Counseling the Inupiat Eskimo: (Contributions in Psychology)

COUNSELING THE INUPIAT ESKIMO

Catherine Swan Reimer

GREENWOOD PRESS

COUNSELING THE INUPIAT ESKIMO

Recent Titles in Contributions in Psychology Modern Perspectives on John B. Watson and Classical Behaviorism James T. Todd and Edward K. Morris, editors Worlds of Common Sense: Equality, Identity, and Two Modes of Impulse Management Pauline Nichols Pepinsky The Five Stages of Culture Shock: Critical Incidents Around the World Paul Pedersen Modern Perspectives on B. F. Skinner and Contemporary Behaviorism James T. Todd and Edward K. Morris, editors Chaos Theory in Psychology Frederick David Abraham and Albert R. Gilgen, editors Classifying Reactions to Wrongdoing R. Murray Thomas Prevent, Repent, Reform, Revenge: A Study in Adolescent Moral Development Ann C. Diver-Stamnes and R. Murray Thomas Post-Soviet Perspectives on Russian Psychology Vera Koltsova, Yuri Oleinik, Albert R. Gilgen, and Carol K. Gilgen, editors Multicultural Counseling in a Divided and Traumatized Society Joyce Hickson and Susan Kriegler Cognitive Psychology in the Middle Ages Simon Kemp Adolescence: Biological and Psychosocial Perspectives Benjamin B. Wolman Soviet and American Psychology During World War II Albert R. Gilgen, Carol K. Gilgen, Vera A. Koltsova, and Yuri N. Oleinik

COUNSELING THE INUPIAT ESKIMO Catherine Swan Reimer Foreword by Joseph E. Trimble

Contributions in Psychology, Number 36 Paul Pedersen, Series Adviser

GREENWOOD PRESS Westport, Connecticut • London

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Reimer, Catherine Swan, 1939– Counseling the Inupiat Eskimo / Catherine Swan Reimer ; foreword by Joseph E. Trimble. p. cm. — (Contributions in psychology, ISSN 0736–2714 ; no. 36) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0–313–30934–5 (alk. paper) 1. Inupiat—Mental health services. 2. Inupiat—Counseling of. 3. Inupiat—Mental health. I. Title. II. Series. RC451.5.I5R45 1999 362.2'089'9712—dc21 98–51220 British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data is available. Copyright
1999 by Catherine Swan Reimer All rights reserved. No portion of this book may be reproduced, by any process or technique, without the express written consent of the publisher. Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 98–51220 ISBN: 0–313–30934–5 ISSN: 0736–2714 First published in 1999 Greenwood Press, 88 Post Road West, Westport, CT 06881 An imprint of Greenwood Publishing Group, Inc. www.greenwood.com Printed in the United States of America TM

The paper used in this book complies with the Permanent Paper Standard issued by the National Information Standards Organization (Z39.48–1984). 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

For the Inupiat people, my mother Elizabeth Swan Williams, and my husband John Reimer.

Contents Foreword by Joseph E. Trimble Acknowledgments Introduction

ix xiii xv

1

Historical Background

1

2

Inupiat Descriptions and Words for Personal Well-Being

5

3

The Effect of Thinking and Proper Conduct on One’s Personal Well-Being

11

4

Taking Responsibility for One’s Well-Being

19

5

Sociological Factors Effecting Well-Being

37

6

Who Are the Healers from the Village?

53

7

What Every Counselor Should Know

65

8

Strategies to Help the Inupiat People

89

viii

9

Contents

Beliefs About the Environment

101

10

The Importance of Sharing

125

11

Beliefs About the Whale

131

Conclusion

135

Appendix A

The Inupiat Ilitqusiat Value System

139

Appendix B

Demographic Information

141

Appendix C

Map of Alaska

145

Bibliography

149

Index

157

Foreword Multicultural counseling has been likened to a ‘‘fourth force’’ in the general field of counseling psychology, a force that is equal to the impact that such disciplines as psychoanalysis, behavioral modification, and humanistic approaches have had on the field. Multicultural counseling or cross-cultural counseling began in the early 1970s and has rapidly become a vitally important and influential perspective in the 1990s. The number of textbooks, journal articles, and monographs dealing with the topic have increased considerably; where there were a meager handful of articles and textbooks available in the 1970s and 1980s, the combined list now numbers well into the hundreds. Catherine Swan Reimer’s small book now joins the distinguished list of original works in the field and undoubtedly adds a very significant perspective to the literature—a perspective grounded in the voices and stories of the Inupiat-speaking indigenous, native people of Alaska. Those familiar with the multicultural counseling literature know that most of the emphasis is placed on responding to cultural and ethnic differences. Many of the articles and chapters

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focus on lists of what and what not to do when working with a client who clearly has a cultural worldview different from that of the counselor. Other writings emphasize the importance of being sensitive to cultural differences and often provide ample justification for the assertions and recommendations. In this small but powerful work, Reimer presents information that many in the field have been recommending for some time— a native view of lifeways and thoughtways that guide and influence the meaning of psychological well-being. All societies have beliefs about what constitutes a healthy lifestyle. Yet the view of the dominant culture in the Western world dominates the counseling literature. The concept of well-being ingrained in most counselor education programs, however, may not necessarily coincide with views espoused by would-be clients from aboriginal cultures; a small segment of the literature abounds with examples of counselor–client mismatches stemming from differences about the goals of the counseling process. To avoid some of these mismatches it would seem then that counselors working with clients from aboriginal communities would take the time to learn about local views of well-being and the contexts in which they occur. Reimer is to be heartily congratulated for her dedication, perseverance, and commitment to introducing the voices and stories of the Inupiat-speaking people of Alaska. She has taken the stories and voices from her small sample and cast them against the writings and views of contemporary scholars and counselors to provide a rich perspective on the balance between the two worlds. Reimer also is to be congratulated for using an ethnographic procedure for collecting her data in lieu of relying on some formal survey questionnaire. Through her interviews, she skillfully managed to capture the spirit and richness of her respondents’ stories and how they are linked to ahregah and nagooruk, two similar concepts of Inupiat psychological well-being. Through her ethnographic approach grounded in a native worldview, Reimer has set a tone for future research on the topic. There are thousands of stories waiting to be told and recorded that speak to the way aboriginal people view their well-being in the context of their community and geography. And we can hope that the stories can help us better understand ways to pro-

Foreword

xi

vide counseling and helping services that are consistent with the client’s world- and historical view. Currently the voices of the Inupiat speak to all of us as they have plenty to teach about happiness, joy, sharing, peace, relationships, and community. Joseph E. Trimble

Acknowledgments This book could not be a reality without the generous sharings of the Inupiat people. Thank you very much. Thank you John Reimer for encouraging me, editing, and listening to all my ideas. There are three university professors who made this book possible because of their direction, encouragement, and kindness: Dr. Martha Rashid, Dr. Clemmont E. Vontress, and Dr. Eugene Kelly. I would like to also thank Dr. Joseph Trimble and Paul Pedersen for providing direction and for not giving up on the idea that my dissertation could become a book for counselors. To Colleen Engle, who not only edited the final version of this manuscript, but kept me on time lines so I could complete this book, thank you for your patience and persistence. I thank my fishing buddies who took me to Seward, where I first experienced the fish taking the bait and giving itself to me without a struggle. Thank you for explaining to me about the relationship of ahregah and the environment. To my God, all my other family members, children, and friends who continually support my personal well-being, thank you!

Introduction The old adage that it is better to go upstream to find out why people are falling into the river, rather than continuing to rescue them as they float by, has not been the focus of counseling with the Inupiat people of northern Alaska despite the increasing rates of suicide, alcoholism, and depression among Alaska Natives. In 1994, the Anchorage Daily News referred to a new study relating to accidents, homicides, and suicides in Alaska. The study, which covered a ten-year period (1980 to 1990), was released by the University of Alaska’s Institute of Social and Economic Research (Berman & Leisk, 1994). The findings showed that Alaska Natives are more likely than people in other parts of the country to kill each other, kill themselves, or die in accidents. Alarmed at previous rates of violent death among the Alaska Native population, Indian Health Service mental health specialists have made a concerted effort to provide adequate services to the Alaska Native population over the past eleven years; yet problems continue to escalate for Native people in Alaska. Within this period, the rate of suicide increased by 50 percent

xvi

Introduction

for men between the ages of fifteen and thirty-four. The study found that Native men are nearly three times more likely than non-Native men to kill themselves, die in accidents, or be victims of homicides. Native women are twice as likely as non-Native women to commit suicide and almost three times as likely to die from homicides or accidents. Most significantly, Natives living in rural Alaska villages tend to have higher rates of suicide, homicide, and fatal accidents than those Natives living in the urban areas. Successful interventions and treatment depend on looking upstream; specifically, understanding the worldview of the people to whom services are being offered. The worldview of the Inupiat has not been explored in depth; consequently, mental health workers have not been effective with the Inupiat people, as evidenced by the lack of services and drop-out rates relative to initial counseling (Keller & Murray, 1982; Minton & Soule, 1990). In the areas of prevention and intervention, Trimble (1993) noted that little research has been done on American Indian and Alaska Native populations. There is a need to identify approaches, strategies, and programs that will meet the needs of traditional Natives, as well as those who are in a transitional situation. To understand their worldview, it is vitally important to identify the ways by which many Native people and communities successfully deal with the pressures, problems, and contradictory values, as we approach confrontations and needs associated with adapting to life in the twenty-first century. Once the Native worldview is understood, counselors may then successfully design and develop strategies for effective preventative measures, with the goal of increasing counselor effectiveness for the growing number of Native people who, through acculturation and assimilation, are losing the protection that Native culture provides for more traditional Natives. A worldview is the accumulation of ideas and values that form the basis of a social system as well as the presuppositions and assumptions that one holds about the world (Kluckhohn, 1951, 1956). Worldview has also been described as the generalized and organized concepts that individuals and cultural groups hold about their world and that influence their behavior. According to Kluckhohn (1951, 1956), these perceptions would include as-

Introduction

xvii

sumptions, beliefs, attitudes, and values. According to Ibrahim (1991), an individual’s worldview directly affects and mediates his or her belief systems; assumptions; and methods of solving problems, making decisions, and resolving conflicts. Vontress (1991) maintained that worldview is the foundation for individual goals and values worth striving for, assumptions about health and wellness, and what constitutes healing and restoration. Ibrahim warned that if a specific population’s worldview is not considered when culture-specific interventions are developed, then ethical violations and cultural oppression will occur. For multicultural counseling theories to be effective, the construct of worldview is a necessary mediating variable because it has an impact on identity, philosophy, and modes of integrating with the world such as problem solving, decision making, and conflict resolution (Ibrahim, 1985; Ibrahim & Schroeder, 1990; Sue, 1978; Sue & Sue, 1990). Once the counselor and the client’s presuppositions and assumptions are identified, counseling applications can be applied. Thus, the worldview becomes the ‘‘mediating variable in each specific encounter’’ (Ibrahim, 1991, 14). Not only has the concept of worldview taken on importance in counseling, but a major shift to incorporate a more holistic approach to health has occurred. Rather than the focus being remediation, it is on prevention and wellness. The concept of wellness has evolved to a holistic approach wherein individuals can proactively improve their total quality of life in positive ways (Witmer & Sweeney, 1992). Personal well-being (PWB) is grounded in the concept of wellness. Like wellness, PWB is the active involvement of an individual in self-care that includes the mind, body, spirit, and environment. Moreover, it includes evaluating one’s state of life, and at the same time refers to a favorable state (Diener, 1984). Diener (1993) maintained that ‘‘well-being refers to the global experience of positive reactions to one’s life, and includes all of the lower-order components such as life satisfaction and hedonic level’’ (108). Although PWB is not a new concept for the indigenous people of North America, it has not been the focus for Western professional helpers when counseling indigenous individuals and

xviii

Introduction

groups. There is an urgent need to identify tribally specific wellness approaches. As yet, there are relatively few studies on American Indians or Alaska Natives related to well-being and prevention, whether in research, services, or training (Manson, 1982). There are a few qualitative or quantitative studies addressing the positive aspects of Alaska Native people’s wellbeing such as Minton and Soule’s (1990) study that assessed mental health strengths and needs among Eskimos in two villages. Thankfully, more Native people have become researchers and are providing studies that exhibit the Alaska Native’s viewpoint. Yuuyaraq: The Way of the Human Being (Napoleon, 1991) has been popular among the Native people of Alaska. Napoleon pieced together the causes of dysfunction and the ‘‘Great Death’’ (10) among the Native people by describing the trauma of different historical events that disrupted the culture and traditions of the Native people. Napoleon, a Yup’ik Eskimo, gave suggestions for healing and ways to restore the spirit. Kawagley (1993), another Yup’ik, paid special attention to applying scientific research that was respectful of the Yupiaq’s complex subsistence-based worldview. In his book, A Yupiaq Worldview: A Pathway to Ecology and Spirit, Kawagley (1995) discussed the Yup’ik-rich worldview and discussed how this worldview can be integrated in schools that serve the Yup’ik population. The Alaska Natives Commission: Final Report (Alberts, 1994) also addresses Alaska Natives’ well-being, problems, needs, strengths, and recommendations. This report is undergirded by a wellness philosophy that includes the total environment, economic interactions, and successful adjustment of the whole person. Most Native Americans are aware that PWB or wellness were implanted in the rich soil, roots, and fruits of their culture. The idea of PWB or wellness that is embedded in the concepts of wellness and human development, have always been important for indigenous people. Long before the term wellness appeared in Western literature and the wellness movement began in the late fifties, American Indians and Alaska Natives had been cognizant of the interactive effect of mind, body, and spirit on a person’s health and well-

Introduction

xix

being. Through oral tradition, the notion of a person living in harmony with ‘‘all my relations’’ was passed on. ‘‘All my relations’’ included oneself, family, community, the unborn (seven generations down), and all created and spiritual realities. Within this holistic relationship was the belief that everything had a special place and was sacred (Neihardt, 1961). Within man’s place, proper behavior and thought (ethos) were expected to continue the flow of energy, harmony, and well-being among oneself, the community, the environment, and the created and spiritual world (Allen, 1988; Katz, 1993; Witherspoon, 1989). A sense of responsibility and social consciousness developed from this understanding (Allen, 1988; Fienup-Riordan, 1990; Kawagley, 1993). In addition, intuition, creativity, positive mental states, and altered states of consciousness (dream states, trance states, prayer states) were instrumental in establishing harmony and balance within oneself and the environment (Fienup-Riordan, 1990; Jung, 1958; Katz, 1993; Kawagley, 1995). Furthermore, the power of the mind allowed for a kind of communication (intuitive faculty) with the Creator, spirit world, and created world (environment, living and inanimate things) (Fienup-Riordan, 1990; Katz, 1993; Kawagley, 1993; Witherspoon, 1989). Through ancestral teachings, ritual activities, prayer, proper conduct, and proper behavior, an individual was given a way to develop wellness and well-being for him or herself and the community (Katz, 1993). For many cultures, oral tradition and activities taught the community about tried and true ways to avoid unwellness and maintain well-being. Teachings, ways of doing things, mores, values, and beliefs about PWB were passed on through the socialization process. Socialization was achieved through learning traditional activities such as subsistence living, art and crafts, and ritual ceremonies. Native Americans have developed a variety of wellness models or approaches. An approach originating from the Plains Indians and recognized by most tribes is the ‘‘medicine wheel’’ (Neihardt, 1961) or sacred hoop (Gunn Allen, 1986), which included four aspects of a person: the mind, the body, the emotions, and the spirit. Although the medicine wheel is used by many tribes (Bopp, 1987), it is not popular among the Inupiat. The Inupiat use the

xx

Introduction

Ilitqusiat value system that is strongly embedded in the concept of mind, body, spirit, and the environment for mental health promotion and alcohol and drug prevention (see Appendix A). In the last thirty years, the Inupiat Ilitqusiat has served as an impressive model in Northern Alaska in regaining community well-being and as a holistic model based on the idea of wellness (Beiser & Manson, 1987; Christensen, 1982; Kleinfeld, 1982). As impressive as the Inupiat Ilitqusiat is, PWB and the Inupiat worldview has not been explored in detail. Too often, generalities are applied to the medicine wheel for various tribes; this same kind of generality can be applied to the llitqusiat. It must be remembered that these teachings came from a rich tradition of experience and oral history. These teachings need to be explored and understood in detail so that these tribally specific ancient ways, embedded within their culture and coming from the Inupiat perspective, may be incorporated effectively in counseling strategies and interventions. The chapters that follow emphasize a preventative approach that encourages the mental health worker or educator to use the material to promote positive change and optimize human potential among the Inupiat. To facilitate this change and to optimize human potential, it is important to determine unique features of the client’s culture (Pedersen, 1991) as well as to invite clients to participate actively in their own wellness (Witmer & Sweeney, 1992). This book provides culturally specific information relative to important aspects of the Inupiat worldview as it relates to wellness. Specifically, it describes the cultural aspects of PWB, the socialization process of PWB, and the loss and restoration process of the Inupiats’ concept of PWB. In this volume, I identify their language and important healers, and discuss how PWB is transmitted. I also describe what the Inupiat want from counselors in their own words. In addition, when describing the Inupiat worldview and their view of PWB, major themes related to this holistic approach include the mind, body, and spirit, as well as consideration of the environment and community. So as not to lose the spirit and flavor of the Inupiat, direct quotations are used whenever possible rather than giving interpretations and descriptions of what was said. For a complete

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description of the twenty-five respondents interviewed from Point Hope, Kivalina, Kotzebue, and Anchorage, refer to Appendix B. A map of Alaska can be found in Appendix C. In summary, if we are to look upstream, we must look at who these northern people are, how they think, what they believe, and how they define wellness as well as the relationship between their concept of PWB and effective counseling interventions.

CHAPTER 1

Historical Background Using preventative measures rather than remedial efforts makes sense in a country where increasing violence, dysfunctional behavior, and crime are pervasive among Alaska’s indigenous people. The roots of these problems began more than 100 years ago when Europeans and Euro-Americans, in addition to depleting Alaska’s natural resources, caused devastating environmental, psychological, sociological, and spiritual upheavals among the Alaska Natives. In the early part of this century, the Native population, especially in northern Alaska, was devastated by disruptions in the environment and by neglect and disease (Napoleon, 1991). According to Fitzhugh and Crowell (1988), by 1909 the aboriginal population, which had been estimated to be 80,000, had declined to 25,000. Very little was done by the territorial and federal governments to alleviate the suffering, abuse, and neglect of Alaska Natives between 1879, the purchase of Alaska, and 1959, the year Alaska became a state. As residents of a U.S. territory, Native people have been considered the wards of the federal government. Explorers and pioneers around the turn of the century not only

2

Counseling the Inupiat Eskimo

exposed Native Americans to their diseases, but exploited and denigrated the environment and demeaned the Native cultural values. Fur, fish, timber, and gold were taken, and Native people were stripped of their aboriginal rights (Fitzhugh & Crowell, 1988). Despite this, Alaska Natives have stubbornly refused to disappear or assimilate. According to the 1990 census, there were 85,483 Alaska Natives. Generations of Native people have thus been able to withstand attacks on their land, waters, and culture through their personal and collective strength, resolve, and holding power. In attempting to preserve their culture, the Alaska Natives have suffered immensely (Herring, 1992). According to Berman and Leisk (1994) and Minton and Soule (1990), unique problems and extraordinary costs continue to be associated with providing elemental and adequate mental health services in rural Alaska Native villages. The majority of these villages are located in the most remote and isolated regions of the United States. The traditional Native subsistence lifestyle and culturally based ways of living with and viewing the natural environment, the self, the family, and the community are still basic to village life (Fitzhugh & Crowell, 1988). Current mental health programs have not worked well among indigenous populations, especially among the more traditional and less acculturated groups who choose to live all or most of their lives in the rural areas (Herring, 1992; Keller & Murray, 1982; Minton & Soule, 1990). An early study found a 50 percent drop-out rate for Native Americans after the initial counseling session, as compared to a 30 percent drop-out rate for AngloAmericans (Sue & Sue, 1977). Moreover, Minton and Soule (1990) found that because of transportation problems, harsh weather and differing values and attitudes, there is a high drop-out rate of counselors as well, which affects service delivery. Rural, bush Alaska is divided into twelve Native regions encompassing several villages whose language, dialect, and cultural connections are somewhat similar. The Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act of 1972 created three regions in northwestern and northern Alaska: Bering Strait, Northwest Alaska Native Region, and the North Slope Region. The participants interviewed, except for the four who live in Anchorage, reside

Historical Background

3

in three villages, two of which are in the Northwest Alaska Native Region and one in the North Slope Region. Named Kikitagamute in ancient times, Kotzebue is considered a regional center of commerce and social services, as well as an air transportation hub to the outlying villages (see map in Appendix C). Kotzebue is a fairly large village by Alaska standards and is considered a place of transition from village to city (Anchorage or Fairbanks) for the Inupiat. Kotzebue has a population of 2,751, of which 2,067 are Natives (75.1 percent; Bureau of the Census, 1990). Kivalina is a small Eskimo village of 300 people located seventy-eight miles north of Kotzebue. Like Kotzebue, it is located within the Northwest Alaska Native Region. Historically known as Tigara, Point Hope is situated another seventy miles up the coast from Kivalina on the Chukchi Sea on a long spit. Strategically located for easy view of the migrating Bowhead whale and other marine mammals, this region has been continually inhabited by Eskimos for well over 1,000 years and is one of the oldest and most continuously occupied village sites in Alaska and North America. Occupied since ancestral times, Point Hope has a long and proud tradition of whaling that extends to the present time. Its population is 639, of which 587 are Eskimo. Natives make up 91.9 percent of the population (Bureau of the Census, 1990). The major source of food for the Inupiat of this area still comes from the ocean, the rivers, and the tundra. Fish of many varieties, including salmon, sea mammals (including whale, seal, and walrus), migratory birds (ducks, geese, ptarmigan, and bird eggs), caribou, reindeer, and moose are the main fauna taken by the Northern Eskimo. Fur-bearing animals (fox, wolf, polar bear, wolverine, occasional musk ox) are also taken for their fur to be used for clothing to be worn or sold. Berries, roots, leaves, and other plant parts are collected seasonally and stored. ‘‘White man’s’’ food is popular and is purchased in the local store or ordered from the southern cities of Seattle, Anchorage, and Fairbanks. Subsistence is the term used in Alaska to account for the yearround taking of land and sea animals and plants for food. Hunting and berry-picking are still very important subsistence activities in most, if not all, Alaska Native villages. Native foods are

4

Counseling the Inupiat Eskimo

preferred to food purchased from the local store. Store food is used to supplement the Inupiat’s rich protein and fat diet. The taking of animals (the preparation for the hunt, the successful taking of animals, the preparation, cooking, and distribution of the meat, etc.) is inextricably connected to the culture and worldview of the Inupiat. Even with the inevitable acculturation of the Eskimo over the last 100 or so years, there is a strong stream of Native culture, traditions, beliefs, and values that have without substantial change adopted, or blended in certain aspects of the Western culture. Many say that, for example, the replacement of Native religion and spirituality by Christianity has inexorably changed the culture and outlook of these people. Although it would appear so, the Native religion and spirituality were close enough to Christianity as to be compatible with it and not foreign or incomprehensible. In fact, in 1897, the Inupiat living in Kotzebue were so enthused about Christianity that they held council and made a decision to find a missionary for their village. They sent two local men 250 miles south by skin boat to Cape Prince of Wales, where they boarded a sailboat and traveled 2,000 miles to southeastern Alaska in search of a missionary. The Inupiat embraced Christianity because the people liked the idea of heaven and felt empowered against the dangers of the shamans (VanStone, 1962). Some believe that the Inupiat were prepared for Christianity long before it came. An Inupiat prophet named Maniilaq was given instructions from the ‘‘Father who lived in the sky and dressed in white’’ (Alaska Geographic, 1981, 182). He challenged the beliefs of shamanism. He followed and instructed others to live out Christian values such as resting on the seventh day of the week. Point Hopers believed in one God long before the White man came, and recognized Christian teaching as part of their own, especially in relation to sharing (Turner, 1989). Thus, Christianity was easily adopted by these Native people and their worldview remained essentially intact, even bolstered!

CHAPTER 2

Inupiat Descriptions and Words for Personal Well-Being The Native American teachings about responsibility for one’s health and the interconnection of mind, body, and spirit are reflected in the contemporary wellness movement within the United States and can also be found in the Inupiat concept of personal well-being (PWB). In the Inupiat view one is responsible for one’s PWB. ‘‘Noogoolik [a derivative of nagooruk], being good, or wellness, being well, is like you take care of your self,’’ said a fifty-four-year-old woman from Kotzebue. To take responsibility for one’s PWB requires living a disciplined life. ‘‘If you had discipline in the beginning, and were well taught, then you can live a disciplined life, like learning about cleanliness,’’ said a healthy and active seventy-four-year-old elder from Point Hope. Long before the White man came to the Far North, the Inupiat understood prevention by living a holistic lifestyle and had words to describe well-being. Sapir (1929/1964) hypothesized that people hear, experience, and interpret reality in particular ways because of their cultural heritage and language. Ahregah is the most frequently cited word to describe well-

6

Counseling the Inupiat Eskimo

being. Another word commonly used to describe well-being is nagooruk. There appears to be minor distinctions between ahregah and nagooruk. Two women from Point Hope mentioned that ahregah meant that one liked something or that something was done well. For example, regarding a fine piece of art work or craft, one might say: ‘‘Ahregah! That is nice,’’ or ‘‘I like it!’’ Another woman from Point Hope said that when someone is recovering from sickness, one might say: ‘‘Ahregah! You are looking good!’’ An eighty-year-old man from Kivalina made a further distinction by saying ahregah means, ‘‘That’s fine,’’ whereas nagooruk is ‘‘I’m fine, I’m doing okay.’’ Different regions (villages and urban areas) expressed their preferences when describing PWB through their choice of terms. In Anchorage, respondents preferred to use well-being. Ahregah and healthy and whole were each mentioned once. Point Hope residents preferred the word ahregah, whereas the words nagooruk and well-being were used equally. Ahregah, nagooruk, and its derivatives were used equally in Kivalina. Both ahregah and nagooruk and its derivatives were used frequently in Kotzebue. Older people tend to use the words ahregah or nagooruk, whereas younger people may prefer to use words such as well-being, feeling good, wellness, and healthy and whole. Before a counselor attempts to use ahregah or nagooruk, it might be best if he or she asks the client which word describes ‘‘personal well-being or wellness.’’ It is also helpful to express some signs of understanding the culture, so one could say, ‘‘I feel really good today, you know, ahregah!’’ A counselor might get some giggles from the clients, but it demonstrates a willingness to understand the Inupiat language and culture. What does the concept of PWB mean to the average Inupiat person? It is described as feeling good, experiencing a healthy body, and having inner harmony. For the Inupiat, well-being is a state of being that was expressed with enthusiasm and warmth. Visually, when describing this state of being, some Inupiat will smile, laugh, and emanate this from deep within. A respondent from Anchorage said with enthusiasm, ‘‘Ahregah! Great! It is a good feeling from within yourself. My great aunt, Della Keats [famous Eskimo traditional doctor], said, ‘You must treat yourself good, feel good about yourself, or nothing else is right!’ ’’

Inupiat Descriptions and Words for PWB

7

Another aspect of feeling good is the idea of ‘‘being happy.’’ Diener (1984) indicated that positive affect contains feelings of happiness, pleasure, enjoyment, joy, or fun. Inupiat may describe this as ‘‘We are always happy.’’ This sentiment was reiterated by a sixty-year-old Point Hope woman, who said, ‘‘We are happy all the time.’’ A fifty-seven-year-old woman from the same village discussed well-being. ‘‘Ahregah and nagooruk mean that you are happy. You can see a sick person and notice they are getting better, and you would say, ‘ahregah,’ you are feeling good! We can see ahregah in them because their face is lit up. When they are not feeling well, you don’t see it. They are lit up from the inside, we can see it in their expression, it is a real fullness!’’ A majority of the respondents were friendly, lively, and radiated a sense of well-being. One woman especially displayed a vibrant sense of ahregah as her eyes danced with happiness when welcoming me, a stranger, into her house. Although she was seventy-one years old, she appeared much younger as she sat on the floor, sweat rolling down her forehead, rendering oil from a piece of whale blubber. On her CB radio in the early morning, she greeted everyone in the village with ‘‘a good morning and a happy day to you all.’’ Her voice sounded happy and joyful as she sang, in English, an old-time religious song and then prayed for everyone as she praised God. Physical lightness of body and freedom from sickness meant well-being to a sturdy, overweight fifty-five-year-old Kivalina man. He said sharing made him feel good. ‘‘I feel free, my body feels real light, everything drops, like sickness.’’ As posited by Solomon (1989), emotions are culture-specific, and may manifest themselves differently from culture to culture. A young woman from Anchorage described well-being in terms of freedom: ‘‘Everything is working together, I feel so free . . . just there!’’ A seventy-one-year-old Kivalina man, looking much younger than his years, laughed heartily when he said: ‘‘I have no problems; everything comes to me.’’ Other respondents said, ‘‘Suits you good and satisfactory’’; ‘‘I’m fine, I’m okay, no complaints’’; and ‘‘I’m fit for anything.’’ Inupiat will observe how one is feeling. They will look beyond mere self-reports (which Diener, 1993, described as risky when

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Counseling the Inupiat Eskimo

used alone) but will be interested in emotional reactions and facial evidence that provide in-depth evidence of PWB. Are you, the counselor, depressed with the long winters, and communicating a loss of ahregah? ‘‘Then how are you going to help me?’’, they will silently wonder as they see an absence of ahregah. Your face is not lit up from inside, you are not smiling, your voice is heavy, and your eyes appear listless. Having a healthy body is important for survival. For example, an eighty-year-old elder from Kivalina who still carved ivory, said that ‘‘When the body is healthy, you never get sick or weak. You feel healthy all the time, even in cold weather when it is forty to fifty degrees below.’’ When the body is lively they call it sungnuk, that is, when you have good muscle, you are strong, and you have a healthy body. To maintain a healthy body, a sixty-four-year-old Kivalina woman said, ‘‘You have to walk, exercise, do your subsistence living by walking!’’ She was opposed to all-terrain vehicles riding in the village. For the Inupiat, inner harmony is a state of being that is connected to the mind, body, spirit, and environment. A healthy body and inner harmony are very important to the Inupiat. Like other Native American groups whose conceptual framework define well-being to include the mind, body, and spirit, the Inupiat place a high premium on these components in relation to their well-being. Some of the comments were as follows: ‘‘I feel in balance with myself and with my surroundings’’; ‘‘It’s good, ahregah, when you feel good in mind, and in being healthy, and everything to it, it’s good, ahregah!’’; ‘‘It is important to be in peace. I am comfortable when the mind and body work together’’; ‘‘Your thinking has to be in balance between emotion, spiritual, and mental’’; and ‘‘For myself the spirit, mind, soul have to be strengthened by God.’’ A fifty-four-year-old woman reiterated the importance of inner harmony that included the mind, heart, and soul. ‘‘I realize that everything worked out in its own time when you have a healthy mind, heart, and soul. The physical body may be in need of health because it is fragile. We see this in our parents, and we learn that. But as long as our self-esteem is OK, everything will work out.’’

Inupiat Descriptions and Words for PWB

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A thirty-two-year-old woman from Point Hope extended the idea of holistic well-being to include culture. ‘‘Ahregah means living a healthy life at Point Hope and preserving the culture. Ahregah means the whole culture which includes the ‘whale’ way of living. If you know what to do, where to go, life is over here, it is a way of living. My sister asks why I want to live here and not in the cities. I tell her this.’’ One forty-year-old woman from Kotzebue said it was important ‘‘to be in relationship with you, in this room, to get along together, to be in good in this world, to be well in this world, in harmony.’’ ‘‘Feel in balance with myself and with my surroundings,’’ said a forty-two-year-old man in Kotzebue. Quietness is part of maintaining a state of PWB. One gentleman said it was important to have a quiet place and to remain busy when one gets old. ‘‘My grandma said that it was important not to talk or be too noisy or go to loud and noisy places. Try to be quiet and peaceful and stay calm.’’ This quality was exemplified by a middle-age Kivalina woman who was friendly and warm and had a special quietness about her. Another woman (age seventy-seven) from Kivalina radiated this quiet peacefulness, although she did not mention ‘‘quietness’’ as an important value. Rather, she exemplified it. The young woman from Kivalina sadly mentioned that she missed a recently deceased elder because of her kindness, peacefulness, and quietness. When I mentioned that this inner quality was observed when talking to the seventy-seven-year-old woman with the special quietness, the young women said that the woman who died was the seventy-seven-year-old’s mother. This quality of PWB, as I observed, creates a special reciprocal relationship where peace and harmony emanate from one person and because of the pleasant feelings, the one who receives this kindness and special peace, reflects back to the giver with a clear, active mind. It is not necessarily expressed in words, but in pleasant expressions, a smiling from one’s inner being. It is not a fictitious big smile, but rather a subtle expression emanating from within. Eyes twinkle and are expressive, skin seems vibrant, the voice is soft and kind, the mouth turned upward in a gentle smile, the senses are keen and the mind aware. A sense of peace pervades the atmosphere. Within this naturalness and

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Counseling the Inupiat Eskimo

presence, the spirit of the person communicates the real self. Roles, facades, and the fears that go along with these are dropped. SUMMARY The three words that were used most frequently to describe PWB were ahregah, nagooruk and its derivatives, and well-being. At times ahregah and nagooruk were used interchangeably when describing PWB. The oldest respondent made a distinction between these two words. He said ahregah is ‘‘that’s fine’’ and nagooruk is ‘‘feel good.’’ Villagers tended to use these two words, whereas Anchorage respondents preferred well-being. Younger people tend to use English words such as well-being, healthy and whole, wellness, and feeling good; whereas those over the age of forty-six preferred Inupiat words such as ahregah or nagooruk and its derivatives. This may indicate that the younger people are more comfortable with English than their Native language. How a person feels about his or her personal awareness of well-being demands a subjective approach to defining one’s own feelings and experience of PWB. PWB was described as ‘‘feel good,’’ ‘‘feeling good,’’ and ‘‘being happy’’ and a state of ‘‘feeling good.’’ PWB is a state of possessing physical health and a healthy body. Physical health is needed to hunt and to be actively involved in subsistence and participate in Eskimo activities and feast revolving around Eskimo food. Inner harmony is an aspect of PWB important to these northern people. They describe inner harmony as a state of peace, quiet, and the unity of mind, body, and spirit. Like other Native American groups whose conceptual framework define wellbeing to include the mind, body, and spirit, the Inupiat place a high premium on these components in relation to their wellbeing.

CHAPTER 3

The Effect of Thinking and Proper Conduct on One’s Personal Well-Being The Inupiat’s understanding of the mind reflects a people who know the power of the mind and how to maintain its sharpness even into old age. Research shows that what one thinks about can influence well-being. Negative affect (hostility, anger, negative emotions) correlates substantially with measures of trait anxiety, depression, stress reactivity, and other indices of neuroticism (Tellegen, 1985), and also can be related to significant levels of somatic complaints (Watson & Pennebaker, 1989). The Inupiat describe a good or healthy mind as one that follows the elders’ teachings of being happy, possessing a clear mind, and thinking correctly. An individual has a good or healthy mind if he or she follows the subsistence lifestyle and maintains good conduct. For the majority of the Inupiat, a good mind is possession of a Christian mind and does not include imbibing in alcohol and drugs. Other qualities of a good mind are positive thinking and being in harmony with and loving others. These responses reflect the values that are important to these people as well as the conscious intent to be proactive in maintaining a healthy mind. Each of these is discussed in detail.

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Counseling the Inupiat Eskimo

Seemingly, reliance on the wisdom of the elders had not been abandoned for more modern ways. There are prescribed ways of doing things that have worked for generations. ‘‘It’s good to do it this way; I follow that way and it makes me feel good,’’ stated a sixty-four-year-old woman from Kivalina. It is through the elders that one learns proper conduct. A fifty-eight-year-old man from Kotzebue made the following comment about the teachings of the elders and a good mind: ‘‘Our culture is real valuable. When I was growing up it was told to me that it contains two parts. One is common sense and if I follow it, everything will go smoothly. What the elders teach you becomes a short route. If I follow their footsteps it is not a long route.’’ Another component of a good mind is to be happy, thus it is important to feel and think positively, to laugh, and for the whole family to share happiness. The Inupiat not only express their happiness overtly but also display a wonderful sense of humor, which is very important to Native Americans. According to Martin, Kuiper, Olinger, and Dance (1993), humor serves as a self-protective cognitive appraisal, and can also alleviate stress. When one ‘‘feels good, everything will work together.’’ It has been found that thinking optimistically can affect both health and performance (Scheier & Carver, 1985). Moreover, optimists have expectations of successful outcomes, and are persistent and more effective than pessimists in their goal-directed behaviors in different domains (Scheier & Carver, 1985). Inupiat are often heard discussing their feelings of happiness with such phrases as ‘‘I am happy’’ and ‘‘I feel good.’’ Sometimes, being happy is described as a lack of negatives such as ‘‘I am not depressed’’ or ‘‘There is no sadness or worries.’’ Moreover, a good mind is one that is clear and can think correctly. An eighty-year-old man from Kivalina described these aspects of the mind using two Inupiat words. ‘‘Issameruk is a good mind, while Issumturuk is good thinking.’’ Some of the comments made describing a clear mind were: ‘‘It means thinking right, clear thinking’’; ‘‘Thinking right in my mind, I have no problems because I have a good mind’’; ‘‘It is a sound mind’’; ‘‘A good brain. They make everything they want and they know how to do it’’; and ‘‘Your brain is working good, you are thinking of the

Effect of Thinking and Proper Conduct

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future.’’ Kawagley (1995) mentioned the importance of thinking about the future in terms of weather and subsistence. According to Kawagley, nature gives signs that are important to read for survival. Individuals should use correct thinking by not only thinking good thoughts but actively avoiding depressing ones or self-pity. How one thinks is very important to the Inupiat because, according to Fienup-Riordan (1990), these people are aware how their negative thoughts can hurt animal spirits and others’ minds. This idea is supported by Witherspoon (1989), who discussed the Navajo people’s belief that good fortune comes through positive thinking. To the Inupiat, there is a reciprocal relation between the way one thinks and how things will turn out. Positive thinking appears to empower respondents as they gain some control over the events of their lives in relation to a very harsh and isolated environment. This reciprocal relationship between the way one thinks and how things will turn out is discussed in chapters 9 and 10. To possess a good mind, one must also maintain good conduct. If the ethos (normative orientation) and the worldview (cognitive orientation) do not fit, the result can be disharmony (Cellae, 1973). Proper conduct ensures order for different cultures and maintains well-being (Cellae, 1973; Katz, 1993; Witherspoon, 1989). Cellae believed that a culture’s approved style of living and the way it structures reality are intertwined, one completing and lending meaning to the other. The following are some comments describing the mind in relation to good conduct: ‘‘My grandmother was strict and taught us to follow the good way of life. She told us not to be noisy but to be quiet, be peaceful, calm, and quiet’’; ‘‘Listen to parents, listen to their words. Know what the good part and the bad part is. If I don’t do bad things, I will be happy’’; ‘‘Good conduct is important, stay on the good side, focus your mind on the good side, and it will come out. Your problems will work out’’; ‘‘To have a sound mind, you can’t be involved with bad things’’; ‘‘It is not speaking sharply to others, and following the Inupiat values’’; ‘‘Everything has to be handled the right way, and then share it with other people’’; and ‘‘Be honest with yourself and others.’’

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Counseling the Inupiat Eskimo

Subsistence is important for both men and women among the Inupiat in order to maintain a good mind. One woman from Kotzebue described a good mind in relation to subsistence as follows: ‘‘It is a joyful feeling: I enjoy hunting because my mind is free from everything, especially my worries. I just concentrate on getting the game and relaxing.’’ Others mentioned the importance of having good habits in relation to subsistence and keeping busy. The older generation believe alcohol and drugs interfere with possessing a good mind. ‘‘No alcohol or cigarettes’’; and ‘‘Don’t abuse or use, that will deteriorate your mind and body’’ are comments made by the elders. These clearly show their disapproval of alcohol and drugs. To the Inupiat people, ‘‘A good mind is a Christian mind.’’ A seventy-four-year-old man spoke of the value of discipline and Christianity in maintaining a good mind: ‘‘An elder in Kotzebue has a healthy mind; from childhood he was disciplined and he learned to obey. He is 102 and still advises the younger generation. He is a Christian and is able to identify what is right from wrong and lead a good life.’’ A seventy-one-year-old equated a good mind with love and God: ‘‘Be happy in our mind. Have good thoughts, be friendly to people. Don’t think bad things. Only one love could make it up. If we love people, God will take us. If we never love we are going to be down. Even if we don’t know them, we have to love them.’’ In the past, the Inupiat people would go to church twice on Sunday, and also on Wednesday. Many took to heart the words of the Scripture that state, ‘‘Put on the mind of Christ.’’ Ellison (1991) found that individuals with strong religious faith reported higher levels of life satisfaction, greater PWB, and fewer problems due to trauma and negative life events. Respondents did not believe that their lives are determined by God or fate but rather that prayer and faith would bless them with a good life. The following comments expressed the views of some Inupiat on the importance of a good mind. One comment related life and a good mind: ‘‘A healthy mind is a long and productive life.’’

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Some referred to the mind’s impact on one’s life. ‘‘A good mind helps everything work together towards the good’’; ‘‘A good mind helps you know how to live in both worlds’’; ‘‘Stay on the good side, focus mind on the good side and problems will work out’’; ‘‘Having positive thoughts about oneself and others was stated in a number of ways’’; ‘‘No one bothers me because I am happy’’; ‘‘Have good thoughts towards other people’’; ‘‘When an individual likes who they are, that is the beginning of a good mind.’’ Having to survive and work together collectively, it is important to get along. Because of their keen observation skills, the Inupiat are excellent counselors. They can read subtle body messages communicated through expressions and the quality of the voice. If a person is thinking negatively, others can feel it. The negative person, thus, has to move beyond the natural inclination for self-pity, or thinking about his or her needs, and must instead be kind, generous, and positive. Thus, a shift in consciousness or state of being must occur. Counselors are trained to get to the root of the problem, helping clients move beyond the stage of denial and express feelings of grief or anger. This becomes a dilemma. When describing the cultural representation system, D’Andrade (1989) theorized that the affective component of human information processing is embedded in these systems. Emotions are described by Solomon (1989) as ‘‘a system of concepts, beliefs, attitudes and desires, virtually all of which are contextbound, historically developed, and culture-specific’’ (249). The cognitive theory of emotions says that emotions are learned in a cultural context and are ‘‘themselves public phenomena, in the same sense that language and knowledge are public phenomena’’ (Solomon, 1989, 250). Anger, for instance, is manifested differently in different cultures. When culture discusses it openly, it is hypercognized (Levy, 1989, 219). When anger is almost unrecognizable and not discussed, it is hypocognized (Levy, 1989, 219). For some cultures, the emotions reside in the body, and are often discussed as an entity outside the self. For example, a person may say ‘‘my intestines were angry’’ (Levy, 1989, 213). In the Eskimo culture, the Ulka Eskimos are described as never getting angry. They not only do not feel anger, they never discuss it (Briggs, 1970). Control is an

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Counseling the Inupiat Eskimo

issue when confronting the emotions. The Inupiat ‘‘go to great lengths to prevent outbreaks of any kind’’ (VanStone, 1962, 137). Village people feel it is necessary to get along and preserve their social equilibrium because cooperation is important for their subsistence style of living (VanStone, 1962). Yet in the Western school of thought, maintaining mental health requires facing one’s feelings, not repressing them, otherwise one becomes depressed or suicidal. Conversely, the Inupiat have been trained to ‘‘get over one’s problems’’ and maintain well-being. This is not only important for the community’s wellbeing but, as is discussed in the section on beliefs of the Inupiat, it is important for physical survival. Thus, counselors need to be careful when pursuing the emotional expression of anger. Having a client express all the anger during one session may prove a very lethal experience for the client. To the client, this may upset the equilibrium and harmony of the village, and the angry expression may have an impact on the food chain and subsistence. It is important for counselors to look at the goal, which is PWB or ahregah within the client’s personal worldview. Counselors also need to communicate their own ahregah. After trust and understanding of each other’s worldview, a counselor can proceed in friendship and work slowly toward the root of the problem. ‘‘I notice something is blocking your ahregah, or well-being. You always appear so happy, but today, I do not see that smile on your face, that cheerfulness. Do you want to talk about what’s going on?’’ One must first establish a relationship, and proceed very slowly. If the client does not want to discuss the problem, then an atmosphere of comfort, an atmosphere of friendship, peace, well-being, and in some cases, quietness, must be created: ‘‘Well, that is okay. I understand. Let us just sit here together and enjoy our tea and crackers. It’s good to be here together, away from the cold. Tell me how your daughter is.’’ A counselor may feel that he or she is enabling, but at a deeper level communication is taking place. The client knows the counselor cares, and is present in both compassion and kindness. The atmosphere of ahregah has been established. At another time, the client may share, or the kindness may be enough to help the client become buoyant and return to a state of ahregah. The cli-

Effect of Thinking and Proper Conduct

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ent’s feelings were recognized, and for the time being, that may be enough. It’s important for the counselor to respect the client’s wishes and to not discuss anything personal, but instead to enter into the comfort zone by talking about practical everyday issues (Sue & Sue, 1990). Moreover, Cottone’s (1991) approach makes sense with a people who do not emphasize the individual but who instead place greater importance on relationships with extended family and community (LaFromboise, et al., 1990; Manson & Trimble, 1982; Minton & Soule, 1990; Trimble, 1981; Trimble & LaFromboise, 1985). The goal of therapy from this perspective is not to enhance the client’s ego but rather to help the client surpass the ego by ‘‘experiencing the self expressed as embedded in and expressive of community’’ (LaFromboise, 1988, 392). However, because of the differences in worldview and values, levels of acculturation, tribal differences, and personal characteristics among the Inupiat, care must be taken to provide a counseling approach that is beneficial for each client (LaFromboise et al., 1990). Sometimes, it is important to the client to be direct and to get to the root of the problem by using a directive and active problem-solving approach (Thomason, 1991), as well as focusing on the present and working with practical problem solving (Trimble, 1976). SUMMARY A good mind is a quality of PWB. An important distinction was made by an elder when he used two different words to describe a good or healthy mind. ‘‘Issameruk is a good mind, and Issumturuk is good thinking.’’ The first describes a state, whereas the latter describes a process. A good mind has certain qualities, and good thinking involves a certain way of thinking. As a state, a good mind was described as being happy, regaining the state of feeling good (ahregah or nagooruk). It was described as a lack of negative qualities. ‘‘I am not depressed; there is no sadness or worries. I am in peace.’’ Elders, who ‘‘are decent,’’ are recognized as having this state of mind because of their wisdom, quietness, and good health.

CHAPTER 4

Taking Responsibility for One’s Well-Being In 1990, Minton and Soule conducted a study in two unspecified Inupiat villages and identified activities that promote ‘‘happiness’’ and ‘‘sadness.’’ Respondents were 216 Eskimos from ages seven to over fifty-five, who completed a structured interview by answering the following questions: ‘‘What makes you sad?’’ ‘‘What makes you happy?’’ and ‘‘Where do you go when you’re sad?’’ Researchers wanted to determine the problems and strengths of these village Eskimos and potential resources for mental health. Both traditional and nontraditional outdoor activities, such as hunting, berry-picking, and snow-machine riding, were rated the highest as a way to improve mood. Participation in sports, especially basketball, was rated second to outdoor activities. Other sources of happiness included the maintenance of positive relationships and observing other community members doing the same. Women reported enjoyment in areas of health, religion, and family concerns, whereas men enjoyed socializing with others while participating in outdoor activities. Examination of age differences revealed that older people obtain more happiness

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Counseling the Inupiat Eskimo

from religion and daily pleasures than from physical activities. Although elders cited alcohol as a source of sadness, young adults did not. All age and gender groups mentioned death and alcohol as the greatest source of unhappiness. Because of the strong cohesiveness within families, extended families, and social networks, no one escaped grief and sadness when a community member died. Death of any kind was cited most frequently, followed by alcohol, as a source of unhappiness. In a previous study (Reimer, 1995), I asked the Inupiat to ‘‘Describe what PWB means to you.’’ Some participants described PWB in relation to activities to explain their state of wellness, which are similar to Minton and Soule’s study. The following section describes activities that promote PWB as found in my earlier study. FACTORS THAT ENCOURAGE PWB The activities most often mentioned as encouraging PWB were subsistence activities, including hunting, fishing, berry-picking, and other activities related to ‘‘living off the land’’ being necessary for Inupiat survival. Respondents mentioned the value of subsistence to PWB. A fifty-five-year-old whaling captain from Kivalina said, ‘‘Whaling, mostly hunting, fishing makes me feel good. And then you store them right away for winter. There are no steady jobs. One lives by food and we have to eat something in winter time. They are long days and only four to five hours of light in the winter.’’ Because of this lifestyle, respondents frequently were busy during the interviews (preparing equipment or food, getting ready for a trip, or cleaning a whale cache) or discussed their busy life and the importance of keeping busy to maintain PWB. A thirty-year-old woman from Kivalina said that being productive would enable one to have a long life. ‘‘You have to work, you can’t be lazy,’’ said a sixty-four-year-old woman. A seventyfive-year-old woman, engaged in making parkas during the interview, said she kept herself happy by doing things and keeping busy. A seventy-four-year-old man from Point Hope said, ‘‘I am doing something all the time to make a better home

Taking Responsibility for One’s Well-Being

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for my children. It takes discipline to do all these things. I keep busy. Today I need to take my grandchildren out and work on our subsistence way of living.’’ According to the Inupiat, subsistence activities promote wellbeing by keeping them busy and not allowing them to fall into self-pity or negative thinking. Two women mentioned that keeping busy kept them from depression, especially after the loss of a family member. Two men (one from Point Hope and the other from Kivalina) said that a lazy person who does not complete subsistence activities will find himself ‘‘at the end of a snow bank on the ground’’ and not in a warm home. The Inupiat intuitively knew the importance of activities for their well-being. Their concept of well-being in relation to activities agrees with research findings among other groups of people that reveal the importance of activities across the life span, especially among the elderly. Seleen (1982) found satisfaction among the elderly when they are involved in activities, perceive their health as good, and view their financial situation as satisfactory. Moreover, well-being is maintained among the elderly when they are involved in physical activity (Stewart & King, 1991), as well as volunteer work, informal assistance to others, paid work, and taking care of a household (Herzog & House, 1991). Not only does the subsistence lifestyle keep one busy, one must be able to fit it into an otherwise busy schedule. A thirtytwo-year-old woman from Point Hope expressed the importance of timing: ‘‘Timing is everything. You have to live in both worlds, culture-wise. I have a full-time job to support others and on the weekends, I have to use the time for sewing, subsistence, making baskets with my daughter, plant searching with my mom who teaches me which ones we can eat, and preparing food. All of this is important for maintaining our culture.’’ Family activities are important to the Inupiat. One young woman from Point Hope mentioned that she liked to ‘‘do things together as a family. We may even try to make money, camping up river, Honda riding in hills and net fishing.’’ Subsistence activities involved all family members and friends, including teenagers. A forty-year-old father from Kotzebue said, ‘‘I enjoy doing things with the family, just doing and being together is good.

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Counseling the Inupiat Eskimo

Just knowing they are okay, knowing that they have well-being. Being all together, that is probably my greatest sense of joy and also frustration.’’ Subsistence activities such as camping, hunting, berry-picking, herb-gathering, egg-hunting, boating, and fishing are especially important. Women mentioned that they could partake in all these activities with the exception of whale hunting, which included only adult male crew members and young apprentices, although women could join the men by cooking at the whaling camp. Another activity that is found enjoyable among members of the Inupiat family is operating all terrain vehicles (ATVs) around the village and surrounding areas. The ATV has become an important part of the Inupiat transportation and most households own at least one; many own more than one. The vehicle is used for hunting, hauling, pulling, and other subsistence-related activities. In the villages, it is not uncommon to see the whole family help clean the underground whale cache (underground pit where fresh whale meat is stored to keep it cold during the warm months). Grandchildren, children, nephews, and parents may be present. Different families may come together to enjoy family picnics. Activities include eating, joking, telling stories, walking on the beach, sleeping, herb-gathering, fishing, and boating. It might be noted that during the six weeks of visiting these sites, no alcohol was present at these gatherings, in fact, there was no sign of alcohol at any of the sites. Zitzow (1990) found that youngsters who have greater family contact time tend to have fewer problems with delinquency behaviors and less court adjudication. Through art, ritual, and other symbolic expressions, each culture uniquely bridges the world of the senses with the transpersonal. For example, Navajo art is not made for art’s sake but for pragmatic ends as well as to contribute to beauty, happiness, health, and ultimately order and harmony (Witherspoon, 1989). Crafts have always been important to the Inupiat. Crafts fill in the long winter hours; make use of the surplus materials from hunting, whether fur, bone, ivory, baleen, or skin; and allow the creative spirit to express itself. The most popular crafts are ivory

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carving, sewing parkas and mukluks, and making Eskimo dolls and game items such as yo-yos. Many crafters make extra income by selling their products. According to Cellae (1973), symbolic activity gives orientation to humans in order for them to understand their world. One forty-year-old man expressed this process as he was etching a picture on baleen, which is found in the mouth of the Bowhead whale, and which filters krill from the sea water as its source of food. He said that craft objects are more than an outer object (physical object), and embody the inner world of dreams. When this man was asleep, his ancestors appeared in his dreams and provided scenes that depicted past scenes of hunting adventures. Crafts, helping others, and activities with friends are important to the Inupiat. ‘‘Actions are good. Help the old people, especially those who need the most help, then something comes up bigger.’’ Weibel-Orlando’s (1989) study showed that engagement with activities involving social contact, charitable activity, high-activity level, community roles, recognition for community roles, and service to the community were correlated with health. Weibel-Orlando found that older Indians are at risk for health problems if they are isolated from social activities. Life satisfaction increases for the elderly when they gain status as spiritual leaders and traditional consultants for ceremonies and other cultural information (Myerhoff, Simic, & WeibelOrlando, 1982). An active seventy-year-old woman helped through volunteer activity and discussed how this increased her life satisfaction: ‘‘I like to help people. I help people at the Pioneer Home [elder’s retirement home]. It makes me feel good. I help the nurses by translating for them. The nurses don’t talk to them in Eskimo, so when the old people see me, they light up. Many never understand what the nurses are saying and they do not know what to do.’’ Another elder said, ‘‘Forget about self, try to understand next person to you and try to help them.’’ A fifty-four-year-old woman from Anchorage said, ‘‘I try to make other people feel good at work. When the chips are down, I bring this out and people become positive too.’’ A sixty-year-old traditional Eskimo doctor said, ‘‘I am happy all the time because I don’t drink, I don’t feel sorry for myself, and I like to help people.’’

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Kinship and social ties across the generations are valued traits found among the Inupiat and promote well-being. A fifty-sevenyear-old woman who was caring for her grandchildren, sewing parkas for the young Eskimo dancers, and taking time for the interview, demonstrated this kind of selfless activity. When asked what activities encouraged PWB, she did not mention ‘‘helping others,’’ yet her demeanor indicated she enjoyed sewing for the whole Eskimo dance group. Sharing is not only found among the village members but extends also to the stranger. The Inupiat share with strangers and especially those who are related to the Inupiat. When I arrived in Kotzebue, I stayed with a family. After two days, another family graciously opened up their home because the woman of the house understood that I did not have any family in Kotzebue. The mother of this family provided both contacts and lodging. Hospitality and friendship were shown by the husband, wife, children, and friends. Both husband and wife showed definite concern for others by providing help to families in need. Their friends included both Native and Whites who visited them during the week. According to a seventy-one-year-old Point Hope woman, ‘‘We feel good and happy to all the people, we love Eskimo people, wherever they live; even the stranger is welcomed.’’ Strangers who attend church services can experience this welcome in each village. When a visitor attends church in Kivalina, all the members will come to the front of the church and sing for the visitor. A seventy-four-year-old Point Hope man waved from his porch and asked me, a stranger to him, to come into his house. He said, ‘‘Come on in and join my family and get something to eat.’’ This elder had met me, a newcomer to the village, at his church earlier that morning and was delighted to offer me hospitality. Despite their natural hospitality, the Inupiat have also learned to be wary of exploitation. In Point Hope, a respondent mentioned that the community welcomed some visiting Koreans for the day, but made sure they were on the airplane by the end of the day when they found that they were investors who wanted to start a business in their village. Point Hopers remembered earlier times when whalers from the outside were not allowed to beach their boats and come into the village. They were told

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to go to another village because they did not want drinking and other negative behaviors touching the community. A fifty-eightyear-old gentleman from Anchorage summed up how he saw his culture in relation to others when he explained what PWB meant to him: ‘‘One must have passion and love for the people and live in a good way, that is our culture.’’ The Inupiat enjoy casual social visits as was witnessed when community members dropped in for social visits during many of the interviews. After church, a seventy-five-year-old woman from Point Hope dropped in and visited her two friends. Later when this woman was at her home, various family members would drop in and have something to eat or drink. Family members visited throughout the day. Although most visitors were talkative, some family members (especially the men) would come in and eat and although friendly, say very little. Ryff (1989) found that among middle-aged and older adults, men give as much importance to interpersonal relationships as do women, but expression of these interpersonal relationships may differ. For example, women tend to express love, happiness, and sadness more than males (Balswick & Avertt, 1977; Wood et al., 1989). Consequently, as compared to men, women are more likely to create intimate relationships that provide them with social supports during times of stress and need (Antonucci, 1985; Chappell, 1989). A fifty-seven-year-old woman from Point Hope said she enjoyed doing the following with friends: ‘‘Like going whale hunting, when it’s whaling season. Maybe it’s a good season, everyone is really happy! Or caribou is near by! Ahregah! Let’s go! Or even bingo when there is a big jackpot, or when church going on! Ahregah! Let’s go singing! Or when Bishop comes! Ahregah!’’ The long months of darkness and isolation are dealt with in different ways. A seventy-five-year-old Point Hope woman said people should, ‘‘Pray or visit friends rather than have self-pity and sitting around thinking.’’ Others said that sharing, visiting, and participating in subsistence activities with friends helped them. One respondent mentioned playing cards with friends during the long winter nights. The same respondent had friends over for an all day picnic; in the evening they played cards.

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Several younger women mentioned they enjoyed playing different sports with their family and friends. Martin et al. (1993) found that humor provides a greater positive affect in response to positive and negative life events, and a more positive self-concept when regarding actual and ideal discrepancies, self-esteem, and standards for self-worth evaluation. Humor is very important to the Inupiat, as previously mentioned. During various interviews, humor was expressed with much laughter and fun! Indoor activities include sports, such as basketball, where adult family members compete with other family groups, Eskimo games played at the school gym, villagewide games, games played at home among family members; traditional dancing and singing; and crafts. These activities are enjoyed all year, especially when the short days and harsh weather prevent outdoor and subsistence activities. During the year, the whole community prepares for and enjoys special events such as the whaling feast, Christmas, Easter, and Thanksgiving, and church-related activities. Christmas and Thanksgiving are happy and exciting events in which the whole village participates. Orin Knox, a whaler from Kivalina, shared a video of the previous Christmas events in Kivalina. Fun games of all sort were played, with prizes for the winners. The whole family, from the very young to the very old, is included. Hundreds of dollars are invested so each participant may either win a gift or receive a gift for Christmas. The evening game-playing may begin the week before Christmas and then culminate in religious singing and a religious ceremony. Activities around the whale are important to Inupiat, especially to those who live in the villages. A woman from Point Hope quietly expressed enthusiasm when discussing the whaling festival. ‘‘What we really love most is the whaling festival!’’ Those Inupiat who live in urban areas may talk about fishing and hunting other smaller sea mammals, yet it is not uncommon for urban Inupiat to travel miles to return to the village to celebrate a whaling festival. Rituals and ceremonies are important to most tribes in Northern America. Rituals are a way to bridge the world of the ordinary with that of the transpersonal. Many Inupiat rituals and

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ceremonies have been lost, partly due to Christianity and partly through the people’s fear of the shamans (Spencer, 1959). Most of the elders who knew the Inupiat rituals and ceremonies have passed away. Remnants remain, especially in relation to the whale hunt. The whale hunt still displays ritual activity in the following ways: The women of the village slow down their activity so they can be in synchronicity with the whale and attract it. The head of the whale is returned to the sea in order for its spirit to reincarnate and return in a new body (Turner, 1993). Villagers are careful to cut the animal in a certain way, so it is not offended (Langdon, 1993). Moreover, these old ceremonies, according to VanStone (1962), may influence how the ceremonial activities are performed at Christmas and the other whaling feasts. Counselors who ask the question, ‘‘Are there any rituals left?’’ may be surprised to find that people either will not comment or will say there are not any rituals left. If the Inupiat describe any rituals, they may discuss celebrating their various feasts and subsistence living or educating the young to hunt. Sharing the first catch can be described as a form of ritual. Some may find the question offensive and may feel uncomfortable when asked. A fifty-four-year-old woman stated why: ‘‘Rituals [traditional] are not part of our life because of church. They are trying to encourage [Eskimo] dancing now. You may find people feel uncomfortable with the idea of rituals because of the shamans.’’ A seventy-year-old woman said that most would not even remember rituals because they were all Christians, and rituals were tied up with shamanism. It is assumed from comments made by some respondents that ritual is equated to shamanism. Shamanism is forbidden, frowned at, and feared by Christians. Because of this, it would not be proper to identify rituals as part of one’s life. This is supported by Spencer (1959), who believed that ceremonies have been lost because of Christianity and the fear of shamanism. Some will discuss the whaling feast as a ritual. It is considered by some to be perfect as it is, and not in need of the changes suggested by younger participants. A seventy-four-year-old Point Hope male affirmed this thought. He said that youngsters were trying to add new forms of ritual to their whaling festival

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but the older people were firm, believing that the cultural activities revolving around the whale were so good that there was no room to add anything new. According to a forty-year-old man, the whaling feast ‘‘brings happiness, brings people together and joy, harmony, and love for one another.’’ The blending of Christianity and tradition can be found in the whaling feast and in other Inupiat celebrations through the food, values, traditional singing and dancing, Inupiat prayers, and traditional dress. VanStone (1962) believed that the old ceremonies may affect the patterns that still can be found in some of the ceremonial activities performed at Christmas and the feast at the end of the whaling season. For Kivalina, Kotzebue, and Point Hope members, it ‘‘brings happiness, brings people together, joy, harmony, and love for one another.’’ There are those who remember some old rituals. A seventyone-year-old man from Kivalina revealed that the ‘‘old people had Qargi [a traditional meeting place] where they would educate the male adolescents about hunting. It was a community place where they would talk about the hunt and the kill.’’ The Talking Circle, a group therapy ritual process using American Indian symbols, is used at treatment centers in some cities, but has not been widely accepted by the villages. Those villagers who have experienced a Talking Circle liked it, but others felt it would not work because of gossip. When I was in Kivalina, one women said she would like to get some friends together and have a Talking Circle, whereas another person in Point Hope said it would not be accepted. Counselors may want to get the villagers’ approval before beginning such a ritual activity. Sweat Lodges (a purification ceremony in a circular enclosure made of rugs and willows) are becoming popular for some Natives in Anchorage but they are not discussed or used in the villages. For the Inupiat, spirituality embedded in Christian religion is very important. Ellison (1991) found that religion, one’s religious beliefs and affiliation, may augment, reinforce, and strengthen well-being through (a) social integration and support; (b) the establishment of personal relationships with a divine other; (c) the provision of systems of meaning and existential coherence; and (d) the promotion of more specific patterns of religious organization and personal lifestyle.

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Counselors must be aware of the importance of Christianity among the Inupiat. Praying and singing religious songs are especially important to women. A seventy-one-year-old woman described why: ‘‘I sing, when I pray in the morning. I talk to my grandchildren who are far away through my song. Even at a distance, the song can help open their hearts. When I pray, God answers my prayer. I pray for children and ones who have no clothes, poor people, or when a family hurts. When family hurts, it makes me hurt.’’ Praying and singing lifts up the heart, makes one feel good, and ensures a blessing. Although singing may not be as important to men, most of the men interviewed for my earlier study (Reimer, 1995) described the importance of religion. Only one man could not identify with Christian religious activity, but sought spirituality through nature. To the Inupiat, having a relationship with God promotes well-being, as stated by an Inupiat woman, ‘‘For myself, for my family, the spirit, mind, and soul have to be strengthened by God to be healthy inside, and that is the most important thing. I realize everything works out and into its own.’’ The majority of the people in Point Hope, Kivalina, and Kotzebue are Christian and belong to either the Friends, Roman Catholic, or Episcopal churches. The following Christian activities were reported as promoting PWB: attending Sunday services, prayer services during the week, funerals and church gatherings; and helping church members. One woman demonstrated an ability to combine both Christian and traditional activities when she recommended, ‘‘Read the Bible together, know the Lord, and enjoy the whaling feast.’’ FACTORS THAT WEAKEN PWB According to the elders, PWB is lost or weakened when one is engaged in self-pity, gossiping, arguing, and disharmony among families and the community. Sickness, relocations, and loss of physical health also reduce or remove PWB. Not only do these physical and behavioral problems cause sickness and make one feel ill within the mind, body, or spirit, but death within the community also impacts well-being. ‘‘Ahregah leaves for a while,’’ said one woman when a death occurred

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within the village. When discussing the conceptual framework of wellness, Dana (1993) found that Native Americans do not separate aspects of the self and others. Any intrusion into one of these segments impacts the whole system because of the strong ties of social connectedness. Counselors may find Inupiat describing the loss of PWB by using words such as grieving, feeling bad, sad, depressed, self-pity, and heaviness. The physical experience of heaviness describes sadness, whereas lightness may describe a wonderful feeling of well-being. Levy (1989) supported the notion that for some cultures, emotions reside in the body. Long winters and poor weather can cause boredom and depression. A forty-year-old woman from Kotzebue, who displayed humor throughout the interview, believed that keeping busy helps one feel good and can mitigate the effects of poor weather. We are taught even in bad weather and bad times not to keep hands idle. Keep mind busy. Get ready for hunting so mind will be at peace. Some get depressed in middle of winter. Put on a party and have a feed. Everything has a cycle. We tell our children it will not last. The right frame of mind will help you to endure. Those that can’t aren’t stable. I can wash and put out my clothes and the rain does the rinse cycle and I can have clean clothes. See the better side. You can gather good water from the rain and wash your hair with less soap! Believing in Divine Providence can help also. A sixty-fouryear-old man from Point Hope said, Some people complain. In Inupiat life, I do believe that weather is created by God and it is for our use. Sometimes it could be a strong wind, sometimes, it is raining and when we think about it, God wants to grow grass so caribou can eat and get fat. We can get good meat. There is a purpose for weather. God gave it for our use, especially for hunting. When we go whaling, we need the wind, even if it is cold. It helps blow us out. If there is no wind we are so helpless

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out on the ice. We do not know what to do. God is in His creation . . . in the wind. God is there to protect you. God directs anything for our hunting. One forty-year-old woman from Kotzebue said it is important to do some fun things in the winter like putting on a party. A forty-two-year-old man from Kotzebue mentioned the following: Winter and spring can be a time of short days and darkness and you can experience it as a time of trial. People get short with each other. It is also a time to keep busy, work, and do things. Sometimes you feel like you need to have more light. You look forward to the later part of the summer when it is a brighter time of the year. Spring can be a time of dread, because that is when we notice suicides. Things get a little bit scary. But on the other hand, just getting rid of winter, the first thing you do after the ice melts is hunt for the winter. You have to remember that the whole year is based on cycles rather than days. I am looking forward to seasons, even with the negatives. It is a balancing of positions. Furthermore, poor subsistence caused by weather conditions; time constraints; or lack of animals, fish, or sea animals can also lessen PWB. Other activities that limit PWB are gossip within the community, lack of parental discipline, city living and work (stress), eating the White man’s food, too much ATV riding and bingo playing, selling subsistence foods rather than sharing, and having a dirty house or village. Families can be affected when church attendance is no longer followed. The elders believed that the Christian way is similar to the Inupiat way of life. There was some complaint that there is not the same enthusiasm for the Christian activities as once experienced in the villages. No longer are the churches filled on Wednesday or Sunday nights for community prayer. Even church attendance on Sunday has dropped considerably, especially among the younger generation. The Inupiat’s older generation rate alcohol, drugs, television,

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and problems with children as serious problems. They believe that alcohol is the major issue that discourages PWB. This finding is related to those reported by Minton and Soule (1990), who found that alcohol was cited second most frequently as a cause of sadness. In my earlier study (Reimer, 1996), men were especially cognizant of the detrimental effects of alcohol, whereas the younger respondents were aware of the problems related to marijuana and its popularity among the young. Some of the respondents mentioned that it was important to teach the old values like respect and work. They felt the children would be happier if they were not involved in substance abuse. ‘‘Drinking takes away culture,’’ said a sixty-seven-year-old Point Hope man. One man lost his son as a result of alcohol abuse. ‘‘Alcohol ruins the body, like a damaged animal; you get weak and out of your mind, everyday,’’ was the admonition given by the oldest person interviewed. Many of the respondents believed that alcohol use had an effect on the whole family. There is a growing concern over younger people using drugs such as marijuana. A twenty-one-year-old woman believed that almost everyone in the village under the age of thirty was involved at some time with marijuana. Another woman from Kivalina said marijuana could be found in her village and was the main cause of substance abuse: ‘‘Most people get into this. You hardly see anyone turn it down. Some even use it after age 40. It is getting worse for a friend of mine. It makes him laid back. Some people will get violent. This is the number one problem, especially for guys.’’ Television is seen as a thief that steals the Inupiat culture and detrimentally influences the young. Some families do not supervise their children’s television viewing, thus the youth are exposed to too much violence and to x-rated movies; do not get enough sleep; and experience an interference with school. Children’s television viewing is limited by some parents so it can become a family activity. A common response among the Inupiat is, ‘‘We need to help our children grow up healthy.’’ There is great concern that some children are not growing up healthy in the villages. There is an increase in theft and destruction of property, a lack of respect, lying, and loss of respect and values among the young. During the week when the interviews were conducted in Point Hope, young people damaged the air-

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port and an estimated $1,500 was needed for repairs. Because of the high degree of social connectedness, as mentioned by Minton and Soule (1990), this kind of activity decreases PWB among the community. In their study, young people were often cited as a source of sadness. Beiser and Attneave (1982) and May (1988) found sexual abuse increasing among the general Native American population. The topic of neglect and child abuse is not discussed openly among the Inupiat, yet there is a growing concern about this problem. Only one of the participants in my earlier study (Reimer, 1995) mentioned child sexual abuse. According to this respondent, the community frowns on any type of abuse, especially sexual abuse. If this happens within the community, it is handled discreetly. The offender will be confronted and asked to turn him- or herself in. If he or she refuses, a report is made to the authorities. Children’s PWB is also thwarted when parents become too involved with outside activities, such as bingo and sports. Yet, bingo is seen as both a healthy and unhealthy activity that can destroy PWB. Bingo is played five nights a week at Point Hope and Kivalina and six nights a week in Kotzebue. At Point Hope, the bingo hall is packed on Wednesday nights. Many elders attend bingo as a social event, a place to go. Bingo requires people to exercise their minds by keeping up with the game. A seventyfive-year-old woman was so quick at playing very complicated bingo cards that it was impossible for others to keep up with her. Although bingo and sports were rated as positive activities for some, they can become an addiction to others. When parents play late into the night, children are left unsupervised, giving them freedom to watch Home Box Office and other adult channels. The ATV was the main vehicle of transportation in the villages. These vehicles can be a nuisance because they are noisy and keep people awake into the early morning hours. One elder complained they were so noisy that they would scare the seals away. Another respondent from Kivalina reported that the lack of exercise and a high-fat diet were causing weight gain, not only among the elderly but also among the young who were dependent on the ATV to transport them even a block or two to the store. When ahregah is lost, what can counselors do to help restore

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it? It must be remembered that the wind, air, water, and environment all have healing qualities for the Inupiat. These are not just ways to escape from problems; they are catalysts toward healing. The same applies to the social activities where family, church members, and friends create an environment where one’s own problems are absorbed through the creative, active, and contagious power of ahregah. It is important for counselors to know both the activities that encourage or discourage ahregah. Those activities that encourage ahregah or PWB can be prescribed, and discouraging ones need to be discussed to find solutions to resolving the problem. Just as a doctor prescribes medicine to heal, the Inupiat description of activities that create ahregah or PWB are age-old prescriptions that can be used for healing. Erickson (Zeig, 1980) prescribed specific activities to help people change old patterns. Erickson believed that individuals have within themselves the natural ability to resolve problems, and the natural ability to overcome difficulties that may be plaguing their lives. By prescribing an activity, the counselor may be creating a context whereby the client can gain access to resources and abilities that can aid in resolving the problem. Because the activity is natural to the client, natural conversations about the activity can flow more easily between the counselor and client. Lessons learned, metaphors, storytelling, and artwork can become the extension of therapy, with the activity serving as the catalyst for discussion and healing. Counselors might want to choose from the following list when prescribing activities to increase PWB: 1. Partake in all activities revolving around traditional subsistence, including outside activities, and involve the whole family. 2. Partake in the whaling feasts, and Thanksgiving, Christmas, and Easter feasts. The whole community takes part in preparing, bringing food and cleaning up, singing, dancing, and praying together. These events serve to continue the cohesiveness and special relationships among members of the villages and continue to

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increase PWB for the Inupiat and others who live in the village. 3. Enjoy and try different forms of craft-making. Inquire about the process. One person mentioned that his work reflected a deceased ancestor’s activity, which was communicated to him through dreams. It is possible that other craftmakers understand the spiritual aspect of this activity. As posited by Cellae (1973), symbolic activity can give orientation to persons as a way for them to understand their world. 4. Learn and partake in Eskimo dancing, drumming, and singing. 5. Learn the culture’s stories and language. 6. Pay attention to dreams, signs, and symbolic activity. 7. Visit a traditional healer. 8. Follow traditional values. 9. Live the traditional lifestyle that supports the community and the welfare of others. 10. Join in the ritual activity revolving around the whale (see the last section for a detailed account of this). 11. Maintain a relationship with the Creator and the environment. Attend church activities. Often counselors may not have been trained to integrate spirituality and faith into their counseling sessions, but it is important to do so when counseling the Inupiat. Faith—a belief in God—is an important quality for PWB. The majority of respondents mentioned a relationship with God and inner harmony as an aspect of PWB. Some mentioned that belief in God not only strengthens the union of spirit, soul, mind, and body, but everyday affairs as well. Prayer and faith are important to the Inupiat and support their well-being. Ellison (1991) found that individuals with strong religious faith reported higher levels of life satisfaction, greater PWB, and fewer problems because of trauma and negative life events. The Inupiat do not believe that their life is determined by God or fate but rather that it is their

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responsibility to pray and have faith so that they can be blessed with a good life. SUMMARY The Inupiat take responsibility for their well-being by following the elders’ teaching. An important feature of these teachings is taking responsibility for one’s well-being. According to Travis (1978), one has to become responsible for self-care, comprehending emotional and physical needs, and the lifestyle necessary to meet these needs. The Inupiat mentioned the importance of taking care of one’s health by living not only a disciplined life but also by living the subsistence way of life. Cleanliness, being quiet and peaceful, and remaining busy help maintain PWB. Respondents also indicated that they take responsibility for their health by eating good traditional foods and abstaining from foods and beverages that impair health. Ways to support PWB are through subsistence, activities with family members, outdoor activities, crafts, helping others, activities with friends, and religious activities. PWB is lost or weakened when one is engaged in self-pity, gossiping, arguing, or disharmony. Sickness, death, relocations, and loss of physical health also take away PWB. The Inupiat are concerned that the young are engaged in theft and substance abuse because of a lack of values and discipline. Parents are allowing youth to watch too much television while they are engaged in outside activities such as bingo and sports. No longer are families going to church and gaining spiritual strength from the subsistence lifestyle and food. Boredom, city living, and stress are robbing people of PWB. ATV riding in communities keeps people up at night because of the noise. Those riding ATVs are no longer walking and getting exercise, as their dependency on the vehicles grows.

CHAPTER 5

Sociological Factors Effecting Well-Being Social learning takes place through observation and imitating other people’s behaviors. Moreover, values and group norms are learned through social interaction and the socialization process. In the Inupiat world, as in many societies, the immediate family, extended family, and community are instrumental in socializing children and in forming PWB. When working with the Inupiat client, it is important for the counselor to understand the family system and the activities that support well-being. This chapter focuses on how PWB or ahregah was passed on from one generation to the next. Through a positive home life, parents and grandparents are the primary teachers who can teach the young about PWB. One thirty-two-year-old woman from Anchorage remembered her home being alcohol and drug free: ‘‘Mom was always happy, smiling, and laughing. She laughs when she speaks. She is a real happy person and I was raised in a happy home. The air was always positive with no negative feelings. Mom would communicate with us.’’ Older Inupiat have fond memories of their childhood as illus-

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trated by the following comments: ‘‘My grandparents didn’t quarrel or use strong words. She took care of the house and he hunted and did the heavy work. My grandfather would sing in the evening’’; ‘‘My mom and dad were hard workers and very intelligent. They taught me about perseverance and commitment. If it wasn’t for them I wouldn’t be here.’’ ‘‘Just by their own kindness, my mother and grandfather were kind. I never saw him get mad. He was always a smooth talker. I’m not like him!’’ laughed a fifty-nine-year-old woman from Point Hope. ‘‘My father tended to spoil me. When I was tired walking he would carry me. When I wanted pilot bread, he would make it out of flour and sugar and put it in a coffee can. After it was cooked, he even put the little holes in it,’’ recalled a seventy-fiveyear-old woman from Point Hope. Many elders recalled that their parents expressed their love for one another in the presence of their children by openly communicating warmth and love to each other. Research reveals that moral conduct and values emerge as important factors in relation to PWB. Witmer (1985) defined moral values as an individual’s guide to obtaining well-being while providing respect and compassion for another person’s good. The value systems give an individual meaning and hope, and acts as an aid in making decisions and solving problems. The value system provides a purpose in life: Without values, one is subject to experiencing hopelessness, apathy, alienation, and cynicism. Some value systems can be constricting. For example, Allport and Ross (1967) found that those who have not developed strong moral commitments tend to be inconsiderate of others and uncompromising. The Inupiat learned and followed the teachings regarding moral conduct from their elders. The following are selected comments about the elders’ teachings. A thirty-two-year-old woman from Point Hope smiled warmly as she shared the following: ‘‘My grandmother taught me everything. Her face just shined because she lived a good life. She taught me how to sew, deliver babies, raise kids. She didn’t want me to have children out of wedlock. Her teachings helped me. She was so soft spoken, sweet, gentle, yet outgoing. She was an inspiration to all our lives. I talk to my daughter about the importance of grandmothers.’’

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A fifty-five-year-old woman from Anchorage also discussed the importance of grandparents. ‘‘My grandmother would teach me in her native tongue about what was good and bad. The elders taught me to always help people and when you are older, help will come in reverse. If you help others, you will feel good and more good things come your way.’’ A sixty-nine-year-old man recalled the teaching from the elders. ‘‘They instructed me not to go to bad places. I tried to honor their advice. Stay away from drinking. They were very happy, always happy!’’ Respondents recalled a happy home environment, where parents got along. A few comments that described this are as follows. ‘‘I recalled just being happy and [having] nothing to worry about. My parents were very kind. Dad was kind and never spanked me. He spanked my two brothers but not the girls. He taught us the right way to live yet he was never harsh,’’ recalled a fifty-seven-year-old woman from Point Hope. Another respondent said, ‘‘Our family was always together. They were really close. As the years go by I see a difference. There was no TV then. There was no outside influence.’’ It is true that television is an outside influence, but family outings are still important. The Inupiat still play, work, and worship together. Many of the activities revolve around family gatherings, picnics, church events, feasts, funerals, and Eskimo dancing. A forty-year-old man remembered fondly his positive experience with his father: ‘‘I can remember walking with my dad on the beach with a wooden toy gun. I would follow his footsteps; wherever he went, I went.’’ A seventy-year-old Kivalina woman who was outgoing, kind, peaceful, patient, and displayed a sense of humor throughout the interview said: I saw my grandparents as good people, the way the Bible taught us to be. My great-grandfather had two wives. One was a shaman and one a Christian. He put the shaman wife away but continued to feed her. My mother was so strong and she had a strong faith. I try to follow her footsteps. My grandmother taught me to be a good woman by being good to my people. I have love for all of them. I try to have equal

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love. I try to feed orphans and young people and not complain. Through socialization, children learned group norms from the elders’ teachings. One man recalled, ‘‘I was taught patience, not to fight back even when people do me wrong. I was never to challenge, because fighting back don’t prevail nothing, or give anything. I was to just turn away.’’ Play promotes physical, mental, and social development as well as providing a sense of community. The older Inupiat understood these benefits because of their own early experience as children: ‘‘We always played outside and were very happy. No matter how cold it was, we played with a little stick and a ball and different games. We were always happy in the fresh air’’; ‘‘We would play Eskimo games when we were kids outside. Some of the games we played were snaring, hockey, running, and just playing’’; ‘‘Sometimes we would play outside and even when it was stormy, we would get brave because we didn’t like to be inside too long. In a blizzard, we would have to sometimes dig our way back.’’ A fifty-nine-year-old woman from Point Hope remembered the fun she experienced when she was younger. ‘‘Well, I tell you the truth, it used to be peaceful when there was no TV. We would play outside and play football, baseball, Eskimo games when the weather was nice. We played traditional games both outside and inside, depending on the weather. There was a lot of joy. It seemed much happier back then. We worked harder.’’ Imagination and using one’s ingenuity were developed during play as described by a sixty-year-old woman from Point Hope. Our parents never drank. We would go to church in the evening. We also played games and had fun together, the Eskimo way. I remembered I had no doll so I made them with big rocks. I made a doll house with rocks too. We loved playing outside. We didn’t have four-wheelers. We used to have hard work. Washed clothes by hand and fetched water, but we felt good afterwards. We used to play ‘‘Hop Scotch’’ and ‘‘Red Rover’’ and have so much fun!

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A fifty-seven-year-old woman laughed when she remembered the ingenuity of family members and the happy people who surrounded her. The following is her description of family life: My dad taught us about ahregah! Our family was so close together. Our parents would play with us. Sometimes we would have to use blubber for heating and needed to conserve it. We would play hopscotch in our little house. Mom and Papa would play with us. The house was so cold but they tried to make us forget it and make it fun for us. They would say, ‘‘put on your parkas, let’s go to see the moon.’’ They would get us to stand on a round piece of wood and lift it up and then ‘‘take us to the moon’’ in it. They would lift the wood with us on it and then they would say, ‘‘jump down’’ and we would all laugh as we jumped. We had fun even though we didn’t have material things. I remember when we wanted to learn American dance. My cousins would wind up my long hair, because I was supposed to be the phonograph. After they wound my hair, I would sing, and they would unwind my hair as I did. After my hair was unwound they would wind my hair up again. I was supposed to be an old phonograph player! Play and having fun is related to well-being, moreover, play integrates both the thinking and emotional process. Lewis (1982) reported that play receives its meaning from fun, which was absent from ‘‘other positive affective experiences such as eating and sexual behavior’’ (166). Play is beneficial for both individuals and family systems. It also helps adults cope with stressful events and provides them with a sense of control over their lives. Not only do children and adults experience psychological wellbeing through play, but the elderly are mentally stimulated through this form of expression (Gotterer, 1989). To promote well-being, the Inupiat believe it is important to have high expectations for the young and to provide discipline tempered with kindness. ‘‘My dad was very kind; he never scolded me. My mom would, though,’’ recalled a fifty-five-yearold man from Kivalina. His mother’s firmness and teachings helped him, however: ‘‘My mother told me to help the old peo-

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ple. This teaching has helped me, and today it brings in the whale for me or any kind of catch. My grandpa didn’t hit me or spank me. All he had to do was scold me or look at me. If I did good he would reward me. My grandfather was my heaven when my mother would handle me roughly.’’ A seventy-four-year-old man from Point Hope recalled that his PWB was related to receiving discipline as a child. He remembered his church-going father as being strict, never imbibing in alcohol or tobacco, and as a proponent of education, cleanliness, and a disciplined life. He said, ‘‘I guess that well-being was taught and started from him. . . . You have to identify what is right and wrong and lead your life by choosing. Discipline is important and teaching the right way. You have to use the willow sometimes. . . . Well, I had my share of that.’’ A sixty-seven-year-old man from Point Hope stated that not only were the family members involved in disciplining, but the whole community was responsible for providing love and guidance and to assist in the upbringing of children. ‘‘If you destroy things it means trouble for the family. Everyone had to see ‘City Council’ who were involved in discipline. When you weren’t guilty you weren’t afraid to see them but if you were, you had to face the elders from the community.’’ These examples contradict some studies that tended to stereotype Alaska Natives as being permissive in child raising. For example, in an early mental health study among the Mackenzie Delta Eskimos, Lubart (1970) described the subjects as forming ‘‘pathological patterns and potentials related to the system of permissive child rearing’’ (44). He further declared that hedonism always has been a part of Eskimo culture and provides relief from tension in many cultures when a person’s goals of validation are confused, nonfunctional, and immature. Communication is important, as is seen by the following remarks: ‘‘Our parents laid a foundation for us. Both parents openly loved each other. Didn’t feel like we had to hide knowing they loved us. They were free to verbalize it.’’ A sixty-four-year-old man from Point Hope described this positive influence: ‘‘When I was raised as a child, my grandparents, parents, and relatives would talk to me. They were so close to me. They talked to me on the best way to live and how I should

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conduct myself. They gave me important direction for my life. They talked to me about going to church, also.’’ A thirty-two-year-old woman from Anchorage remembered her home life and said it taught her about happiness and feeling good. Family members taught the younger children: ‘‘I learned from my mother and my brother. My mom taught me about being healthy and whole through her own ways. She was always happy and laughed all the time when she spoke. She shared with the elders.’’ Many of the older Inupiat said when they were growing up, families were committed to each other. ‘‘The family came first,’’ as voiced by a forty-year-old woman from Kotzebue. ‘‘All my energy is for the family. My reason for living is my children. I try not to get too involved in the church or outside activities so I can have outings with the children and teach them how to use food off the land.’’ This woman and others like her voiced a concern for children who were not getting this positive attention. She discussed concern over drugs and alcohol, lack of parental supervision, and child abuse. This forty-year-old woman from Kotzebue and another sixty-year-old woman from Point Hope open their homes to young people when their parents are drinking or absent from the household. The older Inupiat believed that in the past families spent time together, family members took care of their children and taught them subsistence, crafts, and domestic duties. It was not uncommon to see children helping younger children. Grandmothers today voice their concern about their young grandchildren’s temptations with drugs and alcohol. Rather then feel helpless, these elders spend time praying for them, and not feeling sorry for themselves, so they can be good role models for their children and grandchildren. These elders are overjoyed when they see young families going back to the old ways and following the traditional ways of the Inupiat. Teaching and stories also helped with the socialization process. PWB was taught to the young through stories about the traditional ways, culture, and ethos of the Inupiat. The value of oral tradition is supported by Gunn Allen (1986), who believed that oral tradition helps members comprehend that they are a part of

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history, empowered the members, and provide direction to their lives. The Inupiat are rich in oral tradition. A few elders told stories that were told to them when they were young. ‘‘Orphan stories’’ were told to pass on traditional ways so one could learn from someone else’s experience. Some of these traditional stories are taught in some of the schools. The following is a story on how the environment can discipline: There was a family with two children. An orphan was taken into their home because they needed someone to run around [do the work for them]. This child did everything; he ran around doing things while those other children were playing. He was the one who had to do the hard things around the home. One time, it gets real stormy and the man said, ‘‘go get some water from down the river.’’ The child was afraid to go because he thought he might get lost. The old man made him get out. Instead of going away from the house, he started crying outside and while he was crying the door of the house flew wide open and the wind blew snow and ice on the people inside. They died inside their little ice house. According to the Kivalina elder, this is a true story, and it is meant to tell people to be kind to little children, especially orphaned children. Stories help young people learn the importance of their roles. An eighty-year-old man from Kivalina gave this advice: ‘‘Tell them of the experience of good hunting and wife working on seals and Beluga whales. This man is a good hunter but his wife is lazy wife, they go hungry and if wife is a good worker but husband is lazy and doesn’t go hunting all the time, they go hungry. They both need to be good helpers.’’ Stories also are a way to pass on the mores and proper conduct of the people. A fifty-nine-year-old woman from Point Hope discussed the importance of proper conduct and knowing one’s family tree. She felt the young people were forgetting from whom and from where they came. Proper conduct means learning about common sense, being good, and only doing good things. ‘‘From our parents we learned common sense. They used discipline as a way of teach-

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ing.’’ An elder from Kivalina told a lengthy story that emphasized the importance of proper conduct and how community members were active in community discipline. The story is about not telling lies. This happened long ago. This helps us to remember not to tell lies about other people. This woman had lovers with two brothers. She played around with them. The other man found out that his brother was with her. Both of them were fooling around and they found out. They had families too. She fooled around with married men. They killed each other. After they killed each other, the father tried to find out what went wrong. He didn’t know what went wrong because they loved each other when they were growing up, even using one material that they share all the time. He never knew this would happen someday. Then one day he finally found the truth. They had killed each other over that woman. He did not go to that woman right away. You know, long ago, they get together at a special time of the year in the ‘‘kotspi,’’ like a special place. They call a meeting. Everyone knew she was the cause of the death. That man sat down and he called that woman: ‘‘Come up.’’ There were a lot of people; that woman didn’t know what to do. So while it was a command, she had to sit there and she didn’t move. He started to tell the people, ‘‘This is what will happen every time you tell lies about people. As long as I live I will try to enforce it. Never tell lies about people. Remember, never make up things with that little mouth, with your body or there will be trouble.’’ And then he turned to that woman; every time he was talking he pulled her mouth. That woman started squirming but she couldn’t move till her mouth reached all the way across her face towards her ear. And then she didn’t live and she died. He let the people see it. That’s how bad people are making trouble outside their home. A thirty-two-year-old woman from Point Hope said she would pass on what she had learned from her grandmother, who told her that standing in the rain, praying, and enjoying the rain were

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a blessing and that doing this had actually helped heal her premenstrual symptoms. One forty-year-old man believed it was important to help younger people deal with their anger as he learned to do from his elder’s teaching. ‘‘My grandfather would discipline out of love. He taught me that when I got angry to leave and then come back when we could learn together and talk about why I was so upset.’’ Another said, ‘‘It is important to advise children based on what you have learned.’’ A seventy-year-old woman from Point Hope worried about the young not learning the old skills. ‘‘The main thing is to know how to sew, how to cook, how to prepare food before they lose this knowledge.’’ Elders are more than happy to teach the youth. ‘‘I see men making a kayak for their boys, and they would learn how. I was told not to reject young girls who want to learn things. If they want to learn, the elders will teach them.’’ A thirty-year-old woman from Kivalina shared an experience that she wanted to pass on to her children. ‘‘I am too young to tell stories. Maybe I can pass on to them how I walk miles and miles into the country to sort out my feelings. It is a way to let go when I get all jumbled up. I would also tell my children to think ahead so they can be better off and be safe.’’ The Inupiat believe it is important to pass on stories and teachings about discipline, faith in God, loving oneself, and the value of sharing. A seventy-five-year-old woman from Point Hope said the following about sharing: ‘‘If young people try to be stingy to people who share with them, if they act like that, they are mean. If a person needs help, help them to survive, especially the old people. When you catch animal or some meat, give that. Give that free and don’t charge.’’ It is good to tell different kinds of stories to the youth, according to an Eskimo preacher from Point Hope. He liked to use old-time stories, Bible stories, hunting stories, or village activities that could be told in story form. He said that stories comparing good and bad outcomes are particularly good to pass on. It is also important to teach about being happy and ahregah by laughing, and teaching about good feelings. Loving oneself is important to teach young people. A fortytwo-year-old man from Kotzebue discussed this and gave a glimpse of a collective view of community:

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I would teach my children to love themselves and try to get an understanding of whatever it is they conceive the Higher Power to be, some call it God. It is important to recognize that we are our children’s first teachers and we need to accept responsibilities of that. Sometimes we have to look at things as the good of many as opposed to the good of the one. In the past the community really accepted the upbringing of the children. Everyone had value. As mentioned earlier, in the past the community council would get together and discipline young people either through physical punishment or by preaching to them and telling stories to help them understand the Inupiat way. The elders would like to see the council do this again. Storytelling mirrors the worldview of people because the stories reflect what is important and how a culture defines itself in the present and in the future. Besides instructing, entertaining, and conveying history and morals, Gunn Allen (1986) believed that the oral tradition of storytelling provides entry into ritual tradition and allows one to see the broader scope of interrelations with those who share a ‘‘psychospiritual tradition.’’ This helps people understand that they are ‘‘part of a coherent and timeless whole, providing them with a means of personal empowerment and giving shape and direction to their lives’’ (100). The Inupiat are rich in oral tradition. Inupiat elders who were born around the turn of the century shared stories that were handed down orally and can be found in a three-volume compilation, Lore of the Inupiat (Mendenhall, Sampson, & Tennant, 1989). Through myths, personal experiences, traditions, and customs, these elders shared stories from both the natural and supernatural worlds. A seventy-year-old from Kivalina described the Inupiat way as, ‘‘The life we lived, it is a ‘whole life’ that we lived, ahregah! If we do it right, you know, and learn it!’’ A fifty-four-year-old woman from Kotzebue remembered childhood stories about learning the Inupiat way, which she said was taking responsibility for one’s actions. ‘‘Stories were told on how bad things come about because of arrogance and not believing in the elders’ teachings. They would tell the stories as they happened back

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then, but they were still relevant for today. We would try to engrain the consequences of one’s actions.’’ There is concern that teachings alone are not enough to help children follow the Inupiat way because parents now have to compete with outside influences such as television and substance abuse. A sixty-one-year-old man from Point Hope discussed the lack of respect shown by youth: Today it is getting harder as parents when we look at our children. They are away from our Native life. Even though they are a little smarter, there is not much obedience and respect. It helped me when I was young to respect everyone. We were taught to respect others, especially the elders and our neighbors. Now they talk back. They need to know that good things come to you when you think and act in a good way. Moreover, the older Inupiat generation believe it is important that children learn about the ‘‘right way,’’ which includes learning about Christianity and following traditional ways of doing things. A seventy-one-year-old man from Kotzebue remembered, ‘‘When we were young we were taught the right way to live. We were taught Christianity and the laws and the prayer book. My mother taught the right way and my father taught me about patience. Mother told me to respect the elders and be obedient to them. If you listen to them closely they talk about the right way and to consider the right things and you can learn from them.’’ She told a story about being obedient. As children we were taught about an orphan who never obey his gramma [sic]. He was asked to put disposal out, but he wouldn’t do it. The old gramma [sic] had to crawl and put it out and bring it back while orphan was lazy and did not obey her. One time, right in center of the house, an old man came from the floor and tell him, ‘‘I have come to get you.’’ That orphan started to move away. By a magnetic feeling, he was pulled towards the old man and he went on back. The old man took him and travel underground. He emerge in tip of mountain, overlooking the place where

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he lived. He was away from place in river. He took the child down and to the place of his destination where he would stay because what he did was wrong. He take him down for destination for punishment. He traveled down in the ground and finally arrived in the air. It was blurry weather and kind of dark. Middle part of travel he dived into the ground again that was so dark. He laid the child on the ground in land so dark and leave him. That boy standing was in despair and helpless. Finally he felt thirsty as he felt the ground which was so rough. It was bristle rock with sharp points. On the center of the pointed rocks he saw some water. ‘‘Ah! I will drink from it.’’ He dipped his finger and could sense something crawling over his face. It was a worm. It was not water but human blood over his face. Then he didn’t drink it because it was only worms and human blood he found. He stood there helpless, crying and wailing with despair. Crying. Finally after a while that man came back and asked the boy, ‘‘Are you going to still have your attitude, disobeying your gramma [sic]?’’ ‘‘I will change,’’ the boy said. ‘‘Ok, I will take you back.’’ They both emerged the same way and emerged the next time through house. That boy is no longer disobedient. He worked hard for his family and gramma [sic]. An elder from Kivalina said that as a child, he was told a lengthy story that stressed the need to follow the ‘‘right way’’ or ‘‘true way.’’ The right way includes helping others—not just helping family members, but community members as well. ‘‘The elders taught to always help people. We were told to give special care to children with no parents, widows, and old people, and not to make fun of those people who were not normal.’’ The value of sharing one’s bounty is still strongly held by community members and is discussed in the section on sharing. Teaching about Christianity is important if one is to learn the right way and experience ahregah. ‘‘The teachings I received from church teachings and storing food helped me to survive as a human being,’’ stated a forty-year-old woman from Kivalina.

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‘‘We were told to go to church first before playing out. These teachings make you feel ahregah.’’ There is concern that people are not attending church, praying, or reading the Bible. Even the old Bible stories are not being told as they once were. ‘‘The world is changing, the churches do not have as many people as they used to. Long ago they used to be so full on Sunday and in the evenings. Attending these services is dying out.’’ A seventy-one-year-old man from Kivalina believed that their old customs were similar to the Ten Commandments. ‘‘Our old customs comply mostly like the Ten Commandments were written and they seem to follow those beliefs. Never kill, never steal, never take someone’s wife, never make complaints, never talk and make false accusations . . . we grow up and live with it and it helped us because the traditional rules complied with the law and with Christian rules. That’s why Christianity could come so easily, it was the same.’’ A seventy-year-old elder from Kotzebue related a story about the importance of Christianity in the old days when shamanism was very strong. The story was told after dinner about my grandfather, Samaruna. ‘‘He was camping in the mountains at a taboo place where little people with huge mouths could eat a person alive. That night, Samaruna could hear something outside of his camp place. It kept circling around his camp until it was about to enter through the entrance of the ice house. Just as it was about to enter, Samaruna made a sign of the cross, and the evil thing left him.’’ Cultures change over time. Outside influence has had major effects in the socialization process of the Inupiat. The elders talk about the influence of television and changes in values among the young; furthermore, they are saddened that the old ways that have always proven effective in teaching ahregah are now being forgotten. The old ways (traditions, games, elders’ teaching and stories) bring to the audience a rich legacy of activities that worked for them. These experiences did not cost any money nor did they demand the latest technology in the home. They are still ‘‘usable.’’ The question arises as to how they can be used in the healing process. In a community setting, elders can share stories in schools, counseling sessions, and church meetings. Elders can

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also teach portions of ‘‘parenting classes’’ and can be resources for such projects as Head Start, Evenstart, and other programs dealing with young mothers and fathers. Pairing up an elder with a young mother and father would be an excellent way to pass on age-old ways of sustaining ahregah for the next generation. Counselors can discuss some of these activities with a client either by asking the client what he or she remembers that produces PWB or by allowing the client to express his or her grief caused by a lack of a healthy home life. When the grieving has been processed, it is important to move on by pairing the client with a family or group that can help create ahregah experiences. SUMMARY The Inupiat believe a positive home life, elders’ teaching, subsistence, and discipline encourage PWB. The family and the extended family is the primary source for the socialization process and for learning about PWB. The older Inupiat believe that the elders’ teaching and a positive home environment was instrumental in forming their ideas about PWB. A positive home environment included happy parents (who laughed frequently) and family involvement, family communication, and activities. In the past, the parents, extended family, and the community were committed to the well-being of their children. They made time to talk, and to teach skills and the proper ways of personal conduct. Family activities revolved around subsistence, family gatherings, and church events. The parents were remembered as good role models who taught perseverance and commitment. Quarreling and strong words were not used. Family and extended family members lived the Inupiat values, especially faith, love for people, and sharing. Through parents’ selfless giving, the Inupiat learned about PWB. At the same time, parents had expectations that the children were required to fulfill. Play is thought to contribute to well-being. Play occurred in the natural setting or in the home. Even in the coldest weather, children enjoyed playing in the snow with their friends and siblings. Teachings and stories were told in order to pass on the culture.

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This would ensure a good life and survival. Subsistence, proper conduct, elders’ and family teachings, skills, and sharing experiences were also vehicles for passing on teachings about PWB. Through stories, the older Inupiat said they learned about values, culture, traditions, language, crafts, religion, social mores, and proper forms of conduct. The right way or proper conduct had to be passed on for cultural survival. Following traditions and Christianity helps one follow the Inupiat right way. Church attendance, reading the Bible, believing in a providential and loving God, and following the Commandments contribute to PWB. All of the values and beliefs cited here suggest that the parents and the community took responsibility for the children’s upbringing. Within family, relationships were lineal, with both parents sharing equal power. Parents’ intent was to help their children develop into good Inupiat by teaching the Inupiat lifestyle.

CHAPTER 6

Who Are the Healers from the Village? For many aboriginal people, well-being is restored by delving into states of mind that reach beyond the ordinary. Through different states of consciousness, one is able to heal, create, and maintain a benevolent relationship with the spirit world and the environment. Altered states of consciousness often are the means whereby healing occurs. Through these altered states of consciousness, well-being, both personal and community, can be restored. In the Inupiat culture, faith in the Christian Jesus is basic to traditional healing as well as altered states of consciousness such as trance, primary perception, and clairvoyance (Turner, 1989). The Inupiat also use manipulations, herbs, poking (surgery or bloodreleasing for minor operations), and midwifery (DeLapp & Ward, 1981; Turner, 1989). Kotzebue residents use the Serpentine Hot Springs in northwest Alaska for relief of arthritis, back and hip pain, headaches, skin rashes, and other problems (Book et al., 1983). Della Keats, a famous tribal doctor, was known for her healing hands, deep faith, excellent character, knowledge of the

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human body, and spiritual knowledge: ‘‘I’m not a sacred old lady, not a superstitious person. I just pray to my Good Lord. I pray all night, and before I arrive in sick person’s village, my good Lord tells me what’s wrong’’ (Barry & Roderick, 1982, 24). Keats, who died recently, was also a well-known traditional teacher. Turner (1989) observed seven general healing elements: 1. Different levels of perception or clairvoyance. 2. A healing spirit (the Lord Jesus) and ‘‘the life entity of the sufferer.’’ 3. Viewing disease as a substance or thing. 4. Using hands as the instrument for healing. 5. The connecting and communicating of the body between healer and patient. 6. Positioning the bodily organs correctly. 7. Ensuring readiness and ‘‘heal-ability’’ of the patient. DeLapp and Ward (1981) reported that after interviewing respondents from five different Eskimo villages and consulting with two physicians and one pharmacist for review and validation of these Inupiat practices, a portion of these practices were found to be scientifically relevant. Because plant life is scarce, healing substances derived from animals are more popular (Fortuine, 1988). When a person is sick, the Inupiat may not necessarily go to the Western doctor or counselor. When asked the question ‘‘When you are sick, who do you go to besides a regular [Western] doctor?’’ (Reimer, 1996), the Eskimo doctor was mentioned by more than half the respondents. Some mentioned their spouses, mothers, or parents; community prayer; and school teachers. More women than men had gone to a traditional healer. One of the healers, a sixty-year-old woman employed by the health clinic in Point Hope, was interviewed. She mentioned that it is important for people to feel happy all the time, not to feel sorry for themselves, and not to drink. The following is an account given by this healer:

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God made me like that to be a natural healer. I trust in the Lord. I don’t trust the shamans. I don’t believe that I am a medicine woman either. We have a strong God, He is only one who heals. We don’t believe in feathers or shamans, just God. God is powerful, only He is powerful. When I feel my patient, if they don’t believe, then they are always sick on me. I can feel it, that’s how I am. I can feel the person. My patients are powerful. They trust in the Lord. I like to help people, all over. I worked with Della Keats. Keats taught this woman how to use a small knife made by Eskimos. ‘‘When that person bleeds a little or sometimes a lot, that patient feels ahregah!’’ Respondents remembered that when they were young they would frequently go to the teachers who were trained to distribute medicine, administer check-ups, and dispense cod liver oil. Parents, friends, spouses, or the power of community prayer were also sources of healing. Some participants mentioned that they were hardly ever ill. A sixty-nine-year-old man from Anchorage recalled village life: ‘‘We very seldom got sick. I never remembered getting sick.’’ Some participants believed this was due to the diet. Traditional food such as the whale, seal, fish, and berries all contributed to health. It is important for counselors to find out to whom the client goes when he or she is not feeling well. The counselor can then team up with that person, perhaps it is a family member or even the traditional healer, to work through some of the counseling issues. This is especially true when a counselor is working with males or an older person. Men and older members of the community may prefer talking to someone from the community rather than to a counselor. The counselor’s job would be to identify these support people, arrange meetings, and in some cases provide some coaching or suggestions that may alleviate some of the client’s problems. Massage and rubbing was reported to be the most popular method of healing for women. One seventy-five-year-old woman from Point Hope recalled a time when a woman came to her house and healed her stomach after the woman rubbed the abdomen with her mucus.

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Most healers combined massage and prayer. Before working on a patient, a healer would pray over the patient and ask him or her to have faith in the success of the healing process. Community, church, elders, friends, and family prayer also helped in the healing process. A fifty-seven-year-old Point Hope woman recalled her grief after her mother’s death. The people in the community and church comforted her through prayer and song. She also gained her strength back because her children ‘‘needed me to be fun for them.’’ A healer from Point Hope agreed to heal a sore back that had bothered her for several days. She put her hand on the spot where the pain was centered, made a small sign of the cross, and laid her hands there for a minute or so. Then she prayed silently and said, ‘‘there.’’ The pain left and did not return. This healer talks about her first healing experience: I couldn’t fix my little boy’s sprained knee. I heard Billy Graham preaching on the radio. He healed a woman. My son was sitting on my lap. I said, ‘‘Lord heal my son through your power.’’ I made a cast with a candy box. After prayer, my son went to the floor and then he started walking. We praised the Lord. We didn’t go to the hospital. He still remembers it. My daughter’s little girl had problems with walking. I told her, ‘‘when you go to bed the Lord will heal your legs.’’ She started walking; she didn’t have to go to the hospital. Faith must also reside in the person being healed. A seventyyear-old woman from Kotzebue discussed the importance of faith and believing: ‘‘Believing that they will heal is important. I give myself to them in faith. You have to believe and trust that they can make you well and maybe God puts it to their hands. The doctors have to have Eskimo skill but the person has to have faith in them. I was really sick once. I lost weight. They would rub my whole body.’’ This woman told an amazing story about a White male alcoholic who had locked himself in a hotel room for more than a week. According to the woman, the alcoholic would not allow any of the maids to clean his room, and he spent all his time drink-

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ing. The maids were concerned because each time they went to his room, the man would yell at them to leave. Because they began to fear that he was dead, they asked this Kotzebue woman to help investigate the situation. Without fear, she went into his room and was able to convince him both of her deep concern for his health and that she was there to help him. While she was talking to him, he suddenly asked the two other maids to stand by this older woman. The women were confused and wondered why he would ask this. He finally said that the older Kotzebue woman’s hands were filled with light. ‘‘Your whole body is full of light and theirs aren’t,’’ was his comment. After he saw the light in her, he agreed to go to the hospital. To this day, he is indebted to this woman with the healing hands. This same seventy-year-old Kotzebue woman said that dreams helped her. The ones she related were very inspirational and gave indications of higher beings’ help and visitations. She emphasized that it was important to give a little money, or a needle, pin, or even a thimble—a gift—otherwise the healer’s hands would start aching. This same woman described what happens when there is fear and not faith in the healing process. She said her hands were getting warm as she prayed over a woman. Unfortunately, the woman who was being prayed over became frightened and thus stopped the healing. This Kotzebue woman believed the healing power came from God, but the healer had to have a good understanding about the body, as well as a good memory. Moreover, she believed that God provided her with ‘‘the right words to say to a person so they could be accepted.’’ One man from Anchorage said he sought healing through church services and fellowship: ‘‘I don’t go for that Indian traditional healing. I heard about it. I believe in going to a person’s house and having fellowship and praying for that person so there is love and kindness. We pray at church for that person also.’’ The following describes how community prayer helped heal a fifty-four-year-old man’s grandchild from Kivalina. ‘‘My grandchild Kenneth had liver cancer. He was born with it. Our family went to the hospital when he was a year old. The doctor said he wasn’t going to make it after surgery. It was Easter Sunday. The

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Kivalina community prayed for our grandchild. They stood up for him at church and prayed for him, and at the same time something seemed to touch Kenneth and he woke up and was alright!’’ As previously mentioned, traditional food was often combined with prayer and massage. Beluga, seal oil, and even the use of the glands and animal skins helped with sickness. Participants discussed other things that helped in healing: visits from friends; talking and advice, counseling; care and concern for children; personal competence in healing; faith; singing; ‘‘smooth talk’’ (use of humor and good advice) from friends, grieving; following the right path; family goals; working together; and a sense of humor. Other ways to restore PWB are through crying, honesty, teaching from elders, confessing, learning from mistakes, taking time for each other, having a positive attitude, fighting the disease, keeping busy, feeling happy, cooperating, becoming involved in community events, thinking of others, talking to children, helping each other, practicing inner help, and joining AA. Altruism and thinking of others seem to be the common denominators for feeling better. The importance of prayer, faith, Eskimo food, doing for others, and the suggestions just mentioned are, for the Eskimo, interventions that have worked in the past and can be used by the counselor today. Counselors may want to ask the client, ‘‘What has worked for you in the past, to help you feel better?’’ The Inupiat have stories and experiences of natural ways of healing. What follows are some descriptions of these healing events. A seventy-five-year-old woman from Point Hope shared this experience: ‘‘One time my grandfather sighted a drifted whale; it wasn’t spoiled. When he was slicing the whale, he cut his hand with a knife. He turned around and put it to his mouth, and when he turned around, it was healed.’’ A thirty-four-year-old woman from Anchorage mentioned the importance of having a strong will to fight any disease. She had thyroid cancer, and through the removal of part of her gland, and her strong will, she is healthy and able. Different methods were used in healing. A sixty-seven-yearold man from Point Hope recalled his grandfather wrapping an

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old sock around his neck to rid him of a sore throat. A Kotzebue woman said that it was through dreams that she was able to really ‘‘see.’’ She believed it was a gift that was handed down. ‘‘Someone mentioned that in the old times I would have been a good shaman.’’ She said that to this day she tries to help people, especially when they are grieving. She mentioned some remarkable dreams that gave reference to higher beings and a council that were her helpers. The traditional shaman is rarely discussed because of the strong Christian faith. In my earlier study (Reimer, 1996), even though I questioned the Inupiat about shamanism, all respondents rejected the idea, and did not want to discuss ‘‘past history.’’ A sixty-seven-year-old man said that Christianity was so strong that the people threw away the shamans. ‘‘My grandfather was around eighty when they began to die out. If there were shamans, this place would become worse. If you want to be rich, you would be one.’’ A seventy-year-old woman from Kotzebue said, ‘‘I saw my grandparents as good people, the way the Bible told them to be when the missionaries came. They believed their God and trusted them. My great-grandfather had two wives. One was a shaman and one Christian. He put the shaman wife away but fed her.’’ A sixty-nine-year-old man from the Anchorage area recalled, ‘‘They were very powerful people according to my mother. I think I met a shaman when I was quite young. I stole some gas from the mining dredge because we were so cold and ran out of wood. Somehow, this old women knew. I don’t know how she knew it. She reported that I stole a 55-gallon barrel of gas from the mining dredge.’’ The Inupiat may go to a healer because of family concerns, dislocations, and other problems. Family concerns may include losing a family member, sickness in the family, children involved in drugs or alcohol, and conflicts with family or community members. Yet the Inupiat will go to a regular doctor for primary care. Many will still request prayers by relatives and community members, or augment the Western treatment with an Eskimo healer. The Inupiat may describe a lessening of PWB by using such words as ‘‘grieving,’’ ‘‘feel bad,’’ ‘‘sad,’’ ‘‘depressed,’’ ‘‘self-

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pity,’’ ‘‘heaviness,’’ ‘‘scared,’’ ‘‘negative thinking,’’ ‘‘confused,’’ ‘‘loss of ahregah,’’ and ‘‘hurt.’’ The following characteristics are those the Inupiat look for in a good healer: 1. A healer is virtuous. The healer’s qualities include kindness, respect, friendliness, gentleness, love, giving, not favoring, trustworthiness, not participating in gossip, helpfulness, cleanliness, and lack of self-pity. 2. A healer is strong physically, mentally, spiritually, personally, socially, and emotionally. 3. A healer works well with others by becoming familiar and socially involved with the people in the community. 4. A healer has good communication skills achieved by taking time to talk, visiting the people, being a good listener, using humor, being personal, and providing honest feedback and good advice. 5. A healer is respected because of his or her knowledge. A healer is wise and understanding, guides and teaches, advises and understands the feelings of others. These are all attributes of a good mind. To have a good mind, a healer needs to have a good memory and be intelligent. A healer must be able to share knowledge by teaching and must be an inspiration to others. A healer knows his or her gifts are from God, not personal talents. A healer makes use of his or her talents through discipline. 6. A healer is substance free. 7. A healer also knows and follows the culture and is a good person and in a state of ahregah when healing others. 8. A healer must have faith and a strong relationship to God because it is through faith that one is healed. The following are a few comments made by respondents to describe a good healer. A fifty-eight-year-old man from Anchorage said, ‘‘You need to have passion and love for the people. Try to understand them.

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Show them kindness and be happy. Some people are real humble. When you see that, you want to talk to them and learn from them. Listen real careful when you talk to them.’’ ‘‘Some women talk real good. They make me comfortable and forget about my sadness. When they talk real good I feel happy. They make me laugh,’’ said a seventy-five-year-old woman from Point Hope. Another Point Hope person (a seventy-four-yearold man) said, ‘‘The elders are the ones that were real healers. When they talked to us they knew, they had wisdom.’’ A seventy-one-year-old woman compared the elders to angels with good health. ‘‘The elders were like angels, always singing and praying. They did not use alcohol or drugs or smoked. They were always clean, even their sod houses were painted white. These people were healthy, they would walk a long time. They were strong and had endurance. They made you feel good because they were always friendly and not sad around each other.’’ Comments made by respondents varied. ‘‘They should be a good person who knows everything in life. They need to have a good mind—Issumturuk, good thinking. You use Issumturuk in everything you do in life,’’ said an eighty-year-old Kivalina man. ‘‘Like someone from the community, a relative or someone you work with all the time. You need to know them real well. I used to go to my father-in-law because he had a lot of faith and was kind and understanding,’’ said a fifty-five-year-old man from Kivalina. ‘‘They need to get involved in the community and open themselves up to activities like whaling, fishing, dancing, community events. They have to become familiar with where people live and visit them,’’ stated a thirty-two-year-old woman from Point Hope. One thirty-year-old woman gave the following account of the virtue of quietness: When my problems were getting bad, I would visit this one elder. Her quietness calmed me. She belonged to the Friends Church. I can’t let go of her spirit [she is deceased] because it is so valuable. She had both wisdom and discipline. Everyone felt her calming effect. It used to be around but now it is not; it is something in the past that I once felt.

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Sometimes, I feel it. It is a familiar feeling that I felt when she was alive. I would feel good all over. Some respondents discussed Keats, the well-known healer. Her name was mentioned in Anchorage, Point Hope, Kivalina, and Kotzebue. In Anchorage, a fifty-four-year-old woman gave this description of Keats: ‘‘Della Keats had healing hands. She was an inspiration to all Native women, especially myself. She always took time to sit down and talk to you. She was my role model, I try to be like her. My dad also learned a lot from Della. People looked up to her. In time of pain, they would turn to her, whether it was a mental problem such as grieving, or a physical problem.’’ An eighty-year-old man said he believed that Keats was better than a Western doctor. ‘‘She knew everything about the person’s body. She saved my life. My stomach was getting hard. I could not keep food down. She put it in place by working on it for an hour. She had me eat a chicken egg raw. My stomach finally was loose again. She really helped me.’’ He believed that traditional doctors had a God-mind and were able to make accurate diagnoses. A fifty-four-year-old woman said that she had healed her stomach problems and other problems. This woman said that she too was able to do a little healing, even though she did not advertise it. She just tried to heal people when she felt like she was called on to heal. She warned that it is God who chooses healers and that some who profess to be healers are either not ready to be healers, or do not have the talent and ‘‘are trying to become one when they are not.’’ A forty-two-year-old man from Kotzebue said that when he went to Keats, he found her ‘‘real clear.’’ ‘‘We understood that anything she was going to do to me was a gift to her from God. He was working through her. She laid the groundwork by asking if you believed in God and if you did she would work on you. She believed that what needed to be done would be done then.’’

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SUMMARY PWB is restored by participating in positive activities that promote well-being and by seeking medical help from either traditional or Western health workers. Healing comes through faith, wisdom, and knowledge of traditional medicine, as well as through physical manipulation, rubbing, and poking (drawing out blood). When health problems are very serious, a recognized village healer is sought. Respondents attributed manipulation (massage and rubbing) as the main method of healing. Healers described their ability to heal by these methods combined with prayers. They believe that without a patient’s faith, healing will not go well. Turner (1989) supported the importance of the readiness and ‘‘heal-ability’’ of the patient (16). Healing is a spiritual power and a gift from God and a healer cannot pretend to have it. The healer’s faith and relationship to God is experienced by those being healed. As a result of the reciprocal nature of faith in both the healer and the person being healed, healing takes place. Faith, personal and community prayer, and church activities restore PWB. Healing can come through prayer, singing, reading the Bible, fellowship, having strong faith, and being calm and peaceful. Older respondents mentioned that sickness was uncommon to them during their youth. Some believe it was due to the subsistence lifestyle and the traditional diet, which was free of the White man’s packaged and canned food. PWB is restored by following the Inupiat values. During the interview, respondents mentioned various values as ways of restoring their well-being. These included cleanliness, discipline, sharing, social support (especially after a crisis), and humor. According to Martin et al. (1993), humor brings about well-being. They found that humor serves as a self-protective cognitive appraisal and can alleviate stress. PWB is also restored by returning to a good mind that experiences, joy, harmony, and balance, quietness and peacefulness, and experiencing ahregah within oneself and with others. Shamans, once the village healers, are frowned on, yet the tra-

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ditional practices of bleeding and manipulation are still used by healers who refer to themselves as ‘‘Eskimo doctors’’ or ‘‘traditional healers.’’ Eskimo doctors are popular but so are school teachers, spouses, mothers, parents, and community members who pray for the sick person. Characteristics of a good healer as identified by the respondents include ahregah, faith, kindness, skill, wisdom or knowledge, and following the Inupiat way. Barry and Roderick (1982) mentioned similar qualities when describing Keats. The Inupiat respondents mentioned healing hands, deep faith, excellent character, knowledge of the human body, and spiritual knowledge. Taking the time to talk to the sick, offering advice, giving honest feedback, and having the skills of a healer also were mentioned. Some other characteristics included fellowship, culture, discipline, being alcohol-free and physically healthy, and lacking selfpity. A healer is a gifted member of the community who exemplifies many wonderful characteristics. When the Inupiat described what makes a good counselor, many of these characteristics were found to be the same. In order to counsel the Inupiat, it may be helpful for the counselor to become acquainted with the village healers and to learn from them how attitude might best attract and gain the confidence of the Inupiat, be it a child, woman, man, or elder. Moreover, it may be necessary at times for the counselor to team up with a healer, seek the healer’s advice, or refer difficult problems to the care of the healer.

CHAPTER 7

What Every Counselor Should Know In order for counselors to develop strategies for maintaining well-being among the Inupiat communities, it is important to understand how the Inupiat view counselor effectiveness. The previous chapters laid the foundation for counselors to become effective. Through an understanding of the Inupiat worldview, strategies can be developed by integrating the Inupiat concept of well-being into the counseling process, thus helping to achieve effective counseling. Besides understanding the worldview, it is also important to understand what community members want from counselors and what their support system looks like. This chapter discusses these two ideas as well as characteristics of a good helper and what every counselor should know to help the Inupiat. Because of the importance of this chapter, responses are given first followed by a narrative summary. When asked the question, ‘‘Who in the village would you go to talk to when something goes wrong?’’ (Reimer, 1996), a common response by both genders was their family members. These responses were similar to those given when the question, ‘‘When you are sick, who do you go to besides a regular [Western] doc-

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tor?’’ was asked. The response here was also ‘‘family members.’’ Besides going to family members when one needed someone to talk to, ‘‘friends’’ and ‘‘the pastor’’ were other individuals mentioned. Men preferred talking to their spouses or to very close friends. Some women mentioned their husbands, but others mentioned their pastor or friends. Only two respondents mentioned counselors and four mentioned the health aids (paraprofessionals) as individuals to whom they would go. Two men and three women mentioned they would go to a public safety officer (police). Reasons why they would go to these individuals are reported in the following section. CHARACTERISTICS OF A GOOD HELPER Interestingly, the responses just mentioned and some of the following helper characteristics are similar to those characteristics noted as important in a healer. The Inupiat wanted to go to someone who was wise and understanding, who knew them and who was a good listener, someone who understood their beliefs. A thirty-year-old woman from Kivalina said, ‘‘I go to my brother, sister-in-law, and my mother who is always there when something goes wrong. They have wisdom, teach from their experiences, and have love for everyone. They really radiate their love to everyone and they will be gentle with you. I can trust them.’’ An eighty-year-old man from Kivalina said, ‘‘I go to wife or Eskimo nurses because they are smart and have a good mind. . . . I go to pastor first thing to pray with, and if I need to go to counselor I will if it is something difficult for us to do. I go to people who understand. They need to understand the physical and spiritual things.’’ A forty-year-old woman talked about the importance of understanding dreams as a way of being a good helper: ‘‘I go to my aunt or my girlfriend when I cannot understand a dream, after I tell her I understand. They have to have a good mind, like Joseph in the Old Testament, who could interpret dreams. They can give good advice, like catching the rainbow from your dream. I can almost see what they are thinking, feel their vibes, like premonition.’’

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Respondents mentioned the importance of experience. ‘‘I usually go to my mom; through her I can talk to my dad, and mom adds things that make me remember what our grandfolks talked about. Or she would tell me her experience. . . . We go to older people or the pastor because they know. Through their experience they talk about the good ways of life compared to the bad ways. They encourage us to live the right way, the Inupiat life.’’ The following are some comments that support the quality of giving good advice. ‘‘I go to good friends because we have all been raised together and have become one. We stay together throughout life. My two friends are Christian and we know each other. If I have a problem, they have good answers’’; ‘‘My friends tell me the right way’’; ‘‘I go to my wife because of her good advice. She is strong’’; ‘‘My friends give good advice or they will dream about you and can give advice then’’; ‘‘Most people will listen to your problems; some people come up with solutions even if they are limited.’’ Minton and Soule (1990) also found that the Inupiat place great importance on community members and religion as a source of help when they feel sad. The following are some responses that stress the importance of this quality of being a good listener. ‘‘The public safety officer lets us talk and he understands when we are still worried’’; ‘‘My mom is a good listener; she gives good advice, and doesn’t tell me what to do, but gives examples from her life’’; ‘‘I go to our pastor because they listen, are able to share, and give good advice’’; ‘‘I go to my wife or friends because they can listen honestly and give good feedback.’’ A seventy-year-old woman talked about to whom she would go if she had a need. She mentioned me as someone she would go to because of my willingness to listen to her problems during the interview. ‘‘Whoever I can talk to as my friend, that listens, that I can trust. Very much like you do. You fit in, I feel good talking to you, never talked like this before.’’ A fifty-four-year-old woman described a good helper: Who I go to depends on the situation. If it is a death in the family, I go to the preacher, or a family gathering where we can have a discussion. I go to health aides or a doctor. You have to not give up but have hope for everything. To

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be a helper you have to be a good listener, be patient, loving, and love yourself. You grow with it, to be a helper. Love Lord is a good foundation. Characteristics of caring were important to the Inupiat. They mentioned the following: loving, happy, making the person comfortable ‘‘through their good talk,’’ and being outgoing and sharing. Other characteristics less frequently mentioned were holding traditional values; being happy; having faith and a knowledge of community; possessing healing qualities; being comfortable to be around; being outgoing and being willing to do things; sharing with others; possessing confidence; having self-love; being patient, honest, and trustworthy; and being able to understand dreams, hold confidences, and provide feedback. Two respondents said that they would go to the police: ‘‘I go to our city cop because they respond to the problems right away,’’ said one. ‘‘I go to the preacher who teaches me about God or the police who tells me what to tell young people so I can help them,’’ said the other. The Inupiat in this study described a good helper as someone who possesses a number of characteristics similar to findings reported by Native Americans’ description of a good counselor. The Inupiat described the following characteristics of a good helper: possessing wisdom and understanding; having experience; giving good advice; and being a good listener, friendly, and caring. Other characteristics mentioned were holding traditional values, possessing and using their faith (LaFromboise et al., 1990), understanding the community, being gentle yet disciplined and firm, and understanding spiritual realities and the importance of dreams (Dinges et al., 1981). Other characteristics were being outgoing and involved in activities; sharing with others; and displaying confidence, self-love, patience, honesty, trustworthiness, and confidentiality. These characteristics could be found not in a young person, but in a more seasoned member of the community who followed the traditional Inupiat way. A majority of these characteristics were similar to those that described a ‘‘good healer,’’ which were categorized into the following: kindness, good communicator, knowledge and wisdom, skill, faith, and fellowship and prayer.

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There are no permanent counselors in Point Hope or Kivalina. These residents have mixed feelings about going to a counselor. Most are unsure when counselors fly in and are available. Some would like a permanent village counselor because they believed it would be good for the younger people. Most of the older generation feel satisfied with their choice of family or friends, when needing someone to help with personal problems. Yet, if there was a crisis in the village, most would go to a counselor. Other reasons for not going to a counselor is because they rely on their faith and the community in time of need. Some villagers are afraid that counselors will break confidences and are not knowledgeable about what is traditional. By traditional, it means to know the ways of the elders. For a very few it means to incorporate counseling methods now being used in the treatment centers such as the Talking Circle, an Indian form of group counseling. The following are reasons the Inupiat choose family or community members over counselors: ‘‘You never see them: I would rather go to a friend who I trust and can give good advice’’; ‘‘Healing comes from within family through faith and prayer. I tell you if something goes wrong, my son and wife were having problems, our family prayed for them, and the next day problems were gone’’; ‘‘I go to my best friend, because in the past the health aides broke confidentiality. I go to our preacher because he keeps confidentiality’’; ‘‘Real help comes from prayer and strong faith, it helped us when a suicide happened in our family’’; ‘‘I prefer someone I know, someone I can confide in. But if there was a counselor in the village I would go to them, if they spring from village.’’ Many times, village members do not know when counselors arrive in the village; moreover the counselors fail to understand the Inupiat. ‘‘Those counselors have to understand the Inupiat first before they can help’’; ‘‘They [counselors] just fly in; we don’t know when they come or when they are here. We don’t know them very well’’; ‘‘Counselor flying really don’t know how living is here.’’ Yet when a crisis arises in the village, counselors are needed. Many feel it would help if the counselor was a local person. ‘‘If I really need to, I would, but I would go to my mother or pastor first. I can rely on them’’; ‘‘If I have to, I don’t know what I

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would go to them otherwise’’; ‘‘I might depending on the situation. I think I would if it was a local person, someone who has been through hardships in past and a healing person and is traditional’’; ‘‘If my problem is heavy, and I can’t control it, I would go to a counselor. If I can’t find someone to help, I would go. I am glad my son is going to one.’’ A fifty-four-year-old woman from Anchorage went to a counselor in the past because of a crisis. ‘‘I know there are counselors here, but I know where to go for my resources for counseling. I would send my friends. In the past I went to a social worker because of grieving because a friend committed suicide. She helped me to understand, then I shared it with others. If I was in the village it would be different, because when something happens in a village, it is a community sharing and a community healing.’’ Another man mentioned that he would refer his friends to a counselor if they needed one. ‘‘I don’t go to counselors because I found ways through friends and relatives to work things out, but I have referred others who aren’t as fortunate.’’ Some respondents alluded to negative feelings about counselors. ‘‘We would go to the counselors when we are feeling sick or have problems; we would go to counselors if they were willing to help,’’ said a seventy-one-year-old man from Kivalina. One thirty-year-old woman was not sure if she would seek out a counselor because of past negative experiences. ‘‘Yes, I don’t know. I tried one in the past but I couldn’t open up. She was just sitting there, staring at me. We decided not to go anymore, because it wouldn’t be a good idea.’’ Some of the respondents mentioned that counseling may not be for them except in a crisis situation, but the young may need counseling from trained counselors. A sixty-four-year-old woman discussed the needs of young people in the village. ‘‘I would go to a counselor because they could report to doctors. Some people here cannot talk to relatives, especially the young people. Most of them don’t want to talk to their parents, but would rather talk to someone not living in the family. When they go to the old people, they can’t understand Eskimo language, they would rather talk to elders that speak English.’’ Another woman said, ‘‘We need counselors for young people

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who are not doing things like the older people are in helping each other. We are doing something wrong because there are a lot of alcoholics that need help with mental health.’’ Other respondents had their own reasons why it was important to have an available counselor. A forty-year-old from Kotzebue said, ‘‘Yes, because if I see something wrong, and I am not sure if I should report it like when some family were on a three-day drunk and left their children unattended, I went and reported it. In the past, I went when my dreams did not help.’’ Faith and believing in the Lord helped a fifty-four-year-old woman from Kotzebue: I don’t know, I have learned to trust in the Lord and cry out to Him, He is my best counselor. I have gone to a counselor in the past when I lost my son. She said, ‘‘you are your own best counselor because you believe in God.’’ It is hard time when death comes in a family. People care for each other, they are alert and families come in to help. I don’t know whether one needs a counselor because the community provides support during a crisis. If person is dying in a hospital, friends and relatives are there for support. All the churches get together for families, the radio station announces it. If there is a fire and someone loses everything, people help them with what they need. We need counselors for young people because young people ain’t doing things like this [helping others]. They have alcohol problems and mental health problems. It must be remembered that professional counseling was not available when the elders were growing up, therefore, many had never gone to a counselor. Some have been helped when a family or community member died. Counselor effectiveness was evident in comments made by participants for those counselors who helped in crisis situations. Those families who had experienced a life crisis such as a suicide in the family, praised the work of those counselors who had flown in from Kotzebue to help them. A fifty-five-year-old man from Kivalina described the value of counselors flown in to help with a family crisis: ‘‘After our son committed suicide, the counselors came and they really helped

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us. They talked to us and gave us good advice. They prayed for us and made our body feel a little lighter.’’ The same respondent mentioned that he preferred to go to family members and friends when in need, but was very appreciative of the counselors who helped in this crisis situation. Counselors have also helped community members, as expressed by this fifty-seven-year-old woman from Point Hope: Usually the counselors fly in teams. They have crisis counselors that come from Pt. Barrow which is in the North Slope Borough [Alaska’s equivalent to a county]. I remember when two girls died we were all upset. They were about 15. Ice fell on them and buried them. I grieved a lot. I needed help. I couldn’t work and I tried to help others but I would start crying. The team came from Barrow. They talked to all the people who dug the girls out. They had us go in a circle. They told us to talk about it. We were able to share. Afterwards, we felt better. After we talked about it, I felt better. People cried and talked. Our burdens were lighter. We were smiling, ahregah! Healing! Before that a lot of guys had a heavy feeling, they wanted to talk to someone. They needed to talk. We were holding it back. Even though the older generation prefer to see friends and relatives when a need arises, they believe the young people can be helped by counselors. A seventy-one-year-old man from Kivalina mentioned the need for young people to go to counseling: ‘‘Me, I go to the old people for counseling. They listen, know traditions, and are better than the senators and lawmakers. Kids are having problems with drinking now. They don’t listen and end up in the hospital. They need counseling.’’ Yet, a thirty-year-old woman said she preferred the elders and church groups and friends because ‘‘they talk deep and get into my feelings.’’ WHAT EVERY COUNSELOR SHOULD KNOW TO HELP THE INUPIAT The Inupiat agree that it is important to know the community background and village problems. The following may help to

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understand how villages describe counselor effectiveness. Some of the respondents are quoted directly, grouped by location. Anchorage Respondents Even though there are counselors at the Alaska Native Medical Center, one thirty-four-year-old woman said she did not use them and preferred going to her pastor or mother first: Counselors should be careful in what they say. They should be sensitive and gentle because some people grow up with different ways and they take criticism differently. They may talk around the problem and to get to the problem you have to ask them questions and find out what is bothering them. Talk with them instead of you talking too much. Have a loving, caring attitude. You will not have to ask questions if you show them you care. They will talk . . . and then you must never repeat what you heard. A counselor should have a clear mind, a positive mind with positive thinking. Don’t look mean. Try to make a friendly face, don’t look too serious. If person looked mean, I would be scared to talk to them. Your first impression should be a good one. Make it a happy one. Counselor should have openness of mind, a healthy mind. Whatever you talk about, a person should be that way, it is real important. Another woman went to a social worker once because of her grief over a niece’s boyfriend who committed suicide, but she missed her own village community. ‘‘When a person dies in the community, it is a community sharing. There is sharing. Here we feel isolated, it’s hard to talk to someone, like an elder that I can call. It is different in the village, it is a community healing. We cry together, eat together, and work through pain. It is a healthy family.’’ This same fifty-four-year-old woman believed that a counselor should have understanding in dealing with Native people. ‘‘They should understand that the young men are bottling things up and drink or beating their wives up because of problems. Counselors should listen more, especially with young men. They will clam up if you talk to them about their problems. The

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women will go out and get educated but the men folks live on subsistence and are bashful to go out. They will not seek counseling.’’ She went on to say: Today, some men cannot deal with work or earn money. In order to have a boat or a snow machine, you need money to purchase these. The frustration they must feel! The wives are educated, moms are working. Especially, Eskimo men are very proud people. They first learned subsistence then they went to high school. They never went past the twelfth grade. You need to listen to the men, encourage them. Understand them and help them to be proud of who they are as hunters. As a counselor, learn from them because all the degrees in the world can’t teach you how to hunt a caribou! Let students who you are counseling take you hunting so they can be proud of who they are. Talk to them about things they are comfortable with [like hunting]. A fifty-eight-year-old man said: Teach them to have love for everyone. Have them help old people, the poor, or those who need help and then they will learn. You know people by their actions. If they tell the truth, our people will know if you have love and passion and the right answers. It is hard to find humble people. Our culture is fading away and so are humble people. We were taught by our parents that if someone says mean things with humility it doesn’t hurt. A person who isn’t humble gets hurt right away. A sixty-nine-year-old man said, ‘‘They have to understand Inupiat first thing, from the bottom up, and then they can help.’’ Even though counselors are available through the Alaska Native Medical Center, none of the four participants from Anchorage said they would go to a counselor.

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Point Hope Respondents A sixty-four-year-old man mentioned the importance of ahregah (PWB) and the counselor coming from the village. They should know about ahregah, being happy, respecting, feeling good, and our relationship to the land. They should know the good things that happen and then the people will know ahregah. It means so much, being happy, respectful, feeling good relationship with the land. Celebrating with the people, even knowing the stories. The elders teach the gentle ways of patience and they are faithful to one another. Be loyal to the old before Christianity began. Some people, they were already Christian because of the way they lived. They were loving and sharing. Having a counselor from the outside wouldn’t be good. It would be different. I would suggest have our own Native adult be a counselor. We try to do it, like the old people talk through the CB. They tell us stories and things like that. They give advice, like how we should hunt, or to watch the weather and get ready for winter. The counselor should be Native or anyone coming who knows Inupiat life. Our young people would listen more because they are Inupiat. As a preacher, I come from the land, from the people, they listen more. Regarding the counselors who fly in to the village, he complained their brief stays meant they were not known by the community. He said it would be better if counselors were in the village and knew the people. A seventy-one-year-old woman from this village also believed that counselors should ‘‘teach about good way, teach about ahregah and the good land and life. Learn the old ways from the elders.’’ A fifty-year-old woman also believed that it would be better if counselors lived in the village instead of only staying a few days. ‘‘They should have substance abuse and child abuse training. The younger people would go to substance abuse counselors.’’ A seventy-five-year-old woman said, ‘‘Teach young people

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about having expectations so things can come to them.’’ She mentioned that a substance abuse counselor came from Kotzebue to help young people, but not very many people made use of these services. A seventy-four-year-old man advised, ‘‘Get to know people and surroundings before you get into that field. Get acquainted with people, go into their homes, and then they will accept you. Get to know values.’’ Another elder advised: ‘‘Learn old ways from elders.’’ In response to the question concerning what counselors should know, a sixty-seven-year-old man discussed keeping the environment clean and stated that ‘‘real counseling comes from the family or invite [sic] elders to talk to family members. I don’t want to pay, volunteer is better.’’ He complained that the counselors who fly in ‘‘really don’t know how living is here’’ and he would rather see counselors trained in the village. A forty-year-old man said he believed that if the counselor was a local person, the counselor would have gone through hardships in the past to become a healer. He also said, ‘‘If it were a traditional person, I would go.’’ It was important that the counselor knew not just the traditional background of the community, but the cultural one and ‘‘what makes them do things they shouldn’t be doing.’’ This man felt it would take more than one person to counsel in a village and mentioned three different groups that needed different approaches. He had a keen understanding of human development and the needs for each age group. A person would have to have a partner, male and female, working together with three different groups. Middle-age people need counseling and parenting skills. For younger people, you need to teach them about early childhood and birth. A lot of schoolkids are pregnant. They can’t learn to be parents by just having a child. It would be good to have a City Council again, it would be good and it would work for this community [City councils in the past disciplined the young people who committed offenses]. The older people need counseling too because of their losses. They had a choice to live in community or move out to seek employment. Some left, and a lot of them didn’t finish high school

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and they had to come back and learn the old ways again. So they were caught in two different worlds. Two different cultures. I think they need to be taught why things started happening to them. ‘‘Talking isn’t enough!’’ said a sixty-year-old woman. ‘‘It is important to have faith and prayer. They trust family members. They need trust. Some kids may go to a counselor but they listen to elders also. They really listen to them. It would be nice to get training here in the village.’’ She also discussed the fact that the young people were changing and that they were like nilongmews (White people) who just listen to music, watch TV, and are lazy. A thirty-two-year-old woman discussed her positive experience with a counselor during the time she lived in Kotzebue. She thought the counselor was excellent because he got involved with the community and lived among its people. She indicated that counselors from the ‘‘outside had to live among the people.’’ She mentioned that it was important for counselors to be patient because they may not be accepted right away. She advised counselors to work in concert with someone from the community. This person then could help the counselor be accepted by family clans. She also indicated that counselors need to be sensitive to people’s expressions and attitudes: ‘‘Sometimes you know, even when they don’t say things by expression and attitude. I can pick up this real easy. I live among people, and I know how they feel. It would be best to come from the village but those from outside need to live among people. It helps to talk to them, even by phone.’’ From her experience as a paraprofessional, she gave excellent advice on groups: People feel self-conscious; if you do things in groups, relationship changes. Attitude changes. It is better to do oneto-one counseling. Groups don’t work, they can separate families. When we did Talking Circles, everyone in circle knew that trust isn’t safe. It is negative. One may feel other is going to tell. There is a problem of confidentiality and also being uncomfortable around each other. They wonder

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if they told someone because everyone knows each other. I won’t get involved in groups here, but out-of-town support groups are okay. That’s why AA doesn’t work here, because of the situation. When asked if prayer groups worked, she said they did. But abuse and incest groups would not work; it would be better to have individual counseling. ‘‘I try to be careful and keep problems within families, even bad things like if a relative gets in trouble with drugs, it is important to keep it within the family. It is very difficult to turn someone in. That family would make it very hard on the informer. I help them by turning themselves in so they can heal themselves.’’ When asked about turning in a sexual abuser, she said, ‘‘It is better to get the person to turn themselves in, at least try this first. If not, then you have to. The family may not trust you. The community gets mad at the sexual abuser.’’ A fifty-seven-year-old woman had reservations about counselors in the village because they might break confidentiality. Yet she did say, ‘‘I would rather have them coming from the village because you know them and I know them and they know our culture.’’ She was bothered that some health aides had broken confidences in the past, so she would go to her best friend or the preacher. She believed a person should know the culture, ahregah, and confidentiality. Kivalina Respondents A fifty-five-year-old man expressed gratitude toward counselors who flew in after his son committed suicide. ‘‘They came and really helped us. They gave good advice, prayed for us and made our bodies a little lighter.’’ Characteristics of a good counselor was a willingness to talk to people and to get to know them and the community. They should also be able to give good advice. He expressed the need to keep busy and work with one’s hands when suffering a terrible tragedy. A seventy-seven-year-old woman gave to new counselors good advice designed to help them understand the needs of the Kivalina community:

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There are better civilized towns than ours. We do not have running water and sewers. They should understand the difference and understand Kivalina’s living conditions. They need to help people fill out benefit applications such as social security insurance, Medicaid, and other kinds of applications. They should understand that there is no place to appeal, with policies made for our people. If we try to go, we are accountable for room and board. We need to have someone to appeal for the people for village rights in Anchorage and Juneau [government and Native rights]. A forty-year-old woman said, ‘‘It is better to have a counselor spring from the village. If there was a counselor trained in the village, I would go to that person.’’ When asked why she would not go to a traveling counselor, she said, ‘‘Because I don’t know them and I prefer someone I knew that I can confide in.’’ She believed that a counselor should know the culture and lifestyle and should especially know the different families and situations within the community. ‘‘Some people don’t know the situation you are in. They don’t know the big picture. For example, like relocation. There are two sides. They need to know one side and need to know the other. Outsiders shouldn’t get just one side.’’ A sixty-four-year-old woman believed that it was better for younger people to have a counselor to talk to, rather than family members or elders. She said the younger children, who spoke only English, could not understand the elders, who spoke the traditional language. She said Maniilaq (a nonprofit service organization based in Kotzebue) counselors were flown in. It was important to see them in person rather than speak to them by phone. There was an attempt to train two young adults as counselors; it didn’t work because the counselors-in-training lived in the village and potential clients were afraid they would break confidences. Moreover, these village counselors did not like being blamed when things did not work out. She believed that the counselors should come from outside the village. On the other hand, she mentioned that young people did not like waiting for someone coming in from Kotzebue, and for them, she believed it would be helpful to train someone from the village. She concluded the conversation by saying, ‘‘Naturally, if they find the right person who would not gossip, it would be real nice because

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people want confidentiality.’’ She believed that experience was really important, especially the experience of counselors who had gone through alcoholic treatment themselves. She concluded, ‘‘They also need someone who can teach healthy skills like parenting. When we send application for these positions [paraprofessional], it kills lots of people if they have no education. You have to have a high school diploma, they do not take into consideration that they have survived their own life and know what to do.’’ A bright seventy-one-year-old man expressed his opinions with humor and wit during the interview. He said, ‘‘Let them know problems in Kivalina. They should know about relocation right away because of the danger for the water!’’ When reminding him that some elders did not want to relocate because of the dead buried in this area, he quickly said, ‘‘They are dead, they relocated already.’’ A young woman said she believed a counselor should learn how to help people open up, especially because ‘‘we are private, and some are very shy.’’ During our conversation, she talked slowly, and to make her comfortable I matched her tone and rhythm. This young woman believed that a counselor should come from the village: ‘‘Some people will open up right away, then.’’ The eldest male from Kivalina said it was just important ‘‘to help each other all the time, and especially hunters.’’ He would not go to a counselor. Kotzebue Respondents Three of the four participants from Kotzebue said they would go to a counselor in time of need but preferred family and community support during a crisis (death or serious illness). A seventy-year-old woman believed that counselors should understand the Eskimo people and have patience. ‘‘When they first come, they will try to reject them, because they don’t belong to this culture. You have to be strong to accept everything. You may have to use an interpreter. Have good understanding and integrate knowledge. Everything got to be united together.’’ Counseling was a positive experience for a forty-year-old woman; she said it was a way to work through her own issues and to learn to cope with them. She has found counselors to be

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helpful especially when she needs to report child abuse to someone. She appreciates Maniilaq and all the work they have done with family problems. Using a metaphor, this participant gave a lengthy discourse on how one must slowly enter a person’s house only after gaining permission to explore each room. She believed the counselor must do the same: ‘‘When you go through that person’s house you start cleaning house . . . cleaning slowly. Stay calm and be a helpful person and reassure them that you will not turn around and reveal information or make fun of them. You need to reassure them.’’ She went on to say: You need to come down to the Inupiat level. Do not say I know a better way to help you but rather you show what is best and I will show you what I can do to help. If you put these two together then you can make it work. So many learned people are learned in paperwork counseling. They need to be experienced and know what we are going through. Like an alcoholic who has recovered are the best people to send alcoholics, because they know what they go through. Be sure not to look at watches. If someone really cares, they can make it work, whoever you are. A fifty-four-year-old woman talked about burnout. As a counselor for Maniilaq, she has people coming to see her at all hours of the night, and at times she find it difficult to turn them down because of their needs and expectations. She is beginning to feel overwhelmed and needs time for herself. She said the best thing that happened was that she became honest with herself rather than not recognizing her feelings. She ended the conversation by saying, ‘‘In a healthy community, there is little need for counselors. Counselors are needed more for dysfunctional communities.’’ When asked if they needed a village counselor, she said, ‘‘They need someone in villages for emergencies, both ways would be good [flying someone in and having a village counselor].’’ She also advised counselors to come down to the Inupiat level. Although a forty-two-year-old man did not go to counselors, he had referred friends. He preferred talking with family or friends to discuss and work through his problems. The following

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is a summary of what he thought counselors should know about the Inupiat: The person needs to be validated, they need to feel a sense of worth. We are very simple and complex people. While we may not seem to know what we are going to do tomorrow or the rest of the day, if you watch us by season, there is a lot of order. We are also very family oriented and basically we have planned our death by the way we live. If we live here [Kotzebue] we let others know where we want to die. Not only to the people but to the resources. If you choose to live in this corner of the earth with the resources . . . those of us understand it know that we are committed. We give our lives, we give each other our lives so we may not look very organized in some ways, because we are here not for money, to get rich or economic gain, but simply here. This idea of commitment to a place was echoed by a fifty-fouryear-old woman living in Anchorage. ‘‘It is important for counselors to know how difficult it is for people who once lived in the villages but now live in the city when someone dies. They have no one to turn to or talk to because they do not belong to a community. People will have the visitation and wake for the relative who died in the city here but the funeral will be back in the village.’’ If people do not have the airfare to return to their villages, they also will not have the support system they had in the community. These perceptions and words from the Inupiat are teaching tools for those who will be trained to counsel the people of the far north. SUMMARY Inupiat respondents said they preferred to turn to family members and friends when in need of emotional or other support. Very few had any experience with counselors, and some of the older generation said they would not go to a counselor even

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if there was one in the village. Most men prefer to turn to their wives for support, whereas women chose to go to the village pastor or friends. Community workers (health aides and police officers) are popular with some of the villagers. Reasons for not going to a counselor are the fear that confidences might be broken, as had been experienced by some in the past, and because respondents already have their own support system that provides emotional support and advice. Others reported they are unsure of counselor availability. There seems to be some confusion as to whether there is a counselor at these villages, even though a counselor is flown in at least once a month. This may be due to poor visibility (some did not know when counselors flew in) and availability. Counselors are flown in from two different locations. Maniilaq hired three women counselors (all non-Native) with master’s degrees who fly into eleven villages in the region for periodic visits. Because of the number of villages, the distance, and weather conditions, the counselors visit each village about one or two days a month. Minton and Soule (1990) mentioned that these time constraints discourage rapport and maintenance of ongoing treatment goals, leading to inefficient service delivery. Counselors will also fly into a village that requests help in an emergency or crisis situation. But, according to Minton and Soule (1990), the counselor can be hundreds of miles away and unable to help in crisis situations. The North Slope Borough also sends counselors to those villages that Kotzebue does not cover. Both of these agencies will fly counselors into Point Hope, but only Maniilaq serves Kivalina. These counselors are from the mental health program and sometimes do primary drug and alcohol counseling, even though they have a separate drug and alcohol program, as mentioned by David Baum, Maniilaq’s program manager. Clients who have serious personal problem are flown from the village to the Mental Health Program site in Point Barrow or Kotzebue. Counselor availability per se does not seem to be a major factor for residents from Kotzebue and Anchorage when choosing to go to a counselor. Respondents are not inclined to go to a counselor unless family or friends cannot take care of the problem. Pedigo (1983) suggested that counselors make use of social

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networks; LaFromboise and Fleming (1990) further stated that resources and strengths be pooled. It is significant that only one person out of the twenty-five participants mentioned ‘‘counselors’’ as a possible choice for obtaining help. Minton and Soule (1990) found that older villagers already have established sources of help through their religion and social network. Yet, counselors flown in from either Maniilaq or North Slope Borough were rated high in counselor effectiveness when they dealt with crises and emergencies. One-fourth of the participants in Point Hope and Kivalina have received help from counselors in a crisis. One-third of these respondents said they would go to a counselor if there was a crisis in the village. Many expressed that it would help for the counselor to be visible and available. These respondents said this could be possible only if the counselors are long-term members of the village. Because they would share in the Inupiat worldview, traditions, and everyday life of the people, they would be more effective. Thomason (1991) asserted that Native Americans prefer a counselor of their own race. More than one-half of the respondents from Point Hope and Kivalina mentioned they prefer the counselor to come from the village. Availability; knowledge of community, culture, and values; and familiarity are some of the reasons for this choice. This finding is related to those reported by Minton and Soule (1990), who found that interventions by Native villagers and White counselors differ greatly, and that Western-trained counselors could not provide the villages with effective services. Although they said that the counselor should be part of the community, those interviewed did not express a need to go to one. One man and four women from the villages of Point Hope and Kivalina said they would go to a village counselor if one were available. Although age is not a factor in choosing to go to a counselor, gender is. Men prefer family members or friends to a professional counselor. Those who wanted a village counselor indicated that the young people who had problems with substance abuse, laziness, discipline, and delinquency are the ones who could benefit from counseling. Both Kivalina and Point Hope have had village counselors in the past. Baum (telephone interview, 1994), the Maniilaq director of the drug and alcohol program in Kotzebue, mentioned that the drug and

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alcohol program has tried to hire paraprofessionals from the villages, but has had difficulty filling the positions. Respondents who had been paraprofessional counselors for the drug and alcohol program said they quit because of personal problems or because they found it too difficult to cope with the pressures of the position. Criticism of their work, interruptions in the middle of the night, and other community pressures became too much for these young counselors (both paraprofessionals were under age 40) and they quickly burned out. ACCEPTABLE AND UNACCEPTABLE COUNSELOR BEHAVIORS It is important that counselors understand the background of the community as well the specific problems of each village, according to the Inupiat respondents. Respondents gave advice for counselors; their advice is presented here. Even if counselors were available, Anchorage respondents would not utilize their services. As in the villages, they prefer family members. In a crisis, they would request help from their community of origin. These Anchorage residents affirmed the need for confidentiality, counselor mannerisms, and attitudes that reflect PWB and the Inupiat values, and gave suggestions for dealing with Inupiat male clients. These suggestions are given in the next section. Point Hope respondents discussed the importance of integrating ahregah and well-being into the counseling process. Some did not feel that outside help could reflect the Inupiat qualities of ahregah or nagooruk, so it was better to have a counselor trained in the village. Thomason (1991) indicated from his research that ‘‘there is precious little empirical basis for claims of superior therapeutic effectiveness of the Indian versus the non-Indian’’ but if all components are equal, ‘‘Native American clients prefer to see Native American counselors’’ (323). There were also complaints that outside counselors were like strangers and did not try to familiarize themselves by visiting homes and getting to know the different families. Most counselors are likely to hold a work ethic and individualistic orientation as postulated by Sue (1981). This type of person may not even

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be aware of the importance of displaying signs of well-being and becoming part of the community. Other suggestions were that counselors should (a) not charge for services, (b) be a recovering substance abuse user when counseling substance abuse clients, (c) integrate the traditions of the people as well as their faith and religious practices, (d) know the history of the people and how it affects their lives, (e) be aware of expressions and attitudes, and (f) have a support system. Human development issues were suggested when one respondent proposed that there be different counselors to serve the young, adults, and the elderly. This suggestion is supported by Minton and Soule (1990), who found definite developmental differences in mental health needs among age groups. There were some respondents who did not agree with the majority of participants who wanted village counselors; they preferred outside counselors because of the issue of confidentiality. Kivalina’s respondents saw both the advantages and disadvantages of having village counselors. They said it is important that the counselors know the problems in Kivalina and be careful not to take sides. Often counselors are blamed for problems when correcting dysfunctional situations. Confidentiality also is an issue. For counselors to be trusted, it would be best that they come from the village. Kivalina respondents said it is important that they radiate love to others, be gentle, and have a good mind. Those who experienced the help of counselors, especially in crisis situations, praised their efforts and effectiveness. One respondent mentioned her negative experience because a counselor failed to develop a trusting atmosphere and communication. Respondents gave practical advice for counselors such as doing crafts and keeping busy after a grief situation, using recovering alcoholics as substance abuse counselors, helping the elderly in filling out forms and applications, and being an advocate for Native rights. In Kotzebue, all except one respondent felt comfortable with counselors and said they would use the services if necessary because of past positive experiences. When a crisis occurs, such as a death in the family, all respondents prefer the help of family and community members. Respondents suggested that beginning outside counselors make friends with a few Inupiat resi-

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dents who can then introduce them to the village and help them get acquainted. These new counselors must work slowly, gain the people’s confidence, and receive permission to enter their personal world. Respondents warned of counselor burnout, the importance of validating the client and the people’s faith and religion, and of understanding the significance of death in the community and for those outside the community who find it necessary to bury their dead in the home of their ancestors. Most of the clients believe that the young need good counselors and that any counselor should have relevant life experience and not just academic training. Finally, respondents from various areas discussed the importance of counselors understanding the effects that the weather and long winters can have on both client and counselor. To counteract these problems, residents suggested that preventative measures be taken such as organizing activities with family and friends, and keeping oneself busy.

CHAPTER 8

Strategies to Help the Inupiat People This chapter includes strategies counselors may want to use when counseling the Inupiat Eskimo. Chapter 9 focuses on the Inupiat beliefs that make up their worldview. The question counselors need to ask is whether their effectiveness would improve by using PWB in their counseling practices. Ahregah, or PWB, is manifested in the individual by a happy disposition and a general sense of well-being. It includes a good mind and following the Inupiat values. For some, it includes even more. As one man said, ‘‘Ahregah means the whole culture, whole way of living.’’ For others, it is manifested in the individual, whereas others can learn it, which would improve the effectiveness of counseling. One Inupiat woman said, ‘‘Don’t look mean. Have a clear mind, have a positive mind and positive thinking. Try to make a friendly face, don’t look too serious. If a person looked mean, I would be scared to talk to them. With the first impressions, make a good one, make it a happy one. Even if a person isn’t sad, person can see if you are kind and gentle.’’ These two ways describe ahregah from a holistic cultural sys-

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tem to an individual manifestation of qualities that determine PWB. For some, it is important to have the qualities of the first description. The person must emerge from the Inupiat culture, be part of the system, and reflect PWB when helping another. Others (mostly women) believe that counselors could be effective if they reflected individual qualities of PWB. These respondents said they would go to counselors if the professionals also reflected the characteristics of a good helper. Respondents who would not see a counselor or who do not see a need for counseling for themselves said that young people could benefit from a counselor who reflected Inupiat culture and PWB. The question remains whether adult clients would see nonNative counselors. Minton and Soule (1990) found that differences exist between White and non-White interventions. Because of the differences between villages and a typical mental health professional from the dominant culture, it is likely that mental health workers will have great difficulty offering useful services at the village level. These researchers also reported that counseling has been ineffective with the Inupiat. They suggested that rather than using non-Native mental health workers who have difficulty coping with isolation and a harsh environment, and who regularly must take small airplanes into remote villages, local village people themselves should be used to effectively design services and mobilize social networks through a systemic approach. Natives have typically been excluded from clinical positions because of insufficient education; therefore, research is inconclusive as to the counselor preference of village people. Another area that needs to be investigated is whether properly training non-Native counselors in understanding the worldview of the Inupiat and their views on counseling and PWB would make a difference. Counselors should try some of the suggestions made by the Inupiat themselves and see what results through more research.

SUMMARY The following serves as a summary of what the Inupiat people had to say about counselor effectiveness. References in paren-

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theses are cited from the Native American literature that support these findings. • Use a direct method. If the client is skirting around a problem, the counselor should ask questions. Both nondirective and psychodynamic approaches have been somewhat effective (Dillard, 1983; LaFromboise et al., 1990), but using a direct, active, and practical problemsolving approach (Thomason, 1991), as well as focusing on the present, has been found to be more effective (Trimble, 1976). • Use a caring, friendly, gentle, and loving conversational method and few questions will be necessary. As suggested by Indian researchers, counselors should slow down their pace, be personable, and make use of informal work settings (Schacht et al., 1989; Scott et al., 1982). • Be especially sensitive to men, listen more, allow for some silences. Use a less directive approach and be empathetic with them. Help male clients develop pride in the things they do well, such as hunting. Learn from them (e.g., their subsistence lifestyle), as suggested by Sue (1981), who mentioned that clients may feel comfortable talking about everyday issues. It is also important for counselors to be aware of migratory practices, and to integrate findings into the counseling schedule and treatment (Sage, 1991). • Enter each person’s life with care, respect, and only after receiving permission (Sue, 1981). • Teach the community about substance and child abuse. • Share your experiences (Everett et al., 1983). • Match clients by following the rhythms and tempos of their speech and nonverbal communication. Thomason (1991) stated that rather than relying on generalized statements on the nonverbal etiquette of which counselors should be aware and make use of (look into their eyes or avoid eyes, etc.), it is better to take the cue from the client (if the client does not use eye contact, do not stare into his or her eyes).

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• Keep confidences and reassure clients that you will do so. • Help elders and those who need assistance filling out official forms. It is important to empower clients through education and skill training. Strengthening support systems, improving clients’ interpersonal and material resources, informing them of their rights, integrating cultural beliefs, and revitalizing traditions are all positive aids in effective counseling (LaFromboise et al., 1990). First impressions are important. Inupiat are aware of nonverbal communication. It is important to reflect PWB if you are a helper. • Use PWB in the process of counseling and as a goal of counseling. • Actions are important; reflect Inupiat values such as honesty, sharing, and humility and take time to celebrate with the people. Researchers emphasize that clients’ primary expectations are for counselors to be trustworthy, understanding of their cultural values, and willing to involve themselves in community outreach activities to allow community members to become familiar with them (Dauphinais et al., 1980; Scott et al., 1982). • Use humor and kidding. • Integrate Inupiat values in counseling approaches. • Visit homes; become familiar with community members. If new to the community, ask someone to introduce you to community members (Dauphinais et al., 1980; Scott et al., 1982). • Make use of elders as part of a team when appropriate. According to research, counselors should make use of social networks and self-help support groups (Pedigo, 1983) to pool resources and strengths in coping with a client’s problem (LaFromboise & Fleming, 1990). • Use prayer and faith. If uncomfortable with this, ask the preacher, healer, or a person of faith for assistance. It is important to define the clients’ problems within their be-

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lief systems rather than trying to have the belief systems conform with a theory (Thomason, 1991). This may require examining the role of religion and integrating it into counseling (LaFromboise et al., 1990). Traditional Native Americans view counseling from a different perspective than the general public (LaFromboise, 1988). For instance, the construct mental health is spiritual and holistic in nature, not an isolated entity (Trimble et al., 1984). • Make use of arts and crafts for treatment of depression, grief, and boredom. • Make use of community members for needed support of individuals (e.g., when dealing with grief issues or loneliness). • Know each community and its specific problems. • Be patient while the group tests, possibly rejects, and gossips about you. • Integrate Inupiat ways with counseling approaches by combining traditional healing practices with Western counseling approaches (Dinges et al., 1981). After examining the worldview, integrate it into counseling by making use of imagery, graphic similes, and natural-world metaphors (Herring, 1992). • Understand the symbolic, the use of dreams, and the drama of the environment and subsistence that operate in a reciprocal world with the Inupiat. Duran (1984) found using dream therapy very effective. • Be aware of the seasons and the importance of timing (Sage, 1991). • Understand the Inupiat commitment to the land and the environment. This means helping clients affirm their traditional values and defining the problem within the contextual environment of the clients (LaFromboise et al., 1990). • Learn to enjoy and accept gifts such as muktuk, seal oil, and other foods held in esteem by the Inupiat. • Use group counseling with caution. It is regarded with

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suspicion because of embarrassment in revealing personal material and lack of confidentiality within the group. Group counseling is effective, however, as a way to process grief and in crisis situations. • Be aware that clients’ descriptions of their bodies may describe how they feel emotionally (e.g., lightness or heaviness). • Establish within yourself a calmness and quietness, thus providing a healing atmosphere for counseling (Schacht et al., 1989; Scott et al., 1982). Because activities are important to the Inupiat, the following categories might be helpful for the counselor to review when prescribing a positive way of living. MENTAL ACTIVITIES • To maintain a good mind, it is important to think about the future (e.g., subsistence) and the past (e.g., the teachings of the ancestors). • Having a balance between one’s emotional, spiritual, and physical life is important in order to have a good mind. A weak body would negatively effect the mind: ‘‘If the body is healthy, you can do anything.’’ • It is important to think positively about oneself and others and to have positive thoughts about potential outcomes in relation to subsistence. There is a reciprocal relation between the way one thinks and how things will turn out. Positive thinking appears to empower the respondents as they gain some control over the events of their life in relation to a very harsh and isolated environment. This idea is supported by Witherspoon (1989), who discussed the Navajo’s belief that good fortune comes through positive thinking. Fienup-Riordan (1990) mentioned that Alaska Natives are aware of the importance of good thoughts because one could hurt animal spirits and others’ minds with their thoughts.

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BEHAVIORAL ACTIVITIES • PWB is determined by proper conduct. In order to feel good and experience PWB, it is important for an Inupiat to conduct oneself properly. According to Witherspoon (1989), proper conduct is seen as ensuring order in different cultures and maintaining well-being. For these Inupiat, prescribed ways of doing things are handed down by the elders who have tested and lived these traditional ways. Both behavior and thought are integrally linked to proper conduct, as posited by Napoleon (1991). Sharing, thinking good thoughts, handling things properly, being honest, and loving each other are examples of proper conduct mentioned by the respondents. These qualities suggest that the Inupiat have a strong sense of order as well as a strong directive function in their cultural meaning system (D’Andrade, 1989). • Proper conduct is synonymous with life. ‘‘Living and action are one, they go together,’’ as one elder mentioned. This describes the commonsense culture of the Inupiat. Living and actions are intimately bound with the culture, just as the Inupiat worldview is intimately bound with what Geertz (1973) called the ethos of a culture. • Personal conduct affects the mind. It is important to retain good relations by being friendly, to follow the good way of life by choosing between right and wrong, and to be happy. ‘‘Mind your own business’’ and ‘‘don’t gossip’’ are advice given by elders. These behaviors are important because they ensure harmony among community members and without harmony, the mind is deflected from a state of happiness and peace. This belief is supported by VanStone (1962), who maintained that the Inupiat will endeavor to prevent any conflicts among community members because social equilibrium is important for subsistence living.

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PHYSICAL ACTIVITIES • Subsistence activities were rated as most important in promoting PWB among both male and female respondents. Men rated subsistence and family activities as being of equal importance. Women rated subsistence activities as being the most important activity in promoting PWB. Although Minton and Soule (1990) found that outdoor activities rated highest among other activities and included all subsistence activities as well as ATV riding, in agreement with this study, there are some differences. In their study, women reported enjoyment in areas of health, religion, and family concerns, followed by subsistence activities. After subsistence, as in the Minton and Soule study, the women in this study reported that activities with family, helping others, and religious activities share equal importance. • To maintain PWB, it is important to keep busy and active. Respondents mentioned that in order to live a long life, one needs to be productive, not lazy. It is important, especially during the long, dark, cold, winter months, to keep busy by spending time on crafts, subsistence tools, household chores, visiting, children’s activities, church, sports, and community events. All these activities increase PWB, as posited by Diener (1984) and Stewart and King (1991). These activities allow individuals to have a good mind and not feel sorry for themselves, become depressed or bored. These activities, with the exception of visiting, differ from those found by Harris, Begay, and Page (1989), who discovered that a large number of Indians are interested in reading and watching television. • To maintain PWB, it is often necessary to balance two different worlds. For those who work outside the home, planning is necessary to juggle both work and subsistence activities into a unified whole that satisfies both the Western world and the Inupiat lifestyle. • Working and living in the rural areas increase PWB. Outdoor activities, especially subsistence, are enjoyed by both

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men and women of all ages. Freeman (1984) found that interpersonal relationships and personality functioning among the elderly are higher in rural environments. The younger women described enjoying the same subsistence activities (with the exception of whaling) as men. Lomranz, Bergman, Eyal, and Shmotkin (1988) found outdoor activity increases women’s well-being. Outdoor activities include camping, hunting, berry-picking, egg-hunting, boating, herb-gathering, fishing, and ATV riding. • Both men and women indicated enjoyment in sharing subsistence and other activities with the whole family, which increases PWB. For most, it is a time to enjoy each other’s company and to teach the Inupiat way of survival. Part of the time spent on outdoor activities is used to take care of subsistence tools, boats, and gear, and outside storage for the whale (villages). All family members, even the very young, are expected to help out. • Indoor activities also contribute to PWB. These activities include sports, games (both family and community), traditional and competition dancing, traditional singing, and crafts. These activities are especially enjoyed in the wintertime. Minton and Soule (1990) found sports to be the most frequently mentioned source of happiness in their study of Alaska villagers. Crafts were identified as the artwork that served as a reminder of PWB. Crafts are those items made out of natural products gathered through subsistence activities, and that could be given away or sold. SPIRITUAL ACTIVITIES • Relationship with God and church activities increase PWB. Respondents reported that involvement in church activities increases well-being. The present findings support the Inupiat belief that church activities increase PWB, especially during times of need and duress. Helping others may include sharing food, volunteering services and skills, and talking with or visiting grieving and sick community members.

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• The spiritual includes craft-making and all other special celebrations; these activities increase PWB. • Being quiet and peaceful increases PWB. Although inner qualities and inner activities were not mentioned as often as activities involving the outside world, these and other spiritual qualities were mentioned. Some inner activities are happiness, harmony, joy, strength, fullness, honesty, humility, patience, and kindness. • The Inupiat said it is their responsibility to maintain a spiritual life through prayer, Bible reading, church activities, and following the Ten Commandments. They believe God heals, subdues the environment, and takes care of their needs if they have faith. SOCIAL ACTIVITIES • Social relationships and support increase PWB. These activities are vital for harmonious living and ensurance of PWB among the Inupiat. As supported by Cohen & Syme (1985) and Kessler, Price, and Wortman (1985), individuals possessing a social network of friends and family display higher levels of both physical and psychological well-being. Ahregah and feeling good, as described by these respondents, are partly due to group membership and the feeling one gets when giving ‘‘passion and love to the people.’’ • Family, extended family, and community relationships increase PWB among most of the respondents. Respondents mentioned that children, family members, and community are sources of happiness. These findings are in agreement with those of Minton and Soule (1990), who found that having children, relatives, and friends increase happiness among the villagers. • Even though social support and relationships extend beyond family and community to include the stranger, the Inupiat have control over these relationships, and this increases PWB. The Inupiat use discretion, as foreigners are scrutinized to see if they will fit into the community value

Strategies to Help the Inupiat People

system. If they do not, support is withheld and the foreigners may be asked to leave the smaller villages. • Visiting friends and family members increases PWB for some respondents. Visiting each other is a popular pastime among village members. Psychological and physical well-being were found to be greater among individuals who have a strong social network of friends and family, according to Cohen et al. (1985), and Kessler et al. (1985). Other forms of communication occur at the store, post office, bingo, or sports activities; over the telephone; and through the CB radio. • Special community events increase PWB. These events include whaling, Easter, Thanksgiving, and Christmas feasts. Usually the whole Inupiat community partakes in these activities with enthusiasm and delight. • The Inupiat are not passive about their social support systems. They actively take responsibility by visiting others, sharing, taking part in community events, and welcoming the stranger. Most internal relationships are democratic, however, with strangers, the Inupiat choose who lives in the community.

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CHAPTER 9

Beliefs About the Environment Human beings essentially experience the world through their senses. Through their powers of reasoning, they are able to reflect on their experiences and interpret them from their own point of view. When groups of people experience the same phenomena and share similar descriptions, the result is a social system based on a worldview that embodies beliefs, ideas, and values. Research shows that in order for counselors to be effective, they must understand their clients’ worldview. The purpose of chapters 9, 10, and 11 is to integrate the first eight chapters into a meaningful ‘‘whole’’ picture of interrelationships within ahregah or PWB. Such a systemic view of the Inupiat may help counselors understand better the Inupiat from this region. Briefly, two cycles or systems emerge: (a) The Inupiat’s view of PWB is tied to the myth of the whale and is dependent on a reciprocal relationship between the community and the whale, and (b) the yearly ceremonial activity involving the whale also has a strong impact on PWB. This chapter discusses the beliefs of the Inupiat in relation to

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the environment. The environment includes the land, water, air, weather, plants, and particularly the animals residing on the land, in the water, and in the air. The environment is inextricably interconnected with the Inupiats’ daily life. The Inupiat believe that the environment can communicate, discipline, and even console human beings. According to the respondents, the land, fish, animals, and especially the whale perceive or see what takes place in the Inupiat world. Some comments made about the environment and living things included, ‘‘It is like a human being’’; ‘‘Animal and fish know, they sense it’’; ‘‘If you don’t treat the land right, the land won’t treat you right.’’ Proper conduct is important in many cultures. For the Fugians, healing and transformation require proper conduct from healers as well as community members (Katz, 1993). For the Andean community, proper conduct is related to the environment, and through a process of reciprocity, harmony, and well-being could exist between humans and the environment (Allen, 1988). For instance, the Andean feed the Tirakuna (sacred mountains), which in turn take care of them and hold back potential danger. Proper speech and good conduct keep the flow of energy moving in positive ways. The Inupiat believe that the environment and the animals also speak to the people: ‘‘It will talk to you, it tells you things.’’ This communication may not come in the form of a voice, but rather may be revealed to the person who intuitively and correctly interprets the signs. An example of this is a story told by a fiftyfive-year-old Inupiat woman who described a series of warnings from animals and weather conditions. It all works together, we don’t know. Animals have a way of warning you. It could be something good or something bad. You may not be successful. Accept it, maybe it was meant to be. Weather can communicate. Animals can also. One year we were hunting. My husband was very successful but I had no luck. We were fishing, and the graylings were bypassing my lure but allowing my husband to catch them. I felt sad. Something isn’t right. What can I do? We went back to Anchorage, and about three weeks later, I found out that three of my cousins had drowned.

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She explained that the following fall, her husband shot at a caribou that was within easy range. Three times he missed the caribou. He blamed it on his rifle, but she wondered if the event was a warning. Later, on the same trip, her husband was almost killed when their ATV almost crushed him. She remembered that something was in the air. ‘‘You could sense it. I heard birds, saw the white swan circling, crying, like it had injured itself. The whole season seemed to be crying.’’ She recalled that just before the accident she could smell the odor of a cigarette, but no one was smoking. They were hunting in barren, tundra country. She believed these were messages from her husband’s deceased mother, who had come to warn her son. Earlier that year, her husband lost his mother and three cousins. All the things that transpired during the hunt seemed to be warning her husband of the impending danger. She told another story that she could only interpret following the event. It was more of a blessing than a warning. My husband and his good friend, who is white, went moose hunting. I had this feeling, he is going to get something. I had this feeling, a good feeling, not a rash one. I was at camp. For them it was discouraging, they had hunted all day with no luck. When they were coming back to camp, they saw a moose down the hill. It was just standing there, waiting. After they shot it they shook hands. They are like blood brothers. They were both so happy. When this friend died a year later, I thanked him for the moose. I felt that with his impending death, the moose was a gift for us. He made sure it was waiting for us. She mentioned that she would not tell these stories to a nonNative researcher, but would only tell them to someone who was ‘‘part of our own people, and who would understand.’’ A fifty-five-year-old Kivalina man recalled that as he and his whaling crew finished butchering a whale on the sea ice, the ice parted, opening up a lead and separating them from the land and home. Suddenly, the wind turned and began blowing from the north and closed the lead so they were able to cross over on solid ice. He felt that something was guiding them as they escaped the dangerous ice conditions just in time.

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The Inupiat believe that animals and environment teach and discipline. A seventy-seven-year-old Kivalina woman said that ‘‘we are so close to nature that it disciplines us.’’ One young man from Point Hope believed that nature had disciplined him because he had procrastinated and did not fulfill a promise he had given an elder. He interpreted a strange weather change when he was hunting as a message for him to get the subsistence work done that was beneficial to the community. He discussed the weather change with an elder who agreed that this was a message from nature and that there is a relationship between man and nature. To the Inupiat, animals and the environment can also console people. A seventy-seven-year-old woman from Kivalina shared an experience she had witnessed. From March through mid-July, she was participating in a series of memorial services for all the young people who had died that year. People were really hurt, and not happy. We wanted to help by having this service. All of a sudden people started pointing because a little bird was flying in the church. I sure didn’t want the ushers to let it go out because people were just watching it and not listening. That bird sure fluttered around mostly, like circling around . . . something to think about. Yeah. One lady even walked down from the platform and said, ‘‘I was really crying inside but now I feel better because of that bird.’’ Nature not only disciplines, according to this woman’s worldview, but it also consoles. There were other comments that discussed how nature consoles. A young Point Hope woman felt the environment and nature console her when she walks in the rain. She believed by praying and walking in the rain she could be healed of her sadness and symptoms of premenstrual syndrome. A large fish was caught by one fifty-five-year-old woman. She believed that the forty-five-pound King Salmon was a gift from her grandmother who died two months earlier and that nature also played a part in consoling her. This same woman also remembered a time when she was in

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danger. She was in a boat trying to reach shore during a stormy fishing trip. She was very frightened, but to her surprise a sea gull flew above her, all the way to the shore. She believed the gull was there to comfort her. When she arrived safely on the shore, she said, ‘‘I owe you a fish head.’’ She thanked the bird. The environment gives, but it also has some requirements for the Inupiat. Some Inupiat explain that there are certain behaviors that are required from them if they are to be blessed by the environment’s bounty and protection. According to some respondents, cleanliness is an expectation that is especially important to the whale before it will go near a coastal village. Some of the respondents voiced concern about the village’s overall cleanliness. A seventy-five-year-old woman from Point Hope reported that part of well-being was living a disciplined life that involved cleanliness. A seventy-one-year-old woman from the same community also indicated cleanliness when asked what a true Inupiat believes in. A seventy-six-year-old man from Point Hope was appalled at how things have changed. He remembered that when the people lived in sod houses, their homes were immaculate. He lamented about how people forget this value: Now they leave rubbish on the beach. Some do not respect what they catch. In the old days we picked up our trash. We always clean our mess and throw it in the dump, but now you see things on the beach. When we catch whale, we pick up trash. We clean up. You clean the place where you work as do the animals because you have to use it once again. People are lazy now. It has to be taught. His belief about cleanliness was so strong that, when asked what he thought counselors should know in order to better assist the Inupiat, he said they needed to know about the environment and cleanliness. He found a dirty environment unpleasant and irresponsible and felt children needed to be taught how to keep the environment clean. When taught to young children, this value lasts a lifetime. One fifty-four-year-old Inupiat woman, now living in Anchorage, practices the value of sharing and cleanliness when she hunts.

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She recalled feeding the intestines and other salmon parts to sea gulls at a campsite near the beach. After throwing the salmon parts on the beach, she moved some distance away so the birds would not be frightened. To her surprise, a nearby white camper voiced the following complaint to park officials: ‘‘These Natives were littering the campsite.’’ When approached by the park official, the woman said it was the Inupiat value not to waste anything and that they believed in cleanliness. She explained the situation and said they were waiting for the birds to finish eating before she could pick up whatever was left. The official said he wished more people had those values. In response to a question regarding the relation between cleanliness and the whale and other land and sea mammals, a middleaged man from Point Hope said: ‘‘Some people have to be real secretive, they hold things back. They won’t say anything unless the person asks. You would have to ask the question. I know they are real Christians and maybe that’s why they don’t talk about it.’’ He went on to explain as follows: A lot of it had to do with the kind of work you put around the house. The whaler not only has to have things clean around the house, but in the cellar where he keeps the meat, in the ground freezers [cache]. Those have to be cleaned out before whaling starts and when you cleaned out your underground cache, right on the roof it is real crusty-crystal snow flakes and frost. What you need to do after you clean your underground cache, you have to take a broom and sweep the ceilings and all the frost will fall on the underground frost you cleaned up before [on the ground] and that way, everything that will be put in will be fresh. There will be fresh frost for the whale. That attracts the whale. This relation was further explained in Kivalina by a whaling captain through a dream he had: A whale went in the river and we shot it. I saw a baby whale come out and stayed around its mother. The whale left and said that it would come back next spring and get

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the hunter. The whale did come back as it promised and the man was inside the whale. The whale showed him what a whaling crew looked like from the whale’s viewpoint. The whaling crew in the distance was surrounded by filthy water. In fact the water was black. This captain never fed his people. The whale took him to a good captain and his crew. There the water was very clean and one could not see the captain, but only a thin line which was the main blood artery, and that was what the whale could see. He could not see the outline of a man. The ‘‘main blood artery’’ represented a strange phenomenon that was described by an elder. He explained that when one is following the old ways and is generous and giving to the people, especially to older people, one is gifted by the Creator to be almost invisible. The only thing visible to animals is the main blood artery. He then said this dream also corresponded to what the elders talked about—the importance of a clean village and clean storage for the whale. Only when the storage and the village was clean, would the whale come. Orin Knox, a Kivalina whaler, is committed to cleanliness, as he and his crew spent more than a week cleaning his underground storage, reached only by boat across the bay from Kivalina. They (sons and relatives) spent hours cleaning out the storage, which was eighteen feet below the ground level in the permafrost. With a pulley, the men would take out the stored meat and move it to a another storage area several feet away. They worked until it was close to midnight and then returned home, only to begin again the next day. A sixty-year-old Point Hope woman who is an Eskimo doctor said that ‘‘whales always look for a clean village and house.’’ Both the homes and the village were very clean and orderly. The beach and the streets of the town were free from clutter, debris, and trash. Homes were well maintained and clean. In addition to a clean village, animals like good songs. There was a time when hunting songs were used to capture animals. Some songs were so powerful they became useless, according to an eighty-year-old elder from Kivalina. He said that when his uncle was in Point Hope preparing for the whaling season, the

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whole whaling crew was so hungry that his uncle went out to hunt for caribou. He told the following story: My uncle spotted a lone bull caribou right outside the village. He thought about using his hunting song. My uncle said, ‘‘I learned right before, and I must try it,’’ and he started singing the first few words of the song. Then he start thinking about the caribou and continued singing. The caribou fell down and when he got there, Uncle related the caribou was already rotten. He tried to take the arm and the meat fell off it. In one minute it was rotten. They could not eat it. They left the caribou right there. ‘‘Too bad!’’ He was worried. He thought, ‘‘I shouldn’t sing that song, the song is no good, I will throw it away, that song.’’ A similar story can be found in the Lore of the Inupiat: The Elders Speak (see Mendenhall, Sampson, & Tennant, 1989). Some Inupiat explain that when one is experiencing PWB, ahregah, or nagooruk, the animals know and will likely come. ‘‘If a person feels bad, and does not feel good about themselves, the animals will know and they will stay away.’’ A sixty-year-old woman from Point Hope who is an Eskimo doctor said, ‘‘The whale does not like mad people. They like smiling and happy people. They come to happy people. When you feel good everything works together.’’ A seventy-seven-year-old Kivalina woman pointed out that it was important not to gossip or steal but rather to focus on the better side of people. She believed it brought in the whale. ‘‘I noticed everyone was extra nice because the old people would tell us, ‘the animal knows, they can tell if something is wrong among the people here, they won’t come.’ That’s our belief.’’ Helping the elders is important to the Inupiat. One fifty-fiveyear-old whaling captain said that he learned the importance of helping elders from his mother. He believed that because he helped the elders in the village, whales and any kind of sea mammals and fish came to him. Because I liked salmon and I was a guest in his home, he decided to go fishing one Sunday. He put out his nets the night before and brought three salmon home for Sunday dinner. He said it was against his beliefs and the teachings of his mother to go hunting or fishing on Sunday

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but because he had company, he felt it was all right to do so. He said the Creator gave him three salmon, just enough for his guest and family. The next day, however, he put out his nets and caught fifteen and on Tuesday he caught nineteen. As his catch was bountiful, he decided to bring happiness to others. Over the CB radio, he invited everyone to come and get their share because he did not believe in selling something that was freely given to him. The belief that one should not hunt or fish on Sunday was also voiced by a seventy-year-old Kotzebue woman. She said her son had to learn by experience not to hunt on Sunday as long as they had something for their grandmother and grandfather. ‘‘One time he decided to hunt on Sunday. He caught lots on Sunday, enough for the whole week. When he went out the rest of the week he couldn’t catch anything.’’ She remembered the same thing happened to her grandfather. He was tempted to work on Sunday, but when he did, he did not catch anything on the other days. The lesson was learned by both son and grandfather. Sharing is an important value to the Inupiat. A forty-year-old woman from Kotzebue believed that ‘‘If I share bounty rather than selling them and making money, the seals and animals come by. The more muktuk I try to give, the more muktuk comes, because the animals they give to you because they know.’’ Trading things is more the Inupiat way than making money from subsistence products, according to this young woman. She gave an example from an earlier experience. She had been giving and giving to others, but she really needed some fish. One day, she got all the fish she wanted without asking for it from another person. She believed not only that the seals would come because of the sharing, but that the community would have a sense of wellness because people shared their bounty. Prayer and the old traditional value of sharing, according to the Inupiat respondents, ensure a successful subsistence lifestyle. A Kivalina whaling crew captain said it was important ‘‘to pray from your heart. God answers through subsistence. When you ask, it seems animals come in front of you. We go to Kotzebue and help hungry people, some have alcohol problems, and nothing to eat, so wife says we have money, give them something to eat, seems like something goes in front of you.’’ This whaling captain shared a video taken of a whale hunt

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that spring. He reported that a whale had literally given itself up to his crew. He recalled his wish to catch a whale for the whole community because it had been supportive and instrumental in his grandchild’s spontaneous healing from liver cancer. He prayed humbly and powerfully in the morning to catch a whale for his people. Later he spotted a whale and observed that it had been in the same spot all morning and even later in the day. When he brought his vessel near it, the whale gave itself up to him for the community. ‘‘He never heard us or did not see us [crew]. When our boat came real close, he came up and lifted himself on the side for us to hit him. He gave himself up to us, that is the way we think. Afterward we celebrated with a big feast for our people.’’ One shares not only with people but with all living things. One woman from Anchorage said she felt bad when her family was in Homer, Alaska (a small fishing town southwest of Anchorage on Cook Inlet) and caught their first halibut. They had no one to share with so she gave portions of it to the sea gulls. If one’s actions are good and respectful, if one helps the elderly and especially those who need help the most, ‘‘then something comes up even bigger’’ during hunting or fishing. Not only do animals desire respect, but so do the land and the elements. ‘‘Respect the water, let it be stormy, leave it alone,’’ said a fifty-fouryear-old woman from Anchorage. She further explained, ‘‘You have to be in harmony with the land, don’t mess with it, don’t burn it and things like that or it will not treat you right.’’ This requires being cautious, understanding the dangers involved, and being ever watchful for signs from the surroundings. One seventy-one-year-old Kivalina elder said that watching the clouds near the mountains will indicate if strong winds are approaching. He warned that one should always have enough clothing and food, and carry a compass. ‘‘If you don’t have a compass watch for the Big Dipper since it points to the north.’’ These teachings of respect for the elements were handed down to women as well. A seventy-year-old Kotzebue woman said that it was important to be watchful and interpret cloud formations and the directions of the wind when hunting seal and oogruk (a large seal). She recalled her grandfather warning her father not to go because he could see clouds forming in the distance on the ocean. He obeyed his father and later there came a great storm.

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Respect means being grateful for whatever one catches. A woman taught her children the value of respect by telling them the following: ‘‘When your dad gets something, don’t talk badly about it in a negative way. Do not say it smells or it stinks; if you do that, your dad will not be successful to hunt the next time.’’ This woman does not even spit in the water because of her reverence and appreciation for this reservoir of food, and also because of her belief that ‘‘the water watches over you.’’ The act of being respectful is not just an end in itself; respect is also related to the subsequent actions of an animal in relation to a hunter’s success. A seventy-five-year-old Point Hope woman revealed how her son was known for his special abilities in hunting: For my son and some persons it is easy to catch animal. They call them good hunters because they have a good mind and they know how to hunt. His grandfather fed my son the head of the caribou and the glands. We could not eat the glands. He could, because his grandfather could see that he was going to be a good hunter. His grandfather said, ‘‘Animals won’t bite him, wherever he goes, animals won’t hurt him. They will be scared of him.’’ According to the whaling captain in Kivalina, for those who are blessed to be a hunter, the animal will not see the person. They will only see the outline of the main artery within the individual. He recalled several times when he was near wolves and other large animals, he just walked by and they seemed to be unaware of him. One hunter was very aware that humility was directly related to his success as a hunter. He gave the following advice to his sons: Don’t say, ‘‘I’m a good hunter or a bad hunter,’’ only God can give the animal away to a person. Animals aren’t like humans, they listen. Don’t say, ‘‘I’m going to catch lots of animals this Spring,’’ if you brag like that it goes away, and the animal will not give itself up to you. One does not get credit, but ‘‘the right way’’ gets credit. Let them remember that my dad and mom do it this way. I hope my children

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remember to think ‘‘this is the right way,’’ the way they were taught by us. This Kivalina hunter said that ‘‘everything has to be handled the right way, and one has to share the catch with others, with the people.’’ A seventy-one-year-old Kivalina man believed that if one brags, ‘‘the whale knows that person and will revenge the one who brags. The whale can hear his words and he knows that person.’’ This elder described how the whale is sensitive and deserves respect, and if not given, the whale will take revenge on his adversary. The killer whale is sensitive like a human being. He understands because he also hunts for subsistence. We were taught not to shoot at the killer whale. If you hurt his feelings or hurt him, he can revenge. Like in the Buckland area [just south of Kotzebue], they used to tell this young person not to shoot at the whale. He was ‘‘high nose’’ and didn’t care about what the old people taught. He thought it was OK to shoot at the killer whale and he did. One day when he was out with others in a boat, they noticed he was missing when they came to shore. There was no clue. He had disappeared. They knew that the whale got him. This elder also believed that the killer whale helps those in need: The killer whale is a sponsor helper to hunter having troubles. A man was out hunting in his kayak in the fall. There was ground ice, which is very slushy, forming around him. He went further into the ocean. The cold north wind started to blow and gathered ice slush towards him, like mud. It was so thick, he couldn’t travel. He felt helpless as he drifted out. Sure enough, he saw a hump of a killer whale emerge alongside his kayak. He was amazed and wondered what the whale was about. He decided to make a sling and he put it around the humpback of the killer whale. He put rope around it and then the whale went

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through the slushy ice till he was close to shore, and then disappeared. He smiled warmly and his eyes shone as he told this true story. Oscar Swan from Kivalina told the following story, demonstrating that not only does the killer whale help hunters but it even helped an elderly woman: An elderly woman walked down the beach to watch a killer whale kill a Beluga. He would toss the Beluga around with his big hump. The woman watched him finally catch [in his mouth] the Beluga and she yelled, ‘‘Here I am, I get my share! I’m getting my share,’’ she yelled. The killer whale had enough Beluga and as the old woman stood around at the edge of the water, sure enough, the killer whale tossed her some Beluga muktuk [whale fat]. The woman joined her friends and they had a hearty feast! From their worldview, Inupiat elders impart Inupiat Ilitqusiat; they guide their fellow Inupiat toward a good life by ‘‘walking in two worlds with one spirit’’ (Gurwitt, 1990, 45). The aim of these elders’ teachings, according to Gurwitt, is individual transformation. The Yup’ik had a term for their ‘‘way of being a human being’’: Yuuyaraq. According to Napoleon (1991), Yuuyaraq are like commandments governing all parts of a person’s life. There is a correct way of thinking about, and speaking to humans and animals and all living things, who are believed to be very sensitive and demand respect. Everything is sacred for these people, including the environment. Napoleon indicated that the people walked in both the spirit and natural world but lived in deference to the spirit world. The idea of reciprocity is not foreign to Alaska Natives, who believe that proper conduct (both behavior and thought) affects both PWB and the environment. Alaska Natives’ worldview involves specific cultural mandates on how people are to relate to one another as well as to the spiritual and natural world (Kawagley, 1993). For the Inupiat it is very important to be in harmony with oneself, with others, and with the environment. If

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not, the animals will know and they will not come to you. A fifty-four-year-old woman from Anchorage remembered when she was younger how her father warned the family that they did not catch a whale for three years because of the family dissention. He asked his wife and family members not to gossip or cause problems among relationships, but to get along. They did, and after that they caught a whale. In Kivalina, a fifty-five-year-old man believed that the whale and even other animals can hear. This elder believed that the whale could hear what goes on even in a person’s house. ‘‘They listen to us. When our community was arguing, this old person would scold all the whaling captains. He would say, ‘don’t be that way, don’t have meeting like this. The whales can hear you from 1,000 miles away.’ ’’ He recalled that when the whaling captains were meeting in Anchorage, the elders warned them to get along, because even as far as Anchorage, ‘‘the whales will know your heart’’ and if they did not get along, the whale would not come to their village. This belief helped the whalers to get along because they had experienced the negative effects in the past when they did not. For some cultures, it is important to control one’s thoughts. According to Witherspoon (1989), the Navajos believe that what one constantly thinks about will come about. Good fortune comes about through positive thinking, and drought and other negative events happen because of negative thinking. Furthermore, the Navajos believe that blessings, health, and happiness are restored through thought. The people of northern Alaska are well aware of the importance of thought and attitude and that one’s thought or attitude could hurt another’s mind or offend animal spirits and the immediate environment (Fienup-Riordan, 1990). Swan (1989) said that members of modern society have lost touch with their relationship to the environment and thus to the spiritual. Without that relationship, the Creator is limited in helping individuals achieve health and happiness. The animals and environment are even aware of how one thinks. A sixty-nine-year-old man said, ‘‘they come in front of you if you are going hunting or fishing but also material things.’’ He believed that he was able to get a nice home in Palmer,

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Alaska because of his proper way of thinking. One fifty-fiveyear-old Anchorage woman expressed the power of thought by saying, ‘‘How you think has an impact on the environment, especially when you live off the land.’’ The power of the mind in relation to subsistence living was expressed by a seventy-five-year-old Point Hope woman who said that ‘‘you must expect in the right way when you hunt. You have to wish to catch something in your mind and when you catch something everyone will be real happy.’’ Through this expectation, even in bad weather, she has witnessed that the animal appears. ‘‘Sometimes that person gets there just in time, even though it is bad weather, it is easy to catch animal. The animal shows up to them because of the right way he thinks.’’ In Kivalina, an eighty-year-old elder said that all the crew members must have oosumatooruk, a good mind and follow what the captain says to do. ‘‘The whale will come if you have a good mind.’’ A seventy-year-old Kotzebue woman said that it was important to trust in God and be positive. Trust in God, trust in all that you are doing, like hunting. Put your trust in everything, hoping that you will get it, and they will get it. You have to have positive belief, put their thoughts to it, no matter if they don’t get because it depends on how these things are. Have to trust in everything. Sometimes I don’t get it or answers right away, but it comes another time. A young woman from Anchorage who maintained the Inupiat way of living in her urban home life said that one must have a ‘‘clear mind.’’ She said it was important to believe in God and pray for help. ‘‘If I am going hunting, I don’t say, ‘I’m going to get something,’ because you do not know what is out there. You must instead pray for game to be there and God will provide for your family. He will provide for those people that I will share with who may want to taste our food.’’ A man in his early forties from one of the smaller villages talked about the importance of the Inupiat woman in relation to the whale during hunting season. ‘‘The woman affects the whale. If I harpoon the whale, somehow my mother would find out.

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My mother, who is at home, would do things real slow when performing her house duties. The reason for that is that the whale would copy the lady and slow down because she is connected to the whale. She must also keep things really clean around the house.’’ This belief was backed up by a Christian woman from Point Hope who said that when whaling, the woman becomes very quiet and slows down. She also said, ‘‘For something to happen, which is special like whaling or healing, people have to get very quiet.’’ She mentioned this was the belief of most of the whaling captains. A seventy-one-year-old woman who was very friendly, happy, and busy preparing whale fat for rendering to oil expressed the relationship of the woman to the whale: ‘‘When I dream of Mama before they hunt for whale, we always get one. This is because she [her mother] knows and blesses us. She still helps us. I always know because of my dreams. When I dream of my father I get sick. I think the women are more perfect than the man. Once a year I dream of Mother before whale season.’’ The same woman noticed that when her husband was out hunting, around the time of the catch, the children became quiet. ‘‘Lots of time, these children are active. The older boys are away on a seal catch, but all of a sudden the other children at home are quiet, as if they know he is catching something. I wondered why they are quiet, these two boys know they are catching something.’’ There seems to be a psychic connection between the hunter, his family, and the animal to be caught. This same woman believed that women are more spiritual than men. ‘‘I think this is because they can’t say anything to the husband and they have to be quiet. The husband is the head of the family, but when he dies, the lady is the boss to the family.’’ A sixty-seven-year-old man from Point Hope appeared to be happy when his grandchildren and other family members came in and out of his house to enjoy a birthday cake as he spoke of the woman and her relationship to the whale: ‘‘If her husband catches a whale, the wife gives a cup of water for the spirit of the whale so that the spirit can go back to the whales.’’ The Inupiat have a strong belief in the Christian church and have been able to integrate their traditional and Christian beliefs

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together concerning the environment. One Point Hope deacon in the Episcopal Church expressed the popular belief that God is in His Creation and directs everything: ‘‘It is God who is there to protect you and help with your hunting.’’ He believed that through Divine Providence, God is directing and guiding everything including the weather. There seemed to be agreement among participants that God was involved in their lives and that ‘‘God always gives weather and animals to teach us. I know that if I go out caribou hunting, everything is from God,’’ expressed a sixty-year-old Point Hope woman. Among these participants, there is a strong belief that it is God who makes the weather, both good and bad. This notion is accepted because there is the understanding that without rain, the berries will not grow. The overarching presence of God is shared by many in these Christian communities. When one does good, God uses nature as a way to make a point! A seventy-seven-year-old Kivalina woman told of two Inupiat who were given awards for completing Bible School and were now registered pastors. Just as the preacher was handing over the certificates, she said, ‘‘It thundered real loud, and then one more time.’’ She relayed that the pastor of the church said, ‘‘my voice was too small for what God was saying. He must be saying that they are okay and have His power.’’ A strong belief among the Inupiat is that having faith and hope will mean that God will bring the whale. Christianity is powerful among the Inupiat, as is the belief that the land is a source of spirituality, as is expressed by this Native: ‘‘I enjoy the feeling I get when I’m out in the country. When I get there I have kind of adopted a philosophy that the land is my church.’’ He continued: ‘‘Everything has life. The environment we live in is like a table and that when we use any of its resources, we are taking from the table, we have taken from the crumbs because we take so little as individuals. In doing that we must be grateful and be thankful and my greatest gift to God is to respect nature, love for our children, and to learn how to take care of the resources.’’ He said that this belief helped with his spirituality. ‘‘It is better defined for me and it has made me broaden my perspective of spirituality, like I’m getting a glimmer of an under-

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standing of what it is. At least what I think I knew what spirituality is about. I am really just beginning to understand the early fringes of the concept of it.’’ The Inupiat have integrated Christianity with their traditional beliefs. The following describes the old belief that a loved one’s spirit could be present in a land animal or sea creature. I was cleaning fish and there were a lot of sea gulls around. We were at Seward, Alaska [a town south of Anchorage] and there were many nilongmews [white people] around. A young boy hit a sea gull and hurt its arm. I said, ‘‘Young man, do not do that or you will not have a successful life. Never do that to other living things.’’ I looked at the bird and it seemed to be telling me ‘‘thank you.’’ I apologized with tears in my eyes to the animal. It could be a loved one in that animal. One of the respondents, while discussing the bowhead whale, referred to it as ‘‘the Great Spirit who witnesses all.’’ He also mentioned that many things are no longer talked about that were once common beliefs. For example, he remembered his grandfather saying that it is good to pray to the moon because ‘‘the moon helps the current and the waters, it changes the current, it changes tides.’’ He also said that his people had a strong connection to the environment ‘‘because they had to have it, they lived with it, they grew up with it. They practiced it, otherwise we wouldn’t hear stories about it.’’ When asked if they talked about it now, he said, ‘‘they talk about it in school maybe during storytime.’’ SUMMARY The Inupiat’s belief system is tied to the environment in many ways. The environment includes the weather, yearly cycle, animals, fish, sea creatures, and birds. The Inupiat respondents believe that PWB is tied to their relationship to the environment. This is supported by Knopf (1987), who found that nature restores, facilitates competence-building, carries symbols that affirm the self and the culture to which one belongs, and provides

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a stimulus for the mind as the Inupiat learn the intricate skills of subsistence. The Inupiat believe in the interdependence between man and the environment. For them it is important to share, cooperate, and remain in a state of PWB because they believe all will impact on the environment. This relationship to the environment through subsistence activities motivates individuals to maintain PWB and the Inupiat values of sharing and cooperating. Because of successful subsistence, the Inupiat experience joy and happiness by following the traditional value of sharing. Group harmony is affected by respondents’ relationships to the environment, and this increases PWB. The Inupiat believe that group harmony is pleasing and attracts the animals, sea creatures, and good weather, promoting subsistence living. As maintained by Allen (1988), people of the Andean community believe that harmonious living can have a direct effect on the environment. Because of the belief that it is important to share, be happy, cooperate, and follow the Inupiat values, respondents make a special effort to maintain group harmony. The Inupiat believe that it is through their good life (in relationship to the environment) that others can understand how they view well-being. A good life is expressed as living the subsistence lifestyle of one’s ancestors and following the elders’ teaching. The environment is not a separate entity, disconnected from human activities or thoughts, but is conscious and integrally connected and even involved and interested in the thoughts and behaviors of humans. The land, the fish, the animals, and especially the whale perceive what is happening in the Inupiat world. A strong belief among many Inupiat is that the environment can communicate, discipline, and even console human beings. These ideas are not foreign to other Native groups in Alaska. FienupRiordan (1990), Kawagley (1993), and Napoleon (1991) found that various Native groups believe there is a relation between the natural, spiritual, and human worlds. For some Inupiat, the environment and its creatures share a relationship to the humans who inhabit the same land and sea. ‘‘They’’ know, and they have understandings of the Inupiat undertakings, even how the Inupiat think. According to Kawagley

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(1993), the animals and surrounding environment could be offended by a human’s improper thoughts. Moreover, nature and the environment have the ability to communicate with the Inupiat. Sometimes communication takes the form of a warning of impending dangers or future events. Deceased members may even use nature and the environment as a way of communicating with a loved one. Sometimes nature and the environment come to the rescue; sudden changes in weather can help hunters who are in danger. A sudden change in the wind may be an answer to prayer. Nature and the environment even console. Some Inupiat believe it is God’s way of helping people who are in need of help or who are grieving. When one is afraid, a bird or other animals may accompany that person on his or her journey. Sometimes nature and the environment will show another side. Like a parent, the environment can teach and discipline. Kawagley (1993) mentioned in his findings that humans are related to one another as well as to the spiritual and natural worlds. The relationship to the land is so close for the Inupiat that any misconduct can affect their harmonious relationship to the land, sea, and all living things. Their misconduct can cause danger and problems; therefore, in order to correct this misconduct, nature reprimands them by not fulfilling a catch or even by causing poor weather. In order to receive the bounty and blessings from nature and the environment, certain behaviors are expected of the people of the far North. Gurwitt (1990) found that the Inupiat Ilitqusiat traditional values are guidelines for living a good life through traditional ways. Animals, especially the whale, like a clean village. The older Inupiat deplore any sign of uncleanliness, especially rubbish left on the beach. According to them, the killer whale is attracted to clean villages and clean houses. Songs act as a way to attract an animal and help with hunting. In the old days, songs were very special and cherished. Some songs had to be discarded because they were too powerful. Proper conduct is important if one wants to be successful at subsistence. PWB attracts the animals and may have an effect on the weather. Moreover, the environment and especially the whale are repulsed by sadness, self-pity, and depression.

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Therefore, it is important to be happy and positive to get a good catch. Arguments and anger can keep the whale and other forms of subsistence away. ‘‘When you feel good, everything works together,’’ was often mentioned. It is important to focus on the good side of people and circumstances. ‘‘The whale will come to you if you have a good mind’’; therefore one should not gossip, tell lies, steal, or break the commandments. This idea is not foreign to other indigenous groups; the Fugians (Katz, 1993) and Andeans (Allen, 1988) believe that proper conduct is necessary if harmony and well-being are to exist between humans and the environment. Faith in God is important. Sharing with others, and especially the elders, is pleasing to God, nature, and the environment. Prayer and living by traditional values bring about success in living the subsistence lifestyle. To the Inupiat, God answers prayers and communicates through subsistence. There is an expectation that one does not work (fish or hunt) on Sunday, or one may not be successful in subsistence on other days. It is important to the Inupiat to keep this day holy. Although Christianity has strongly influenced the values of the Inupiat, many feel that they were already living the Christian way before the missionaries came. The transition was easy for these people as they incorporated Christian rules of conduct. Conduct is dictated by rules that require the individual, the family, the community, and the environment to live in harmony. When a community, family, or individual is living the good life, thinking with the good mind, and sharing with the community, the whale is pleased and has been known to give itself up for the hunt. Napoleon (1991) posited that the Yup’ik believe that animals are very sensitive to humans. The Inupiat also hold this belief. For Inupiat, the whale is as sensitive as a human being and deplores disharmony. It can hear over 1,000 miles away, and if it finds conflict within a community it will not venture near. Therefore, it is important not only to respect each other in the community but also to respect the animals. People have been known to lose their lives because of shooting at a killer whale and showing disrespect. Respect means being grateful and humble by not bragging. It means also giving thanks to the Creator, who pro-

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vides for all. One must treat the land and animals, fish and birds with care and kindness. Moreover, respect means not being presumptuous or overconfident, humbly acting with caution in relationship to the environment, and watching for warning signs. Napoleon (1991) found the Yup’ik also hold the belief that both animals and humans demand respect. The killer whale, although it can be vengeful, can also be kind to humans. It has been known to bring hunters back safely to the shore and even share its food with humans. It appears to be very sensitive to women. The woman of the household, in relationship to her husband, can slow the whale down by her movements. Children are equally sensitive to the whale, and often become very quiet when a family member is about to catch a whale. Once the whale is caught, the woman of the household will pour a cup of water for the spirit of the whale so the spirit can go back to the whales. The Inupiat believe in a God who is providentially involved with them and their environment. Through the weather and subsistence activities, God speaks to the people and rewards those who follow the good way, the Inupiat way. This positive view of God maintains the Inupiat’s sense of wellness. To the Inupiat, faith is important because it both heals and brings in the whale. Bergin, Stinchfield, Gaskin, Masters, and Sullivan (1988) found that spiritual experiences make a difference in behavior and can affect health; some of these experiences can be observed in faith healing. Traditional views were usually not discussed openly. Rather, they were melded to Christian beliefs that have deep roots among the Inupiat. According to one respondent, the Inupiat would not volunteer information unless they were asked. Nevertheless, some traditional beliefs were mentioned voluntarily. These included the following: a loved one’s spirit could be present within an animal; the Great Spirit is within the Bowhead whale in a special way; and the moon and other elements are actively involved with human affairs. Other traditional beliefs were integrated into different sections, such as the special relationship between the whale and women; the hunter’s ability to appear invisible except for the main artery;

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the whale’s ability to avenge, reward, and hear the people from thousands of miles away; songs that have the power to kill an animal; and spiritual beings who reward and punish humans, as was discussed in traditional stories.

CHAPTER 10

The Importance of Sharing As mentioned previously, the Inupiat believe they will be blessed with abundance if they follow the mandate of sharing. Sharing has many implications for the community. It is also included as a major Inupiat value, according to the Inupiat Ilitqusiat. From experience, the Inupiat learned that sharing brings hunter success. Hunter success is important to the Inupiat culture, because success in subsistence activities ensures survival as well as sharing of the bounty. The belief that God will help in one’s daily life is also vital to the people. It is the Inupiat’s belief that God will provide their ‘‘daily bread’’ if they are generous and share. Sharing ensures hunter success, according to the following participants. The act of sharing gains value when one considers its importance in continuing to be successful in subsistence hunting and fishing. It is also important to share one’s first catch with others. A woman from Anchorage reported that the custom of sharing the first catch was foreign to her Native husband, who comes from another region of Alaska. Her husband was surprised when he came home and found that the caribou he had caught had

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vanished except for a portion just large enough for his family. He asked, ‘‘What happened to my caribou?’’ His wife’s mother told her daughter to tell him that sharing his first catch with the elders will make him more successful the next year. Sharing also brings ahregah (PWB). Sharing involves both food and services, as well as just being friendly. The following are comments mentioned by the Inupiat about sharing: ‘‘When you get food, you don’t keep it for yourself. You share. The more you give, the more you get back. You never run out, that’s the fun part’’; ‘‘Share with elders is very important because they are not able to get food’’; ‘‘When you smile to the phone when you are talking, it becomes contagious’’; ‘‘I taught my children to give, even their soda pop’’; ‘‘I share my life story with younger neighbors and nieces’’; ‘‘We share and help each other out; when we need something we trade or give selflessly.’’ A Point Hope woman discussed how her family members share food among each other and try to cooperate when others are in need of help. She said, ‘‘We share to get well-being.’’ A Point Hope elder said, ‘‘The boys hunt now. I no longer hunt. Once they have their freezer full and they have enough, they share the rest. They are happy in doing it. They love to see the other person happy.’’ A seventy-five-year-old Point Hope woman said, ‘‘When catch a whale be real happy, think about sharing with other people. Share the whale, it is the law from the beginning. Everyone has to get a piece, even if you are mad at each other. I can’t think, ‘I’m mad at him, I don’t have to share.’ No way, you have to share. Be happy affects people and animals.’’ Reggie Joule from Kotzebue spoke of his son’s first catch: We build wellness and we practice it by sharing the first catch of anything you catch like the first bird, caribou, seal, you give it away. You don’t keep it. When your child catches the first fish you give it away, even the first Ptarmigan. You do not keep it. It feels good to hear the responses your child gets for giving it away. This sharing seems to have a ripple effect in providing well-being. It is like a rock in a pool. When you feel good you take that feeling and you share it with others. I’m not sure what it

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is called. You take care of animals and harvest food. You are not selfish and share freely and process the food. It will come back if you harvest and do it in such a way so it can come back and remain a renewable resource. A Kotzebue elder said that it made one feel ahregah to share with elders. She remembered that one time she almost forgot, but her son quickly reminded her. ‘‘One time he went hunting geese. My son caught only one. I cleaned it. I told him, we will eat it since it is the first one we caught this spring. I started cleaning and cooking it when he asked, ‘Did you invite anyone?’ I had forgotten to invite an elder. He remembered. I teach them to share and so he invited two elders by phone. It makes ahregah for me that he shares!’’ She said this with a big smile on her face. Sharing occurs among individuals and families and also during community events where everyone gives and shares. These include Christmas, Easter, Thanksgiving, and whaling feasts. The food taken from the land and sea (Eskimo food) is shared at these festivities by the whole communities of Kivalina, Kotzebue, and Point Hope. These feasts are important, in one sense, because the long winter months can cause boredom or depression without social activities to look forward to. A fifty-fouryear-old woman from Kotzebue said, ‘‘We get together during hard, long winters. We thank the Lord, that’s a real good tradition. Then we have a traditional feast for Christmas or Thanksgiving.’’ A forty-year-old Kotzebue woman said some of the people get depressed in the middle of winter, ‘‘so we put on a party and have a feed.’’ A forty-year-old man enjoyed these sharing activities because ‘‘there is Native song and dance. They bring the people together and there is joy, happiness, harmony, and love for one another.’’ Christmastime is a happy occasion when villagers take the time to share in activities by playing traditional games, selecting names, and exchanging gifts. A sixty-one-year-old man from Point Hope enthusiastically described the value of sharing in his community: ‘‘We share the traditional activities like Christmas and Thanksgiving. Everyone takes part. We have learned to share with one another, how to communicate with one another

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in our local village, and how to work together. We learn how to be a Point Hope people . . . good people.’’ A fifty-nine-year-old Point Hope woman said, ‘‘We live happily in our village with the community. They share and visit each other. The whalers don’t sell or brag about what they caught. They share what they hunt. It really helps us, helps us to be happy.’’ A fifty-five-year-old whaling captain from Kivalina showed a video of a whale hunt and the community whale feast held during the spring. The whole community was present. The scene was quite spectacular, as the huge whale appeared from the water and the entire community struggled and pulled it toward the village. A fifty-seven-year-old woman from Point Hope described the event: We pray to catch a whale. When we do, we are all laughing and crying. Even the men cry with happiness. We all cry for happiness. Long ago when they caught a whale, we would know when they would bring in the flippers. They would then ring the church bell. They would come with the flippers dancing. How nice! There would be crying and singing. It was more exciting without the CB. Now they know right away who caught it. Sharing also ensures community welfare. When a relative or a person from the village dies, community members comfort those who mourn; they help bury the dead and provide material help when needed. In Kotzebue when a person dies, the churches help with the burial. Those who have migrated to larger cities will be given a wake in the city, but the burial usually takes place in the place of birth. Family and friends are a constant support to the person who grieves. A seventy-five-year-old woman from Point Hope mentioned that when she was recovering from the grief of her husband’s death, people shared their food and their time with her. She expressed how some were ‘‘smooth talkers’’ who could make her feel ‘‘real good’’ and also helped her with their feeling of ahregah and humor. A woman in Kotzebue mentioned that the churches were very ecumenical and would get together to help those families in need for funerals and burial preparations.

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In the small villages, community members help build the coffin, dig the grave, and make donations of material things and services. A forty-year-old woman from Kivalina remembered how helpful the community was to her when her father died. She said: The community helps each other through their ups and downs. We have strong ties. When someone is sick we go and help their family as opposed to living in Anchorage when you have to deal with it alone. When someone dies we visit them [the grieving families] every day for a couple of weeks. Not just one visit a day, but there are constant visits, we go back forth to check up on them. A seventy-five-year-old woman from Point Hope mentioned how, in preparation for her father’s funeral, her two community members helped by dressing her father in new clothes. She was told never to forget to help those people throughout her life. She has never forgotten the help they provided and she continues to help their families whenever possible. The community also helps by sharing resources and personal time when someone is lost, or having difficulty due to changing weather conditions, by providing search parties. Two participants mentioned that, in times past, the Point Hope elders would share their time by being part of the village council. They had the responsibility to discipline young people. One respondent said it would be beneficial to the community if they reinstituted this practice. According to this sixty-seven-year-old man from Point Hope, it was a frightening experience for a young person to have to face the elders of the community and be reprimanded for misconduct. SUMMARY As previously mentioned, the Inupiat believe they will be blessed with abundance if they follow the mandates of the elders’ teachings. An important mandate is the value of sharing. The Inupiat have identified seventeen values important to their culture (see Appendix A). The most common value mentioned by twenty of the twenty-five participants is sharing.

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The Inupiat identified different activities related to sharing and sustaining PWB. Through subsistence, they share their bounty with family, community, and strangers. It is important to share labor and talents as well as interpersonal activities such as visiting others, displaying humor, and sharing friendly communication. Through church activities, prayer and worship help heal and mitigate grief and suffering. The whole community prospers because of sharing. Sharing generates community events and feasts such as Thanksgiving, Christmas and Easter, and whaling feasts. Everyone prospers and takes part in games and traditional activities. Communities and families are helped when a family member dies or if a family member is lost in the environment. Churches and the whole community provide both spiritual and material goods to help families in need. Subsistence is dependent on hunter success, which in turn is dependent on sharing, Inupiat values, and help from God. Hunters are especially successful if they share the first catch of the season; for some, this means giving everything away to the elders or other families. Sharing may be likened to a flow of energy within each person, family, and community that maintains and sustains PWB. The comment of one Kotzebue elder summed it up rather well when she said that it makes one feel ahregah to share with others.

CHAPTER 11

Beliefs About the Whale Research shows that in order for counselors to be effective, it is important for them to understand the worldview of their clients. This section describes a systemic view of the Inupiat’s way of viewing reality to help counselors understand the Inupiat from this region and their view of PWB. Briefly, two cycles or systems emerged: (a) The Inupiat’s PWB is tied to the myth of the whale and is dependent on a reciprocal relationship between the community and the whale, and (b) the yearly ceremonial activity involving the whale also has a strong impact on PWB. Gunn Allen (1986) stated that a myth ‘‘is a kind of story that allows a holistic image to pervade and shape consciousness, thus providing a coherent and empowering matrix for action and relationship’’ (105). She continued, saying that the myth ‘‘shows us that it is possible to relate ourselves to the grand and mysterious universe that surrounds and informs our being; it makes us aware of other orders of reality and experience and in that awareness makes the universe our home’’ (117). Just as the Plains Indians have a myth about the sacred hoop or medicine wheel that empowers the people toward well-being,

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the Inupiat may also have a myth about the whale that empowers and orders their universe. Jung (1958) discussed the power of myth and how it is not only conscious but unconscious because it appears in dreams or visions. Its purpose is to lead one toward integration and wholeness. What follows describes the importance of the relationship between the whale and the Inupiat community in connection with PWB as told by the Inupiat participants. Figure 11.1 is a pictorial guide to the interrelationships between the Inupiat and the whale as described here: 1. The whale knows. It is a conscious spirit that is powerful, and is related to the Inupiat. It has a special relationship to the woman, and is affected by her activity. It searches for an honorable and clean village where the villagers display harmony and well-being. 2. Because of their belief that the whale knows, the Inupiat are careful to follow the mandates of their ancestors by getting along, sharing (especially with the elders), and promoting well-being among each other and within themselves. 3. The state of ahregah and nagooruk (PWB) attracts the whale and provides an environment that is safe and favorable for the hunters of the whale. 4. As the whale gives itself to the people, the people are empowered and feel ahregah and nagooruk. Joyful and happy with their abundance, they share their bounty with one another and celebrate with a community feast. Ahregah and nagooruk are reinforced among families and individuals. 5. Members of the community are once more in harmony with each other and provide a worthy place for the whale. Villagers spend their time in activities that promote ahregah and nagooruk such as crafts, preparation for subsistence activities, feasts, and spiritual, physical, and mental activities. 6. The whale finds a worthy village . . .

Figure 11.1 The Inupiat Myth about the Whale

Conclusion In her book, The Hold Life Has: Coca and Cultural Identity in an Andean Community, Allen (1988) mentioned that ‘‘Reciprocity is like a pump at the heart of Andean life’’ (93). PWB, as the Inupiat describe it, seems to be the pump at the heart of their life. PWB impacts all areas of their lives. Children are socialized into it, the community’s values support it, their subsistence activity is guaranteed success because of it (i.e., the whale will come), and their feasts celebrate PWB and renew it. It is easy to speculate that PWB, as experienced by the Inupiat, is an optimal experience. That is, the Inupiat from the older generation may have experienced PWB in higher degrees compared to mainstream society, and over longer periods of time. Counselor effectiveness, in good measure, depends on how well counselors understand and incorporate the Inupiat values and worldview in their practices. Moreover, counselor effectiveness is determined by how much counselors are able to build on the communities’ strengths (PWB), beliefs, and traditions, incorporating their counseling knowledge into what has been and is PWB to these people. Although some respondents mentioned that PWB could be learned, most villagers believed that only a person coming from their

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own community would exhibit these characteristics. It is clear that, in the past, counselors have not been trained or have not used the characteristics identified by Inupiat to became more effective. The important question is whether future counselors who are trained to incorporate some of these characteristics and behaviors may become valued as helpers in the villages. Respondents expressed concern over confidentiality issues and other problems if a counselor did live within the village. In considering my earlier findings (Reimer, 1995) that villagers prefer a counselor originating from the village, one must take into account whether similar cultural groups have had success with counselors trained with an understanding of their worldview or experienced having a counselor using the groups’ criteria for effective counseling. It is clear that more knowledge about this situation is needed. Without such knowledge, this finding encompassing the Inupiat ‘‘ideal’’ characteristics for an effective counselor is tenuous. If counselors are accepted they can play a significant role in prevention. The participants appeared to be well aware of most outside influences that are detrimental to village life. There are some that have slowly become part of the culture that are not seen as harmful to Inupiat PWB. Over the years, some problems that affect PWB may begin to surface. A few respondents identified problems that have affected their children’s PWB. As counselors are called in for crisis situations, prevention may be another avenue where they may be a positive influence in the villages. Prevention activities in alcohol abuse have been tried by visiting counselors, but not in other areas that affect wellness. My earlier study expanded and added some depth to Minton and Soule’s study (1990). They asked the question ‘‘What makes you happy?’’ Looking at the global picture presented by the Inupiat on what constitutes their happiness, it seems that happiness cannot be isolated into components. For the Inupiat, it is more than an experience of one thing (e.g., sports), but rather it is a way of life, a state of being, a goal, and a contagious spirit that is passed from one person to another through sharing, working together (subsistence), and experiencing the many daily events that make up a person’s life, such as visiting friends and ‘‘smooth talking.’’

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Finally, for the Inupiat there may be an unconscious symbolic activity that reflects their basic philosophy of life. Most indigenous cultures describe their basic philosophy with some form of symbol such as the medicine wheel or the Navajo hogan. McCoy (1988), when discussing the Navajo sandpaintings, said that various symbols represent the soul of man and can be likened to the perfection of the universe. He said that these representations give a view of the basic harmony that exists between man and the world and serve as a reminder of what is hidden from us but exists in each of us: perfection. As an Inupiat, I reflected on what I had learned about my people and expressed the following in my dissertation (Reimer, 1995): One can speculate, since it cannot be measured, that the Inupiat also have a symbol of this life of perfection. Each Inupiat gave bits and pieces of this as they described their joys of sharing and living in harmony with each other and a life of PWB, their belief in the interdependency of all living things, and the overarching presence of a providential God. Their symbol is not written down, nor formed in art, but rather they embody it, they live it. Their symbol is expressed in their collective harmonious living together as a happy people. Thus, the Inupiat mirror the universe through their interaction with all creation. They particularly reflect the benevolence of nature through sharing their bounty. Helpers from outside need to enter into this grand drama, with the same rhythmic step if they wish to be accepted without upsetting the delicate balance that the Inupiat cherish.

Appendix A: The Inupiat Ilitqusiat Value System With guidance and support from the elders, we must teach our children Inupiat values. Our understanding of our universe and our place in it is a belief in God and a respect for all His creations.

Every Inupiat is responsible to all other Inupiat for the survival of our cultural spirit, and the values and traditions through which it survives. Through our extended family, we retain, teach, and live our Inupiat way.

Knowledge of language Sharing Respect for others Cooperation

140

Appendix A

Respect for elders Love for children Hard work Knowledge of family tree Avoidance of conflict Respect for nature Spirituality Humor Family roles Hunter success Domestic skills Humility Responsibility to tribe

Appendix B: Demographic Information

Appendix C: Map of Alaska

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Index Accidents, xvi Age factor, 19–20, 84 Alberts, R., xviii Alcohol: and counselors, 71, 73, 79–80, 81; and good mind, 11, 14; as source of unhappiness, 20, 32. See also Substance abuse Alcoholics Anonymous (AA), 78 Alcoholic story, 56–57 Allen, C., xix, 102, 119, 121, 135 Allport, G. W., 38 All terrain vehicles (ATV), 22, 33 Anchorage. See Urban dwellers Andean communities, 102, 119, 121 Anger, 15–16, 46 Animals, 102–3, 110–11, 113–16. See also Whales Antonucci, T. C., 25 Art, 22

Attneave, C. L., 33 Avertt, C. P., 25

Balance, 8, 94 Balswick, J., 25 Barry, D., 54, 64 Baum, David, 83, 84–85 Begay, C., 96 Beiser, M., xx, 33 Belief system, 92–93 Bergin, A. E., 122 Bergman, S., 97 Berman, M., xv, 2 Bill, D., 91 Body language, 15, 91, 92–94 Book, P. A., 53 Bopp, M., xix Briggs, J. L., 15–16 Burnout, 81, 85

158 Carver, C. S., 12 Cellae, C., 13, 23, 35 Chappell, N. L., 25 Child abuse, 71, 80–81, 91 Children, 32–33, 40, 42, 48, 122, 136 Christensen, J., xx Christianity, 4, 11, 14, 27–29, 48– 50, 116–18 Churches, 31, 35, 57, 128 Clairvoyance, 54 Cleanliness, 105–7, 120, 132 Cohen, S. C., 98, 99 Coller, B., 91 Communication: with animals and nature, 102–4, 116–17, 120; nonverbal, 91, 92–94 Community, 17, 42, 45, 91, 92, 128–29 Conduct, 13, 38, 44–45, 95, 102 Confidentiality, 69, 77–78, 79, 92 Consciousness, altered, 53 Control, 15–16 Cottone, R. R., 17 Counselors: for alcoholics, 71, 73, 79–80, 81; and anger, 16; attitude of, 8, 16; attitude toward, 69–71; availability, 83; and Christianity, 29; and client’s past, 58; and client’s support person, 55; and community outreach, 92; complaints about, 85–86; in crises, 72; desired characteristics, 66–68, 73–74, 75– 77, 78–80; dilemma of, 15; educational requirements, 80; effectiveness, 135–36; fears about, 69; flying in, 69, 75, 76, 83; goals, 17; and PWB restoration, 33–36; and rituals, 27–28; strategies, xx, 16–17, 35, 76, 77, 86, 91–92; target groups, 76–77;

Index villagers as, 79, 84–85, 86; visibility, 83; White versus Native, 84, 85, 90, 103 Crafts, 22–23, 35, 97 Crises, 70, 71–72, 84, 94 Crowell, A., 1, 2 Culture: land emotions, 7, 15; living in two, 21, 76–77, 96; and PWB, 9; and worldview, 95 Dana, R. H., 30 Dance, K. A., 12, 63 Dancing, 97 D’Andrade, R., 15, 95 Dauphinais, P., 92 Death, 20, 21, 29–30, 82, 87, 128– 29. See also ‘‘Great Death’’ DeLapp, T., 53, 54 Demographic data, 1–2, 145 Diener, E., xvii, 7–8, 96 Diet. See Food Dillard, J. M., 91 Dinges, N. G., 68, 93 Discipline, 5; by community council, 42, 47, 76; by environment, 44, 104, 120; parental, 31, 41–42 Disease, 7, 54 Dixon, M., 53 Dreams, 23, 35, 59, 93 Drugs, xx, 11, 14, 32. See also Substance abuse Duran, E., 93 Elders: activities, 22; on alcohol and drugs, 14; as counselors, 72; and discipline, 42; and happiness, 19–20; and healing, 50– 51; helping, 108–9; as role models, 43, 113; sharing with, 108, 110, 126–27, 132; status, 23; strategies for, 92; and weak-

Index ened PWB, 29–30; wisdom of, 12, 38–39 Ellison, C. G., 14, 28, 35 Environment, 44, 93; awareness of how one thinks, 114–15; and cleanliness, 105–7; and consolation, 104–5; as disciplinarian, 44, 104, 120; and human emotions, 120–21; Inupiats’ relation with, 102–4; respect for, 110–11, 121–22; and spirituality, 117–18 Erickson, E., 34 Ethos, 13 Everett, 91 Exploitation, 24–25 Eyal, N., 97 Eye contact, 91 Faith, 14, 35, 53, 56, 63, 92, 122 Family: communication within, 42–43; intergenerational relationships, 24, 37–38; outings, 39; pairing client with, 51; and subsistence activities, 21–22, 97; when things go wrong, 66 Festivals and holidays, 27–28, 34– 35, 99, 127–28 Fienup-Riordan, A., xix, 13, 94, 114, 119 First impressions, 92–94 Fitzhugh, W., 1, 2 Fleming, C., 84, 92 Food, 3–4, 31, 58, 63, 93, 126 Forms, filling out, 92 Fortuine, R., 54 Freedom, 7 Freeman, H., 96 Friendmans, J., 91 Fugians, 102, 121 Games, 25, 26, 33, 40–41. See also Sports

159 Gaskin, T. A., 122 Geertz, C., 95 Gender factor, 84 Gifts, 93 Gossip, 31 Gotterer, S. M., 41 Graf, M., 91 Graham, Billy, 56 Grandparents, 38–39 ‘‘Great Death,’’ xviii Grieving, 51, 56, 71, 72, 94 Group therapy, 77–78, 93–94 Gunn Allen, P., xix, 43, 47, 131 Gurwitt, R., 113, 120 Hands, 54 Happiness, 7, 12, 19–20, 136 Harmony: definitions, xviii–xix, 8– 9, 10; with the environment, 113–14, 119; inner, xviii–xix, 8– 9, 10, 35; and whales, 9, 121 Harris, M. B., 96 Heal-ability, 63 Healers, traditional, 35, 53–63, 60– 61, 64 Healing elements, 54 Health, 8, 10, 23 Heaviness, 30, 94 Hedonism, xvii, 42 Herring, R. D., 2, 93 Herzog, A. R., 21 Home visits, 92 Homicide, xvi House, J. S., 21 Humor, 12, 26, 58, 92 Hunting, 14, 109, 111–12, 115, 125– 26 Ibrahim, F., xvii Ilitqusiat, xx, 120, 141. See also Value system Incest, 78

160 Inupiat: behavioral activities, 95; differences among, 17; and the environment (see Environment); mental activities, 94; physical activities, 95–97; relationship with the whale, 132–33 (see also Whales); social activities, 98–99; spiritual activities, 97–98; symbolic activity, 23, 35, 137 Joule, Reggie, 126–27 Jung, C. G., xix, 132 Katz, R., xix, 13, 102, 121 Kawagley, A. A., xviii, 13, 113, 119–20 Keats, Della, 6, 53–54, 55, 62 Keller, P. A., xvi, 2 Kessler, R. C., 98, 99 King, A. C., 21, 96 Kinship. See Family Kirchner, S., 53 Kivalina, 3; and counselors, 69, 78–80, 86; on map, 149; PWB expression in, 6 Kleinfeld, J., xx Kluckhohn, C., xvi–xvii Knopf, R. C., 118 Knox, Orin, 26, 107 Kotzebue, 3; and counselors, 80– 82, 86–87; on map, 149; PWB expression, 6 Kuiper, N. A., 12, 26, 63 LaFromboise, T. D., 17, 68, 84, 91, 92 Langdon, S. J., 27 Language: in counseling, 35; and nurses, 23; well-being terms, 5– 10; and young people, 79 Leisk, L., xv, 2 Levy, R. I., 15, 30

Index Lewis, M., 41 Lies, 45 Life satisfaction, xvii Listening, 67 Lomranz, J., 97 Love, 14; for self, 46–47 Lubart, J., 42 Mackenzie Delta Eskimos, 42 McCoy, R., 137 Main blood artery, 107, 111 Maniilaq, 79, 81, 83, 84 Manson, J. E., 68, 93 Manson, S. M., xviii, xx, 17 Martin, R. A., 12, 26, 63 Massage, 55–56 Masters, K. S., 122 May, P. A., 33 Medicine wheel, xix–xx Men: and counselors, 55; and happiness, 19; interpersonal relationships, 25; problems of, 74; strategy for working with, 91; suicide rate, xvi Mendenhall, H., 47 Mental health promotion, xx Metaphors, 93 Migratory practices, 91 Mind, 11–15, 115, 121 Minton, B. A., xvi, xviii, 17, 66, 83, 84; happiness and sadness study, 19, 32, 96, 97, 136 Mirabla, K., 91, 94 Mohatt, G. V., 17, 68, 91, 92, 93 Morality, 38 Murray, J. D., xvi, 2 Myerhoff, B., 23 Myths, 131–32, 133 Napoleon, H., xviii, 1, 95, 113, 119, 121, 122 Navajo, 13, 22, 94, 114, 138

Index Negative affect, 11 Neihardt, J. G., xix Nonverbal communication, 91, 92– 94 Non-violence, 40 North Slope Borough, 83, 84 Olinger, L. J., 12, 26, 63 Optimism, 12–13 Oral tradition, 43–44, 47 Oral traditions, xix Orphan stories, 44, 48–49 Outdoor activities, 19 Page, P., 96 Paraprofessionals, 84–85 Parents, 38–39. See also Discipline Pasquale, F. L., 68, 93 Pedersen, P., xx Pedigo, J., 83, 92 Pennebaker, J. W., 11 Personal well-being (PWB): activities that promote, 20–29; definition, xvii–xix; as driving force, 135; Inupiat concept, 6–10; reciprocal nature, 9–10; from sharing, 126; terminology, 5–6, 10, 30, 89; weakening factors, 29–36; and the whale, 132 Play, 40–41 Point Hope, 3; counselors in, 69, 75–78, 83; on map, 149; PWB expression, 6; vandalism, 32–33 Police, 66, 67 Positive thinking, 12–13 Prayer, 56, 57–58 Prevention, 136 Price, R. H., 98, 99 Problem definition, 92–93 Productivity, 20, 30 Quarreling, 51 Questions, 91

161 Quietness, 9, 61–62 Rain, 43–44 Referrals, 70, 81 Reimer, C., 20, 29, 33, 54, 65, 138 ‘‘Relations,’’ xix, 17 Religion, 4, 20, 28. See also Christianity; Churches; Faith Relocation, 79, 80 Repression, 16 Respondents, xx–xxi, 7 Rhodes, N., 25 Right way, 48–50, 112 Rituals, 22, 26–28 Roderick, L., 54, 64 Roles, 10 Ross, J. M., 38 Rowe, W., 92 Rural dwellers: activities, 22; and counseling, 69; in counseling role, 79, 84–85; informants’ villages, 2–3; PWB expression, 6, 10; PWB of, 96–97; and Talking Circle, 28 Ryff, C. D., 25 Sage, G. P., 91, 93 Sampson, R., 47 Sapir, E., 5 Schacht, A. J., 91, 94 Scheier, M. F., 12 Schroeder, D. G., xvii Scott, N., 91, 92, 94 Seleen, D. R., 21 Self, and others, 30 Self-control, 15–16 Self-esteem, 8 Sexual abuse, 33, 78 Shamans, 4, 59, 63–64 Sharing, 95, 109–10, 125–30, 132 Shmotkin, D., 97 Sickness, 7, 54 Simic, A., 23

162 Singing, 35, 97, 107–8, 120 Smoking, 14 Smooth talk, 58, 128, 136 Social contact, 23, 25. 98–99 Socialization, xix, 40, 43, 50 Social networks, 83–84, 99 Solomon, R. C., 7, 15, 17 Soule, S., xvi, xviii, 17, 66, 83, 84; happiness and sadness study, 19, 32, 96, 97, 136 Spencer, R. F., 27 Sports, 19, 26, 40, 97 Stewart, A. L., 21, 96 Stinchfield, R. D., 122 Stories, 43–44, 46, 47 Strangers, 24–25, 98, 99 Stress, 31 Subsistence, 3, 8, 10, 14, 20–22, 31 Substance abuse, 75–76, 91 Sue, D., xvii, 17 Sue, D. W., xvii, 17, 85, 91 Suicide rate, xv–xvi Sullivan, C. E., 122 Sundays, 109, 121 Support groups, 77–78 Swan, J., 108, 114 Swan, Oscar, 113 Sweat Lodges, 28 Sweeney, T., xvii, xx Symbols, 23, 35, 137 Syme, L., 98, 99 Talking, 58, 128, 136 Talking Circle, 28, 69 Teenagers, 21. See also Young people Television, 32, 48 Tellegen, A., 11 Tennant, E., 47 Thomason, T. C., 17, 84, 85, 91, 93 Thoughts, 12–13, 94, 114

Index Time, 21 Tofoya, N., 91, 94 Travis, J. W., 36 Trimble, J. E., xvi, 17, 68, 91, 92, 93 Turner, E., 27, 53, 54, 63 Urban dwellers: background knowledge of, 73–74; and counselors, 85; and death, 82; and PWB, 6, 10, 31; and Talking Circle, 28 Value system, xix–xx, 11, 38, 63, 92, 105–9. See also Ilitqusiat VanStone, J. W., 4, 16, 27, 28, 95 Vontress, C. E., xvii Walluk, S., 91 Ward, E., 53, 54 Waste, 106 Watson, D., 11 Weather, 30–31, 44, 87 Weibel-Orlando, J. C., 23 Wellness, xvii–xix. See also Personal well-being Whales: and cleanliness, 106–7; and counselors, 35; festivals based on, 26–27, 35, 128; and kindness to others, 108–10; myths about, 131–32, 133; sensitivity of, 109–10, 112–13; and women, 22, 27, 115–16, 122 Whale way, 9 Whelan, M., 25 Wife beating, 73 Winter, 20, 25–26, 31, 87, 96, 127 Wiscinckas, E., 91 Witherspoon, G., xix, 13, 22, 94, 95, 114 Witmer, W., xvii, xx, 38 Women: activities, 22; and counse-

Index lors’ traits, 90; and happiness, 19; and healers, 54, 55; interpersonal relationships, 25; physical activities, 96; suicide rate, xvi; and whales, 22, 27, 115–16, 122; working, 74 Wood, W., 25 Work, in modern world, 21, 31, 96 Worldview: definition, xvi–xviii;

163 and the environment, 102–23; and ethos, 13, 95; and storytelling, 47 Wortman, C. B., 98, 99 Young people, 70–72, 76, 79 Yup’ik, 113, 121, 122 Zeig, J. K., 34 Zitzow, D., 22

About the Author CATHERINE SWAN REIMER, an Inupiat Eskimo, is a psychologist who has spent most of her career working with Native Americans throughout the United States in the areas of counseling, prevention, supervision, and education.