of the comparative method and sociolinguistic background knowledge. 6.2.2.

The Phula neighbor network and preliminary subgroupings

A distance-based neighbor network phenogram of 37 Phula varieties is represented in Figure 6.2. The resulting diagram is based on the distance values (quantified dissimilarity) of the 1,369 Phula data pairs (excluding, for the time being, Sani, Axi, Nisu, and Azhe; see §7.2) presented in the Appendix C distance matrix. The diagram was processed using the equal-angle Neighbor-Net reticulation method packaged with SplitsTree4 software (v4.8) as discussed in the previous section. A scale key in the upper left hand corner of the diagram provides a relative measurement calculated by the program for gauging the weight of various splits and ambiguities in the data. As discussed above, line length corresponds to the weight, or confidence, of a given split and reticulated patterns point out ambiguity that can reasonably be interpreted as borrowing and/or feature sharing due to historical contact. Entertaining the phenogram output as a cladogram hypothesis, the picture that emerges implies the presence of rapid radiation, historical contact, and dialect continua alike. Azha, Zokhuo, Phola/Phala, Pholo, and Thopho all appear to be examples of abrupt, early splits and can be expected to demonstrate lower levels of affinity with other Phula languages as a result. The two clearest cases of ongoing historical contact and/or dialect continua are the Phowa and Muji clades, respectively. Judging from line length, the Muji splits are generally calculated with more confidence than the Phowa splits. On the other hand, the Muji splits are more heavily reticulated than the Phowa splits.

282

The language clades of Phula Proper 0.1

Azha-LJY

Azha-HZC

Khlula Khlula

Azha-DFC

LZC

Pholo

Moji-LCC

Zokhuo-DXZ MXC

Phukha-LPC

Pholo-SXZ

XJC

Thopho-XZC

Phowa-SZW

Phola

Phowa-WDP Phowa-WBZ Phowa-JJC Phowa

NTC

Phola LDC

Phola

Phala

DHN

Phowa-MZC Phole-CKB

ADP

FNS

Phowa-FZK Alugu CTL

Phupha

Phupa-GMD Phuza-BJB

FKC

Laghuu HZC

Muji

Muji

Muji

PJZ

XPC

Bokho Bokha Phuma

Muji

YBZ

SZT

DXB

YZT

Muzi Muzi NGZ

MLT

QLC

Figure 6.2. Distance-based phylogenetic neighbor network phenogram of Phula language varieties

As discussed in Chapter 3, the core Phowa varieties (Ani, Labo and Hlepho) comprise a gradient dialect continuum synchronically that is impossible to subdivide into synchronic languages without recourse to ethnic identity distinctions and preliminary intelligibility insights. On the other hand, the Phowa clade varieties (including Phukha, Khlula, and Zokhuo: see §6.4) seem to have had little influence on the core lexicons of other neighboring Phula varieties. The Muji varieties, on the other hand, have had a more substantial impact on the core lexicons of Phula languages from other neighboring clades (such as Phuza, Phupa, Phupha, and Alugu). The Muji varieties are members of a less gradient dialect chain, but the Core Muji varieties (defined in §6.3) apparently maintained close enough contact in

A distance-based network of Phula languages

283

earlier centuries to be influenced by numerous shared innovations before diverging into distinct languages. Interpreting the various nodes in Figure 6.2 in terms of the Phula language definitions introduced in Chapter 3, Figure 6.3, below, provides an illustration of dialect relationships identified to date. With the exception of Hlepho, which is split between two major nodes, the dialect relationships defined in Chapter 3 match up well with the edge confidence and splits calculated by Neighbor-Net, and the diagram serves as further supporting evidence of the validity of these language definitions.

HZC LJY

0.1

DXZ Zokhuo

DFC

Member of the Muji Clade

Pholo

LCC

Khlula LZCMXC

Azha

Moji Phukha LPC

SXZ XJC

(Hlepho)

Thopho XZC

NTC

SZW

Labo

WDP WBZ JJC

Phola

LDC ADP FNS

Member of the Muji Clade

Ani DHN

MZC CKB

Phala

Hlepho

FZK CTL FKC GMD

Phupha

BJB

Phupa Phuza

Laghuu PJZ

HZC

Muji, Qila QLC

DXB

YBZ YZT

Bokha Phuma

XPC

MLT NGZ

Muzi Muji, Northern Muji, Southern SZT

Figure 6.3. Phula neighbor network marking languages and genetic/contact clusters

As will be outlined in §6.4, Hlepho Phowa appears to be transitional between Phowa proper and Khlula-Zokhuo. The SZW dialect of Hlepho is situated in the Khlula-Zokhuo region geographically, and Khlula speakers in

284

The language clades of Phula Proper

southeastern Wenshan County still maintain marriage networks with speakers of some Hlepho Phowa dialects in northwestern Wenshan County, though intelligibility between the two is reportedly low (see discussion in §3.5.4). Identifying the major nodes in Figure 6.3, eight preliminary clusters emerge from the distance-based Neighbor-Net analysis. Of these eight clusters, seven contain more than one synchronic language. Most contain only a few languages with multiple dialects, and Azha is the only cluster that contains a single language with multiple dialects. The largest cluster in terms of total synchronic languages is the Muji cluster which includes seven languages according to the Neighbor-Net analysis (but nine languages according to the ensuing diachronic analysis in §6.3). Generally speaking, these neighbor network clusters are validated genetically by distinctive shared innovations – a fact that will be demonstrated in the remainder of the chapter. To accept the Neighbor-Net analysis as a perfectly adequate depiction of Phula-internal genetic relationships, however, would be shortsighted. In addition to the gradient, transitional nature of Hlepho Phowa (and Phowa in general), several other genetic anomalies fly under the radar of the neighbor network distance algorithm. From a genetic linguistic perspective, the most substantial miscalculation in the Neighbor-Net analysis turns out to be the distant separation of PhuzaPhupa and Phupha-Alugu as is demonstrated in §6.6 below. This discrepancy is apparently due to language contact phenomena since Phupa and Phuza are literally surrounded by Muji varieties geographically, resulting in more substantial influence from Muji on their core lexicons (see related discussion in Chapters 3 and 4). The Neighbor-Net approach, in favor of providing an agglomerative illustration of probable, unrooted affiliation and contact influence, also sacrifices a depiction of embedded historical ancestry that emerges from applications of the comparative method. The Muji clade itself provides a fascinating case study in language contact and genetic inheritance. Of all the Phula internal proto-languages, speakers of various stages of Proto-Muji seem to have wandered the farthest from their original homeland. This observation is supported by historical records, place names, oral histories, and linguistic innovations alike (see the ethnohistorical discussion in §1.2.3 and genetic definitions in §6.3). Not including the Laghuu language of Vietnam, the two most geographically distant languages from Muji’s likely origin in Mengzi County (see discussion in §1.2.3 and §3.2.2) turn out to be Thopho and Moji – neither of which are recognized by Neighbor-Net as belonging to the Muji clade. Thopho is spoken in a few isolated villages of southwestern Guangnan County and a dialect of Moji is spoken in Luchaichong, an isolated village in western Xichou

The Muji meso-clade

285

County. Although language contact with Khlula (in the case of Moji) and Pholo (in the case Thopho) have altered the core lexicons of these varieties to be more like neighboring Phula varieties, their genetic affiliation with the Muji clade is still apparent in unique shared innovations as will be discussed in the next section. 6.3. The Muji meso-clade The nine languages of the Muji clade are Southern Muji (Muji-S), Muzi, Bokha, Northern Muji (Muji-N), Phuma, Moji, Qila Muji (Muji-Q), Laghuu and Thopho – listed in decreasing order of estimated speaker population. The clade is validated by numerous independent innovations. An initial collection of these innovations was presented in draft form in Pelkey (2006), which examined seven of the nine Muji languages – effectively incorporating Laghuu into (and excluding Phupa from) the genetic clade. Further analysis suggests that the geographically far-flung varieties Moji and Thopho are also descendants of Proto-Muji. A review of Muji innovations along with additions, corrections, clarifications and a more in-depth analysis of Muji tonal developments are provided in this section. 6.3.1.

Tone system innovations

The core members of the Muji clade are Muji-N, Muji-S, Bokha, Phuma, Muzi and Muji-Q as is demonstrated in this and following sections and illustrated in Figures 6.7 and 6.8. Phuma, Muzi and Muji-Q constitute three different edges at the periphery of the core. Muzi is more typical of Core Muji in terms of tone, but Muji-Q is more typical of Muji in terms of other key innovations. Nevertheless, tonal innovations in the core membership follow very similar patterns in most tone classes with minor exceptions between languages. Thopho, Laghuu and Moji comprise the true periphery of the genetic clade, but tone correspondences between Laghuu, Thopho and Core Muji are still apparent. Moji, whose membership in the clade must be demonstrated through other non-tonal innovations, is the most peripheral. Tone correspondence patterns between Moji and the rest of Muji appear very tenuous on the surface, but the Moji tone system cannot be linked to other surrounding Phula languages with any more regularity. After centuries of geographic separation from the rest of Muji, elements of the Moji tone system may preserve very early stages of Proto-Muji tonal development that prove useful for reconstructing Muji tone categories.

286

The language clades of Phula Proper

Muji-N 55 33 21 13 52

*1 12% 59% 29% 0% 0%

*2 41% 4% 36% 18% 1%

*3 18% 18% 59% 5% 0%

*H 10% 45% 35% 10% 0%

*L 3% 23% 66% 9% 0%

Muji-S *1 55 7% 33 58% 21 32% 13 2% 52 2%

*2 37% 7% 32% 23% 1%

*3 30% 17% 52% 0% 0%

*H 0% 64% 32% 0% 5%

*L 4% 22% 70% 4% 0%

Muzi 55 33 21 13 52

*1 21% 38% 28% 14% 0%

*2 28% 13% 28% 28% 3%

*3 18% 9% 64% 9% 0%

*H 10% 60% 25% 5% 0%

*L 11% 32% 53% 5% 0%

Bokha *1 55 7% 33 50% 21 33% 13 10% 52 0%

*2 35% 14% 36% 15% 0%

*3 7% 33% 53% 7% 0%

*H 0% 62% 32% 6% 0%

*L 4% 21% 71% 4% 0%

Phuma 55 33 21 13 52

*1 5% 57% 36% 3% 0%

*2 35% 15% 39% 11% 0%

*3 6% 24% 65% 6% 0%

*H 4% 59% 37% 0% 0%

*L 0% 16% 84% 0% 0%

Muji-Q *1 55 19% 33 49% 21 30% 35 2% 52 0%

*2 50% 20% 27% 2% 2%

*3 29% 18% 47% 6% 0%

*H 7% 64% 18% 4% 7%

*L 3% 37% 60% 0% 0%

Laghuu 55 33 21 24 54

*1 14% 54% 27% 5% 0%

*2 54% 37% 7% 0% 2%

*3 27% 45% 18% 0% 9%

*H 40% 45% 5% 5% 5%

*L 13% 50% 31% 0% 6%

Thopho 55 33 21 24 52

*2 23% 9% 50% 0% 18%

*3 40% 50% 0% 10% 0%

*H 15% 69% 15% 0% 0%

*L 12% 29% 59% 0% 0%

Moji 55 33 21 35 52

*1 24% 14% 5% 0% 57%

*2 *3 *H *L 36% (95%) 30% 8% 43% 0% 10% 8% 18% 0% 0% 0% 4% 0% 0% 83% 0% (5%) 60% 0%

*1 21% 67% 0% 13% 0%

Figure 6.4. Summary of PNg tonal reflex patterns in the nine known Muji clade languages

Although tonal innovations in the Muji clade are generally consistent, paths of diachronic development from the five PNg tone classes are not

The Muji meso-clade

287

immediately transparent. Most of the PNg tone classes are split between three and four synchronic tones in most Muji languages – a level of splitting and redistribution uncommon to the rest of Ngwi, but also featured in other Phula clades as discussed in §6.1.3. In order to provide an overview of Muji’s complex tonal innovations, Figure 6.4 presents ‘tonal thumbprints’ for the Muji languages (proportional summaries of tone classes per-language listed by percentage of synchronic reflexes), and Tables 6.4 and 6.5 present a per-tone-class diachronic summary of the key conditioning environments for the splits implied in Figure 6.4. The Muji tonal reflex patterns summarized in Figure 6.4 represent proportional counts of PNg reflexes from an average of 160 cognate forms per language. In order to arrive at the totals, monomorphemic correspondences were first identified2 between a given Muji variety and PNg protoforms from a pool of some 600 relevant reconstructions in Bradley (1979, 1994, 1997). Further consistent correspondences between polymorphemic reflexes were then incorporated. For convenience of presentation, dominant tone patterns are represented in the darkest shade, with secondary and tertiary splits represented in successively lighter shades. The proportion of unmarked tone reflexes in each category is listed in bold. In some tone classes – especially in TC-2 – no dominant reflex seems to emerge. Contour tones (excluding low-falling /21/) seldom weigh in as primary synchronic reflexes in the Muji languages – with the exception of Moji /52/ and /35/ and Muzi /13/. Instead, the PNg tone classes are largely distributed between /55/, /33/ and /21/. The marginal presence of /13/ in TC-2 for most of the core Muji varieties is, then, a key detail. As can be noted in Table 6.5, in the next section, the low-rising tone is primarily associated with *voiced *stops and *prenasalized-voiced *stops, and this Muji-internal innovation provides one of many criteria for grouping these languages together within the Muji clade. Also apparent in Figure 6.4 is an unmarked checked-tone pattern, shared to some degree by all Muji languages except Moji, in which *H > 33 and *L > 21. This is a residual pattern shared by many Ngwi languages so it cannot be used as evidence for subgrouping on its own. As Table 6.7 and the ensuing discussion illustrate, however, these surface correspondences belie a more complex innovation unique to Muji. First we will consider developments in TC-1 and TC-2.

288

The language clades of Phula Proper

6.3.1.1. Tone-class 1 Generally speaking, Muji languages split TC-1 to three synchronic tonemes: /33/, /55/ and /21/, with /33/ being the dominant reflex, /21/ representing a split of certain stop initials3 and /55/ representing a likely residual preservation of the original PNg pitch value for this tone class – preserved to varying degrees in different varieties of Muji but most consistently preserved in reflexes of *C-prefixed stops + *medials. Moji is the least qualified for this description followed by Laghuu and Thopho. Laghuu, nevertheless, evidences a dominant /33/ reflex for TC-1 and a split of *b and *p syllables lacking *-aŋ-finals to /21/, and Thopho identifies with the general Muji pattern for this tone class in every way except the split of non-*-aŋ-final *b and *p syllables to /21/.

21/13

Moji

/*naŋ¹

Laghuu

13

Thopho

13

Muji-Q

13

Phuma

Bokha

/*mraŋ¹

Muzi

*1

Muji-S

TC /Environment

Muji-N

Table 6.4. Muji clade tone correspondences for TC-1

24

21

24

21

33

33

55

/*Cm, *Cb /*b,*p [-*_aŋ]

21

21

21

21

21

21

33,13

21

/*Cpr

55

55

55

55

55

55

55

33

52

55

55

/*Cbr

13

/*m [-*_aŋ]

13

/*sm /*s /*ʔm, *ʔə /*ʔr /*b,*p

21

[+*_aŋ] /Elsewhere

33

33

33

33

33

33

33

33

52

The Muji meso-clade

289

The PNg *aŋ rhyme presents an interesting series of conditioning environments that surface in numerous Phula languages. Apparently, the loss of the velar nasal final in these syllables conditioned a voice quality distinction that resulted in a new pitch for the affected consonant class. The *aŋ rhyme is involved in as many as three TC-1 tone splits within various varieties of Muji. Other *nasal *final rhymes do not seem to have affected such changes. Although on the surface Moji tone correspondences in TC-1 appear to match up with little other than the Laghuu preservation of /55/ on *ʔm and *ʔə syllables (which in itself is probably not diagnostic of a close genetic relationship), it is important to note that the /52/ tone in Moji frequently corresponds with /33/ in the rest of Muji – and usually matches a /33/ reflex in Laghuu. Outside of TC-1, this affinity can be noted in tone class *H (see Table 6.7) which yields an unmarked /52/ in Moji and an unmarked /33/ in the rest of the Muji clade (including a matching unsplit distinction preserved by Laghuu and Moji in contrast with the rest of Muji). For reasons that will become clear in §6.3.1.4, *TC-1 and *TC-H must have originally been kept distinct at the Proto-Muji stage (i.e., through tense voice phonation on the latter), but the two tone classes have largely merged by present day as can be noted through a comparison of Tables 6.4 and 6.7. In light of this situation, we may observe that Laghuu shares a closer affinity with Moji than it does with the rest of the Muji clade – especially in proto-high tone classes *1 and *H. Generally speaking, Moji /52/ corresponds with Laghuu /33/ between tone classes as can be noted in Tables 6.4 and 6.7. 6.3.1.2. Tone-class 2 Muji developments in TC-2 are more difficult to unravel than TC-1. Many Muji languages split the tone class to four (and as many as five) synchronic reflexes in various environments. As a result, the unmarked reflexes are difficult to identify. The unmarked reflex is generally listed as /21/ in Table 6.5, but other tones might qualify as well. The pitch values of TC-2 nasal-initial syllables present a further problem since they are widely irregular – both in relation to conditioning environment and in relation to Muji-internal correspondences. The tonal reflexes of *mo² ‘sky’, below, provide an illustration of this irregularity.4 In spite of these complexities, key generalizations emerge in the data – particularly involving a number of initial de-voicing innovations. Generally speaking, the most substantial innovation in TC-2 among the Muji languages is a voiced/voiceless split that corresponds with various

290

The language clades of Phula Proper

PNg tone classes and intermediate innovations alike. At the most general level, voiced initials > /13/ and voiceless initials > /55/ and /21/. More specifically, *voiced *stops and *prenasalized-voiced *stops (those retaining their voicing) tend to split to /13/ and *voiceless fricatives (including *Cprefixed *voiceless *fricatives) and *voiceless *stops (including some *voiced *stops that have become devoiced) regularly split to /55/, but a second series (not apparent in Muzi, Thopho, Laghuu, or Moji) of devoiced *voiced *stops splits to /21/ along with de-aspirated *voiceless *stops, and de-voiced *prenasalized-voiced *stops. A further innovation involves *ʃ_ ,*p-r_ and *Cm initials splitting to /33/ in most varieties.

/*b>[+voc] /*mb>[+voc] /*Cm /*ʃ_, *p-r_

13

13

33,13 33,13 33

33

Thopho

21

21

55

52

13,21 13,21 13,21

21

13,21

24

13

13

13 33

33 33

33

33 33

55

55

/*s

55

55

55

55

33 (55)

33 55

21 NA

33

/*Cs /*b>[-voc1]

Moji

Muj-Q

13

Laghuu

Phuma

52

Bokha

/*mo²

Muzi

*2

Muj-S

TC /Environment

Muji-N

Table 6.5. Muji clade tone correspondences for TC-2

55

33 55

13,55

/*p

21

55

33

/*p>[-asp]

33

NA

/*b>[-voc2]

NA

NA

NA

NA

33

ND

21

/*mb>[-voc]

24

33, 55

/*ʔ-, *s-

55

[5]

21

55

/*z

/Elsewhere

13

21

21

13,21

21

33

21

21

21

NA

55

Although these innovations are complex, the fact that they are shared to some degree by most of the languages in the clade provides further evidence

The Muji meso-clade

291

of a close genetic relationship – especially for the five core varieties, to a slightly diminished degree in Muji-Q, to a more diminished degree in Thopho, and scarcely at all for Laghuu and Moji. Other details in the tone class suggest ties between these final two languages and the rest of the clade, but TC-2 is ultimately a poor diagnostic for linking Moji and Laghuu to the Muji clade. Clearer evidence of affiliation exists elsewhere. Moji and Laghuu, in contrast with the rest of the Muji clade, both yield /55/ as the dominant synchronic reflex of TC-2, but the two languages do not pattern very closely in their distribution of /55/ – with a /55/ reflex in Laghuu often yielding a /33/ reflex in Moji and vice-versa. Both languages yield a /33/ reflex for *Cs syllables (specifically, *C-sum² ‘three’), however, and both languages split *voiceless *fricative *initials to /55/ along with the rest of the clade. Moji and Laghuu also show evidence of a link with Thopho in *ʔ- syllables (data inconclusive for Laghuu), and Laghuu shows evidence of a link with Muji-Q in *b and *mb initial classes which yield /33/ in both languages. Elsewhere, Thopho and Moji show possible evidence of affiliation in their common split of *ʃ_ syllables to /55/.6 The predominant /55/ reflexes in Laghuu and Moji are likely to be later innovations since a PM high-tone seems to be a good explanation for TC-1 innovations in the clade, and the two proto-tone classes appear to have remained distinct for some time (i.e., there is no evidence that TC-1 and TC-2 merged to /55/ at some early stage). TC-1, for example, splits *b and *p together as a unit based on *rhyme *nasalization, but TC-2 splits *b and *p separately based on initial voicing. The /13/ reflex appears to be a transitional tone diachronically speaking – transitional, in this case, between 33 and 21. The gradient shifts in reflexes of voiced *b and *mb classes illustrate this point for the language varieties intermediate between Northern Muji and Qila Muji in Table 6.5. 6.3.1.3. Tone-class 3 As can be noted in Table 6.6, tonal developments in TC-3 once again point to a rift between the core and the peripheral Muji varieties. The most comprehensive split in this tone class, however, involves all Muji varieties except Moji: a split of TC-3 *ʔp and *ʔb syllables to /33/. Note that this is an effective merger of these particular *syllables with TC-1 which also yields /33/ reflexes from *glottal-prefixed *stop *initials. The next most widespread innovation involves all Muji languages except Moji, Bokha and Phuma splitting *nasal and *glottal-prefixed *nasal

292

The language clades of Phula Proper

*initials to /55/ (with the exception of Muzi *ʔmsyllables which apparently split to /13/, e.g., e²¹mɯ¹³ ‘hair’ < *ʔ-mwe³). Note, however, that reflexes of *(ʔ)-mroŋ³ ‘HIGH’ resist this innovation in all Muji languages except Laghuu and Moji – splitting to /55/ in Laghuu and Moji but remaining /33/ in most Muji languages. Since this morpheme is a member of the Ngwi extentive paradigm, as described in Bradley (1995), its tone may not be governed by normal phonological processes. A further minor split involving Thopho, Laghuu, and Moji consists of a /33/ reflex from *ʔə-prefixed syllables which routinely go to /21/ elsewhere in Muji (with at least one exception of Phuma).

33

33

33

*ʔm, *m

55

55

33

33

33

55

55

55

13

33,13 21,33

55

33,55

/*ʔə /*s/Elsewhere

33 33 21,33

21

21

21

21

21

Moji

Bokha

33

Laghuu

Muzi

*ʔp, *ʔb

Thopho

Muji-S

*3

Muji-Q

/Environment

Phuma

TC

Muji-N

Table 6.6. Muji clade tone correspondences for TC-3

55 33

21

33

21 33

55

Minor splits aside, the predominant pattern in TC-3 is a general /21/ reflex in Core Muji (here including Muji-Q) and a general /33/ reflex in Thopho and Laghuu. The Moji data is limited, but /55/ reflexes seem to span all available *initial classes whether or not they are split elsewhere in the clade. As in TC-2, reconstructing a high-tone for Proto-Muji TC-3 does not seem to be a likely scenario. Instead, it appears that Moji merged the majority of TC-3 with TC-2 /55/ as an innovation independent from the rest of Muji. TC-3 itself originally resulted from a minor tone split at the Burmic stage which likely had a mid-level pitch value at the Proto-Ngwi stage (Bradley 1977:8, 1979). Good evidence exists in the Phowa and Riverine Phula clades that a mid-level pitch was still intact during the Proto-Phowa period as well. Since Proto-Muji and Proto-Phowa are apparently closely related, it seems reasonable to hypothesize a mid-level pitch at the Proto-Muji stage. Under this scenario, the widely separated varieties Laghuu and Thopho preserved the original TC-3 pitch value, while the Core Muji, varieties lowered the PM TC-3 mid-level pitch to 21. Thus, TC-3 *ʔp and *ʔb

The Muji meso-clade

293

initials should not be interpreted as a split but, rather, as a merger with TC-1 initials in this same class at an earlier stage. In this way, the mid-level pitch value was left intact on these syllables when Core Muji shifted the rest of the TC-3 tones to a lower pitch. 6.3.1.4. The *checked tone classes The two checked tone classes in Muji are no less challenging to reconstruct. The surface pattern based on dominant reflexes is *H > 33 and *L > 21. This pattern on its own is not unusual and can be observed in numerous other Ngwi languages as diverse as Hani, Nisu, Lalo, and Axi – all of which maintain tone values analogous to the original PNg pitches for these classes. As Figure 6.4 and Table 6.7 indicate, however, most Muji languages redistribute these two tone classes in an inverse pitch pattern such that the predominant *H reflex /33/ splits to /21/ and the predominant *L reflex /21/ splits to /33/.

55

52

55

33

52

33

55

55

55

44

NA

NA

NA

21

21

33

55,33

44

/*klwatH >[ ̶obst] /*[+obst, ̶med]

21

21

21

21

21

/*[+cont] / *[ ̶cont] > PM[+med] *L /*s-yökL

(52) NA

33

33

33

33

33

33

33

33

52

55

55

55

55

55

55

55

ND

ND

21

21

54

ND

33

33

33

33

33

33

33

33

21

21

21

21

21

21

21

21

/*k-lokL /*[+obst, ̶med]

Moji

/*ʔəʃikH

33

Laghuu

33

Thopho

33

Muji-Q

Muzi

52

Phuma

Muji-S

*H /*krokH

Bokha

TC /Environment

Muji-N

Table 6.7. Muji clade tone correspondences for *checked classes TC-L and TC-H

/*[+cont] /*[ c̶ ont] > PM[+med]

35

294

The language clades of Phula Proper

As I have argued in Pelkey (2006, 2007), the most outstanding motivation supported by the data for this redistribution strongly suggests that these splits not only mirrored each other in pitch value but were themselves motivated by inverse conditioning environments. The dominant pattern can be summarized as follows: In TC-H *[+continuant] *syllables > /33/ while *[-continuant] *syllables > /21/; and, conversely, in TC-L *[+continuant] *syllables > /21/ while *[-continuant] *syllables > /33/. Exceptions to this rule are presumably the result of PNg *[-continuant] *syllables being re-interpreted as *[+continuant] at the Proto-Muji stage as evidence preserved in numerous Muji languages suggests. This final point provides a much more efficient, consistent solution for dealing with most of the residual data compared to the otherwise random exceptions listed in Pelkey (2006). Since the data itself provides a more adequate illustration of this complex innovation, a sample of 54 protoforms is presented in Tables 6.8 – 6.12 along with their Core Muji reflexes. Table 6.8. *H > 33/ *[+continuant]_ in Core Muji Gloss

PNg

‘shake’ *k-lupH

Muji-S

Muzi

Bokha

Phuma Muji-Q

ljɯ³³

ɬɯ³³

lɯ³³

(bi³³lɑ³³)

ɬɯ³³

kɬʰɯ³³

ɕi³³ma²¹ ɕi³³ma²¹ sɨ³³ma²¹ ɕi³³ma²¹

ɕi³³ma²¹ ɕim³³pɑ²¹

ɕi³³

ɕi³³

sɨ³³

ɕi³³

ɕi³³

ɕi³³

ʥi³³

ʥi³³

ʣɨ³³

ʥi³³

ⁿʥi³³

ʨɛ³³

‘scratch’ *m-krakH

ka³³

ka³³

ka³³

kjæ³³

(ʐu³³)

ʨa³³tɨ⁵⁵

‘arrive’ *(k)-rokH

ke³³

kə³³

ke³³

kɨ³³lɑ³³

kɨ³³

kɨ³³

qʰo²¹

qʰa³³

kɯ³³

kʰjɑ³³

ʨʰɛ³³

ʨʰa⁵²

‘tree’

*sikH

Muji-N

‘sweep’ *sutH ‘mill’

*m-kritH

‘hard’

*krokH

‘fear’

*(sə)-grokH ʨi³³

ʨi⁵²

ʦɨ³³

ʨi³³

ʨi³³

ʨi³³

‘cold’

*C-grakH

ᵑɡa³³

ɡa³³

ʥi³³

ɡi³³

ⁿʨɛ³³

ʨɑ⁵²tɨ⁵⁵

‘exit’

*ʔ-dwökH

dɯ³³

dɯ³³

dɯ³³

dɯ³³

ⁿdɯ³³

dɯ³³jɪ³³

‘bird’

*s-ŋyakH

χa³³mjɛ⁵⁵ χa³³mjɛ⁵⁵ a⁵⁵m̩ ²¹

χɑ³³mjɛ⁵⁵ χa⁵⁵ (ɑ⁵⁵pə²¹ ʨi³³)

The Muji meso-clade

295

The PNg protoforms in Table 6.8 primarily feature *initial *clusters composed of an *obstruent + *medial. With few exceptions, the tonal reflexes for these syllables are /33/. Three notable exceptions are Southern Muji ‘fear’ and Qila Muji ‘hard’ and ‘cold’ all of which feature a /52/ reflex. Whether due to fossilized sound symbolism or some other motivation, these reflexes may be preservations of the original PM pitch value for TC-H – a contour pitch that is present on almost all TC-H reflexes in the peripheral variety Moji. This point will be discussed further below. In Table 6.9 TC-H reflexes yield /21/, and all are reflexes of *obstruent or *nasal *initial syllables ([-continuant]). Most of the few exceptions (e.g., Muji-N ‘beard’) can be attributed to lexicalized tone sandhi. Table 6.9. *H > 21/ *[-continuant]_ in Core Muji Gloss

PNg

Muji-N

Muji-S

Muzi

Bokha

Phuma

Muji-Q

‘pinch’

*tsitH

ʨʰi²¹

ʨʰi²¹

ʦʰɿ²¹

ʨʰi²¹

ʨʰi²¹

ʨʰi²¹

‘beard’

*ʔ-tsitH

ɲi²¹pi²¹ ȵɛ²¹ ʦʰo³³mɯ⁵⁵ ʨʰɛ²¹

ȵ̩³³ ʨʰa²¹

ȵɛ²¹ ʨʰo³³

ȵɛ²¹ ʨʰɛ²¹

ȵɛ³³ m̩ ³³ʨʰi²¹

pʰi²¹ -ȵɛ²¹

pʰa²¹ -n̩³³tɬɛ⁵⁵

pʰji²¹ -ȵi²¹

pʰɑ²¹ -ȵi²¹

pʰa²¹ -ȵi²¹

pʰa²¹ -ȵi²¹

‘DA to*pakH morrow’ ‘cook’

*C-dzakH

ʨɛ²¹

ʨɛ²¹

ɡe²¹

ʨɛ²¹

ʨɛ²¹

ʨɛ²¹

‘stir’

*m-kokH

vɯ³³ ka²¹

ɣɨ²¹ ka²¹

(ʨo²¹)

kɑ²¹

(fɯ²¹)

(vɨ³³)

ʐɯ²¹ ta²¹

ʦo²¹ ʨi³³

ʦʰɯ¹³

ɑ²¹ʦɯ²¹ ʐu²¹ mɯ²¹

(ni⁵⁵mɑ²¹ tʰjɛ²¹tɨ³³)

‘be angry’ *ʔ-(d)zupH ‘medicine’

*C-nakH tse²

na²¹ ʨʰi³³

na²¹ ʨʰi³³

na²¹ ʦʰɨ³³

nɑ²¹ ʨʰi³³

na²¹ ʨʰi³³

i²¹ ʨʰi³³

‘hoe’

*ʔ-ɡukH

ʦʰe²¹ kʰɯ²¹

ʦʰə²¹ kʰɯ²¹

ʦe²¹ kʰɯ²¹

tsʰɯ³³ kɯ³³

ʦʰɯ²¹ kɯ²¹

ʨi²¹ kʰɯ²¹

‘break’

*citH

ɡe²¹ ʨʰa²¹

(ɕɪɛ⁵⁵ ɣjɛ²¹)

(ʣɨ³³)

(ɕɛ⁵⁵ jɛ²¹)

ʨʰɛ²¹

ʨʰi¹³

296

The language clades of Phula Proper

In Table 6.10 TC-L reflexes consistently yield /21/ in [+continuant] environments. Muzi and Northern Muji present the only two exceptions (both from ‘kill’) – likely a minor tone split conditioned by the uvular shift of the fricative initial (see also Phuma ‘bird’ in Table 6.8). Table 6.10. *L > 21/ *[+continuant]_ in Core Muji Gloss

PNg

Muji-N

Muji-S

Muzi

Bokha

Phuma

Muji-Q

‘pig’

*wakL

vji²¹

ve²¹

vji²¹

vjɛ²¹

vjɛ²¹

vɛ²¹mjɛ⁵⁵

a³³nɯ²¹

a³³nɯ²¹

nɑ³³vjɛ²¹

na³³vi²¹ a³³vi²¹

‘monkey’ *myokL

a³³nɯ²¹ a³³nɯ²¹ (ma²¹

-ma²¹ (ma³³

a³³nɯ³³ -pɑ²¹

‘leech’

*k-rwatL

‘hand/ arm’

*lakL

li²¹

lje²¹

li²¹

ɨ²¹ljɛ²¹

ljɛ²¹

ɛ³³lɛ²¹

‘hungry’

*C-mwatL ɲɪ²¹

ȵi²¹

(ʁuo¹³)

ȵi²¹

ȵi²¹

ȵi²¹

‘lick’

*m-lyakL ne²¹

nə²¹

ne²¹

ne²¹

nɛə²¹

nɨ²¹

‘six’

*C-krokL kʰɯ²¹

kʰɯ²¹

kʰɯ²¹

kɯ²¹

kʰɯ²¹

kʰɯ³³

‘eight’

*C-yetL

e²¹

xjɛ²¹

ʑi²¹

ʑɛ²¹

ʔʑɛ²¹

ɛ²¹

‘kill’

*C-satL

χa⁵⁵

ɕi²¹

χa⁵⁵

ɕi²¹

ɕi²¹

ɕi²¹

‘weave’

*rakL

ʑɛ²¹

ʑɛ²¹

ʑe²¹

ʑɛ²¹

ʑɛ²¹

jɛ²¹kʰɨ²¹

‘breath’

*C-sakL

ɕi²¹ɡɨ³³

ɕɛ²¹ɡɨ³³

ɛ²¹ɕi²¹

‘needle’

*g-rapL

ɡɯ²¹

kɯ²¹lɯ²¹ ɡɯ²¹

kɯ²¹lɯ²¹ kɯ²¹lɯ²¹

‘thirsty’

*C-sipL

ɕi²¹

ɕi²¹

ɕi²¹

χwa²¹)

a³³vi²¹

a³³nɯ²¹

χwa²¹)

sɨ²¹

ɨ²¹ɕɛ²¹ɡɨ³³

ɕɛ²¹kɨ³³ ɛ²¹ɕɛ²¹

ɕi²¹

kɯ²¹ -mɑ²¹ (dɨ³³)

The Muji meso-clade

297

In Table 6.11 TC-L reflexes consistently yield /33/ in [-continuant] environments. So emerges a mirrored merger. Whereas TC-H *[+continuant] syllables > /33/ (Table 6.8), TC-L *[+continuant] syllables > /21/ (Table 6.10). Although some TC-H syllables also > /21/ (see Table 6.9), they do this in *[-continuant] syllables. *[-continuant] syllables in TC-L, however, yield /33/. Table 6.11. *L > 33/ *[-continuant]_ in Core Muji Gloss

PNg

‘sambar *(k)-tsatL deer’ ‘this *ʔ-kutL evening’

Muji-N

Muji-S

(ma³³

ʦʰə³³

lɯ²¹)

kɨ³³

Muzi

Bokha

Phuma

(nej²²

a²¹ʨʰi³³ pɯ³³pɑ²¹ pa²¹ ) i²¹kʰɯ³³ i²¹kʰɯ³³ ɪ²¹kʰɯ³³ jɛ²¹ i²¹kʰwa³³ tʰa⁵⁵ tʰa⁵⁵ tʰa⁵⁵ kʰwa¹³ ND

Muji-Q ʨʰɛ³³ kɨ ̞³³ba²¹ i²¹kʰɯ³³ tʰɑ⁵⁵

‘hang’

*ʔ-kukL

ŋɯ³³

ŋɯ³³

(kʷa³³)

ʔvɯ³³

ʔv̩³³

ʔvɯ³³

‘suck’

*C-cutL

ɡɨe³³

ɡə³³

ɡɛ³³

ɡɨ³³

jɛ²¹kɨ³³

ɡə̝³³

‘shoes’

*(ʔ)-napL

ʨɪ²¹

ʨʰi²¹

ʦʰɿ²¹

ʨʰɛ²¹

ʨʰi²¹

ʨʰi²¹

nɛ³³

nɛ³³

nɯ³³

nɯ³³

nɛ̙³³

nɯ³³

‘vulva’

*batL

də²¹

ⁿdə²¹

də²¹

le²¹

ⁿdo²¹

(də²¹

bi³³

bi³³

bi²¹

pjɛ³³

pɛ²¹

tɬʰɛ³³)

‘board’

*C-m-bakL

ɕji³³

ɕi³³

sɨ³³

ɕi³³

lo²¹

ɕi³³

bi³³

bjɛ³³

pʰe²¹

pjɛ³³

pɯ³³

pɛ³³

ʦʰe²¹

ʦʰə²¹

ʦʰe²¹

ʦʰəj³³

ʦɨ²¹

ʦʰə²¹

na³³

nɑ¹³

na³³

na³³

na³³

nə³³mɑ²¹

‘demon’ *C-natL

Naturally, some exceptions to this tidy pattern surface in the data, but all of the main exceptions (in both TC-H and TC-L) are restricted to PNg *[continuant] *syllables (i.e., *obstruent *initials without *medials). Presumably, then, these syllables were treated as *[+continuant] syllables at the Proto-Muji stage after the addition of medial glides or fricatives. In most cases, various varieties of Muji preserve evidence of an intervening medial

298

The language clades of Phula Proper

segment on these otherwise irregular lexemes. The residue in question is listed in Table 6.12. Table 6.12. *L > 21 and *H > 33 / *[-continuant] > PM *[+medial]_ for Core Muji Gloss

PNg

Muji-N Muji-S

Muzi

Bokha

Phuma

Muji-Q

‘vomit’

*C-patL

pʰji²¹

pʰji²¹

pʰji²¹

pʰji²¹

pʰji²¹

pʰi³³ɕa⁵²

‘ashes’

*C-kapL

mi²¹

mi¹³

mi¹³

mi¹³

mjɛ²¹

[mi⁵⁵

kʰɯ²¹

kʰɯ²¹

kʰɯ²¹

kʰɯ²¹

kʰɯ²¹

kʰɸɯ²¹]

‘bite’

*C-kukL

kʰɯ²¹

[kʰɸɯ²¹] kʰɯ²¹

kʰɯ²¹

kʰɯ²¹

[kʰɸɯ²¹]

‘skin’

*C-ɡukL

‘return’

*gokL

‘brains’

*(C)-nokL

‘squeeze’ *s-nitL ‘ascend’ *ʔ-dakH ‘jump’

*ʔ-bokH

‘banana’ *s-ŋakH

i²¹ko²¹ [jɛ²¹-

ɛ²¹ku̞²¹

e²¹ko²¹

lja³³

kwo²¹]

lia³³

pjɛ³³

ɡo²¹

[ɡwo²¹] (tɬa²¹)

ɡwo²¹

ɡwo²¹

e³³-

ɪ³³-

ɛ̝⁵⁵-

ej³³-

ə⁵⁵-

nɯ²¹

nə²¹ɬi⁵⁵

nɯ²¹

nɯ²¹ɬi³³ nɯ²¹ɬi³³ kɬɯ²¹)

ɲi²¹

ȵi²¹

(ʦʰɯ³³

tɛ²¹

ʨʰɛ²¹

ʨʰi²¹)

ti³³

tjɛ³³

bji³³

ɛ²¹kʷo²¹

i²¹ɡɮɨ²¹ ko⁵⁵ (kɬa²¹ ljɛ³³) (ɯ²¹

ȵi²¹

ʔȵi²¹

ʔni²¹

ti³³

tjɛ³³

(lɨ³³)

tjɛ³³

bi³³

(ɬi³³)

(ɬi³³)

(ʨi²¹)

(kɬʰjɛ³³)

ŋa⁵⁵

ŋa³³

(ɕæ⁵⁵

ɑ³³ɕi³³

njɛ̙³³

ni³³

ɕɪ⁵⁵

χə⁵²ɕi⁵⁵ ʨo⁵⁵)

pɑ²¹

pə̝²¹ɕi³³ ɕi⁵⁵pa²¹

‘black’

*C-nakH

ɲ ³³ ̞̃

ȵɛ³³

ȵ̩³³

ȵɛ³³

ȵɛ³³

(no⁵⁵ko²¹)

‘blow (on)’

*s-mutH

mji³³

mi³³

mi³³

mi³³

mi³³

mi³³

The clearest cases supporting a PM reinterpretation of *[-continuant] > *[+continuant] are ‘vomit’ and ‘squeeze’ in TC-L and ‘ascend’ and ‘black

The Muji meso-clade

299

in TC-H. Note that /pʰji²¹/ ‘vomit’ is phonetically realized [pʰɕji²¹] and /ȵi²¹/ ‘squeeze’ is phonetically realized [ȵji²¹]. In both cases, most Muji varieties support the reconstruction of a PM *[+continuant] *initial. In TC-H, /tjɛ³³/‘ascend’ and /ȵɛ³³/ ‘black’ also support a *[+continuant] reinterpretation. Elsewhere in the Table 6.12 data, the quality of the evidence ranges from plausible to purely hypothetical: /bji³³/ ‘jump’ and /mji³³/ ‘blow(on)’7 are two further examples of intervening glide elements. The labialized velar stops found in some varieties in /kʷo²¹/ ‘skin’ and /ɡʷo²¹/ ‘return’ (present phonetically in Southern Muji) may also represent preserved *[+continuant] clusters – as may the non-phonemic8 bilabial fricative segment [ɸ] pronounced in some varieties on ‘bite’ and ‘ashes’. In the case of ‘brains’, a *nasal+*medial reconstruction would be purely hypothetical, but lexicalized sandhi may have played a role in the irregularity instead. The hypothesized redistribution of checked tone classes in Muji is summarized in Figure 6.5. Tense voice phonation is assumed to have been intact at the PM stage in order to keep the tone classes distinct from TC-1, 2 and 3, though phonation has been lost as a contrastive feature by present day. PNg checked tone developments: Muji’s correlative redistribution Proto-Ngwi Checked tone classes Muji *L split occurs first based on evidence from Laghuu.

*H

*L

2 ƺ

1 ƺ

*[-continuant]

*[+continuant]

1 ƺ

/33/

1 ƺ

2 ƺ

2 ƺ

Conditioning environment including an intermediate PM [+medial] innovation.

/21/

*H and *L synchronic reflexes in all Muji languages except Moji (partial in Laghuu); tense phonation lost. Figure 6.5. Correlative redistribution of TC-H and L in the Muji clade

300

The language clades of Phula Proper

The strongest evidence for this unusual correlative checked tone pattern is found in core Muji, including Muji-Q. Thopho and Laghuu show some evidence of these patterns as well, but for Laghuu the pattern is present only in TC-L, as noted in Table 6.7, and Thopho apparently represents a stage that is transitional between Laghuu and Core Muji. Moji, on the other hand, does not show evidence of this redistribution at all. All things considered, the Core Muji innovation in checked tone classes does not seem likely to have been present at the Proto-Muji stage. Instead, the PM checked tones must have simply set the stage for this redistribution in Core Muji. The Laghuu data suggests that this correlative innovation did not occur simultaneously in both checked tone classes. Laghuu shows evidence of the 21/33 split in TC-L but not in TC-H, (see Table 6.7). This suggests that TCL was the first to innovate – after which time the Laghuu language itself split from Core Muji, as illustrated in Figure 6.8). Afterwards, Core Muji went on to mirror the TC-L split in TC-H. As discussed in §6.3.1, the unmarked reflexes for these tone classes in most Muji languages are *H > /33/ and *L > /21/ – a common, residual pattern found in many Ngwi languages. Thus, /33/ is the probable split tone in TC-L, /21/ is the probable split tone in TC-H, and the *[-continuant] TC-L /33/ split occurred prior to the *[continuant] TC-H /21/ split. In both tone classes *[-continuant] initials conditioned the Muji correlative redistribution. As was mentioned above in the TC-1 discussion, Moji /52/ regularly corresponds with Laghuu /33/. A proto-high > high-falling tone may provide an explanation for Muji clade tone innovations in TC-1 and TC-H. Evidence of a high-level tone is preserved in some TC-H environments in most varieties of Muji, and especially in Laghuu. If PM *H were a high tone that shifted to high-falling (as has been hypothesized for TC-1), it could plausibly have retained the high falling pitch as we now find it in Moji. It may then have settled to a mid-level pitch in some environments (i.e. *[+continuant]) and dropped to a low-falling pitch in other environments (i.e. *[-continuant]), thus filling the inverse gaps left by the earlier TC-L split along the way. 6.3.2.

Other independent innovations

Beyond tone-system innovations, at least eleven phonological, morphological and lexico-semantic innovations, also serve to validate the Muji clade as an insular subgroup and further provide grounds for defining genetic microrelationships within the clade. These innovations are presented in §6.3.2.1 through §6.3.2.3 and are especially useful for defining genetic relationships for more peripheral members of the clade like Moji and Laghuu.

The Muji meso-clade

301

6.3.2.1. Phonological innovations Two extra-tonal phonological innovations shared between Muji varieties are selected here as diagnostic of genetic affiliation: an unusual vowel reflex paradigm and the reintroduction of nasal finals. Unusual vowel reflex: *iŋ > [o] / *C [+sonorant] _. The most diagnostic rhyme reflex pattern noted to distinguish the Muji varieties from other Phula and Ngwi languages is a phonological development in which each protosyllable ending in an *iŋ rhyme and preceded by a *[+sonorant] initial resulted in a mid-high back-rounded vowel. In Table 6.13, below, Muji reflexes of this *rhyme are compared with reflexes from other Phula and Ngwi varieties.9

Other Ngwi

Other Phula

Muji Varieties

Table 6.13. An unusual rhyme reflex pattern in Core Muji ‘neck’ Proto*liŋ¹ Ngwi Muzi lo²¹bji²¹

‘pus’

‘full’

‘long’

*m-bliŋ¹

*m-bliŋ³

*m-riŋ¹ *ʔ-m(y)iŋ¹ *s-miŋ³

dɮɯ³³zɿ³³

do⁵⁵

χʷo³³

ɛ²¹me³³

mo²¹

Muji-N lo²¹bji²¹

i ̞²¹do²¹ʑi³³

do²¹

χõ³³

ne²¹mo³³

mo²¹

Muji-S lo²¹bjɛ²¹

e²¹dɮo³³ʑi²¹ dɮo²¹

χo³³

e²¹mo³³

mo²¹

Muji-Q lo³³bjɛ²¹

ɛ²¹ɡɮo³³pa²¹ ɡɮo²¹

[10]

ɛ²¹mo³³

mo²¹ɕi³³

Bokha lo³³bjɛ²¹

e²¹dɮo³³

dɮo²¹

χʷo³³

e³³mo³³

mo²¹ɕi³³

Phuma lo³³bjɛ²¹

(tʷe̠i¹³)

(bə²¹ɕi³³) χʷo³³

jɛ²¹mɯ³³

mo²¹ɕi³³

Phupa ljɛ²¹ba¹³ di¹³ Ani (ko³³) dɮɛ²¹ Phowa Azha ka⁵⁵la²²pʰe³³ kɬa²¹ʑi²¹

bə̝³³

χjæ³³

mæ³³

mjɛ²¹ɕɛ³³

tɬɛ̠²¹

ɕɛ⁵⁵

mɛ⁵⁵

mi⁵⁵

tɬɛ²²

xjɛ⁵⁵

i³³mœ⁵⁵

mɛ³³

Pholo qɑ̠⁴⁵lɑ̠⁴⁵

ᵐbjɑ⁵⁵ʑɛ²¹

phɑ̠²¹

χɑ⁵⁵

mɑ⁵⁵

mɑ̠⁴⁵

ȵjɛ³³ki⁵⁵

tə³³ji³³

ɬə⁵⁵

ᵑɡo⁵⁵

mɛ⁵⁵

mæ³³

læ³³kv̩³³

tɬæ³³

lo¹¹dɮæ³³ ɕæ⁵⁵

mæ⁵⁵

mæ³³

ɳə˞¹¹ʨe¹¹

ɳʈʰə˞¹¹

ɳu³³

ʂə˞³³

mə˞³³

mə˞¹¹

li³³be³³

bɯ³³ʧʰɿ³¹

bi⁵⁵le³³

ʃɿ⁵⁵

e⁵⁵mi⁵⁵

mi⁵⁵

kʰɔ³¹lɔ⁵⁵

bjɔ⁵⁵

mja³¹

mo⁵⁵

ʦʰo⁵⁵mjɔ⁵⁵ mjɔ³³

Phola Sani (LN) Nasu (WD) Lisu (LS) Hani (LC)

-χom³³

‘name’

‘cooked’

302

The language clades of Phula Proper

Semi-consistent correspondences with this pattern in Pholo (> /ɑ/, /jɑ/) and Luchun Hani (> /ja/, /jɔ/, /ɔ/) reinforce the unique nature of the Mujiclade innovation which, with few exceptions in the Core clade, levels all variation to /o/ for the rhyme in this environment. Consistent changes of the proto-rhyme in this conditioning environment in languages like Ani Phowa (*iŋ > /ɛ/) and Lunan Sani (*iŋ > /æ/) provide evidence that this set changed as a phonological unit elsewhere in Ngwi, though with markedly different reflexes. Among the Core Muji varieties, Phuma and Muzi show less systematic correspondences. The Laghuu data shows some evidence in keeping with this pattern (e.g., e²¹mo⁵⁵ ‘name’), but reflexes are not systematic. Thopho and Moji shows no clear evidence of this innovation. Reintroduction of nasal finals. Another substantial phonological innovation unique to Muji is the re-introduction of nasal finals via a syllable-level conditioning process of lexicalization. The process consists of a tendency to add a nasalized – or in a few varieties, tense voice – quality on vowels preceding stop initials in certain compounds concomitant to lexicalization. Nasalization is often non-phonemic in such cases, but it is notable in free variation with nasal finals in this environment in most modern day Muji varieties, and nasalization and/or nasal finals have become contrastive in some varieties as a result. Nasal coda possibilities have expanded into other environments as well in some varieties. As was mentioned in §5.3.3, Southern Muji provides a good introduction to the initial stages of this process of assimilation. In more lexicalized PJZ compounds like [ɑ̃³³ko²¹] ‘older brother’, [ɑ̠³³tɑ²¹mɑ²¹] ‘fern’, [ɑ̠³³tʰɯ²¹] ‘bucket’, [ɡə̠¹³kɑ³³] ‘clever’, and [bɑ̠³³tɛ⁵⁵] ‘skinny’ the second stop-initial syllable frequently conditions a nasalized or tense voice quality on the preceding vowel. Muzi provides an example of the second stage of this process in words like [nə̃³³pɯ⁵⁵] ‘maggot,’ [ȵĩ²¹kɯ²¹] ‘mouth’, and [ȵĩ²¹ʨʰɛ²¹] ~ [ȵiȵ²¹ʨʰɛ²¹] ‘beard.’ Note that in this last example the first syllable nasal final is in free variation with a non-phonemic nasalized vowel. Phuma offers evidence of having taken a further step down this path. Examine the phonological process evident in the (6.1) data set for instance: (6.1)

Contrastive nasal codas in Phuma [nãõ(ŋ)³³ka²¹ljɛ³³] ‘come up’ [ʨoŋ³³ka²¹ljɛ³³] ‘come down’ [na̠o¹̠ ³lə²¹] ‘go up’ [ʨõ̠¹³lə²¹] ‘go down’

The Muji meso-clade

303

Thus, Phuma has phonemicized nasalization as a contrastive suprasegmental in lexemes like /ʨõ¹³/ ‘DIR.down’ since the syllable retains its nasalized quality even when separated from a conditioning environment (contrast with aspirated modal voice ʨʰo²¹ ‘clean’). Qila Muji evidences further stages in the process of nasal final epenthesis. First of all, the variety features more overtly marked, non-phonemic examples of nasal finals than most other Muji varieties, and the variety has expanded the process to include non-compounding environments. Notably, verbs pronounced in citation form with the nominalizer /pa⁵⁵/ almost always epenthesize a nasal final, e.g., [kɬʰɯm³³pa⁵⁵] ‘to shake.’ While usually nonphonemic, the feature is more marked – seldom being found in free variation with mere nasalization. Numerous statives e.g., ‘wet’ /pɑ³³lɛm³³/ and ‘new’ /ɪ²¹ȵim³³/ retain the nasal final when pronounced in isolation however. Another example of lexically conditioned nasal codas in Muji-Q can be noted in ‘dream’ as is illustrated in (6.2) with data from various other Muji varieties listed for comparison: (6.2)

Nasal metathesis and the lexicalization of ‘dream’ in Muji-Q Muji-S [ʑi³³mɑ²¹] Muzi [zɿ¹³mi³³] Phuma [ʑjiʔ³³mjɛ³³] Muji-Q [jim²¹ʔjɛ³³]

In addition to evidencing many of the above steps toward a reintroduction of nasal codas, speakers of the YBZ dialect of Bokha metathesize a number of velar nasal initials into phonemic velar nasal finals in morphemes such as /ɑŋ⁵⁵/ ‘use’ [ɑŋ⁵⁵]~[ɑ̃⁵⁵] < ŋa⁵⁵ elsewhere in Muji and /jɑŋ²¹/ ‘real’ < ŋa²¹ elsewhere in Muji. Outside of Core Muji, Laghuu and Moji also show evidence of nasalfinal lexicalization process: [ɑ⁵⁵non⁵²ʨʰɛ⁵⁵] ‘peanut’ is one example from Moji, and in Laghuu, the nasal coda seems to have been generalized to [ŋ], as in [naŋ⁵⁵kɬʰa³³la³³] ‘ear’ and [xɯŋ²¹pɯŋ⁵⁵tʰa³³] ‘morning’. Thopho no longer shows influence of this process. It must be noted that the Muji varieties which have employed nasal final epenthesis at the phonemic level (especially Muji-Q, Bokha, Phuma, and Laghuu) are all in relatively frequent contact with Hmong-Mien and/or TaiKadai communities which routinely use nasal codas in their syllable templates. On the other hand, Thopho does not appear to participate in the Muji nasal coda innovation, even though most Thopho speakers are bilingual in Nong Zhuang – a Tai-Kadai language featuring nasal codas. With this in

304

The language clades of Phula Proper

mind, it should also be noted that the re-introduction of nasal finals is best considered a valid distinguishing characteristic of the Muji varieties if it is taken not as a typological feature, per se, but, rather, as a specific set of diachronic processes that have led to a marked typology. 6.3.2.2. Morphological innovations Two important morphological innovations that are unique to the Muji clade involve the innovation of an alternate grammaticalization path for the diminutive metaphor using ‘daughter’ vs. ‘son’ and the morphological coalescence of the negative adverbial *ma² with the equational/affirmative copula *ya³/¹. Both will be discussed in this section. Alternate grammaticalization path for the diminutive metaphor. The Muji varieties all utilize what Aikhenvald (2000: 204) has dubbed ‘multiple classifier systems’ – a typological feature of Ngwi languages in general. Many Tibeto-Burman languages grammaticalize basic social relationships to serve as nominal classifiers. One such instance usually functions as an augmentative-diminutive pair using the MOTHER-SON cognitive metaphor as a grammaticalization path. Matisoff (1992) examines this phenomenon in detail in Tibeto-Burman and as an areal feature in much of Southeast Asia. To illustrate the usual pattern, the following pairs in (6.3) are taken from Ani Phowa – in which ma²¹ = ‘mother’ and za²¹ = ‘son’: (6.3)

Areal diffusion of augmentative/diminutive paradigm in Phowa

ʥə̠²¹wu³³ma²¹ ‘back tooth’ ʥə̠²¹ma⁵⁵za²¹ ‘front tooth’ ʣu³³ma²¹ ‘high official’ ʣu³³za²¹ ‘low official’ ɛ̠²¹ma²¹ ‘hen’ ɛ̠²¹za²¹ ‘chick’

A morphological phenomenon unique to the Muji lects, however, is that they have clearly chosen a different grammaticalization path for the diminutive in this pair – apparently choosing to grammaticalize ‘daughter’ instead of ‘son’. This variation has not been noted to occur elsewhere in the region; nor is it found in other Phula or Ngwi varieties. In most Muji varieties, the morpheme has grammaticalized as -mjɛ⁵⁵ < *C-mi². Although /33/ or /13/ is the expected tone reflex for morphemes in this class in most Muji languages, Phuma and the DXB dialect of Bokha vary between /33/ and /55/ on daughter diminutives marking different lexemes. This evidence suggests that the tone value of the morpheme may have shifted from /33/ > /55/ elsewhere during the process of grammaticalization.

The Muji meso-clade

305

Example pairs selected from Bokha (YBZ) are listed in (6.4) to illustrate some basic instances of this innovation: (6.4)

Bokha illustration of Muji’s analogical diminutive innovation ‘mother’ ɑ⁵⁵ljɛ³³m mjɛɛ⁵⁵ ‘child’ ‘sow’ vjɛ²¹m mjɛɛ⁵⁵ ‘piglet’ ‘thumb’ ljɛ²¹ʦɯ³³m mjɛɛ⁵⁵ ‘pinkie’ ‘bowl’ so³³pjɛ²¹m mjɛɛ⁵⁵ ‘small bowl’

je³³mɑ²¹ vjɛ²¹mɑ²¹ ljɛ²¹mɑ²¹ so³³pjɛ²¹

The morpheme is also frequently appended as a noun classifier suffix on other small-to-medium-sized objects that do not stand in overt diminutive contrast to an augmentative counterpart or relative scale of size. Examples include Southern Muji χa³³mjɛ⁵⁵ ‘bird’ and Phuma pja⁵⁵mjɛ³³ ‘bag’. With the possible exception of Thopho, all Muji languages, including Laghuu and Moji show strong evidence of this innovation. The DAUGHTER diminutive does not seem to have grammaticalized as completely in Muji-Q, but it has, nevertheless, lexicalized as a component of compounds such as ‘pig’ and ‘child’. A number of Phula languages in historical contact with Muji seem to have adopted stray lexical items containing the daughter diminutive and/or picked up on Muji’s semantic generalization of CHILD > DAUGHTER (i.e., Phukha, Khlula and the SZW dialect of Hlepho Phowa), but no non-Muji languages are known to use the DAUGHTER diminutive systematically in grammaticalization or lexicalization processes. Coalescence of NEG+COP. A second morphological innovation unique to the Muji clade involves a loss of morpheme boundaries between combined reflexes of the negative adverbial *ma² and the equational/affirmative copula PNg#863B *ya³/¹. In nearby Ani Phowa, this combination is pronounced with distinct morphemes: ma²¹je²⁴ ; cf. Phuza ma²¹ji⁵⁵, Zokhuo ma³³jɛ²¹, Lisu mɑ³¹ŋɑ³³, Hani ma²¹ŋɯ⁵⁵ – the copula in the latter two examples being from PNg#698B *ŋwa¹, instead. The resulting form in various Muji languages is usually mjɛ²¹ or mji²¹. Muzi, Thopho, and the SZT dialect of Southern Muji are the only Muji varieties that have been confirmed to keep the two morphemes distinct. The data is unavailable for Laghuu and Moji. 6.3.2.3. Lexico-semantic innovations Unique Muji lexical innovations include three lexical replacements, an unusually suffixed ‘bamboo’ root and a tonal paradigm set.

306

The language clades of Phula Proper

MA²¹-suffixed

‘bamboo’ root. Each of the core Muji varieties demonstrates a lexical innovation for ‘bamboo’ which involves the simple addition of the general noun classifier suffix -ma²¹ to a reflex of the PNg#295B root etymon *ma¹, ‘bamboo’, resulting in the Muji form ma³³ma²¹. Muji-Q poses the only partial exception to this innovation in Core Muji due to its apparent preference for FATHER morphs over MOTHER morphs on certain lexemes. This, along an application of the nasal coda process discussed above, has resulted in the Muji-Q phono-morphological variation mam³³pa²¹. Moji and Thopho do not incorporate this innovation, and the data is unavailable for Laghuu. Other Phula and Ngwi languages either retain the root form as a monosyllable (e.g. Nasu mu⁵⁵ ) or form a compound using other roots (e.g. Azha mo³³ʣɛ²² ). Since the innovation is so pervasive in Core Muji and absent elsewhere, its appearance in Alugu (of the Downriver Phula clade, see §6.6) and Phukha (of the Phowa Clade, see §6.4) should probably be attributed to contact with neighboring Muji varieties. A tonal paradigm innovation. A lexico-semantic shift of ‘laugh’ > ‘cry’ involving a tonal derivation was apparently among the earliest Muji innovations. Ngwi languages outside of Muji show distinct reflexes of PNg#668 *ray¹ ‘laugh’ and PNg#670 *ŋo¹ ‘cry’ as is illustrated in (6.5): (6.5)

 

Reflexes of ‘laugh’ and ‘cry’ in non-Muji Ngwi languages Gloss ‘laugh’ ‘cry’ PNg *ray¹ *ŋo¹ jæ³³ ŋ⁴⁴ Sani Nisu ɣɛ²¹ ŋɯ⁵⁵ Lisu hɯ⁴² ŋu³³ Phola ʑi³¹ ŋu³¹ ʑi³³ ŋɨ⁵³ Pholo

Most Muji languages, including Moji, however, demonstrate a compact tonal paradigm pair that replaces *ŋo¹ with a tonal derivation of *ray¹ such that the segmental component of ʑi³³ ‘laugh’ replaces that of ‘cry’ to give ʑi²¹ or cognate forms as is illustrated in (6.6). All core varieties of Muji show evidence of this innovation, as does the marginal Moji language, but Thopho does not (perhaps due to later contact with Pholo and other non-Muji Ngwi languages), and the Laghuu data is unavailable. Qila Muji has since introduced a new lexeme i³³kɬʰi³³ to replace ‘laugh’, but since the Muji-Q ‘cry’ form is preserved as ʑi²¹ , the language

The Muji meso-clade

307

had clearly derived ‘cry’ from an earlier ‘laugh’ etymon before making the lexical replacement. (6.6)

‘Laugh’ and ‘cry’ in the Muji-clade Gloss ‘laugh’ > ‘cry’ ʑi³³ > ʑi²¹ Muji-S Phuma ʑi³³ > ʑi²¹ Bokha ʴzɨ³³ > ʴzɨ²¹ ʑi³³ > zʴɿ²¹ Muzi Muji-N ʑɛ³³ > ʑi²¹ Moji zɿ⁵² > ʑi³⁵ Muji-Q (i³³kɬʰi³³) ʑi²¹

Three lexical replacements. The lexemes ‘yellow ox’, ‘head’ and the numeral ‘one’ all provide further examples of distinct Muji innovations via lexical replacement. The lexeme ‘yellow ox’11 in most Ngwi languages yields reflexes of PNg#009AB *nwa² or *ʔ-myaŋ¹, but about half of the Muji languages, including Muji-N, Muji-S, Bokha and Laghuu, show evidence of lexical replacement using a²¹dɛ¹³ or cognate forms for this lexeme. The Laghuu form is only partially cognate, however, and data is unavailable for Moji. Phupa has apparently borrowed this form from neighboring Muji varieties. Only two lexemes containing possible cognates have been noted to occur elsewhere in Ngwi including the Pholo form ȵi¹³ndɤ⁴⁴ and the Jino form ɣo⁴²tɑ³³ (listed in YNSZ 1998). Neither of these varieties are likely to have been in contact with Muji. The numeral ‘one’ in the Muji clade usually takes the phonological shape a²¹ or a cognate form. In Laghuu the syllable is marked by a nonphonemic velar fricative (see Edmondson and Lama 1999:7): [ɣ]a²¹. Elsewhere in Phula and Ngwi, ‘one’ is usually12 a reflex of PNg# *t/di². While inclusive of Laghuu, the innovation is not found in Muzi, Thopho or Moji. ‘Head’ is a third example of a unique lexical replacement in the Muji clade. With the exception of Moji ɨ³³kwo⁵⁵ no known Muji reflexes for ‘head’ are cognate with any of the three reconstructed Ngwi protoforms (PNg#088ABC: *u²; *ʔ-du²; *ʔ-koŋ² ). Instead, most members of the Muji clade, including Thopho, use an innovative form equal to or cognate with i³³pə²¹. The Laghuu data for this lexeme is unavailable.

308

6.3.3.

The language clades of Phula Proper

Historical dialectology

Although numerous other points of similarity could be noted, including a variety of clade-internal links between various Muji languages, the major distinguishing features of the Muji clade can be condensed to a set of 16 key innovations. Some are, in themselves, more paradigm-like (and thereby more diagnostic) than others, but all are unique to (or originate from) Muji; taken together, they provide their own paradigm-like, individual-identifying evidence for subgrouping. These 14 innovations are summarized in Table 6.14.

Muji-N

Muji-S

Muji-Q

Bokha

Phuma

Muzi

Laghuu

Thopho

Moji

Table 6.14. Summary of 14 Muji clade innovations

1.

3

3

3

3

3

3

3

(2)

3

2.

3

3

3

3

3

3

?

3

2

3.

3

3

(3)

3

3

3

(3)

(3)

2

4.

3

(3)

3

3

3

(3)

3

2

3

5.

3

3

3

3

3

3

?

2

3

6.

3

3

3

3

3

3

(3)

3

2

7.

3

3

3

3

3

3

2

(3)

(2)

8.

3

3

3

3

3

3

?

2

?

9.

3

3

(3)

3

3

3

?

2

2

10.

3

3

3

3

3

2

?

2

?

11.

3

3

3

3

3

2

3

2

2

12.

3

3

3

3

(3)

(3)

(2)

2

2

13.

3

3

3

3

3

2

?

2

?

14.

3

3

3

(2)

2

3

3

2

2

15.

3

3

2

3

2

3

(3)

2

2

16.

2

2

2

3

3

2

2

2

2

Notation Key: 3= strong evidence; (3) = some evidence, (2) = weak evidence, 2/? = no evidence.

The Muji meso-clade

309

1. Alternate grammaticalization path for the diminutive metaphor: ‘DAUGHTER’ 2. ‘Head’ lexical innovation equal to or cognate with i³³pə²¹ 3. TC-1 > /33/ (dominant), /21/ (*Cm,*Cb; *b,*p/[-*_aŋ]) , /55/(*Cpr) 4. Reintroduction of nasal finals in stop final environments concomitant to lexicalization. 5. ‘Laugh’ > ‘cry’ tonal derivation. 6. TC-H and TC-L correlative redistribution based on *[+/-continuant] *initials 7. TC-2 > /13/ (voiced initials), /55/ (voiceless initials), /21/ (general) 8. *C-x > k ‘pick (fruit)’, e.g., Muji-PJZ kə²¹ 9. ‘Bamboo’ reduplication/nominal lexicalization equal to or cognate with

ma³³ma²¹

10. ‘Father’s younger sister’ > ‘mother’s younger sister’ tonal paradigm innovation 11. Numeral ‘one’ lexical innovation equal to, or cognate with a²¹ 12. Rhyme reflex paradigm: *[iŋ] > [o] / *[+sonorant] __ 13. Coalescence of ‘NEG+COP’ 14. ‘Earth’ lexical innovation equal to, or cognate with, mi³³kʰa⁵⁵ 15. ‘Yellow ox’ lexical innovation equal to, or cognate with, a²¹dɛ¹³ 16. *ʔ-b>pʰ/__*aŋ

Purely binary values are avoided in the table in an attempt to represent more of the underlying complexity. A clear cutoff (partially due to lacking data in Laghuu) can be noted between the core and peripheral Muji varieties. Following Bailey (1973, 1996a, see §2.8.2), the table is arranged with innovations listed from top to bottom in decreasing order of pervasiveness and with language varieties arranged from left to right in decreasing degrees of innovation in order to gain an overview of diachronic wave-like patterns that emerge indicative of Muji’s ‘internal arrangement’ (vs. mere spatial distribution). Isoglossic variation has traditionally been depicted in a static wave diagram such as Figure 6.6. As discussed in §2.8.2, however, the resulting tangle tends to obfuscate more than it reveals, and this is especially true in terms of its inability to identify meaningful diachronic patterns in the data. Partial innovations, such as those in Qila Muji, are also difficult to portray. We can infer from the illustration that Thopho and Moji share relatively few of the defining Muji innovations, but we can infer little else without running into contradictions. Making decisions on the basis of isoglossic bundles is difficult because the spatial distribution of the varieties under consideration

310

The language clades of Phula Proper

has been preferred over the internal arrangement and diachronic distribution of the innovations involved (see Bailey 1996a).

Thopho

Northern Muji

Muzi

Moji

Phuma Southern Muji

Bokha 16

15

Qila Muji 3, 6

1, 4 5 8, 9, 12 14 10, 13 2, 7 11

Laghuu

Figure 6.6. Traditional isoglossic diagram of Muji clade innovations summarized in Table 6.14

Due to the often unpredictable nature of migration, intermarriage and commerce, the internal and temporal arrangement of isoglossic innovations seems linguistically more important than geographic distribution of the language varieties under consideration. With this in mind, we are free to untangle the isoglossic lines of Figure 6.6. We may then assign each unique ‘score’ to its own ring of innovation with higher scores occupying the inner rings. The resulting diagram is a minimalist interpretation of Bailey’s

The Muji meso-clade

311

dynamic wave model that enables more useful generalizations about the data. This interpretation can be viewed in Figure 6.7. As discussed in §2.8.2, Bailey observes that the isolect with the most complete set of innovations should be regarded as the ‘lect of origin’ in a given clade. In this case Northern Muji qualifies as the most innovative variety (Southern Muji might also qualify to a slightly diminished degree but is more conservative phonologically than Northern Muji). The model also enables a better illustration of the core (shaded) and peripheral Muji varieties. Each concentric ring represents not only the presence or absence of certain innovations but also the progression of time since later innovations did not reached the successively more peripheral varieties before they diverged synchronically.

Muji-N Muji-S Bokha Muji-Q Phuma Muzi Laghuu Thopho Moji

Figure 6.7. Simplified dynamic wave model of Muji’s core and periphery

A general diachronic progression is implied by the innovations listed in Table 6.14. In general, items near the top of the table, especially those found in Thopho and Moji, can be said to precede the innovations near the bottom of the table. Because of this, we may reasonably hypothesize, for example, that innovations 1–5 in Table 6.12 were prior to the iconic Muji checked tone redistribution discussed in the previous section. Under ideal

312

The language clades of Phula Proper

circumstances, then, we would also expect that the presence of the checked tone innovation would ‘imply’ the prior presence of innovations 1-5. For most Muji varieties this is the case, but the generalization does not hold true for Thopho. While Bailey’s insights are helpful for gaining a better understanding of clade-internal contact and the general diachronic arrangement of Muji innovations, they are not entirely valid for internal subgrouping – nor, perhaps, is any single approach or single set of criteria taken on its own terms. Even a quick scan of tonal developments in Tables 6.4 and 6.5, for example, reveals that the finer details of Phuma tone are much more closely related to Bokha than Muzi or Muji-Q. The best internal subgrouping scenario emerges by synthesizing key diachronic/genetic insights presented in §6.2 and §6.3.1–§6.3.3, especially those summarized in Figures 6.3, 6.4, 6.7, Tables 6.3, 6.4–6.7, 6.14, and supplemented by insights presented in Chapter 3. The proposed relationships are summarized as a Stammbaum diagram in Figure 6.8, which constitutes an informed working hypothesis on underlying genetic relationships within the Muji clade. PROTO MUJI

CORE MUJI

Muzi Muji-N Muji-S Bokha Phuma

Muji-Q

Thopho

Laghuu

Moji

Figure 6.8. Internal subgrouping hypothesis for the Muji meso-clade

As discussed in §2.8.3 and described in §3.5–3.6, the arrows at the bottom of the Stammbaum indicate the presence and direction of clade-internal contact. Dotted arrows represent mild contact or historical contact situations as opposed to frequent or synchronic contact situations. Instances of contact

The Phowa meso-clade

313

between Muji-S and Bokha, for example, are largely restricted to a single dialect of Bokha (Bokho-DXB). See Chapters 3 and 4 for further details. 6.4. The Phowa meso-clade The six known languages of the Phowa clade are Ani, Labo, Hlepho, Phukha, Khlula and Zokhuo. Of these languages, only speakers of the first three actually identify with ‘Phowa’ as an ethnic title (see discussion in §3.2.3– §3.2.4 of Tables 3.4 and 3.5); nevertheless, the title ‘Phowa’ is best suited to represent the insular clade for the following reason: the largest, most diverse of the six languages – Hlepho Phowa – also happens to be the key link for demonstrating a close genetic affiliation between the other five languages in the clade. The transitional nature of Hlepho was anticipated in the distancebased neighbor network analysis discussed above in §6.2.2 (Figures 6.2 and 6.3), but the link becomes most apparent, and is best validated, through unique tonal, lexical and segmental innovations. Unlike the Muji clade, in which the majority of the languages share numerous innovations that emanated out in a single dominant wave-like pattern that can be traced back to a geographic epicenter (see Figure 6.7), the Phowa clade is comprised of three composite clades, or historical dialects: Ani-Labo, Zokhuo-Khlula, and Hlepho-Phukha. The first two of these three internal subgroups have, most likely, been isolated from each other for hundreds of years (see discussion in §1.2.3). In the interim the two have evolved into distinct language clusters featuring numerous distinctive innovations. A third, larger clade, Hlepho-Phukha, however, seems to have maintained contact with the other two historical dialects and facilitated innovation-sharing between them. Evidence of this intermediary relationship is best preserved in Hlepho, though the Phukha data is useful as well. Whereas Muji clade innovations can be compared to wave patterns resulting from a single large stone dropped into the middle of a lake, wave patterns from Phowa clade innovations are better compared to a central spring gushing forth into two separate pools, each of which washes back, periodically, into the central spring (see Figure 6.11). Little work has been done to classify these six languages genetically. Phukha has received the most attention, but only in terms of upper-level affiliation. Edmondson (2003:310) suggested that Phukha be classified as Yiliang Eastern Yi (subsumed under Bradley’s Northern Ngwi) based on lateral cluster correspondences but also noted an affiliation in this regard with some Phowa varieties of Wenshan based on data sets in Wu Z. (1992). Fried (2000) suggested a Northern Ngwi affiliation as well, but as I argue

314

The language clades of Phula Proper

in Pelkey (2005), and in Chapter 7, both accounts should be reconsidered. While both studies provide useful insights into Phukha as spoken in Vietnam, neither study had access to adequate data from related lects spoken across the border in China; as a result, neither study attempts to describe Phukha’s wider genetic context in detail. In China these varieties are all broadly classified as ‘Southeastern Yi’ along with numerous other more distantly related languages such as Sani, Axi, Nisi13, and Gasu. In short, no previous study has suggested that these six languages are genetically linked in an exclusive relationship. The Phowa clade is defined in this section with a focus on paradigmatic tone system innovations. Definitions are also supported by distinctive lexical and segmental innovations. 6.4.1.

Tone system innovations

Diachronic tone patterns in the Phowa-clade languages are diverse. In stark contrast to Muji (especially Core Muji), no two languages in the Phowa clade demonstrate reflex patterns that match up in all five tone classes – even when considering only dominant reflexes in languages belonging to the same clade-internal subgroup. Ani 55 33 21 13

*1 48% 12% 29% 11%

*2 11% 38% 41% 10%

*3 30% 9% 57% 4%

*H 11% 72% 17% 0%

*L 23% 71% 0% 6%

Labo 55 33 21 13

*1 49% 11% 29% 11%

*2 19% 24% 33% 24%

*3 11% 11% 72% 6%

*H *L 0% 34% 6% 44% 88% 6% 6% 16%

Hlepho 55 33 21 13

*1 *2 *3 *H *L 6% 27% 14% 0% 13% 39% 45% 64% 22% 83% 55% 27% 21% 67% 0% 0% 2% 0% 11% 3%

Phukha 35 33 31 53

*1 5% 36% 62% 2%

*2 53% 14% 33% 0%

*3 0% 87% 13% 0%

*H *L 0% 0% 0% 33% 86% 47% 14% 20%

Khlula 55 33 21 13

*1 *2 *3 *H *L 15% 46% 17% 4% 22% 34% 29% 79% 42% 56% 50% 1% 0% 12% 9% 1% 24% 4% 42% 13%

Zokhuo 55 33 21 35

*1 9% 39% 47% 4%

*2 79% 12% 1% 7%

*3 3% 90% 7% 0%

*H *L 12% 71% 23% 14% 65% 5% 0% 10%

Figure 6.9. Summary of PNg tonal reflex patterns in six Phowa clade languages

The Phowa meso-clade

315

Examining PNg tone correspondences from a per-language average of 190 reflexes14 results in the ‘tonal thumbprint’ patterns illustrated in Figure 6.9 (based on procedures outlined in §6.3.1). In the most general terms, a double pitch flip flop of the high (TC-1 and TC-H) and low (TC-2 and TC-L) tone classes can be said to characterize the Phowa clade languages, but this generalization leaves many questions for a more detailed analysis: One typological feature distinguishing the Muji and Phowa clade tone patterns is the basic number of tonemes: the Muji languages all feature a high falling tone as a fifth toneme, but this toneme is absent in the Phowa languages with the exception of Phukha. Phukha appears to have no highlevel toneme (Fried 2000, Edmondson 2003), but the rising contour tone in Phukha corresponds diachronically with a high-level tone in the other five languages – a point that proves key for Phowa tonal reconstruction. Parallels that surface between Ani and Labo in the first three tone classes are the following: TC-1 is primarily split between /55/ (dominant) and /21/ (secondary) and TC-2 and 3 both yield dominant reflexes of /21/. Nevertheless, TC-2 in Ani-Labo presents an interesting dilemma: although /33/ is the dominant reflex of the tone class in terms of frequency, /21/ is the unmarked (i.e. ‘elsewhere’) allotone in terms of conditioning environment (compare Figure 6.9 with Table 6.16, below). A similar scenario holds true for the other Phowa languages in TC-1. Hlepho-Phukha and Khlula-Zokhuo yield /21/ as the dominant reflex of TC-1 but maintain /33/ as the unmarked reflex of the tone class. These latter four languages all yield /33/ as the residual reflex of TC-3, however. Hlepho surface correspondences do not match with the other five languages in TC-2, but Phukha, Khlula and Zokhuo all yield dominant /55/ reflexes in TC-2. Thus, a general tonal flip-flop in TC-1 and TC-2 seems to have taken place (or is still in process) between Ani-Labo and Khlula-Zokhuo. The actual direction of the flip-flop will become clear below. The checked tone classes show equally scattered parallels. All languages in the clade except Zokhuo and Phukha demonstrate a dominant /33/ reflex for TC-L, and all except Ani and Khlula demonstrate a dominant /21/ reflex for TC-H. Elsewhere, Hlepho and Labo show clear parallels in dominant checked-tone reflexes, and both Phukha and Ani show evidence of a merger in the dominant reflexes of their checked tone classes. The Ani merger goes to /33/, however, while the Phukha merger goes to /21/. A closer look at the details of these surface correspondences is necessary. First we will examine the conditioning environments responsible for the splits in TC-1.

316

The language clades of Phula Proper

6.4.1.1. Tone-class 1 Overall in TC-1, the closest genetic relationships implied by tonal developments are apparent between Ani-Labo on the one hand and Khlula-Zokhuo on the other. The Hlepho-Phukha relationship is obscured by Phukha’s independent application of the /21/ split more widely than the other five languages in the clade. The only solid genetic links common across all languages in the Phowa clade in TC-1 are various shared splits to /21/ as is illustrated in Table 6.15. Syllables with *resonant *initials and *C-prefixed *resonants go to /21/ in all six languages. This may be a broader Phula feature, however, since it can also be noted in several Riverine Phula languages. *Voiceless-aspirated *stop *initials also split to /21/ – though to a slightly diminished degree in Ani-Labo. *Nasal *initial syllables with *aŋ codas split to /21/ in all six languages as well, though to a slightly diminished degree in Zokhuo-Khlula. Table 6.15. Phowa clade tone correspondences for TC-1 *Tone /Environment

Ani

Labo

Hlepho

Phukha

*1 /*m [+*_aŋ] /*r, *Cr

21

21

/*mb

13

13

21, 55

21, 55

33

33

/*p

21

31

Khlula

Zokhuo

21,13

21,33

21

21

55

55

/*b /*ʔəm

33

/*Cp

ND

/*Cm /*r-y_

33, 35

21, 33 21

21

/*ʔm /*m [-*_aŋ]

21 13

13

33

31

33,55

35

35

55, 21

/*s/*s /Elsewhere

21 55

55

33

33

33

33

The Phowa meso-clade

317

Further diagnostic detail of relationships in TC-1 can be observed by using Hlepho as an intermediary. Note that the /33/ reflex of *ʔəm and *Cp initials is shared between Hlepho and Ani-Labo exclusively, but the presence of /33/ as a dominant tonal reflex for TC-1 is a feature Hlepho shares with the rest of the clade exclusive of Ani-Labo. Hlepho also patterns with Phukha, Khlula and Zokhuo in a shared split of *voiced and *prenasalizedvoiced *stops to /21/, though Ani-Labo splits these environments to /33/ and /13/ respectively. As in Muji, the most explanatory pitch reconstruction for developments in this tone class is an unmarked *high tone at the Proto-Phowa stage (PPw) – most likely a direct descendant of the PNg pitch for this tone class. This pitch is preserved as the unmarked reflex in Ani-Labo. In Zokhuo-Khlula the /55/ pitch is preserved in only a few proto-environments and in HlephoPhukha (/35/ in Phukha) even fewer, but the fact that five of the six languages in the Phowa clade show evidence of /55/ reflexes on *open *syllable *nasal *initials is an important detail. This detail coincides with a broader Pan-Phula pattern found in the three major Phula clades: Phowa, Muji and Riverine Phula. In all three clades *Nasal *initials with *aŋ codas in TC-1, split to /21/ or /13/ (the two tones are often interchangeable diachronically) while *open *rhyme *syllables with *nasal *initials retain the original *high pitch for this tone class. The identical TC-1 environments shared between /55/ in Ani-Labo and /33/ in most of the other four languages – including *ʔ-, *s-, and *Cb initial classes in the ‘elsewhere’ category – are, then, not indicative of a split in Hlepho-Phukha and Khlula-Zokhuo but, rather, a clade-internal diachronic lowering of the *proto-high pitch to mid-level /33/. 6.4.1.2. Tone-class 2 Regarding TC-2 developments, the most diagnostic pieces of evidence for validating the Phowa clade as a distinctive genetic subgrouping are the following three innovations (considered as a unit): 1. 2. 3.

The general low-falling reflexes in *b,*z,*r and *Cm initial syllables. The general high tone reflexes in *Cs *initial syllables. The general high tone reflexes in *ʔm and *s initial syllables.

All of these innovations are characteristic of Hlepho-Phukha, but innovations (1) and (2) are shared by Hlepho-Phukha and Ani-Labo to the exclusion of Khlula-Zokhuo, while innovation (3) is shared by Hlepho-Phukha

318

The language clades of Phula Proper

and Khlula-Zokhuo to the exclusion of Ani-Labo. Once again, then, HlephoPhukha acts as an intermediary. These innovations are illustrated in Table 6.17. Elsewhere in TC-2 Hlepho itself emerges as the clade hinge. The language shares a split of deaspirated *p initials to /21/ with Ani-Labo, though the innovation is absent in Phukha, Khlula and Zokhuo. Hlepho preserves /33/ reflexes of *s-prefixed *initials along with Labo, though all other languages split the syllable class to a high tone. Hlepho also patterns with the unmarked /33/ reflex of Ani-Labo in TC-2 while the other languages have shifted the unmarked pitch to a high tone. Interestingly, in this regard, Hlepho merges numerous conditioning environments across all five tone classes to /33/. As a result, the language patterns with the unmarked reflex of Khlula-Zokhuo in TC-1 which is also /33/. Unmarked reflexes in Phukha, on the other hand, pattern like Khlula-Zokhuo in both tone classes. Hlepho patterns with Phukha and Khlula in TC-2 in other ways, however, such as /33/ reflexes for *prenasalized-voiced *initials. Table 6.16. Phowa clade tone correspondences for TC-2 *Tone /Environment

Ani

Labo

Hlepho

Phukha

Khlula

Zokhuo

*2 /*ʔ-nam²

55

55

21

31

21

21

/*mb

13

13

55, 33, 13

33

33

35

/*m

33, 21

33, 21

33, 21

33, 31, 35

33, 13, 55

21

21

21

31

13

NA

NA

NA

55

55

33

33

/*ʃe²

/*b,*z,*r,*Cm /*p>[-asp] /*s /*Cs /*b>[-voc] /*s-

13 55

55

55

33,55

33,55

55,13

55

33

33

/*ʔm

ND

55

/*p

13

/*pr

33, 13

/Elsewhere

35

33

33

33, 55

33

35

33, 55

35, 31

33

35

55

55

The Phowa meso-clade

319

The Ani-Labo subgroup appears to be the most conservative in terms of both TC-1 and TC-2 pitch values. In spite of dominant high tone reflexes for TC-2 in Phukha, Khlula and Zokhuo, this pitch is unlikely to have been the unmarked value for this tone class at the proto-level (see related discussion on Muji TC-2 in §6.3.1, and further evidence for a TC-2 *mid-level pitch in Riverine Phula §6.5.1). As in Muji, a mid-level pitch and a low-falling pitch were both likely present at the Proto-Phowa stage. The apparent flip-flop that has occurred between Ani-Labo and Khlula-Zokhuo TC-1 and TC-2 was possibly conditioned by the Khlula-Zokhuo and Hlepho-Phukha high tone being lowered to mid-level in TC-1, thus opening up the high tone space for the TC-2 pitches in these languages. A similar change may be noted in Central Ngwi languages. Tone reflexes of TC-2 *nasal *initial *syllables are highly irregular across most of the languages in the Phowa clade – a fact that is true of the Muji and Riverine Phula clades as well. Further details also emerge in TC-2 for validating clade-internal subgroupings. Both Ani and Labo have merged TC-1 and TC-2 *prenasalizedvoiced *initials to /13/ but the two have kept this initial class distinct in TC3 ( > /21/). Three of the other four languages in the clade have merged TC-2 *prenasalized-voiced *initials to TC-3 ( > /33/) but kept this class distinct in TC-1 ( > /21/), though this innovation is only partial in Hlepho which shows more high-level /55/ reflexes (5) on TC-2 *prenasalized initials than midlevel /33/ reflexes (3) and show only a single instance of low-rising /13/. Elsewhere, Khlula and Zokhuo are the only languages in the clade to yield /33/ reflexes for *Cs initials, devoiced *voiced stops, and the irregular *ʃe² ‘die’. 6.4.1.3. Tone-class 3 Perhaps due to perturbations in TC-1 and TC-2, much (but not all) of TC-3 has merged with TC-1 in the Phowa clade. In Ani-Labo this involves a merger of numerous conditioning environments to /55/ and /21/. In HlephoPhukha and Khlula-Zokhuo, the merger has been to /33/. As elsewhere in Phula and Ngwi, a mid-level pitch appears to have been the original reflex for this class. A preservation of this pitch is apparent in all Phowa clade languages except Ani and Labo as is illustrated in Table 6.17. TC-3 correspondences are not very useful for demonstrating the unique internal genetic relationship of the Phowa clade, but a few minor details are diagnostic nonetheless. Shared TC-3 splits between Ani and Labo provide further evidence that the two are closely related, and a minor double split of

320

The language clades of Phula Proper

*ʔ-prefixed *nasal *initials provides a further evidence that Hlepho shares genetic ties with Ani-Labo. Elsewhere, in TC-3, Hlepho is much more strongly affiliated with Phukha, Khlula, and Zokhuo, however. Table 6.17. Phowa clade tone correspondences for TC-3 *Tone /Environment *3 /*r_ /*ʔm

Ani

Labo

13 13, 33, 55

13 21, 55

Hlepho

Phukha

Khlula

ND

ND

Zokhuo

21, 55

/*ʔp, *s /*ʔb

55

55

/*s-

21

/*ʔə-

21, 33

31 55

/*mb /Elsewhere

21

21

33

33

33

33

6.4.1.4. The *checked-tone classes In TC-H, Ani and Khlula are the only exceptions to a general Phowa-clade pattern that can be summed up as an unmarked low-falling tone reflex for the *high-checked *tone class. This and other innovations are illustrated in Table 6.18. The overall low-falling reflex is a reversal of the original PNg pitch for this tone class (*High > /low-falling/). A slightly more diagnostic TC-H feature that runs through all Phowa languages except Khlula is a lowfalling reflex for syllables with *k-l, *k-r and *s-prefixed *initials. The Khlula /13/ tone often corresponds with low-falling tones elsewhere in the clade in other tone classes (cf. TC-1 *r-y_ reflexes in Tables 6.16 and TC-2 *b, *z, *r and *Cm reflexes in Table 6.16), but this is most apparent in TCH. Thus, Khlula /13/ seems to derive from /21/ in many environments and can be claimed to partially correspond on these grounds. In TC-L most Phowa clade languages show an unmarked /33/ reflex. Languages that do not demonstrate this pattern still share /33/ reflexes of *unprefixed *voiced stops (all except Ani) and /33/ reflexes of *s-prefixed *initials (all except Ani-Labo). Hlepho hinges with Ani-Labo in TC-L by sharing /13/ reflexes from *Cr and *ʔr initials.

The Phowa meso-clade

321

Table 6.18. Phowa clade tone correspondences for TC-L and TC-H

*H

/Environment

Ani

Labo

Hlepho

Phukha

Khlula

Zokhuo

/*p-rwakH

55

13

55

35

33

33

/*Cb >[-voc]

NA

NA

NA

55

55

/*ts_

33

33

33

33

/*p>[-asp]

55

/*k-l_, *k-r_, *s-

33

33

21

/*ʔb

13

53

/*s /*Cb *L

13

21

55

33

31, 35

21

/Elsewhere

33

21

21

31

13

/*C-krokL

55

55

33

33

21

/*C-satL

33

55

35

55

55

/*Cr, *ʔr

13

13

13

21

35

/*b

55

55,33

33

33

33

33

35

55

/*s-

13,21

/*Cb /*Cp

33, 55

33, 55

/*Cm, *Cbr /Elsewhere

21

13 33

33

33

31

33

55

The unmarked correspondences for TC-H and TC-L in four of the six Phowa-clade languages point to a general tonal flip-flop of the original PNg pitch values. As was mentioned in the introduction to this section, the origins of the flip-flop are more than likely independent of the iconic Northern Ngwi checked-tone innovation. Evidence from Ani, Phukha and Zokhuo – and further evidence from the closely related Muji clade (see §6.3, §6.5) – indicates that the flip-flop is a relatively recent innovation that was neither present at the macro-level Highland Phula stage15 nor at the meso-level Proto-Phowa stage. Note that Ani largely merges the two checked tone classes to /33/, and Phukha largely merges the two to /31/ in spite of the fact that

322

The language clades of Phula Proper

their respective genetic counterparts, Labo and Hlepho, show no signs of such a merger. Since Ani and Phukha are highly unlikely to have influenced each other in past history, and since Ani and Labo maintain frequent contact, two likely possibilities emerge: 1. 2.

An extreme proto-checked tone scenario is probable – one that would lead to tonal flip-flops in some closely related varieties and to mergers of tone classes in others. The Phowa clade innovations are probably relatively recent – with shared flipflops and parallel mergers alike occurring well after the Proto-Phowa split from Highland Phula.

Note also that the Zokhuo reflex for TC-L is much higher than the Labo, Hlepho, and Khlula pitches. Khlula preserves a /55/ pitch in *C-prefixed *stop *initials that may be residue from a shared innovation with Zokhuo to /55/. Under this scenario, the pitch later dropped to /33/ in most environments – perhaps under the influence of the Hlepho flip-flop. The extreme proto-tone scenario needed to explain tonal variation in Phowa clade protochecked classes is, in fact, also needed to explain odd variation throughout Southeastern Ngwi. 6.4.2.

Other Innovations

Beyond tone-system developments, few truly paradigm-like innovations can be mapped across the entire Phowa clade due to the distant separation of Zokhuo-Khlula and Ani-Labo in space and time. Shared segmental innovations are usually too generic at this level, and only a few have been noted to have implications for subgrouping, but numerous key lexical innovations emerge. As can be noted in Table 6.19 in the next section, combining lexical, segmental and tonal innovations provides highly diagnostic sets of criteria for identifying various genetic relationships within the Phowa clade and for defining the clade as a whole. Also, as will be discussed below in §6.5, a further collection of shared innovations points to a common ancestry between the Muji clade and the Phowa clade. This upper-level subgrouping can be referred to as ‘Highland Phula’ (vs. ‘Riverine Phula’, see Figure 6.16). Within Highland Phula, the varied, vivid innovations of the Muji clade point to a definite distinction between Muji and non-Muji languages, and this provides a further, albeit negative, set of criteria for subgrouping the Phowa languages together. Lexical innovations in Phowa point to the same trio of overlapping internal language clades with some distinct innovations found in all three

The Phowa meso-clade

323

subgroups, but with Hlepho in-particular acting as an intermediary between Ani-Labo and Khlula-Hlepho, and with no innovations shared by all six varieties at once. Two shared lexical innovations have been identified between Ani, Labo and Hlepho that are at least partially shared by Zokhuo but not by Khlula (data unavailable for Phukha): ‘LOC.upon’ and ‘flute’. The first, probably a de-aspirated reflex of PNg#449 *takH ‘LOC.upon’ preceded by a reflex of PNg#758 *(ʔ)-mroŋ³ ‘high’, is realized as mo⁵⁵tu²¹ in Ani and Labo and as mu⁵⁵tɯ²¹ in the MZC dialect of Hlepho and as m̩ ³³pɨ³⁵tɨ⁵⁵ in Zokhuo. In the FZK dialect of Hlepho, however, the lexeme is rendered ɛ³³tʰa³³pɨ³³ (cf. Khlula ɨ³³tu²²pɨ⁴⁴, Muji-N tʰa̠²¹pɛ⁵⁵, and Nisu ᴀ⁵⁵kʰɛ²¹ ). The second lexeme, ‘flute’, is rendered si⁵⁵li⁵⁵ in Ani, sɨ⁵⁵l ̩⁵⁵ in Labo sɨ³³li³³ in Hlepho, and, similarly, ɕi⁵⁵ti⁵⁵li⁵⁵ in Zokhuo (contrast with Phola lɔ³³vɛ⁵⁵ Lolopho ti³³li³³, etc.). In Khlula, however, the lexeme is rendered li⁵⁵wu³³ʦʰɑ²¹. Lexical innovations shared exclusively by Ani, Labo and Hlepho include ‘steep’, ‘stone’, and ‘husband’ forms identical to or cognate with tɬʌ²¹, nɔ²¹ma⁵⁵ and za²¹va³³ respectively. The first innovation is of unknown origins. The second combines an odd ‘rock’ lexeme also found elsewhere in Phula (e.g. Phupa nə¹³ ) with a nominal suffix used for lexicalizing small round objects. The third is a combination of ‘ SON’ ( < PNg#206 *ʒa² ) plus the ‘HUMAN’ nominal suffix used frequently in Phowa (as in the optional final syllable of the autonym: pʰo²¹va³³ ). Ani, Labo and Hlepho also share at least one exclusive segmental innovation: the deletion of velar nasal initial reflexes preceding *o vowels: PNg# 670 *ŋo¹ ‘cry’ > ʔv̩⁵⁵, ɯ⁵⁵ and ʔv̩³³ in Ani, Labo and Hlepho, respectively, in which the vowel and tone are both cognate with the *ŋo¹ protoform. Whether or not a similar innovation preceded the ‘laugh’ > ‘cry’ merger in the Muji clade (discussed in §6.3.2.3) is unclear. Unique lexical innovations shared exclusively between Ani and Labo include an antithetical semantic shift from ‘idle’ to ‘busy’, a lexicalized circumlocution for ‘cricket’, and a unique compound for ‘grape’. ‘Busy’ is rendered lo¹³ in both languages. A cognate form surfaces in Hlepho as ‘tired’16, pronounced lo²¹. Elsewhere in the Phowa clade, a Chinese loan is frequently used for this lexeme, e.g., Zokhuo mɨ⁵⁵ and Hlepho ma²¹ < LCh. mang ᘉ. Other Ngwi languages show different forms: e.g., Phola tʰɛ³³, Sani ko⁴⁴ and Lisu ʦʰɑ³¹ but none are known to show a lo²¹ form for ‘tired’ or ‘busy’. Interestingly, the Ani-Labo form appears to be an antithetical semantic shift from ‘idle’ with cognate forms in Hani (lo̠³³ ), Lahu (lo⁵⁴ ) and Phola (lɨ³³ ). Given that the form surfaces in Hlepho as ‘tired’, a plausible path for the semantic shift emerges: not working (‘idle’) > tired of working

324

The language clades of Phula Proper

(‘tired’) > tired from working (‘busy’). Note, however, that ‘tired’ in Ani and Labo is rendered ta²¹ɕi³³ and ta²¹ɕi⁵⁵, respectively. Two further lexical innovations shared by the pair are an elaborate expression for ‘cricket’ literally translated, ‘insect [making the sound] dvvlvv [by the] pig sty’ – rendered ve⁵⁵ɬo³³dɯ⁵⁵lɯ⁵⁵ma²¹ in Ani and vɛ³³ɬɑ²¹dɯ⁵⁵lɯ⁵⁵mɑ²¹ in Labo – and a unique lexeme for ‘grape’ rendered ɔ²¹ta¹³ma⁵⁵ and ɔ²¹tɑ¹³n̩³³mɑ⁵⁵ in Ani and Labo, respectively. Khlula and Zokhuo both feature an odd compound for ‘night time’ in which the first two morphemes are cognate with ʨʰi⁵⁵bə³³. The compound is rendered ʦʰɨ²¹bə³³da⁵⁵ in Khlula and ʨʰi⁵⁵bə³³ɕi⁵⁵ in Zokhuo. Compare with Labo ɕɛ⁵⁵ɑʌ²¹tʰa³³ and more standard Ngwi forms cognate with Phuza mɯ²¹ʦʰɨ³³ and Nisu mu³³ʨʰi ̠²¹. Khlula, Zokhuo and some dialects of Hlepho feature an odd construction for the adverbial ‘all’ that is cognate with or equal to ji²¹ha¹³ – rendered jɛ²¹χɑ³³ in Khlula, ji²¹ha¹³ in Zokhuo and i²¹χa³³ in the SZW dialect of Hlepho (but dɛ¹³dɛ²¹ in Hlepho-FZK). Compare with Phukha tʰa³³bo³¹, Ani ta³³bu²¹ʦɨ³³, Muzi χa¹³ and Nisu pu̠³³. A few dialects of Azha (DFC and XPB) also show evidence of this innovation – presumably a borrowing from the Phowa clade since three distinct Phowa languages show evidence of the form as opposed to a few dialects of Azha – both of which would have had historical contact with Zokhuo (in the case of DFC) and Hlepho (in the case of XPB). Hlepho and Phukha share a unique lexical innovation for ‘sugarcane’ not noted to occur elsewhere in Ngwi: Hlepho sa³³bɯ⁵⁵ and Phukha sa³³bu³³vɯ³¹. Sani resembles this form in the first morpheme of its ‘sugarcane’ lexeme, ʂɒ⁴⁴ɣɯ⁴⁴tɒ³³, but the usual Ngwi form is cognate with Phola pɔ³³ʨʰu⁵⁵ (cf. Ani bɯ³³ʨʰu⁵⁵ʣɛ²¹, Muji-Q bu³³ʦʰɯ³³, Nisu po³³ʦʰʅ⁵⁵ʣæ̠ ³³, Jino po³³ʧi⁴⁴, etc.) Hlepho, Phukha, and Khlula all share a unique second-syllable compound innovation for ‘bean’ in which the first syllable is from PNg#276A *s-nökH ‘bean’ and the second syllable is mi, of unknown origins17, with a high tone reflex, yielding nu²¹mi³⁵, in Phukha, nu²¹mi⁵⁵ in Khlula and i³³nu²¹mi⁵⁵ in Hlepho – all of which are distinct from the standard prefixed or compounded forms found elsewhere in Phowa and Ngwi (e.g. Labo a³³no²¹, Zokhuo a⁵⁵no²¹, Axi a³³nu̠³³, Hani nɯ³³si³¹, etc.). Combined with tone system developments, these lexical innovations provide adequate paradigm-like sets for defining both the Phowa clade and its embedded historical relationships.

The Phowa meso-clade

6.4.3.

325

Historical dialectology

The unique Phowa innovations discussed in §6.4.1 and §6.4.2 are compiled in Table 6.19 with overlapping innovations (those shared by the same set of languages) listed under a single entry. In most cases these criteria are composed of complex innovation sets, vs. single innovations, and thus provide the diagnostic power needed for defining the frequently ambiguous relationships between the six languages of the clade. Of the six, Hlepho is clearly the ‘most fully charged isolect’, but, at least for the Phowa clade, this status should not be equated with the Baileyan ‘lect of origin’. Instead, Hlepho is better described as the diachronic clade hinge – a dominant intermediary both influencing and being influenced by innovations elsewhere in the clade. Without Hlepho-Phukha as a gobetween, the clade subgrouping link between Ani-Labo and Khlula-Zokhuo would depend almost entirely on the uneven evidence of innovation sets 6, 7 and 8. Table 6.19. Summary of 14 Phowa clade innovation sets Ani

Labo

Hlepho

Phukha

Khlula

Zokhuo

1.

3

3

2

2

2

2



2.

3

3

3

2

2

2



3.

2

3

3

2

2

2

4.

3

3

3

3

(2)

2

5.

3

3

3

?

2

(3)

6.

3

3

3

3

(2)

3

7.

3

3

3

3

3

3



8.

(3)

(3)

3

3

3

3



9.

2

2

3

3

2

2



10.

2

2

(3)

3

3

2



11.

2

2

3

3

3

3

12.

2

2

3

(3)

3

3



13.

2

2

3

2

3

3



14.

2

2

2

2

3

3





326

The language clades of Phula Proper

1. TC-1 unmarked /55/ reflexes with splits to /13/ and /33/ on *mb and *b *initials respectively; TC-2 reflexes > dominant /21/ but unmarked /33/; TC1and 2 *mb reflexes merged to /13/; TC-3 > unmarked /21/ with /55/ splits in *ʔp, *ʔb, and *s initials; antithetical semantic shift of ‘idle’ > ‘busy’, rendered lo¹³ ; ‘cricket’ and ‘grape’ equal to or cognate with ve⁵⁵ɬo³³dɨ⁵⁵lɨ⁵⁵ -ma²¹ and ɔ̠²¹ta̠²⁴ma⁵⁵ respectively. 2. TC-1 /33/ reflexes of *ʔəm and *Cp initials; TC-2 unmarked /33/ with /21/ reflexes of deaspirated *p initials; ‘steep’, ‘stone’ and ‘husband’ cognate with or equal to tɬʌ²¹, nɔ²¹ma⁵⁵ and za²¹va³³ respectively. Nasal deletion on reflexes of *ŋo¹ ‘cry’. 3. TC-2 /33/ reflexes of *s-prefixed *initials; TC-3 reflexes of *ʔm *initials split to /21/ and /55/. 4. TC-2 /21/ reflexes of *b,*z,*r, and *Cm *initials (Phukha /31/), and *Cs initials split to /55/ (Phukha /35/). 5. ‘Flute’ and ‘LOC.upon’ equal to or cognate with si⁵⁵li⁵⁵ and mo⁵⁵tu²¹ respectively. 6. TC-H low-falling reflex on *syllables with *k-l_, *k-r_ and *s-prefixed *initials. 7. Includes most ‘Highland Phula’ macro-clade innovations (§6.5), but excludes Muji meso-clade innovations. 8. TC-1 reflexes of *p *initials split to /21/. 9. ‘Sugarcane’ equal to or cognate with sa³³bɯ⁵⁵ . 10. TC-2 /33/ reflexes of *mb *initials; ‘bean’ equal to or cognate with nu²¹mi⁵⁵ 11. TC-1 reflexes > dominant /21/ but unmarked /33/ with *b and *mb *initials splitting to /21/; TC-2 reflexes of *ʔm and *s *initials split to /55/. TC-2and3 merge *mb initials to /33/. 12. Double ‘flip-flop’ of the high and low tone classes: (1) TC-1and 2 and (2) TC-H and L. 13. TC-1 *r-y_ initials split to a rising tone; ‘all’ equal to or cognate with

ji²¹ha¹³

14. TC-1 /55/ reflexes of *ʔəm *initials; TC-2 /33/ reflexes of *Cs and devoiced *b *initials; TC-H /21/ reflexes of regular *Cb *initials but /55/ reflexes of devoiced *Cb *initials ; ‘nighttime’ compound cognate with ʨʰi⁵⁵bə³³

Innovation sets 1, 9 and 14 provide criteria for the exclusive subgrouping of Ani-Labo, Hlepho-Phukha, and Khlula-Zokhuo respectively. Innovation set 3 groups Labo with Hlepho to the exclusion of Ani, but innovation set 1 provides a much stronger collection of evidence for an exclusive Ani-Labo affiliation, so the latter scenario wins out. Set 2 follows sociolinguistic identity lines (see §3.2.3) by grouping the three ethnic Phowa languages together diachronically. This set is key for emphasizing the ongoing nature of shared innovations between the three ethnic Phowa languages, but, in terms of

The Phowa meso-clade

327

actual diachronic splits the, overall picture points to a different subgrouping scenario. Overall, Phukha shows much more evidence of sharing innovations with Khlula-Zokhuo than with Ani-Labo; but the language shares its strongest ties with Hlepho. This suggests that Phukha evolved from the same node as Hlepho; being spoken in the Khlula-Zokhuo region, Phukha speakers were able to maintain closer clade-internal ties with these two languages than with Ani-Labo – unlike Hlepho, its genetic counterpart spoken further to the northwest, whose speakers were able to maintain clade-internal contact with both Ani-Labo and Khlula-Zokhuo (see Maps 3.5, 3.6 and 8.7).

Labo Phowa

1 Ani Phowa Zokhuo Hlepho Phowa

2,5

8,11

6

12, 13

10 9 7

3

14 Khlula

4

Phukha

Figure 6.10. Traditional wave diagram of Phowa clade innovations summarized in Table 6.19

328

The language clades of Phula Proper

Innovation set 13 groups Hlepho with Khlula-Zokhuo to the exclusion of Phukha. Since the evidence for a Hlepho-Phukha subgrouping is stronger, however, we can assume that this innovation set was shared between the three languages after speakers of the ancestor lect of modern-day Phukha migrated toward Vietnam, lost contact and subsequently ceased being affected by new innovations shared between other Phowa clade members. The diagonal pattern that emerges from the Table 6.19 innovation sets provides a good illustration of the gradient diachronic flow of genetic features shared between the three subgroups that comprise the Phowa clade. In general, innovations listed toward the middle of the chart are likely to have preceded innovations listed toward the extreme corners of the chart. The absence of innovations at the opposite extremes of the chart points to the development of distinct subgroups within the clade. Figure 6.10 illustrates the overlapping innovations of Table 6.19 in terms of synchronic spatial distribution ignoring partial innovations such as item 8 for Ani and Labo. Thanks to isoglossic lines 1, 9 and 14, the picture that emerges is slightly more clear than the Muji wave diagram in Figure 6.6. As expected, Hlepho emerges as the heart of the clade, with virtually every combination of the other five languages laying an isoglossic claim on it. Ani Labo

Hlepho

Khlula Phukha

Zokhuo

Figure 6.11. Simplified dynamic wave model of Phowa clade innovations

To condense the scenario to its essential characteristics, insights from Baileyan dialectology, broadly conceived, enable a simplified interpretation of the Table 6.19 innovations in terms of internal (vs. spatial) arrangement. Figure 6.11 presents clade-internal relationships in the form of a simplified

The Phowa meso-clade

329

dynamic wave model, capturing the three core-periphery relationships and the overlapping innovations implied by the Table 6.19 results. Contrasting this diagram with Figure 6.7 in §6.3.3 provides a way of visualizing the widely different internal arrangements of the Phowa and Muji clades. Whereas Muji features a single dominant direction for its defining innovations, Phowa features four possible directions with a dominant intermediate variety acting as both a prime innovator and a clearing house for innovations from elsewhere in the genetic clade. Without the hinge-like presence of Hlepho, it is unlikely that KhlulaZokhuo and Ani-Labo would be recognizable as present day members of the same clade. Reported historical migration patterns between the two are clearly distinct, as discussed in §1.2.3.1, and the Ani-Labo variety of ProtoPhowa presumably maintained close genetic contact with Proto-Muji during the period surrounding the Phowa-Muji split. Taking all Table 6.19 innovations into consideration along with insights discussed elsewhere, an underlying cladistic hierarchy emerges. The Stammbaum diagram proposed for the Phowa clade is presented Figure 6.10 with reference to clade-internal contact dynamics (see Figure 6.8 discussion for explanation of arrow patterns): PHOWA

Ani

Labo

Hlepho

Phukha

Khlula

Zokhuo

Figure 6.12. Internal subgrouping hypothesis for the Phowa clade

Hlepho itself is internally diverse with numerous gradient dialects (see Map 8.7, §8.4.2) – several of which (e.g. WBZ) shade into Labo as part of the synchronic Phowa dialect continuum (see discussion in §3.5.3, §3.4.3, §3.6), another of which (SZW) was apparently influenced historically by contact with Moji (see further discussion in §1.2.3.2 and §3.3.3), and yet

330

The language clades of Phula Proper

another of which (CKB) maintains marriage networks and slightly higher lexical similarity with Khlula speakers to this day in spite of distant geographical separation and low levels of intelligibility (see §3.5.4 and compare LZC with CKB in Appendix C). As was noted in §6.4.1.2, one linguistic effect of the overlapping innovations that seems to have resulted from Hlepho’s intermediate status is a general tone-leveling to /33/ in numerous environments across all five tone classes. 6.5. The Highland Phula macro-clade The Phowa and Muji clades show ample evidence of unique shared innovations to be considered daughter nodes of the same parent genetically. This macro-node will be referred to as ‘Highland Phula’ – a sister to the ‘Riverine Phula’ macro-clade described below in §6.6. The Highland macro-clade consists of 15 known languages, while the Riverine macro-clade consists of only seven. To date, numerous unusual lexico-semantic innovations have been identified as characteristic of the Highland macro-clade along with a few unique phonological innovations. 6.5.1.

Lexico-semantic innovations

Five key lexico-semantic innovations, illustrated in Tables 6.20 and 6.21, distinguish the Highland Phula clade from Riverine Phula and the rest of Ngwi. These innovations include a tonal derivation set, a substitute member of the Ngwi extentive paradigm and three basic lexical replacements. ‘seed’ *yo² and *je³ (PNg#308AB) often > zø³¹ (Hani) and u⁵⁵ʑɯ²¹ (Phala) or cognate forms in various Ngwi languages. Many Ngwi languages also show an alternate form cognate with Lisu e⁵⁵ʃɿ⁵⁵, as shown in Table 6.20, and a variety of compounded combinations. Most Highland Phula languages evidence a fourth lexeme of unknown origin – best typified in the Khlula form ɨ³³tʂʰu³³. The Pholo ʥɨu⁵³ form appears to be from *je³. ‘HEAVY’ *C-li² (PNg#564) usually > li³¹ (as in Lisu and Phola) or cognate forms in Ngwi languages, but most Highland Phula languages evidence an apparently non-cognate lexical replacement best typified in Zokhuo ȵi⁵⁵. Since this innovation replaces a member of a paradigm set (as described in Bradley 1995), it may be considered even better evidence of genetic relationship than an average lexical replacement. Antonym reflexes from *slaŋ¹, ‘LIGHT’, however, are unaffected overall: e.g., Labo lɑʌ³³, Hlepho lə²¹, Muzi lo²¹, Muji-S lo²¹ .

The Highland Phula macro-clade

331

Table 6.20. Highland Phula lexico-semantic innovation set one ‘tiger’

‘seed’

‘HEAVY’

Ani Phowa

na¹³

{kɨ³³ɕu²¹}

n̩¹³

Labo Phowa

na¹³

{ɨ³³sɯ⁵⁵}

n̩¹³

Hlepho Phowa

a⁵⁵na³³

ɛ³³ɕi⁵⁵ʦʰu³³

ȵu⁵⁵

Phukha

{la³¹}

ND

ɯ³⁵

Khlula

{ɑ³³ʣɨ³³}

ɨ³³tʂʰu³³

m̥ m̩ ⁵⁵

Zokhuo

ʌ⁵⁵nʌ⁵⁵pji³³mʌ²¹

{ʦʌ³³sɯ³³}

ȵi⁵⁵

Muzi

a³³na²¹

e³³ʦʰɹɯ⁵⁵

{ljɛ¹³}

Muji-N

a²¹na²¹

i²¹ʦʰɹɯ⁵⁵

ȵi⁵⁵

Muji-S

ɑ³³nɑ²¹

ji²¹ʦʰɯ⁵⁵

ni⁵²

Bokha

ɑ²¹nɑ²¹pɑ²¹

e²¹ʦʰɯ⁵⁵

ȵi⁵⁵

Phuma

a²¹na²¹

jɛ²¹ʦʰɯ⁵⁵

ȵi³³

Muji-Q

{a⁵⁵ʦɨ³³}

ɛ³³ʦʰu⁵⁵

ȵɛ⁵²də⁴⁴

Thopho

{zi²¹mɔ³³}

{i³³ʂɯ⁵⁵}

nə²¹

Moji

ND

ND

n̥n³̩ ³

Laghuu

a̠³³na³³

ND

ni⁵⁵ʧa⁵⁵na³³

Phola

lɑ̠²³

kɑ⁵⁵ʐu³¹

li³¹

Phala

lɑ³³mə³³

u⁵⁵ʑɯ²¹

li³¹

Phuza

la³³mɤ³³

li¹³

Phupa

a⁵⁵vɯ³³

ɛ³³sɿ³³

Phupha

ʂɿ³³ɕa⁵⁵

li¹³

la³³mo³³ la²¹ma²¹

ʨʰi²¹sɛ³³

li¹³

Alugu Azha

lɔ⁴⁵

xji³³

Sani

lɒ⁵⁵

i²²ɕy⁴⁵

Pholo

{zi⁵⁵mu²¹}

læ³³

Nisu

lo̠²¹

ʥɨu⁵³sɛ³³

Nuosu

ʦa³³sʴɯ²¹ ʂɿ⁵⁵mɒ³³ sɿ²¹

li¹³ lɿ²¹ li³³

lɑ⁵⁵

lɑ³¹mɑ³³

ʣɑ³³l ̩³⁴

ɑ³⁴l ̩³³

Lisu Lalo

lɑ²¹pa²¹

ɣu³³ʂɿ²¹

l ̩²¹

Hani

xa³¹la³¹

a⁵⁵zø³¹

ɕɔ³³

Proto-Ngwi

*k-la²

*yo²&*je³

*C-li²

e⁵⁵ʃɿ⁵⁵

li³¹

332

The language clades of Phula Proper

Table 6.21. Highland Phula lexico-semantic innovation set two ‘look’

‘silver’

Ani Phowa Labo Phowa Hlepho Phowa Phukha Khlula Zokhuo Muzi Muji-N Muji-S Bokha Phuma Muji-Q Thopho Moji Laghuu Phola Phala Phuza Phupa Phupha Alugu Azha Sani Pholo Nisu Nuosu Lisu Lalo Hani

ʔʑɿ⁵⁵ ʔʑi³³ ʔzɨ³³ ND ʔzɨ⁵⁵ {na²¹} zɨ³³ ʑi³³ ʔji³³ ʔji³³ ʔji³³ i³³ {ŋɨ³³} zɨ⁵⁵ ND

tɬʰo²¹ ɬo²¹ (tɬʰo²¹) ʦʰu³¹ tɬʰu²¹mi³³ ɔ⁵⁵kʰɯ²¹ ɬɯ²¹ ɬɯ²¹ma²¹ tɬɯ²¹ ɬɯ²¹ ɬɯ²¹ kɬʰɯ²¹ tʰɯ⁵⁵pɨ³³ {ʑin³⁵ʣɨ²¹} kɬʰuɛ²¹kɛ⁵⁵ma³³

> > > ~ ~ ~ > > > ≥ > > < ≤ >

tɬʰo⁵⁵ ɬo⁵⁵bu³³ (tɬʰo⁵⁵) tɬu³¹ tɬʰu²¹ kʰɯ²¹ ɬɯ³³ ɬɯ³³ tɬɑ⁴⁴ɬɯ³³ɬɯ³³ {pji¹³} pa⁵⁵ɬɯ³³ kɬɑ³³nɛm²¹ tʰɯ³³ tʰju⁵² e²¹xu³³pa³³

Proto-Ngwi

*C-ɲi¹

*plu¹

=

*plu¹

ȵi⁵⁵ ȵi⁵⁵ {ʔzɨ⁵⁵} {ʔʑi³³} ȵi³³ ŋ³̩ ³ ȵi⁴⁴ ne̠³³ ni⁴⁴ ȵi⁵⁵ hɯ²¹ ȵi⁴⁴ ʔi⁵⁵ xu³³

ɬɯ⁵⁵ ɬɯ⁵⁵ tɬʰɯ²¹ ɬɯ²¹ ɬɯ²¹ ɬɯ⁵⁵ ɬœ²¹ ɬɿ³³ pʰi⁴³ tʰu²¹ ɑ³³ʨʰu³³ pʰu⁴⁴ fu̪⁵⁵ pʰju⁵⁵

‘white’

= = = = = = = = = = = = = =

ɬɯ⁵⁵ ɬɯ⁵⁵ tɬʰɯ²¹ ɬɯ²¹ ɬɯ²¹ ɬɯ⁵⁵ ɬœ²¹ ɬɿ³³ pʰi⁴³ tʰu²¹ ʨʰu³³ pʰu⁴⁴ fu̪⁵⁵ pʰju⁵⁵

Symbols: = identical forms; >/< derived form; ≥/≤ possible presence of derived form obscured by loan; ~ approximate values apparently from the same etymon; {} non-cognate form and/or loan.

The Highland Phula macro-clade

333

‘tiger’ *k-la² (PNg#013) usually > lɑ⁵⁵ (Nuosu), lo²¹ (Lolopo) or cognate morphemes in most Ngwi languages, but the Highland Phula languages evidence a distinct lexical innovation in variations of na¹³ (the monosyllabic form as realized in Ani and Labo Phowa). While this might seem to be a basic intermediate *l > /n/ phonological innovation – not unheard of in the region, and frequent in Southwestern Mandarin – closer investigation casts doubt on this possibility. While tonal correspondences across the various languages surveyed appear to descend from TC-2, the overall reflexes map best with *m (*nasal *initials) instead of *p or *pr (*stop or *stop+medial *initials) in this tone class. Furthermore, no consistent phonological pattern emerges, even on open syllables. Proto-clusters such as *k-l, *ʔ-l and *C-l usually yield /l/ or /ɬ/ initials in the Highland Phula languages. Take, for example, PNg #228 *ʔ-/k-la² ‘pants’ which yields ɬa³³ in most Phowa clade languages and yields ɬa²¹ in most Muji clade languages. Most of the irregular lexemes in this column of Table 6.20 are apparently due to semantic shift from PNg#014 *k-zikL ‘leopard; panther’. The Phukha form is presumably either a preservation of the original lexeme or an intra-branch borrowing from a neighboring Ngwi language. ‘silver’ and ‘white’ are both reconstructed *plu¹ (PNg##401and507) at the proto-Ngwi stage due a morpho-semantic merger of ‘silver’ > ‘white’(see Bradley 2005b:165); accordingly, both forms usually yield identical reflexes in contemporary Ngwi languages. Most Highland Phula languages follow suit but also evidence a resplit via tonal derivation that apparently began at the Proto-Highland Phula stage. The ‘silver’ (TC-1) reflex tends to remain stable in these languages at /21/ while the relative pitch of the ‘white’ tone is raised contrastively – resulting in a /33/ reflex for most Muji clade languages and a /55/ reflex for most Phowa clade languages. The tonal derivation may have been due to a need for disambiguation and/or pitch association with a change in word class from noun to stative. Perhaps related to their peripheral status and/or later contact influence from other Ngwi languages, Phukha, Zokhuo, the SZT dialect of Muji and some varieties of Hlepho do not show evidence of this change. The Bokha lexeme for ‘white’ (also featured in the DXB dialect) is phonologically irregular and seems to have been borrowed from a Hani variety after the Bokha-Phuma split, since Phuma retains the tonal derivation and since Hani-Akha varieties are the only known Ngwi languages in the area that yield palatalized labial stop initials for the *pl cluster. A similar but distinct innovation may be noted in some varieties of Nisu. ‘look’ *C-ɲi¹ and *haŋ³ (PNg#594AB) usually >> ȵi⁵⁵ (Nisu), xu³³ (Hani) or cognate lexemes in various Ngwi languages. The Highland Phula

334

The language clades of Phula Proper

languages, however, evidence a lexical replacement best typified by Labo Phowa ʔʑi³³. The irregular lexemes in this column of Table 6.21 may be due to intra-clade borrowing (esp. the Phuza and Phupa forms) or a preference for the original lexeme over the replacement form that harks back to a period of original polysemy. This latter scenario seems likely for the Zokhuo and Thopho forms. This scenario is supported by an Axi serial verb construction for ‘watch(v)’ ⴻᆸ ni³³zi³¹, the second morpheme of which appears to be cognate with the Highland Phula innovation. The presence of this form in Phuza and Phupha may support a subgrouping of Phula Proper (i.e., RP+HP) below the Southeastern Ngwi level. Under this scenario, Alugu, Phupha, Phola and Phala would have all lost the form, however, so to assert this as the best choice without further data would be a violation of Ockham’s razor, especially given that the innovation is so pervasive in the Muji and Phowa clades. With the possible exception of ‘HEAVY’, any one of these lexicosemantic innovations, considered in its own right, may not provide adequate evidence for subgrouping. Considering the five together as a paradigm-like set, however, provides stronger evidence of exclusive common ancestry. A handful of phonological innovations add further weight to the individual identifying status of the Highland Phula macro-clade innovation set. 6.5.2.

Phonological innovations

Phonological innovations shared by the Highland Phula languages include an innovative tone split of *prenasalized *stop *initials in TC-2, an alveolar/alveopalatal nasal initial reflex of the odd Ngwi cluster *m-ly which usually yields /l/-initials in Ngwi languages. TC-2 prenasalized split. As can be noted in Tables 6.5 and 6.16 above, both Muji-clade and Phowa-clade languages show evidence of a tonal split on *prenasalized *stop *initials in TC-2. In Riverine Phula, on the other hand, *mb *initial *syllables feature tone splits only as part of a larger unit also incorporating other voiced stops and resonants: *b, *z, *r, and *Cr. Most Muji-clade languages have re-split the original *mb split based on intermediate devoicing, and some Phowa-clade languages have since merged TC-1 *mb initials with TC-2, but evidence of the original *mb split is well-preserved in both clades, nonetheless. *m-ly > ȵ/n. PNg#630 *m-lyakL ‘lick’ is usually realized as la²¹ (as in Lalo), or with cognate morphemes, in various contemporary Ngwi languages18 (cf. Phala lɛ³³, Nisu læ̠ ²¹, Sani ɬɑ̠²¹ ), but the Highland Phula

The Riverine Phula macro-clade

335

languages demonstrate an alveolar (or alveolopalatal) initial reflex for this cluster: e.g. Ani Phowa ni¹³, Labo Phowa ȵi¹³, Hlepho Phowa ni³³, Zokhuo ȵɛ⁵⁵, Muji-N ne²¹, Muji-Q nɨ²¹, Phuma nɛə²¹ . Three of the four languages in the Downriver clade of Riverine Phula (see §6.6) – Phupa, Phuza and Phupha – also appear to incorporate this innovation, but Alugu ljɛ⁵² breaks the pattern by with an /lj/-initial reflex, and the Upriver Phula clade, sister node to Downriver in the Riverine macro-clade, shows no evidence of the nasal initial reflex either. The occurrence of the nasal initial in Phupa, Phuza and Phupha appears to have resulted from language contact with Muji. 6.6. The Riverine Phula macro-clade Riverine Phula is composed of seven languages: Phala, Phola (proper), AloPhola, Phupha, Alugu, Phuza and Phupa. These languages are primarily spoken along the banks of the Honghe River from north-central Yuanjiang County to the far southeastern panhandle of Gejiu County. Just as the Highland Phula macro-clade can be subdivided into two insular clades (dubbed ‘PHOWA’ and ‘MUJI’ above), the Riverine macro-clade can be genetically subdivided into an Upriver clade (Phola, Alo-Phola and Phala) and a Downriver clade (Phupha, Alugu, Phuza and Phupa). Riverine Phula is much less internally diverse than Highland Phula and features smaller ethnic and speaker populations as well as is discussed further in §8.2. No previous historical-comparative or dialectological analysis is known to have been undertaken for these languages, but the geo-ethnolinguistic classification schema used in China generally lumps the upriver Phula varieties under the ‘Southern Yi’ rubric and lumps the downriver varieties under ‘Southeastern Yi’. As the next chapter will show, most of the constituents in both of these categories belong to Bradley’s (2002, 2007) ‘Southeastern Ngwi’ sub-branch. Long (2004) inexplicably recycles a folk linguistic opinion commonly recited by Honghe County locals that Phola-Phala (referred to as ঌ᣹ Bola in Long 2004) is a mixture of Nisu and Hani. This perspective is at least interesting, and it is likely an observation of the presence of loan words in Phola-Phala from both Hani and Nisu19, but it cannot withstand the scrutiny of historical dialectology. This section will examine six of the seven known Riverine Phula languages in order to define the clade genetically. Alo Phola is not represented in this section. The language is reported to have been heavily influenced by contact with a variety of Dai spoken in central Yuanjiang County, but data is currently unavailable on the variety. G

336

The language clades of Phula Proper

6.6.1.

Tone system developments

The most striking innovation shared by the Riverine Phula languages is a comprehensive proto-merger of the two PNg checked-tone classes. In the Upriver clade, the proto-merger has since split to /33/ and /21/ with some residual /55/ reflexes. In the Downriver clade, the merger is preserved as /55/ (corresponding to the /52/ pitch in Alugu) with some minor intermediate splits to other synchronic tonemes. Examining PNg tone correspondences from a per-language average of 215 reflexes results in the ‘tonal thumbprint’ patterns illustrated in Figure 6.13 below (based on procedures outlined in §6.3.1). Phola 55 33/23 31 52

*1 60% 33% 5% 1%

*2 10% 46% 42% 2%

*3 *H *L 38% 16% 10% 59% 39% 41% 3% 42% 49% 0% 3% 0%

Phala 55 33 31 52

*1 63% 33% 4% 0%

*2 11% 50% 39% 0%

*3 27% 68% 5% 0%

*H 8% 38% 54% 0%

*L 9% 45% 45% 0%

UPRIVER DOWNRIVER Phupa 55 33 21 13

*1 16% 30% 51% 3%

*2 14% 36% 24% 26%

*3 *H *L 24% 84% 87% 48% 5% 8% 29% 3% 0% 0% 8% 5%

Phuza 55 33 21 13

*1 10% 38% 49% 4%

*2 19% 42% 14% 25%

*3 25% 54% 13% 8%

*H 84% 8% 0% 8%

*L 79% 13% 3% 5%

Phupha 55 33 21 13

*1 8% 41% 49% 3%

*2 14% 38% 7% 40%

*3 *H *L 33% 91% 76% 58% 0% 6% 8% 0% 0% 0% 9% 18%

Alugu 52 33 21 13

*1 17% 54% 27% 2%

*2 *3 17% 0% 30% 43% 30% 57% 23% 0%

*H 100% 0% 0% 0%

*L 94% 0% 0% 6%

Figure 6.13. Proto-Ngwi tonal reflex patterns in the Riverine Phula languages

A general merger of *tone-classes *2 and *3 to dominant /33/ reflexes is apparent in all Riverine Phula languages except Alugu. This surface pattern is also found in Hlepho Phowa (see Figure 6.9), however, so more detailed investigation into conditioning environments is needed in order to accept this criterion as individual-identifying evidence (see §6.6.1.3). Elsewhere, these surface reflex patterns demonstrate little evidence of a genetic tie between the Upriver and Downriver clades of Riverine Phula. Clear patterns

The Riverine Phula macro-clade

337

link Phola and Phala together, however, and other patterns suggest a close relationship between the Downriver languages Phupa, Phuza, Phupha and Alugu. As discussed in §5.5.4, the Phola /23/ toneme is apparently a recent innovation occurring primarily on nasals, liquids, and voiced fricatives. It is also linked with numerous sandhi phenomena, and its current status may possibly be described as quasi-tonemic or transitional. Whatever its synchronic status may be, the tone is not diachronically significant. It regularly corresponds with the /33/ toneme in Phala and is thus considered /33/ below for purposes of reconstruction. Note also that the Alugu high tone is best described as high-falling. The /52/ tone is in free-variation with [55] in some idiolects, with a [52] pitch being the dominant realization. Some sandhi environments also demonstrate /52/ > [55] variation. Three examples are /52+52/ > [55-52] and /52+21/ > [55-21], /52+33/ > [55-33] (e.g., ‘hand-arm’ > [la⁵¹] ‘hand’ > [la⁵⁵fa³³] ‘go out’ tɔ⁵²lə²¹ > [tɔ⁵⁵lə²¹]). Alugu /52/ consistently corresponds with /55/ in other Downriver Phula varieties, so the two pitches will be treated together diachronically. 6.6.1.1. Tone-class *1 The diagnostic evidence in TC-1 developments are primarily useful for the exclusive grouping of Upriver and Downriver Phula varieties. As can be noted in Table 6.22, a few details suggest a broader link between the two clades, but, in the end, no solid evidence from TC-1 correspondences incorporates all six varieties. Once again, laryngeal perturbations on syllables with *nasal *initials and the *-aŋ *rhyme class result in various minor tone splits, but splits to identical reflexes are found elsewhere in Phula as well. Although *Cbr initials yield a /55/ reflex in all varieties, this is also true of most Muji clade languages. TC-1 /55/ reflexes are most likely to be retentions in the Phula languages in general, so this pattern should not be considered to contribute to the individual-identifying evidence of Riverine Phula affiliation. Overall, Upriver Phula TC-1 patterns can be summarized as splits of numerous *voiced initial classes to /33/ – including *resonant initials, *voiced stop initials without *-aŋ finals, *prenasalized voiced stop initials, and *unprefixed nasal initials.

338

The language clades of Phula Proper

Table 6.22. TC-1 tone correspondences for the Riverine Phula macro-clade *Tone *1

Environment

UPRIVER Phola Phala

Phupa

DOWNRIVER Phuza Phupha

Alugu

/*mraŋ¹

31

31

13

13

13

13

/*naŋ¹

33

33

33

33

33

33

55

55

55

55

55

52

33

33

33

33

/*m[- aŋ] /*Cbr /*s/*ʔ-,*Cpr /*Cm /*mb[- aŋ] /*r

33,55

33,55

21,33

21,33

33

33

33

33

33, 31

33, 21

/*b[- aŋ], *mb[+aŋ] /Elssewhere

55

55

21

21

21

21

Downriver Phula, on the other hand, features a general shift of the unmarked proto-high value of this tone class to low-falling with some residual /55/ reflexes preserved. All varieties also feature a split to /33/ on *ʔ- and *Cpr initials, and all except Phupa include *s-prefixed initials in this split. 6.6.1.2. Tone-class *2 As can be noted in Table 6.23, Riverine TC-2 correspondences are mainly useful for validating the Downriver Phula clade. As in Ani, Labo and Hlepho of the Phowa clade, the unmarked reflex for this tone class is /33/ in all Riverine varieties. TC-2 low-falling reflexes are best considered retentions of the PNg proto-low pitch for this class in general, thus providing a needed explanation for a widespread pattern shared between the Riverine and Highland Phula macro-clades in which *b,*z, *r, *Cr and *Cm initials tend to result in syllables with low-falling pitches. Since this pattern appears to be the result of retention in both macro-clades (and throughout Southeastern Ngwi in general), it is not used for subgrouping. A similar scenario applies to *Cs and devoiced *voiced-stop *initial splits to /55/ which appear to be upper-level Phula (and possibly Southeastern Ngwi) innovations.

The Riverine Phula macro-clade

339

TC-2 correspondences are more diagnostic for Downriver Phula. All Downriver varieties feature *b,*z, *r and *Cr initials shifting from a lowfalling pitch (preserved in Upriver Phula and elsewhere) to a low-rising /13/ pitch. Phupha and Alugu include *Cm initials in this shift, but these initials are evidently still in the process of shifting to /13/ in Phupa and Phuza. Phupha and Alugu also lower the pitch of the Phula-wide *Cs initial split from /55/ to /33/. Table 6.23. TC-2 tone correspondences for the Riverine Phula macro-clade UPRIVER

DOWNRIVER

*Tone Environment

Phola

Phala

Phupa

Phuza

Phupha

Alugu

*2 /*k/ʔ-ri²

31

31

13

13

13

13

/*(k)-rwaŋ²

33

/*ʃe²

21

21

21

21

55

55

33

33

/*b>[-voc] /*Cs

55

55

/*mb /*b, *z, *Cr

21 31

13

13

13

13,21

13,33

13,33

55,33

52,33

52,33

/*ʔm

55

52

/*s-

21

/*r

31 31,33

/*Cm

33,21,13

/*m

31,33

31,33

/*ʔpr

55,33

55,33

/Elsewhere

13

33

33

13,21

33

33

33

33

In Riverine Phula, as elsewhere in Phula, *m initial syllable pitch reflexes are only semi-regular. The details of this syllable class provide supporting evidence for the three clade internal subgroups, nonetheless: PholaPhala > /31, 33/, Phuza-Phupa > /21, 13/ and Phupha-Alugu > /13, 33/. A Phupha-Alugu affinity is further validated as a clade-internal subgroup via its shared innovation of a high-tone split in *ʔm *initial syllables.

340

The language clades of Phula Proper

6.6.1.3. Tone-class *3 Riverine Phula features a merger of TC-2 and TC-3 to /33/ in most environments as can be noted through a comparison of Tables 6.23 and 6.22. This innovation is independent from a similar innovation in Hlepho Phowa: likely due to its status as a long-term diachronic hinge for the clade as described in §6.4, the Hlepho innovation involves a broader merger of TC-1 with TC-2and3 to /33/ in various overlapping environments (see Tables 6.15, 6.16 and 6.17). Table 6.24. TC-3 tone correspondences for the Riverine Phula macro-clade *Tone Environment *3 /*(C)-lim³ /*ʔm

UPRIVER Phola Phala

Phupa

DOWNRIVER Phuza Phupha

31

31

21

21

13

55

55

55

55

55

Alugu

/*ʔ/*s, *z

ND

/*Cm, *l_ /Elsewhere

21 33

33

33

33 33

33

21

Evidence from Phola-Phala points to a subsequent merger of TC-3 and TC-1 to /55/ in *s, *z and *ʔ-prefixed syllables only. The Phupha /55/ split of *ʔ-prefixed syllables in this tone class, however, is part of the TC-2/TC-3 merger and should not be confused with the Phola-Phala innovation. Note that in Phupa, *Cm and *l initial syllables have also merged with TC-1 to /21/. Further evidence for subgrouping Phuza-Phupa is found in a common merger of TC-1 and TC-3 *ʔ-prefixed syllables to /33/. Note that the PhuzaPhupa merger involves only TC-1 and TC-3 while the Hlepho Phowa *ʔ-prefixed /33/ merger, by contrast, involves all three *open-tone classes. 6.6.1.4. The *checked tone classes As can be noted in Table 6.25, all Riverine Phula varieties show solid evidence of a comprehensive historical merger of PNg *checked tone classes. The Downriver varieties have largely preserved this merger as a single hightone reflex, though minor splits are evident in some varieties. The Upriver

The Riverine Phula macro-clade

341

varieties have since resplit the intermediate merged forms based on certain *prefixed *initial environments. The overall patterns are summarized in Table 6.25. Similar mergers of the two *checked-tone classes also occur in Pholo, Ani and Phukha. The Ani and Phukha mergers do not seem to have been comprehensive, however (compare, for example, *s- and *k- prefixed initials for the two languages in Table 6.18). Other innovations in the tone systems of Pholo and the Phowa clade demonstrate that these mergers were independent of each other in general and independent of the Riverine *checked-tone merger in particular. As discussed in §6.4.1.4 and elsewhere, the scattered mergers of *checked-tone classes found in various subbranches of Phula points not to a Proto-Phula merger, but, rather, to an extreme tonal conditioning environment in the *checked-tone classes that would eventually result in independent mergers in various sub-branches. Table 6.25. *Checked tone correspondences for the Riverine Phula macro-clade *Tone Environment *H /*s-

UPRIVER Phola Phala 52,33

55,33

/*mp, *Cm

33

33

/Elsewhere

31

31

55

55

33

33

Phupa

DOWNRIVER Phuza Phupha Alugu

13

13,55

/*k-l_, *k-r_, *k-w

*L /*k-lokL, *myokL /*b

55

55

33

33

55

52

55

52

/*r, *Cm /*k-r_, *k-z_ /*Cs [*+high] /Elsewhere

33 31

31

55

55

A handful of independent intermediate splits and irregular correspondences obscure the picture slightly, but the overall pattern of a historic Riverine *checked-tone merger is clear. The comprehensive nature of the merger is best attested in Alugu-Phupha, though the other languages in the macroclade provide evidence as well. For Upriver Phula, *Cm *initials and most *k-prefixed initials, in particular, bear witness to a historical merger which later re-split. Other minor split classes, such as *r, *mp and *b, that only

342

The language clades of Phula Proper

appear in one *checked-tone tone class are not shared between the two classes due to the nature of the original PNg split (see discussion in §6.1.1); as a result, these syllable classes should not be considered to fall under the unmarked reflex if absent from the Table 6.25 inventory. These *checked-tone correspondences further validate the basic Upriver and Downriver groupings. The *checked-tone merger is not adequate on its own for subgrouping these two insular clades together, since much more distantly related languages such as Pholo and Phukha also feature a comprehensive merger of the *checked tone classes. Combining the TC-3/TC-2 merger with the TC-H/TC-L merger, however, supplies adequate diagnostic rigor for validating the clade as a insular subgroup. 6.6.2.

Other Innovations

All Riverine Phula languages except Phola feature a lexico-semantic merger of ‘cloud’ and ‘fog’ to nɨ⁵⁵xɯ²¹ or cognate forms (i.e., Phala nɨ⁵⁵xɯ²¹, Phupa nɨ³³χɯ⁵⁵, Phuza ȵi⁵⁵fɯ⁵⁵, Phupha ni⁵⁵fɯ⁵⁵ and Alugu ne²¹χɯ⁵¹). ‘Fog’ lexemes are frequently cognate with nɨ⁵⁵xɯ²¹ in Southeastern Ngwi languages (e.g., Ani Phowa ni⁵⁵fɯ³³, Azha nɔ⁴⁴fɔ⁴⁴, Azhe no³³fu⁵⁵, Sani nɤ⁴⁴ɣɯ⁴⁴ ), but ‘fog’ and ‘cloud’ are usually kept distinct in all subbranches of Ngwi. Ngwi-branch ‘cloud’ lexemes usually descend from PNg#320.2 *C-dim¹ – with cognate forms in Lalo, Nisu, Azha, Axi, Sani, Nasu, Jino, etc – such as the reflex tɛ⁵⁵ used in most varieties of Phowa. Alternate unrelated forms are also attested such as Bokha m̩ ¹³ȵɛ²¹ with cognates in most varieties of Muji. The merger itself is not unprecedented: Hani languages tend to merge the two (cf. Luchun Hani ʥo³¹xø³¹ and Mojiang Hani ʦɿ³¹xu³¹ ), as do a few other Ngwi languages, but the merger to nɨ⁵⁵xɯ²¹ (or cognate forms) is unique to Riverine Phula. Phola is the only member of the Riverine Phula macro-clade known to distinguish ‘cloud’ and ‘fog’ lexically (rendered tɛ⁵⁵nɑ³³ and ɑ⁵⁵ȵɯ⁵⁵, respectively); nevertheless, due to a wealth of other evidence pointing to a close affiliation between Phala and Phola in particular, the Phola deviation may be treated as an independent innovation following the Riverine Phula ‘cloud/fog’ merger. 6.6.2.1. Phola-Phala (Upriver Phula) In addition to the unique tone-system innovations discussed above, at least six other distinctive innovations can be cited that further distinguish PholaPhala, or ‘Upriver Phula’ from the rest of Ngwi in general and from the rest

The Riverine Phula macro-clade

343

of the Riverine Phula macro-clade in particular. Phonologically, we may further note an unusual rhyme reflex *ak > /ɔ~o/ restricted to a few prevoiced resonant medial environments. Lexico-semantically, at least five unique compounds and/or lexical replacements for ‘morning’, ‘maggot’, ‘sand’, ‘head’ and ‘turban’ provide supporting evidence, as may be noted in the following summaries. ‘Morning’ lexemes in Ngwi languages usually contain a reflex of PNg#464 *ʃaw². The Phola and Phala lexemes are no exception, but the two languages link nɑ³³tɑ³³-, a unique compound of uncertain origins, to the head morpheme ɕɔ³¹ to form the lexeme. The compound is rendered nɑ³³tɑ³³ɕɔ³¹ in Phola and nɑ³³tɑ⁵⁵so³¹ in Phala. Common compounds (or prefixed roots) elsewhere in Phula and Ngwi include such forms as Phupa χɔ³³ɕɛ⁵⁵, Hlepho Phowa nɛ⁵⁵χə⁵⁵tʰa⁵⁵, Zokhuo xɨ⁵⁵bɔ³⁵, Muji-S xə⁵²tʰɑ⁵⁵, Nisu mu³³ɕe⁵⁵, Axi no̠³¹ɕi³³ and Hani ɔ³¹so³¹. ‘Maggot’ is rendered pi³³lɔ̠³¹ in Phola and pi³³lo³¹mə³³ in Phala. This pi³³lo²¹ form is not attested elsewhere in Ngwi, more common Ngwi forms are cognate with Phupa bɯ²¹nɨ¹³, Alugu bɯ²¹χɔ⁴¹, Ani Phowa nʌ²¹bɯ³³ and Nisu fu̠³³. ‘Sand’ lexemes in Ngwi usually contain a reflex of PNg#334 *say², but Phola and Phala render this lexeme nɛ³¹ʨʰi⁵⁵and ne³¹ʨʰi³³, respectively. Examples of other, more common, forms are Phuza nɯ³³χjɛ⁵⁵, Phupha sa³³la³³, Alugu sa³³ba²¹mɯ²¹, Ani Phowa ʂa⁵⁵ma⁵⁵, Labo Phowa nɑʌ²¹ mɯ²¹, Muji-S lɯ³³ɕi⁵⁵, Nisu ȵe̠²¹dɯ³³ and Axi xɯ²²sᴀ³¹ . ‘Head’ is rendered tɯ³¹qɛ³³ in Phola and tɯ³¹kə³³ in Phala. This appears to be a unique combination of PNg#088B *ʔ-du² and #088C *ʔ-koŋ² (with lexicalized sandhi on the tone of the first morpheme in the pair) not known to be attested elsewhere in Ngwi. Numerous other compounds and prefixed roots appear elsewhere in Ngwi (sometimes including reflexes of an alternate protoform PNg#088A *u²): e.g., Bokha i³³bə²¹, Phupa ɨ⁵⁵dɨ³³, Khlula ɨ⁵⁵pʰə³³, Jino vu⁴⁴kʰɛ⁴⁴, Nuosu ko²¹po³³, etc. ‘Turban’ is rendered χɔ³³vɛ⁵⁵ in Phola and χo⁵⁵vɛ⁵⁵ in Phala – another compound unattested elsewhere in Ngwi. Examples of other Ngwi forms include Labo Phowa i³³pɛ⁵⁵, Alugu i²¹kʰɔ⁵¹, Noso ɔ³³tʰe³³, Azha i⁴⁴ty²²pʰɔ²¹, and Sani o⁵⁵dzɿ³³. 6.6.2.2. Phupha-Alugu In addition to various shared tone-system innovations discussed in §6.6.1, the Phupha-Alugu subgrouping is further supported by unique compounding

344

The language clades of Phula Proper

innovations, an unusual lexical replacement and an odd morpho-semantic merger. Cricket. Lexemes for ‘cricket’ vary widely in Ngwi-branch languages – ranging from elaborate five-syllable compounds such as Azha a³³ʦʰa²²mɔ²²kɯ⁴⁴lɯ⁴⁴ (see §6.4.2 for a further example in Ani-Labo) to unrelated two-syllable compounds such as Pholo ⁿdɨu²¹tʰɛ̠⁴⁵. Many languages also distinguish species – especially a large and small pair, e.g., Muji-N pɯ²¹ʦa²¹ ‘large cricket’ and a⁵⁵ʨi²¹ ‘small cricket’. A large and small cricket pair attested in Phupha-Alugu appears to feature at least one unique compound. The ‘large cricket’ compound has a near match in Southern Lisu (Bradley 2006:5) as be²¹ʧe⁵⁵le⁵⁵, but the ‘small cricket’ compound is not known to be attested elsewhere in Ngwi. The pair is listed in (6.7): (6.7)

Distinctive lexicalization set in Phupha-Alugu Gloss ‘large cricket’ ‘small cricket’ Phupha bɯ²¹kɛ³³lɛ³³mo³³ ʦa³³ʨi⁵⁵li⁵⁵mo³³ Alugu bɯ²¹kɛ³³lɛ³³ma²¹ ʦa³³ʨi⁵⁵li³¹

Centipede. ‘Centipede’ is rendered sɛ³³ba²¹χə⁵⁵lə⁵⁵mo³³ in Phupha and ɕɛ³³ba²¹χə⁵¹ in Alugu. The combination of the first three morphemes in the

pair is not known to be attested elsewhere in Ngwi. Other examples of Ngwi ‘centipede’ compounds include Phola pi³³ʨʰi³¹kʰɨ⁵⁵nɛ⁵⁵nɛ⁵⁵, Phupa vɑ⁵⁵ɕi³³ɕi³³li⁵⁵dʐwa²¹, Labo Phowa ᵐbɯ²¹ɕi⁵⁵mɑ²¹, Muji-Q ʨʰi³³ɕi⁵⁵ȵɛ²¹ma²¹, Nisu sɛ⁵⁵ɕi⁵⁵mo²¹ and Lahu vɯ²¹ɕe³³. Short. Ngwi-branch lexemes for the stative ‘short’ are usually cognate with PNg#755 *ʔ-n-yum¹ and function as members of an extentive paradigm set that descended from an innovation at the Proto-Burmic stage (Bradley 1995). Usual reflexes include Phala ȵæ⁵⁵, Phuza nɛ³³, Hlepho ŋɨ⁵⁵, Bokha no⁵⁵, Azha ȵi⁴⁵ and Lalo ʔny²¹. Phupha and Alugu, however, yield də³³ and ⁿdɨ³³, respectively. The closest known parallel is Naxi də˞³³, but since Naxi is outside of Burmic, and since no Ngwi languages are known to use this form, the Phupha-Alugu form may be considered supporting evidence for subgrouping the pair. Stomach. ‘Stomach’ lexemes in Ngwi languages usually incorporate reflexes of PNg#145 *(ʃ)-wutL, but Phupha and Alugu feature an unusual ‘stomach’ < ‘heart’ merger – rendered ȵ̥¹³mo³³ in Phupha and ȵ̥i¹³ma²¹ in Alugu. ‘Heart’ lexemes are usually constructed from PNg#142 *ni³ plus a MOTHER-morph noun classifier for small round objects. Compare and contrast the forms from various Ngwi languages with the Phupha-Alugu forms in (6.8):

The Riverine Phula macro-clade

(6.8)

345

Distinctive lexical merger in Phupha-Alugu Gloss ‘heart’ ‘stomach’ Phupha ȵ̥ ¹³mo³³ > ȵ̥ ¹³mo³³ Alugu > ȵ̥ i¹³ma²¹ ȵ̥ i¹³ma²¹ Phola ȵi³¹mɔ̠²³ ɣu̠²³tʰɔ̠²³mɔ̠²³ Phupa ɲi⁵⁵mɑ²¹ ʁo¹³mɑ²¹ Zokhuo ȵi³³mʌ³³ ʑi³⁵mʌ³³ Phuma ȵi³³ma²¹ ʔji²¹ma²¹ Nisu ȵi ̠³³mo²¹ xe̠²¹mo²¹ Nuosu he³³mɑ⁵⁵ hi⁵⁵ Hani nɯ³³ma³³ u⁵⁵

Though forms in some Ngwi languages come close to being homophonous (see Nuosu, Phuma, etc.), Phupha and Alugu constitute the only known cases of actual morpho-lexical merger. This merger was perhaps originally conditioned by a combination of near-homophony and related semantic fields – the chance convergence of normal phonological processes and the related lexical semantics of two internal organs. 6.6.2.3. Phuza-Phupa Three unique compounds shared exclusively by Phupa and Phuza provide further evidence for subgrouping the pair: ‘morning’, ‘sheep’ and ‘sweet potato’. Morning. As discussed in §6.6.2.1, ‘morning’ lexemes are usually cognate with PNg#464 *ʃaw². Phupa χo²¹ɕɛ³³ Phuza χo²¹ɕi³³ both include reflexes of this protoform, but the full compounded form is not known to be attested elsewhere. Other examples of ‘morning’ compounds include Phola nɑ³³tɑ³³ɕɔ³¹, Alugu χə³³na⁵⁵ɕi³³, Labo nɛ³³χɨ³³tʰa³³, Muji-S xə⁵²tʰɑ⁵⁵, Azha nɛ⁴⁴nɛ³³ɕi⁴⁴ and Nuosu ʂɯ³³tɯ³⁴mo²¹. Sheep. ‘Sheep’ lexemes in Ngwi are usually from PNg#005 *ʒo¹. The Phuza-Phupa lexemes combine a reflex of this etymon with a unique compound element of uncertain origins: -mɛ⁵⁵tɛ³³, resulting in Phupa ɔ²¹mɛ⁵⁵ tɛ³³ and Phuza ɑʌ²¹mi⁵⁵tja³³. Contrast these forms with other Ngwi forms such as Phola ʐɔ̠²³, Ani Phowa ɔ̠²¹, Muji-S ȵɛ²¹bə¹³, Nisu xᴀ²¹ and Hani a³¹ jo⁵⁵. Sweet potato. ‘Sweet potato’ lexemes in Ngwi languages often vary widely. Compare, for example, Axi ᴀ³³nɛ³³ni³¹, Azha a³³ŋɜ⁴⁴mɔ²¹, Muji-N pe²¹ʦʴɨɯ²¹, Khlula i³³bɨ⁵⁵ and Phala mə³³ȵi⁴⁴. The Phuza-Phupa form,

346

The language clades of Phula Proper

however, is rendered ɲɛ³³sɛ³³ in both languages – a compound not known to be attested elsewhere in Ngwi for this lexeme. 6.6.3.

Historical dialectology

The unique shared innovation patterns identified in §6.6.1 and §6.6.2 can be arranged into ten sets – each summarized in Table 6.26. Although all ten sets provide useful evidence for understanding the internal makeup of the macro-clade, sets 1, 7, 9 and 10 represent the richest collections of shared innovations and should be weighted more heavily when considering conflicting claims. Sets 4, 5 and 6 provide criteria for subgrouping the six languages under the same macro-clade, and considered as a unit (but not necessarily individually), these three innovations form a preliminary basis for defining Riverine Phula. Set 1 defines the Upriver clade as distinct from the other four Riverine Phula languages. Set 9 groups Phuza-Phupa together, Set 10 groups Phupha-Alugu together and sets 7 and 8 clade the four Downriver Phula languages as distinct from Upriver Phula. The Neighbor-Net distance-based quantitative analysis summarized in Figure 6.1 (§6.2.1) and Figures 6.2 and 6.3 (§6.2.2) anticipates the strength of innovation sets 1, 9 and 10 and provides a further validation of these three subgroupings. The Neighbor-Net application in §6.2.2 also anticipates a (relatively) close relationship between Phupha-Alugu and Phola-Phala. What the Neighbor-Net overview is not able to anticipate, however, is the close genetic relationship between Phuza-Phupa and the rest of Riverine Phula. As is discussed in detail elsewhere (e.g., §3.2.2, §3.3.2, §3.4.2, §3.5.2, §3.6, §3.7.2, §4.10, §4.12, §8.2, §6.2.2), this relationship is obscured lexically and sociolinguistically by ongoing contact with Muji-clade languages. Speakers of Muzi, Muji-N and Muji-S literally surround the Phuza-Phupa distribution in southeastern Honghe Prefecture (see Map 3.4 and Map 8.1), and the two have shared the same market towns for centuries. As sets 2 and 3 demonstrate, Phuza and Phupa retain even more evidence of shared innovations with Phola-Phala than do Phupha and Alugu – in spite the fact that the Phuza-Phupa distribution is further downriver from PholaPhala than is the Phupha-Alugu distribution. This suggests that PhuzaPhupa has been more conservative with certain distinctive Riverine Phula innovations than has Phupha-Alugu. In terms of genetic inheritance, then, the quantitative Neighbor-Net analysis of Phuza-Phupa’s position in Phula must yield to the qualitative evidence discovered through applications of the comparative method.

The Riverine Phula macro-clade

347

Table 6.26. Summary of Riverine Phula innovation sets Phola

Phala

Phupa

Phuza

Phupha

Alugu

1.

3

3

2

2

2

2

2.

3

3

(3)

3

2

2



3.

3

3

3

3

2

2



4.

3

3

3

3

3

2

5.

3

3

3

3

3

(3)

6.

2

3

3

3

3

3

7.

2

2

3

3

3

3

8.

2

2

2

3

3

3



9.

2

2

3

3

2

2



10.

2

2

2

2

3

3



1. TC-1 splits of *r, *b[*- aŋ], *mb, and *m *initials to /33/. Intermediate splits of Riverine *checked-tone merger to /31/ (dominant) and /33/ (secondary). ‘Morning’, ‘maggot’, ‘sand’, ‘head’, ‘turban’ and ‘busy’ equal to or cognate with nɑ³³tɑ³³ɕɔ³¹, pi³³lɔ³¹, nɛ³¹ʨʰi⁵⁵, tɯ³¹qɛ³³, χɔ³³vɛ⁵⁵ and tʰɛ³³, respectively. *ak > /ɔ~o/ in *voiced *stop + *resonant *medial environments. 2. TC-H *k-l_, *k-r_, and *k-w_ *initials split to /33/ and TC-2 *m *initials > /31, 33/. 3. TC-1 *mb *initials without *-aŋ finals >/33/; TC-2 *Cs and *b >[-voc] reflexes > /55/; TC-L *b *initials split to /33/. 4. TC-3 *ʔm *initials split to /55/. 5. Comprehensive proto-merger of checked-tone classes and merger of TC-2and3 to /33/ in most environments (unmarked shift to /21/ in Alugu). 6. Merger of ‘cloud’ and ‘fog’ to nɨ⁵⁵xɯ²¹ or cognate forms. 7. TC-1 shifts to /21/ with splits to /33/ on *ʔ- and *Cpr *initials. Riverine *checked-tone merger reflected in /55/ reflexes (corresponding with Alugu /52/) with few intermediate splits. TC-2 *b,*z, *r and *Cr *initials shift to /13/. 8. *s- *initials included in TC-1 split to /33/ on *ʔ- and *Cpr initials. 9. TC-2 *m *initials > /13, 21/; TC-3 *ʔ- initials merge with TC-1 to /33/. ‘morning’, ‘sheep’ and ‘sweet potato’ equal to or cognate with χo²¹ɕɛ³³, ɔ²¹mɛ¹³tɛ³³ and ɲɛ³³sɛ³³ respectively. 10. TC-2 *Cm *initials included in Downriver Phula shift to /13/ (see #6) and *Cs initial split lowered from /55/ to /33/, *m *initials > /13, 33/. ‘Large cricket/small cricket’ compound pair identical to or cognate with bɯ²¹kɛ³³lɛ³³ma²¹ and ʦa³³ʨi³³li³¹, respectively. ‘Centipede’ and ‘short’ equal to, or cognate with, ɕɛ³³ba²¹χə⁵¹ and də³³, respectively. ‘Stomach’ < ‘heart’ merger cognate with, or equal to ȵ̥i¹³ma²¹.

348

The language clades of Phula Proper

The overlapping isoglossic innovation sets of the Riverine Phula macroclade are illustrated spatially in Figure 6.14 with the four key innovation sets marked in bold.

PHOLA

1 PHALA

PHUZA

PHUPHA

10

2 ALUGU

7 6

4,5

8 9 3 PHUPA

Figure 6.14. Traditional isoglossic diagram of Riverine innovations summarized in Table 6.26

From another perspective, the overall pattern in Table 6.15 may seem reminiscent of the internal arrangement of the Phowa clade innovations (see §6.4.3) in which Hlepho acts as a diachronic clade hinge for two otherwise widely separated language subgroups. This similar surface pattern emerges due to the potentially conflicting claims introduced by innovation sets 2 and 3, but these two innovation sets are comprised of minor tone splits that pale in comparison with the comprehensive weight of the major innovations subsumed under set 7. As alluded to above, innovation sets 2 and 3 are better considered retentions of old Riverine Phula innovations that were later obscured by independent innovations in various Downriver Phula varieties. Under this scenario, instead of Phuza-Phupa functioning as a clearinghouse or intermediary for the clade, which is unlikely considering problems of geographic distribution alone (see Maps 3.2, 3.4, 8.2 and 8.3), it simply seems that the Phuza-Phupa subgroup was more phonologically conservative with various Riverine innovations than was Phupha-Alugu. Although the Riverine Phula macro-clade innovation patterns do not yield elegantly to a Baileyan wave model diagram, a plausible hypothesis

The Riverine Phula macro-clade

349

now emerges for retracing the basic paths of its diachronic relationships. A Riverine Phula Stammbaum diagram is illustrated in Figure 6.15 with arrow patterns marking the presence of clade-internal contact (see discussion of Figure 6.8, §6.3.3). RIVERINE PHULA

UPRIVER

Phola

Phala

DOWNRIVER

Phupa

Phuza

Phupha

Alugu

Figure 6.15. Internal subgrouping hypothesis for the Riverine Phula macro-clade

More internal diversity should be expected to come to light, particularly within the Upriver Phula clade. All six languages are known to contain multiple dialects. Alo Phola has reportedly become unintelligible to Phola proper due to contact with Dai, and other distinct Upriver languages in western Yuanyang County may have emerged due to distant geographic separation. The divergence of Phola and Phala was apparently a very gradual process, as the Neighbor-Net diagram in Figure 6.3 implies, but the divergence of the four languages in the two Downriver subgroups seems to have been more abrupt. Regarding clade-internal contact, marginal contact between speakers of Phala and Phola is at least maintained through market days at the Honghe County seat (see§3.5.1). Marginal contact is also maintained between at least one dialect of Phupa and one dialect of Phuza in Lengquan Township of southern Mengzi County (see §3.5.2).

350

The language clades of Phula Proper

6.7. Conclusion Of the 24 known languages affiliated with the Phula ethnonym, 22 can be grouped into two exclusive macro-clades genetically: ‘Riverine Phula’ and ‘Highland Phula’. The former is composed of an Upriver and a Downriver meso-clade and the latter is composed of the Muji and Phowa meso-clades. These four meso-clades are composed of 13 micro-clades. The proposed historical relationships between these languages are illustrated in Figure 6.16 on the next page. Although a few hints suggest themselves, I have not yet discovered sufficient grounds for claiming a further exclusive mothernode clade below the Southeastern Ngwi sub-branch level to link the two macro-clades of Phula Proper. I refer to them collectively as ‘Phula Proper’, nevertheless, since both subgroups consist only of languages that strongly affiliate with the Phula ethnonym historically. Figure 6.16 also attempts to illustrate major external contact influences – both sub-branch external and clade-external – acting on various Phula languages. Identifying cases of clade-external contact operating between different Phula languages, in particular, helps resolve the surface discrepancies between the individual-identifying innovation-based analysis presented in §6.3–§6.6 and the Neighbor-Net phylogenetic analysis presented in §6.2. Comparing the two analyses provides a clear illustration of the ways in which contact-induced change can obscure a phylogenetic signal without the descrambling assistance of historical comparative analysis. Nevertheless, approaching dialectology as dialectic, the discussion in this chapter has also affirmed the usefulness of the distance-based cladistic approach for visualizing historical contact and forming initial hypotheses, among other uses – such as predicting genetic outliers based on early splits. Azha and Pholo are the clearest examples of this latter use. Azha and Pholo are the only two languages known to affiliate with the Phula ethnonym that do not fit within the Riverine Phula or Highland Phula meso-clades. The two languages are strongly affiliated with the historical ethnonym; but, as the next chapter will demonstrate, the two languages do not affiliate with Phula Proper (i.e., HP and/or RP) genetically. The Phula Proper macro-clade is defined in §7.5 following an attempt to understand the broader context of the subgroup.

DOWNRIVER

Core Muji

MUJI (§6.3)

PHOWA (§6.4)

HIGHLAND PHULA (§6.5)

Nisu

Hani

Miao Dai (Jinping)

Figure 6.16. Full Phula subgrouping hypothesis marking external contact languages

Dai (Yuanjiang)

Nong Zhuang (Guangnan) Tu Zhuang (Wenshan)

Alo Phola Phala Phupha Alugu Phupa Phuza Muzi Muji-N Muji-S Bokha Phuma Muji-Q Thopho Laghuu Moji Ani Labo Hlepho Phukha Khlula Zokhuo

UPRIVER

RIVERINE PHULA (§6.6)

SOUTHEASTERN NGWI (Chapter 7)

Conclusion 351

Chapter 7 Phula and Southeastern Ngwi Sani, Axi, Azhe, Azha, Nisu, and Phula Proper Consider the life of an individual animal or plant, or of a mind. Glance at the history of states, of institutions, of language, of ideas. Examine the successions of forms shown by paleontology, the history of the globe as set forth in geology, of what the astronomer is able to make out concerning the changes of stellar systems. Everywhere the main fact is growth and increasing complexity. – Charles S. Peirce ([1891] 2010b: 122) “The Doctrine of Necessity Examined”

7.1. Introduction Chinese linguists generally classify Sani, Axi and Azhe as members of ‘Southeastern Yi’ along with Azha, Phowa, Pholo, Zokhuo and multiple other languages that affiliate under the Phula historical ethnonym (see, for example, details in Chen et al. 1985: 202 and Shearer and Sun 2002: 114– 115). As discussed in Chapter 1, this Chinese category is not diachronic and should not be equated with Bradley’s (2002, 2007) historical-comparative sub-branch ‘Southeastern Ngwi’. Primarily due to lacking data, the internal relationships between most ‘SE Ngwi’ and ‘SE Yi’ languages alike have not been well understood. At least some measure of lexical data has long been available on Sani and Axi, but data on most other languages in these categories have not been accessible. The data and analysis made available in this book provide a broader context for understanding the relationships between many Ngwi languages in the region and suggest that a greater correlation exists between SE Ngwi and SE Yi than had previously been thought. In addition, the Chinese category ‘Southern Yi’, primarily including the ‘Nisu’ lects (but not to be confused with Southern Ngwi, Hani/Akha) also appears to be a SE Ngwi affiliate. This penultimate chapter examines Sani, Axi, Azhe, Azha, Nisu, Nyisu and Pholo in the context of Northern Ngwi, Southern Ngwi, Central Ngwi, Highland Phula and Riverine Phula in an attempt to define the boundaries and relationships of Southeastern Ngwi. Grounds are demonstrated for considering SE Ngwi to consist of at least four sister nodes: Highland Phula, Riverine Phula, Sani-Axi-Azhe-Azha and the Nisu varieties. The chapter

Expanded neighbor network

353

begins by considering a slight expansion of the Figure 6.2 (§6.2.2) Neighbor-Network for an introductory overview and then moves on to identify criteria for defining Southeastern Ngwi. Next, the internal relationships shared between Sani, Axi, Azhe and Azha are examined. The chapter concludes with a look at the genetic features of Pholo – a language strongly affiliated with the Phula historical ethnonym that, nevertheless, does not contain any of the key Southeastern Ngwi genetic innovations. 7.2. Expanded neighbor network As discussed in §2.8.4 and §6.2, Neighbor-Net is a distance-based method for quantifying phylogenetic relationships that is useful for gaining a preliminary overview of probable historical ancestry without ignoring the inevitable presence of homoplasy. Neighbor-Net also calculates weighted splits between ambiguous relationships and provides general insights into probable early splits (rapid radiation), long-term borrowing, language clustering and dialect continua. The distance matrix listed in Appendix C is interpreted statistically using the Equal-angle Neighbor-Net reticulation algorithm and then rendered visually as a phenogram using SplitsTree4 (§6.2). This process results in Figure 7.1 (an expanded version of Figure 6.2, §6.2.2, see interpretation in Figure 6.3) – adding four Ngwi languages to the distance matrix that are not traditionally considered to affiliate with Phula ethnolinguistically: Sani, Axi, Azhe and Nisu. Once again, accepting the phenogram as a cladogram hypothesis is useful; but considered against the backdrop of Phula genetic relationships established using the comparative method, its usefulness is limited. The Neighbor-Net algorithm interprets Sani, Axi, Azhe and Nisu as clustering together with the Azha dialects. In terms of genetic clustering, based on insights combined from the current chapter and the previous chapter, all of these languages are essentially distinct from Phula proper. Azha’s affiliation with Sani, Axi and Azhe is calculated with more confidence and with more reticulated patterns than is Nisu’s affiliation with Sani, Axi and Azhe. The network implies that all five languages share close relationships, but a longer history of shared (and/or borrowed) innovations is more apparent between Azha, Sani, Axi and Azhe than is apparent between Nisu and any of these four languages. Thus, we may hypothesize that the relationships shared between the Sani-Axi-Azhe-Azha clade are stronger diachronically than the link Nisu seems to share with these languages. Scant evidence of a genetic/contact link at the base of the Riverine Phula radiation (Phola, Phala, Alugu, Phupha [but also Phuza and Phupa: see

354

Phula and Southeastern Ngwi

§6.2.2 and §6.6]) suggests a minor affiliation with Nisu that appears, nonetheless, to constitute a stronger relationship than Riverine Phula shares with other Phula languages. Discussion and analysis presented in §3.5.1, §3.6.1, §6.6 and §7.3, however, suggests that this disparity is due to long-term language contact between Upriver Phula (Phola-Phala) and various Nisu varieties in Yuanjiang, Honghe and Shiping Counties. 0.1

Pholo-SXZ

Azha-HZC Expansion of Figure 6.2

Azha-LJY Azha-DFC

Pholo-XJC Thopho-XZC Zokhuo-DXZ

LZC

MXC

Azhe-ZZC Sani-WZC

Phukha-LPC

Axi-DPD Nisu-MCD

Phowa-SZW

Phowa-WDP Phowa-WBZ Phowa-JJC Phowa Phowa-MZC DHN Phole-CKB

Phola NTC

Phola LDC Phola Phala

Moji-LCC

Khlula Khlula

ADP

FNS

Phowa-FZK Alugu-CTL Phupha-FKC Phupa-GMD Phuza-BJB

HZC

Muji Muzi Muzi

Muji

Laghuu

PJZ

XPC

NGZ

MLT

Muji

Bokho Bokha Phuma SZT Muji

DXB

YBZ

YZT

QLC

Figure 7.1. Expanded Phula neighbor network incorporating Sani, Axi, Azhe and Nisu

Of the four languages, Sani and Axi appear to share the closest phylogenetic relationship. Azhe can also be predicted to share a close affinity with Sani-Axi. Azha’s apparent affinity with these languages is salient for at least

Southeastern Ngwi

355

three reasons. First of all, Azha does not fit genetically with Phula Proper (i.e., RP and HP) even though it has traditionally been affiliated with the Phula ethnonym (see related discussion in Chapter 3, Chapter 6 and §7.4.1). Secondly, a clear clustering pattern between Azha and Sani-Axi-Azhe provides preliminary evidence for subgrouping the four languages following Bradley (1997a, 2007). Thirdly, the lower-weighted, less reticulated pattern Nisu shares with this clade suggests that a somewhat more remote genetic relationship is shared by all five languages. Each of these hypothetical cladistic relationships is tested, refined and clarified in the remainder of this chapter. 7.3. Southeastern Ngwi The Southeastern Ngwi sub-branch is proposed by Bradley (2002, 2007) as a revival of Shafer’s (1974) ‘Tonkin Lolo’ grouping which had fallen into obscurity due to a paucity of available data for languages putatively affiliated. Essentially, until now, the distinction has amounted to a basic recognition that Ngwi languages such as Phowa, Laghuu and Phukha are so distinct from the rest of Ngwi that they cannot simply be classified under the Southern, Northern or Central sub-branches as is discussed further in §7.3.1–7.3.4 and Pelkey (2005). Nevertheless, the distinctive innovations and synchronic scope of the Southeastern Ngwi sub-branch have not been formally defined. This section seeks to provide linguistic criteria for forming robust falsifiable hypotheses on these questions. Chinese linguists have long recognized the ethnolinguistic divergence of Ngwi languages spoken in Southeastern Yunnan. In fact, there is substantial overlap between Bradley’s genetic linguistic category ‘Southeastern Ngwi’ and the Chinese geo-ethnolinguistic categories ‘Southern Yi’ and ‘Southeastern Yi’. The latter classification schema does not adequately rely on the comparative method for subgrouping so the two ‘Southeastern’ categories should not be conflated based on face value. This section will argue, nevertheless, that the categories overlap more closely than has previously been recognized. To follow up on the preliminary phylogenetic relationships implied by Figure 7.1, this section examines Sani, Axi, Azhe, Azha, Nisu, Nyisu and the 22 languages of Phula Proper in relation to each other and in relation to the rest of Ngwi. In §7.3.1 and §7.3.4 positive evidence is presented in favor of considering these languages to constitute a distinct sub-branch of Ngwi. In §7.3.2 and §7.3.3 evidence is presented against considering these languages to affiliate with Central or Northern Ngwi as some SE Ngwi

356

Phula and Southeastern Ngwi

constituents have been considered to do in the past. The resulting distinction is affirmed as Bradley’s ‘Southeastern Ngwi’. 7.3.1.

Permutations of the alveolar-lateral cluster innovation

Various permutations of an odd affricate-initial innovation which seem to have originally consisted of a velar or alveolar stop + lateral fricative (e.g., Hlepho Phowa /tɬ/, /tɬʰ/, /dɮ/, /ⁿdɮ/), are found in Ngwi languages as diverse as Ani, Nisu, Sani, Phala and Azha. The origins and development of this innovation have prompted a mild source of discussion in Ngwi linguistics for nearly three decades. The related issues have been touched on in both the English and Chinese literature by Thurgood (1982), Chen et al. (1985), Wu Z. (1992), Edmondson (2003), Zhu (2005), Pelkey (2005), Yang (2009) and others. The most iconic instance of the innovation consists of various *bilabial *stop + *glide clusters (e.g., *by, *pl, *py, *m-bl, etc.) evolving into alveolar-lateral affricate clusters. This is an unusual sound change. Due to its marked status, and since it occurs with paradigm-like regularity on various consonant-initial classes (as is discussed in more detail below), the innovation should constitute clear, individual-identifying evidence for Ngwiinternal subgrouping. Thurgood (1982) makes the strongest case in this regard, but his early study lacks the data necessary for identifying the full range and importance of the innovation. Scholars such as Wu Z. (1992) and Zhu (2005) cite a broader range of data but do not use the data to draw strong genetic conclusions about Ngwi-internal subgrouping. Edmondson (2003) and Pelkey (2005) briefly discuss the innovation in narrow terms – considering its implications for relationships between various Ngwi and Phula varieties such as Sani, Phukha, Laghuu and Azha – but these studies do not use the innovation to draw broad or systematic genetic conclusions. Yang (2009) cites the innovation as strong evidence for micro-level subgrouping within Nisu where variation between laterals and alveolars provides supporting evidence for a distinction between two Nisu varieties. Thus, all studies on the innovation to date have been constrained in some way, and a comprehensive treatment has not yet been provided. Southern Ngwi languages like Hani, Bisu and Laomian show no evidence of the innovation, nor do Central Ngwi languages like Jinuo, Lalo, Lisu and Lahu. The lateral cluster series is an iconic typological feature of numerous Phula languages, as is discussed in various sections above (e.g., §5.1, §5.2.2 and §5.3.2), but the languages affected by the innovation are

Southeastern Ngwi

357

not limited to the languages of Phula Proper (i.e., Highland Phula and Riverine Phula) summarized in Figure 6.16. Sani, Azha and Nyisu retain overt phonemic evidence of the innovation (Thurgood 1982, Wu Z. 1997, Pelkey 2005). Axi, Azhe and the Nisu varieties (classified in China as ‘Southern Yi’) also seem to have participated (Thurgood 1982, Wang 2004, Yang 2009). Thurgood (1982) suggests that Lüquan Nasu also inherited the innovation, but this is less certain since the Nasu stop reflexes turn out to be retroflex initials rather than true dentals and the closely related Nuosu language shows aberrant alveolopalatal reflexes for this series. The genetic position of Sani-Axi has been debated between Northern and Central Ngwi origins in such sources as Shafer (1974), Thurgood (1982, 2003b) and Bradley (1997, 2007) – with a ‘Central’ interpretation being the consensus view. Shafer (1974) considered Zokhuo to be a Central Ngwi language, although analysis is Chapter 6 calls this into question. Recently Azha joined the debate and was given varying Central Ngwi and Southeastern Ngwi interpretations (Bradley 1997, 2002; Pelkey 2005). Phukha and a few other Phula varieties have also registered in recent years with alternate Northern and Southeastern Ngwi interpretations (Fried 2000; Bradley 1997, 2002, 2007; Edmondson 2003; Pelkey 2005). The ambiguity behind these varying classifications has not always been tied to the lateral-cluster innovation, but a more complete understanding of this innovation is necessary for identifying the relationships involved. The fresh Phula data underlying this work provides essential infrastructure. Since alveolar-lateral cluster reflexes are well-preserved in most Phula languages, the innovation may now be given a more thorough treatment in hopes of clarifying its scope and origins. A careful look at lateral cluster reflexes of *initial classes *bl/y, *pl/y, *gl/y, *ʔ-k, and a few other related classes – excluding *pr and *k-l syllables – reveals clues with implications for defining Southeastern Ngwi. The data listed in Tables 7.1 – 7.4 provide an overview of the major conditioning environments that result in lateral cluster reflexes in various Ngwi languages. For the sake of clarity, these tables also illustrate a handful of related environments that apparently did not result in lateral cluster reflexes. The data illustrates reflexes in 19 languages representing the four major Ngwi sub-branches with an emphasis on the languages affected. Central Ngwi representatives (Lalo, Lisu and Jinuo) and Southern Ngwi representatives (Laomian and Hani) are listed at the top of the three charts to illustrate the basic distinction between reflexes in these two sub-branches and reflexes in Southeastern and Northern Ngwi (Nuosu and Nasu). Unless otherwise noted, non-Phula Ngwi data in these charts is taken from the sources listed

358

Phula and Southeastern Ngwi

in §1.3.4. Six representative members of Phula Proper are included from my own data: two languages representing Riverine Phula (Phola and Phuza) and four languages representing Highland Phula (Hlepho, Khlula, Muji-Q and Bokha). Relevant morphemes are isolated for the sake of illustration. Tables 7.1 and 7.2 present the most systematic, and most surprising, conditioning environment for lateral clusters: *bl/y and *pl/y initials. Table 7.1. *bl/y and *pl/y cluster reflexes in various Ngwi languages: Dataset 1 Gloss

‘bee’

‘taro’

‘silver’

‘face’

PNg

*bya²

*bliim² [1]

*pllu¹

*pyu²

Lalo

bɑ²¹

NC

fu⁵⁵

pʰo²¹

Lisu

biɛ³¹

bi⁴¹

pʰu⁴⁴

pʰi³¹

Jinuo

pjə⁴⁴

prɛ⁴⁴

pʰru⁴²

pʰrə⁴⁴

Laomian

pjɑ³¹

poŋ³¹

pʰu̠k⁵⁵

NC

Hani

bja³¹

bø³¹

pʰju⁵⁵

pʰjo³¹

Phola

ɬæ³¹

ɬæ³¹

ɬɯ⁵⁵

ɬɔ̠²³

Phuza

dɮa²¹

dɮɛ³³

tɬʰɯ²¹

tɬʰo²¹

Hlepho

dɮa³³

dɮɛ⁵⁵

tɬʰo²¹

tɬʰə³³

Khlula

kɬɑ³³

ɡɮɛ⁵⁵

kɬʰu²¹

kɬʰjɛ³³

Muji-Q

ɡɮa²¹

ɡɮo⁵⁵

kɬʰɯ²¹

kɬʰɯ²¹

Bokha

dɮa¹³

tɬo³³

ɬɯ²¹

ɬjɛ²¹

Azha

tɬɔ²²

tɬɛ²²

ɬœ²¹

ɬɯ²²

Azhe

do²¹

dɯ̠ ²¹

ɬo²²

NC

Sani

dɮɒ²¹

ND

ɬɿ³³

ɬɒ²¹

Axi

do³¹

NC

tʰo²²

ɬu²¹ [2]

Nyisu

dɮu³³

dɮɛ³³

tɬʰu³³

tɬʰo⁵⁵

Nisu-N

do³³

dɛ³³

tʰu²¹

tʰᴀ²¹

Nisu-S

do³³

ND

ɬu²¹

ɬᴀ̠ ²¹

Nasu

ɖo²¹

ɖə˞³³ [3]

ʈʰu³³

ʈʰɔ⁵⁵

Nuosu

ʥi³³

NC

ʨʰu³³

NC

Southeastern Ngwi

359

Lateral cluster reflexes for *bl/y and *pl/y initials are best preserved in Highland Phula, but Sani and Azha also retain phonemic evidence of the contrast. Nisu preserves less direct evidence of the distinction, but a clear case for a lateral-cluster series can still be made for Nisu, if not Nasu and Nuosu. Table 7.2. *bl/y and *pl/y cluster reflexes in various Ngwi languages: Dataset 2 Gloss

‘destroy’

‘change’

‘pus’

‘full’

PNg

*pyakH

*C--plekL [4]

*m--bliŋ¹

*m--bliŋ³

Lalo

pʰɪ ̠³³

pɑ⁵⁵

vi⁵⁵

vi³³

Lisu

pʰiɑ³⁵

pɯ⁵⁵

bɯ³³

bi⁴⁴

Jinuo

pʰjɑ⁴²

pe⁴⁴

prɤ⁴²

prɤ³³

Laomian

pʰjiɑ⁵⁵

pʰjɤ³¹

NC

pə̠ŋ⁵⁵

Hani

pja̠³³ [6]

pjɤ̠³¹

bjɔ⁵⁵

bjɔ³³

Phola

ɬɑ³¹

ɬæ̠ ²¹

ⁿtɨ³³

ɬɨ³³

Phuza

tɬʰɛ⁵⁵

tɬʰɛ⁵⁵

dɮɛ²¹

dɮɛ³³

Hlepho

NC

tɬʰɛ³³

dɮɛ²¹

dɮɛ³³

Khlula

kɬʰɑ³³

kɬʰɛ³³

ɡɮjɛ²¹

ᵑɡɮɛ³³

Muji-Q

NC

kɬʰɛ⁵⁵

kɬo⁵⁵

ɡɮo²¹

Bokha

[lɛ³³] [7]

ɬi⁵⁵

tɬo³³

tɬo²¹

Azha

ɬɛ³³

NC

tɬa²¹

tɬɛ³³

Azhe

ɬɪ²²

ɬᴀ̠ ³¹

NC

dɛ²²

Sani

ɬe̠³³

ɬɑ̠²¹

tɬæ³³

dɮæ³³

Axi

tʰe̠³³

tʰᴀ̠ ²¹

tɛ³³

dɛ³³

Nyisu

tɬʰɑ̠³³

tɬʰɛ̠²¹

ⁿdɮɛ²¹

dɮɛ²¹

Nisu-N

tʰe̠³³

tʰæ̠ ²¹

dɛ²¹

dɛ²¹

Nisu-S

ɬe³³

ɬæ̠ ²¹

ND

de²¹

Nasu

ʈʰɑ̠²¹

ʈʰə̠˞⁵⁵

ɳɖə˞²¹

ɖə˞²¹

Nuosu

ʨʰɔ³³

ʨʰo⁵⁵

ⁿʥi³³

ʥi²¹

[8]

[5]

[9]

In fact, Thurgood (1982:254) generalized the affinity between Sani/Axi and Northern Ngwi reflexes in this class to “dental reflexes of original

360

Phula and Southeastern Ngwi

bilabial clusters”, but, as can be noted in Table 7.3, *pr initials do not result in lateral clusters – nor do *br initials; thus, the conditioning environment should not be extended to include all resonant medials. The strange variation of lateral fricatives and alveolar stops between Sani and Axi and between Southern and Northern Nisu provide the most convincing evidence for reconstructing a lateral cluster series at a proto-level common to these languages. These otherwise stark incongruences are best attested in *voiceless *initial syllable class *pl/y. The phonological change in question involves, for example, *tɬʰ > aspirated tʰ in some languages and lateral fricative ɬ in others. Yang (2009) cites this variation as a phonological isogloss between Northern and Southern Nisu dialects, but the same phonological distinction may be cited between Sani and Axi, as the data below demonstrates, and Wu Z. (1997:175) even cites such variation between presumably minor dialects of Azhe spoken in Huaning County: e.g., ‘excrement’ tʰi²¹ ~ ɬi²¹ (cf. Hlepho tɬʰɿ⁵⁵ ), ‘silver’ tʰu³³ ~ ɬu³³, ‘face’ tʰo²¹ ~ ɬo²¹. The independent occurrence of tʰ ~ ɬ variation on corresponding syllables in closely related language varieties, is best accounted for by an earlier stage in which the two segments were fused as a single cluster. This, of course, is borne out by the presence of preserved fused clusters in this and other manners of articulation in Sani, Nyisu and numerous languages of Phula Proper. Nyisu is a small language spoken in Muzhuqing Township of Shilin County reported in Wu Z. (1997) to use the autonym ȵi⁵⁵su³³pʰu⁵⁵ (see also §1.3.4). The Nuosu and Nasu reflexes in this class discourage the reconstruction of a lateral cluster series at the Northern-Ngwi level, but the Nisu reflexes of *pl/y are best explained with an intermediate *aspirated *lateral-cluster innovation as are *pl/y reflexes in Sani, Axi, Azhe and Azha (see discussion in §7.4 for further evidence of an exclusive meso-level affiliation between these four languages). Thus, an unusual intermediate innovation [*pl/y > *tɬʰ] is apparently shared between the languages of Phula proper, Sani-AxiAzhe-Azha and Nisu/Nyisu. As can be noted in Table 7.3, these languages also include *ʔ-kl initials in the innovation. The general pan-Ngwi pattern for this class is summarized in Figure 7.2. As this diagram illustrates, both Northern Ngwi and Southeastern Ngwi apparently merged *pl/y and *ʔ-kl initials, but the reflexes are not necessarily indicative of shared innovation. Most of the variation within SE Ngwi constitutes normal, vs. distinctive, phonological change; since the most prominent instances of variation occur independently in numerous insular language clades, the variation is not reliable evidence for internal subgrouping. However, the mere fact that tɬʰ~tʰ and tʰ~ɬ variation in particular are so frequently repeated in distinct meso-clades (e.g., Nisu, Sani-Axi, Muji)

Southeastern Ngwi

361

recommends the reconstruction of a shared aspirated lateral cluster innovation at the mother-node level for all of these languages – a node distinct from Southern and Central Ngwi. Neither Central nor Southern Ngwi merged these proto-initials and neither shows evidence of lateral clusters. labials S&C Muji-Q, Khlula, cf. kɬʰ Zokhuo /kʰ/

*pl/y

Nasu ʈʰ *??

SE *ttɬʰ

N

Nuosu ʨʰ *ʔʔ-kl

Hlepho, Phuza, Ani, tɬʰ Nyisu, etc. tʰ Axi, Nisu-N, Thopho, Azhe1, etc. ɬ Sani, Azhe2, Azha, Nisu-S, Phola, Bokha, Labo, etc.

S&C velars and alveolopalatals Figure 7.2. Diachronic development of *pl/y and *ʔ-kl initials in Ngwi

With this representative phonological change in mind, we are prepared to consider a more systematic phonological change in other manners of articulation that would shift the weight of the innovation from the level of an idiosyncratic oddity to the level of a paradigmatic set. Generally speaking, reflexes of *bl/y initials in these languages pattern very similarly to *m-bl/y and *b-y initials (see Tables 7.1 and 7.2) with dɮ or ɡɮ reflexes in Sani, Nyisu and most Phula languages, tɬ reflexes in Azha, ɬ reflexes in Phola, and d reflexes in Nisu, Azhe and Axi. The ɖ reflexes in Nasu are also notable, and the Nasu retroflex reflexes in Tables 7.1, 7.2 and 7.3 are in need of explanation. Matisoff (2003: 22–23) demonstrates that retroflex stops are attested elsewhere in Tibeto-Burman (Dayang Pumi) as reflexes of *velar + *liquid cluster initials. Alveolar-velar variation is common in the lateral cluster series, as can be noted in the tables and figures in this section and in various other discussions in §5.2.2, §5.3.2, etc. Therefore, *tɬ~*kɬ, *tɬʰ~*kɬʰ, *dɮ~*ɡɮ, and *ⁿdɮ~*ᵑɡɮ variation at the protolevel may have resulted in ʈ , ʈʰ, ɖ andⁿɖh reflexes10 in Nasu synchronically. Further data is needed to clarify these changes, however, and further

362

Phula and Southeastern Ngwi

reconstruction is needed to explain the variation between Nasu retroflexes and Nuosu alveolopalatals in these classes. Table 7.3. *ʔ-, *b- and *p- prefixed *resonant initial reflexes and the exclusion of *b-l and *pr Gloss

‘sorghum’

‘fly(v)’

‘lightning’

‘four’

‘untie’

PNg

*ʔ-loŋ²

*b--yam m¹

*b--lyapL

*b--le²

*pre¹

Lalo

lu²¹

by⁵⁵

ba²¹

ʔl ̩³³

pʰɯ⁵⁵

Lisu

lu⁵⁵

bi³³

bi³¹

li³³

pʰɯ⁴⁴

Jinuo

lɑ⁵⁵

prɛ⁴²

prɛ³³

li⁴⁴

pʰɯ³⁵

Laomian

poŋ⁵⁵

pjiɑm⁵⁵

mbjap³¹

Hani

lɔ³¹

bjɔ⁵⁵

Phola

lɔ³¹

Phuza

[11]

[12]

xɑ³¹

pʰɯ⁵⁵

li³³

li³¹

pʰɯ⁵⁵

ɬɯ³³

NC

li³¹

pʰi⁵⁵

tɬʰɯ³³

dɮjɛ³³

NC

ɬi⁵⁵

ʦʰɿ²¹

Hlepho

tɬʰo⁵⁵

dɮɔ²¹

NC

ɬi⁵⁵

ʦʰɿ²¹

Khlula

kɬʰɯ⁵⁵

ɡɮo²¹

kɬʰɯ³³

ɬɿ³³

ʦʰɿ²¹

Muji-Q

[ɬɯ⁵⁵]

ɡɮo³³

ɡɮi²¹

kɬʰi⁵⁵

NC

Bokha

lɯ⁵⁵

dɮo³³

dɮjɛ²¹

ɬi⁵⁵

NC

Azha

NC

tɬɞ²¹

NC

ɬi⁴⁴

ʨʰi²¹

Azhe

ɬo⁵⁵

dʉ²²

lɯ̠ ⁵⁵

ɬɪ³³

tʂʰi²¹

Sani

ɬo⁵⁵

tɬɪ³³

ɬɤ⁵⁵

ɬɿ͆⁵⁵

tʂʰʮ³³

Axi

ɬo²²

tɯ²²

luᴀ̠ ⁵⁵

li³³

NC

Nyisu

ND

dɮɿ²¹

ɬɯ²¹

ɬi³³

ND

Nisu-N

ɬo³³

de²¹

ɬɤ̠²¹

ɬi⁵⁵

ʨʰi²¹

Nisu-S

ND

de²¹

ND

ɬi⁵⁵

ND

Nasu-L

ɬu³³

ɖe²¹

ɖə̠˞⁵⁵

ɬi³³

ʨʰi²¹

Nuosu

NC

ʥi³³

ɬi⁵⁵

l ̩³³

pʰu³³

[13]

[16]

[14]

[15]

Also worth noting is the fact that *b-prefixed *resonants tend to behave differently from plain-clustered *bl/y and *pl/y syllables. Although initial reflexes of *b-yam¹ ‘fly(v)’ generally pattern like other *bl/y reflexes, *b-l, and *b-ly initials do not patterns like their unprefixed-cluster counterparts.

Southeastern Ngwi

363

These dynamics can be noted in Table 7.3. The *ʔ-l (< PB *p-loŋ², Bradley 1997b:164) reflexes are predominantly lateral fricatives and plain laterals, but some Phula languages show full lateral cluster forms. Considering the presence of lateral clusters reflexes of *b-ly in Highland Phula, the numerous instances of lateral fricative reflexes in Sani-Axi-Azhe-Azha, Nyisu and Nisu provides further evidence of a shared lateral cluster series innovation at the Southeastern Ngwi stage. Plain *b-l initials (vs. *b-ly and *bl/y) in these languages are poor candidates for a lateral cluster reconstruction at the SE Ngwi stage since conservative languages such as Hlepho and Phukha show only a plain voiceless lateral reflex. As discussed in §5.3.2, the Qila Muji lateral cluster reflex is the result of a wholesale merger of /ɬ/ > /tɬʰ/ in the language, so the aspirated lateral cluster in Muji-Q is unlikely to be a retention in this case. *pr initials do not result in lateral clusters either, but *p-r syllables show good evidence of lateral cluster reflexes: e.g., PNg#650 *p-re² ‘run’ > Hlepho tɬʰɿ²¹, Muji-Q tɬʰɛ³³, Azha tʰa²¹. Although they may seem like good candidates prima facie, *k-l and *kl initials do not appear to have passed through an intermediate lateral cluster phase at the Southeastern Ngwi stage. As can be noted in Table 7.4, numerous Ngwi languages, including some Central Ngwi languages like Jinuo, feature plain lateral fricative reflexes of *k-l and *kl initials, but, as with *bl initials discussed above, a lateral cluster reconstruction for these syllables is not justified by the data (see note above on Muji-Q lateral cluster reflexes). Due to complicated morphosemantic issues, PNg#688 *k-lwatH ‘release’ (Chinese gloss, ᭮ fàng) may seem like an exception; more than likely, though, apparent lateral cluster correspondences are the result of morphosemantic interplay with at least one other distinct protoform: *pyiŋ². Several semantic distinctions are made in Ngwi languages under the general Chinese gloss ᭮ that are not always adequately clarified in Chinese lexical sources and/or elicitation sessions. The Chinese gloss may also mean ‘place(v)’, ‘shoot (fireworks)’, ‘free(v)’, ‘graze/herd’ and ‘put out to pasture’. Some Ngwi languages have followed Chinese in fusing these meanings under a single morpheme; others maintain a morphosemantic distinction. To complicate matters, however, the most commonly elicited distinctions at this level are not only near-synonyms but have also resulted in near-homonyms, as can be noted in the two columns of ‘release’ morphemes listed in Table 7.4. More detailed elicitation and reconstruction work is required at this morphosemantic intersection. Other nearhomonym/synonyms seem to factor in as well, such as a causative/simplex pair: ‘set free’ vs. ‘escape’: many *k-lwatH correspondences in Table 7.3

364

Phula and Southeastern Ngwi

pattern like TC-L instead of TC-H. This may be due to tonal derivation related to the PTB *s- prefix (PNg *sə-prefix) causativizer. The Sani-AxiAzhe-Azha correspondences in particular match exactly with the TC-L syllable class (see Table 7.16., §7.4.3.4). Table 7.4. Further lateral cluster conditioning environments and the exclusion of *k-l syllables

pʰy²¹

lo̠³³

ʔl ̩³³

ʥy⁵⁵

ʥɪ ̠²¹

Lisu

NC

lo⁵⁵

lɯ⁴⁴

ʣe³³

kɑ⁵⁵

Jinuo

pʰo³⁵

ɬo⁵⁵

lɛ³³

ʦø⁴²

NC

ND

NC

Laomian NC

ʨʰi²¹

ʨɛ³³

kʰi²¹

kɯ³³

kʰri⁴⁴

kø³³ [21]

ʦam⁵⁵ NC

NC

kɑn⁵⁵

*m-gya²

*ʔ-kun³/²

*ʔ-glaŋ² [19]

Lalo

‘excre‘load(v)’ ment’

*ʔ-kle²

*k-lupH

*[k]-dzwan¹

‘eagle’ ‘stab’

*k-lwatH

‘release’[17] ‘shake’

*pyiŋ² [18]

‘release’

PNg

Gloss

[20]

Hani

pʰje³¹

lu̠³¹

NC

ʣe⁵⁵

ʦo̠³³

ɕi³¹

NC

Phola

NC

ɬæ̠ ³³

lu̠³³

lɑ³¹

lɑ³¹

ɬi³³

ɬɛ³¹

Phuza

tɬʰɛ³³

ɬɯ⁵⁵

ɬɨ⁵⁵

tɬi⁵⁵

tɬi⁵⁵

tɬʰi⁵⁵

tɬi⁵⁵

Hlepho

tɬʰɛ³³

ɬo³³

lɯ²¹

tɬɛ³³

ⁿdɮɛ³³

tɬʰɿ⁵⁵

tɬi³³

Khlula

kɬʰɛ³³

ɬu⁵⁵

lu¹³

kɬɑ³³

kɬɑ³³

kɬʰɿ⁵⁵

kɬʰɿ¹³

Muji-Q

kɬʰi³³

kɬʰo²¹

kɬʰɯ³³

kɬɛ²¹

NC

kɬʰi⁵⁵

NC

Bokha

ɬjɛ³³

ɬo²¹

ɬɯ³³

tɬɛ²¹

tɬjɛ²¹

ɬi³³

NC

Azha

ɬɨ ̠⁴⁵

lɯ̠ ⁴⁵

NC

tɬɛ⁴⁵

tɬɛ⁴⁵

ɬi³³

tɬɨ³³

Azhe

ɬɯ⁵⁵

lu̠⁵⁵

ɬɛ²²

tɪ ̠⁵⁵

tɪ ̠⁵⁵

ɬi²¹

tɯ²²

Sani

ɬɤ²¹

lu⁵⁵

ɬæ³³

tɬe⁵⁵

tɬe⁵⁵

ɬɿ²¹

dɮɯ³³

Axi

tʰi⁵⁵

lu̠⁵⁵

NC

te̠⁵⁵

te̠⁵⁵

tʰi³¹

NC

Nyisu

tɬʰɿ⁵⁵

ND

ND

tɬɑ̠²¹

tɬɑ̠⁵⁵

tɬʰɿ³³

ND

Nisu-N

tʰɤ²¹

ɬu̠²¹

ɬɯ̠ ³³

te̠²¹

te̠²¹

tʰi³³

te³³

Nisu-S

ɬɤ²¹

ND

ɬɯ̠ ³³

te̠²¹

ND

ɬi³³

te³³

Nasu-L

ʈʰɤ⁵⁵

ɬo̠⁵⁵

ɬə˞²¹

ʈɑ̠⁵⁵

ᵑɡhɯ̠ ⁵⁵

ɬi³³

ʦɤ⁵⁵

Nuosu

tʰi²¹

ɬu⁵⁵

hi³³

ʨo⁵⁵

ᵑɡu⁵⁵

ʨʰɿ³³

ʦi²¹

[23]

[22]

Southeastern Ngwi

365

The evidence discussed above for reconstructing a lateral-cluster trio, *tɬʰ, *dɮ and *ndɮ, leaves only plain-voiced *tɬ initials unaccounted for. Apparently, *tɬ initial clusters at the SE Ngwi stage were reflexes of *ʔ-gl and *ʔ-k initials as can be noted in Table 7.4. Further instances of plain voiced *tɬ later appeared as various languages lost the prenasalization contrast (see examples in Tables 7.2 and 7.4). In comparison, unprefixed *gl initials have resulted in *dɮ clusters: e.g., PNg#527 *glay¹ ‘wide’ > Phuza dɮjɛ²¹, Ani dɮi³³, Khlula ɡɮi²¹, Phukha dɮɛ³¹; cf. Azhe dɛ²². Thus, intermediate SE Ngwi *tɬʰ clusters < *pl/y and *ʔ-kl initials, *dɮ clusters < *bl/y and *gl initials, *ndɮ clusters < *m-pl/y and *m-bl/y initials and *tɬ clusters < *ʔ-gl and *ʔ-k initials as summarized in Figure 7.3. Proto-Ngwi

*SE Ngwi

SE Ngwi reflexes

*ʔ-k *ʔ-gl

*tɬ

tɬ, kɬ, k, t, ɬ, etc.

*pl/y *ʔ-kl

*tɬʰ

tɬʰ, kɬʰ, kʰ, tʰ, ɬ, etc.

*bl/y *gl

*dɮ

dɮ, ɡɮ, ɡ, d, etc.

*m-pl/y *m-bl/y

*ndɮ

ndɮ, ŋɡɮ, nd, etc.

Figure 7.3. Diachronic development of lateral clusters in Southeastern Ngwi

The simplest and most systematic way to account for the odd variation in synchronic reflexes in these syllable classes is the reconstruction of a shared lateral cluster innovation at the Southeastern Ngwi level. Considering the fact that the synchronic variation listed in Figure 7.3 often occurs even between closely affiliated SE Ngwi languages and dialects lends even more weight to the reconstruction of this phonological paradigm. Comparing the merged reflexes in these classes to the predominantly unmerged labial reflexes of Southern and Central Ngwi provides good criteria for subgrouping Southeastern Ngwi as a node distinct from Southern and Central.

366

7.3.2.

Phula and Southeastern Ngwi

Sani, Axi, Azhe, Azha, Southeastern Ngwi and Central Ngwi

The exclusive genetic relationship shared between Sani and Axi has been acknowledged in the literature for some time (Matisoff 1972, Thurgood 1982, Bradley 1997). Azhe and Azha have also been suggested as close affiliates of Sani-Axi (Bradley 1997, 2002, 2007). These genetic claims are formally validated through a combination of insights detailed in the sections listed below: – §7.3.1 and §7.3.4: Distinctive innovations shared with Phula Proper, Nisu and Nyisu – §7.4: Distinctive innovations to the exclusion of Nisu, Nyisu and Phula Proper – §6: Disqualification from inclusion in Phula Proper – §7.3.3: Disqualification from inclusion in Northern Ngwi – §7.3.2 and §7.3.4: Disqualification from inclusion in Central Ngwi

Thus, the current section is concerned with clearing up an outstanding ambiguity related to a further sub-branch-level classification issue involving these four languages. One implication of linking Sani, Axi, Azhe and Azha with the 22 languages of Phula proper and with Nisu and Nyisu under SE Ngwi is the disassociation of these languages from Central, Southern and Northern Ngwi. Such a decision is problematic since Sani-Axi-Azhe-Azha have usually been classified under Central Ngwi. Matisoff (1972:21) suggests that Sani and Axi are closely affiliated with Lisu-Lolopo (Bradley’s Central Ngwi) based on stop-initial correspondences. Thurgood (1982) argues that Matisoff’s criteria are inadequate for subgrouping and demonstrates different grounds for considering Sani-Axi to be a sister subgroup to Nuosu-Nasu (Bradley’s NNg) as distinct from Lisu-Lahu (Bradley’s CNg), but later (Thurgood 2003) reverses his decision and classifies Sani-Axi as Central. Bradley (1979a:285) refrains from classifying the pair24, but later includes Sani-Axi under Central Ngwi (Bradley 1997, 2002, 2007).Bradley (2007) goes on to illustrate the marginal status of these four languages by segregating them from the rest of Central Ngwi under the macro-clade ‘Southeastern Central Ngwi’. Whatever the case, a reclassification of these languages under a new subbranch, should not only deal with next-of-kin (as in §7.3.1 and §7.3.4) and group internal innovations (as in §7.4) but also with apparent innovations that had been thought to identify these languages with Central Ngwi in the past. Hence the focus of this section. The key diagnostic innovations associated with Central Ngwi are listed in (7.1), based on Bradley (1979, 1998, 2001, 2002, 2004).

Southeastern Ngwi

(7.1)

367

Central Ngwi innovations 1. Widespread tone splitting in TC-1 and TC-2. 2. TC-2 splits to higher pitched reflexes of *glottal-prefixed initials and lower pitched reflexes of *non-glottal-prefixed initials (with a subsequent flip-flop in Lahu). 3. High/rising pitch reflexes of numerous TC-L *prefixed *stop initials. 4. *Glottal-prefixed *voiceless *stops > voiceless unaspirated (vs. Southern Ngwi aspirated). 5. Family group classifiers become paradigmatized with disyllabic forms, vowel leveling and other systemic changes. 6. Medium levels of grammaticalization in the Burmic extentive paradigm with more grammaticalized forms than Southern Ngwi but fewer grammaticalized forms than Northern Ngwi. 7. Agentive nominalizer-prefixed lexical innovations of ‘dog’, cognate with Lisu ɑ⁵⁵nɑ²¹ (lit., ‘snatcher’), and ‘fire’, cognate with Lisu ɑ⁵⁵to⁵⁵ (lit., ‘burner’).

Innovation 4 may more aptly be characterized as a Southern Ngwi innovation since Northern Ngwi, Southeastern Ngwi and Central Ngwi all tend to show unaspirated reflexes for *glottal-prefixed *voiceless *stops. Innovations 2, 3 and 7 do not apply to Sani-Axi-Azhe-Azha or any of the other Southeastern Ngwi languages. Adequate data are not available for innovations 5 and 6 in Sani, Axi, Azhe, Nisu and Nyisu,25 but evidence from Azha and the languages of Phula Proper show many monosyllabic forms for the basic family group classifier paradigm first described by Bradley (2001). Note the Phola, Southern Muji and Azha forms in Table 7.5. Table 7.5. Family group classifier samples from Azha and Phula Proper Family Group Classifier

Phola-LDC

Muji-PJZ

Azha-LJY

CLF.father+children

pʰɑ³³

pʰa²¹

pʰɔ²²

CLF.mother+children

mɔ̠²³

ma²¹

mɔ³³

CLF.grandfather+grandchildren

pʰɯ³³

pʰɯ²¹ɬɯ⁵⁵

a³³ʑɛ²¹

CLF.grandmother+grandchildren

pʰi³³

pʰi²¹ɬi³³

a³³nɛ³³

In addition to the Phola monosyllabic paradigm, Phala, Khlula and Zokhuo also show monosyllabic forms for all four classifiers, but most Phula languages pattern somewhat closer to Muji and Azha. Thus, Southeastern

368

Phula and Southeastern Ngwi

Ngwi appears to be closer to Northern Ngwi than to Central Ngwi in this regard, but distinct from both. Of the six innovations listed in 1), innovation (1) provides the best evidence for subgrouping Sani, Axi, Azhe and Azha under Central Ngwi, and this statement also applies to Nisu and the languages of Phula Proper. Prior to the emergence of adequate data on the Phula varieties, the general presence of substantial tone splits in TC-1 and TC-2 was considered to be a feature of Central Ngwi exclusively. New data shows that even more extensive splits of TC-1 and TC-2 are apparent among the languages of Phula proper (discussed in Chapter 6), and newly published data from Nisu (e.g., Pu et al. 2005) also shows many splits in TC-2 to high level /55/ on *ʔ-, *s-, *m, *Cp and *Cb initials, so this general feature should no longer be considered unique to Central Ngwi. As is detailed in §7.4, Sani, Axi, Azhe and Azha feature extraordinary tone-splitting scenarios in these two classes that outstrip Central Ngwi splits in their complexity and rival the even more complex splits in Phula Proper detailed in Chapter 6. As will be discussed in §7.4, the Sani-Axi-Azhe-Azha splits in TC-2 do not match up with innovation (1) in (7.1) – nor do splits in TC-2 match up well with other Central Ngwi innovations in this tone class. Given the distinctive innovations of Southeastern Ngwi detailed in §7.3.1 and §7.3.4, and since a Central Ngwi classification can be clearly asserted on no other grounds for these languages, tone splitting in TC-1 and TC-2 appears to have occurred in Southeastern Ngwi independently of Central Ngwi. 7.3.3.

Nisu, Southeastern Ngwi and Northern Ngwi

Nisu is generally classified as Northern Ngwi (Bradley 1997, 2007, Thurgood 2003), but the newly available Phula data prompts a re-assessment of Nisu’s intra-genetic origins as well. (7.2)

Northern Ngwi innovations 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Tonal flip-flop of TC-H and TC-L (with TC-L going to 13 in Nasu). Merger of TC-1 and TC-2 to mid-level. Low falling reflexes of TC-3. Lexicalized family group classifiers with frequent monosyllabic forms. Burmic extentive paradigm is highly grammaticalized with few lexical innovations.

Southeastern Ngwi

369

As this section has already shown, Nisu appears to share individualidentifying innovations with the Southeastern Ngwi languages. Thus, Nisu and the other SE Ngwi language candidates should be examined in light of the defining innovations of Northern Ngwi. Distinctive Northern Ngwi innovations cited in the literature are summarized in (7.2): As is discussed in more detail in §6.3–§6.5 and §7.4, the Nisu varieties and other Southeastern Ngwi languages do not pattern like Northern Ngwi languages in relation to innovations 1, 2 and 3 in (7.2). The minor (correlative) flip-flop of the two checked tone classes in the Muji clade discussed in §6.3.1.4 occurs only in restricted proto-environments and is thus independent of the Northern Ngwi innovation. The *checked tone flip-flop in some Phowa-clade languages is also an independent innovation as discussed in §6.4.1.4. The languages of Riverine Phula and the Sani-Axi-Azhe-Azha clade show no signs of tonal flip-flop as can be noted in §6.5.1.4 and §7.4.3.4. In fact, even within Northern Ngwi, the checked-tone flip flop is a feature of Nuosu and Nasu but not Nisu. Nisu preserves pitches analogous to the original proto-tones in both *checked tone classes. Regarding innovations 2 and 3 in (7.2), neither the Nisu varieties, nor Sani, Axi, Azhe, Azha nor the languages of Phula Proper demonstrate notable mergers of TC-1 and TC-2 – with the exception of a typologically similar, but diachronically independent, innovation in Hlepho Phowa (see §6.4). In numerous cases various languages of Phula Proper show unmarked lowfalling reflexes of TC-3, but in no case can a low-falling reflex be reconstructed even to the meso-clade level (i.e., Proto-Muji, Proto-Phowa, ProtoUpriver, Proto-Downriver), to say nothing of the macro-level (i.e., ProtoHighland Phula, and Proto-Riverine Phula). At each of these levels a midlevel pitch appears to have been preserved historically; although, ProtoRiverine Phula merged TC-2 and TC-3 as is discussed in §6.6. In other words, similar TC-3 innovations in Phula Proper are not only independent from Northern Ngwi but also appear to be independent from each other in many cases. The same may be said for the SA Clade; but, the Nisu varieties do show unmarked low-falling reflexes in TC-3, in line with the Northern Ngwi innovation. Nisu’s tonal reflex patterns are illustrated in Figure 7.4, organized by PNg tone class and considering a total of 254 cognate morphemes (see description of methodology in §6.3.1). Given that Nisu does not pattern like a Northern Ngwi language in regard to innovations 1 and 2, above, and given that it does tend to pattern with SE Ngwi, we may argue that the Nisu innovation in TC-3 is parallel to, but independent of, the NNg innovation.

370

Phula and Southeastern Ngwi

Innovations 4 and 5 in (7.2) are subject to interpretation. In fact, most Southeastern Ngwi languages show more similarities to Northern Ngwi in these areas than they do to the other two sub-branches of Ngwi, but the data varies. The Burmic extentive paradigm, for example, does not seem to be as highly grammaticalized in the languages of Phula Proper as it is in the languages of Northern Ngwi. Nisu, N 55 33 21 33 21

*1 37% 8% 53% 0% 1%

*2 5% 58% 25% 1% 11%

*3 12% 8% 76% 0% 4%

*H 4% 4% 4% 85% 4%

*L 2% 2% 7% 7% 82%

Figure 7.4. PNg tonal reflex patterns in Northern Nisu

I will not attempt a formal definition of SE Ngwi’s genetic position relative to the rest of the Ngwi Branch, but a number of perspectives seem to suggest an affinity with Northern Ngwi. Besides details mentioned above, and the occasional early classifications of various Phula-affiliated languages as members of N Ngwi (see Bradley 1997, Fried 2000, Edmondson 2003), other clues also suggest themselves. One such clue is a lexico-semantic innovation involving a multi-layered semantic/inflectional shift that results in complex allofamy26 between reflexes of two morphemes: PNg#086 *u³ ‘egg’ and *plum³ ‘lay(an egg)’. As can be noted in Table 7.6, numerous Ngwi languages in all branches feature a general noun > verb inflectional/semantic shift in which both lexemes take the same phonemic shape and the original verb form is replaced by the noun form. Many SE Ngwi and N Ngwi languages, however, feature a reversal of this pattern: i.e., a general verb > noun inflectional shift in which the original noun form is replaced by the verb form. Nuosu, Nasu, Azhe and Sani provide the clearest examples of this semantic shift. Three other languages, Hlepho, Axi and Muzi, feature an even more remarkable shift: a semantic/inflectional flip-flop of the original noun/verb cognates. The only way to account for these abnormalities is a subscription to Wilkins’ (1996) ‘polysemous view of semantic change’ – a theory of semantic shift that requires multiple gradient stages of semantic change during which two erstwhile distinct forms exist in relative polysemy until one or the other slowly falls into disuse. Thus, the potential shared innovation under consideration here can apparently be traced back to both Northern Ngwi and Southeastern Ngwi: an

Southeastern Ngwi

371

apparent stage of wholesale interchangeability between ‘egg’ and ‘lay(an egg)’ both in terms of semantics and part of speech. Naturally, this potential innovation is at best weak evidence on its own terms. I offer it here simply for the sake of suggestion – not as diagnostic of an individual-identifying relationship. Table 7.6. ‘egg’ and ‘lay(an egg)’ in SE Ngwi, Nuosu and Nasu Gloss

‘egg’

‘lay(an egg)’

PNg

*u³

*plum³

Lalo

fu³³

>

fu³³

Lisu

fu⁴⁴

>

fu⁴⁴

Jinuo

vu³³

≠

kʰrɔ³³

Bisu

u³³

>

u⁵⁵

Hani

u̠³³

≠

ɕa³³ [LCh]

Phala

u⁵⁵

>

u⁵⁵

Phupha

xɯ³³

>

xɯ³³

Hlepho

tɬʰa³³

ɯ³³

Ani

tɬʰa²¹

⪤ (⪤

Khlula

ɨ³³

>

ɨ⁵⁵

Muzi

ɬa²¹

⪤

ɣe²¹

Muji-S

ɣɨ²¹

>

ɨ²¹

Azha

ɞ³³

>

ɞ³³

Azhe

ɬo²²

<

ɬo²²

Sani

ɬɒ³³

<

ɬɒ³³

Axi

tʰo²²

⪤

ɣo³³

ʨʰi²¹

<

ʨʰi²¹

ʈʰo̠²¹

<

ʈʰo̠²¹

fu²¹

>

fu²¹

Nuosu Nasu-L Nisu

[28]

[27]

cf. Labo ɨ²¹) ma²¹mi³³

372

7.3.4.

Phula and Southeastern Ngwi

Summary of preliminary subgrouping criteria for SE Ngwi

Southeastern Ngwi can already be validated as a distinct sub-branch based on the evidence compiled in §7.3.1–§7.3.3. The languages in question are clearly Ngwi-branch members, but they do not pattern like Southern Ngwi, Central Ngwi or Northern Ngwi languages. They do, however, share an unusual paradigm-quality phonological innovation that resulted in lateral clusters at four manners of articulation, merging at least two analogous protoconsonant classes for each manner. In this section I will present a handful of other innovations that provide positive criteria for defining the sub-branch. Taken together with the lateral cluster innovation and the negative criteria that exclude these languages from the other branches of Ngwi, we are provided with adequate preliminary grounds for defining both the sub-branch and its constituency. Most of the languages in question, including languages from each of the known macro-clades (Highland Phula, Riverine Phula, Nisu and the SA Clade) show evidence of an innovation involving ‘bat’ that is apparently a lexicalized nominalization of ‘fly(v)’ using the WA nominalizer (originally ‘NCL:HUMAN’). The innovation is illustrated in Table 7.7 along with additional forms for comparison. The general form is best represented by Phuza dɮɛ²¹va²¹ in which the first morpheme is a reflex of PNg#659 *b-yam¹ ‘fly(v)’ and the second morpheme is a reflex of Tibeto-Burman ‘person’ classifier > lexical nominalizer *wa with the tone of the first syllable assimilating to the tone of the second in the process of morphological coalescence concomitant to lexicalization. In most SE Ngwi varieties, the ‘bat’ lexicalization seems to be an inflection of ‘fly’ > ‘flyer’ that has undergone morphological coalescence in numerous varieties. Those that do not show this innovation appear to have replaced the lexeme with other compounds, as in Azhe and Axi, since these languages are clearly part of both the SA clade and SE Ngwi on other grounds. (7.3)

*wa root preservation in Muji-clade compounds for ‘person’ ‘person’ Language wa¹³ʦʰɨ³³ Bokha va²¹ʦʰɛ³³ Northern Muji vɑ³³ʦʰɿ³³ Qila Muji va³³tʂo³³ Laghuu

Most languages in the Ngwi branch use monomorphemic reflexes of PTB *tsaŋ for ‘person; human’, e.g., Nisu ʦʰᴀ²¹, Hani ʦʰo⁵⁵, Sani ʦʰo³³,

Southeastern Ngwi

373

but most languages in the Muji meso-clade, at least, preserve a *wa root reflex compounded with a *tsaŋ reflex as a lexical innovation for ‘person’ as illustrated in (7.3). Hani-Akha ʦɔ⁵⁵ha²¹ shows evidence of a similar compound, albeit with morphemes reversed.29 Table 7.7. ‘bat’ < ‘flyer’ in SE Ngwi Gloss

‘bat’

‘fly(v)’

‘PERSON/NZR’

‘pig’

PNg

*bo¹ no/a³/²

*b-yam¹

*wa²

*vakL

Lalo

mo⁵⁵mo³³ha³³

by⁵⁵

ND

vɪ²¹

Lisu

wɑ³¹lɑ³¹

bi³³

wɑ³¹

wɛ̠³¹

Jinuo

pɛ⁴²ɔ³³

prɛ⁴²

ND

vɑ⁵⁵

Laomian

pɛ⁵⁵vɑ̠k³¹

pjiɑm⁵⁵

ND

vɑ³¹

Hani

a⁵⁵khu³³bja⁵⁵ɣa⁵⁵

bjɔ⁵⁵

ha²¹

ɣa̠³¹

Phola

ɬɯ³¹va̠²³

ɬɯ³³

vɑ³¹

vɑ̠³³

Phuza

dɮɛ²¹va²¹

dɮɛ³³

va²¹

vi⁵⁵

Hlepho

da³³fa²¹

dɮɔ²¹

va³³

vɛ³³

Khlula

ɡɮa⁵⁵va¹³

ɡɮo²¹

va¹³

va³³

Laghuu

ᵑɡo²¹va⁴⁴

ᵑɡo³³

va⁴⁴; va³³

ɣɯ²¹

Muji-N

to⁵²va⁵⁵

do³³

va²¹

vji²¹

Azha

tɬɛ²¹xu³³

tɬɞ²¹

vɛ²²

Azhe

dʉ²²zo²¹nɯ³³ʦu³³

dʉ²²

va³³ ND

vɪ ̠²¹

Sani

tɬɪ³³vɒ²¹

tɬɪ³³

ND

ve̠²¹

Axi

ti²²mu³¹nᴀ̠ ³³ni ̠⁵⁵

tɯ²²

ND

ve̠³¹

Nyisu

dɮi²¹vu³³

dɮɿ²¹

ND

vɑ̠²¹

Nisu

de²¹vᴀ³³

de²¹

ND

ve̠²¹

Nasu-L

hɑ̠³³ɳo˞³³

ɖe²¹

ND

vɑ̠⁵⁵

Nuosu

he³³lu²¹

ʥi³³

vo³³

vo⁵⁵

The PTB ‘person’ morpheme *wa is frequently encountered in more grammaticalized instantiations, such as a noun classifier, a lexical nominalizer and/or a clausal nominalizer. These forms are summarized in Table 7.7

374

Phula and Southeastern Ngwi

(cf. Labo va⁵⁵, Ani va³³, Azhe vu²², Phuma va²¹, Laghuu va³³, Phupa va³³). Lexical examples include Laghuu va³³tʂo³³ɕi³³va³³ ‘corpse’ (lit., personhuman-die-WA), Phuma tʴɯ²¹pa²¹na⁵⁵va²¹ ‘lesser official’ (lit., official-PAsmall-WA), and Ani kɯ³³va³³ ‘expert’ (able-WA) so⁵⁵va³³ ‘living being’ (lit., live-WA). Additionally, the Phowa autonym used by various dialects of Hlepho, Ani and Labo is generally pronounced pʰo²¹va³³. Tone correspondences are usually irregular on these morphemes between compounds and suffixes apparently due to residue from historical sandhi processes. The similar Southern Ngwi forms in Table 7.7, by contrast, appear to be from PNg#021 *vakL ‘pig’ as is demonstrated best in the conservative Laomian form pɛ⁵⁵vɑ̠k³¹ which preserves the PNg *-k final. Thus, these forms would seem to be lit., ‘bat-pig’ or ‘flying-pig’ instead. As the rhyme patterns in Table 7.7 indicate, a PNg#021 *vakL ‘pig’ origin for this morpheme is untenable for SE Ngwi languages. The SE Ngwi languages also feature extreme parallel splitting of TC-1 and TC-2 independent of Central Ngwi. Most Central Ngwi languages show only minor splits in TC-1. Lisu features an important split in the tone class based on *glottal initials vs. *non-glottal initials, however, and Lahu splits the tone class based on *voiced vs. *voiceless initials. Other CNg languages like Lolopo and Lalo preserve TC-1 virtually intact. Thus, Central Ngwi innovations in TC-1 are usually independent of each other. As will be discussed further in §7.4.2.1, Azhe also features a basic TC-1 split on *glottal initials independent of the Lisu split. Sani, Axi and Azha seem to have begun the process of a similar split but ended up splitting the tone class based on different initial combinations than Azhe. The languages of Phula Proper feature the most extreme micro-splitting of TC-1 as is summarized in §6. The distinction between Central and Southeastern Ngwi tonal developments in TC-1 and 2 is most vivid in the TC-2 tone splits. SE Ngwi correspondences in TC-2 are not very useful for reconstructing the tone class to the Proto-Ngwi level. TC-2 Micro splits in languages of each macro clade considered (including SA, HP, RP and Nisu) indicate that tone splitting in TC-2 began early in the sub-branch in devoiced *stop initials and *Cprefixed *s initials, and then continued to proliferate as various macro- and meso-clades developed through time (compare Tables 6.5, 6.16, 6.22 and 7.12). By contrast, TC-2 splits in Central Ngwi are usually restricted to *glottal vs. *non-glottal initial syllables. Thus, a paradigm-like set of individual-identifying shared innovations, emerges, which, when taken together with the negative criteria presented in §7.3.2 and §7.3.3, supports Bradley’s (2002, 2007) decision to subgroup Southeastern Ngwi as a sub-branch distinct from Northern, Southern and Central Ngwi. The results also further demonstrate ways in which the newly

Azha, Azhe and Sani-Axi

375

available pool of Phula data enables a reinterpretation of the genetic position of Nisu, Nyisu, Sani, Axi, Azhe and Azha – all of which may also now be classified as members of Southeastern Ngwi diachronically. The distinctive sared innovation set is summarized in (7.4): (7.4)

Southeastern Ngwi subgrouping criteria

1.

2. 3. 4.

Lateral, dental, dental-lateral, velar-lateral and/or velar initial reflexes of an intermediate lateral cluster innovation that resulted in four manners of articulation and merged two analogous proto-initial classes to each initial manner such that [*ʔ-k + *ʔ-gl > /tɬ/], [*pl/y + *ʔ-kl > /tɬʰ/], [*bl/y + *gl > /dɮ/] and [*m-pl/y + *m-bl/y > /ndɮ/]. Extreme parallel splitting of TC-1 and TC-2 independent of C Ngwi. Splits of *C-s and devoiced *initials to higher tones in TC-2. Lexicalization of a ‘bat’ compound cognate with *b-yam¹ +*wa² ‘flyer’.

7.4. Azha, Azhe and Sani-Axi As discussed in §7.3.2 a close linguistic affiliation between Sani and Axi has been recognized for decades, and an affiliation between Azhe, Azha and Sani-Axi is also supported. This latter link has not been formally validated – no doubt largely due to the fact that Sani and Axi were until recently the only two of the foursome with adequate published data available for analysis. The first rich supply of Azhe lexical data was published for a limited audience in YNYF (1984)30, but was only recently made available to a broader audience. Core lexical similarity reports in Chinese sources and surfacelevel tone-system typology both suggest a link between the four. Autonym similarities between Azhe and Azha are also suggestive and may now be formally affirmed with linguistic criteria. As mentioned in §7.1, inside China, these four languages, along with most of the Phula languages and a few other varieties, have been geoethnolinguistically classified as ‘Southeastern Yi’ (see Chen et al. 1985). Combined with phylogenetic insights presented in §7.2 and §7.3, a closer look at tone system developments and other innovations provides more robust criteria for subgrouping these four languages. This section builds on §7.2–§7.3 to summarize positive criteria for classifying Sani-Axi-AzheAzha as a unique genetic clade within Southeastern Ngwi and a sister node to Nisu, Highland Phula and Riverine Phula. As with Southeastern Ngwi itself, the Sani-Axi-Azhe-Azha (SA) macroclade subgrouping is partially supported by reflexive dissociation from its

376

Phula and Southeastern Ngwi

sister-nodes. As has been demonstrated above in §7.3, SA should be classified as Southeastern Ngwi along with RP, HP and Nisu; nevertheless, since the languages do not share the defining innovations of RP or HP (see Chapter 6 and §7.5) and since Nisu does not qualify for SA innovations, SA forms its own sister node(s) with these other clades under the Southeastern Ngwi sub-branch. Interestingly, Sani, Axi and Azhe are spoken within a 100km radius of each other – primarily in Shilin, Mile, Luxi, Yiliang and Huaning Counties. Sani and Axi even share a handful of villages at the margins of their respective distributions in northern Mile and southern Shilin Counties, but the Azha distribution widens the radius to roughly 200km. Distant separation from the ancestor language of Sani-Axi-Azhe in space and time seems to have been a key contributor to Azha’s eventual ethnic association with Phula. Azha characteristics are introduced in the next section and examined further in §7.4.3. 7.4.1.

The status of Azha

As discussed in §3.2.4 and §6.1, Azha speakers are classified at the local level under the Phula ethnonym by in-group speakers and out-group residents alike. Speakers of other neighboring Phula languages, such as Zokhuo and Hlepho, also consider Azha to be ethnolinguistically Phula. Historical documents reveal a long-standing tradition for this folk-definition. Nevertheless, based on more formal linguistic insights (see §6.3–§6.6), the language exhibits no key innovations that would place it in either the Riverine Phula or Highland Phula macro-clades; nor does it affiliate with the defining innovations of Phula Proper (see §7.5). For the sake of illustration, a sampling of three Azha lexical isoglosses is provided in Table 7.8 contrasted with forms from other Ngwi languages that are generally cognate with the Proto-Ngwi forms listed at the bottom of the table. Azha ‘goat’ shows an innovative form in certain dialects only. XPB speakers interviewed note that they are familiar with the other form but do not use it themselves. The ‘eat’ innovation seems better described as a semantic shift than a lexical replacement. Phola lɯ̠ ²³ ‘gulp’ is apparently cognate with this form as is Nisu lu⁵⁵ ‘eat (of a goose)’. Besides Azha, only one other language, Pholo, is known to affiliate with Phula ethnically, but not with Phula Proper linguistically. Pholo and Azha are neighboring languages, but the two are clearly distinct genetically. In fact, Pholo does not appear to be a Southeastern Ngwi language at all, as is discussed further in §7.5.

Azha, Azhe and Sani-Axi

377

Table 7.8. Three Azha lexical isoglosses Gloss

‘goat’

‘eat’

‘drink’

Azha-LJY

mɛ³³xɛ³³

la̠⁴⁵

ŋɨ³³

Azha-HZC

mɛ⁴⁴hɛ³³

la̠⁴⁵

ŋɨ⁴⁴

Azha-XPB

ʨʰɛ³³mɛ³³

la̠³⁵

ŋɨ³³

Azha-DFC

ʨʰɛ³³mɛ³³

lɑ̠³⁵

ŋɨ³³

Azhe

ʨʰi²¹

ʣo³¹

dʉ²²

Sani

ʨʰi²¹

ʣɒ²¹

tʂɿ⁵⁵

Axi

ʨʰi³¹

ʣo³¹

tu²²

Phola

ʨʰi ̠³¹

ʦɑ³¹

ⁿtɔ³³

Phupa

mjɛ⁵⁵tjɛ³³

ʣɑ¹³

do²¹

Hlepho

ʦʰɿ³³

ʣa²¹

ⁿdə²¹

Khlula

ʦʰɿ³³mjɛ²¹

ʣa¹³

dɑ²¹

Muji-N

mjɛ⁵⁵tjɛ³³

ʣa¹³

ⁿdɛ³³

Bokha

ɡɮa¹³ʨʰi²¹

ʣa¹³

dəj³³

Nuosu

tʂʰɿ⁵⁵

ʣɯ³³

ⁿdo³³

Nasu-L

tʂʰi ̠⁵⁵

ʣo³³

ⁿdhɔ²¹

Nisu-N

ᴀ⁵⁵ʨʰi ̠²¹

ʣo³³

dᴀ²¹

Lalo

ɑ⁵⁵tʂʰɿ²¹ ̠

ʣɑ²¹

du⁵⁵

Lisu

ɑ⁵⁵ʧʰɿ⁴¹

ʣɑ³¹

do³³

Jinuo

ʧʰi⁵⁵pɛ³³lɛ³³

ʦɔ⁴⁴

tə⁴²

Laomian

{pɛ⁵⁵lɛ̠k⁵⁵}[31]

ʦɑ³¹

tɑŋ⁵⁵

Hani

a³¹ʦi ̠³¹

ʣa³¹

do⁵⁵

PNg

*(k)-citL

*dza²

*m-daŋ¹

Apparently, some time after the SA split from PP, Azha split from the parent language of Azhe, Sani and Axi. This likely happened when Azha speakers migrated to Wenshan County – a migration destination that may have been instituted as early as the waning years of the Tang Dynasty, near the beginning of the tenth century, according to WSXZ (1999) and WSZZ (2000). Related details are discussed further in §1.2.3.1.

378

Phula and Southeastern Ngwi

Presumably due to the flexible, no-nonsense nature of ethnic folk-classification, Azha speakers came to be ethnically affiliated once again with several of their cousin languages upon arrival in Wenshan – i.e., speakers of various varieties of Highland Phula – more specifically, the ancestor languages of Moji, Khlula, Zokhuo and Hlepho. In a macro-region that has historically tended toward ethnic lumping, Azha speakers were lumped with Highland Phula speakers and eventually came to accept this ethnic category as the closest match for their broader ethnolinguistic identity. Nevertheless, the Azha language itself would have already been decidedly distinct from Highland Phula and thus remained unaffected by Highland Phula innovations. Thus, Azha appears to have begun separating from the ancestor language of Sani, Axi and Azhe many centuries ago, after which the language gradually came to be affiliated with Phula perceptually. Azha dialects have apparently maintained close contact through the centuries. Preliminary research suggests that no dialect of Azha has diverged to the extent of meriting classification as a separate language from Azha proper, as discussed in Chapter 3. 7.4.2.

The Sani-Axi clade

A unique linguistic affiliation between Sani and Axi has been hypothesized since Shafer (1952), as cited in Bradley (1979a), but the link was perhaps best demonstrated in Thurgood (1982), who recommended two criteria for subgrouping Sani and Axi as a unique insular clade: (1) the exclusive devoicing of TC-1 *voiced *initials (irrespective of voiced retention in TC-2) and (2) dominant -e/-ɛ reflexes of *-ak rhymes. The first of these innovations is not attested elsewhere and suggests itself as individual-identifying evidence of a close genetic relationship, but the second criterion is attested in numerous other Ngwi sub-branches and language clades and should only be considered supporting evidence for the first criterion. Criterion (1) was first noted in Sani by Matisoff (1979: 27–28, also reviewed in 2003: 18–19), and the Sani-Axi connection in this regard was first explored in Thurgood (1980). The Table 7.9 data set illustrates this key innovation with TC-1 examples listed first. TC-2 examples are provided to illustrate the exclusive status of the innovation. This innovation is not known to occur elsewhere in Tibeto-Burman, and it is not found in the otherwise closely related languages Azhe and Azha. Azha voicing has been lost on all initials as was noted in §5.6, but owing to the absence of this innovation in Azhe, which is clearly a closer relative

Azha, Azhe and Sani-Axi

379

than Azha to Sani-Axi (see §7.4.3), Azha is unlikely to have incorporated this innovation before losing initial voicing. Table 7.9. Exclusive devoicing of TC-1 *stop initials in Sani and Axi Gloss

PNg

Sani

Axi

‘fly(v)’

*byam¹

tɯ²²

‘wing’

*doŋ¹

tɬɪ³³

‘bridge’

*dzam¹

ʦi²²

‘liquor’

*m-ji¹

ʦɤ³³

‘bee’

*bya²

dɮɒ²¹mɒ³³

do³¹ [32]

‘dull’

*dum²

n̩⁵⁵ dv̩²¹

o⁵⁵do³¹

‘eat’ ‘raw’

*dza²

ʣɒ²¹

ʣo³¹

*dzim²

tv̩³³ le̠²¹

to²²le̠³¹

ʦʮ³³

[33]

ʨi²²

e⁵⁵dzi³¹

i³³dzɛ³¹

A note is in order here regarding Sani tone transcription conventions, which vary in the literature. In the discussion that follows, and in the Sani data listed above, I follow the Wu et al. (1984) transcription conventions34 marking a five tone system with three surface pitches plus a tense voice underscore. Tense voice phonation in Sani results in notable pitch differences such that /33/ > [44] (in contrast with /33/ and /55/) and /21/ > [ʔ2] 35 (in contrast with /11/). Table 7.10. Comparison of Sani tone transcription conventions Gloss

Sani-WZC (Dai et al. 1992)

Sani-ALT (Wu et al. 1984)

‘write’

ɡu⁴⁴

ɡo̠³³

‘bloom’

vɪ⁴⁴

vi ̠³³

‘sky’

m̩ ¹¹

mu²¹

‘sore’

qæ¹¹

qɛ²¹

‘waist’

dʐu²

dʐo̠²¹

‘bite’

qhɯ²

qhɤ̠²¹

380

Phula and Southeastern Ngwi

The Dai et al. (1992) transcription conventions have been used the longest (see discussion in Bradley 1977) and seek to draw attention to pitch height as opposed to marking phonation. This can be noted in the Table 7.10 comparison. Dai’s transcriptions have the advantage of making the Sani five-tone system more overt, but the Wu et al. transcriptions are much more useful for diachronic comparisons between Sani, Axi, Azhe and Azha. Both systems should be held in mind, however, since an acknowledgement of pitch-height distinctions is also helpful at times in comparing the tone systems of this clade. 7.4.3.

Tone system developments for Sani-Axi-Azhe-Azha

Sani, Axi, Azhe and Azha each feature a five-to-six-tone system with at least three level tones and at least two pitch distinctions that incorporate tense voice phonation. This typological characteristic is not individualidentifying per se; in this way they are similar to many Central Ngwi languages. Diachronic correspondences between these patterns are fairly opaque in the SA Clade and require careful attention to detail in order to explicate the underlying relationships. By way of introduction, Figure 7.5 presents tonal ‘thumbprint’ summaries of reflex patterns in the four languages based on an average of 250 PNg cognates per-language (see description of methodology in §6.3.1). The overall patterns suggest that overt correspondences between pitch values are less useful for identifying relationships between these languages than tone class correspondences themselves. In other words, in many cases, analogous splits and mergers can be identified between these languages only if we note that the pitch and/or phonation values involved have shifted between languages. If apparently mismatched pitch values correspond systematically between tone classes, we have good evidence of pitch and/or phonation shifts that still correspond historically in terms of tone class. Bradley (1979b) notes a similar scenario among the Lahu dialects. Several examples surface even in the Figure 7.2 tonal thumbprints. First, based on these correspondences, it is reasonable to assume that the Azhe tense voice low-level toneme corresponds with the tense voice midlevel toneme in Sani and Axi. Sani, Axi and Azhe all feature a tense voice low-falling toneme as the unmarked reflex of TC-L – a common reflex throughout the Ngwi branch. The tense voice low-falling toneme is almost exclusively a reflex of TCL in Sani, Axi and Azhe. Sani and Axi also feature a tense-voice mid-level toneme as the unmarked reflex of TC-H – another common Ngwi-branch

Azha, Azhe and Sani-Axi

381

reflex. The YNYF (1984) Azhe data is transcribed without a /33/ toneme, but /22/ fits with the corresponding tone category. Azha features unmarked mid-level/low-level reflexes for TC-H and TC-L, respectively, but the Azha tones in these classes have lost tense voice phonation. It should be noted that the YNYF (1984) Azhe data is occasionally transcribed with a further /33/ tone, but this is apparently an overspecification of the /22/ toneme. Sani 55 33 21 33 21

*1 6% 66% 3% 38% 0%

*2 35% 8% 56% 0% 0%

*3 0% 71% 2% 32% 0%

*H 3% 9% 6% 79% 3%

*L 13% 11% 7% 9% 60%

Axi 55 33 31 22 33 31

*1 3% 33% 1% 63% 1% 0%

*2 27% 8% 62% 0% 3% 0%

*3 0% 90% 0% 5% 5% 0%

*H 12% 4% 0% 0% 85% 0%

*L 15% 0% 8% 0% 6% 71%

Azhe 55 33 31 22 22 31

*1 3% 30% 2% 63% 0% 0%

*2 22% 5% 60% 9% 0% 0%

*3 0% 21% 0% 79% 0% 0%

*H 4% 17% 4% 25% 50% 0%

*L 16% 9% 5% 0% 0% 70%

Azha 45 44 21 33 22

*1 5% 19% 61% 15% 0%

*2 19% 8% 3% 30% 40%

*3 8% 8% 0% 84% 0%

*H 19% 22% 0% 59% 0%

*L 17% 0% 2% 13% 68%

Figure 7.5. PNg tonal reflex patterns in Sani-Axi-Azhe-Azha

382

Phula and Southeastern Ngwi

With this in mind, by comparing the unmarked reflexes of TC-2 and TCL (the proto-low tones) we may also note that the Azha low-level toneme /22/ is an apparent merger of the mid/low-falling modal vs. tense phonation contrast (i.e., /21/ and /21/ or, alternatively, /31/ and /31/) preserved in the other three languages. Interestingly, Azha /21/ does not appear to be related to the /21/ or /31/ pitch values found in the other three languages. Similarly, Azha /33/ appears to be a merger of the tense vs. modal mid-level contrast in the other three languages, though this is most apparent in comparisons of Azha /33/ with Axi /33/+/33/ and Azhe /22/+/22/. The Azha tense-voice low-falling toneme is of distinct origin and should not be confused with the tense voice mid/low-falling tones in Sani, Axi and Azhe. Instead, Azha /21/ generally corresponds with modal-voice low-level /22/ in Axi and Azhe. This is most apparent in Axi, since Azha /21/and Axi /22/ both occur almost exclusively as reflexes of TC-1. As becomes apparent in §7.4.3.3, a TC-3 split-tone scenario is highly unlikely at the protolevel of these four languages. Therefore, Azhe /22/ reflexes in TC-3 are most likely an independent merger of /33/ > /22/, and the Azhe /22/ toneme, which is also primarily a reflex of TC-1 in Azhe also corresponds with Azha /21/. Thus, by studying the general tonal thumbprints of these four languages we may identify at least four key shifts in pitch value that are helpful for reconstructing historical relationships. These are summarized in (7.5): (7.5)

Guide to key pitch correspondences in the SA clade. Azha /22/ < /31/+/31/ (or /21/+/21/) merger; cf. Sani, Axi, Azhe Azha /33/ < /33/ + /33/ merger; cf. Sani and Axi; cf. Azhe /22/ Azha /21/ < /22/ shift; cf. Axi and Azhe Azhe /22/ < /33/ shift; cf. Sani and Axi

Other correspondences may be noted as well, but these are best discussed by looking into the actual conditioning environments of the various splits, mergers and preservations. None of these four languages features an unmarked high-pitch reflex in any of the five PNg tone classes. In fact, this scenario might justifiably be reconstructed back to the proto-level of these four languages. Nevertheless, as will become apparent below, a number of low > high tone splits appear to have already occurred at the SA proto-level and various tones have continued to split, if not shift, upwards.

Azha, Azhe and Sani-Axi

383

7.4.3.1. Tone-class *1 TC-1 developments in the SA clade are characterized by a tendency to split *glottal-prefixed initials to a higher pitch than the unmarked tone. Both Azhe and Azha feature a full split between *ʔ- and non-*ʔ- initials in TC-1, but the Sani-Axi patterns indicate that the proto-level featured only a split of *ʔp and *ʔm initials. Sani and Axi apparently only carried the innovation to this level, but Azhe and Azha completed the process by including *ʔr and *ʔb initial syllables in the split. Later Azha appears to have re-split *ʔm and *ʔr initials to a still higher pitch. The overall pattern indicates that this innovation is distinct from a similar innovation in Lisu (see Bradley 1979:214) and also suggests a stronger genetic affiliation between Sani and Axi on the one hand and Azhe and Azha on the other hand. Table 7.11. TC-1 tone correspondences for Sani, Axi, Azhe and Azha *Tone *1

Environment

Sani

Axi

/*ʔ-

NA

NA

Azhe

NA

/*ʔʔm, *s--, *Cb /*ʔp

Azha 44

33

33

33

33

/*ʔb /*ʔr /Elsewhere

44 33

22

22

21

A further piece of evidence in TC-1 that is diagnostic of a unique genetic relationship is the apparent inclusion of *Cb and *s- initial syllable classes in the original tone split of *ʔm and *ʔp initial syllables. The TC-1 unmarked /33/ reflex in Sani is problematic due to apparently conflicting correspondences between the four languages with this toneme in TC-1 and TC-3. In TC-2 Sani /33/ generally corresponds with /33/ in the other four languages (discounting the independent shift to dominant /22/ in Azhe TC-3). A mid-level pitch is the expected reflex of TC-3 syllables throughout the Ngwi branch, so the TC-1 /33/ value in Sani appears to be the result of a merger with TC-3 independent of the other three languages in the clade. Besides pointing to an independent tone split, Azha mid-high-level /44/ reflexes provide the first clue among many that this toneme is an innovation independent of the rest of the SA clade while the Azha constricted high

384

Phula and Southeastern Ngwi

rising 45 tone appears to correspond with the high-level /55/ toneme in the other four languages. This point will become clearer below. 7.4.3.2. Tone-class *2 As can be noted in Table 7.12, TC-2 developments in the SA clade are predictable (i.e., conservative) in terms of unmarked reflexes, but innovative in terms of split patterns which include intermediate deaspiration and devoicing innovations as well as tone changes in various minor *initial classes. TC-2 *s- initials (*s-prefixed *nasal and *resonant initial syllables) split to the highest pitch in all four languages, and this piece of evidence provides a further reason for considering the Azha /45/ tone, instead of the Azha /44/ tone, to correspond with high-level /55/ in the other four languages. Sani, Axi and Azhe include *sə- prefixed roots in this split, but Azhe does not. Table 7.12. TC-2 tone correspondences for Sani, Axi, Azhe and Azha *Tone *2

Environment

Sani

Axi

Azhe

Azha

/*ʃ_

33

33/22

22

21/45/22

/*s

55/21

31/55

55/31/22

22/45

/*sə-

22

/*s-

45

/*ʔm

31

21

33

44

55

55

45

33

33

22

/*Cs

33

/*ʦ_ >[-asp]

NA

/*k-l_

55

/*ʔb >[-voc] /*p >[-asp]

NA

/*ʔp >[-asp]

55

/*b >[-voc]

21, 55

/*r

33

/*Cm, *ʔb

55

/Elsewhere

21

31

31

22

Azha, Azhe and Sani-Axi

385

TC-2 tonal reflexes of non-prefixed *voiceless *fricative initials in these four languages are widely irregular as Table 7.13 illustrates. In general, it appears that (unprefixed) *s initial syllables with *monophthong finals split to the highest pitch, while *diphthong final syllables with *s initials remained at the unmarked pitch. *ʃ and *x initials tended to remained unaffected with the exception of *ʃ initials in Sani and Azha. *ʃ initials in Sani split to mid-level /33/, but in Azha the pattern is more irregular. In the case of reflexes of *ʃaw², at least, the irregularity may be the result of lexicalized sandhi. Bound morphemes in Table 7.13 are listed with a hyphen. A similar situation may be noted in Nisu TC-2 tonal reflexes on syllables with *voiceless *fricative initials. Table 7.13. Problematic tone reflexes of TC-2 *s initial syllables in the SA clade ‘know’ ‘sharpen’ ‘blood’

‘meat

‘sand’ ‘urinate’

‘die’ ‘morning’

PNg

*si²

*si²

*swe²

*xa²

*say²

*ʃi²

*ʃe² *ʃaw²

Sani

sɑ⁵⁵

sɿ⁵⁵

sɿ⁵⁵

xɒ²¹

-sɿ²¹

xɒ³³

sʮ³³ ɕe³³

Axi

sᴀ̠ ⁵⁵

sɛ⁵⁵

si³¹

xo³¹

-sᴀ³¹

NC

ʂi²²

-ɕi³³

Azhe

sᴀ̠ ⁵⁵

sɛ⁵⁵

su³¹

xo³¹

ʂᴀ̠ ²²

xɪ²²

ʂi²²

NC

Azha

sa̠⁴⁵

sʌ̠⁴⁵

ɕy²²

χɔ²²

-sʌ²²

-ɕy²²

ʂi ̠²¹

-ɕi ̠⁴⁵

Elsewhere in TC-2, all four languages feature an intermediate deaspiration split of *ts initials and a split of *k-prefixed *l initials (as in ‘pants’ and ‘tiger’) to the highest pitch. This provides a third reason for considering Azha /45/ as opposed to /44/ to correspond with /55/ in the other three languages of the clade. Sani, Axi and Azhe broaden this split by including two further intermediate innovations: devoiced *glottal-prefixed *voiced *stops and deaspirated *voiceless *stops. Azha is more conservative with TC-2 tonal developments than the other three languages in the clade. A split of *C-prefixed *s initials is shared by all four languages, but this is apparently part of a wider SE-Ngwi innovation. Axi and Azhe appear to share a unique split/merger innovation of two syllable classes to mid-level /33/: deaspirated *glottal-prefixed *voiceless *stops, and devoiced *voiceless stops. It would be more consistent in light of other genetic evidence to hypothesize that the ancestor language to Sani (i.e., in this case Sani-Axi-Azhe) included these tone splits to a mid-level

386

Phula and Southeastern Ngwi

pitch as well but then went on to shift these classes to the highest pitch (along with most other split pitches in TC-2) sometime after the language diverged from Axi. Under this scenario, we may surmise that Sani and Axi shared a unique TC-2 split of *glottal-prefixed *nasal initials. In fact, Sani shows a general tendency, more so than the other four languages, to shift all TC-1 splits to the highest pitch. Sani diverges from the other four, for example, by splitting *C-prefixed *nasal initials and *glottal-prefixed *voiced *stop initials to high-level /55/. Azha diverges from its sister languages by splitting *resonant initial syllables to mid-level /33/ and splitting *glottal prefixed *nasal initials to /21/. Thus, TC-2 provides further evidence for grouping Sani-Axi-Azhe-Azha, further evidence for grouping Sani-Axi-Azhe exclusive of Azha and further evidence for grouping Sani-Axi as distinct from Azhe and Azha. 7.4.3.3. Tone-class *3 Sani is one of the few languages noted in the literature to split TC-3 (Bradley 1977: 8–9, Matisoff 1979); although, numerous languages of Phula Proper also split the tone class, as do Azhe (see Table 7.14) and some varieties of Lalo (Yang 2010). Note the basic correspondence patterns in Table 7.14. Table 7.14. TC-3 tone correspondences for Sani, Axi, Azhe and Azha *Tone *3

Environment /*ʔ-

Sani

Axi

33

Azhe NA

/*ʔp, *s, *mb

33

/*Cr /Elsewhere

Azha 33 45

33

33

22

33

The basic TC-3 split of *glottal-prefixed initial syllables in Sani is independent of Axi and the rest of the SA clade. The Lisu TC-3 split is similar to Sani, but more sporadic (see Bradley 1977). In fact, the Sani innovation is better described as a near merger of TC-3 with TC-1. The Azhe TC-3 split is also a near merger with TC-1 albeit with different conditioning. Elsewhere in the clade, Azha seems to feature a very minor split of *C-prefixed *resonant initials to the highest pitch.

Azha, Azhe and Sani-Axi

387

7.4.3.4. The *checked tone classes The four languages of the SA clade are characterized by a moderate preservation of TC-H and TC-L pitches overall as can be noted in Table 7.15. There were apparently no splits in TC-H at the SA proto-stage, though all four languages have gone on to innovate minor splits in the tone class. TCH is split three ways in Sani and Azha, but only two ways in Azhe and Axi. In all cases the splits are difficult to correlate, however. Table 7.15. *Checked tone correspondences for Sani, Axi, Azhe and Azha *Tone

Environment

Sani

Axi

Azhe

*H

*ʦ_ >[- asp]

21

55

31

*k-l_

33

*Cp

55

45

*sm /Elsewhere *L

*Cs

44 33

33

22

21, 55

33 22, 45

*Cb >[- voc] *sr, *sə-

Azha

22 55

55

55

*k-l_

33

33

22

*b >[- voc]

55

/Elsewhere

21

*sm, *ʔm

45 33

NA 31

31

22

TC-L correspondences, on the other hand, reveal some innovations that are shared between all four languages of the clade. First, all four languages share a minor shift of *k-l initials (i.e., PNg#337 *k-lokL ‘rock’) to TC-H. Azha splits {*sr, *sə-, *sm, *ʔm} as a unit while the other three languages split {*sr, *sə-} and {*sm, *ʔm} to distinct, marked reflexes. Note also that, as with the *k-l initial split shared by all four languages, this re-split was effectively a merger of TC-L *sm and *ʔm syllable classes with TC-H. This may well indicate that Azha preserves an earlier, more simple split in these syllable classes that was later re-split by its more closely related counterparts to the northwest. Sani, Axi and Azhe also share an intermediate tone split to high-level /55/ on devoiced reflexes of *C-prefixed *voiced *stop initial syllables, independent of Azha.

388

Phula and Southeastern Ngwi

Thus, developments in the PNg checked tone classes provide still more evidence for peripheral subgrouping of Sani-Axi-Azhe with Azha, while subgrouping the former three languages closer to the core. 7.4.4.

Working conclusion on the internal relationships of the SA clade

As discussed in the analysis of Figure 6.1 in §6.2.1, the Neighbor-Net algorithm weights ambiguous splits between related languages visually by associating line length with confidence. The overall pattern in Figure 6.1 suggests a slightly stronger connection between Sani-Axi-Azhe than AzheAzha. Naturally, diachronic innovations should be called on to confirm, clarify and arbitrate cladogram interpretations of phenogram sketches. As discussed in the introduction to §7.4, the SA languages do not pattern with Phula Proper or the Nisu varieties within SE Ngwi. In §7.4.2 we noted that Sani and Axi share a unique phonological innovation involving the suprasegmental conditioned devoicing of TC-1 stop initials. As discussed in §7.4.1, Azha has long been separated from the other three languages in the clade and appears to be relatively distinct. Combining these insights with evidence gleaned from a careful study of diachronic tone-system innovations in these four languages (§7.4.3), we are provided not only with further grounds for grouping the four as an insular macro-clade but also with useful insights into their internal diachronic relationships. Overall, then, the strongest evidence points to a micro-clustering of SaniAxi at the micro-level, Sani-Axi-Azhe at the meso-level and Sani-AxiAzhe-Azha at the macro-level. The ten key SA tone-system innovations discussed in §7.4.3 are summarized in (7.6), listed in decreasing order of specificity. (7.6)

Shared tone-system innovations in the SA clade Sani-Axi: 1.

TC-2 split of *ʔm initials to mid-level – later shifting to high-level in Sani.

Azhe-Azha: 2.

TC-1 *ʔr and *ʔb initial syllables included in split 7 (see below) with later re-split of *ʔr initials to a higher pitch in Azha.

Sani-Axi-Azhe: 3. 4. 5.

TC-2 *sə- prefixed roots, devoiced *ʔb, and deaspirated *p initials included in split 8 (see below). TC-2 deaspirated *ʔp and devoiced *b initials split to mid-level, later shifting to high-level in Sani. TC-L *sm and *ʔm initial syllables resplit from 10 to mid-level.

Pholo 6.

389

TC-L *Cb initial syllables split to high-level.

Sani-Axi-Azhe-Azha:

TC-1 *ʔp, *ʔm, *s- and *Cb initials split to mid-level, later pushed up to mid-high-level (tense voice /33/) in Sani and pushed up to mid-high-level /44/ on *ʔm, *s- and *Cb initials in Azha. 8. TC-2 *s-, *k-l and de-aspirated *ts initial syllables split to highest pitch. 9. TC-L *k-l initials split to mid-level (tense voice in Sani-Axi-Azhe, now modal voice in Azha). 10. TC-L split of *sr, *sə-, *sm, and *ʔm initial syllables to higher pitches. 7.

Further evidence suggests more tenuous links between Axi-Azhe on one hand and Azhe-Azha on the other hand. These weaker links may be ascribed to historical clade-internal contact. The internal genetic-contact composition of the SA clade is summarized as a working Stammbaum hypothesis in Figure 7.6. PROTO-SA (SANI-AXI-AZHE-AZHA)

Sani

Axi

Azhe

Azha

Figure 7.6. Proposed internal genetic-contact composition of the SA Meso-Clade

7.5. Pholo Of all the languages affiliated with the historical ethnonym ‘Phula’, Pholo is the most enigmatic. In spite of obvious onomastic similarities between the vernacular autonym and the traditional ethnonym, the language lacks

390

Phula and Southeastern Ngwi

virtually all genetic evidence that would qualify it for classification in one of the two macro-clades of Phula Proper; nor does the language seem to qualify as a member of the SA clade. Most perplexing of all, the language is not a strong candidate for a SE Ngwi classification. The most conspicuous piece of evidence is Pholo’s failure to incorporate the lateral-cluster innovation featured at the SE Ngwi level. Table 7.16 illustrates Pholo initial reflexes of proto-cluster classes that conditioned the lateral cluster series in SE Ngwi (see discussion in §7.3.1). Table 7.16. Pholo reflexes of SE Ngwi lateral cluster conditioning environments Proto-Ngwi

Pholo

Gloss

*bya²

bjɯ³³

‘bee’

*blum²

bjɑ⁵³

‘taro’

*plu¹

pʰi³³

‘silver’

*pyu²

pʰjɔ⁵⁵

‘face’

pe̠⁴⁵

‘destroy’

pʰjɑ̠⁴⁵

‘change’

*m-bliŋ¹

ᵐbjɑ³³

‘pus’

*m-bliŋ³

phɑ̠²¹

‘full’

*b-yam¹

bi⁵³

‘fly(v)’

*b-lyap

NC

‘lightning’

*pyiŋ²

pʰjɑ³³

‘release’

*ʔ-glaŋ²

to³³

‘eagle’

*m-gya²

NC

‘stab’

*ʔ-kle²

tʰæ³³

‘excrement’

*ʔ-kun³/²

ʦɯ⁵⁵

‘load(v)’

*pyakH *C-plek

L

L

On one hand *bl/y and *pl/y initials clearly have not conditioned lateral clusters in Pholo. On the other hand, perhaps *glottal-prefixed velars and various *velar cluster reflexes point back to a lateral cluster stage, as may be noted by comparing reflexes in these classes with SE Ngwi reflexes in Table 7.4 (§7.3.1). If SE Ngwi innovated lateral clusters from *velar sources first, after which Pholo split off from the parent language before *labial sources were included in the innovation, this might account for the would-be

Conclusions

391

inconsistency. Otherwise, and more likely, the innovation is simply an instance of drift or parallel change. Certain Pholo tone system innovations seem to suggest a distant Northern Ngwi affiliation (see (7.2) in §7.3.3). Pholo TC-3 reflexes are predominantly low falling /21/, and the language features a partial merger of TC-1 and TC-2 in which *prenasalized *stops have split to mid-level /33/ and *sprefixed initials have split to high-level /55/ in both tone classes. The *checked tone classes have merged to high-rising-glottalized /45/ in Pholo, however, so the language shares only vague resemblances with classic N Ngwi tonal innovations overall. Features possibly shared in common with SE Ngwi include splits in TC1 and TC-2 unrelated to Central Ngwi, and a TC-2 innovation involving the split of *Cs initial syllables and devoiced *stop initial syllables to higher pitches. Other SE Ngwi innovations are missing in Pholo. Whatever the case, Pholo may have constituted an early split from Northern Ngwi that came to be influenced in some ways by Southeastern Ngwi varieties; yet the initial correspondences in Table 7.16 appear to be more like Central or Southern Ngwi. The language may even turn out to belong to a Ngwi-external clade analogous to Burmish. Whatever the case, a clearer understanding of Pholo’s genetic position in the Ngwi Branch awaits future treatments. 7.6. Conclusions In order to establish a broader context for the languages of Phula Proper discussed in Chapter 6, this chapter has demonstrated grounds for asserting strong hypotheses on the genetic features and internal composition of the Southeastern Ngwi sub-branch. The findings validate SE Ngwi as a fourth Ngwi sub-branch following Bradley’s (2002, 2007) proposal. The results also demonstrate ways in which the newly available Phula data enable a genetic reassessment of Sani, Axi, Azhe, Azha, Nisu and Nyisu – all of which appear to be SE Ngwi languages. Azha and Pholo are two languages traditionally affiliated with the Phula ethnonym that do not qualify as members of Phula Proper. Contra an earlier hypothesis presented in Pelkey (2005), research findings confirm that Azha should be considered a member of the SA clade, as was originally claimed in Bradley (1997). Azha’s membership in the clade is peripheral, however, and the language was apparently the first of the four to split. Pholo affiliation is more problematic. The language might well affiliate with Northern Ngwi or Central Ngwi or with no Ngwi branch at all. Whatever the case, the

392

Phula and Southeastern Ngwi

language seems to be missing essential innovations at all known branch and sub-branch levels. The situation of SE-Ngwi within the Ngwi branch is a question I leave to future studies. Following leads from others and based on additional insights from the Phula data, I have suggested in §7.3.3 that the sub-branch may be a sister-node to Northern Ngwi, but this may not be the case; after all, other affinities suggest a sister-node relationship with Central Ngwi. Either way further data and reconstruction are required to demonstrate the presence or absence of such relationships. For the present, at least, the sub-branch may be assumed to be a direct descendant of Proto-Ngwi and we may focus our attention on internal constituency instead.

SOUTHEASTERN NGWI

RIVERINE PHULA

HIGHLAND PHULA

SANI-AXI-AZHE-AZHA NISU

UPRIVER DOWNRIVER MUJI PHOWA

See Figure 6.16

Sani

Axi

Azhe Azha Nisu-N Nisu-S Nyisu

Figure 7.7. Working hypothesis on the genetic composition of Southeastern Ngwi

In the Figure 7.7 Stammbaum diagram, the internal status of SE Ngwi is summarized as a working hypothesis. The dotted line to Nyisu indicates an internal relationship in need of further formal support. Naturally, the genetic composition and shared innovations of Southeastern Ngwi are not closed questions. Based on our current knowledge, the SE Ngwi sub-branch appears to consist of 30 or so languages. Further fieldwork and analysis are expected to add several more members – languages such as Alu, Lawu and other varieties of Nisu, such as the Nisi autonymic groups of Wenshan and

Conclusions

393

Yanshan.36 Insights from these languages can be expected to further enrich our understanding of Southeastern Ngwi. Phula has now been defined synchronically and diachronically – or, more aptly, ecologically and phylogenetically. What remains is an exploration of the ways in which Phula phylogeny (gradient diachronic contingency) reinterprets Phula ecology (ongoing synchronic interdependence). This reassessment will be the focus of the final chapter.

Chapter 8 Conclusion Diachronic Phula in synchronic perspective On the surface, two contradictory aspects of a complex system beckon toward two alternative reductive accounts of the apparent complexity. If we resist the temptation to chose either one or the other, however, if we eschew simple linear causation, we find out that an integrated, interactive, dialectic system in fact explains the complex whole much better. – Talmy Givón (2005: 249) Context as Other Minds

8.1. Review In this work I have sought to operationalize the Phula languages, past and present, through pragmatist hermeneutics and applied dialectics – dynamic syntheses of quality and quantity, synchrony and diachrony, geography and society. Rather than seeking simply to trace a deductive footpath of linear argument or present an inductive menagerie of interesting facts, my central conclusions are established through abductive1 processes of reflexive reasoning such that syllogistic logic and empirical observation are conscripted in the service of intuitive inference for the testing and refining of interdependent hypotheses. Applied to dialectology, this process of reasoning enables (and in this case requires) the simultaneous, or co-requisite, definition of modern languages varieties and their historical antecedents. In order to define the ancestor languages that underlie the current linguistic diversity, we need to identify the synchronic languages themselves; but in order to understand the synchronic progeny, we need to identify the relationships between the ancestor languages that gave rise to them. If we ignore such paradoxes or, responding to various dualist presuppositions, seek to force the various interlocutors out of dialogue and into submission, we deny the true, ontogenetic nature of human languages, which consist of past contingencies and present realities alike. A thoroughgoing approach to language operationalization, then, would not assume the superiority of one type of analysis over the other (i.e., timebased historical reconstruction vs. variation-based typological description); rather, a well-rounded approach would ensure dynamic syntheses between the two. Instead of cancelling each other out, competing perspectives may

Review

395

be called upon to inform and correct each other in something of a processual dialectic. To engage in an interpretive synthesis of synchronic and diachronic analysis for the sake of language definition is to insist that insights from each approach be called on to adjust, validate and interpret insights from the other. I would like to suggest that the structure of the resulting argument is chiastic, or organic, rather than linear or even spiral (as dialectic arguments are generally characterized). Under this model, rather than functioning as the conclusion to a syllogism, the insights of the final chapter function as an antimetabole, or antithesis, to the first – pointing back through the entire argument of the book in reverse perspective. While the first chapter looked at ‘synchronic’ Folk Phula through ‘diachronic’ lens, this final chapter looks at ‘diachronic’ Phula Proper through ‘synchronic’ lens. This reflexive review is accomplished through a sociolinguistic consolidation of the key Phula genetic clades, an overview of key research findings, and a sampling of possible questions for future research and analysis. First, I review the process of chiastic-dialectic reasoning underlying my proposed definition of the Phula languages and reassess the distinction between Folk Phula and Phula Proper that serves as a negation and refinement of the hypothesis presented in (1.1). 8.1.1.

Phula language definition as chiastic dialectic

Chapter 1 looked through the lens of ‘synchronic’ sociolinguistics, with an emphasis on traditional and official classifications, to sketch out the sociohistorical context in question. This final chapter reverses that perspective by looking through the lens of historical dialectology to gain a more diachronically informed understanding of the synchronic situation introduced in Chapter 1. In terms of dialectics, the first chapter contained a thesis on language ecology, this final chapter contains its antithesis in terms of language phylogeny and the six middle chapters provide an ontogenetic synthesis of the opposing extremes. In other words, although context and contact (ecology) may seem to be in competition with ancestry and inheritance (phylogeny), both are incessantly operative – in both the past and the present – and both are needful for the task of operationalization: both are needful for interpreting specific, continuous instances of individual growth in space and time (ontogeny). Thus, the opposing viewpoints of the first and last chapters along with the central six chapters of integration form a living argument that is structured organically, as a complex chiasm, rather than linearly, as a normative

396

Conclusion

narrative or static syllogism. In this way, we are not only able to incorporate both synchronic and diachronic perspectives, we are also able to conscript them in the service of each other. The overall structure of the argument is summarized in Figure 8.1 which illustrates some basic ways in which each chapter mirrors the thematic content of its opposite (cf. Figure 1.4, §1.5). A (§1) Synchronic Phula in diachronic perspective: Preview

D (§4) Synchronic application to future: Vitality

B' (§7) Diachronic research context: Consanguinity

Phylogeny

C' (§6) Diachronic language definitions: Heredity

Antithesis

D' (§5) Diachronic application to present: Phonology

Synthesis: Ontogeny

Thesis

C (§3) Synchronic language definitions: Variety

Ecology

B (§2) Synchronic research context: Theory

A' (§8) Diachronic Phula in synchronic perspective: Review Figure 8.1. Chiastic structure of the underlying dialectic argument

The chiastic argument structure is not simply rhetorical but also logical and interdependent – in the full, hermeneutic sense of Peircean relational logic, taking cues from semiotic and hermeneutic approaches to scientific discovery. As mentioned in the Preface (cf. introduction to this chapter, and §1.1.1), this approach affirms the necessity of abductive inference, deductive assumption, and inductive testing as irreducibly interdependent, resulting in the ongoing revision, or growth, of scientific understanding. Induction on its own yields positivism and behaviorism. Deduction left to its own devices generates data to match its theory (and ignores the data that do not match). Underlying induction and deduction, however, the scientist has at her disposal a more basic mode of reasoning: one described by Peirce as “the process of forming an explanatory hypothesis” ([1903] 1998: 216). Although we cannot account for the abductive ability itself, Peirce argues that without it we would be unable to interpret phenomena at all; furthermore, he argues, “every single item of scientific theory which stands established today has been due to abduction” (1998: 217). Regarding the interdependent nature of the chiastic-dialectic macrostructure, the first half of the book is primarily focused on what have traditionally been treated as ‘synchronic’ issues, and the latter half of the

Review

397

book is primarily focused on ‘diachronic’ issues; nevertheless, each half depends on insights from the other for full interpretation, and the ecologyphylogeny dialectic is always in conversation. In the initial progression of the argument, diachronic definitions are necessarily based on synchronic realities (e.g., data collected from speakers of living languages), but in the reverse ascension of the argument, diachronic definitions reinterpret the original synchronic assumptions (e.g., that the Phula languages form a single exclusive diachronic clade linguistically). In a chiastic argument, a key theme is usually repeated in the middle of the chiasm. In this case, the key repeated theme is that Phula dialectology has practical functions from both synchronic and diachronic perspectives. Thus, two practical applications rest at the heart of the argument: phonology definition and vitality assessment (Chapters 4 and 5). Chapter 4 makes use of the synchronic language definitions established in Chapter 3 to discover the degree to which the Phula languages are in danger of disappearing. Chapter 5 makes use of the cladistic definitions established in Chapter 6 to present representative Phula phonologies. Both of these applications serve to illustrate practical results of Phula dialectology. The overarching hypothesis behind this research project was presented in §1.1 under (1.1). The Phula hypothesis is restated in (8.1): (8.1)

The Phula hypothesis: All synchronic languages traditionally affiliated with the Phula ethnonym also belong to a single exclusive diachronic clade linguistically.

As discussed in §1.1.1, this hypothesis was required to be falsifiable in order to qualify as a scientifically valid prediction. This meant that two primary courses of investigation were required: 1) identification of synchronic language varieties putatively affiliated with the Phula ethnonym and 2) identification of unique shared innovations between these languages at successively higher levels. Both courses of investigation proved to require numerous levels of interdependent fieldwork and analysis. Chapters 3 (operationalization of synchronic antecedent) and 6 (operationalization of diachronic consequent) present the core arguments for validating the Phula hypothesis as a falsifiable prediction. These two chapters, in turn, are logically dependent on the groundwork laid out in Chapters 2 and 7 respectively. All four of these chapters (2, 3, 6, 7) are required to prove the Phula hypothesis false: “Not all synchronic language varieties traditionally affiliated with the Phula ethnonym also belong to a single exclusive phylogenetic clade

398

Conclusion

linguistically.” This falsification satisfies Popper’s requirements for a substantial advance in scientific knowledge. Thanks to perspectives and analysis presented in Chapters 2, 3, 6 and 7, we are now able to pose a refinement or reevaluation of the Phula hypothesis. This refinement elevates the original hypothesis from the status of unsupported conjecture with unfalsifiable premises to the status of a more complex, operationalized hypothesis featuring falsifiable premises. This reevaluation is stated in (8.2): (8.2)

The Phula ‘theorem’ 24 synchronic languages are affiliated with the traditional Phula ethnonym, and 22 of these languages belong to two exclusive diachronic clades linguistically.

Since the argument structure of this work is chiastic rather than syllogistic, the falsification of the Phula hypothesis results in a complex antithesis instead of a simple negation. Beyond the fact that the Phula ‘theorem’ presented in (8.2) contains a partial affirmation of the original thesis, this final chapter is also able to unpack the implications of the Phula theorem in more detail by looking back to the beginning of the book through the conclusions of the intervening chapters of synthesis. 8.1.2.

Folk Phula and Phula Proper

Another key question this work has asked is the following: what distinction, if any, can be drawn between Folk Phula and Phula Proper? The hypothesis presented in (1.1) predicted that Folk Phula would coincide exactly with Phula Proper. This hypothesis was disproved in Chapters 6 and 7. Azha and Pholo may be categorized under the title ‘Phula’ only in terms of ecological folk-linguistics – not in terms of phylogenetic comparative linguistics. Phula Proper, on the other hand, is composed of languages that affiliate under the Phula title both in terms of folk linguistics and comparative linguistics. For the sake of clarity, the title ‘Folk Phula’ will be used in the remainder of the chapter to refer to Azha and Pholo exclusively. Excluding Azha and Pholo, Phula Proper consists of two exclusive macro-clades, four meso-clades and 22 known synchronic languages. The two macro-clades I have labeled ‘Riverine Phula’ and ‘Highland Phula’. As defined in Chapter 6, the former is composed of distinct Upriver and Downriver meso-clades and the latter is composed of two further meso-clades, Muji and Phowa.

Review

399

In order to complete the organic cycle of the Phula chiastic dialectic, I swing the focus of this final chapter back to the beginning of the book, thereby both validating and reinterpreting the preceding content. This may be done by examining each of the major diachronic clades of Phula Proper in light of their synchronic sociolinguistic composition: i.e., distribution, demographics and folk dialectology – three key considerations of the first chapter. This diachronic-to-synchronic review will be broken down into three sections for the sake of discussion: the Riverine macro-clade (§8.2), the Muji meso-clade (§8.3) and the Phowa meso-clade (§8.4). Since Highland Phula is so diversified, it will be subdivided into meso-clades for the sake of clarity. Speakers of the 15 Highland Phula languages are currently distributed through 13 counties in two prefectures of southeastern Yunnan. These groups inhabit some 816 villages – 279 of which are known to be mixed with other ethnic groups. I estimate these villages to contain some 174,000 speakers, out of an ethnic population of 235,000. Roughly three-fourths of the ethnic population, in other words, still speak some version of the ancestor language. A more detailed breakdown of Highland Phula in synchronic perspective is presented in §8.3 and §8.4. Speakers of the seven Riverine Phula languages are currently distributed through seven counties in two prefectures of southern Yunnan. These speakers inhabit some 133 villages – only four of which are known to be substantially mixed with other ethnic groups. I estimate the total Riverine speaking population to stand at 39,000 out of an ethnic population of – 43,000–44,000. §8.2 provides further discussion of the details of Riverine Phula in synchronic perspective. Map 8.1 presents a spatial distribution overview of the macro-clades and meso-clades of Phula Proper as distinct from Folk Phula. In each case (as is also the case for Maps 8.3, 8.5 and 8.7), an attempt is made to show the overlap between embedded historical relationships and synchronic geographic distribution by drawing connecting lines that are uncrossed and uninterrupted. Thus, the Thopho arm of the Muji meso-clade encompasses extra ‘territory’ in the representation simply to avoid crossing the Pholo enclosure. The map provides a geographic illustration of ways in which proximity cannot be equated with phylogeny and also illustrates the problematic nature of migration, language contact and genetic inheritance.

Muji Clade

Downriver Clade

Azha

FOLK PHULA

Phowa Clade

Map 8.1. Spatial distribution of Phula Proper and Folk Phula delineated by major genetic clade

Upriver Clade

RIVERINE PHULA | HIGHLAND PHULA

PHULA PROPER

Pholo

400 Conclusion

The Riverine Phula Macro-clade in synchronic perspective

401

8.2. The Riverine Phula Macro-clade in synchronic perspective The seven synchronic languages of Riverine Phula are defined in Chapter 3 and linked genetically in Chapter 6. Essentially, the Riverine macro-clade is comprised of two meso-clades both of which are currently distributed near the banks of the Honghe River’s middle waters – one located upriver, primarily in Yuanjiang, Shiping and Honghe Counties, and the other located downriver, primarily in Gejiu, Yuanyang and Mengzi Counties. The Downriver meso-clade is composed of two micro-clades: Phupha-Alugu and Phuza-Phupa. The Riverine macro-clade is a sister node to the Highland Phula macro-clade, both of which are daughter nodes of Southeastern Ngwi. In Chapters 3 and 4 the Riverine Phula languages were examined in the context of their geographic distribution relative to other Phula languages. Compiling insights from Chapters 3, 4 and 6, diachronic Riverine Phula is provided with a synchronic summary in this section. This summary defines the clade in terms of demographics, distribution and perceptual dialectology. 8.2.1.

Riverine Phula demographics and distribution

The seven Riverine Phula languages are distributed through seven counties of two prefectures. Table 8.1 presents a combined summary of Riverine Phula population and distribution estimates based on information presented in Chapters 3, 4 and 6. Ratios in the ‘Villages’ section of this and the following tables (including Tables 8.3 and 8.4) are listed as a ratio, with the total count listed first followed by the number of ethnically mixed villages known to be included in the total (e.g. 17/6 = 17 total villages, including six villages mixed with other ethnic groups). Riverine Phula currently features far fewer mixed villages overall than Highland Phula (compare Table 8.1 with Tables 8.3 and 8.4). The general geographic distribution of Riverine Phula is presented in Map 8.2 with ethnic distribution polygons drawn according to principles outlined in §2.5.3. See Maps 3.1 and 3.2 for proposed language boundaries. Generally speaking, the two principal geographic regions are separated by a 30 km stretch of the Honghe River bordering northern Yuanyang and southern Jianshui counties. These two geographic regions correspond with the two diachronic meso-clades – one upriver and the other downriver. The path of historical migration and clade-internal contact for the Riverine Phula has clearly moved along the middle waters of the Honghe River. In all likelihood (see discussion in §1.2.3), the upriver settlement was established first, but, as Alugu illustrates best (see §1.2.3.2, §3.6.2), clade-internal contact

402

Conclusion

has moved both upriver and downriver through the centuries. This stretch of river is also known locally as the ‘Yuanjiang’ and was historically referred to as ‘Pu Shui’, or ‘Pu Water/River’ after the Phula peoples who were apparently among the earliest and/or most populous groups to migrate to the area (see further discussion in §1.2.3.1, HHYC 2002: 53, 83, WSZZ 2000: 388, Pelkey 2005). Table 8.1. Riverine population and village distribution estimates by language and county UPRIVER

Population

Totals

1500 2000

1500 3500 1300 3500 87% 100%

8000 6000 75%

4000 ~43500 3000 ~39000 75% 90% Phupa

Totals

6/0 22/0

1/0 5/0 7/0

29/0 21/3 23/0 1/0 8/0 22/1 29/0

28 0 0%

13 0 0%

133 4 3%

Phuza

Alugu

Phupha

Villages

Phupa 500 1500 2000

Phuza

Alugu

Phupha 500 1000

Alo

42 3 7%

Phala

Totals Mix Mix%

28/0 9/3 5/0

3000 5000

9500 8000 8000 500 3000 7500 7000

500 6000 6000 500 500

13000 13000 500 13000 12000 500 100% 92% 100%

Phola

Yuanjiang Shiping Honghe Jianshui Yuanyang Gejiu Mengzi

Alo

Total Speakers Speaker%

9000 2000 2000

Phala

Phola

Yuanjiang Shiping Honghe Jianshui Yuanyang Gejiu Mengzi

DOWNRIVER

1/0 12/0 18/0 1/0 2/0

33 0 0%

1 0 0%

1/0 4/0

4/0 7/1

5 0 0%

11 1 9%

The Riverine Phula Macro-clade in synchronic perspective

403

Shiping Kaiyuan

Yuanjiang Jianshui

ALO PHOLA

Mengzi Gejiu PHALA

Honghe

PHUPHA

Yuanyang

PHUZA

ALUGU PHUPA

Luchun Jinping

0 5 10 15 20 km

Map 8.2. Current distribution of Riverine Phula

8.2.1.1. Upriver demographics and distribution The Upriver clade of Riverine Phula is composed of just over 25,000 speakers with an estimated ethnic population of some 1,000 members more. Speakers of the languages in the Upriver clade are reported to inhabit 76 villages in five counties – most situated near the banks of the Honghe and Xiaohedi rivers. The confluence of the Honghe and the Xiaohedi also marks the western boundary between Phola and Phala – the two major synchronic languages of this genetic clade (see Map 3.2 and Map 8.3).

404

Conclusion

As may be noted in Table 8.1, most Upriver Phula speakers live in Yuanjiang, Shiping and Honghe counties. The handful of scattered villages outside these counties are located in Jianshui and Yuanyang. As can be noted in Maps 8.2 and 8.3, several villages are also scattered to the north of the primary Phola distribution. Little is known about the dialect distinctions and levels of ethnolinguistic vitality in these more distantly scattered villages of Phola and Phala. 8.2.1.2. Downriver demographics and distribution I estimate the Downriver clade of Riverine Phula to be composed of just under 14,000 speakers with an ethnic population of roughly 20% more nonspeakers. As can be noted in Table 8.1, far more non-speakers are reported in the Downriver Phula populations than in the Upriver Phula populations (see details in §4.9–§4.12). As Table 8.1 and Map 8.3 illustrate, all four languages of Downriver Phula have representatives in southern Gejiu County (see Map 3.4, Map 8.2 and Map 8.3). The only other two counties with known Downriver Phula populations are southern Mengzi and northern Yuanyang. These languages are reportedly spoken in 57 villages total, only one of which, Mayutian of Baohe Township, Gejiu County, is said to be mixed with families of separate ethnic groups (see §3.5.2, Alugu-CTL). As discussed at length in Chapter 3, ethnic identity, dialect intelligibility and language contact dynamics for three of the four Downriver Phula languages blend with speakers of languages defined in Chapter 6 as belonging to the Muji clade (see Maps 3.4, 8.4 and 8.5). The only exception is Phupha, which is located upriver from the Muji clade distribution. As discussed in §4.11, Phupha is in much more frequent contact with Nisu and has little or no contact with speakers of Muji languages. Phuza is by far the largest of the four groups and is situated at the center of the Downriver Phula distribution geographically. Phuza also seems to be the most conservative in terms of initial consonant contrasts (see §5.4). 8.2.2.

Riverine Phula perceptual dialectology

Speakers interviewed from each of two meso-clades of Riverine Phula did not claim to be aware of the existence of speakers in the other meso-clade. Speakers of Downriver Phula languages do not seem to be aware of Upriver speakers and vice-versa.

The Riverine Phula Macro-clade in synchronic perspective

?

Shiping Kaiyuan

PHOLA Jianshui

Yuanjiang ALO

405

NTC LDC

UPRIVER PHULA

PHALA

ADP

Gejiu

FNS BSC

Honghe

Yuanyang

FKC

Mengzi

PHUPHA

Shizitou Bolazhai

BJB PHUZA

CTL

ALUGU Luchun

GMD

DOWNRIVER PHULA PHUPA

Jiangnanbo

Jinping Key

County Seat Data Point Phula village Mixed Phula village Language Dialect

0

5 10 15 20 km

Map 8.3. Perceptual dialect affiliation by village and subgroup for Riverine Phula

This lack of awareness is likely due to a long historical separation between the two which has also resulted in the development of distinctive innovations (see §6.6). Although the two meso-clades are daughters of the same mother node, they have not remained in frequent contact with each other in recent history. Map 8.3 compiles the perceptual dialectology information summarized in §3.5.1 and §3.5.2 with other synchronic dialectological insights throughout Chapters 3 and 4 and synthesizes this synchronic information with genetic distinctions drawn up in §6.6. The resulting pattern is a preliminary visualization of village-by-village dialect affiliation among the seven languages of Riverine Phula incorporating both synchronic and diachronic distinctions.

406

Conclusion

The two southernmost villages of the Upriver Phula distribution situated in Yuanyang County are particularly in need of further research. These two villages, Bolazhai of Ezha Township and Shitouzhai of Nansha Township are generally claimed to affiliate with Phala and are not claimed by any of the Downriver Phula varieties to my knowledge. Actual affiliation for these two villages is less certain since the varieties are so distantly separated from the rest of Upriver Phula. 8.2.2.1. Upriver perceptual dialectology As Map 8.3 illustrates, the three languages of Upriver Phula are likely composed of 10–15 dialects. As discussed in §3.5.1, some LDC villagers claim that Phola speakers in each Phola village of their region speak a distinct dialect, but such fine degrees of difference are perhaps better deemed ‘vernaculars’ or ‘accents’, since this claim was not made by speakers interviewed in the other two Phola data points (NTC and ADP). On the other hand, Phola does feature numerous dialects for its size and distribution; this is confirmed by perceptual and empirical data alike between the three Phola data points. Subdialects are also reported within the ADP variety of Phola as marked in Map 8.3. Dialect distinctions between the northernmost scattered Phola villages are less certain and in need of further research. By contrast, Phala speakers report much less internal dialect diversity and insist on high levels of intelligibility even between a relatively distant Phala village downriver in southwestern Jianshui County. The two Phala villages plotted in Yuanyang County in Map 8.3 are likely to be distinct dialects due to distance and lack of contact, but further research is needed to confirm this. 8.2.2.2. Downriver perceptual dialectology The four languages of Downriver Phula each feature at least two or three dialects as illustrated in Map 8.3, and three of the four languages have constituent dialects spoken in villages on both sides of the Honghe. Of the four languages, Phuza speakers claim the most internal dialect diversity. Phuza speakers in the nine villages of the ‘Dabaqi’ dialect (the westernmost dialect of Phuza listed in Map 8.3), situated to the west of the BJB (Bujibai) datapoint, are reported to be the most ethnolinguistically vital of the Phuza dialects (see §4.12 and Map 4.3). Overall, Phupa is the most threatened of the four Downriver Phula languages and Alugu is the most vital.

The Muji meso-clade in synchronic perspective

407

The five Phula villages plotted in south-central Gejiu County (Mayutian, Baiwushan, Baizhimu, Muqide, and Shewomi) are particularly in need of further research. The Phula varieties spoken in Shewomi and Mayutian, the southernmost of the five villages, are claimed by both Phupha and Alugu. As discussed in §3.5.2, Phupha locals from the FKC datapoint (Gejiu County, Jiasha Township, Fengkou) claim very low intelligibility between their dialect – including their Fengkou vernacular and a slightly different subdialect or vernacular spoken in a village also named ‘Fengkou’ across the Honghe in Shangxincheng Township of Yuanyang County – and the dialect spoken in the five Phupha villages to the east in Baohe Township. Alugu speakers, by contrast, claim high intelligibility with the varieties spoken in Shewomi and Mayutian, so I consider these two villages to affiliate with Alugu instead of Phupha. The three villages to the north of Shewomi and Mayutian may turn out to constitute a highly distinctive lect related to Alugu and Phupha. In spite of the confusing status of these five villages, the fact that two of them are claimed by both Alugu and Phupha accords with the genetic micro-clustering of the two languages in §6.6. The village Jiangnanbo, plotted in the far northeastern corner of Yuanyang County in Map 8.3 (Fengchunling Township), may turn out to affiliate with Phuza instead of Phupa (see further discussion in §3.5.2, Phupa GMD). 8.3. The Muji meso-clade in synchronic perspective As discussed in §6.3, nine of the languages defined in Chapter 3 affiliate under a distinct genetic meso-clade. The most prototypical languages in this clade affiliate under the autonym Muji. This clade is a sister node to the Phowa meso-clade, both of which are daughter nodes of Highland Phula. Of the nine Muji-clade languages, six form the heart of the clade in terms of shared innovations (see §6.3.3). These six I refer to as ‘Core Muji’. Drawing on information from Chapters 3 and 4, the diachronic Muji subgrouping is provided with a synchronic summary in this section, with a focus on Core Muji, in order to define the clade in demographics, distribution and perceptual dialectology. 8.3.1.

Current demographics and distribution of the Muji meso-clade

In an attempt to provide a unified summary of the nine languages comprising the Muji clade, this section synthesizes the clade in terms of estimated

408

Conclusion

ethnic population, speaker population, geographic distribution and village totals. The Muji-clade definitions in §6.3 are based on data elicited from 13 varieties – twelve from my personal fieldwork and one from Edmondson’s research on Laghuu in northern Vietnam. Although there has been some discussion regarding Laghuu’s proper genetic home (see Edmondson 2003: 313–14, Pelkey 2005: 66–68), the §6.3 analysis, building on Pelkey (2006), conclusively situates the language in the Muji clade genetically. The general geographic distribution of the Muji-clade languages is presented in Map 8.4 with ethnic distribution polygons drawn according to principles outlined in §2.5.3. See Maps 3.4 and 3.6 and 3.7 for proposed language boundaries. THOPHO

Guangnan Yanshan

Kaiyuan Shiping Wenshan Mengzi Gejiu Core Muji area: detailed in Map 8.5 MUZI

NORTHERN MUJI

Xichou MOJI

Yuanyang

PHUMA

Malipo Maguan SOUTHERN MUJI

Jinping

BOKHA

Hekou

QILA MUJI

HAGIANG LAGHUU

LAICHAU

Map 8.4. Current distribution of the Muji Clade

LAOGAI YENBAI

1500

7000

2000

29%

Totals

Speakers

Speaker%

33%

500

1500

500

VIETNAM

Xichou

Guangnan

Wenshan

Mengzi

500

40%

200

500

100%

8000

8000

83%

10000

12000

100%

1500

1500

500

60%

9000

15000

11000

93%

26000

28000

1000

1000

9000

Pingbian

3500

Muji-S

1500 4000

Muji-N

Hekou

1000

Muji-Q

22000

Bokha

1500

8000

Phuma

Jinping

6500

Thopho

500

Laghuu

Gejiu

Yuanyang

Moji

Table 8.2. Muji-clade population estimates by language and county

63%

10000

16000

2000

14000

Muzi

75%

67200

89500

3000

500

500

6500

14000

21000

1500

24500

14500

3500

Totals

The Muji meso-clade in synchronic perspective 409

410

Conclusion

A Ngwi variety spoken in Musang village, Dapingcun Community, Dayang Township of Funing County (བྷཞґབྷකᶁငՊᵘẁᶁ) in far eastern Wenshan Prefecture is reported to use the autonym [mu²¹nʥi²¹] (YNSZ 1998:59, YNYF 1984:iii). Wang (2003b: 133–135) provides a condensed phonological summary of this variety but refers to it simply as ‘Black Luo’ 唁ٞ. Neither Wang’s (2003b) summary nor the data transcribed in YNYF (1984) show evidence of this variety patterning like a member of the Muji clade phylogenetically, however. As is detailed in Tables 8.2 and 8.3, speakers of the nine Muji clade languages are known to be distributed through 35 townships of nine counties in two prefectures of southeastern Yunnan (see Map 6.1). In northern Vietnam Muji speakers are likely located in eight townships of four provinces. Muji clade speakers inhabit some 320 villages in Yunnan and Vietnam combined, and more than 300 of these villages are located in Yunnan.2 Table 8.3. Muji-clade village distribution estimates by language and county 3

61 12

55 5

Villages

Mix%

2 0

Mix

100 12

Total

36 5

Vietnam

7 2

Xichou

2/0 8/1 2/? 21/3 23/3

Guangnan

7/0 4/0 17/6 44/5

Wenshan

Mengzi

35/5 7/2 1/0 90/11

Pingbian

Hekou

Jinping

Total Mix

Gejiu

Yuanyang Muzi Muji-S Muji-N Muji-Q Bokha Phuma Thopho Laghuu Moji

42 5 12% 2/? 104 13 13% 61 11 18% 1/? 3 0 0% 31 4 13% 23 3 13% 2/1 2 1 50% ~7/? 7 ? ?% 44/44 1/0 45 44 98% 44 44

2 1

1 0

10 318 ? 81 25%

Though Muji seems to have originated in what is now Mengzi County (see related discussion in §1.2.3.1 and §3.2.2), more Muji speakers now live within the borders of Jinping, Pingbian, and Gejiu Counties. Table 8.3 provides a breakdown of Muji village distribution by county and language; Table 8.2 provides summarizes ethnic population and speaker population by language for the Muji clade. Table 8.3 also summarizes reports of villages

The Muji meso-clade in synchronic perspective

411

featuring mixed ethnicity (i.e., entire families of differing ethnicity residing locally vs. a handful of spouses from other ethnic groups). Most mixed Muji villages are inhabited by Muji and Han Chinese, but a number of the mixed villages in Jinping County are mixed with Hani instead. Five of the six mixed villages in Kafang Township of Gejiu County are reportedly mixed with Nisu, and the single mixed Bokha village in Jinping is reportedly a 50/50 mix with a distinct dialect of Southern Muji – referred to as ʦʰɿ³³bɯ²¹ by the speakers of the local Bokha dialect (see discussion of Table 3.2 in §3.2.2). In terms of declining speaker population, Wenshan contains the least linguistically vital distribution of all Muji regions – a fact that is partially attributable to pervasive ethnic mingling, as can be noted in the corresponding mixed-village column in Table 8.2. In terms of sheer proportion, Jinping County can be described as the most vital Muji linguistic region overall. 8.3.2. Muji meso-clade perceptual dialectology by synchronic language As is apparent in Map 8.4 and Table 8.2, Muji’s numbers and varieties are most thickly concentrated in Jinping, Pingbian, Gejiu and Mengzi Counties. Substantial diversity has developed clade-internally over the past several centuries of migration and isolation – especially for geographically marginal varieties (see details in §1.2.3, Chapter 3, §6.2.2, §6.3 and elsewhere). Core Muji is composed of Southern Muji, Northern Muji, Qila Muji, Muzi, Bokha and Phuma. As discussed in §6.3, these six languages evidence many more unique shared innovations with each other than they do with Laghuu, Thopho and Moji – the other three languages of the Muji clade. These facts square with the geographic distribution scenario illustrated in Map 8.4 which delineates the Core Muji area in contrast to the rest of the clade. As would be expected, each of the nine Muji languages also has its own sub-varieties. Map 8.5 proposes a working summary of the synchronic Muji dialect situation. This map is primarily based on perceptual dialectology insights elicited from local speakers (detailed in Chapter 3), but these insights are also synthesized with language data, intelligibility testing results and other observations. For greater clarity of detail, the map focuses on the Core Muji area (excluding Moji, Thopho and Laghuu, along with a Vietnam dialect of Qila Muji). As with the Riverine map (Map 8.3) above, Map 8.5 provides a way of visualizing synchronic village-level dialect affiliation by plotting the location of each known Muji village and grouping affiliated villages together

412

Conclusion

using concentric circles to represent language-internal dialects and subdialects. Half-sized dots represent villages mixed with other ethnic groups (see Table 8.3).

3A

MUZI

3B

3C

NGZ

Yuanyang

2

3E

3

3D

2A

MOJI

2B

8

2C

XPC

1a2

4A

PJZ

BOKHA

1

SOUTHERN MUJI 1c1

Jinping

SZT

4a2

4B ?

5A

YZT

Pingbian

4C 1B

5

4a1

1A 1C

PHUMA 5B

YBZ

4

1a1 1c

9

NORTHERN MUJI

MLT

2

THOPHO

Mengzi

Gejiu

Hekou

DXB 3

1a MUJI, QILA

6

6A

QLC

County Seat Data Point Phula village Mixed Phula village Language Dialect

LAO CAI LAI CHAU LAGHUU

7

Map 8.5. Perceptual dialect affiliation by village for Core Muji

Of particular interest are certain unexpected patterns that emerge – especially along the Honghe convergence zone with Bokha and Southern Muji each spanning the natural divide with ease of intelligibility intact both in perceptual terms and in terms of preliminary intelligibility testing. This anomaly can be attributed to market town interaction along the Honghe river basin in the case of Southern Muji dialect 1a 2 and 1a1. The ease of intelligibility maintained between Bokha dialects 4C and 4A, however (at least known to be highly intelligible from 4A to 4C), is less clear in anecdotal

The Phowa meso-clade in synchronic perspective

413

terms since the two are apparently not in frequent contact. Speakers interviewed from both dialects had little knowledge of the cross-river Bokha/Bokho speaking distribution. The fact that Muji-Qila language affinity remains strong between two widely separated villages is another feature which would not have been guessed by geographic proximity alone. As discussed in §4.4, Southern Muji dialect 1B is highly endangered. The proximity of these villages to the Jinping County Seat is a relevant factor influencing language shift. As discussed in various sections of Chapter 3, Southern Muji dialect 1C (which uses a variant pronunciation, Muzi, for its autonym) is reported to share only unidirectional/marginal intelligibility with dialect 1A. This and other factors hint that the variety may qualify for separate language status – hence the dotted line in Map 8.5. Many villages of Muzi dialect 3D are mixed with Nisu, but unmixed villages are reportedly vital. Muzi dialects 3A and 3B are highly endangered (see §4.6), however, as is Northern Muji dialect 2B (discussed in §4.5). 8.4. The Phowa meso-clade in synchronic perspective The combined distribution polygons for the Phowa clade are compiled and isolated in Map 8.6. Refer to Maps 3.5 and 3.6 for proposed language boundaries and locations of neighboring Phula languages. As demonstrated in §6.4 (see §6.3 and §6.5), six of the 24 Phula-affiliated languages defined in Chapter 3 affiliate under a distinct genetic subgrouping which I have dubbed the ‘Phowa’ clade – a daughter node of the macro-clade ‘Highland Phula’ and a sister node to the ‘Muji’ meso-clade. The most prototypical languages in the Phowa clade affiliate under the autonym ‘Pho’ or ‘Phowa’, though all use more specific endoautonyms: Ani, Labo, Hlepho, Khlula, Zokhuo and Phukha. Of the six languages in the clade, Hlepho features the most substantial internal dialect diversity and also serves as a diachronic hinge for the other five (see discussion in §6.4, esp. §6.4.3). Compiling fragmented synchronic facts scattered through Chapters 3 and 4, this section attempts to provide working definitions for the diachronic Phowa subgrouping in terms of demographics, distribution and perceptual dialectology. 8.4.1.

Current demographics and distribution of the Phowa meso-clade

The Phowa clade data considered in this work was gathered from 15 language varieties: 13 from my personal field work (see the Phowa, Khlula and

414

Conclusion

Zokhuo varieties listed in Table 1.1 in §1.3.3, including checked and revised data from Pelkey 2004) and two from other sources: Phukha-LPC, from Edmondson (2002, 2003) and Fried (2000), and Phowa-HLT, a variety of Labo from Wang (2004). Area detailed in Map 8.7 LABO PHOWA

Yanshan

Kaiyuan Wenshan

ANI PHOWA

ZOKHUO HLEPHO PHOWA

Xichou Mengzi

KHLULA

Pingbian

Malipo

Maguan

Jinping

Hekou PHUKHA

HAGIANG

LAICHAU

LAOGAI

YENBAI Map 8.6. Current distribution of the Phowa Meso-clade

The Phowa meso-clade in synchronic perspective

415

As discussed in Chapter 3, Hlepho is primarily represented by FZK, Ani by DHN, Labo by JJC, Khlula by LZC, Zokhuo by DXZ, and Phukha by LPC. Table 8.4. Phowa-clade population and village distribution by language and county

Villages

Population

Ani Mengzi Kaiyuan Pingbian Wenshan Yanshan Maguan Malipo Hekou VIETNAM Total Speakers Speaker% Mengzi Kaiyuan Pingbian Wenshan Yanshan Maguan Malipo Hekou VIETNAM Totals Mixed Mixed%

7000 3000

Labo 21000

Hlepho

Phukha

13000 11000 4000 13000 9000

10000 10000 100%

21000 17000 81%

50000 36000 72%

Ani

Labo

Hlepho

Phukha

22/02 8/02

70/03

70 3 4%

42/07 28/07 15/00 76/63 26/09

187 86 46%

17000 13000 76%

Khlula Zokhuo

Totals

7000 10000

25000 500 34000 21000 62%

45/30 14/04 4/01 2/00 ~21/?? 41 5 12%

Totals 20000 35000 4000 28500 19000 30000 1000 1500 7000 146000 107000 73%

8500 5000 1000 1000 7000 14000 10000 71%

30 4 13%

Khlula Zokhuo

21/05 35/32

67/32 2/01 114 63 55%

56 37 66%

64/09 106/12 15/00 142/98 61/41 81/36 4/01 4/01 ~21/?? 498 198 40%

Speakers of the Phowa-clade languages inhabit some 500 villages in China and Vietnam. These villages are distributed through 42 townships, eight counties and two prefectures on the China side and are also located in two provinces of northern Vietnam. The clade is composed of an estimated 107,000 speakers out of an ethnic population of 146,000. Nearly 30% of the ethnic population no longer speak their ethnic Phowa language – an

416

Conclusion

estimated percentage of non-speakers slightly higher than the non-speaker proportion in the Muji clade. As can be noted in Table 8.4, most non-speakers are ethnically affiliated with Hlepho and Khlula. Hlepho dialects are most endangered in Wenshan County, and Khlula dialects are most endangered in Maguan County as detailed in Chapter 4. Note also that this reality directly overlaps with the areas in which villages are most mixed with other ethnic groups. Refer to §4.14–§4.16 and §4.18–§4.19 for further discussion of the various degrees of language endangerment within the Phowa clade. Hlepho contains 43% of the mixed villages in the Phowa clade followed by Khlula at 32% and Zokhuo at 19%. Most ethnically mixed Zokhuo villages are located in southwestern Yanshan County. The Zokhuo villages in southeastern Wenshan County are relatively homogeneous. Very few Labo and Ani villages are mixed with other ethnic groups. Phukha village counts are more tentative than the rest, and ethnically mixed village counts are unavailable for Phukha. Due to the gradient dialect continuum between the southeastern boundary of Labo and the northwestern boundary of Hlepho (see discussion throughout Chapter 3 and in §6.4.3; also illustrated in Maps 3.5 and 8.7), population estimates for the two necessarily overlap more than the Table 8.4 estimates imply – especially in Beige Township of southeastern Kaiyuan County. 8.4.2.

Phowa meso-clade perceptual dialectology by language

Perceived dialect boundaries among the Phowa languages are numerous and complex. Map 6.4 provides a preliminary snapshot of Phowa perceptual dialectology based on a combination of village level interviews, intelligibility testing, phonological variation and other insights discussed in Chapters 3–6. Speakers from five of the six Phowa clade languages were interviewed concerning emic folk-perceptions. The relevant sociolinguistic data for Phukha are unavailable. Of the five, Labo and Hlepho speakers report their respective languages to be the most internally diverse, with dialect boundaries often being reported for clusters of 10 or fewer villages. Zokhuo speakers, on the other hand, perceive their language to be more unified. As the map illustrates, more research was carried out on Labo and Hlepho than on Zokhuo, so the Zokhuo boundaries in Map 8.7 mark folk perceptions alone. The boundaries between the two largest Zokhuo dialects are hazy, with perceptions conflicting between speakers interviewed, as noted in §3.5.3, Zokhuo-DXZ. The smallest Zokhuo dialect reported is a variety spoken in

The Phowa meso-clade in synchronic perspective

417

Guniangzhai of Kaihua Township (east of the Wenshan County seat). This village is isolated from the larger Zokhuo distribution and is reportedly mixed with Han and Miao. LABO PHOWA HLT Labo-Hlepho transition zone

WDP LGM JJC

Yanshan

WBZ

Kaiyuan DHN

ANI PHOWA

CKB

XBL

ZOKHUO MZC

Mengzi

HLEPHO PHOWA

Wenshan

SZW

DXZ FZK

LZC

Pingbian

Maguan

KHLULA MXC

Jinping Hekou cf. Map 8.6 for broader orientation

Key

County Seat Data Point Phula village Mixed Village Language Dialect

Map 8.7. Perceptual dialect affiliation by village for Phowa clade (minus Phukha)

Data collected from numerous Hlepho and Labo varieties confirms the presence of substantial internal diversity in both languages – phonologically, lexically and sociolinguistically. Actual dialect boundaries may be impossible to define; nevertheless, the overall patterns compiled in Map 8.7 represent a theory of Phowa dialect divisions that incorporates multiple perspectives, including phonological changes, intelligibility reports, ethnic identity and the gestalt perceptions of local speakers, as discussed in Chapters 3–6.

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The Labo-Hlepho transition zone is shaded grey in the map to underscore the impossibility of defining an exact language boundary between the two. Dialect differences in this zone are not substantial enough to hamper intelligibility between local Labo and Hlepho speakers, and speaker perceptions of dialect boundaries in this zone are equally ambiguous, as detailed in Chapter 3. The proposed margin between Ani and Labo is likely to be gradient as well – especially in terms of intelligibility; nevertheless, local speakers interviewed thus far do not perceive the boundary to be gradient. The WDP and HLT-affiliated clusters are generally referred to as “Asaheipho” for reasons described in §3.2, and this identity distinction accords with dialect differences – none apparently great enough to hamper intelligibility with Labo proper, however. The cluster of villages in western Kaiyuan County represented by the WBZ data point is an example of a dialect defined by double disavowal. Speakers in these six villages are considered to be Digaopho (a variety of Hlepho) by Labo speakers living nearby, but they are considered to be Labo by Digaopho speakers living closer to the Yanshan County border. They themselves should have the final word, but this question and thousands more must wait for future treatments. 8.5. Review of contributions and key findings As discussed in §1.4, §8.1 and elsewhere, this in-depth study of the Phula languages illustrates the usefulness of approaching language definition from multiple viewpoints: synchronic and diachronic analysis, quantitative and qualitative analysis, folk and technical perspectives, in-group and out-group identity claims, official classifications and self-appellations, contact and intelligibility, migration and distribution, cladistics and demographics, perceptual dialectology and dialect geography, lexical comparisons and distinctive innovations, historical records and political boundaries, language use and language domains, cognitive processes and philosophical preliminaries, language attitudes and typological description – all are valid aspects of language definition and should not be sequestered from each other in the process of defining any group of language varieties. This experiment in synthesis provides multiple fresh finds and offers contributions to general dialectology and areal linguistics alike. Findings contribute to the Sinospheric knowledge base in terms of areal language recognition, regional language endangerment, local ethnohistory and demography and Ngwi-branch comparative linguistics. The findings also provide theoretical insights into research on ethnic identity, language contact, quantitative and qualitative dialectology, tone system analysis, geolinguistics and field methods for

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language survey. Hopefully this work also illustrates the potential usefulness of pragmatist hermeneutic approaches to operationalization in general, and of the ‘chiastic dialectic’ argument structure in particular. 8.5.1.

Contributions to areal language recognition

As discussed in §1.2.1, language recognition in China is a complicated affair. Official nationalities are relatively fixed, but recognition of new languages within pre-existing nationalities is ongoing. Two official institutions are primary catalysts in this process. The first is the Chinese Academy of Social Science of the People’s Republic of China, whose spokesperson is generally recognized to be Sun Hongkai (see Sun 1992, Shearer and Sun 2002, Sun 2005, etc.). The second is the ISO639-3 authority, the international standard for language identification, whose results are publicly reviewed and regularly updated in the Ethnologue. Lewis (2009) now lists all 24 Phula languages as distinct entries, 18 of which are new to edition 16, having previously been subsumed under larger upper-level ethnolinguistic categories. Naturally, these results have also been approved by the ISO6393 authority with 3-letter identifiers listed in the Table of contents and in §3.8. My hope is that these varieties will eventually come be recognized as distinct languages within the official Yi nationality in China so that they may receive broader attention from linguists and ethnologists alike. 8.5.2.

Contributions to areal language endangerment research

Research on the status of Phula ethnolinguistic vitality was a relatively minor focus in the course of this research project, but research methods and results from the informal inquiry carried out on related questions provide a modest contribution to research on language endangerment in the region on at least two accounts. First, the research results summarized in Chapter 4 add to the general knowledge base of language endangerment and ethnolinguistic vitality in the region and also provide a preliminary overview of the endangerment status of the Phula languages in particular. Furthermore, the language endangerment maps in Chapter 4 may be compared with maps in Chapter 3 and in §8.2–§8.4 above to gain a more detailed understanding of the extent of language shift among different languages and language varieties within Phula. Thirdly, the set of generalizations that proved most useful for identifying a graded typology of endangerment status relevant to all Phula languages were generational distinctions. These proved more fruitful than

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questions about literacy, technology, language attitudes or domains of language use. The resulting cline presented in §4.1 under (4.1) may also prove to be useful for further research on language endangerment in the region. 8.5.3.

Contributions to Ngwi linguistics and regional ethnohistory

By defining new linguistic diversity in both synchronic and diachronic terms, this work makes a substantial contribution to Tibeto-Burman linguistic research in general and to Ngwi linguistic research in particular. The work makes at least three contributions in this regard: (1) Chapter 3 defines new members of the Ngwi branch, (2) Chapter 5 introduces some of the major phonological features of these languages, (3) Chapters 6 and 7 make the genetic relationships between these languages more transparent and, in the process, validate Bradley’s (2002, 2007) proposal for a fourth sub-branch of Ngwi. Definitions of Phula language relationships and linguistic diversity also provide insights into regional migration patterns and historic language contact issues (see further discussion in §8.5.5, below). Such findings contribute to broad regional ethnohistory, and help us gain a sharper understanding of the exceedingly complex ethnolinguistic composition in this section of Southeast Asia. 8.5.4.

Contributions to language contact research

Based on research principles outlined in §2.5.4 and §2.6, this work makes a distinction between clade-external and clade-internal language contact. In most cases, the first form of contact tends to result in language shift, while the latter form of contact tends to result in increased intelligibility or, in more gradient cases with temporally close genetic relationships, innovation sharing. The research compiled in Chapters 3–6 contains numerous case studies of ways in which clade-internal contact functions as a distinct phenomenon from clade-external contact among the Phula languages. A few key examples of the distinction are overtly discussed in §3.6 and §6.2.2. Language contact is also demonstrated to be the cause of discrepancies between quantitative and qualitative diachronic analyses in Chapter 6, and internal and external contact are represented as part of the cladistic Stammbaum diagrams in Chapters 6 and 7. More traditional contributions to language contact research are discussed throughout Chapter 4.

Review of contributions and key findings

8.5.5.

421

Contributions to ethnic identity research

The field methods, theory and rationale for ethnic identity research presupposed in this work are presented in §2.5.1. Thinking of ethnic identity as a key component of language identification is not a new approach to the subject, but the research presented in §3.2 and §3.7 provides numerous fresh case studies on the interaction between multiple-viewpoints on ethnolinguistic identity and some of the ways in which these viewpoints overlap with geographic distribution, dialect intelligibility and language contact. These case studies also feature several unusual scenarios such as the interaction between ethnic identity and relative altitude and cases in which multiple group-internal identities reflected in autonyms and endoethnonyms are indicative of embedded layers of ethnic hierarchy which are not considered to be mutually contradictory by in-group members. 8.5.6.

Contributions to tone system analysis

Considerable space in Chapters 5–7 is allotted to tone system analysis, primarily as a means to identify exclusive genetic relationships between related language varieties, since genetically affiliated tone systems provide a robust paradigm-like criterion for making such claims. Chapter 5 provides introductory insights into the synchronic tone systems of Phula languages and Chapters 6 and 7 provide insights into tone system correspondences. Tone systems have long been used in the area to identify exclusive lower-level genetic relationships between related languages, and the analysis presented in this work provides numerous case studies of how this research remains useful for historical reconstruction. Several unique tonal innovations were also noted to occur, such as the correlative redistribution of checked tone classes in Core Muji (see §6.3.1.4). 8.5.7.

Contributions to distance-based phylogenetics

As discussed in §6.2, a growing body studies in recent years have applied the biology-oriented Neighbor-Net method to linguistics for computing lexical distance-matrices from related languages into unrooted phenogram networks which are, in turn, interpreted as cladogram hypotheses for representing phylogenetic relationships overlaying historical contact scenarios. In this work, the method was applied to Phula and SE Ngwi distance matrices in §6.2 and §7.2, respectively. The results are indeed useful for

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forming basic hypotheses, but several relationships implied by the network are identified as profoundly misleading after undertaking more thorough diachronic analysis. This cautionary review of the approach may act as a counterbalance to earlier reviews which have been primarily positive (i.e., Bryant et al. 2005, Holden and Gray 2006, Ben Hamed and Wang 2006). 8.5.8.

Contributions to intelligibility testing

Aside from providing additional regional case studies of recorded text testing for qualitative insights into intelligibility, this work also demonstrates a rationale for foregoing intelligibility testing on grounds of diachronic linguistic analysis once a preliminary round of intelligibility tests have been used to help establish the existence of synchronic languages. This point was not discussed explicitly in the text and will await future treatments for full expression; but, simply put, one benefit of identifying underlying relationships through diachronic analysis is the pre-emption of comprehensive intelligibility testing. A key point of recorded text testing is the identification of inherent intelligibility (vs. contact-based, or ‘learned’ intelligibility). If two language varieties in the same genetic clade are demonstrated to share low inherent intelligibility, this pre-empts the need to test for inherent intelligibility between either of these two lects and any other lect which belongs to a distinct genetic clade provided that both clades have been demonstrated to exist using adequately robust diachronic criteria. Comprehensive testing would still provide sociolinguistic insights in such cases but would not be necessary for language definition. Such an approach would also provide further criteria for identifying contact-based intelligibility, which so often skews the results of recorded text tests. 8.5.9.

Contributions to regional demography

As discussed in §2.5.2 and applied in Chapters 3 and 4 (see §8.2–§8.4) the detailed demographic research underlying this work provides an essential foundation for understanding the composition and distribution of the language varieties under consideration. Most of the languages discussed in this work are not usually represented as distinct ethnolinguistic entities; instead, they are subsumed under larger, agglomerative ethnic categories. As a result, no thorough attempts have been made until now to estimate ethnic populations, speaker populations and village counts for these varieties. These statistics are necessarily preliminary prior to a more formal census, but they

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serve to provide previously unidentified languages with a much more substantial introduction than they would have had otherwise. 8.5.10. Contributions to geolinguistics The collection of maps produced in this work enables visual illustration of complex phenomena such as ethnic distribution, language boundaries, dialect diversity, ethnic mixing, regional Sprachbund, diachronic clustering, language endangerment and more. Many of these maps function not only as visualizations of Phula linguistic and sociolinguistic phenomena but also as practical contributions to geolinguistics in general. The language endangerment maps in Chapter 4 present a new mapping method for visualizing a graded typology of threatened statuses. The maps presented in §8.2–8.4 constitute a new mapping method for visualizing embedded village-level perceptual dialectology insights for languages and language clades. Further practical applications may also be extrapolated from these two methods of geolinguistic mapping as well, such as visualizations of threatened dialect diversity in a given language or language clade. I suggest further that the method used for polygon drawing (discussed in §2.5.3) provides a more unified way of envisioning the geographic distribution of ethnolinguistic entities via a fusion of terrain, village size, village distance, village ethnic mixture, and geo-political boundaries. 8.5.11. Contributions to field methods in linguistic survey In describing the fieldwork underlying this project in Chapter 2, a number of contributions to field methods for linguistic survey were outlined, such as alternate recording set-ups for lexical elicitation and text translation, prudent interview strategies, and further insights into elicitation framing and cognate fishing. These insights and others grew out of trial-and-error experience in the field and may be useful to others who consider engaging in similar research projects in the region and elsewhere. 8.5.12. Towards a hermeneutic dialectology As discussed in Chapters 1 and 2, dialectology is commonly fragmented into synchronic-diachronic and quantitative-qualitative oppositions. As illustrated in the Figure 1.3 diagram (§1.4.1), these competing perspectives may

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result in four basic modes of research and analysis. Any one of the four opposing perspectives might deny or ignore the usefulness or relevance of alternative perspectives or, more commonly, might simply make assumptions about the others without incorporating them in the overall research inquiry in the process of seeking to interpret variation between a group of lects. In fact, any of the four approaches on its own is short-sighted, especially when the research goal includes the operationalization of language ontogeny (i.e., the definition of actual lects). Numerous gradient contingencies along the margins of the four approaches are also crucial to incorporate for adequate data interpretation, and other paradoxes must be considered as well.

distribution, migration,

QUALITY

comparative reconstruction, paradigmatic subgrouping, dynamic wave relations

PHYLOGENY

DIACHRONY

distance-based cladistics, implicational hierarchies

Conatural change: Isolation and maintenance

QUANTITY

culture, ethnohistory

SPACE

usage, intelligibility identity, folk perception

ECOLOGY

speaker demographics, acoustic measurements, core lexical thresholds

Abnatural change: Contact and shift

SYNCHRONY

ONTOGENY physical geography typology, cognition

TIME

Figure 8.2. Dialectology as dialectic: Featuring Ontogeny as analogic mediator

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A summary of the complementary tensions discussed in this work is presented in Figure 8.2. While this diagram is only intended to function as a preliminary representation, it provides a reference point for dialogue on the paradoxical tensions, differentiations and relations that should be engaged in the interpretation of dialect phenomena. I place linguistic ontogeny in the center of the schematic as a reassertion of my proposal that the gradient growth of individual, polylectal speech varieties through time and space mediates alternating polarities in language variation and in dialectology alike – the dialectics of phylogeny and ecology in particular. Given this scenario, language varieties and linguistic theory cannot realistically be approached as static phenomena using static models. Languages and dialects are, after all, not systems but, rather, (to follow leads from Shapiro 1991: 4– 5) ‘constant systematizations’ – ‘the collective legitimation of fluctuations’ leading to “a never-ending dialectic between unity and diversity” (1991: 12). I have also recommended that a hermeneutic dialectology should seek congruence between means and ends, blending theory and methodology with phenomenology, attempting to guard against bare description, reductive explanation and mere prediction, on one hand, and attempting to incorporate (and integrate) complexity and competing claims on the other, all in order to facilitate problem solving in language variation. As an interpretive activity, then, the work of the dialectologist would be profoundly congruent with the ontogenetic work of a living language community. Anttila (e.g., 2003), in fact, consolidates both activities under a single rubric: analogy as hermeneutic activity – an analogue for the mediatory nature of ontogeny. 8.5.13. Towards a chiastic dialectic model of reasoning The Figure 8.2 schematic also seeks to capture the chiastic approach to dialectic interpretation that I am recommending. A preliminary statement of the argument structure implied by this organic model is applied to dialectology in this work and is discussed in §8.1 as a ‘chiastic dialectic’ process of reasoning (see also §1.5). Such a model nurtures synthesis instead of insisting that a single narrowly constrained perspective should cancel out competing claims. A chiastic dialectic model allows for inclusivity without defaulting to relativism and enables strong theoretical claims without an over-reliance on foundationalism. Given that the structure is embodied at multiple levels in human experience, and given that most fields of inquiry tend to feature competing claims, the argument structure should be useful for more than dialectology alone; but such implications are beyond the scope of the current study.

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Conclusion

8.6. Extra-disciplinary perspectives on neglected diversity The research presented in this work draws attention to numerous instances of ethnolinguistic diversity that have gone unrecognized in southwest China. Many more such groups wait to be defined. One might well wonder why, in this and neighboring regions, so many language varieties remain overlooked. The natural sciences place a high priority on cataloguing the diversity of flora and fauna, discovering new species and defining the micro-taxonomic relationships between them. If the linguistic corollaries of species diversity are languages and dialects, why shouldn’t linguists, as social scientists, be equally interested in the diversity and relationships of the objects of their study?4 Some positive signs of a reviving interest in language diversity and micro-taxonomy in the Sinosphere have recently surfaced in large-scale studies such as Bradley (2002, 2007), Shearer and Sun (2002) and Thurgood and LaPolla (2003). More importantly for dialectology, a handful of recent micro-level studies such as Bradley (2004, 2005b) and Allen (2006) prove that interest in dialect diversity and the lower-level genetic/contact relationships they share is still alive in the region. We might only hope that such interests will spread. Working from the assumption that the recognition of actual species diversity is more desirable than the static assumption of species homogeneity, this section examines some of the factors related to the neglect of linguistic diversity and micro-taxonomy by drawing analogies from the natural sciences. My argument is that, when applied to linguistics, perspectives from these fields present an antidote, or counter-argument, to the neglect of dialectology in any language family. 8.6.1.

Neglected diversity and onomastic ambiguity

One key factor in the neglect of linguistic diversity in the region can be traced back to official titles, traditional ethnonyms and the onomastic ambiguity they frequently engender. While such perspectives represent valid viewpoints in their own right, as discussed in §1.4.1, they should not, therefore, be thought to invalidate the viewpoint of the dialectologist; nor should they be accepted as the most linguistically valid definitions. The obfuscation of names and categories is a phenomenon not limited to sociolinguistics and language identification, of course. Tudge (2006: 30) discusses numerous instances in which folk classifications veil the presence of species diversity in

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a botanical context. Take his discussion of three Amazonian trees for example – the angelim, the taurai and the mahogany: The angelim is a legume, one of the vast family formerly known as Leguminosae and now called Fabaceae, which includes the acacias and laburnums among trees, and gorse, peas, beans, and clover among nontrees. But what exactly is an “angelim”? At EMBRAPA [Brazilian Agricultural Research Corporation], Mike Hopkins has found that foresters apply this hallowed name to well over a dozen different species from at least seven genera. Admittedly, all the commonest “angelims” come from the right family (Fabacae), but still they come from more than one subfamily from within the Fabacae. Similarly, the excellent timber that is marketed under the general name of “taurai” commonly includes at least five species (and probably many more) from the Brazil nut family, Lecythidaceae. Perhaps the most notorious confusion of all – much of it deliberate obfuscation – surrounds mahogany. The term should refer to one or at best several species of the genus Swietenia, in the family Meliaceae. In reality an enormous variety of brownish timbers are marketed as “mahogany.”

The confusion surrounding tree names very closely parallels onomastic ambiguity in the Ngwi branch. As I have shown in Chapters 1 and 3, titles such as ‘Yi’, ‘Phula’, and even ‘Muji’ may easily obscure the presence of linguistic diversity if taken at face value as representative of linguistic reality. Tudge (2006:29) notes that ambiguity between names and categories has led to the extinction of mahogany species in the West Indies and threatens numerous species in the Amazon and elsewhere. A clear parallel may be noted in the unrecognized languages of the Sinosphere. While these facts do not invalidate the perspectives of official and folk classifications, they serve to remind us that linguists, like botanists and other biologists, must look beyond non-specialist titles and taxonomies for the discovery and documentation of linguistic diversity in the Sinosphere and elsewhere. 8.6.2.

Neglected diversity, homoplasy and genetics

A further factor in the neglect of linguistic diversity in the region can be traced to the confusion of typology and genetics. Again, the natural sciences provide clear parallels. The pangolin of Southeast Asia and the armadillo of southeast Texas, for example, are two bizarre creatures that have much in common – on the surface. Both are short and rounded; both have claws, both have thick body armor, both have long sticky tongues and both have an appetite for communal insects wielding malicious bites. One might easily

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classify them together genetically, if only it weren’t for the genetic evidence itself. A recent study (Murphry et al. 2001) indicates that pangolins are much more closely related to cats and bats than they are to armadillos. The two were long assumed to belong to the same taxon genetically, but the similar features shared by the two apparently developed independently due to both creatures reacting to similar stimuli and sharing a similar environment. Their surface traits and structural features are instances of homoplasy. In linguistics, homoplasy often results from diffusion and borrowing. When languages from different sub-groups and families inhabit a common geographical region, they often come to share similar structural features. The effects of areal diffusion in numeral systems, the presence of loan words, shared retentions from a much earlier genetic relationship, the dynamics of sound symbolism and the simple probability of chance correspondences are all examples of linguistic homoplasy (see further discussion in §2.7 and §2.8). Biologists continue to discover genetic diversity in what were previously assumed to be ‘single species’, such as the 15 new species of birds and six new species of bats that were discovered as late as 2007 thanks to refined genetic testing techniques (see Kerr et al. 2007, RUNR 2007). As these studies demonstrate for biology, species conservation is dependent on species identification. Analogous results surface in the Phula research presented herein. As discussed in §6.2.2, Thopho, Moji, Phupa and Phuza are all examples of ways in which homoplasy may lead to the confusion of one given language variety with another language variety that is genetically distinct. Instead, the linguist must point to the presence of paradigmatic sets of individual-identifying shared innovations as discussed in §2.7 and §2.8. 8.6.3.

Neglected diversity and the survival of the cutest

A third key factor in the neglect of linguistic diversity in the region is the overshadowing presence of prototype languages and/or languages that have, for one reason or another, captured the popular imagination. As discussed in §1.2, the relatively homogenous Nuosu Yi of Sichuan often overshadow the diversity of their Yi counterparts in Yunnan. Again the natural sciences provide clear parallels. Scientists would surely like to think of themselves as unbiased in their search for knowledge and fair-minded in their pursuit of truth, but neither linguists nor natural scientists are immune from facilitating a phenomenon popularly dubbed ‘survival of the cutest’.

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Tisdell and Nantha (2007) recently documented the problem in a study on funding efforts for the preservation of the koala and the hairy nosed wombat in Australia. Although grass-roots support for both species is supposedly strong, actual funding and research efforts are still much more heavily weighted toward the ‘cute’ koala. The preferential treatment of certain species over others is likely to result in the neglect of species diversity among less-glamorous varieties that are not well provided for. Languages can hardly be described as ‘cute’, but the linguistic corollary to this challenge in biological conservation is perhaps the official recognition and/or conceptual visibility of a given language. One key way linguists can make unrecognized language varieties more conceptually visible is through geolinguistic mapping of demographic distribution, dialect diversity, genetic relationships and status of endangerment. Wurm (2001) and Asher and Moseley (2007) offer good applications of this principle on a grand scale. As summarized in §8.5.10, this work has explored a number of micro mapping strategies that also have potential for making unrecognized linguistic diversity more conceptually visible. 8.7. Suggestions for future studies Even though I have attempted to present strong hypotheses with falsifiable conclusions in this work, most of the research I have presented above constitutes an examination of new data from previously unresearched language varieties. As a result, most of the conclusions and definitions I have offered in this work are necessarily preliminary. In the words of Hamp (1998: 307), Our work is never done, but we hope that our areas of ignorance and doubt shrink proportionately and definitively; we hope that when they increase it is because new knowledge opens up new possibilities and new vistas.

Many questions have been adequately answered in the course of this research, but many others remain, and numerous new questions have been unearthed. Such is the fate of knowledge excavation. Future research topics implied by this work can be grouped into two types: remaining questions originally posed (but finally unanswered) in the current project and fresh research questions engendered by the current project. In principle, at least, either set of research topics might be infinite, ranging from detailed census surveys of every household in every village to detailed grammatical analyses of every sub-dialect. To avoid such a bewildering morass of possibility, I content myself in this section with offering a handful of specific suggestions that seem worthy of further research.

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8.7.1.

Conclusion

Remaining research questions

From my own perspective, the most interesting research questions left over from this project revolve around ontogenetic dialectology. First of all, numerous dialect distinctions are in need of further clarification. In Southern Muji, for example, the Muzi-SZT variety is at best only marginally intelligible with Muji-PJZ. The same holds true between the two major dialects of Khlula represented by MXC in Maguan County and LZC in Wenshan County. Further research into identity, contact and intelligibility may deem these varieties to be distinct synchronic languages in both cases. Elsewhere, the diasporic villages of Phala and Phola alike are in need of further research to determine degrees of difference and endangered status for outlying dialects of these two languages. An unexpected pleasure of this research project was the discovery of ethnolinguistic groups not previously reported in local-level ethnohistorical documents. Some of the most surprising finds were Thopho, Moji, Qila Muji, Alugu, and Phuza. Due to the bounded nature of the fieldwork component of this research, Moji in particular has been left ill-defined in terms of dialect diversity and ill-documented in terms of data elicitation. Due to a landslide and a tight research schedule, onsite fieldwork was not even possible in what is currently thought to be the final remaining Moji village with a vital speaking population. For this reason, and since Moji seems to be key for reconstructing the tone systems of Proto-Muji and/or Highland Phula, further research similar to that included in this book should be carried out in Luchaichong and the Moji villages of southwestern Wenshan County. Geographically speaking, in addition to the above questions, Phulaaffiliated villages in the following regions are in need of closer research: northeastern Yuanyang County, Malipo County, southeastern Qiubei County, southern Guangnan County, southern Maguan County and Baohe Township of Gejiu County. Much of the sociolinguistic research presented in this book is based on local-level reports and perceptions of outlying areas. Such information provides a good qualitative foundation for understanding Phula diversity and endangerment, but all reports are subject to further confirmation and future researchers may wish to refine many of these claims using more quantitative measures. In terms of diachronic dialectology, further genetic evidence is expected to surface in support of each of the historical relationships defined in Chapters 6 and 7. Naturally, all are open to scrutiny, but certain relationships are better defined than others. The genetic position of the Pholo language, in

Suggestions for future studies

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particular, is ill-defined and should be examined more closely in future studies. The constituency of each of the genetic clades defined in this work is not a closed question. Further varieties may come to light just as Alugu, Moji, Thopho and others emerged unexpectedly during the natural course of my fieldwork. The constituency of Southeastern Ngwi, in particular, remains an open question with numerous languages expected to join the sub-branch. Gathu, Lawu, Alu, Xiqi, Ati, Long and others are ethnolinguistic Yi varieties mentioned in Chinese sources that may affiliate with Southeastern Ngwi. More thorough phonological and lexical reconstruction at each of the genetic levels proposed in this work should refine our understanding both of the relationships involved and the defining innovations of each. 8.7.2.

New research suggestions

Branching out from dialectology, phonology and vitality, each of the 18 previously unrecognized languages defined in this work present their own entire range of new research questions. Even the six Phula languages that had been previously identified have not been adequately documented. Phala, Azha and Ani Phowa have been documented only in terms of meager phonology and grammar sketches. Thus, it goes without saying that each of the 24 Phula languages is a prime candidate for in-depth studies on phonology and grammar. Naturally, some are more choice than others depending on a given set of research motivations. Severely endangered languages such as Thopho and Moji may attract the attention of some researchers. Closely related languages that are more viable such as Phuma or Southern Muji may attract the attention of others. In either case, this book may serve as a handbook of sorts for decision-making on documentation, maintenance and language planning projects. Aside from the general documentation projects that are needed for all of these languages, other more specific research questions emerged during the course of the fieldwork and analysis that seemed fascinating in their own right – albeit out of range. Most of these questions were mentioned in passing in discussions above, such as clan-based lexical distinctions in Alugu (as discussed in §1.2.3.2, §3.6.2 and elsewhere), a mixed ceremonial language used by Zokhuo shamans in Daxingzhai (as discussed in §4.18), the well preserved folklore and oral tradition among the Labo Phowa of western Beige Township, Kaiyuan County (as discussed in §4.15.1), the Phola shamans in Yuanjiang and Honghe County who teach themselves to read the

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Nisu script for their incantations and verse (as discussed in §4.2.1 and §4.2.2), and many other fascinating possibilities. 8.8. Coda In Chapter 1 we explored the implications of the discovery that numerous distinct ethnolinguistic groups in the Sino-Vietnam borderlands affiliate under the historical ethnonym ‘Phula’: Could this traditional folk definition have genetic substance linguistically? The first chapter went on to introduce Folk Phula in its geographic context according to demographics, distribution and historical records. In this final chapter we have reviewed the geographic context of the now-defined Phula languages according to the demographics and distribution of their genetic clades and answered that the original Phula hypothesis can only be partially validated. The chapter then went on to explore the implications of the discovery that the Phula languages have long been housing unreported diversity both in terms of ‘synchronic’ languages and ‘diachronic’ subgroups. In the words of T.S. Eliot, We shall not cease from exploration And the end of all our exploring Will be to arrive where we started And know the place for the first time.

Appendix A Sociolinguistic questionnaires

Note: All questionnaires administered using Chinese

1. Village leader questionnaire Permission Requested?

Granted

Village (ᶁ਽)_________________ Community (ᶁငՊ)____________________ Township (ґ䭷)_______________ County (৯ᐲ)_________________________ Personal Background Age ________ Gender _________ Position _______________________________ Length of service_________ Hometown _____________ Nationality ___________ Ethnic Branch________________________________________________________ Languages Understood_________________________________________________ Languages Spoken____________________________________________________ Introductory Demographics x Village Population: ________ Households: _______Year of Statistics:________ x Township Population:_______Households:_______Year of Statistics: ________ x What other ethnic groups live in this area? ______________________________ x Do members of other ethnic groups live in this village? ____________________ Demographics:________________________________________________ Other Ethnic Breakdown Notes (if known or applicable): ____________________________________________________________

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Appendix A

Village Historical Background x

When was this village first established?

x

Where did the people who established this village move from?

x

What are the most common Surnames used in this village?

Language Contact What market town(s) do locals usually visit? ___________ ___________ ___________ ___________ What are the market days for these places? ___________ ___________ ___________ ___________ What other nationalities/ [Phula groups] attend? Language Vitality x Where do the children of this village go to school? x What language do … ƒ … the children speak in grade one (can local children speak Chinese by grade one)? ƒ … the teachers speak to the children in first grade in order to explain things to them? o Second Grade?

Third Grade?

x What language do the children of this village speak to their parents? ƒ Parents to children? x Are these two things true of other [Phula] villages nearby? (reference and mark on maps) x What villages or areas that speak [Phula] are now using their language less and less? ƒ What language do they use instead?

Appendix A

435

x What villages and/or areas that used to speak [Phula] are no longer speaking [Phula]? ƒ What language do they use instead? x Can any of the [Han/Zhuang/Miao] living in this [or in nearby villages] speak [Phula]? ƒ If not here, where? ________________________________________

ƒ Est. Demographics: _______________________________________ x Can any of the [Phula] locals speak other ethnic languages? ƒ Which languages?__________________________________________ ƒ If so, est. number/percentage of people? ________________________ ƒ Mainly men, mainly women, or both?__________________________ x Do the people of this village ever intermarry with Han Chinese or other ethnic groups? ƒ How many households in this village have intermarried with other ethnic groups? ƒ What ethnic groups have intermarried with the Phula in this village? o What language do the husband and wife speak with each other in such cases? ƒ

If husband is Phula and wife is Han/Miao/Nisu/etc.?

ƒ

If wife is Phula and husband is Han/Miao/Nisu/etc.?

ƒ What language do the children learn to speak?

436

Appendix A

x When you have an announcement to make to the whole village, how do you do it? On an announcement board? Through a village meeting? Over a loudspeaker? Word of mouth? Through door-to-door messengers? ƒ What language do you/they use to make the announcement? x What language(s) do you use during village meetings? ƒ Elicit special circumstances (if Han person is present, etc.): x What language do you use in the Community-level offices? x The Township-level offices?

2. Village group questionnaire Permission Requested?

Granted ?

Village (ᶁ਽) _________________ Community (ᶁငՊ)____________________ Township (ґ䭷) _______________ County (৯ᐲ)_________________________ Ethnic Nomenclature x What titles/names do the Han call [you] by? _______________________________________________________________ x What names/titles do the [Nisu] Yi call [you] by? _______________________________________________________________ x What names do [other minority groups] call [you] by? _______________________________________________________________

Appendix A x Autonym(s)

437

Frame: [ ᡁᱟ☞᣹Ӫ/ᖍ᯿DŽ]

______________________________________________________________ x Glossonym(s) Frame: [ ☞᣹/ᖍ᯿䈍ᖸྭੜDŽ] _____________________________________________________________ x Loconym(s)

Frame: [ ᡁᱟ { ᶁ਽ } ⲴDŽ]

______________________________________________________________ Other Autonyms, Allonyms, Ethnonyms, Glossonyms, and Loconyms (including auto-ethnonyms in Chinese and names used by others elsewhere) if known [flexible per data point; cf. lexical elicitation notes]:

Ethnohistorical Information and Ethnic Vitality x Vernacular Toponyms: x Village Name (ᵜመ਽) _______________________________ x Other Village Names (ަԆመ਽)_______________________________ x Township Name (ґ䭷)

_______________________________

x County Name (৯෾)

_______________________________

x Ethnic Festivals: Dates: ____________________ Features: _______________________ ____________________

_______________________

____________________

_______________________

438

Appendix A x What crops do you plant and when do you harvest them? x Can your young people still sing the old folk songs? How many can still sing them? x The Antiphonal songs? x Can any of them play leaves? x Can any of them play musical instruments? What instruments? x Do you still tell the traditional folktales to your children? x Do elderly villagers still tell the traditional folktales to your children? x Do your daughters still learn to sew and embroider their own ethnic garments? x If so, how old are they when they start learning? x Where do the elderly say the people of this village emigrated from before they came here? x In ancient times what place did your ancestors leave to emigrate to this region? x Where do you send the spirits of your deceased? x Are there any bimos [shamans] in this village? How many? How old? x Nearby villages? x If so, do they read their incantations or chant them from memory? x What language? x Have your elders ever told you whether your people had a written script in history past? x If so, what did they say happened to it?

Dialects (also use maps to ask about specific places, see notebook for other anecdotal information): x Where do people speak [your language] just the same way you do?

Appendix A

439

x Where do people speak [your language] a little differently?

x Where do people speak [your language] very differently?

x Where do you think the most pleasant sounding [Phula] is spoken?

How often do you go to/talk with sb. from: ___________ ___________ ___________ __________ How well can you understand their [Phula]? ___________ ___________ ___________ __________ What language do you use to talk with them?

Language and Marriage [unique to each data point including numbers, locations, estimated language learning time, inter-ethnic marriage statistics, languages used between spouses and children, and any other relevant information]:

IN

OUT

440

Appendix A

Language Use and Vitality (partially repeated from above for confimation): x What language(s) do your children use to communicate with to you? x If more than one is used, how often and under what circumstances (with whom, where)? x What language do you speak to your children? x Are these two things true of other villages nearby? x What villages or areas that speak [Phula] are now using their language less and less? ƒ What language do they use instead? x What villages and/or areas that used to speak [Phula] are no longer speaking [Phula]? ƒ What language do they use instead? x Can any of the [other ethnic groups] living [in this or in nearby villages] speak [Phula]? Understand? x If so, how well? x If not [here or nearby], where have you heard of this happening? x Can any of you or any of your friends/relatives in this village speak other ethnic languages? x If so, which other languages can you/they speak?

Appendix A

441

3. Lexical Elicitation Screening Questionnaire Participant 1 Age Gender Birthplace Parents’ Birthplace Often Travel? Live elsewhere for any length of time? Married? Ethnic and village origin? Children? Ages of children? Language spoken with children? Other Languages spoken? How well? (estimate) How often?

Education Level? (if appropriate) Consent Requested Granted

Participant 2

Participant 3 Participant 4

Appendix B Lexical elicitation datasheet sample

The field notes datasheet sample posted on the following page provides an illustration of the basic formatting choices, cognate fishing columns and elicitation frame prompts discussed in §2.4.2. The transcribed data itself is from Phuza-BJB.

English gloss Chinese gloss and frame Three related varieties for cognate fishing

Close phonetic transcription and basic notes

Appendix B

Marks indicating items baited for cognates

443

Appendix C Similarity and distance matrices

The similarity and distance matrices presented on the next two pages are arranged according to the four Sprachbund regions discussed in §1.3.1 and §3.1. Table 1.1 in §1.3.1 and the datasource abbreviation list at the front of the book provide keys for the three-letter lect name codes, all of which, with the exception of Sani-MCD (which is out of geographical range) are linked to Map 1.5. Methodology and rationale for calculating the similarity matrix are described in §2.6.3 and §3.3. Rationale and methodology for calculating the distance matrix are described in §2.8.4 and §6.2.

x

48%

50%

44%

46%

44%

DPD 52%

ZZC 50%

M CD 55% WZC 49%

LPC

LCC 39%

XZC 46% DXZ 46%

SXZ 48%

M XC 46% XJ C 45%

LZC

HZC 42% DFC 48%

LJ Y

SZW 51%

WBZ 51% DHN 43%

WDP 48% M ZC 51%

JJC

FZK 49% CKB 52%

NSC 45%

FKC 53% QLC 39%

BJ B 50% CTL 52%

DXB 46% GM D 48%

YBZ 45%

YZT 45%

NGZ 46% M LT 42%

XPC 46% SZT 47%

PJ Z

FNS 79%

NTC 81%

86% x 80% 74% 44% 45% 43% 40% 39% 38% 34% 34% 43% 51% 50% 55% 35% 38% 47% 53% 49% 52% 50% 49% 42% 49% 40% 41% 44% 47% 44% 45% 49% 46% 46% 33% 45% 55% 47% 51% 55%

81% 80% x 68% 43% 42% 42% 41% 40% 39% 41% 41% 45% 46% 48% 50% 35% 40% 42% 46% 45% 43% 43% 47% 41% 46% 43% 39% 44% 44% 41% 41% 41% 40% 40% 37% 42% 50% 44% 50% 47%

79% 74% 68% x 46% 43% 43% 44% 41% 41% 42% 40% 45% 47% 50% 50% 35% 42% 43% 47% 45% 45% 47% 45% 39% 48% 42% 42% 43% 45% 44% 43% 44% 41% 41% 37% 41% 49% 49% 49% 49%

48% 44% 43% 46% x 82% 80% 72% 70% 76% 75% 73% 66% 61% 50% 52% 60% 60% 57% 57% 53% 53% 57% 53% 49% 55% 44% 46% 48% 55% 51% 48% 48% 46% 49% 47% 52% 50% 46% 48% 54%

46% 45% 42% 43% 82% x 71% 78% 75% 69% 68% 64% 63% 64% 51% 52% 55% 51% 60% 59% 58% 55% 61% 59% 56% 61% 46% 46% 47% 52% 53% 49% 49% 45% 47% 46% 53% 51% 50% 49% 58%

47% 43% 42% 43% 80% 71% x 66% 62% 65% 64% 64% 55% 56% 48% 55% 54% 58% 54% 56% 52% 51% 52% 52% 44% 54% 42% 41% 45% 54% 52% 46% 45% 46% 48% 40% 48% 48% 50% 49% 53%

46% 40% 41% 44% 72% 78% 66% x 85% 57% 56% 57% 59% 63% 55% 54% 46% 46% 59% 60% 58% 58% 60% 60% 52% 58% 41% 46% 46% 52% 50% 48% 47% 47% 48% 35% 51% 45% 44% 50% 56%

42% 39% 40% 41% 70% 75% 62% 85% x 59% 56% 53% 57% 64% 53% 55% 48% 47% 59% 58% 58% 60% 59% 56% 59% 56% 44% 44% 47% 52% 52% 49% 43% 46% 46% 41% 51% 50% 51% 51% 57%

45% 38% 39% 41% 76% 69% 65% 57% 59% x 75% 68% 55% 52% 44% 47% 57% 54% 55% 56% 52% 49% 50% 52% 41% 56% 43% 43% 45% 51% 53% 47% 45% 40% 48% 40% 50% 41% 44% 47% 51%

45% 34% 41% 42% 75% 68% 64% 56% 56% 75% x 73% 51% 56% 39% 51% 58% 57% 54% 56% 48% 50% 50% 49% 35% 57% 41% 42% 46% 46% 53% 45% 47% 48% 47% 34% 48% 40% 38% 44% 50%

46% 34% 41% 40% 73% 64% 64% 57% 53% 68% 73% x 53% 50% 39% 45% 61% 58% 49% 50% 47% 45% 47% 48% 39% 51% 40% 40% 43% 48% 46% 45% 45% 43% 45% 39% 42% 43% 43% 44% 50%

48% 43% 45% 45% 66% 63% 55% 59% 57% 55% 51% 53% x 71% 59% 62% 42% 46% 64% 66% 61% 62% 65% 59% 57% 65% 50% 50% 51% 56% 57% 54% 54% 53% 53% 45% 54% 51% 50% 52% 58%

50% 51% 46% 47% 61% 64% 56% 63% 64% 52% 56% 50% 71% x 65% 60% 43% 49% 63% 67% 64% 63% 66% 61% 65% 62% 47% 44% 46% 56% 54% 52% 52% 52% 51% 51% 56% 62% 53% 54% 60%

52% 50% 48% 50% 50% 51% 48% 55% 53% 44% 39% 39% 59% 65% x 65% 35% 38% 53% 55% 55% 55% 56% 53% 53% 53% 44% 42% 44% 47% 47% 47% 48% 45% 45% 43% 48% 57% 49% 48% 59%

53% 55% 50% 50% 52% 52% 55% 54% 55% 47% 51% 45% 62% 60% 65% x 38% 38% 58% 64% 60% 60% 59% 59% 58% 59% 52% 47% 52% 54% 53% 49% 51% 54% 49% 51% 52% 62% 53% 55% 58%

39% 35% 35% 35% 60% 55% 54% 46% 48% 57% 58% 61% 42% 43% 35% 38% x 57% 43% 45% 42% 41% 40% 42% 36% 45% 34% 32% 38% 47% 45% 38% 37% 40% 38% 36% 39% 38% 39% 39% 44%

45% 38% 40% 42% 60% 51% 58% 46% 47% 54% 57% 58% 46% 49% 38% 38% 57% x 42% 47% 42% 43% 43% 41% 36% 50% 33% 40% 42% 43% 47% 45% 42% 39% 43% 38% 45% 45% 46% 42% 49%

49% 47% 42% 43% 57% 60% 54% 59% 59% 55% 54% 49% 64% 63% 53% 58% 43% 42% x 78% 74% 72% 76% 72% 72% 71% 52% 50% 53% 58% 60% 48% 51% 52% 51% 53% 57% 59% 54% 54% 57%

52% 53% 46% 47% 57% 59% 56% 60% 58% 56% 56% 50% 66% 67% 55% 64% 45% 47% 78% x 81% 77% 83% 82% 76% 70% 54% 52% 57% 65% 59% 54% 56% 55% 54% 57% 58% 62% 55% 57% 61%

50% 49% 45% 45% 53% 58% 52% 58% 58% 52% 48% 47% 61% 64% 55% 60% 42% 42% 74% 81% x 85% 84% 91% 83% 62% 57% 55% 57% 57% 57% 51% 53% 52% 54% 51% 56% 59% 50% 56% 60%

48% 52% 43% 45% 53% 55% 51% 58% 60% 49% 50% 45% 62% 63% 55% 60% 41% 43% 72% 77% 85% x 77% 83% 74% 60% 55% 55% 57% 57% 56% 51% 51% 55% 52% 49% 54% 59% 52% 57% 61%

51% 50% 43% 47% 57% 61% 52% 60% 59% 50% 50% 47% 65% 66% 56% 59% 40% 43% 76% 83% 84% 77% x 85% 85% 63% 55% 54% 57% 59% 58% 52% 54% 55% 51% 54% 55% 59% 52% 57% 62%

51% 49% 47% 45% 53% 59% 52% 60% 56% 52% 49% 48% 59% 61% 53% 59% 42% 41% 72% 82% 91% 83% 85% x 82% 62% 57% 55% 57% 60% 58% 54% 52% 55% 54% 51% 56% 61% 53% 58% 63%

43% 42% 41% 39% 49% 56% 44% 52% 59% 41% 35% 39% 57% 65% 53% 58% 36% 36% 72% 76% 83% 74% 85% 82% x 59% 53% 50% 54% 55% 52% 51% 53% 50% 47% 42% 53% 56% 47% 54% 57%

51% 49% 46% 48% 55% 61% 54% 58% 56% 56% 57% 51% 65% 62% 53% 59% 45% 50% 71% 70% 62% 60% 63% 62% 59% x 51% 50% 54% 63% 65% 53% 54% 49% 55% 56% 64% 58% 51% 52% 62%

44% 40% 43% 42% 44% 46% 42% 41% 44% 43% 41% 40% 50% 47% 44% 52% 34% 33% 52% 54% 57% 55% 55% 57% 53% 51% x 84% 94% 50% 50% 47% 49% 46% 49% 40% 42% 59% 52% 59% 61%

42% 41% 39% 42% 46% 46% 41% 46% 44% 43% 42% 40% 50% 44% 42% 47% 32% 40% 50% 52% 55% 55% 54% 55% 50% 50% 84% x 84% 46% 48% 44% 44% 48% 44% 44% 46% 57% 56% 57% 59%

48% 44% 44% 43% 48% 47% 45% 46% 47% 45% 46% 43% 51% 46% 44% 52% 38% 42% 53% 57% 57% 57% 57% 57% 54% 54% 94% 84% x 51% 51% 47% 51% 52% 47% 45% 48% 60% 59% 58% 64%

46% 47% 44% 45% 55% 52% 54% 52% 52% 51% 46% 48% 56% 56% 47% 54% 47% 43% 58% 65% 57% 57% 59% 60% 55% 63% 50% 46% 51% x 75% 51% 51% 54% 56% 63% 57% 51% 52% 44% 52%

46% 44% 41% 44% 51% 53% 52% 50% 52% 53% 53% 46% 57% 54% 47% 53% 45% 47% 60% 59% 57% 56% 58% 58% 52% 65% 50% 48% 51% 75% x 50% 50% 52% 54% 63% 57% 50% 46% 49% 54%

45% 45% 41% 43% 48% 49% 46% 48% 49% 47% 45% 45% 54% 52% 47% 49% 38% 45% 48% 54% 51% 51% 52% 54% 51% 53% 47% 44% 47% 51% 50% x 91% 55% 43% 42% 44% 53% 49% 46% 51%

48% 49% 41% 44% 48% 49% 45% 47% 43% 45% 47% 45% 54% 52% 48% 51% 37% 42% 51% 56% 53% 51% 54% 52% 53% 54% 49% 44% 51% 51% 50% 91% x 53% 44% 45% 43% 53% 48% 49% 52%

46% 46% 40% 41% 46% 45% 46% 47% 46% 40% 48% 43% 53% 52% 45% 54% 40% 39% 52% 55% 52% 55% 55% 55% 50% 49% 46% 48% 52% 54% 52% 55% 53% x 49% 47% 44% 51% 46% 52% 53%

46% 46% 40% 41% 49% 47% 48% 48% 46% 48% 47% 45% 53% 51% 45% 49% 38% 43% 51% 54% 54% 52% 51% 54% 47% 55% 49% 44% 47% 56% 54% 43% 44% 49% x 50% 52% 48% 50% 46% 53%

39% 33% 37% 37% 47% 46% 40% 35% 41% 40% 34% 39% 45% 51% 43% 51% 36% 38% 53% 57% 51% 49% 54% 51% 42% 56% 40% 44% 45% 63% 63% 42% 45% 47% 50% x 53% 37% 36% 41% 44%

44% 45% 42% 41% 52% 53% 48% 51% 51% 50% 48% 42% 54% 56% 48% 52% 39% 45% 57% 58% 56% 54% 55% 56% 53% 64% 42% 46% 48% 57% 57% 44% 43% 44% 52% 53% x 52% 47% 49% 53%

55% 55% 50% 49% 50% 51% 48% 45% 50% 41% 40% 43% 51% 62% 57% 62% 38% 45% 59% 62% 59% 59% 59% 61% 56% 58% 59% 57% 60% 51% 50% 53% 53% 51% 48% 37% 52% x 58% 62% 70%

49% 47% 44% 49% 46% 50% 50% 44% 51% 44% 38% 43% 50% 53% 49% 53% 39% 46% 54% 55% 50% 52% 52% 53% 47% 51% 52% 56% 59% 52% 46% 49% 48% 46% 50% 36% 47% 58% x 62% 70%

50% 51% 50% 49% 48% 49% 49% 50% 51% 47% 44% 44% 52% 54% 48% 55% 39% 42% 54% 57% 56% 57% 57% 58% 54% 52% 59% 57% 58% 44% 49% 46% 49% 52% 46% 41% 49% 62% 62% x 68%

52% 55% 47% 49% 54% 58% 53% 56% 57% 51% 50% 50% 58% 60% 59% 58% 44% 49% 57% 61% 60% 61% 62% 63% 57% 62% 61% 59% 64% 52% 54% 51% 52% 53% 53% 44% 53% 70% 70% 68% x

ADP LDC NTC FNS PJ Z XPC SZT NGZ M LT YZT YBZ DXB GM D BJ B CTL FKC QLC NSC FZK CKB J J C WDP M ZC WBZ DHN SZW LJ Y HZC DFC LZC M XC XJ C SXZ XZC DXZ LCC LPC M CD WZC ZZC DPD

LDC 86%

ADP

Core lexical similarity matrix

Appendix C 445

DPD

ZZC

WZC

M CD

LPC

LCC

DXZ

XZC

SXZ

XJ C

M XC

LZC

DFC

HZC

LJ Y

SZW

DHN

WBZ

M ZC

WDP

JJC

CKB

FZK

NSC

QLC

FKC

CTL

BJ B

GM D

DXB

YBZ

YZT

M LT

NGZ

SZT

XPC

PJ Z

FNS

NTC

LDC

ADP

0 .14 .19 .21 .52 .54 .53 .54 .58 .55 .55 .54 .52 .50 .48 .47 .61 .55 .51 .48 .50 .52 .49 .49 .57 .49 .56 .58 .52 .54 .54 .55 .52 .54 .54 .61 .56 .45 .51 .50 .48

.14 0 .20 .26 .56 .56 .57 .60 .61 .63 .67 .66 .58 .49 .50 .45 .65 .62 .53 .47 .51 .48 .50 .51 .58 .51 .60 .59 .56 .53 .56 .55 .51 .54 .54 .67 .55 .46 .53 .49 .45

.19 .20 0 .32 .57 .58 .58 .59 .60 .61 .59 .59 .55 .54 .52 .50 .65 .60 .58 .54 .55 .57 .57 .53 .59 .54 .57 .61 .56 .56 .59 .59 .59 .60 .60 .63 .58 .50 .56 .50 .53

.21 .26 .32 0 .55 .57 .57 .56 .59 .59 .59 .60 .55 .53 .50 .50 .65 .58 .57 .53 .55 .55 .53 .55 .62 .52 .58 .58 .57 .55 .56 .57 .56 .59 .59 .63 .59 .51 .51 .51 .51

.52 .56 .57 .55 0 .19 .20 .28 .30 .24 .25 .28 .34 .39 .50 .48 .40 .40 .43 .43 .47 .47 .43 .47 .52 .45 .56 .54 .52 .45 .49 .52 .53 .54 .51 .53 .48 .51 .54 .52 .46

.54 .56 .58 .57 .19 0 .29 .22 .25 .31 .32 .36 .37 .36 .49 .48 .45 .49 .40 .41 .42 .45 .39 .41 .44 .39 .54 .54 .53 .48 .47 .51 .51 .55 .53 .54 .47 .49 .50 .51 .42

.53 .57 .58 .57 .20 .29 0 .34 .38 .35 .36 .36 .45 .44 .52 .45 .46 .42 .46 .44 .48 .49 .48 .48 .56 .46 .59 .59 .55 .46 .48 .54 .55 .54 .52 .60 .52 .52 .50 .51 .47

.54 .60 .59 .56 .28 .22 .34 0 .15 .43 .44 .43 .41 .37 .45 .46 .54 .54 .41 .40 .42 .42 .40 .40 .48 .42 .59 .54 .54 .48 .50 .52 .53 .53 .52 .65 .49 .55 .56 .50 .44

.58 .61 .60 .59 .30 .25 .38 .15 0 .41 .44 .47 .43 .36 .47 .45 .52 .53 .41 .42 .42 .40 .41 .44 .41 .44 .56 .56 .53 .48 .48 .51 .57 .54 .54 .59 .49 .50 .49 .49 .43

.55 .63 .61 .59 .24 .31 .35 .43 .41 0 .26 .32 .45 .48 .56 .53 .43 .46 .45 .44 .48 .51 .50 .48 .59 .44 .57 .57 .55 .49 .47 .53 .56 .60 .52 .60 .50 .59 .56 .53 .49

.55 .67 .59 .59 .25 .32 .36 .44 .44 .26 0 .27 .49 .44 .61 .49 .42 .43 .46 .44 .52 .50 .50 .51 .66 .43 .59 .58 .54 .54 .47 .55 .53 .53 .53 .66 .52 .61 .62 .56 .50

.54 .66 .59 .60 .28 .36 .36 .43 .47 .32 .27 0 .47 .50 .61 .55 .39 .42 .51 .50 .53 .55 .53 .52 .61 .49 .60 .60 .57 .52 .54 .55 .55 .57 .55 .61 .58 .57 .57 .56 .50

.52 .58 .55 .55 .34 .37 .45 .41 .43 .45 .49 .47 0 .29 .41 .38 .58 .54 .36 .34 .39 .38 .35 .41 .43 .35 .50 .50 .49 .44 .43 .46 .46 .47 .47 .55 .46 .50 .50 .48 .42

.50 .49 .54 .53 .39 .36 .44 .37 .36 .48 .44 .50 .29 0 .35 .40 .57 .51 .37 .33 .36 .37 .34 .39 .35 .38 .53 .56 .54 .44 .46 .48 .48 .49 .49 .49 .44 .38 .47 .46 .40

.48 .50 .52 .50 .50 .49 .52 .45 .47 .56 .61 .61 .41 .35 0 .35 .65 .62 .47 .45 .45 .45 .44 .47 .47 .47 .56 .58 .56 .53 .53 .53 .52 .55 .55 .57 .52 .43 .51 .52 .41

.47 .45 .50 .50 .48 .48 .45 .46 .45 .53 .49 .55 .38 .40 .35 0 .62 .62 .42 .36 .40 .40 .41 .41 .42 .41 .48 .53 .48 .46 .47 .51 .49 .46 .51 .49 .48 .38 .47 .45 .42

.61 .65 .65 .65 .40 .45 .46 .54 .52 .43 .42 .39 .58 .57 .65 .62 0 .43 .57 .55 .58 .59 .60 .58 .64 .55 .66 .68 .62 .53 .55 .62 .63 .60 .62 .64 .61 .62 .61 .61 .56

.55 .62 .60 .58 .40 .49 .42 .54 .53 .46 .43 .42 .54 .51 .62 .62 .43 0 .58 .53 .58 .57 .57 .59 .64 .50 .67 .60 .58 .57 .53 .55 .58 .61 .57 .62 .55 .55 .54 .58 .51

.51 .53 .58 .57 .43 .40 .46 .41 .41 .45 .46 .51 .36 .37 .47 .42 .57 .58 0 .22 .26 .28 .24 .28 .28 .29 .48 .50 .47 .42 .40 .52 .49 .48 .49 .48 .43 .41 .46 .46 .43

.48 .47 .54 .53 .43 .41 .44 .40 .42 .44 .44 .50 .34 .33 .45 .36 .55 .53 .22 0 .19 .23 .17 .18 .24 .30 .46 .48 .43 .35 .41 .46 .44 .45 .46 .43 .42 .38 .45 .43 .39

.50 .51 .55 .55 .47 .42 .48 .42 .42 .48 .52 .53 .39 .36 .45 .40 .58 .58 .26 .19 0 .15 .16 .09 .17 .38 .43 .45 .43 .43 .43 .49 .47 .48 .46 .49 .44 .41 .50 .44 .40

ADP LDC NTC FNS PJ Z XPC SZT NGZ M LT YZT YBZ DXB GM D BJ B CTL FKC QLC NSC FZK CKB J J C

Core lexical distance matrix .52 .48 .57 .55 .47 .45 .49 .42 .40 .51 .50 .55 .38 .37 .45 .40 .59 .57 .28 .23 .15 0 .23 .17 .26 .40 .45 .45 .43 .43 .44 .49 .49 .45 .48 .51 .46 .41 .48 .43 .39

.49 .50 .57 .53 .43 .39 .48 .40 .41 .50 .50 .53 .35 .34 .44 .41 .60 .57 .24 .17 .16 .23 0 .15 .15 .37 .45 .46 .43 .41 .42 .48 .46 .45 .49 .46 .45 .41 .48 .43 .38

.49 .51 .53 .55 .47 .41 .48 .40 .44 .48 .51 .52 .41 .39 .47 .41 .58 .59 .28 .18 .09 .17 .15 0 .18 .38 .43 .45 .43 .40 .42 .46 .48 .45 .46 .49 .44 .39 .47 .42 .37

.57 .58 .59 .62 .52 .44 .56 .48 .41 .59 .66 .61 .43 .35 .47 .42 .64 .64 .28 .24 .17 .26 .15 .18 0 .41 .47 .50 .46 .45 .48 .49 .48 .50 .53 .58 .47 .44 .53 .46 .43

.49 .51 .54 .52 .45 .39 .46 .42 .44 .44 .43 .49 .35 .38 .47 .41 .55 .50 .29 .30 .38 .40 .37 .38 .41 0 .49 .50 .46 .37 .35 .47 .46 .51 .45 .44 .36 .42 .49 .48 .38

.56 .60 .57 .58 .56 .54 .59 .59 .56 .57 .59 .60 .50 .53 .56 .48 .66 .67 .48 .46 .43 .45 .45 .43 .47 .49 0 .16 .06 .50 .50 .53 .51 .54 .51 .60 .58 .42 .48 .41 .39

.58 .59 .61 .58 .54 .54 .59 .54 .56 .57 .58 .60 .50 .56 .58 .53 .68 .60 .50 .48 .45 .45 .46 .45 .50 .50 .16 0 .16 .54 .52 .56 .56 .52 .56 .56 .54 .43 .44 .43 .41

.52 .56 .56 .57 .52 .53 .55 .54 .53 .55 .54 .57 .49 .54 .56 .48 .62 .58 .47 .43 .43 .43 .43 .43 .46 .46 .06 .16 0 .49 .49 .53 .49 .48 .53 .55 .52 .40 .41 .42 .36

.54 .53 .56 .55 .45 .48 .46 .48 .48 .49 .54 .52 .44 .44 .53 .46 .53 .57 .42 .35 .43 .43 .41 .40 .45 .37 .50 .54 .49 0 .25 .49 .49 .46 .44 .37 .43 .49 .48 .56 .48

.54 .56 .59 .56 .49 .47 .48 .50 .48 .47 .47 .54 .43 .46 .53 .47 .55 .53 .40 .41 .43 .44 .42 .42 .48 .35 .50 .52 .49 .25 0 .50 .50 .48 .46 .37 .43 .50 .54 .51 .46

.55 .55 .59 .57 .52 .51 .54 .52 .51 .53 .55 .55 .46 .48 .53 .51 .62 .55 .52 .46 .49 .49 .48 .46 .49 .47 .53 .56 .53 .49 .50 0 .09 .45 .57 .58 .56 .47 .51 .54 .49

.52 .51 .59 .56 .53 .51 .55 .53 .57 .56 .53 .55 .46 .48 .52 .49 .63 .58 .49 .44 .47 .49 .46 .48 .48 .46 .51 .56 .49 .49 .50 .09 0 .48 .56 .55 .57 .47 .52 .51 .48

.54 .54 .60 .59 .54 .55 .54 .53 .54 .60 .53 .57 .47 .49 .55 .46 .60 .61 .48 .45 .48 .45 .45 .45 .50 .51 .54 .52 .48 .46 .48 .45 .48 0 .51 .53 .56 .49 .54 .49 .47

.54 .54 .60 .59 .51 .53 .52 .52 .54 .52 .53 .55 .47 .49 .55 .51 .62 .57 .49 .46 .46 .48 .49 .46 .53 .45 .51 .56 .53 .44 .46 .57 .56 .51 0 .50 .48 .52 .50 .54 .47

.61 .67 .63 .63 .53 .54 .60 .65 .59 .60 .66 .61 .55 .49 .57 .49 .64 .62 .48 .43 .49 .51 .46 .49 .58 .44 .60 .56 .55 .37 .37 .58 .55 .53 .50 0 .47 .63 .64 .59 .56

.56 .55 .58 .59 .48 .47 .52 .49 .49 .50 .52 .58 .46 .44 .52 .48 .61 .55 .43 .42 .44 .46 .45 .44 .47 .36 .58 .54 .52 .43 .43 .56 .57 .56 .48 .47 0 .48 .53 .51 .47

.45 .46 .50 .51 .51 .49 .52 .55 .50 .59 .61 .57 .50 .38 .43 .38 .62 .55 .41 .38 .41 .41 .41 .39 .44 .42 .42 .43 .4 .49 .50 .47 .47 .49 .52 .63 .48 0 .42 .38 .30

.51 .53 .56 .51 .54 .50 .50 .56 .49 .56 .62 .57 .50 .47 .51 .47 .61 .54 .46 .45 .50 .48 .48 .47 .53 .49 .48 .44 .41 .48 .54 .51 .52 .54 .50 .64 .53 .42 0 .38 .30

.50 .49 .50 .51 .52 .51 .51 .50 .49 .53 .56 .56 .48 .46 .52 .45 .61 .58 .46 .43 .44 .43 .43 .42 .46 .48 .41 .43 .42 .56 .51 .54 .51 .49 .54 .59 .51 .38 .38 0 .32

.48 .45 .53 .51 .46 .42 .47 .44 .43 .49 .50 .50 .42 .40 .41 .42 .56 .51 .43 .39 .40 .39 .38 .37 .43 .38 .39 .41 .36 .48 .46 .49 .48 .47 .47 .56 .47 .30 .30 .32 0

WDP M ZC WBZ DHN SZW LJ Y HZC DFC LZC M XC XJ C SXZ XZC DXZ LCC LPC M CD WZC ZZC DPD

446 Appendix C

Appendix D Sample RTT translation

Suffocating Ducks Chinese Free Translation ⧠൘ᡁ䇢˖䈤ᶕᴹа⛩ྭㅁˈ䈤ᶕᴹа⛩۫⬌DŽሿᰦ‫ˈى‬аṧн៲Ⲵᰦ‫ˈى‬ аṧ䜭н䇔ᗇˈଚ⿽һ᡽⸕䚃ྭнྭ˛ሿᰦ‫Ⲵڊى‬ᴰᐞⲴа⅑ˈ䈤۫⬌һˈ ӪӪ䜭ㅁ䎧ᶕˈҏнᱟ‫Ⲵ֌ڊ‬ቬDŽ⧠൘ᡁ䇢ሿᰦ‫ˈⲴى‬䈤‫ڊ‬䗷ⲴһᛵDŽ䛓ቡ ᱟа㡜ⲴሿՉᆀⲴ۫⬌һˈ䈤㔉֐ԜੜDŽቡᱟሿᰦ‫ˈى‬ቡᱟ䈫ҖⲴᰦ‫ˈى‬ᖃ ᰦ䘈൘䈫Җˈ᭮ᆖഎᶕDŽᡁᇦ呝ᆀᴹйਚDŽйਚᱟ㠵⡦㔉ⲴੰDŽ᭮൘⭠䟼 䶒ˈᲊк৫ᖂ呝ᆀDŽመᆀ䟼Ⲵ呑ᴹ⯵ǃ呝ᴹ⯵ˈᡰԕ㇑൘⭠䟼䶒DŽ䘈ᴹ‫ݴ‬ ᕏˈ৸а䎧‫ݸ‬㇑呝ᆀDŽ‫ݴ‬ᕏ䈤ˈĀн㾱ޫഎ৫መᆀ䟼˖ᴹ呝⯵ǃ呑⯵ˈޫ൘ ⭠䟼DŽā䈤ˈĀн㾱ᢺ呝ᆀഎᇦˈޫ൘⭠䟼䶒DŽā㇑൘‫ݴ‬ᕏᇦⲴ⭠䟼䶒ˈᡁ Ⲵᴹа⍎ˈԆⲴᴹа⍎ˈቡᢺ呝ᆀ㇑൘⍎䟼䶒ˈഎᶕDŽབྷӪቡ䰞ˈĀ֐Ⲵ呝 ᆀ൘ଚ䟼˛āᖸнᮒ䈤DŽнᮒ䈤ˈቡ䈤аਕˈĀ⋑ᴹ᢮⵰DŽāབྷӪቡᢃˈ 䈤ˈĀ֐⋑ᴹ᢮⵰ʽāབྷӪቡᔰ࿻傲DŽᢺ呝ᆀ᭮൘⍎䟼䶒ԕਾˈ⭘⸣ᶯⴆ 䎧ǃ⌕ᐤᮧ䎧ˈᮧ䎧⍎ਓˈቡ䈤˖Ā⧠൘ᶁ䟼䶒Ⲵ呑⯵ǃ呝⯵н㜭ՐࡠᡁԜ 呝ᆀ䓛кᶕDŽāቡ᤯㇑൘⍎䟼䶒˖ԆⲴєਚǃᡁⲴйਚDŽㅜҼཙࠪ৫᭮Ⲵᰦ ‫ˈى‬൘䟼䶒䰧↫ҶˈഐѪオ≄н䙊DŽԆⲴєਚ䜭↫ᦹⲴˈᡁⲴйਚᴹањ⋑ ᴹ↫DŽᆳⲴ౤䟼ᴹ୮൏ˈᴰਾਚ⍫аਚDŽԆⲴєਚǃᡁⲴєਚ䜭↫ᦹˈਚⴱ лаਚDŽᖃᰦⲴᰦ‫ى‬ሿᆙн៲һˈԕਾⲴሿᆙᆀ㾱ྭྭൠੜབྷӪⲴ䈍DŽ

English Free Translation: The story I’m about to tell you is a bit funny to hear – a bit foolish. When I was little, I didn’t know the first thing – didn’t understand anything – didn’t have any way of telling good from bad. The worst thing I ever did as a kid is a bit foolish: It’s really going to make everyone laugh, but it’s no joke. So now I’m going to tell you about when I was little – some things from days gone by – just some of the normal foolish stuff that kids do. So here we go: When I was little – back when I was in school – I was still in school at that point, but we came back home for vacation. My family had three ducks, and each one of them was given to us by my uncle. We took them out to browse in the rice paddies and went back at night to bring them home. Our village had a case of bird flu at that point, so we let the chickens and ducks browse in the rice paddies. I also had a little cousin – we took care of the ducks together. My cousin said, “let’s not take the ducks back into the village: there’s bird flu afoot; let’s keep them in the fields.” “Let’s not take them back home, let’s just keep them in the fields, he said.” So, we kept them in my cousin’s field: a hole for

448

Appendix D

his and a hole for mine. We put them in the two holes and returned home. So the adults asked us, “where are your ducks?” But we didn’t dare answer. We were afraid to tell them, so we just told them, “We couldn’t find them.” Then came their response: “You couldn’t find them!?” They really scolded us. After we had put the ducks in the holes, we had covered the holes with slate and spread mud over the top. We had spread mud over the mouths of the holes and said, “the bird flu will never get to our ducks now!” We had put them in holes for safe-keeping: two of his and three of mine. The next day, when we went out to take care of them again, we found that they had suffocated due to lack of air! Both of his had died, and only one of my three hadn’t died. Its mouth had a wad of mud in it. So, in the end, there was only one living. Two of his and two of mine had died! There was only one left. Kids in those days just didn’t get it; kids of the future had really better listen to the adults!

RTT Questions: 1. Ԇ㾱䇢Ⲵ䘉њ᭵һᱟӰѸᰦ‫˛Ⲵ⭏ਁى‬ This story he’s telling: when did he say it took place? 2. 䛓ᰦ‫ى‬Ԇᇦᴹࠐਚ呝ᆀ˛ How many ducks did his family have back then? 3. ࠪ᭮呝ᆀˈ᭮൘ӰѸൠᯩ˛ Where did they herd the ducks? 4. መᆀ䟼䶒ᴹӰѸ䰞仈˛ What was the problem in the village? 5. 䛓ཙᢺ呝ᆀ᭮൘ӰѸൠᯩ㇑˛ Where did they put the ducks for safekeeping on that day? 6. བྷӪ䰞ԆӰѸ˛ What did the adults ask them? 7. ԆᘾѸഎㆄ˛ What was his answer? 8. ԆԜᢺ呝ᆀ᭮൘⍎ԕਾᒢӰѸ˛ What had they done after putting the ducks in the hole? 9. ㅜҼཙˈ呝ᆀᘾѸṧ˛ By the next day, what state were the ducks in? 10. ᴰਾᴹཊቁ呝ᆀ⍫⵰˛ In the end how many ducks were still alive?

Notes

Chapter 1 1. See §3.2 for discussion of etymology. 2. Personal estimate using methods described in §1.3 and §2.5.2. See §3.8 and §8.2-§8.4 for more specific population breakdowns by language, county and genetic cluster. 3. Bradley (2005b:164-66), building on Bradley (2004, 1995), provides the reconstruction *C-ŋwi1 < PNg#401B ‘silver’ for the autonym used by speakers of the ancestor language formerly referred to as ‘Loloish’, ‘Yi’ or ‘Yipho’ and recommends that ‘Ngwi’ be used as a replacement for these older titles when referring to the diachronic branch since the older titles are derogatory (Lolo), ambiguous (Yi) or ill-conceived (Yipho). 4. This theme is also treated in depth in the writings of C. S. Peirce and Thomas Kuhn. Consider the events surrounding the Copernican revolution, for instance (cf. Stone 1991 for clarification of Kuhn on this point), in which scientific progress is made through disproving an earlier hypothesis, resulting in a paradigm shift. Kuhn (1996) is less optimistic than Popper about the very possibility of progress, but Peirce is more optimistic than both that progress is not only possible but manifest (see, for example, Peirce [1903] 1998b: 193-194). 5. See Map 1.5 and Table 1.1 on pp. 25–27 and the reference list on page xxxi for datapoint abbreviations. 6. Thus, it would seem that Nisu varieties in southeastern Yunnan are more saliently ‘Yi’ in terms of folk linguistics. This is likely due to Nisu’s traditional association with the title ‘Lolo’ as is discussed further in §1.2.2. 7. The text in question reads, “ 䱯᡾˖ᖍ᯿᭟㌫㉨㇅Ӷ㠚〠ˈ㉨˖ኡˈ ᜿ѪӶ ᯿ኡ”. Free translation: ‘Azha: A branch of the Yi Nationality using the autonym Boji; Bo meaning ‘mountain;’ hence, Puzu mountain.’ 8. Judging from lexical correspondences, reported time of elicitation and stage of the journey, the 73-item romanized wordlist from ‘Poula’ included in this source appears to be Southern Muji from a village south of the Honghe River just to the southwest of Manhao. 9. Based on his visit to a Phula village north of Mengzi (apparently Ani Phowa) where he discovered the inhabitants to be very short: women 4'6" and men 4'9" tall. 10. In Shizitou or western Jinping County along the southern periphery of the Phula distribution where there are few Nisu (i.e., Lolo), the Muji do not think of themselves as ‘Phuzu’ or ‘Phula’ and are not referred to as such (instead, they

450

11.

12.

13.

14.

15.

16.

17.

18. 19.

Notes are simply known as ‘Muji’) even though Muji in most other places strongly identify with the Phula title. This seems to add support for thinking of ‘Phula’ as an ethnic category that was primarily established to keep related groups distinct from Lolo/Nisu. Pelkey (2005: 45) notes the possibility of an ancient script used by a Phulaaffiliated group called ‘Abo’ as reported in WSXZ (1999: 184), but the modern evidence of the existence of this ancient group, as well as any trace of its script, not to mention further information regarding its affiliation with Phula, were not discovered during on-site research. Sani and Azhe are two closely related languages unaffiliated with the Phula ethnonym (discussed further in Chapter 7) that both maintain ancient scripts. David Bradley (personal communication, April, 2008) notes that the Azhe script looks like Nasu, a more distantly related language of the Northern Ngwi sub-branch spoken in northeastern Yunnan. A general consensus holds that the rulers of the Nanzhao were Ngwi speakers and the rulers of the Dali were Bai speakers, but as noted in Backus (1981: 161), the two kingdoms and their interim states were very similar in terms of economy, culture and governing institutions. Modern-day Milewan is now inhabited by Nong Zhuang speakers. See Yang Liujin (2006) for a thorough study of migration routes retraced by researching paths by which sprits of the deceased are sent off to their ancestral homeland. Similarly, David Bradley (personal communication, April, 2008) notes that the Nasu seem to have migrated away from Dianchi Lake along the Pudu River (see Map 1.2) which drains from western Dianchi into the Jinsha (a.k.a Changjiang or Upper Yangtse) River. As Randy LaPolla has pointed out to me (personal communication, April, 2008), the protoform for ☞ and related characters such as Ӷ and ᵤ used in reference to the river and ethnic group are reconstructed *bok; thus, the aspirated initial in Phu(la) is a later development. Similarly, Randy notes that ส in the transcription of the Muji autonym would have had an ancient *k- initial. Unlike some Nuosu and Nasu speakers, Phula groups use Han surnames. Whether or not some of these surnames developed into autonyms is unclear, but the origins of numerous Phula ethnonyms are discussed in Chapter 3. Although they don’t remember how far away their old village was in Vietnam, they report that a few elderly Muji men walked north into China from Vietnam some years ago looking for Muji that they had heard of who lived in QLC. These men said they had walked for seven days. QLC Muji elders maintain an oral tradition with mythological elements regarding their journey back to China. Fu ᓌ previously referred to a government seat and its administrative region. Kaihua Fuzhi (Tang et al. 2004: 244-251) also mentions the presence of two Muji groups in the region, Black Muji and White Muji, and provides the following summary of each: 唁⇽呑˖ᙗྲṰޭˈትᗵ䍏䲙DŽⲭ⇽呑˖ᵤⴤሿ ᗳˈн㜭ਇቸDŽFree translation: “The Black Muji have a disposition like that of a cruel beast; their neighbors must hold a key position” [the meaning of this

Notes

20. 21.

22. 23.

24. 25.

26. 27.

451

last phrase is unclear]. The White Muji are honest, straightforward and cautious; they cannot endure wrongdoing.” To my knowledge, these exonyms are no longer used in the region (or elsewhere). Here and above, the round numbers may seem to suggest an informal estimate, but WSZZ (2000:394), at least, lists the number of lexemes compared. Due to complex identity issues discussed in Chapter 2, Bai’s (1994) La’ou is referred to in this book as ‘Phupa’ and should be considered separate from both Phupha and Laghuu, though more closely related to the former than the latter. Formerly known as ‘cungongsuo’ ᶁ‫ޜ‬ᡰ and/or ‘banshichu’ ࣎һ༴. Preliminary linguistic data was collected from XBL, DHN and HZC in 20032004, prior to the formal fieldwork component of this research project described in Chapter 2. Additional data was collected from DHN and HZC during 2005-2006. This Azha variety is further detailed in Wang (1996, 1998) in terms of phonology and grammar. Wang (2004) cites Wudupi as his data source, but the lexical data appended to his article does not match Wudupi in terms of morphemes or tones. Wang’s grammatical analysis may be based on the Wudupi dialect but his lexical data is based a different variety. A Mazheshao official notes that Wang also carried out fieldwork in Hulutang, another Phowa village in the Township. Wudupi locals concur that the data sounds like the Hulutang dialect. This plea from Croft was brought to my attention by Chambers (2004: 130). As an alternative to Kant’s basic categories, Charles S. Peirce argues that “… three elements are active in the world, first, chance, second, law; and third, habit-taking” ([1888] 2000: 208). Working from Peircean architectonics, then, insofar as socio-cultural phenomena are modes of habit-taking, they are no less metaphysical activities than our perceptions of time and space. See LaPolla (2003b, 2009) for useful discussions of culture and language as habit-taking or conventionalization. Habits tend to become laws, as Peirce observes ([1890] 2010a: 106). To the degree that linguistic or sociolinguistic structures are predictable, or law-like, to that degree they are “hide-bound with habits” ([1892] 2010c: 155).

Chapter 2 1. In a few early datapoints (XPB and LJY) I tried to operate the camera in addition to audio equipment and data transcription, but this turned out to be unfeasible. Further video recording of lexical elicitation was carried out by Stephanie Pelkey with the exception of lexical elicitation in three data points (PJZ, SZT, QLC) which were video recorded by Jason Pounders. 2. Personal communication, April, 2005.

452

Notes

3. David Bradley: Personal communication, March 2005; Fraser Bennett: Personal communication, April, 2005. 4. David Bradley, personal communication, March 2007. 5. The state of affairs lexicalized in the semantics of certain activity predicates make them more complex – justifying their recognition as further verb categories (e.g., Accomplishments, Achievements, etc.) – some of which prohibit certain modifications, such as the use of progressive aspect (see Van Valin and LaPolla 1997). 6. Not all of these distinctions proved useful for the purposes of this work. The rounded apical vowels [ ʅ ] and [ ʯ ], for example, were not observed to occur in any Phula variety; though they are common in Nuosu and Sani. 7. Phuma-YZT is the most clear exception. Most other varieties researched have reduced these distinctions to a simple proximal/distal opposition. 8. Returning to ask about lexemes only after finishing a page of elicitation and/or marking the items in question and bringing them up at the beginning a session after a break are two good ways of varying the pace. 9. Naturally, native speaker assistance will also be required for accurate transcription of these texts. 10. The ≁᯿ᘇ minzu zhi (ethnic nationality gazetteer) series sometimes provide more recent population breakdowns of ethnic diversity within an official nationality, as do the ৯ᘇ xian zhi (county gazetteers) in a few instances. 11. Usually Swedish and Danish are mentioned (cf. Crystal 1997: 114, Matisoff 1983: 57) – two distinct languages socio-politically which, nevertheless, share high levels of inter-intelligibility. In such cases, according to the ISOL (2007) criteria, ethnic identity simply trumps dialect intelligibility for language definition. These popular counterexamples do not invalidate intelligibility as a criterion for defining languages in other situations. 12. Though Slaska (2005), at least, repudiates Swadesh’s glottochronology component. 13. Nevertheless, as is discussed in §2.8.4 and applied in §6.2, reinterpreting a traditional lexical matrix as a distance matrix enables the computation of ‘phylogenetic’ networks that are useful for developing hypotheses on historical/contact relationships. 14. As Hamp (1998: 307) states, “… genetic relation between languages … cannot be determined by simple visual inspection, by eyeballing word lists for similarities. The most diagnostic features normally display a degree of idiosyncrasy.” 15. i.e., when the languages or dialects in question have died out, are inaccessible, and/or have evolved into different stages since the lists or manuscripts were first transcribed. 16. This reality is taken most seriously by Bailey (e.g., 1976, 1982, 1985) along with the necessity of gradient, diachronic models of for morphosyntactic description. Other ‘diachronic’ applications to ‘synchronic’ analysis are fruitfully

Notes

17. 18.

19.

20.

21.

22.

453

demonstrated in recent Tibeto-Burman studies such as LaPolla (2007) and Gerner (2002). i.e., irreversible, but not, therefore, immune to reanalysis. Of course, to be more specific, the morphemes themselves are what coalesce, not their boundaries, but the phonemes of the morphemes that are most impacted by such coalescence are generally the ones that previously formed a boundary between the two morphemes, hence this way of referring to the process, borrowing terminology used in Brinton and Traugott (2005). Exceptions to this cross-linguistic generalization on areal lexicalization in Brinton and Traugott (2005) can be noted in the Sinosphere, however. Common cross-linguistic lexicalization patterns include ‘moon’ < ‘moon+light’ and ‘ankle’ < ‘foot+eye’. Except in language contact situations such that it can be demonstrated that an otherwise distantly related neighboring variety happens to borrow one of the innovations in question (discussed further below). The distinction here is between tone as a system-internal diachronic feature and tone as a typological feature. The latter cannot be used as individual-identifying evidence of genetic relatedness. See Matisoff 1978: 7, 233-234 for a discussion the distinctions between of typological tone and historical tone, and see LaPolla 2006 for a discussion of the distinctions and overlap of historical linguistics and linguistic typology. Hock (1991: 440) discusses the same general phenomena in terms of ‘focal area’ (Bailey’s most innovative ‘lect of origin’), ‘relic area’ (Bailey’s most distant, conservative lects) and ‘transition area’ (Bailey’s intermediate lects).

Chapter 3 1. The complex syllabic nasal in the first syllable of this lexeme is used in this dialect of Muji on palatalized front vowel initials preceded by a bilabial nasal initial. 2. Lawu is an undocumented Ngwi variety of southern Jinping County classified under the Yi Nationality (JPXZ 1994) but not affiliated with Phula. 3. Laghuu information in this row is from Edmondson (2003) and Edmondson and Lama (1999). Though spoken in both the eastern and southern zones, Laghuu is represented here due to apparent overlap in ethnonyms. 4. This variation and the one below it are listed in both Bai (1994) and MZXZ (1995) using the Chinese allogram 㝺⅗. Note the homonymous appellations in Bokha-YBZ and Laghuu-NSC. 5. A phonetically similar autonym is used by a Central Ngwi group, Hlersu (Bradley 2007), living in scattered pockets of northwestern Xinping, western Eshan, northeastern Yuanjiang, northwestern Shiping and southeastern Shuangbai counties of central Yunnan.

454

Notes

6. Digaopo is used to denote ‘lowlanders’ in Phowa. The term is not to be confused with the fortuitous Chinese homonym/antonym digaopo ൠ儈⌬, lit., ‘highlanders’. 7. Randy LaPolla, who supplied me with this protoform, also notes (personal communication, April 2008) that this ancient title was primarily used in Sichuan and eastern Yunnan. 8. In other words, sub-identities embedded within the common supergroup Phula identity, but defined according to the ethnic perspective of the observer. 9. ‘Muji’ is sometimes used as a Phula-internal exonym for various (non-Muji) Phula groups outside the south-central region as well. Phala speakers interviewed in FNS, for example, referred to all Phula in Mengzi and Gejiu counties as mu²¹ʥi⁵⁵pʰu²¹la³³, and Phuza speakers interviewed in BJB referred to Phowa in Xibeile Township as ‘Muji’, though the Xibeile Phowa disagree with this classification. 10. Note, however, that other reports (e.g., Edmondson 2003) indicate that all village dwelling Bokho/Bokha have now migrated back into China. 11. Some speakers include Laozhai township in this category, but this is probably a mistake since the only specific village they referenced as being in this township (i.e. Yangcaotang) is actually located in Mingjiu township to the north of Laozhai. 12. A Hlepho dialect more closely affiliated with Phowa-FZK, not to be confused with the Khlula-LZC of Laozhai in Liujin Township of southeastern Wenshan County. 13. As mentioned briefly above, Lawu Yi is a ethnolinguistic variety reported in Chinese sources such as JPXZ (1994) and by Jinping County locals to be living in scattered villages of Mengla Township and other regions of southern Jinping County. The variety is officially classified under the Yi Nationality, but it is not affiliated with Phula. Genetic affiliation is uncertain since the variety is undocumented linguistically. 14. Degrees of intelligibility between the SZW lect and other Phowa lects are in need of further investigation. 15. Jiangnanbo may prove to affiliate with Phuza instead of Phupa. 16. The Baiwushan dialect cluster is potentially an unintelligible variety, based on reported folk-perceptions. 17. Azha village populations are much larger, on average, and separated by greater geographic distances than most other village populations in the region (see WSZZ 2000, WSXZ 1999, WSDZ 1988).

Chapter 4 1. See explanatory notes on Lawu in Chapter 3 footnotes 2 and 13 above.

Notes

455

2. 嗉ཤ, lit., ‘dragon head’, a traditional chieftain/shaman who functions as a political and spiritual leader. 3. This village is located in southern Lengquan Township, Mengzi County – distinct from Nuoguzhai (NGZ) in Kafang Township, Gejiu County. 4. This particular village has designated two trees for this purpose: one for the pig sacrifice and one for the goat sacrifice. Three chickens are reportedly sacrificed at each tree. 5. Historical records indicate that Daxingzhai was established sometime during the eighteenth century (see Lu 1987, WSJZ 1990: 117) 6. Wang Mingfu, personal communication, 27 August 2005.

Chapter 5 1. The rounded segments [ʅ ] and [ʯ ], common in some varieties of Nuosu and Sani, were not encountered in the Phula languages surveyed during the course of this research project. 2. Semantic shift to ‘underground’ in Hlepho-FZK. 3. Even though the reverse scenario seems to be the case diachronically (i.e., /j/ > [ʑ]), describing the phoneme as /ʑ/ accords better with the consonant canon and syllable template of synchronic Hlepho phonology. 4. Nevertheless, Zokhuo’s velar correspondences in these classes point strongly to lateral cluster origins as is shown in the Table 5.4 dataset. 5. PTB form substituted from Matisoff (2003: 648) with apparent PB/PNg tone category and devoicing mechanism added; cf. Table 7.3 and related discussion in §7.3.1. 6. Glossed as ‘small wolf’; distinct from ʦʰa²¹la²¹ ‘large wolf’. 7. Not including a handful of diphthongs introduced via Chinese loans. 8. Possibly a Chinese loan. 9. Synonymous with kʰɯ⁵⁵ cf. Table 5.12. 10. Most occurrences of /kʰj/ are from PNg *kw_ and *krw_ syllables, and reflexes are sometimes in free variation with /tɕʰ/ initials: e.g., ‘dog’ *kwe2 > kʰji ̠²³ < [kʰxji ̠ʔ²⁴] ~ [ʨʰi ̠ʔ²³]. 11. With very few residual exceptions (not noted in Long 2004) in velar and uvular environments: e.g., ‘ladder’*m-gu1/2 > ɴqə33 and ᵑɡɑ̠33pʰɯ55 ‘gourd’. 12. Tense voice phonation. 13. Even though /j/ is likely the diachronic source in many such cases, a /ʑ/ interpretation fits the synchronic consonant canon and syllable template more adequately.

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Notes

Chapter 6 1. This diagram echoes a similar application to four Bantu pairs illustrated in Holden and Gray (2006: 25). 2. In order to screen out lexicalized tone sandhi. 3. Specifically *C-prefixed *stops *C-prefixed *nasals and *unprefixed *stop *initial *syllables lacking the *-aŋ *final. 4. Widespread tonal irregularity on nasal-initial syllables is also a feature of TC-2 in the Phowa cluster (cf. §6.4.1.2 ) 5. Shaded area indicates weak support or insufficient data. 6. Thopho also splits *p-r_ syllables to /55/, but the Moji data shows no cognate forms with *p-r_ syllables – hence the parentheses around this reflex in Table 6.4. 7. /mji³³/ < [mjɪ³³] is a better rendering of this XPC utterance than the quasiphonological transcription in Pelkey (2006) which contrasts /mɪ³³/ and /mi³³/. 8. Occurring only in the environment of /ɯ/ following aspirated plosives. 9. Data in the “Other Ngwi” columns in this table and in the remaining tables of the paper comes from the following sources unless otherwise noted: Sani, Nasu and Hani data from Huang and Dai (1992); Lisu data from YNSZ (1998). 10. This is unlikely to be an instance of nasal final retention. Muji-Q has reintroduced nasal finals on numerous morphemes; more so than most other Muji languages. This is perhaps due to undergoing longer-term contact with MonKhmer, Hmong-Mien and Tai-Kadai languages than most other Muji-cluster languages. 11. 哴⢋ huangniu, alternatively ‘field cow’ is a breed of bos taurus domesticus commonly used for highland slope cultivation in rural SW China. 12. Most varieties of Nasu and many Phula languages show irregular tʰa forms, and at least one variety of Nasu shows a parallel ɑ²¹ form (David Bradley, personal communication, May 2008), so this innovation can only be used as supporting evidence of genetic affiliation distinct from the Phowa cluster within Highland Phula. 13. Autonym used by a non-Phula Ngwi variety in Wenshan and Yanshan Counties. 14. Less for Phukha due to limited data, but more for the others. 15. The hypothesized common ancestor language of the Muji and Phowa clusters discussed in §6.5. 16. This is unlikely to be a loan from Southwestern Mandarin, lwḛ21 ‘tired’. The SW Mandarin loan for ‘tired’ shows up in Bokha-YBZ, for instance, in the phonetic shape [lwḛj 13]. 17. Two possibilities are PNg#764 *s-miŋ3 ‘ripe’ or PNg#764 *may1 ‘delicious’, but segmental and suprasegmental reflexes do not correspond: *s-miŋ3 > Hlepho ʔmɛ³³, Khlula ʔm̥ jɛ³³, Phukha mjɛ³¹ and *may1 > Hlepho nɛ³³, Khlula ʔɲɛ³³.

Notes

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18. Although different Hani varieties show bilabial nasal initial reflexes such as mje̠ ³¹ and mɤ³¹. 19. Three examples are a Hani compound for ‘bean’, nɯ³³si³³ (rendered nɔ³³si ̠²³ in Phola and no⁵⁵ɕi³³ in Phala; also found in Lahu), a unique Hani lexeme for ‘busy’, tʰe³¹ (rendered tʰɛ³³ in Phola and tʰe³³ in Phala), and a novel Nisu compound for ‘earring’, no³³lo³³ (rendered nɑ⁵⁵lɔ³³ in Phola and nɑ̰²¹lo³³ in Phala).

Chapter 7 1. Elicited as ‘taro’, but cognate with PNg#285 ‘caladium’. 2. Lexical replacement > ȵɪ²²ȵɪ³³, but cognate preserved in ‘face washing basin’

ɬu²¹tsʰi²¹kʰᴀ̠ ²².

3. Transcribed with a voiced alveolar stop initial in (YNSZ 1998), but corrected to retroflex initial based on the Chen et al. (1985) transcription. 4. Tentative protoform based on partial Burmic reconstruction in Thurgood (1982) and tone correspondences in Ngwi. 5. Cognate form substituted from the Bisu data (Li 2004). 6. Cognate form substituted from YNSZ (1998). 7. Cognate form substituted from the Bokho-DXB data (Jinping County). 8. Semantic shift to ‘rip open (a seam); ‘break up (fallow ground)’. 9. Honghe County Nisu variation listed in Pu et al. (2005: 165) 10. The aspiration of prenasalized segments in Nasu is an incidental feature – not directly related phonologically to the lateral cluster innovation. 11. Cognate form substituted from Sun et al. (1991): Nanjian County dialect. 12. Cognate form substituted from YNSZ (1998): Lushui County dialect. 13. Possible semantic shift to sugarcane/sugar: poŋ³¹ʦʰɑo³¹ʦʰɑ⁵⁵pin³¹ ‘sugar’; poŋ⁵⁵ʦʰɔ⁵⁵ ‘sugarcane’ cf. Bisu. 14. Cognate form substituted from Bisu (Li 2004). 15. Cognate form substituted from Dai et al. (1992): Mojiang County dialect. 16. Cognate form substituted from Muji-SZT data. 17. Many of these forms are better glossed ‘graze’, ‘herd’ or ‘put out to pasture’. 18. PTB form substituted from Matisoff (2003) with apparent PB/PNg tone category added. 19. PTB form substituted from Matisoff (2003) with apparent PB/PNg tone category and devoicing mechanism added. PNg form listed in Bradley (1979) is *kdzwan1 20. Cognate form substituted from Dai et al. (1992). 21. Cognate form substituted from YNSZ (1998). 22. Cognate form substituted from Phuma-YZT data (cf.§6.3 for justification). 23. Cognate form substituted from Chen et al. (1985). 24. Though he earlier (1979a:52) suggests an affiliation with Central.

458

Notes

25. Pu et al. (2005) lists at least two FGC’s pʰo³³ ‘CLF.father+children’ and pʰo³³ɬi³³ ‘CLF.grandfather+grandchildren’, but David Bradley (personal communication, May 2008) points out to me that Sani may lack FGC’s altogether. 26. As defined in Matisoff (1978), ‘allofamy’ describes the relationship between members of a word family. 27. Protoform from David Bradley (personal communication, April 2008). 28. Luquan County form; Guizhou Nasu form is ⁿdo⁵⁵ for both lexemes (David Bradley, personal communication, April 2008). 29. Hani-Akha form from David Bradley (personal communication, April 2008). 30. See also subsequent sketches of Azhe phonology and grammar in Wang (1996). 31. Probably a Tai loan. 32. See §7.3.1 for a discussion of issues related to this initial reflex. 33. Proto-Burmic form 34. Originally applied by Ma Xueliang (David Bradley, personal communication, April 2008). 35. Dai et al. (1992:668) notes that the /2/ tone in Sani is abbreviated and glottalized. 36. The Gasu language of Guangnan (Wu 1994) and the Gazhuo language of Tonghai (Dai et al., 1992) do not appear to affiliate with Southeastern Ngwi genetically.

Chapter 8 1. As noted in the Preface, and in Chapter 1, American polymath Charles Sanders Peirce (1839-1914) was the first to take abductive inference seriously in his system building efforts on the nature on human experience and the logical process of scientific discovery. I have Randy LaPolla to thank for introducing me to Peirce and the concept of Peircean abduction. Profoundly enough, the introduction came while I was reading through the novels of Peircean semiotician Walker Percy. 2. The village count in Pelkey (2006) was not inclusive of Muji in Wenshan Prefecture. Including Thopho and Moji. The latter is identified in Tan et al. (2004) as Muji but is largely assimilated by the present day with the exception of Moji-LCC. The methods behind these estimates (along with the remaining demographic estimates in this chapter) are described in §2.5.2. 3. As mentioned in §8.2.1, village counts are presented as a ratio with the total count listed first followed by the number of ethnically mixed villages known to be included in the total (e.g. 17/6 = 17 total villages including six villages mixed with other ethnic groups). Details on ethnic mixing in the Muji-clade villages of Vietnam and western Hekou County are unavailable. All figures are rough estimates, but the totals in Vietnam are proposed with less supporting evidence than the figures in China.

Notes

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4. Thinking of languages in terms of biological species is being seriously promoted by Mufwene (2008) and others. Interestingly, biological species are not as static or universally defined as the non-specialist might imagine. Botanist/biologist Colin Tudge (2006: 19) points out that estimates of total biological species in the world (not including bacteria) differ from between four or five million on the conservative side to 30+ million on the generous side. Species identification in biology has a long and vital tradition; nevertheless, many taxonomic definitions in biology have been asserted based on surface similarities alone, and, even after 250 years of work, definitions remain fluid. Natural scientists are still rethinking many relationships in light of genetic evidence (see, for example, RUNR 2007 and Tudge 2006). Thanks to the general regularity of sound change and the historical linguist’s ability to identify distinctive innovations using historical dialectology and the comparative method, linguistics arguably constitutes a more robust field than the other social sciences for making such biology-sociology comparisons relevant, but co-requisite with this task, individual ‘species’ (i.e., languages and dialects) themselves must be identified according to adequate criteria.

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Index

abduction, ix, 4, 43, 394, 396, 458 see also, hypothesis allophones, see phonology alveolopalatals, see consonants analogy, 84, 86, 95, 305, 424, 425 see also, dialectics, metaphor analysis, see dialectics, interpretation anaphora, 63 Ani Phowa, 6, 19, 21, 110, 113–114, 145–148, 162–163, 171, 173, 200–201, 225, 227–228, 231, 233, 234, 236, 238, 239, 301, 302, 304, 305, 313, 315–329, 338, 341, 343, 374, 414, 415, 417, 418, 431, 449 ancestry, 11–18, 109, 117, 126, 196, 201, 204, 212, 215, 328, 376, 378, 394, 438, 450 see also, historical reconstruction animacy, 64 Alo Phola, 102, 155, 159, 165, 182, 221, 335, 349, 402, 403 Alugu, 16, 25, 26, 106–108, 122, 123, 130, 136, 137, 140, 143, 157, 158, 150, 168, 170, 195–196, 221, 247, 248, 262, 278, 280, 282, 283, 284, 306, 334–349, 353, 401–407, 430, 431 Ani–Labo, 173, 315–323, 325–327, 329, 344 anthropology, 10, 37 see also, ethnology, culture archaism, see semantics areal linguistics, x, 2, 62, 66–67, 83, 95, 119, 179, 418–419, 422 diffusion, 35, 76, 77, 87, 89, 93, 279, 304, 428, 453 drift, 86, 89, 90, 128, 391

areal features, 58, 67, 77, 117, 224, 304 homoplasy, 94, 271, 279, 284, 353, 427–428 Sprachbund, 24, 21–22, 97–177, 178, 179, 180, 423, 444 see also, contact, loans, marriage networks Asia, 11, 99 see also, China, Sinosphere, Southeast Asia assimilation, see endangerment autonyms, see ethnonyms Axi, 11, 29, 275, 281, 293, 314, 334, 352–393 Azha, 6, 8, 11, 12, 19, 20, 25, 26, 29, 114–118, 126, 127, 145, 149– 151, 153, 154, 163, 172, 173, 209–212, 217–219, 221, 223, 224, 225, 226, 264–270, 281, 283, 284, 324, 350, 352–369, 373–393, 398, 400, 431, 449, 451, 454 Azhe, 11, 29, 125, 275, 281, 342, 352–393, 450, 458 Azhe–Azha, 11, 352, 353, 360, 363, 364, 366–369, 375, 380, 381, 386, 388, 389 Bai, 12, 76, 82, 95, 114, 126, 226, 450 Bai Bibo, xii, 18, 20, 107, 108, 247, 451, 453 Bailey, Charles–James N., 31, 32, 39, 82, 88, 90–93, 272, 309, 310– 312, 325, 328, 348, 352, 452, 453 bilingualism, see multilingualism, Chinese as lingua franca

488

Index

biology, viii, 43, 94, 95, 278, 279, 421, 424–425, 428, 429, 459 Bisang, Walter, vii, 35 Bisu, 29, 356, 457 Bokha, Bokho, 17, 25, 26, 29, 103, 105, 106, 109–110, 119, 122, 123, 130, 131, 137–139, 142, 156–157, 160, 167, 168, 170, 192–194, 221, 243, 278, 285, 286, 288, 291–313, 331–333, 358–364, 372, 408–414, 453, 454, 456 Bradley, David, xi, xii, 5, 7, 20, 39, 59, 70, 76, 86, 88, 90, 96, 110, 224, 229, 272, 274, 275, 287, 292, 335, 352, 355, 357, 366, 367, 368, 374, 378, 380, 391, 420, 426, 449, 450, 452, 453, 456, 458 Burmic (Burmese–Lolo), vii, xi, 1, 30, 59, 86, 88, 90, 272, 292, 344, 367, 368, 370, 457, 458 calques, 87 cartography, see geolinguistics Casad, Eugene, 32, 79, 80, 82 categories, viii, ix, 36, 67, 426, 427, 451 data elicitation, 55 ethnic, 1, 4, 6–8, 70–72, 99, 102, 105, 352, 355, 378, 398, 419, 422, 450 elicitation screening, 60 perceptual, 79, 146, 147, 150 see also, dialectology, endangerment (typology of threatened status), identity, dialect intelligibility, operationalization, phonology, reconstruction, semantics, subgrouping, tone chiasm, chiasmus chiastic dialectic, 41–43, 394–397, 399, 419, 425 chiastic structure, ix, 42, 43, 395– 399, 419, 424, 425

reversals, ix, 41, 42, 94, 154, 273, 293–300, 320, 370, 373, 393, 395, 397, 432, 455 tertium quid, 33, 1 see also, dialectics, interdependence, paradox children, 3, 52, 60, 61, 69, 73, 77, 79, 130, 133–134, 135, 137, 139, 156, 161, 434, 435, 438–441 as diagnostic of language vitality, 178–222 China, 17, 22, 45, 49, 66, 76, 96, 104, 126, 191, 314, 450, 454 ethnic classification and language recognition in China, 5–9, 70– 72, 96, 100, 314, 335, 357, 375, 419, 426–429 see also, Sinosphere, Yunnan Chinese, Mandarin, Southwest Mandarin, 5, 48–49, 50, 53, 57, 58, 64–66, 76, 77, 79, 81, 101, 102, 105, 113, 114, 115, 117, 119, 279, 363 as lingua franca, 48–49, 57, 65, 77, 79, 105, 130–138, 142–157, 161, 179–222, 433, 434, 435, 437 cladistics, 94, 279, 282–283, 350, 354–355, 397, 418, 420, 424 see also, subgrouping, Neighbor– Net classifiers, 29, 59, 62–63, 263, 304– 306, 344, 367–368, 372–373, 458 cognition, viii, 32, 33, 35, 37, 43, 304, 418, 424, 425 see also, abduction, analogy, categories, dialectics, intelligibility, perceptual dialectology compounds, compounding, 86, 100, 120, 128, 238, 245, 254, 258, 263, 302, 303, 305, 306, 323– 324, 326, 330, 343–347, 372– 375, 457, 467, 479

Index consonants, 224, 226, 228–235, 241– 243, 248–251, 255–259, 265– 267, 270, 272–274, 289, 356, 404 alveolopalatals, 66, 224–225, 228, 230–231, 236, 241, 249, 258, 260, 265, 357, 362 final consonants, 224, 241, 247, 258, 264, 273, 289, 301–304, 309, 456 glottal initial clusters, 228, 229, 274, 291, 367, 383, 385–386, 390 lateral clusters, 20, 226, 228, 232–234, 242–243, 251, 258, 264, 265, 313, 356–365, 372, 375, 390, 457 prenasalization, 228, 231–232, 234–235, 243, 257–258, 273– 274, 290, 317–319, 334, 337, 365, 391, 457 retroflex consonants, 66, 225, 227–228, 241, 244, 251, 258, 260, 267, 357, 361–362, 457 contact (language contact), 31, 79, 102, 108, 109, 118, 131, 134, 137, 142–144, 147, 150, 153– 156, 187, 190, 193, 212, 220, 247, 264, 266, 285, 303, 305– 307, 313, 324, 327, 329, 335, 346, 349, 351, 404–405, 456 see also, areal linguistics, endangerment, loans, marriage networks, multilingualism conventionalization, see grammaticalization and lexicalization culture, vii, 5, 9, 33, 35, 37, 39, 43, 49, 50, 59, 65, 68, 70, 71, 77, 99, 101, 119, 159, 178–222, 424, 450, 451 see also, anthropology, ethnicity, ethnography, ethnology, identity, endangerment, ethnonyms

489

Dai, Tai–Kadai, 101, 102, 103, 107, 128, 136, 137, 139, 154, 155, 159, 165, 183, 186, 200, 303, 335, 349, 351, 456 Dali kingdom, 11–14, 450 datapoints, xxxi–xxxiv, 21–30, 74, 77, 82, 97, 180, 197, 449 cartographic representations of datapoint distributions, 25, 165, 166, 170, 173, 175, 177, 405, 412, 417 see also, fieldwork data collection, see fieldwork data reciprocity, 49, 55 demographics, 20–21, 34, 42, 56, 60, 69–77, 81, 96, 97, 161, 163– 177, 183, 220, 399, 401–418, 422–424, 429, 432–435 derivation morphological, see compounds tonal, 275, 306, 307, 309, 320, 330, 332–333, 364 diachronic linguistics, see historical reconstruction and synchronic– diachronic distinction dialectics chiastic dialectic, see chiasm gradient continuity, 7, 35–37, 79, 84, 110, 113–114, 128, 132– 133, 162, 179, 242, 291, 328, 370, 393, 423–425, 452, see also, dialect continua dynamic equilibrium, vii, 34–43, 84, 91–95, 159, 162, 308–313, 325–330, 346–349, 394–398, 423–425 emergence, vii, 43, 87, 101, 110, 114, 159–163, 278, 284, 318, 322, 328–329, 348–349, 374, 412 integration, vii–x, 31–43, 84, 93– 94, 97, 159–163, 394–396, 423–425

490

Index

interdependence, vii–x, 4, 35, 37, 44–45, 94–95, 223, 396–397, 424 interdisciplinarity, vii, 2, 31, 35– 36, 424 irreducibility, vii, ix, 4, 35, 43, 79, 99, 396, 425 paradox, ix, 4, 36, 43, 70, 87, 97, 394, 418, 424–425 pragmatist hermeneutics, ix, 3–4, 6, 31, 35, 41–43, 95, 159, 394, 396, 419, 423–425 thesis-antithesis-synthesis, 42–43, 94–95, 394–398, 423–425 synthesis, viii, 1–3, 34–36, 42–43, 85, 95, 97, 120, 128, 159, 162, 163, 312, 394–398, 405, 407, 411, 418, 423–425 see also, chiasm(us), abduction, hypothesis, falsifiability dialectology Baileyan, see Bailey, CharlesJames N. historical, 31–32, 88, 271, 308– 313, 325–330, 335, 346–349, 430, 459 integrational, vii–x, 1–2, 4, 6, 31– 43, 281, 350, 394–398, 418, 423–425 Labovian, see Labov, William neglect of, 426–429 perceptual, 31, 79–80, 97, 122, 126, 151, 158–163, 399, 401, 404–407, 411–413, 416–418, 423 theories and methods of, 31–32, 34, 35, 38, 43, 49, 74, 79, 80– 82, 88, 91–93, 95, 271, 418, 422–425 traditional, vii, 31, 32, 43, 94–95 see also, intelligibility, geolinguistics dialects dialect continua, 158–159, 279– 282, 329, 353, 416

dialect definition, vii, 31–40, 85, 91, 154, 418, see also, operationalization dialect intelligibility, see intelligibilty, dialectology dialect geography, see dialectology, geolinguistics Phula dialects, 96–177, 401–418 transitional dialects, hinge dialects, 162, 227, 318, 320, 325, 329, 340, 413 diffusion, see areal linguistics diphthongs, see syllable rhyme dress, ethnic, 5, 99, 102, 108, 119, 179, 185–188, 190, 193–195, 197, 200, 201, 204, 205, 207, 210–212, 214, 217, 219, 438 see also, embroidery, ethnology drift, see areal linguistics dynasties, dynastic periods Ming dynasty, 10, 13, 14, 18 Qing dynasty, 14, 17, 106, 111, 112 Tang dynasty, 12, 377 Yuan dynasty, 13, 104 see also, Nanzhao kingdom, Dali kingdom Edmondson, Jerold, xi, 18, 19–20, 30, 59, 215, 226, 313, 356, 408, 414, 453, 454 elicitation, see fieldwork, wordlists embroidery, 72, 179, 182–216, 438 see also, dress endangerment (ethnolinguistic), x, 2, 34, 56, 74–77, 95, 154, 178, 220–222, 413, 416, 419–420, 423–424, 428–429, 431 cultural assimilation, 18, 104, 117, 199, 207, 209, 212, 458 ethnolinguistic vitality, 178–222 language maintenance, 2, 33, 34, 42, 75, 76, 84, 95, 160, 178, 179, 424, 431

Index language obsolescence, 18, 77, 138, 153, 164, 188, 205, 213 Phula non–speakers, 188, 215, 199, 402, 409, 415, 435, 440 research methods, 75–77, 96, 419–420, 423 threatened status, 42, 77, 179–180, 220–222, 429, 430 see also, geolinguistics, sociolinguistics, contact English, 57, 60, 130, 213 ethnicity, 5–10, 69–73, 99–119, 182, 411 see also, ethnonyms, identity, ethnology ethnography, ethnohistory, viii, x, 2, 5, 10, 11, 15, 19, 21, 33, 34, 35, 57, 69, 72, 73, 114, 115, 284, 418, 420, 424, 430, 437 ethnology, 34, 71, 99–119, 178–222 see also, culture, ethnicity ethnonyms, vii, 1–2, 4, 7–11, 14, 70– 71, 99–119, 153, 271, 278, 350, 352–353, 355, 376, 389, 391, 397–398, 432, 450, 453 altitude-based, 71, 111–114, 421 allonyms, 71, 99, 101, 103, 106, 111, 115, 118, 163–176, 437 alloautonyms, 100, 105–111 autonyms, 7–8, 18, 26–28, 71, 99–118, 126, 143, 159–160, 216, 323, 360, 374, 375, 389, 392, 407, 410, 413, 421, 437, 449, 450, 453, 456 autoethnonyms, 101, 111, 116 autoexonyms, 104 endoautonyms, 7, 110–113, 145, 147, 413 exonyms, 14, 71, 72, 99–111, 114–115, 118–119, 141, 145, 159, 451, 454 glossonyms, 19, 71, 99, 101, 103, 106, 107, 111, 115, 437 loconyms, 14, 71, 72, 99, 101– 108, 111, 113, 115, 216, 437

491

falsifiability, ix, 2–4, 31–32, 41, 43, 95, 355, 397–398, 429 fieldwork approval, xii, 28, 45–47, archiving, 45, 50–54, 59, 65, 68– 69, 72, 74 data elicitation, xii, 11, 15, 26–27, 29, 48, 52–69, 71, 72, 79–82, 128, 133, 155, 363, 423, 442– 443, 452 data transcription, 48, 52–54, 57, 60, 64–67, 80, 81, 84–85, 99, 100, 225, 238, 443, 452, 456 elicitation instruments, 26–27, 44–45, 48, 55–60, 128, 433– 441, 442–443 equipment, 50–55 future fieldwork, 163, 392, 430– 432 guiding principles, ix, 4, 28–29, 31, 44–49, 55–95 participant screening, 47, 55, 57, 60–61, 441 planning, xi, 21–29, 44–46, 58– 60, 64–65 prior fieldwork, 18–21, 29–30, 108–109, 408, 451 scope, viii, 24–29, 45–49, 81, 129, 408, 418–425 surprises, 8, 21, 28, 44, 54–55, 57–58, 67–68, 193, 430 see also, datapoints, data reciprocity, geolinguistics Fishman, Joshua A., 70, 75, 77, 179 fricatives, see consonants geolinguistics, viii, x, 45, 50, 58, 73– 74, 423, 429 fieldnote mapping, 57, 58, 72–74, 80, 192 mapping endangerment, 179-180, 423, 185, 208, 218, 220-222 mapping distribution polygons, 24, 25, 74, 165, 166, 170, 173, 175, 177, 401, 408, 413, 423

492

Index

mapping linguistic ecology, 6, 13, 22–25, 97–98, 165, 166, 170, 173, 175, 177, 181–182, 185, 208, 218 mapping linguistic ontogeny, 25, 165, 166, 170, 173, 175, 177, 399–400 mapping linguistic phylogeny, 25, 400, 403, 405, 408, 412, 414, 417 topography and distribution, 24, 73–74 village–level mapping, 57, 58, 72–74, 80, 192 see also, datapoints glottal prefixes, see consonants grammaticalization and lexicalization, 33, 84–87, 100, 109–110, 120, 128, 231, 234, 258, 263, 275, 295, 299, 302–305, 309, 323, 343–344, 367–368, 370, 372– 373, 375, 385, 452, 453, 456 Hani, 17, 30, 101, 103, 106, 136–140, 154, 183–189, 194, 200, 263, 293, 302, 333, 335, 342, 351, 352, 356–357, 411, 456–457 hermeneutics, see dialectics, interpretation Highland Phula, 11, 13–14, 233, 247, 321–322, 326, 330–335, 338, 350, 351, 352, 357–359, 363, 369, 372, 375, 376, 378, 392, 398–401, 407, 413, 430, 456 historical reconstruction, viii, 33–34, 39–40, 44, 59, 64, 82–95, 231, 242, 251, 271, 269–393, 394, 421, 424, 430, 431, 450, 457, 460 see also, cladistics, subgrouping, synchronic-diachronic distinction, dialectology (historical) Hlepho Phowa, 7, 19, 110–114, 119, 124–125, 132, 145–148, 162– 163, 171–173, 203–209, 221,

223, 227–240, 270, 278, 282– 284, 305, 313–335, 336, 338, 340, 348, 351, 358–364, 369– 371, 374, 376–378, 413–418, 454, 455, 456 see also, Phowa, Highland Phula homoplasy, see areal linguistics hypothesis, ix, 1–4, 9, 11, 12, 24, 31, 32, 40, 41–43, 79, 87, 93–95, 120, 133, 157, 242, 278, 281, 292, 299, 300, 311, 312, 329, 348–350, 353, 355, 378, 385, 389, 391–392, 394–398, 421– 422, 429, 432, 449, 452, 456 see also, abduction identity ethnic, see ethnology onomastic, see ethnonyms immigation, see migration individual identifying evidence, see subgrouping intelligibility dialect intelligibility, 29, 32–34, 37–42, 44, 56, 68, 74, 78–83, 94–99, 119–163, 330, 349, 404–422, 424, 430, 452, 454 intelligibility testing, see recorded text testing (RTT), dialectology (perceptual) interdependence, see dialectics interpretation, see chiasm, cladistics, dialectology, dialectics, subgrouping, areal linguistics, quantitative analysis, qualitative analysis Jinuo, 30, 356, 357, 363 Khlula, 16, 19, 25–26, 114–118, 124–126, 150–151, 153, 157, 163, 174–175, 213–215, 221, 227, 229–230, 233, 234, 238, 278, 282–283, 285, 305, 313–

Index 332, 358, 362, 365, 367, 378, 413–418, 430 see also, Phowa, Highland Phula Kunming, 11, 13, 22, 76 Labo Phowa, 9, 110–114, 132–133, 146–149, 162–163, 171–173, 201–203, 206, 221, 227–228, 230–233, 238, 240, 278, 282– 283, 313–335, 351, 361, 374, 413–418, 431 see also, Phowa, Highland Phula Labov, William, 31–32, 35, 78, 91, 93 Laghuu, 20, 30, 106–108, 114–115, 122–123, 155, 160, 175–176, 215, 221, 243, 282–313, 355, 356, 372–374, 407–411, 451, 453 Lahu, 30, 70, 226, 275, 323, 344, 356, 366, 367, 374, 380, 457 Lalo, 30, 226, 229–230, 293, 334, 342, 344, 356, 357, 374, 386 language definition, vii–x, 9, 31–44, 78, 84, 95, 96–177, 178, 283, 351, 392, 394–418, 419, 422 documentation, 2, 28–29, 36, 45– 82, 95, 96, 102, 114, 178, 179, 223–270, 427, 429, 430–431, 453 minority languages, 7–8, 19–20, 49, 70–73, 74, 76, 78, 99, 178, 436 see also, areal linguistics, contact, demographics, dialects, dialectology, endangerment, ethnicity, ethnology, historical reconstruction, intelligibility, operationalization Laomian, 30, 356, 357, 374 see also, Bisu LaPolla, Randy J., xi, xii, 76, 77, 85– 86, 87, 89–90, 96, 426, 450, 451, 452, 453, 454, 458

493

lexicalization, see grammaticalization and lexicalization Lisu, 30, 39, 62, 67, 70, 275, 305, 306, 323, 330, 334, 356, 357, 366, 367, 374, 383, 386, 456 loan words, see contact Loloish, see Ngwi mapping, see geolinguistics marriage networks, 47–48, 56, 58, 61, 72, 77, 79, 133–153, 156, 157, 180, 182–222, 227, 284, 310, 330, 435, 439, 441 Matisoff, James A., xi, 30, 59, 71, 74, 76, 77, 78, 79, 82, 83, 85, 88, 89, 90, 93, 99, 110, 224, 226, 272, 273, 304, 361, 366, 378, 386, 452, 453, 458 methods, research methods, see fieldwork, interpretation, dialectology migration, 5, 11–18, 69, 70, 72, 84, 89, 104, 109, 126, 137, 141, 196, 310, 328, 329, 377, 399, 401, 402, 411, 418, 420, 424, 438, 450, 454, 472 Moji, 25, 27, 114–118, 126–127, 151, 157, 163, 174, 175, 216, 221, 282–312, 329, 378, 407–413, 428, 430, 431, 456, 458 Mon-Khmer, 155, 228, 456 see also, Vietnamese morphology augmentatives and diminutives, 304–305 morphological homoplasy, 79, 87, 155, 304 morphological innovations, 88, 89, 90, 128, 155, 275, 300, 304–306, 372 morphological typology, 86–87, 89, 128, 155 see also, compounds, derivation

494

Index

Muji Northern Muji, 19, 25, 26, 102– 108, 122–125, 130–131, 138– 142, 146, 157, 160, 167, 170, 188–190, 197, 221, 282–313, 351, 372, 407–413, 456 Proto-Muji, Core Muji, 284–285, 287, 289, 292–306, 312, 314, 329, 351, 369, 407–413, 421, 430 Southern Muji, 160–161, 166, 170, 186–188, 193, 194, 197, 223, 221, 240–247, 270, 278, 282–313, 330, 343, 351, 367, 407–413, 430, 431, 449, 457 Qila Muji, 25–26, 102–110, 122, 123, 130, 131, 137, 139, 141, 155, 193, 199–200, 221, 240, 243, 265, 282–313, 324, 335, 351, 358, 361, 363, 407–413, 456 see also, Bokha, Laghuu, Moji, Muzi, Thopho multilingualism, bilingualism, 57, 77, 131, 137, 191, 198, 202, 203, 219, 220, 303 music, ethnic music, song, 49, 72, 77, 179, 182–184, 187, 189–206, 210–214, 219, 438 Muzi, 221, 282–313, 351, 407–413 Nanzhao kingdom, 11, 12, 14, 450 see also, Dali kingdom Nasu, 30, 235, 306, 342, 357, 359– 362, 366, 368–371, 450, 456, 457, 458 nationalities, ethnic classification ethnic classification Neighbor–Net, xii, 94, 119, 271, 279–285, 313, 346, 349, 350, 353–355, 388, 421 Ngwi branch languages, Proto–Ngwi, x, 1, 8, 20, 29–30, 59, 71, 86, 89, 90, 100, 224–226, 272, 273, 275–277, 287, 293, 300, 301,

204, 306, 307, 323, 330, 333– 334, 342–345, 352–359, 363, 370, 372, 376, 380–381, 383, 391–392, 418, 427 Central Ngwi, 275, 319, 352, 356, 357, 361, 363, 365–368, 372, 374, 380, 391, 392 Ngwi autonym etymology, 449 Northern Ngwi, 235, 313, 321, 352, 355, 357, 359, 360, 366– 370, 372, 391, 392, 450 Southeastern Ngwi, x, 20, 265, 322, 334, 335, 338, 342, 350, 351, 352–393, 401, 421, 431, 458 Southern Ngwi, 352, 356, 357, 361, 367, 372, 374, 391 Nisu, 8, 10, 11, 15, 17, 30, 101, 104, 107, 119, 122, 124, 126, 135, 136, 140, 143, 147, 149, 154, 182–184, 186, 191, 197–198, 203, 211, 212, 214, 281, 293, 306, 333, 335, 352–376, 388, 391–392, 404, 411, 413, 432, 449, 450 Northern Muji, see Muji Nuosu, 5, 30, 126, 226, 333, 345, 357–362, 366, 369–371, 428, 450, 452, 455 Nyisu, 30, 352, 355–367, 375, 391, 392 onomastics, see identity operationalization, vii, 3, 31, 32, 37, 394–398, 419, 424 see also, categories, dialectology paradox, see dialectics Phala, 11, 12, 15, 21, 25, 26, 101– 102, 120–121, 128–129, 134– 136, 139, 156, 159, 164, 165, 182, 184–186, 221, 247, 251, 254, 255, 257–263, 278, 281– 283, 334–349, 351, 353, 354,

Index 356, 367, 401–406, 430, 431, 454, 457 Peirce, Charles Sanders, ix, xi, 3, 4, 352, 396, 449, 451, 458 perceptual dialectology, see dialectology Phola, 6, 11, 12, 15, 19, 25–27, 46, 101–102, 120–121, 128–129, 134–136, 139, 155, 156, 159, 164, 165, 182–186, 197, 221, 223, 226, 247, 251, 254–264, 270, 278, 281–283, 334–349, 351, 353, 354, 358, 361, 367, 376, 401–406, 430, 431, 457 Pholo, 19, 25, 27, 114–117, 126–128, 150–153, 163, 176–177, 212, 216–219, 221, 278, 281–283, 285, 302, 306, 307, 330, 341, 342, 344, 350, 352–355, 376, 389–391, 398–400, 430 phonation, 67, 226–228, 240, 247, 248, 254–255, 260–261, 263– 265, 268, 272, 273, 289, 299, 379–382, 455 see also, tone phonetics, 33, 40, 44, 50, 52, 60, 65– 67, 84–85, 101, 155, 223–270, 443, 456 see also, consonants, nucleus, tone sandhi, phonation, phonology phonology, 29, 40, 44, 67, 79, 84, 85, 87, 102, 155, 220, 223–270, 396, 397, 431, 455, 458 allophones, 224, 225, 236, 241, 243, 251, 258, 260, 261, 267, 278 phonological assimilation, 258, 302, 372 complementary distribution, 236, 237, 250, 265 free variation, 110, 224, 231, 232, 234, 244, 258, 260, 265–267, 302–303, 455

495

see also, tone, consonants, syllable rhyme, syllable structure, phonation Phowa Proto-Phowa, 14, 231, 234, 292, 317, 319, 321–322, 329, 369 Phowa Clade, 157, 227–240, 282, 306, 313–330, 333–334, 338, 341, 348, 400, 413–418 see also, Ani Phowa, Ani-Labo Highland Phula, Hlepho Phowa, Khlula, Labo Phowa, Phukha, Zokhuo Phula Folk Phula, 1–18, 395, 398–400, 432 Phula history, 1–2, 5–21, 100, 196, 271–418, 420 Phula distribution, 11–18, 21–28, 98, 165, 166, 170, 173, 175, 177, 181, 185, 208, 218, 400, 403, 405, 408, 412, 414, 417 see also, Highland Phula, Riverine Phula Phukha, 20, 30, 114, 115, 122, 124, 126, 127, 155, 163, 174, 175, 215, 221, 227, 228, 232, 233, 238, 278, 282, 283, 305, 306, 313–330, 333, 341, 342, 355, 356, 357, 363, 365, 413–418, 456 see also, Phowa, Highland Phula Phuma, 25, 27, 100, 103–106, 109, 112, 122, 123, 130, 138, 141– 142, 157, 160, 168, 170, 193– 195, 221, 243, 278, 285–313, 333, 335, 345, 374, 407–413, 431, 452 Phupa, 15–16, 25, 27, 100, 103, 106– 110, 122–123, 124, 130, 131, 138, 139, 140, 142–143, 144, 156–157, 160, 168–170, 196– 197, 221, 247, 257, 262, 278, 280, 282–285, 307, 334, 335–

496

Index

349, 351, 353, 401–407, 428, 451, 454 Phupha, 16, 19, 25, 27, 100, 107, 109, 122, 123, 130, 143, 158, 160, 168–170, 197–198, 221, 247, 257, 262, 278, 280, 282–284, 334, 335–349, 351, 353, 401– 407, 451 Phuza, 16, 25, 27, 100, 106–109, 111, 122, 123, 124, 130, 137, 139– 141, 142–144, 146, 157, 158, 160, 169, 170, 198–199, 221, 223, 225, 247–254, 258, 262, 270, 278, 280, 282–284, 334, 335–349, 351, 353, 358, 361, 365, 372, 401–407, 428, 430, 442–443, 454 Popper, Karl, 3–4, 398, 449 population, see demographics pragmatist hermeneutics, see dialectics prenasalization, see consonants, prenasalization Proto–Ngwi, PNg, see Ngwi qualitative analysis, vii–viii, xii, 3, 28, 29, 34, 55, 56, 78, 79, 81, 90, 97, 128, 271, 272, 278, 281, 346, 418, 420, 422, 423–424, 430 quantitative analysis, vii–viii, xii, 3, 31, 34, 40, 78, 79, 82, 83, 94, 97, 119, 128, 271, 278–281, 346, 418, 420, 423, 430 questionnaires, 29, 47, 50, 55–58, 60, 72–75, 77, 79, 133, 179–180, 433–441 see also, fieldwork recorded text testing (RTT), 26–27, 29, 32, 48, 49, 53–54, 68, 78, 80–82, 97, 128–133, 137, 142, 149, 155–158, 422, 447–448 see also, dialectology, intelligibility

rivers, 5, 10, 12, 13, 15, 24, 102, 134, 135, 136, 137, 142, 143, 164, 167–169, 182, 183, 190, 195, 196, 198, 251, 335, 401, 402, 412, 413, 449, 450 Riverine Phula, 12, 16, 247–264, 292, 316, 317, 319, 322, 330, 334, 335–345, 353–354, 357, 358, 369, 372, 375, 376, 398–407 Downriver Phula, 16, 108, 158, 164, 247–254, 306, 335–351, 369, 392, 398, 400–407 Upriver Phula, 12, 13, 15, 101– 102, 120–121, 128–129, 134– 136, 159, 251, 254–264, 335– 351, 354, 369, 392, 398, 400, 401–407 Sani, 11, 12, 30, 126, 275–278, 281, 302, 306, 314, 352–393, 450, 452, 455, 456, 458 Sani-Axi, 11, 352, 353, 354, 355, 357, 360, 363, 364, 366–369, 375–393 semantics, 8, 21, 29, 33, 40, 58–60, 62, 64–65, 67, 68, 84–86, 89, 90, 120, 300, 305, 306, 323, 326, 330–334, 342–345, 363, 370–371, 376, 452, 455, 457 archaism, 64, 107, 108, 112, 115 euphemism, 64 semantic shift, 33, 64, 84–85, 120, 306, 323, 326, 331–334, 370, 376, 455, 457 see also, grammaticalization and lexicalization SIL-International, 11, 46, 50, 83 Sinosphere, x, xi, 38, 42, 61, 62, 65, 70, 76, 82, 89, 224, 226, 272, 426, 427, 453 Sino-Tibetan, 88, 224, 225 sociolinguistics, vii, viii, 29, 31, 33, 35, 38, 47–50, 55–57, 64, 69, 72, 74, 95, 281, 326, 346, 395,

Index 399, 416, 417, 422, 423, 426, 430, 433 language attitudes, 31, 56, 81, 97, 141, 418, 420 Southeast Asia, 69, 70, 74, 83, 185, 304, 420, 427 Sprachbund, see areal linguistics subgrouping shared innovations, 4, 87–90, 151, 158, 160, 271, 272, 280, 283– 285, 322, 326, 330, 339, 346, 360, 370, 374, 392, 397, 407, 411, 428 Stammbaum diagrams, 93–94, 312, 329, 349, 351, 389, 392, 420 individual identifying evidence, 89–90, 272, 308, 309, 326, 334, 336, 337, 347, 350, 356, 369, 371, 374, 378, 380, 388–389, 428, 453 wave model, 91–93, 272, 310– 311, 327–329, 348 see also, historical reconstruction syllable rhyme, 16, 224, 225, 240, 263, 270, 289, 291, 301, 302, 309, 317, 337, 343, 374, 378 apical vowels, 66, 225, 235–236, 244–245, 251–252, 260, 267, 452 diphthongs, 228, 235, 237, 244– 245, 248, 251, 255, 257, 259– 261, 264–265, 267, 270, 385, 455 monophthongs, 235, 237, 251, 252, 257, 259, 260, 385 see also, consonants, final consonants, phonation, phonology, tone syllable structure, 155, 224–226, 228, 236, 241, 243, 245, 247, 248, 251, 255, 257, 261, 264, 272– 275 synchronic-diachronic distinction, viii–ix, 2, 34, 31–36, 94–95,

497

117, 281, 394–397, 405, 418, 420, 423–425, 430 synthesis, see dialectics Thopho, 18, 25, 27, 47, 114, 116, 126, 127, 152–153, 155, 163, 176–177, 219–221, 278, 281– 313, 334, 399, 407–413, 428, 430, 431, 456, 458 Tibeto-Burman, PTB, vii, x, xi, 1, 2, 18, 19, 30, 38, 67, 86, 88, 89, 100, 110, 226, 304, 361, 364, 372, 375, 378, 373, 420, 457 tone checked tone classes, 240, 275, 278, 293–300, 309–312, 315, 320–322, 340–342, 369, 387– 388, 391, 421 contour tones, 238, 246, 247, 254, 262, 267, 268, 287, 295, 300, 317, 315, 319, 320, 326, 338, 339, 369, 380, 382 diachronic tone systems, 89–90, 272–278, 285–300, 314–322, 336–342, 369–370, 380–388 synchronic tone systems, 238– 240, 243–247, 253–254, 261– 263, 268–270 tonal flip-flop, 273, 315, 321, 322, 368, 369 tonal redistribution, 272, 273, 275–278, 287, 293–300, 311, 421 tone mergers, 273, 275–278, 291, 293, 297, 315, 319, 322, 323, 333, 336, 340–342, 347, 368, 369, 380, 382, 383, 385–387, 391 tone sandhi, 61, 62, 87, 238, 240, 246, 247, 254, 262–263, 269, 273–275, 295, 299, 337, 343, 374, 385, 456 tone splits, 262, 272, 273, 275– 278, 287–300, 314–322, 326, 333–334, 336–342, 347, 348,

498

Index

367–370, 374–375, 380–389, 391 tonogenesis, 272–273 see also, phonation typology typological-descriptive linguistics, vii, viii, 9, 33–35, 40, 90, 96, 128, 225, 242, 244, 270, 275, 304, 315, 356, 369, 375, 380, 394, 418, 419, 423, 424, 427, 453 shared retentions, 83, 428 see also, areal linguistics Vietnam, vii, viii, 1, 5, 7, 9, 16–28, 30, 59, 70–72, 74, 96, 100, 104, 107–109, 122, 137, 139, 154– 155, 166–168, 174–176, 215, 284, 314, 328, 408, 409–411, 415, 450, 458 Vietnamese, 100, 107, 109, 155, 215 vowels, see syllable rhyme wordlists areal wordlists, 58–59, 83 construction of wordlists, 44, 58–

60, 67–68 Swadesh wordlists, 59, 82–84, 119– 120 wordlist elicitation, 18–21, 25, 29, 48, 52, 60–68, 72 see also, fieldwork Yang Liujin, xi, 18, 20, 450 Yao, Yaozu, 106, 141, 154, 187, 228 Yi, Yi language(s), Yizu, 5–10, 19, 70–73, 100–119, 184, 335, 352, 355, 375, 419, 427–431, 449, 453, 454 Yunnan, viii, xii, 2, 5–22, 45–47, 58, 70, 76, 82, 95, 96, 114, 210, 399, 428 administrative regions, 13, 14, 17, 18, 21–25, 28–29, 45–47 Zokhuo, 6, 11, 14, 19, 25, 27, 114– 119, 126, 127, 149–151, 153, 163, 172–174, 212–213, 221, 227, 228, 230–234, 238, 240, 278, 281–283, 313–335, 351, 352, 357, 367, 376, 378, 413– 418, 431, 455