HESPERIA Supplement
THE
CHRYSOKAMINO
METALLURGY AND
36
ITS
WORKSHOP TERRITORY
* Philip P. Betancourt American Classical
2006
School of Studies
at Athens
THE CHRYSOKAMINO METALLURGY WORKSHOP AND ITS TERRITORY
Hesperia
Supplements
6* J.H. Oliver, The SacredGerusia (1941) 7* G. R. Davidson andD. B. Thompson, Small Objectsfrom thePnyx: I (1943) 8* Commemorative Studies inHonor ofTheodoreLeslie Shear (1949) 9*
Fine, Horoi:
J. V. A.
in Mortgage,
Studies
Real
and Land
Security\
inAncient
Tenure
Athens (1951) 10*
L. Talcott,
B. Philippaki,
G.
R. Edwards,
Small
and V. R. Grace,
Objects from
the
P?^: II (1956) 11* J.R. McCredie, FortifiedMilitary Camps inAttica (1966) 12* D. J.Geagan, TheAthenian Constitution after Sulla (1967) 13
J. H.
Marcus
Oliver,
Aurelius:
of
Aspects
Civic
and Cultural
in the East
Policy
(1970)
14 J. S.Traill, The Political Organization ofAttica (1975) 15 S.V. Tracy, The Lettering of anAthenian Mason (1975) 16
M.
K.
A
Langdon,
Sanctuary
of
onMount
Zeus
(1976)
Hymettos
Shear Jr.,Rallias ofSphettos and theRevolt ofAthens in 268 b.c. (1978)
17 T.L
18* L. V. Watrous,
Lasithi:A
History
of
on a Highland
Settlement
Plain
in Crete
(1982)
19 Studies inAttic Epigraphy\History, and TopographyPresented toEugene Vanderpool
(1982) 20
Studies
in Athenian
Architecture,
and
Sculpture,
to Homer
Presented
Topography
A. Thompson (1982) 21 J. E. Coleman, Excavations at Pylos inElis (1986) 22
E. J.Walters,
Attic
Grave
That
Reliefs
Represent
Women
in the Dress
of
Isis
(1988)
23 C. Grandjouan, Hellenistic ReliefMolds from theAthenian Agora (1989) 24
J. S. Soles,
The
atMochlos
Cemeteries
Prepalatial
and Gournia
and
theHouse
Tombs
ofBronze Age Crete (1992) 25
S. I. Rotroff
and J. H.
Oakley,
Debris
from
a Public
Place
Dining
in the Athenian
Agora (1992) 26
I. S.Mark,
The Sanctuary
ofAthena
Nike
inAthens:
Architectural
Stages
and Chronol
?.gy (1993) 27
N. A. Winter, Terracottas
on Greek Architectural Conference December 12-15,1991 (1994)
International ed., Proceedings of the and Hellenistic Classical the Periods, of
28 D. A. Amyx and P. Lawrence, Studies inArchaic Corinthian VasePainting (1996) 29 R. S. Stroud, TheAthenian Grain-Tax Law of 374/3 b.c. (1998) 30 J.W. Shaw, A. Van deMoortel, P.M. Day, and V. Kilikoglou, A LMIA Ceramic Kiln 31
J. K.
in South-Central Papadopoulos,
and
Crete: Function Ceramicus
Redivivas:
Pottery The Early
Production Iron
Age
(2001) Potters'Field
in theArea
of theClassicalAthenian Agora (2003) 32
and K.
J.Wiseman
Zachos,
eds.,
Landscape
Archaeology
in Southern
Epirus,
Greece I (2003) 33 34
A.
: inHonor Sara A. Immerwahr (2004) Essays of L. A Historical and Economic and Davis, J. Bennet, J. Geography in the 18th Greece: The Southwestern Morea (2005) Century
P. Chapin, F. Zarinebaf, Ottoman
ed., XAP
35 Gloria S.Merker, The Greek Tile Works at Corinth: The Site and theFinds (2006)
of
* Out ofprint
THE CHRYSOKAMINO METALLURGY WORKSHOP AND ITS TERRITORY
Philip
WITH
P. Betancourt
BY
CONTRIBUTIONS
Eleni A. Armpis
Yannis
Bassiakos
Curt
Beck
Ruth
F. Beeston
Mihalis
Doniert R. Catapotis Brigit Crowell Evely William Farrand Susan C. Ferrence R. Noel Gale Cheryl Floyd B. Hafford William Donald C. Haggis Jones Glynis Byron Koukaras
Eleni Nodarou James D. Muhly George H. Myer Lada Onyshkevych Palatinus Natalia Joe Poulou-Papadimitriou Robert S. Powell S. Reese David Ann Schofield B. Elizabeth Shank Christine
Evi
The American 2006
Sikla
Zofia
M. Thompson
Stos
Edith
C. Stout
Tanya Yangaki
School of Classical
Studies at Athens
Charles
P. Swann
Copyright ? 2006 The American
All
School
of
at Athens
Studies
Classical
rights reserved.
To
contact:
order,
Out-of-print Hesperia supplements may be purchased from:
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Cover
illustration: The metallurgy
Library Betancourt,
of Congress
site during
Cataloging-in-Publication
cm.
Includes
Data
P., 1936
Philip
and its territory / Philip P. Betancourt.
The Chrysokamino Metallurgy Workshop p.
excavation
?
(Hesperia
bibliographical
supplement references
; 36) and
index.
ISBN-13: 978-0-87661-536-2 (alk. paper) ISBN-10: 0-87661-536-1 (alk. paper) 1. Chrysokamino
Site
3.Minoans?Greece?Chrysokamino 5. Kavousi Kavousi Region. (Princeton, DF221.C8B55 939r.i8oi?dc22
N.J.).
Supplement
2006 2006047906
(Greece)
Site. Region ;36.
Site.
2. Metallurgy?Greece?Chrysokamino 4. Excavations
(Greece)?Antiquities.
(Archaeology)?Greece? I.Title.
II. Series: Hesperia
CONTENTS
ix
List of Illustrations List of Tables Preface
xvii xix
and Acknowledgments
PART I:THE CHRYSOKAMINO TERRITORY Chapter 1 Introduction by Philip
P. Betancourt
3
Chapter 2 The
Natural by Philip
Environment P. Betancourt
andWilliam
R. Farrand
19
PART II:THE METALLURGY WORKSHOP Chapter 3 The
of
Excavation
the
Metallurgy
Workshop
by Philip P. Betancourt, James D. Muhly, Eleni A. Armpis, Robert S. Powell, Elizabeth B. Shank, Evi Sikla, and 47
Tanya Yangaki 4 Chapter The Apsidal by Philip
Structure P. Betancourt
55
P. Betancourt
67
Chapter 5 The
Pottery by Philip
Chapter 6 The
Stone
Tools
byDoniert Evely
99
Chapter 7 The
Furnace
Chimney
Fragments
by Philip P. Betancourt 109
VI
CONTENTS
Chapter 8 The
Pot
Bellows
by Philip
P. Betancourt
and James D. Muhly
125
Chapter 9 Miscellaneous
Ceramic
by Susan C. Ferrence
Artifacts
and Byron Koukaras
133
Chapter 10 Other
Metallurgical
by Philip
Materials
P. Betancourt
137
Chapter 11 Faunal
Remains
by David
S. Reese
149
Chapter 12 at
the
for
Evidence the
Early
of Threshing
Use
Minoan
Remains
Metallurgical
by Glynis Jones andAnn Schofield
Workshop
153
Chapter 13 in the
Chrysokamino
of
History
Early
Metallurgy
by JamesD. Muhly 155 Chapter 14 of
Discussion
the
and
Workshop
Reconstruction
of
by Philip
P. Betancourt
the
Practices
Smelting
179
PART III: THE SURFACE SURVEY Chapter 15 to
Introduction by Philip Chapter 16 Topography
the
Surface
of
Survey
193
P. Betancourt
the
Region
Chrysokamino
by Lada Onyshkevych
andWilliam
B. Hafford
197
Chapter 17 A
Summary
CHRYS
of
the
Habitation
O KAMIN O-ChOM
by Cheryl R. Floyd
Site
at
ATAS
205
Chapter 18 Edith
Hall's
Theriospelio by Philip
Excavations
in the
Cave P. Betancourt
and Cheryl
R. Floyd
Chapter 19 Chrysokamino
in Context:
Archaeological
Survey
byDonald C. Haggis
221
A
Regional
215
VII
CONTENTS
Chapter 20 The
Geographic
of
Boundaries
Chrysokamino
Farmstead P. Betancourt
by Philip
the
Territory
233
Chapter 21 Land
on
Use
the
Chrysokamino
P. Betancourt
by Philip
Farmstead
241
Chapter 22 Survey
Conclusions P. Betancourt
by Philip
257
APPENDIXES Appendix A and
Petrography of
Analyses
X-Ray
Slags
H. Myer
by George
Appendix B SEM/EDAX
Diffraction
and
Furnace
and Philip
Chimneys
P. Betancourt
281
Analysis
by Yannis
Bassiakos
293
Appendix C Lead
and
Isotope from
Slags
Chemical
of
Analyses
Chrysokamino
by Zofia
Stos and Noel Gale
299
Appendix D Arsenic
Content
of
A Study
Applying
PIXE
by Susan C. Ferrence
Copper
and Charles
Prills: P. Swann
321
Appendix E Slag
by Wavelength
Analysis
Dispersive
Spectrometry by Christine
M. Thompson
325
Appendix F of
Reconstruction Process
at
Analysis by Yannis
the
Copper
Chrysokamino
of
Ore
and
Bassiakos
Smelting
Slag
and Mihalis
the
on
Based Samples Catapotis
329
Appendix G Register by Philip
of Anthropogenic P. Betancourt,
Features
Lada Onyshkevych,
and
William B. Hafford 355 Appendix H The
Minoan by Philip
Pottery P. Betancourt
from 377
the
Survey
VIII
CONTENTS
Appendix I for
Evidence
Beekeeping
by Susan C. Ferrence
and Elizabeth
B. Shank
Ottoman
Pottery
391
Appendix] The
Byzantine
the
Survey
to
by Natalia
from
393
Poulou-Papadimitriou
Appendix K of
Excavation
The
AF
Terrace
Cave
AF
9 and
22b and Philip
by Brigit Crowell
P. Betancourt
399
Appendix L and
Soils at
from
Sediments
Natural
Deposits
Chrysokamino
by Eleni Nodarou 403 AppendixM Residue
Organic from
Analysis
of
Joe Palatinus,
Curt Beck,
Pottery
Sherds
Chrysokamino by Ruth F. Beeston,
and
413
Edith C. Stout Appendix N Petrographic
Analysis
Neolithic Metallurgy
Index
of Two the
Final
Chrysokamino
Location
by Eleni Nodarou References
from
Sherds
429
433
457
ILLUSTRATIONS
of eastern Crete
1.1.
Map
1.2.
Three-dimensional
topographic plan of the Chrysokamino and habitation sites and the surrounding territory
metallurgy 1.3.
Aerial
1.4.
Map
1.5.
Toponyms
1.6.
Olive
of the Chrysokamino
7
territory
of the area near Chrysokamino
trees growing site the habitation
in Chordakia,
1.8.
Chylopittes,
a travertine cave
Theriospelio
9
looking northeast
activity at Chrysokamino
formation
11
at the coast near the
11
as seen from Kavousi, with
The Kambos
from
10
site of the metallurgical
The
5
the village of
photograph showing Chrysokamino, Kavousi, and the surrounding region 6
1.7.
1.9.
4
the coastal hills
behind it 12 1.10.
Lakkos Ambeliou, site 13 habitation
1.11.
The
1.12.
A fragment
in the Kambos,
burial cave called Theriospelio
Detailed
bedrock map
2.2.
Bedrock
geology
2.3.
Schematic
2.4.
Plattenkalk
2.6.
Metacarbonate
by Angelo Mosso
of the Chrysokamino
of eastern Crete
section
south from the
13
of industrial pottery published
2.1.
2.5.
looking
through
limestone with formation
15
area 23
24
the nappe pile of eastern Crete calcite veins
25
near the metallurgy
site
column through the Phyllite nappe Stratigraphie area 28 east of the Chrysokamino-Kavousi
26 somewhat
25
x
illustrations
2.7.
Cliffs
north of the metallurgy 30
toward the
site, looking
island of Pseira 2.8.
Caves
and cliffs south of Chrysokamino
2.9.
clay and the entrance 31 Agriomandra
31
to the ravine leading
Red
to
2.10.
a small harbor at the foot of the ravine that Agriomandra, connects the coast with the Kambos 31
2.11.
Soft, powdery phyllite 32 workshop
2.12.
Kink fold in phyllite 33
2.13.
Paleoravine
2.14.
Detail
uphill
in a trench at the metallurgy
exposed
from the metallurgy
site
35
of the paleoravine showing the contact between the reddish soil in the ravine and the underlying pale-colored
phyllite 36 2.15.
Colluvium
2.16.
Terrace
consisting
The
3.2.
The metallurgy
surface of the metallurgy site during
at the metallurgy
3.3.
Sieving
3.4.
James Muhly
building
and other rocks
22, located near the habitation
system AF
3.1.
of reworked phyllite
cleaning
site before excavation
site
excavation
36 40
48
48 49
workshop
the upper part of the apsidal
50
3.5.
Plan of the grid-squares
4.1.
Aerial
4.2.
Plan of the lower floor
4.3.
The
4.4.
Level
at the metallurgy
excavated
view of the apsidal building
56
56 57
apsidal building
4 in grid-square N lower floor at the eastern
lower floor, showing
Apsidal building, the doorway 58
4.6.
Plan of the apsidal buildings
the location
4.7.
Plan of the apsidal buildings
5.1.
Location
lower floor
dark-burnished
the slag pile 69 cup 75
72
5.2.
Sherds of conical
5.3.
Pottery
from the slag pile (1-23)
5.4.
Pottery
from the slag pile (24-43)
57 of
floor and cross section
middle
59
of Neolithic
the
19, looking north, showing side of the apsidal building
4.5.
of the building
site
74 80
60
sherds within
51
XI
illustrations
82
from the slag pile (44-59)
5.5.
Pottery
5.6.
Pottery from the slag pile (60-72) structure (73-82) 85
5.7.
Pottery
from the apsidal structure
5.8.
Pottery
from the apsidal
5.9.
Pottery
from the apsidal structure
6.1.
Stone
6.2.
Stone
6.3.
Cutting
in bedrock
6.4.
Stone
tools (122-124
and the apsidal
90
(83-90)
structure
92
(91-101)
95
(102-121)
102
tools (122-127)
obsidian tools (128-133), 104 in bedrock cutting
tools (142-144),
at the metallurgy
workshop
and 127-129)
180
7.1.
Front
7.2.
no. X 213, Chimney preserving fragment of an olive leaf 110
7.3.
Alternative
fragment
reconstructions
105
from the metallurgy 106
site and back of chimney
and
110 the impression
of the industrial
ceramics
111
fragments
114
7.4.
Profile
drawings
of chimney
fragments
(145-162)
7.5.
Profile
drawings
of chimney
fragments
(163-178)
118
7.6.
Profile
drawings
of chimney
fragments
(179-188)
122
8.1.
of workmen Drawing Rekh-mi-re 126
8.2.
Reconstruction
8.3.
Bellows
8.4.
Profile
drawings
of pot bellows
(189-194)
129
8.5.
Profile
drawings
of pot bellows
(195-203)
131
9.1.
of the pot bellows
fragment
Miscellaneous
using bellows,
189
artifacts
127
135
(204-209)
of slag from unit M
Lumps
10.2.
Slag resting
14.1.
East Cretan White-on-Dark
on bedrock,
sites
in use
of
128
10.1.
and nearby
from the Tomb
22-3
138
looking
south
Ware
139
from Chrysokamino
181 of a bowl
14.2.
Reconstruction
16.1.
Map
16.2.
Map of anthropogenic farmstead 199
16.3.
Topographic
furnace from Chrysokamino
of the greater region around Chrysokamino
map
features
showing
in the Chrysokamino
terraced areas
200
198
184
XII
illustrations
for the Chrysokamino
Map
16.5.
farmstead, with Map of the Chrysokamino 202 of all points measured electronically
16.6.
map Topographic farmstead 203
17.1. 17.2.
of grid points
Western
portion
201
farmstead
16.4.
indications
of the territory of the Chrysokamino
of the plan of the habitation
206
the LM
site showing
State plan of the habitation 207 architecture
site
III
17.3. The LM I bronze dagger fromRoom A (X 830) 17.4.
of EM
Examples
1321, EM IIB Vasiliki Ware
17.5.
ceramics: X 541 and X
of MM
Examples
I pyxis lid closed
ceramics: X
fragment; X 1179, EM 208 vessel base
208
1448, cups; X 1497, base of a sherd of a large, closed vessel
from carinated
fragments tumbler; X 932, body 17.6.
of LM IB ceramics: X 1480, base of a bell cup; Examples 208 X 808, cup rim; X 836, neck of a jug
17.7.
Stone bowl
17.8.
LM
IIIA hearth
of LM
Example
I stratum
(X 818) from LM above a LM
209
(Wall C), but below
Iwall
210
aLMIIIAwall(Wall9) 17.9.
IIIA wall
at the habitation
construction
210
site entrance
into the LM
17.10.
East
17.11.
Examples
of LM
17.12.
Sealstone
(X 208)
17.13.
Examples
of ground
17.14.
The
18.1. 19.1.
208
Map
from Room
drawings
210
212
IIIA ceramics
2 212
stone tools from the habitation in Room
ritual deposit
Profile
IIIA complex
213
11 213 cave
of sherds from the Theriospelio
of the Kavousi
site
219
survey area in the late Prepalatial
period 222 19.2.
Map
of the Kavousi
survey area in the Protopalatial
period 222 19.3.
Map
19.4.
The
of the Kavousi
area in the late Prepalatial
phyllite terraces of Chordakia seen from the west (the Kambos),
19.5.
An
olive crushing
19.6.
A millstone
19.7.
Theriospelio
basin
(trapetus)
and the Kavousi
223
plain
224 at Kephalolimnos
(orbis) at Kephalolimnos cave from the west
period
224 225
224
xiii
illustrations
survey area in the Neopalatial
19.8.
Map
of the Kavousi
19.9.
Map
of the north Kambos
Neopalatial
and Tholos
period
Ravine
20.2.
Boundaries
21.1.
Land
of Type
1, used for horticulture
21.2.
Land
of Type
2, used for pasture
21.3.
Land
of Type
3, used for dry farming
21.4.
Steep
22.1.
22.2.
and Agriomandra
areas unsuitable
Map of Clusters 275 features Pressures
harbor
for the farmstead
rocky
1-3, with
influencing
land for agriculture
Slag sampleCHR 97 282
A.2.
Slag sampleCHR 87 283
237
in LM
III 239 243
249 251
for farming
closely
99 showing
pyroxene
sample CHR
97 291
A.4.
Slag sample CHR 283 cuprite
A.5.
Furnace
C.l.
The Anorthite-Wollastonite-FeO
C.2.
The
C.3.
Lead
C.4.
Lead
C.5.
Lead
chimney
253
related anthropogenic
Slag sample CHR 99 showing pyroxene and cuprite 283 magnetite,
Anorthite-Si02-FeO
with
in the
Bay
greater or lesser use of marginal 277
A.l.
A.3.
230
231
20.1.
or
period
crystals,
crystals and
ternary phase diagram
309
ternary phase diagram 309
of ores from Crete isotope compositions those for slags from Chrysokamino 312
compared
of slags from Chrysokamino isotope compositions and ores from Lavrion and the Cyclades 315
some isotope analyses of Prepalatial alloy artifacts Protopalatial copper-based
D.I.
PIXE
D.2.
PIXE measurements
and 317
analyses of copper prills arranged by increasing arsenic content 322 showing
the variation within
individualprills 323 E.l.
Backscattered
E.2. White
electron
image of CHR
55 326
light photomicrograph of CHR 55 326
E.3.
Backscattered
electron
E.4.
Photomicrograph of CHR 50 327
E.5.
Photomicrograph of CHR 8 328
image showing
core of CHR
48
326
XIV
illustrations
E.6.
Backscattered
F.l.
Copper residual
F.2.
Iron ore from Chrysokamino of calcite 333
electron
74 328
image of CHR
ore (ORE 1) from Chrysokamino sulfides 333
showing
rhomboid
crystals
of ores and slag from Chrysokamino 335 ternary system CaO-FeO-Si02
in the
F.3.
The
F.4.
The
showing
position
position of slags from Chrysokamino smelting sites from the southern Aegean
and other EBA in the ternary
335
system CaO-FeO-Si02
(+A1203)
F.5.
Sample A04: magnetite slag "layers" 340
"bands" forming
F.6.
Sample B18: Copper prills showing massive of a second arsenic-rich phase precipitation
F.7.
The
position
of matte
Schematic smelting
of the proposed representation 352 process at Chrysokamino
G.I.
The metallurgical
G.2.
Location
Segment
copper
and its nearby
workshop
features AF
of anthropogenic
G.3. Well(AF2) G.4.
in slags from
found
345
Chrysokamino F.9.
inclusions
microstructures
Typical
356
territory
1,AF
2, and AF
3
358
358 of awall,
a
possibly
boundary marker
G.5.
Destroyed threshing floor (AF 4) 359
G.6.
Collapsed field house (AF 5) 360
G.7.
One
G.8.
Collapsed
field house
(AF 7), looking west
G.9.
Collapsed
field house
(AF 7), looking
Downhill
from the habitation
G.10.
342
(Cu3As)
present in slags from in the ternary system Cu-Fe-S 342
Chrysokamino F.8.
three
of the terrace walls
(AF 3)
359
(AF 6) 361
south
362 362
site (AF 29) to scatter
of sherds (AF 8) and oval enclosure (AF 32) 362 G.ll.
Standing field house (AF 15)
G.12.
Sections
G.13.
View
of wall
of AF
365
(AF 21), probably
boundary wall
367
21 from above
G.14.
Section ofwall (AF 21) 368
G.15.
Section
G.16.
General
of boundary wall
a
(AF 27)
view of the habitation
370
site (AF 29)
371
367
XV
ILLUSTRATIONS
the east side
site (AF 29) showing
G. 17.
The
habitation
G.18.
The main
G.19.
Opening of awell (AF 39)
G.20.
The modern
entrance
to the habitation
road (AF 40)
site (AF 29)
375
Minoan
pottery
from the surface, AF
17 to AF
H.2.
Minoan
pottery
from the surface, AF
32 383
H.3.
Minoan
pottery
from the surface, AF
32 384
H.4.
Minoan
pottery
from the surface, AF
32, AF
Location
1.2.
The
J.l.
Byzantine
of the beehive
beehive
fragment to Ottoman
371
374
H. 1.
LI.
371
fragment
32
379
33 386
392
392 pottery
from the surface of the
territory (J-l to J-5) 395 J.2.
Ottoman
pottery
from the surface of the territory
396
(J-6toJ-15) 400
Kl.
CaveAF9
K.2.
The
K.3.
Terrace
K.4.
Terrace AF
L.l.
Analytical
L.2.
The
L.3.
Analytical
data for the road exposure
409
L.4.
Locations
of the two sets of analyzed
soil samples
cave s entrance group AF
400 22 401
22b 401 data for agricultural
sediment
deposit
terrace AF
at Lakkos Ambeliou
22b 407 408
409
TABLES
variations
at Hagios
2.1.
Seasonal
5.1.
Final Neolithic
5.2.
Early Minoan
I-IIA
5.3.
Early Minoan
IIB sherd from the slag pile
5.4.
Early Minoan
II?III
5.5.
Early Minoan
Ill-Middle
20
Crete
Nikolaos,
sherds from the slag pile
76
sherd from the slag pile
76
77
sherd from the slag pile 77 IA sherds from the
Minoan
slagpile 87 sherd from the apsidal structure
5.6.
Final Neolithic
5.7.
Early Minoan
5.8.
Ill-Middle Early Minoan structure 97 apsidal
5.9.
Comparison
Plant
SEM/EDAX increasing
B.2.
SEM/EDAX
C.l.
Chemical
C.2.
Results
C.3.
97
from the
fragments
analyses of copper prills arranged by arsenic content 293 analyses of metallurgical analyses of Chrysokamino
of applying the Bachmann analyzed slags from Chrysokamino
Lead
88
IA sherds from the
Minoan
in chimney 154 workshop
impressions
metallurgical B.l.
II sherd from the apsidal structure
of Early Minoan Ill-Middle Minoan IA structure from the and the slag pile shapes apsidal
pottery 12.1.
87
remains
294-295 306-307
slag computations 308
isotope analyses of copper ores and galenas
Crete
to the
from 311
C.4.
Lead
C.5.
ores and copper Cycladic slags isotopically with slags from Chrysokamino 314
isotope
ratios of pieces of Chrysokamino
slag 313
consistent
XVIII
C.6.
tables
artifacts isotopically Early Minoan copper-based consistent with the slags from Chrysokamino
E.l.
CHR
55, Points
1-5
E.2.
CHR
55, Points
6, 7
E.3.
CHR
48, Points
1-4
326
E.4.
CHR
50, Points
1,2
327
E.5. CHR 50, Point 3
325 326
327
E.6.
CHR
8, Points
1-3
327
E.7.
CHR
8, Points
4,5
328
E.8.
CHR
74, Points
328
1,2
E.9. CHR 74, Point 3
328 of copper ore and
F.l.
EDS
F.2.
EDS
F.3.
EDS
analysis of main components glass phases in slag samples 339
of silicate and
F.4.
Results
and calculated
F.5.
EDS
analysis of copper prills in slag samples
F.6.
EDS
analysis of matte
L.l.
Analytical
analysis (average composition) iron ore samples 334 analysis of slag pellets
336-337
ofM?ssbauer spectroscopy Fe+2/Fe+3 ratios of slag samples 340
M.l.
Descriptions
M.2.
GC-MS
inclusions
of sherds analyzed parameters
341
in slag samples
data from natural deposits
instrument
318-319
at Chrysokamino
for organic 417
343
residues 415
404
PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
some at Chrysokamino metallurgical interesting workshop posed was located in a rural part of eastern Crete, away from site The challenges. sites. It had been first visited by archaeologists the large archaeological
The
nature was appar early in the 20th century, and although itsmetallurgical ent to almost everyone from the its the nature of the date and beginning, activities undertaken there were controversial during most of the 20th cen as ancient, and other times asMedieval or tury. Sometimes regarded Early Modern, We
lay unexcavated until 1995. Chrysokamino as a the approached workshop multidisciplinary
research project, were fields. large complement Specialists invited to contribute information of several types to help explain what we knew would be a complex series of problems. In addition to excavation and a we decided to use an intensive surface large program of scientific analysis, to the small the context of its immediate survey place workshop within a context was needed in order to address territory. We felt that questions that could not be answered by examining the metallurgical site in isolation. it possible to support a metallurgical Was installation at Chrysokamino on based local ores, personnel, fuel needs, and other resources? Would with
a
of scientists
in different
or would such a workshop have operated independently, it have been an a nearby farmhouse, like herding or agriculture? How of large appendage was the territory associated with this small rural site? How would this ter s and what was Chrysokamino ritory have been organized and managed, was a relationship to similar sites and to the larger region of which it part? How would such a rural establishment have changed through time, and how did its situation compare with the Classical, Roman, and later systems used for agriculture and craft production? We knew from the beginning that these would not be easy questions to address. The results of this some progress in make study resolving them, but they do not provide final answers. Yet even if the evidence does not at present, it is to be allow complete explanations hoped that by posing the questions and trying to address them, we will take an important series of steps toward understanding many of the fundamental issues about this life. Small farms and workshops situated away from aspect of Minoan events theMinoan and the palaces dynamic taking place there must have
XX
PREFACE
AND
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
some of the basic culture.We cannot building blocks ofMinoan at the Cretan Bronze Age without small workshops looking and farms as well as the larger architectural complexes.
constituted
understand
uses study approaches that have not been applied in the study of Crete before, and these approaches have led to many new conclu sions. Such results have been possible only because of the hard work of The
Minoan
a very fine team of students
and colleagues who have assembled consid erable data on the Bronze Age workshop and its surrounding territory. Because of this team's efforts, we know much more about the beginnings ofMinoan than we did before the project began. In addition, metallurgy we can
to define
begin
can
system of agricultural land use, and we and fields using the archaeological data
theMinoan
between
distinguish collected from
gardens survey. This information provides valuable insights about the small rural establishments that were an important part of Minoan society.
Acknowledgments This
project
entailed
three field
in 1995 with
Work
seasons
followed
by
a
a
period of study. and an electronic
began investigation geological were conducted instrument survey and mapping project. Excavations in 1996 and 1997, under the direction of Philip P. Betancourt, with the
assistance
of co-directors
(assistant director, Floyd conducted at the INSTAP
James D. Muhly 1996; co-director
(1996-1997)
and Cheryl R. seasons were
1997). Study for East Crete in 1998 and 1999, and when the project was completed except for preparation of manuscripts was The with laboratory analysis. sponsored by Temple University project the collaboration of the University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology.
It was
School
Studies
Ministry Aegean Museum
Study Center
the auspices of the American a permit issued by the Greek was of Culture. Financial support provided by the Institute for the University of Pennsylvania Prehistory, Temple University, Dennis and Janice Versiegen, of Archaeology and Anthropology,
of Classical
conducted
at Athens,
under with
and other donors. are
to the citizens
of the village of Kavousi, who assisted with the project in many ways, as well as to the large staff of in the project. colleagues and students who participated The
directors
grateful
Staff members
included Mary A. Betancourt, apotheki supervisor and sur Lada supervisor for the electronic Onyshkevych, registrar (1995-1999); team (1995-1998); William B. Hafford, computer spe vey and mapping Carola R. Farrand, geologist cialist (1995-1998); William (1995-1996); excavation consultant (1996); (1995); Polymnia Muhly, Steams, geologist archaeobotanist Mark Hudson, archaeobotanist (1996); Ann Schofield, Susan C. Ferrence, artist (1997); Lyla Pinch Brock, artist (1996-1997); E. artist Ann Gleit, artist (1996); Laura A. (1996); Stephanie (1998); Foster, Ian Versiegen, artist (1998); Sari K. Uricheck, Labriola, artist (1996-1997); conservator Baxter Shank, assistant cataloger (1996), (1996); Elizabeth assistant pottery
specialist
(1998); Gerardo
I.Medrano,
assistant
cataloger
AND
PREFACE
XXI
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
assistant cataloger (1998); Gayla Weng, assistant (1997); Jane D. Hickman, to the director (1998); Doniert Evely, stone tools specialist (1997); David S. soils specialist (1998-1999); Reese, faunal analyst (1997); Eleni Nodarou, and Natalia Poulou-Papadimitriou, pottery specialist (1996). Byzantine Robert Huber assisted with layout (1998). team members assisting Lada survey and mapping Onysh B. Hafford included Jaime J. Alvarez (1998), Leigh kevych andWilliam Ann Bingham P. Brennan (1998), Katherine May (1995), (1995),Terrence Robert S. Powell (1996), Stephanie Takaragawa and Jonathan (1996,1998), Electronic
(1995). The team used aTopcon GTS 303 Electronic Total Station 2000 (486) laptop computer for data collec interfaced with a Gateway tion. In 1995, the software used was PC AMP (Archaeological Mapping
Wallis
by the Center
Field Training, Pima In 1996, Easy Survey Plus was County Community College, Tucson, AZ. 13 and 14 were employed for additional pro used. Surfer 6 and AutoCAD run To the II Solar Panel (Keep it Simple computer, aMercury cessing. 32 S. Suite 330, Helena, Montana, 59601) provided electric Systems, Ewing, Program),
provided
for Archaeological
power generated by solar energy. Trench supervisors included Eleni A. Armpis (1997), Barbara J.Hayden (1996), Katherine May
(1996), Brigit Crowell (1996), Eleni Nodarou
(1996-1997), Robert S.Powell (1996),Elizabeth Baxter Shank (1997),Evi Sikla (1997), Suzanne
Stichman
(1997), Stephanie Takaragawa
(1997), and
Tanya Yangaki (1996). Staff members during
the 1999 study season, in addition to James D. and the writer, included Susan C. Ferrence, Muhly, Mary A. Betancourt, D. BethAnn Judas, Elizabeth B. Shank, Gim?nez, Hickman, Jane Alejandra and Gayla Weng. Support and technical
services were provided by the following person nel at the INSTAP Study Center for East Crete: Thomas M. Brogan, direc tor (1997-1999); chief conservator (1997-1999); Stephania Chlouveraki, Ann N. Brysbaert, conservator (1997); Katherine May, chief photographer (1997-1999); Westley assistant J. Huffman,
Bernard, assistant photographer to the director (1997-1999).
(1997); and Eleanor
was undertaken Photography by Katherine May, Philip P. Betancourt, William R. took Farrand, and Lillie Floyd. Donald Haggis Gayla Weng, was the photographs for Chapter 19. Aerial photography for the site done on a kite (1997). The Soviet a camera mounted Driessen, Jan using by for the region. Elizabeth B. Sputnik program provided aerial photography Shank completed the plan of the metallurgy site. are expressed to the Directors Thanks of the American School of Classical Studies atAthens, the lateWilliam D. E. Coulson (1987-1997) and James D. Muhly and to the Director of the 24th Epho (1997-2002), rate for East Crete,
the late Nikos Papadakis.The representatives from the were excavation Charoulis (1996) and Gior Ephorate during Giorgios was Katsalis in with Crete furnished by (1996-1997). gios Help logistics andMaria Tsagarakis. The team is grateful to the proprietors of the at Kavousi, Aristidis Chalkiadakis, Maria Chalkiadaki, and their son Ioannis Chalkiadakis.
Manolis Tholos
Beach Hotel
PREFACE
XXII
AND
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
cave are grateful to authors of the chapter on the Theriospelio the following persons for assistance with various aspects of their research: The
and Emily Pamela Russell, Cornelius Douglas Haller, David Romano, Watson. and Vermeule, Wendy are extended to our many friends in the village of Ka Special thanks vousi, and especially to the former mayor, Dimitris Kophinakis, who offered Kaso invaluable assistance at the beginning of the project, and toManolis as in and foreman who excavation acted many ways. takis, provided help Betancourt Philip R
2004
PART I:THE CHRYSOKAMINO TERRITORY
i
CHAPTER
Introduction byPhilip P. Betancourt
a The Chrysokamino territory is located along the south side of hill named on the eastern side of the Gulf ofMirabello in northeast Crete Chomatas, was first settled (Figs. 1.1,1.2). The land adjoining the Gulf ofMirabello a substantial in the Neolithic and it had during the period,1 population were in Bronze Age. Its people culture that developed part of theMinoan and gradually became an influential force within the Aegean. Those lived near Chrysokamino, however, did not participate much in the and cultural society. Their small dynamic political expansion of Minoan to contributions territory remained essentially rural, making only modest
Crete who
the advance of Cretan
society. an site in the Chrysokamino territory is largest archaeological isolated building constructed on a foundation of megalithic dolomite blocks. can be as a farmstead as defined The establishment regarded by Pettegrew, The
name to any "isolated, rural unit of habitation and center applies the more of agricultural operations."2 The Chrysokamino territory contains an area than is especially interesting be isolated farmstead, however. The cause of the presence of a located a little over half metallurgical workshop a kilometer from the farmstead, on a cliff the sea (Fig. 1.2). overlooking in this volume studied the metallurgical The project published location
who
and the excavations at the workshop and its regional context, undertaking an intensive surface survey of the with farmstead, nearby along territory sites. around these two archaeological informal visits were made
area of by the author to the Chryso kamino in the 1980s and the early 1990s. The information acquired from these visits, in conjunction with a study of the relevant literature, suggested that the location offered an opportunity for the discovery of much new evidence about the area's history. Archaeologists knew of an ancient met Several
1. Betancourt 2. 3.
1901, Boyd 1908, p. 33. 5. Faure
1999. p. 189. p. 156; Hawes
2001,
Pettegrew
4.Mosso
even before Harriet at Chrysokamino allurgy workshop Boyd visited the never in site but the had been excavated. Surface examination 1900,3 region of the location had yielded ambiguous conclusions, and the workshop had to modern.5 Only new work been assigned dates ranging from Minoan4 et al.
1908; 1910, pp. 289-292. 1966,
pp. 47-48.
excavation could properly date the use of the metallurgy site and the details of its history. The metallurgy workshop and the farmstead were not the only archaeo
involving elucidate
logical features
in the immediate
area. An
ancient burial cave, stone terrace
CHAPTER
I
lerapetra
0 10 km
other land walls, eroded threshing floors, old field walls, abandoned wells, and was abun for Evidence were observed also farming nearby. scape features ter seen immediate in the dant, and many agricultural terraces could be to an at Chrysokamino would present opportunity ritory. An excavation its local context. A recent intensive survey of the study the workshop within as a part of the Kavousi Archaeo been whole region had already completed be a great advantage to a new regional survey would logical Project.6The itwould allow conclusions on the interactions between the project, because and the larger, regional picture. tiny territory of Chrysokamino
Figure
1.1. Map
of eastern
Crete
LOCATION OF THE CHRYSOKAMINO TERRITORY The
has a rugged and mountainous history.7 The Isthmus of lerapetra,
island of Crete
plex geological chain running
a com landscape with a break in the mountain
across the island from east to west, affords the only easy coast to the south. It was probably traversed by passage from the north in all periods of Crete's human history. The Gulf of an important road of the Isthmus, is a large bay with several harbors at north the Mirabello,
6.Mook andHaggis 1990;Haggis 1992,1993b, 1995,1996a, 1996b, 2000, 2005; Haggis andMook 1993. 7. Creutzburg
et al. 1977.
For
a use
ful bibliography of the island's geology, see Fassoulas
20?1,
pp. 93-98.
INTRODUCTION
5
Habitation Location
>
S a** Metallurgy Location
Figure
1.2. Three-dimensional
topo
graphie plan of the Chrysokamino and
metallurgy the surrounding from
the
sites
habitation territory
and
as seen
sea
across
shelter for seagoing craft. Traffic and cargo transported the Isthmus could have connected with several different seaports.
that offer
An
east-west
coastal
road
meeting
the
north-south
at
passage
the
of the Isthmus, somewhere near modern Pacheia Ammos, would seem to be a logical result of the topography, but the actual situation is
north more
complex.8
Before
at Pacheia Ammos
the
construction
harbor
of modern
and it was
was
works,
the
port
safe only in good of any settlement
extremely exposed, weather.9 The location was not suitable for the growth interests. In addition, the coastal road could not with year-round maritime at Pacheia proceed east for very far beyond the beach and small harbor Ammos. The town at the north of the Isthmus connected easily with places farther west, but the land rises so quickly and becomes somuch rougher to the east, that beyond Kavousi itwas only a steep path before the modern on road system was built. Even in the 19th century, travelers commented the difficulty of the road leading east from this part of Crete.10 These geo to the fact that the main Minoan graphic limitations probably contributed town developed farther west, at Gournia, of Gournia had smaller settlements. The
and the region immediately farmstead at Chrysokamino
one of the smallest of these sites. tiny habitation from is Pacheia Ammos visible Chrysokamino
8. Betancourt 9. Seager 10. Spratt
1865,
more
p. 6. pp.
was
it sits on a
a hill called headland east of the small harbor, on the western slope of it is not far from Pacheia Ammos Chomatas Bay, (Fig. 1.2). Although to the itwould not have been easy to travel by land from Chrysokamino
2004a.
1916,
because
east
157-158.
accessible western
ties reaching
sites.Wheeled
the location before
vehicles would
the construction
have had difficul
of the modern
road, and
6
CHAPTER
I
??tm'f
Figure 1.3. Aerial photograph show ing Chrysokamino, the village of and
the
at 6:52
a.m.
Kavousi, taken
surrounding region, on June 5,1988,
with a 3.00 x 3.38 km field of view. ?
1999 Aerial
Sovlnform
Images,
Sputnik
Inc., and 1999
INTRODUCTION
Figure 1.4.Map kamino
7
of the Chryso
territory
11. Seager 1916;Harrison 1993, pp. 190-191; Spanakis 1993, p. 618. 12.Haggis 1996a. 13. Betancourt
2004a.
ancient traffic probably moved more sea than by by land. The closest modern runs the of located highway Kavousi, through village directly inland from the territory of Chrysokamino (Fig. 1.3). The part of the Cretan coast where the Chrysokamino territory is located is not fertile not it and is farmland, particularly adjacent to any harbor. The is in illustrated the schematic topography drawing (Fig. 1.2) and in the local map (Fig. 1.4). The farmland consists of a series of low, rounded hills. The spaces between them are sometimes extremely eroded, and small ravines and gullies are common. The soil is partly terra rossa and partly eroded and decomposed phyllite. Steep hillsides and several cliffs demarcate the boundary between land and water. The architecture of the main habitation site, situated on a rocky outcrop of pale gray dolomite, a commands but it is set back more good view of the Gulf of Mirabello, than half a kilometers walk from the sea. The lies metallurgy workshop on a headland the overlooking Aegean. The hilly nature of the terrain and the absence of any adjacent boat make the location of less desirable for seafaring landing Chrysokamino than the two good beaches located at Pacheia Ammos to the southwest11 to the northeast.12 Like other andTholos nearby parts of Crete, the rough not a does allow coastal road,13 and the east-west highway is topography as itwas in located well inland today, antiquity.
8
I
CHAPTER
both Pacheia Ammos and Tholos had towns by the Late Although Bronze Age, no largeMinoan sites have ever been found along the rough, 8 km long coastal strip that lies between them (see Fig. 1.1). Regional survey has shown that while this region was already inhabited by the Final Neolithic
in period, before 3000 b.c.,14 it supported only tiny settlements the Bronze Age.15 In this publication we discuss the three main sites that occupy the Chrysokamino territory: a farmstead last inhabited in LM IIIB, site ca. 600 m northwest of it, and a burial cave named The metallurgy found northeast of the metallurgy location (Fig. 1.4). Among riospelio these three sites, only the habitation location has evidence for long-term
a
occupation.
MODERN TOPONYMS Several locations near Chrysokamino have modern names (Fig. 1.5). Some of the labels are used for specific topographical features, while others are areas. In several cases, a name is used both for an to applied geographic area and for the feature that area its name. Interviews with many gives the local residents in the village of Kavousi provided substantial information on nomenclature.
local people are well aware of the variations exist in regard to the names of several of the locations. They explain the alternatives stem from different oral traditions. The
that that
Agriomandra at the foot of a ravine that leads downhill from Lakkos is called Agriomandra (Aypi?jLiavxpa). The name is derived or from agrios (?Vypioc), wild savage, and mandra (uxivTpa or uav?poc), a pen for animals. The word mandra is sometimes used in Crete for unfenced
A
small harbor
Ambeliou
locations where animals are gathered (such a location is found on Pseira
to be loaded on board together ships The beach at Agriomandra Island). has rock outcrops on both sides, and animals were herded together here was used until after the middle of the 20th century for easily. The harbor animals and other cargo. An alternative, Ayiomandra (from the shipping church of Hagios Ioannis in the ravine uphill from the location), is also used occasionally.
Chalepa (XocA?tcoc) is the name of a rugged hill south of the ravine that Chalepa The name is derived from chalepos leads to the beach at Agriomandra. hill is so rocky and eroded that it can difficult. The (xaXen?q), meaning not be used for any agriculture, sheep and goats. 14.Haggis 1992, p. 269; 1993a; 1996c; Betancourt 1999;Hayden 2003a, 2003b.
and its only modern
15.Mook 1992,1993b,
use is as pasture
for
andHaggis 1990; Haggis 1995,1996b, 2005.
INTRODUCTION
9
Pyrgos Chrysokaminou
Gulf of Mirabello
Chomatas
Chrysokamino JQ Chordakia
Katsoprinos
Kambos
Kephalolimnos Agriomandra
Lakkos
Figure near
1.5.
Toponyms
Ambeliou
200 m
of the area
Chrysokamino
Chomatas called a (Xcojucctocc) is the name of a coastal hill (sometimes mountain) with two peaks, both of which are northeast of the Chrysoka mino territory. The southern part of the hill extends to the east of slightly the location marked Chordakia on area 1.5. The of the excavations, Figure where the settlement site and the are located, is on the metallurgy workshop western slope of the southern part of this hill. The name is applied locally to the hills crest, a bare area with little vegetation, because the lower slopes have other names. Chomatas is derived from ch?ma (%cbuxx), soil, meaning soil that ground, or dust, and it refers to the dusty, pale-colored, phyllitic covers a substantial part of the hill. Chomatas
IO
CHAPTER
I
Figure 1.6. Olive trees growing in Chordakia, looking northeast from the habitation site (1999) Chordakia (Xcop?cxKia) is used for an area of olive groves on name is used of Mt. Chomatas only slopes (Fig. 1.6). The for the cultivated part of the hill. It is a contraction from Chorioudakia
The
name Chordakia
the inland
(Xu)pioi)8(XKia), from chorio (xcopi?), meaning village. The term is often used for a place where an old settlement occurs. The reference here is to a Hellenistic, and Byzantine site with remains Roman, Kephalolimnos, from at least as early asMiddle Minoan times. Substantial ruins are visible the ground.16 Choriodakia is a variation recorded (Xcopio?aKia) is another local variant. Both Khordakia and by Boyd,17 and Choridakia are used name is Khoridakia Kanta18 and The by by Haggis.19 applied to above
to the modern the region from the edge of the Kambos fence that sets off the public land at the seacoast, not just to the archaeological sites. the cultivated plots (Chordakia) The sharp boundary between and the barren landscape at the coast is clearly visible in the satellite photograph shown
in Figure
1.3.
Chrysokamino Chrysokamino a Semitic gold, and kaminos
(Xpuaomurvo) means gold furnace, from chrysos (xpuao?), loan word that appears in Greek as early as Linear B,20 (Kajiwoc) or kamini (kgcu?vi), a furnace or kiln. It is used
locally both for the actual location of the ancient metallurgical activity site (Fig. 1.7) and for the part of the hillside on which the metallurgical name is located. A local variation is in the plural, Chrysokamina.21 The is used by the current project for the territory because it Chrysokamino is a unique name, while Katsoprinos, the local name for the location of more one the habitation is used for than site, place in this part of Crete, as and it is already in the published the name for a different literature archaeological
site (see Fig.
1.5).22
16. Boyd 1901, p. 156; Sanders 1982, p. 141;Haggis 1992, pp. 160 161, locus 2; Fotou 1993, p. 102. 17. Boyd 1901, p. 156. 18.Kantal980,p.l45.
19.Haggis 1996b, p. 381. 20. Chadwick 1973, pp. 136 and 343.
21. See Lamb 1929, p. 5;Haggis 1992, locus 88; 1993a, p. 28; 1996b, p. 381.
22. Haggis 2005, p. 35, locus 28.
II
INTRODUCTION
Figure
1.7. The
site of the metallur
^
gical activity at Chrysokamino
Figure formation
1.8.
Theriospelio
Chylopittes, at the coast
u?e*S?&
a travertine near
the
cave
Chylopittes sea clearly visible from the (Fig. 1.8) is named is It north of cave, on a cliff (X\)^07utt??). Chylopittes Theriospelio a sea. name is cooked mass of above the The derived from chylos (xuXo?), or t?tcoc), a pastry or to the pie. It refers ground cereal, and pitta (nrina
A
travertine
formation
pale brown stalactitic pastalike food.
formations
that look like chylopitta (xu^Otuttoc),
a
Kambos coast atTholos Bay is called the large valley that extends inland from the kambos Kambos, from the word (KOurco?),which means plain or flat field term is borrowed from the Italian word campo, derived from (Fig. 1.9). The
A
12
I
CHAPTER
Figure
1.9. The
Kambos
as seen
from Kavousi, with the coastal hills behind it campus. The valley is inland from Chordakia, as defined in this volume. An territory Chrysokamino the Latin
and it is outside
the
intermittent
stream,
the Platys River (called the Kavousianos River by Faure),23 flows in the spring and empties into Tholos Bay. the Kambos
through
Katsoprinos (Kaxa?rcpivoc), a local variant of katsoprini (mTCOnpivi), the Katsoprinos holly oak, is also called katsiprinos (KctToinpivo?) in Crete.24 A local variant is katsoprinios. This evergreen shrub, Quercus cocci/era, is a member of the in Crete on the lower slopes of hills.25 Fagaceae family, and it grows widely It has dark green spiky leaves and seldom grows taller than a few meters. shrub gives its name to the dolomite outcrop where the habitation site is located because several of the shrubs grew there before excavation name is not used exclusively for this farmstead, as it is also began. The
The
applied remains
Lakkos
to a spot lower on the hills can
be
seen
above
east where slope to the
other Minoan
ground.26
Ambeliou
It is a low (Aolkko? p\\mzk\oxi) is south of Katsoprinos. a has of red sediment where substantial of the Kambos) valley (a part deposit accumulated from the erosion of the nearby hills (Fig. 1.10). The deposit,
Lakkos Ambeliou
is a pedon, is most likely a result of alluvial action that deposited the sediment in a lake.27 The sinkhole has been used as a clay source by a local company engaged in making brick, and residents of the village of Kavousi regularly take the red sediment to use it as soil for their gardens
which
in a substantial
and vineyards. The removal of the sediment has resulted called Lakkos Ambeliou. excavated area. The location is appropriately Lakkos (Axxkko?) means a hole in the ground, and ambeliou is the genitive is of ambelos (aurce?o?), meaning vineyard. The variant Ambeli Lakkos used occasionally.
23. Faure 1984, p. 47; 1989, p. 320. 24. Alibertis
1994,
25. Chavakis
n.d.,
1987,
pp. 77-78. p. 187; Sfikas
pp. 32-33.
26. Haggis
1996b, p. 400; 2005,
p. 35, locus 28. 27. Morris 2002,
chap.
3.
INTRODUCTION
13
Figure 1.10. Lakkos Ambeliou, in the Kambos, looking south from the habitation site (1999)
Figure 1.11. The burial cave called Theriospelio Therio (0epio) is a rugged, uncultivated, barren hillside northeast of the location. The name, which means wild beast, is a reference to metallurgy the rugged nature of the landscape. The word is recent, as the ancient word
Therio
is spelled with
an eta.
Theriospelio (0epi?o7tT|A,io) is the preferred term for a cave northeast of the site (Fig. 1.11). It has several names. Theriospelio (alsoTherio metallurgy a reference to the wild nature of the is spelaio) surrounding landscape, from therio (6epi?), wild beast, and spelio (any\\i?)y cave. The variation Therio uses A spelos (0epi?G7cr|?,o?) is given by Zois, and Haggis Thergiospilio.28 Theriospelio
28. Zois 1993, p. 340; Haggis
1992,
p. 171.
29. Faure 1964, p. 227; 1966, p. 48.
synonym, Theriotrypa
(Oepioxpurca),
is recorded by Faure.29 Agriospelio
CHAPTER
14
I
from (AypiocKX]kio) was used by a few residents of Kavousi in the mid-1980s, a or for wild therio. (Kotao savage, synonym Kolonospilios agrios (?ypioc), voojcnAaoc) is given by Faure,30 and the neuter gender variation Kolonos names are from kolona pilio (Kotauv?G7rr|Xio) is added by Haggis.31 These (ko?-covoc), one of many a reference
column,
to
Italian loan words the
cave
s
stalagmite
in use in Crete
(from color?na, a
formations).
Discussion for the land features near Kavousi
belong to several classes. Most of names near are Greek. for the territory the modern Chrysokamino Among the exceptions are the word kolona in Kolonospilios, derived from Italian, and the word kambos from the same language; they are presumably from
Terms
was borrowed period of Crete. The chrysos in Chrysokamino from Semitic as early as the Linear B documents, and it has been common in Greek since the end of the Bronze Age. the Venetian
in Crete, the names used for locations on and toponyms a or about Chomatas signify something about place's appearance events or features associated with it.None of the names necessarily derives Like most
near Mt.
or from any earlier time. The period only designations and Chordakia. Chrysokamino that allude to antiquities are Chrysokamino is not the name of an actual town, refers to the wrong metal, and Chordakia in the vicinity. All of the names but an indication of an early settlement some at to least the and of them are probably much back 19th go century, from the Roman
older, but the dates when they were first used are not known. They have been handed down in an oral tradition, so it is not surprising that more than a single variation or name exists for some places.
EARLIER WORK IN THE CHRYSOKAMINO TERRITORY the second half of the 20th century, the Chrysokamino metallurgy During location and its nearby territory has been one of the most controversial visited the region between modern ancient sites inGreece. Archaeologists and the sea shortly before 1900, and the region iswell known from the archaeological literature. The metallurgical workshop's period of use and it has been assigned dates ranging has been particularly problematic, to modern. The location has even been considered as a site from Minoan
Kavousi
as an alternative to a metallurgical installation. The for lime production as industrial ceramics on the surface have been regarded pieces of crucibles, furnaces, covers for furnaces, and the floor of a large kiln. before 1900. Arthur knew about Chrysokamino Archaeologists
Evans
the region in the 1890s. Harriet Boyd excavated Roman remains at over Chordakia (east of the Chrysokamino territory) in 1900, and shewalked much of the region. In an article about her 1900 excavations at Kavousi, visited
she reported the Roman discoveries at Chordakia and also noted that "early to Iron Age remains) was architecture" (a term she employed forMinoan on top of the coastal hill.32 The architecture is probably the hilltop site
30. Faure 1964, pp. 32,227; 1966, p. 48.
31. Haggis 1992, p. 171. 32. Boyd 1901, p. 156.
INTRODUCTION
IS
recorded here as Pyrgos Chrysokaminou (Fig. 1.5), but it could also refer to the farmstead excavated by this project. was first discussed in the The metallurgy location at Chrysokamino of the excavations at Gournia.33 Harriet Boyd Hawes final publication a site called "Golden reported that in 1900 the local residents showed her a few of where she collected Furnace," copper. She said that "rock " pieces obtained from the adjacent cliff contained traces of copper. Her report noted that the ground was strewn with fragments of "an ancient furnace." She did no work the
earlier
there personally,
and a later report simply
summarized
one.34
Angelo Mosso Joseph Hazzidakis
discussed
the site in more
detail.35 He
(who was
reported that visited the site
of Crete) then Ephor-General twice, once in 1906 and a second time either before or later. Hazzidakis loca collected a piece of metal and specimens of slag from the metallurgy cave. not who have visited the and he also Mosso, tion, may Theriospelio was not it and he visited the did realize cave, natural, completely actually
as the mine for the ore that was smelted nearby. He reported regarded it Minoan pottery from the cave, but no sherds aside from what he Early as sections of "crucibles" were found at the metallurgy location regarded itself. Pieces
of "scoria"were
also discovered
in the cave. An
illustration
of
one of the "crucible" (reproduced here in fragments from Chrysokamino were that artifacts the ceramic shows the pieces with pierced Figure 1.12) holes and a glassy deposit adhering to one side that still cover all unexca vated portions of the site.Mosso analyzed the piece of metal and reported Figure 1.12. A fragment of industrial pottery published by Angelo Mosso. After Mosso
1910, fig. 164. Scale
1:4
that it contained
45% copper. He also analyzed the "scoria" collected from Chrysokamino. a trace of copper, and as this result it that contained complemented reported for extracting his other researches, he concluded the site was aworkshop Mosso
copper from its ore. He reported finding pieces of similar "scoria" on the beach at Pacheia Ammos, suggesting another site where copper may have been smelted. was a Bronze believed Chrysokamino Mosso Age installation. He did not publish any pottery from the metallurgy workshop, but he did describe visited the ceramics from the nearby cave. He reported that Hazzidakis aswell as from cavern and collected sherds from "the primitive Early period" on a dark paint Minoan period. A ground, material that contained copper was also collected from the cave, but its exact s brief is difficult to comprehend from Mosso identification description. Edith Hall and Richard Seager investigated the location more than
Minoan
II. One vase from the cave had decoration
so itwas either from EM
33. Hawes
et al. 1908,
34. Hawes
and
Boyd
p. 33. Hawes
1909,
p. 38.
35.Mosso 1908; 1910, pp. 289-292 and fig. 164. 36. Unpublished letter of April 24, 1910 by Edith Hall in the archives of the University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthro pology;
see also Becker
and Betancourt
1997, p. 109. 37. 473.
Schachermeyr
1938,
pp. 472
inwhite
III or from theMiddle
letters.36 once, and a visit they made in 1910 was recorded in unpublished sea Hall called the the after Pseira. headland by visiting They approached times." site "the place where they smelted their bronze [sic] inMinoan cave on the same trip, and Hall returned for two days of They visited the excavation there the following week. The limited information concerning her excavation is reported in this volume. Fritz Schachermeyr visited the territory in the 1930s and made a ground location as a part of his survey of the region.37 He visited the metallurgy was there, he a of Vasiliki Ware he sherd While (the picked up exploration.
i6
I
CHAPTER
location, confirming pottery for EM IIB) at the metallurgical the Early Minoan date of the site. A few discussions of the metallurgy workshop appeared in various in the years after Hall worked in the area. Until the scholarly writings
definitive
was as a 1960s, Chrysokamino occasionally mentioned mining, smelting, or were location.38 These all based on the research reports copper-working conducted before 1910 and on Schachermeyr's 1938 report of his visit to the small promontory. New work began
in the 1960s. LM
IIIB:1
tombs at Chordakia
were
in 1962.39 Chordakia
is the region just inland from were the LM III and tombs from Chrysokamino, probably related either or to the to the settlement at Katsoprinos site. habitation Chrysokamino Paul Faure surveyed the area is the early 1960s.40 He explored the excavated
by Davaras
site. For the lat cave, and he also examined the metallurgy Theriospelio ter, he suggested that the ceramic fragments on the site were not from crucibles but from a single large furnace used for smelting chalcopyrite ore, no evidence for this on the state of although he provided assumption. Based of the glassy waste products, the absence of soil accumulation, and the fact that he believed the ore reduced was a sulfide, he regarded the
vitrification
site as "relativement a smelting correctly
operation rejected
suggested it represented the remains of for copper using either charcoal or coal as fuel. He
r?cente." He
the
nearby
cave
as a mine.
Keith Branigan location. He also visited the metallurgical the deposit of "cinders, ashes, slag, and crucible fragments" as tion of copper remelting (not smelting), and he gave the site Electron Microprobe date.41 Based on an analysis by Geoscan showed that a temperature of 1150?F or more had been which
regarded an indica a different Analysis, reached in
the slag and that calcium was present, he suggested the site was later than Roman. He used literary sources to propose the 12th century A.D. as the most likely date. Branigan correctly realized that the cave was not amine but a natural cavern in limestone, with in the
no visible
trace of nonferrous metals
rock.
60 years of surface collecting by archaeologists, diagnostic sherds were no longer present on the surface of the site when Faure and metallurgy After
on Branigan visited this part of Crete in the 1960s. They based their dating the characteristics of the slag, and they cannot be criticized for their conclu was based on research in sions because the methodology they used, which as valid at the time. This was widely rested regarded methodology Cyprus, on the mistaken belief that before the Roman period, early metallurgists could never achieve high temperatures with their primitive technological any slag with evidence for substantial vitrification knowledge. Therefore, had to be more recent.42 The metallurgy site, like the rest of the territory around it, did on Minoan not figure prominently in the scholarship Crete after the 38. Fimmen 1921, pp. 17 and 120; Glotz 1923, p. 39; Lamb 1929, p. 5; Davies 1932, p. 987; 1935, pp. 7,113, 264,270; Money-Coutts
Pendlebury,
Pendlebury,
1935-1936,
p. 104;
and
Forbes 1950, p. 364; Hutchinson pp. 40,247. 39. Kanta nos. fig. 56,
1980, 6 and
pp.
144-145,
8.
40. Faure 1964, p. 32; 1966,
1962,
pp. 47-48. 41. Branigan 42. Koucky summarize and
table
1968, pp. 50-51. and Steinberg nicely the system (1982a, p. 156
1).
INTRODUCTION
V
after this time of early Aegean metallurgy written of the modern project often omitted the site the beginning was Medi completely.43 Several writers accepted the theory that the site eval.44 A general history of metallurgy written byTylecote suggested the 1960s. Discussions
and before
site was
used for the remelting of copper.45 An exception to the general a considered the site to be from the rule, study of daggers by Nakou, Bronze Early Age.46 Karen Foster published a catalogue of the collection ofMinoan objects in 1978, including pieces from in theMount Holyoke College Art Museum cave excavated Edith the Theriospelio Other pieces from the Hall.47 by same excavation were included in a the of Pennsyl of catalogue University vania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology.48 In 1983, Noel Laboratory, Oxford
Gale
and Zofia
of the Nuclear
Stos-Gale
Physics as University, samples from Chrysokamino a part of a in archaeometric of the survey larger metallurgy Aegean.49 They collected slag and pieces of the industrial ceramics for scientific analyses collected
types. The results of their analyses showed that the site was ex in the Aegean Bronze tremely important for the early history of metallurgy to establish the 3rd millennium b.c. Age. They used thermoluminescence of various
date of the industrial
ceramics. Their lead isotope studies indicated that the copper might have originated in Lavrion or Kythnos. The Chrysoka mino territory was included in the regional survey of Donald C. Haggis. in conjunction with This was a doctoral dissertation project undertaken excavations at Kavousi.50 The archaeological laid the foundation for the more detailed investigation
ofMinnesota
the University
survey by Haggis reported in this volume, inasmuch settlement inwhich Chrysokamino
the regional pattern of
functioned.
studies of the soils of the area around Chrysokamino with the Kavousi Archaeological Expedition.
detailed
Two were made
as it established
in connection
Michael
Timpson investigated the vicinity of Pacheia Ammos series of soil pedons, including
Late Quaternary alluvial sediments from and Kavousi.51 Michael Morris studied a the one at Lakkos Ambeliou
just south of two the Chrysokamino habitation site.52The investigations complementary on considerable information the of soils the gathered region. The most recent investigation of the area before the current project was carried out by Antonios Zois. He explored the cave, where he began collected Final Neolithic and Early Minoan pottery, and he also surveyed area. He raised the the metallurgy workshop possibility that the latter site was
a modern
limekiln.53
In 1995, logical 43. A.
C. Renfrew
1972;
47. Foster
Branigan
1974; Healy 1978;McGeehan-Liritzis 1996. 44.
Stos-Gale
p. 59; Haggis p. 341. 45.
Tylecote 46. Nakou
and Gale
1984,
1992, p. 170; Evely 2000,
the present project began with survey and topographical mapping. 1978.
48. Betancourt 49. Gale,
and Gilmore
1985; Gale and Stos-Gale 1989; Stos Gale 1989; 1993, p. 124; 1998, pp. 720 721.
1976, 1995.
p. 19, table
19.
50.Mook Haggis
preliminary
season of geo
pp. 373-379, fig. 7; 1996a; 1996b, pp. 380-381 and 401-403; 2000; 2002;
1983.
Stos-Gale,
a
andHaggis 1990; 1992, Loci 50 and 88; 1995,
see also Haggis pp. 287-288.
and Mook
1993,
51.Timpsonl992. 52. Morris 1994,2002.
53. Zois 1993, pp. 340-341.
i8
I
CHAPTER
GOALS OF THE CHRYSOKAMINO PROJECT towns in substantial information was known about Minoan Although this part of Crete before this project began thanks to the excavations at Gournia, Pseira, and Kavousi, much less was known about the tiny rural farmsteads that consisted of isolated architectural complexes. No Minoan had ever been
farmstead
studied with
the intent of ascertaining territory. A Minoan
the strate
gies employed for the use of its agricultural site had not been excavated previously.
smelting
a better of human goals of the project included understanding on in the Chrysokamino with the metal territory, emphasis to its and the lurgical workshop relationship surrounding territory. The project planned to address several separate items: the date and nature of The
habitation
the metallurgy
the types of site, the technology used by the metallurgists, at the the relation of the metal metallurgical products produced workshop, to the nearby habitation of the site, the size and characteristics lurgy site local territory, the prevailing subsistence strategy, the diachronic history of the territory, and its relation to the larger region and Crete in general. The archaeological plan that was developed to address these goals was as an interdisciplinary study involving researchers in several It was based on the nature of the landscape to be investigated, the questions that needed addressing, and the available resources of staff, time, and finances. Because itwas anticipated that much of the material that would formulated
fields.
require scientific analysis for its proper understanding, were invited to metallurgical participate both on-site during the specialists excavation that uncovered the evidence and as laboratory researchers after be discovered would
the material was
excavated. The
plan included
1. Excavation
at the metallurgy
site
2. Excavation
at the habitation
site
3. Small-scale
excavations
at other
selected
the following
aspects:
locations
4. An
electronic instrument survey and mapping project combined with an intensive surface survey to record visible anthropogenic features
5. A program ceramics,
6. A
of laboratory and
other
analysis for metallurgical
remains,
materials
series of corollary studies including geology, geomorphology, topography, soil studies, examination of land use, toponyms, other investigations
and
7. Study and publication research plan was devised in 1994. Excavations were planned for the farmstead and the metallurgy location, along with additional programs of and geomor small excavations at locations to be decided later. Geological
The
phological studies, topographic mapping, soils science, and other specialized studies were planned. A large supporting program of laboratory analysis was conducted at the was assembled. Study of the excavated materials Kavousi
of the INSTAP Study Center until the completion in Pacheia Ammos. Several preliminary reports have been
schoolhouse
for East Crete, published.54
54. Betancourt
1997;
Betancourt,
Floyd, andMuhly 1997; Betancourt, Muhly, and Floyd 1998; Betancourt et al. 1999;Muhly 1999, p. 17; 2002, pp. 79-80; 2000-2001.
Betancourt
and Floyd
reports Preliminary in this volume analyses published et al. 1985; in Gale also included
on
the
are Stos
Gale 1989,1998; Gale and Stos-Gale 1989;
Betancourt
and Myer
1999.
CHAPTER
2
The
Environment
Natural
byPhilip P. Betancourt and William R. Farrand1
CLIMATE AND ITS RELATION TO CHRYSOKAMINO climate of eastern Crete
The
cal factors. Like
is one of the regions most important ecologi it affects the choice of plant com
soils and topography, and the agricultural methods
munities
necessary
for successful
farming. climate, and many authors have and winds.2 The general picture local conditions must be considered as
Eastern Crete has a typical Mediterranean discussed its precipitation, temperature, is important, well because
but some specifically local factors seem to have played
a decisive
role in the situa
tion at Chrysokamino. As awhole, mean temperatures and precipitation aremoderate, but the crucial factor is not the mean but the seasonal variation. Table 2.1 illustrates east Cretan agriculture a specialized not will thrive without substantial care. many crops eastern part of Crete receives less moisture than the western and
the seasonal differences endeavor The
that make
inwhich
central parts of the island. Precipitation, mostly in the form of rain, is largely confined to the period between September and May, with the heaviest amounts in December and January. Modern records show that the mean rainfall for January is 96.3 mm, while for July it is only 0.3 mm (Table 2.1). Rain is extremely rare during the hot summer months. It iswetter during the winter, when dry continental air masses move southeast from Europe and cross over the warmer Ionian Sea, with evaporation and atmospheric over the island. Eastern Crete instability leading to precipitation nearly always
receives
less
rain
than
western
Crete
because
the
air masses
move
from west
to east, and the mountains that run along the length of the island as a shield and cause a act for the Isthmus of except Ierapetra majority of to fall in the west. the precipitation
1. The sections
climate of this
P. P. Betancourt. was written
were
chapter The geology
byW.
resources
and natural
written
by
section
R. Farrand.
2. See esp.Allbaugh 1953;Mariolo poulos 1961; Zohary andOrshan 1965; Gat
and
1980.
Magaritz 3. Zohary and Orshan
1965,
suppl.
are moderate.
As the chart in Table 2.1 demonstrates, the temperature in January is substantially colder than it is in July, but it is seldom cold enough to kill hardy plant life. The mean temperature for eastern Crete (as recorded at on the south coast) is 13.2?C for Ierapetra Temperatures
January and 27.2?C for August.3 the summer, fall, and winter, the are from During prevailing winds the northwest. They can be very strong, especially the winter, and during
20
CHAPTER
TABLE 2.1. SEASONAL NIKOLAOS, CRETE
VARIATIONS
January Mean Mean
Temperature Number of
AT HAGIOS
April
12.4?C
16.9?C
6.8/month
4.2/month
2
July 25.8?C
October 20.9?C
0.6/month
4.5/month
Cloudy Days Mean
96.3 mm
Rainfall
27.0 mm
0.3 mm
53.4 mm
1961.
After Mariolopoulos
salt spray inland, damaging land and crops, are not un at low coastal sites.4 In late summer, the north wind (meltemi)
storms that wash common
blows almost every day, and days with wind speeds of up to 7 Beaufort (i.e., 32-38 mph) are not unusual. The force of the breezes varies with the time a are strongest in the early afternoon because of well-known warms situation inwhich the land up more quickly during meteorological the day than the sea does, causing air over the land to rise, which increases the force of the sea breeze. The result is that the wind is strongest during of day.Winds
part of the day. For the human residents, this situation is an It makes the coast more comfortable than inland areas because
the hottest
advantage. "the sea breeze
an the temperature important role in moderating plays "a welcome relief of land the seacoasts," offering strips along near the summer heat for residents who live the shore."5 It is one
of narrow from
of the reasons
that residents
(like eastern Crete)
the world
founding establish
new
In the Chrysokamino territory, which above sea level, these conditions are more
a
in warm parts of number of coastal towns. large north is faces and elevated well settlements
extreme
than would
be the case
so windy and dry that in protected landscape. The land is times it has remained unfarmed, and it is used only for sheep and modern site, which consists of a troughlike goats. The topography at the metallurgy depression between higher exposures of bedrock, is always the windiest part
with
a more
the wind blows from the north. The trough funnels across the site, and few plants can survive at this dry and barren Similar topography was chosen for Bronze Age smelting opera
of the hillside when the breezes
location. tions on Kythnos6 and Seriphos,7 suggesting that the early metalworkers a deliberately chose particularly windy location for their furnaces. are not constant throughout the year. In the spring, they are Winds than in the summer or fall, leading to different condi years. The south wind (sirocco) is especially warm, and it
much more variable tions in different can
to the south Aegean, including Crete.8 The result bring Saharan dust a in the amount of difference is seasonal variations considerable of these moisture
in the soil. The
same wind
that contributes
to the comfort
of the
to some types of crops, because the soil is damaging population cannot retain itsmoisture during the long, rainless period when the weather and harvesting must iswarm and the winds are fairly constant. Planting
human
be arranged according to this seasonal schedule. The local climate encourages the cultivation of crops that can withstand months with many dry, hot days and are not inhibited by periods of dry soils. The triad of olives, grapes, and grains is often regarded as the main group of such crops.9 A convincing case has been made for the growing of more care a a legumes as fourth staple,10 but this is crop that requires much
4.
Seager
1916,
p. 6.
5.Miller andAnthes 1980, p. 94. 6. Hadjianastasiou and MacGilliv ray 1988. 7. Gale and Stos-Gale 1989, pp. 24 25.
8. Pye 1992. 9. Vickery 1936. 10. Sarpaki 1992.
THE
NATURAL
ENVIRONMENT
21
than grains, olives, or grapes, so itwould agricultural strategy, with extra care.
have required a different
type of
exists for a somewhat
Evidence
in comparison with for pollen suitable
the situation
different climate in the Bronze Age in the 20th century. East Cretan searches have not been successful,11 but several
for analysis studies from western Crete suggest
a wetter to period in the Neolithic to current Bronze with the climate Early gradual change leading Age, by the 1st millennium b.c.12 These conditions may have prevailed in eastern as well.
Identification of wood charcoal from cooking fires on the island of Pseira, mostly from LM I contexts, shows that pine was present in addition to the expected trees.13 Pine does not grow on Pseira today because the climate is too dry, although it is present in some of the ravines and other shaded places in this part of Crete. It is probable, Crete
offshore
climate was very much like the present, but therefore, that the FN-LMI with more rain in the FN-LM I periods, and with a gradual drying by the end of the Bronze Age. The Bronze Age countryside has been aptly described patches and
byMoody, of woodland
other
As
who
envisions
and maquis,
a with
setting of rolling hills composed of cultivated fields of grain, olives,
crops.14
the climate became
drier, the agricultural potential of the region increasingly strained. The zonation of the ancient plant would have been affected by both the natural moisture avail
must have become communities
able from rain and human the construction
activities
that altered the environment, of organic matter
of terraces and the addition
including to the soil
to help it retain moisture. These factors must have contributed
to long-term region. Elsewhere
ecological changes in this volume, the taking place in the Chrysokamino evidence for substantial care of the Chrysokamino gardens, in the form of chemical traces in the soil and the deposition of small, isolated sherds associated with manuring practices, is presented. The climatic conditions suggest that plants requiring extra attention would have been harder to grow on the coast of eastern Crete than in the western part of the island or inland areas. Local conditions would have required increasing human effort to make
the landscape productive. factor to be considered is the gradual rise in relative sea level. In the part of Crete near Chrysokamino, the sea level may be as much as 3.5 to 5 m higher than itwas in the Bronze Age.15 This condition will not as much as sites located on the seacoast, but have affected Chrysokamino it must have been a factor in the viability of the harbor at Agriomandra, Another
11. Coring was done byG Rapp; see
Hayden, Moody, p. 307.
and Rackham
1992,
12. Bottema 1980; 1994, pp. 57-58; Moody ham,
1987a, and Rapp
13. Betancourt
chap. 2; Moody, 1996. and
Hope
Rack
Simpson
1992. 14.Moody 1987a, p. 120. 15. Fairbridge 1972; Flemming 1972; Dermitzakis, Karakitsios, 1995; see also comments Lagios Farrand below.
and by
16.Desborough 1964,1972; Drews 1993. 17.Willetts 1955, pp. 46-51; 1990; Jameson
1992.
used by the local residents. The abandonment of coastal settlements
at the end of the Bronze Age has usually been attributed to warlike raiding and other unsettled political conditions.16 This explanation maybe partly correct, but additional factors must be invoked to a part of the coast that had explain why supported was not resettled in the more stable two residents for millennia permanent new Dorian periods. The farming methods using serf labor on large estates may have been one of these factors.17 It is also likely that the climate had become too dry to support a local population on the coastal As a result of climatic change, the strip at Chrysokamino.
Classical
and Roman
land, which had always been less than desirable, may settlement. poor that it did not merit permanent
now have been
so
22
CHAPTER
2
GEOLOGY OF THE CHRYSOKAMINO AREA area from report results from two visits to the Chrysokamino July 21 ex to 28,1995 and July 23 to August 2,1996. Detailed field observations tended somewhat beyond the limits of the map in Figure 2.1 and included
This
of outcrops, recording and sampling road cuts and excavation mapping trenches, and discussions with the topographic survey team. Reconnais sance observations extended still farther into the hills above Kavousi, the beach area, and into the Ierapetra graben. Detailed studies of the soils of the immediate area and of the surrounding region, reported in two dissertations from the University of Tennessee,18 proved very helpful. our This section ismodified previous report of the geol slightly from
Tholos
area are very ogy of Pseira19 because Pseira and the Chrysokamino-Kavousi similar in their relations with respect to their general geological setting in eastern Crete. They are separated by only 2.5 km of water, and the distance to the metallurgical site is only 6 km. eastern in is of Crete detail but relatively simple geology complex in its broad outlines. For our purposes, the broad outlines will suffice for
from the center of Pseira The
an
understanding the Chrysokamino fieldwork, mostly and of the Aegean
of the regional relations of the major bedrock units of area. The summary is based on a spate of following in the 1970s, dealing with the tectonic setting of Crete
as awhole.20 region On the broadest scale, Crete constitutes the central part of the Hellenic Arc, a major tectonic feature that curves from the P?loponn?se through of southwestern Turkey. The Hellenic Arc Crete to the Taurus Mountains and European marks the collisional junction of the African lithospheric now plates where portions of the Earths crust, formerly situated inwhat is the central Aegean, have been thrust southward to override a thick section platform limestones constituting the bulk of the "basement" rocks of Crete. The overriding rocks, in the form of relatively thin sheets called nappes, arrived in successive waves (Figs. 2.2,2.3).21 of marine
of
Bedrock
Eastern
Crete
most specifically to the part of Crete east following comments apply lowland shown in Figure 2.2. The first ofMirabello of the Ierapetra-Gulf overthrust sheet is the "Phyllite" nappe that directly overlies the autoch thonous, relatively thinly bedded, cherty limestones known as "Plattenkalk"
The
(Fig. 2.4). The metamorphism, ward through
rocks of the Phyllite-Quartzite nappe exhibit low-grade ismost intense in its lower part and fades out up the nappe. which
and the overlying phyllites between the Plattenkalk Stratigraphicalfy is a rock unit that appeared to us at first to be of a character transitional it appears between those formations. However, upon further examination, a that this "transitional" unit is really the upper part of the Plattenkalk, the regional interpretation. Wachendorf as gray marly schists and colleagues described the top of the Plattenkalk some examination of one of section interbeds.22 Thin limestone with conclusion
that is consistent with
these rocks showed both
the carbonate mineralogy
and the metamorphic
1992;Morris
18.Timpson 2002. 19. Farrand
and Steams
20.
E.g., Wachendorf, Gwosdz 1975; Baumann Baumann, Seideletal.
Best,
1994,
2004. and Best, et al. 1976;
and Wachendorf
1977;
1981.
21. For a diagramatic of explanation see the emplacement of these nappes, also Baumann, Best, and Wachendorf
1977, p. 517, fig. 8. 22. Wachendorf
et al. 1974.
500 m
Gulf of Mirabello
Figure 2.1. Detailed
bedrock map of the Chrysokamino
area
i
h?i?i?i?i?i?i?i?i?i?i?i?i?i?i?i?r
Neogene
and Quaternary
Tripolitza
Series
i
i
i
i
r
i?i?i?i?i?i?i?i?i?i
Aegean Sea
Phyllite Series Plattenkalk ^^ I? t ] Diorite-Granite \"::\ Magmatite of the Phyllite Series
Gulf ?yX
Pseira
Mirabello Chrysokamin
Figure
2.2.
Bedrock
geology
of eastern
Crete.
After Wachendorf
et al. 1974
THE
NATURAL
ENVIRONMENT
Subpelagonian Series Pindos
Series
Tripolitza Series 2.3.
Figure through Crete.
The
tenkalk) the Only this mino
Schematic
the nappe
of eastern pile limestone (or Plat
cherty is the basement
nappes overlying the three lowest occur figure area. The
the Phyllite trated,
in the chaotic
as is the breccia
Baumann
2.4. Figure with calcite
across
were
which
thrust. in
formations
Phyllitic Series ^^C^
Chrysoka m?lange
of
series is clearly illus
the Tripolitza After
section
at the base
(dolomite) series. et al. 1976
Plattenkalk veins
limestone
of
Cherty Limestone
25
26
CHAPTER
2
2.5. Metacarbonate Figure tion near the metallurgy
foliation
as dominant
features,
and so we have chosen
to call these rocks
metacarbonates Next
(Fig. 2.5). above the Phyllite
nappe is another carbonate series, theTripolitza nappe, comprising massively bedded and reefal carbonates and dolomites. Rocks of the Tripolitza in the far east of Crete, nappe are widespread especially south and east of Siteia. Still higher in the pile are the Pindos and Subpelagonian in eastern nappes, which are less widely distributed are Crete. Rocks of the Subpelagonian nappe important, however, at the near Kalo Chorio, where one finds a chaotic head of the Gulf ofMirabello mixture of igneous and metamorphic rocks (lavas, diorite, marble, etc.). Both
the igneous
rocks and the activity witnessed by the Subpelagonian in the well those rocks before metamorphism Phyllite nappe originated were thrust into their present not which did take position, place until mid times. These
rocks have been detached
from their deep-seated are to be found well to the which sources, magmatic (high-temperature) north of Crete. Some of them have been uplifted and are now exposed in islands of the central Aegean. Tertiary
eastern Crete is characterized a foundation of Plattenkalk by overlain by a succession of nappes that represent displaced ter ranes of central the southward transport of these origin. During Aegean were the rocks within them deformed and sheared to various nappes, as a function of the degrees physical characteristics of the included rocks. Thus, limestone
forma site
THE
ENVIRONMENT
NATURAL
27
shearing is particularly inherent weakness of these
evident in the Phyllite nappe, owing to the foliated rocks. A conspicuous thin-bedded, character of the phyllite series is the occurrence of phacoids: isolated, len ticular blocks of more competent rock types (e.g., limestone) resulting from the fracturing and shearing of original sedimentary beds or lenses.23 These a few centimeters to hundreds of meters, but phacoids range in size from can be seen as blocks a few meters commonly long. A prominent phacoid Such
occurs about midway lower
up the slope between
the metallurgical
site and the
road.
Since the Phyllite nappe is an important element in the Chrysokamino to it isworthwhile area, aswell as on Pseira and in the hills around Mochlos, some a describe its rocks in detail. Figure 2.6 shows typical section through traverse some 10 km east of this nappe, specifically based on a north-south Mochlos.24 Actually, only the lowermost six units described in Figure 2.6 were seen in the area, from the upper part of the Plattenkalk Chrysokamino into the lowermost units of the Phyllite series. These rocks will be described in more detail below. In the middle of the section, relatively thick units of volcanic rocks (especially unit 11, Fig. 2.6) are shown as "Magmatites" in Figure 2.2 and described as intrusive diabase on the Geologic Map of volcanic rocks are slightly metamorphosed (to chlorite and lenses of mica schists, and some grade), they incorporate phyllite, of in marble. Elsewhere the large phacoids Phyllite nappe, but not shown are masses in Figure 2.6, of gypsum, notably in the hills southwest of the
Greece.25 These
are they being mined extensively. of the in eastern Crete are not known with rocks ages because fossils are rare. This situation, of great precision well-preserved course, leads to some differences of opinion in published ages. Some sources
village ofMochlos The geologic
where
is probably of Jurassic to Paleo suggest that the autochthonous Plattenkalk The series is of Permian toTriassic age, gene (Early Tertiary) age. Phyllite and the Tripolitza limestones and the Pindos series are both of Jurassic (?) to Eocene age. The igneous complex of the Subpelagonian nappe has to 88 to 90 million years (Late Cretaceous).26 been dated radiometrically Others have suggested somewhat younger ages, ca. 75 million years (still for the diorites
and granites of the Kalo Chorio area.27 the tectonics that thrust the Following mid-Tertiary compressional succession of nappes onto the Plattenkalk basement of eastern Crete, a
Cretaceous),
tectonics. This situation led period of relaxation gave rise to extensional to new structures bounded by normal faults, oriented roughly high-angle the island of Crete into a number of com northeast-southwest, breaking area is Of for the partments. particular importance Chrysokamino-Pseira
23. Durkin
and Lister
provide
a use
ful description of the origin of phacoids (1983, p. 95, figs. 9 and 10). 24. This is described byWachendorf et al. 1974. 25. Geologic Map of Greece. et al. 1976; 26. Baumann Geologic Map of Greece. et al. 1981. 27. Seidel
the Ierapetra graben, a complex downdropped block that includes the Gulf and its extension through the lowland across mainland ofMirabello cutting Crete to Ierapetra on the south shore. Here, multiple northeast-southwest in a number trending faults have lowered the floor of the Gulf ofMirabello as one of steps or splinters, clearly seen in the present topography proceeds westward from theMochlos Pseira and the bedrock ridge leading vicinity. southwest towards Gournia includes Chrysokamino, (Fig. 2.2), which are horsts, or elevated blocks between downfaulted areas. to According the local boatmen, this faulted topography is expressed on the sea floor on the west
side of Pseira, where
steep cliffs, presumably
part of a fault
CHAPTER
28
2
in 15. Phacoid Series, marble phacoids carbonate a marly matrix; compact layers at the base, which break up into phacoids upward.
600m
^Hl?a
is
14. Clastics, brownish gray, of variable and milky grain sizes (with volcanic quartz
components).
13. Phyllite, olive colored to gray; inter m calated with chlorite schist ( eta at the base and with marble volcanic) at the top. 12. Chlorite and mica schist cm- to dm- thick marble base marble
h 400m
phacoids
with
individual
lenses; at the in the dm-size
range. volcanite, marbled with toward the feldspar, decomposed; east interfoliated with chlorite- and mica schist, as well as large marble
11. Basic
11
phacoids. 10. Marble,
laminated.
schist grayish (metavolcanite), concretions green, with amygdaloid and phyllitic interlayers.
9. Chlorite
8. Mica schist and phyllite, garnets up to the rock is strongly 5 mm diameter;
10
decomposed.
h 200m
7. Basic
volcanic,
dark olive
green,
decomposed. 6. Marble
thin-bedded phacoids, in phyllites.
calcphyllite
5. Limestone, thin-bedded
dark gray, at top.
laminated;
in part with 4. Phyllite, red and green, dark gray mica schist; at the top, red phyllite with dm-thick marble beds. 3. Marble,
structureless,
resembling
lens-shaped,
phacoids.
2. Marly schist, gray with flaser structures beds. as well as individual Plattenkalk
L-Om
1. Plattenkalk
(slabby limestone), with intercalations
crystalline, red and green
coarsely of marly
limestones.
some 300 m to a submerged bench about 300 m line, plunge downward in turn is terminated by another abrupt dropoff, presumably wide, which from the the lowland extending fault. East of Chrysokamino, another to Tholos Beach is another, smaller graben separating village of Kavousi to the east. A small bench horst from the mountains the Chrysokamino it east of the Tholos Beach Hotel; in this graben is located immediately now cemented covered with is it is apparently bedrock (although gravel), and it is probably
another
tectonic
sliver.
Figure
2.6.
Stratigraphie
column
some through the Phyllite nappe what Kavousi
1974
east
of the Chrysokamino area. After Wachendorf
et al.
NATURAL
THE
ENVIRONMENT
29
Neotectonics vertical movements
Differential
above have continued
related to the tectonic
activity described times up until the present. Former and Quaternary date have been mapped at various studies show that eastern Crete stood relatively
into Quaternary
shorelines of lateTertiary on Crete.28 These places sea level at the end of theMiocene high above Epoch, after the thrusting of the various nappes. The area was then submerged at least 450 m early Epoch, only to emerge again progressively throughout the sea Period, during which time oscillating glacial-interglacial Quaternary level changes were superimposed on tectonic uplift. Relative sea-level changes affecting young archaeological sites docu in the Pliocene
adjustments even within the last 2,000 years. A synthesis of these sea-level changes shows that Crete is not reacting as a single block.29 Crete is rising rather rapidly, at rates of about 4 m per 1,000 years, Western ment
tectonic
central Crete has undergone relatively little change. In eastern Crete, corner is being the northeastern submerged, while the southeast is rising. The Pseira-Chrysokamino horst is situated within the Ierapetra graben,
while
a rate late Tertiary subsiding at considerable throughout time.30 The amount of post-Bronze Age subsidence of the area cannot yet be determined. However, et al. give a value of Flemming 0.75 m subsidence in the last 1,900 years for Psyra [sic]; the basis for this not given in their article.31 The same authors list values of 0.25 m figure is and 1.75 m subsidence since 1,900 and 3,600 years ago, respectively, for ar
which
has been
and Quaternary
chaeological features atMochlos. The evidence for these values presumably comes from the interpretation of the presently submerged isthmus between on the Cretan shore and Mochlos Mochlos Island, a submerged village street on Mochlos Island, and drowned fish tanks (piscinae) of presumed Roman age atMochlos village.32 It is possible that the area around Chrysokamino a has undergone amount to of subsidence than the figures Mochlos, greater according cited above.33 Field evidence of uplifted Quaternary shorelines along the shore, just east of Ierapetra, shows a very strong increase in from east to west across the same eastern boundary fault that
south Cretan subsidence
one area.34 Therefore, passes through the Mochlos suggest that might the sea floor off Chrysokamino has subsided perhaps two or three times as much asMochlos times. The has, or some 3.5 to 5 m, since Minoan on the promontory of the metallurgical site is we were not because at do know which faults active problematic, however, a some which times. In any case, difference of 5 m would not significantly effect of these movements
change
the altitude
of the metallurgical
site, which
et al. 1982; Peters, and van Harten 1985.
28. Pirazzoli Troelstra,
29. Flemming, 1973.
Czartoryska,
Hunter
sits 38 m above
33. Hunter
30. Fortuin (1978) gives details of structural
fig.
history.
31. Flemming,
Czartoryska,
and
1973,
table
1.
32. Soles 1978.
and
Hunter
this
now
sea.
the
Flemming, 1973.
34. Ang?lier 5.
Czartoryska, et al. 1976,
and
p. 436,
CHAPTER
30
2
Figure 2.7. Cliffs north of the metal lurgy site, looking toward the island of Pseira
Local
Bedrock
site is on an isolated point of land metallurgical Chrysokamino m above the sea with no immediately about 38 adjacent boat perched a but site is backed available. The by sharp, passable ridge rising landing
The
another
80 m without
areas. The
point of land where the cove on the north side (Fig. 2.7) cliffs and receives the brunt of heavy
significant level two broad coves. The
site sits separates is flanked by very steep, limestone cove waves generated by prevailing winds from the northwest. The south more is less and bordered steep slopes by protected (Fig. 2.8) is somewhat on the softer nonviolent In times of and related rocks. weather, phyllite small ships could anchor in the south cove, but offloading would be dif ficult because of the narrow beach and the steep slope up from the water. about 800 m southwest of the site, around a small but prominent However, a cuts through the local dolomite rocky peninsula, major ravine (Fig. 2.9)
bedrock down to a small, but sheltered cove (Agriomandra, Fig. 2.10), ideal for small ships (see Figs. 1.5 and 2.1). The cobble beach at the mouth of this ravine contains many exotic rock types, i.e., rocks not found in the local area (for traces of copper alteration example, basalt, diorite, and rocks with that the exotic rocks were dumped here from products). It is conceivable access to flat fields above ravine ballast. This ship provides relatively easy situated south of the farmstead at Katsoprinos (near Lakkos Ambeliou), remnants of awell-built road (aTurkish kalderimi) (Fig. 1.5). At present, are still present ravine. the through The Plattenkalk limestone forms the structural support of the Chryso as cliffs kamino headland, well as forming the impressive, near-vertical some 200 m out of the sea to the northeast
site of the metallurgical with interlaced thin-bedded but solid, gray, (Fig. 2.7). to distinguish conspicuous white calcite veins (Fig. 2.4), which make it easy between the Plattenkalk limestone and the local dolomite. Some of the rising
It is dark bluish
away in the immediate vicinity of the water s The Plattenkalk contains a number of small fissures. leaving open
veins have been dissolved edge,
THE
Figure 2.8. Caves and cliffs south of Chrysokamino
Figure to the
Figure harbor connects
2.9.
Red
ravine
clay
and
leading
2.10.
to
Agriomandra
Agriomandra, at the foot of the the coast with
the entrance
a small ravine
that
the Kambos
NATURAL
ENVIRONMENT
31
2
CHAPTER
32
Figure 2.11. Soft, powdery phyllite exposed workshop
of the overriding by deformation during the emplacement site, the Plattenkalk phyllite nappe. To the southwest of the metallurgical on the north side sea at to into down the of 25 but 35?, angles dips steadily of the excavated area, the limestone cliff drops precipitously almost 40 m to the water (Fig. 2.7). folds produced
Metacarbonate rocks, which sit stratigraphically at the top of the Plat tenkalk, are particularly obvious in two areas. Northeast of the metallurgical site, at the base of the rather steep slope that descends from the area of the road gate, the metacarbonate rocks crop out around the mouth of the dry rocks here streambed where itmeets the sea (Fig. 2.5). The metacarbonate are so that their bedding planes, although discernible, are foliated strongly less obvious than the planes of foliation. The metacarbonate rocks aswell as are clearly folded and offset by small faults in this the adjacent Plattenkalk area. Greenish rocks can also be seen along the and reddish metacarbonate foot of the slope due south of the metallurgical site, just below the phyllite contact
were not and above the upper limit of wave action. However, they as a distinct unit in this area because of their gradational relations
mapped with the Plattenkalk
proper. site sits on phyllite bedrock, just a few meters away The metallurgical from the contact between the phyllite and the Plattenkalk limestone. The
(Fig. 2.11) ismostly the white, so residue of weathering, very powdery (silty), calcium-carbonate-rich typi cal of most phyllite outcrops in this area (see below). In addition, in several phyllite
exposed
in the excavation
trenches
carbonate ledge, probably a phacoid, was exposed, across the trenches (strike N40-55E, In angling diagonally dip 40-50S). contrast to the orientation of this phacoid, the Plattenkalk just west of in orientation the trenches strikes N70W and dips 35S. This discordance trenches
a resistant
supports the interpretation of the phyllite the autochthonous Plattenkalk.
as an overthrust
nappe
above
In the cove between Chrysokamino and Agriomandra (Figs. 1.5 and 2.1), the complex nature of the phyllite series is abundantly illustrated by the chaotic nature of the included rock types: well-foliated phyllite (Fig. 2.12),
in a trench
at the metallurgy
THE
NATURAL
ENVIRONMENT
Niatofe"""^* *s
Figure 2.12. Kink fold in phyllite
and gypsum, lenses, strongly sheared limestone masses, all of which may minor and with sandstone pebble conglomerate, along this is a m?lange.35 have heavy travertine coatings. Geologically, hard carbonate
above, the phyllite outcrops are commonly very powdery as a result of in situ weathering rock. At of the calcite-rich, fine-grained first glance, the outcrops look very much like loess (windblown silt), but are cleaned structure of the the foliated when sufficiently, phyllite they As mentioned
ismuch more conspicuous here than on silty weathering inNewark conducted X-ray Pseira. Victoria Herbert of Rutgers University of of rock and the the degraded weathering prod analyses samples phyllite ucts. She reported that the rock specimen (phyllite) was composed mainly of chlorite and quartz, with minor K-feldspar and plagioclase feldspar. No can be seen. This
or muscovite/illite). was detected The (e.g., biotite phase it and but also contained chlorite, quartz, feldspars, phyllite a 10-? micalike and calcite.The powdery, phase (probably illite)
10-A micalike weathered contained
very pale soil was chemically similar to the weathered phyllite, confirming its identification as a late stage of the degraded rock. It contained chlorite, illite, quartz, calcite, and minor feldspars of the pale colored soil A clay separate (approximately <2micrometers) are the only clay minerals. It is unlikely confirmed that chlorite and illite that the sample contains any kaolinite. In the separate, the illite peak is it is more abundant. Probably larger than the chlorite peaks, suggesting no is present. swelling clay The 35. Wachendorf
et al. 1974.
Tripolitza
southern nappe
of the dolomite part of the map area is dominantly contact A the dolomite clear 2.1). very separates (Fig.
CHAPTER
34
2
from the adjacent phyllite series. The farmstead building is on the dolomite contact (in the parking area). The immediately adjacent to the phyllite to light gray, to is predominantly dark dolomite gray, but itweathers gray or white. It is massively bedded, with the bedding planes grayish brown, so the local dip and strike. that it is rarely possible to determine obscured it is commonly rather steep to the the dip can be determined, Where as cove caves across in south of the metallurgical the the south, e.g., large the other hand, the dolomite along the contact with the phyllite into angular rock fragments. They have is highly fractured or brecciated been recemented together, indicating brittle fracture during overthrusting. site. On
seen along the contact west-northwest readily be at dolomite also occurs as a thin from the farmhouse site Katsoprinos.The cover or as isolated outcrops above the phyllite in the area between the
This
characteristic
can
and the metallurgical site, especially in the form of a long "fin of the in the north-central part map (Fig. 2.1). Also, a small, isolated ger" (too small to show on the map) occurs outcrop (or outlier) of dolomite on the east just inside the road gate, and another larger outlier is situated farmhouse
hills just above the extensive olive groves in slope of the Chrysokamino Beach valley. Large boulders of dolomite have fallen the Kavousi-Tholos down to the shoreline as part of a landslide in the middle of the cove south of the metallurgical The dolomite
site. is particularly
as to solution weathering, susceptible are of lapies, which sharp, small-scale
shown by widespread development on solution features are and grooves exposed surfaces. Larger-scale ridges also present. First, several relatively deep fissures occur in the dolomite a short distance west of the farmhouse site. Four of these were investigated. are 1 to 2 m wide at the top and up to 4 m deep at least. The bot They toms are obscured, being partially filled with colluvium and fallen blocks the observed fissures are not strictly parallel, they all of dolomite. Although trend. Undoubtedly, have a generally northeast-southwest they follow joint are the two caverns features in solution the dolomite. Still patterns larger at sea level on the lower slopes of the dolomite, facing north toward the site. These caves are not very extensive horizontally, but they metallurgical have high arching roofs, which make them very conspicuous when viewed caves occur on the walls
of the sharp cove of mentioned Agriomandra, into a small chapel, but the above. One of these caves has been modified other is in its natural condition. All of these solution features appear to from the metallurgical ravine leading down
site. Smaller
to the sheltered
be part of amajor karstic system that pervades the dolomite; however, the nature of this bedrock probably precludes the development highly fractured of
long
cavern
systems.
in other bedrock formations as well. In the case developed of the phyllite, some small caves appear to have been dug by humans or phyllite is very soft and easy perhaps enlarged by animals (the weathered area can seen to the be along phyllite slopes in the dig). Several examples Caves
are
of the large agricultural terraces just northeast of the farmhouse is large enough largest of these, discussed further inAppendix K, and goats. sheep
site. The to shelter
THE
NATURAL
ENVIRONMENT
35
occurs in the Plattenkalk (Fig. 1.11), just largest cave,Theriospelio over 200 m north 50? east of the from site, metallurgical directly upslope travertine headland called Chylopittes the white (see Fig. 1.5), at about 50 masl. It has a small opening, only 1.5 m high at the entrance, but at The
room with many large to be actively dripping. stalactites This room continues into a dark cavern that appears to be extensive, but cave is discussed in we were not Chapter equipped to explore farther. The 18 of this volume. about 5-6 m
the cave opens into a very and stalagmites, none of which seemed inside,
Colluvium,
Landslides,
and
Soils
area is surface in the Chrysokamino generally barren of soil a few cover or unconsolidated with exceptions. Along the shoreline deposits, in the middle of the south cove is a small landslide deposit (LS on Fig. 2.1) some larger blocks of do composed of rubble from the phyllite series and m some 80 lomite fallen from the outcrop upslope. Directly upslope from the metallurgical site, on the uphill side of the lower road at about 100 masl, is a fossilized ravine (Fig. 2.13). It is obvious by its reddish brown color,
The
bedrock
contrasting with the underlying, pale-colored phyllite (Fig. 2.14), and by a to the fact that it appears be filling small ravine cut into the phyllite. Its contents include rock fragments from the Plattenkalk limestone that crops out a bit higher on the slope. Elsewhere on the phyllite rocks is a thin colluvial cover, usually 20 to cm 30 thick, of reworked phyllite and associated rock types that have been moved downslope by sheet flow and soil creep (Fig. 2.15). This colluvium is easy to detect because it has a very clear contact with the underlying can be seen at the top of road phyllite and is browner than the phyllite. It cuts between the metallurgical and farmhouse sites, as well as along the road on the east side of the hills leading down into the Kavousi valley. site The field of red clay colluvium and soil south of the farmhouse (at the location
2.13. Figure the metallurgy
Paleoravine site
uphill
from ?*? *** ****
~ " ys?r
v*
called Lakkos Ambeliou)
is described
below.
CHAPTER
36
2
Figure 2.14. Detail ravine
showing
of the paleo
the contact
between
the reddish soil in the ravine and the 8***
underlying pale-colored phyllite
Figure 2.15. Colluvium consisting of reworked phyllite and other rocks Economic
Geology
a search of the obvious metallurgical interest of Chrysokamino, for possible sources of ore, but none was found. In fact, none of the local bedrock types seem obvious environments for mineralization. The
Because
was made veins
in the Plattenkalk
appear barren of any minerals other than calcite. as 10 cm thick) and are much coatings (as fillings of travertine associated with outcrops of dolomite, especially in and near the two large
Extensive
caves mentioned
was seen. Also, a above, but no mineralization large out on most travertine 1.8 is of andTR of which 2.1), crop (Fig. brilliantly Fig. occurs on the white, but with zones that are red, brown, or honey-colored, north side of the cape about 300 m north-northeast of the metallurgical
THE
ENVIRONMENT
NATURAL
37
site (Fig. 2.1). The deposit is known locally as Chylopittes (Fig. 1.5). It is associated with eroded stalactites and capped by Plattenkalk limestone, all of which plunges below sea level at an angle of 45-50?. This travertine ap pears to be a filling of an ancient karstic cavity, mostly destroyed by coastal was obvious. erosion, but no trace of metallic mineralization raw materials that are locally available include both Other geologic and clay. Two modest outcrops of gypsum were noted (GX on one coast the about 250-300 m southeast of the metal along Fig. 2.1), on the m east-southeast lurgical site and the other high ridge about 600 gypsum
of the site (just outside the road gate, below the stone hut recorded asAF the phyllite series. 15 inApp. G), both within red clayey sediment fills an upland basin named Lakkos Abundant Ambeliou, which appears to be a large sinkhole, located at the head of the major ravine discussed above, down the slope and almost due south of the terra rossa soil eroded from the site. This clay is redeposited farmhouse surrounding dolomite slopes; it seems to be a reasonable source of clay for ceramics. The deposit is at least 4 m thick in the center and covers some 25,000 to 30,000 m2. It comprises two layers of red clay: a younger one, as as 1.10 m,36 with occasional Middle Minoan (MM) sherds on the deep artifacts. The lower deposit, surface, and an older clay deposit without at 2.1 m below the present surface, is beginning brighter red and harder than the upper one and is characterized by light-colored calcium carbonate and by manganese staining. The upper deposit is at least than older and perhaps much older. Much of 4,000 years old, i.e., MM, the terra rossa in this area is considered to be relict from wetter ("pluvial")
veins and nodules
conditions Morris
that prevailed during times of northern glaciations. studied the red sediment in detail as a part of his dissertation
sites in eastern Crete.37 He presents a study of soils related to Minoan of laboratory analyses including grain size determination, constellation as a mineralogical analysis, and chemical analysis. He classifies the soil that it is a highly colored Vertisol developed Chromoxerert, meaning under seasonally dry climate. A Vertisol is a clay-rich soil with a strong causes to open in the dry season shrink-swell that cracks capacity large and turbation
or
and drying. mixing of the soil upon sequential wetting causes a phenomenon called "slickensides" to appear on the faces of the peds (structural units) within the soil, that is, shiny surfaces with lines or grooves produced as the peds rub against each other during swelling of the soil. This particular soil is unusual in that its clay minerals include only illite and kaolinite; no expandable clays (such as smectite) are The
turbation
present.38 Morris believes that the strong turbation in this soil is a product of the very strong seasonal contrast between the wet and dry seasons on Crete. From an industrial point of view, the lack of expandable clays would be an advantage in ceramic production because of the reduced likelihood of cracking upon firing. Morris concludes that "movement
36. Morris
2002,
p. 57.
37. Morris 2002, chap. 3. 38. However, all clays will shrink and swell to some extent upon wetting and drying. 39. Morris 2002, p. 59.
of the artifacts through the profile seems to be on the dependent limiting diameter of the artifacts and the of the vertical cracks."39 He believes that the artifacts below morphology there through cracks. A depth of 1.1 m appears to be the MM sherds have supposedly moved depth to which
the surface moved the maximum from
the
present
surface,
where
they
are
also
found.
CHAPTER
38
2
Summary The
bedrock of the Chrysokamino tions. The Plattenkalk limestone
area consists
essentially of three forma out to the north and crops immediately site and continues in the high cliffs to the north
west
of the metallurgical dolomite begins at the farmhouse site and continues east; the Tripolitza in the high hills to the south and southwest; and the Phyllite series lies between these two carbonate formations. Whereas limestone and dolomite
rocks form uplands of resistant rocks, the phyllite is highly weathered and easily eroded, forming unstable, less steep slopes. The phyllite has to an arable soil and has been exploited for terrace weathered agriculture it crops
wherever
out.
no metallic mineral
were found in the area, resources Although deposits in the form of travertine, gypsum, and clay are present. Carbonate solution features are found in the limestone and the dolomite. A deep cave with and later use occurs in the Plattenkalk limestone, and lapies, fis are caves in and smaller found the dolomite. The topography of the sures, was area suggests that the access sea means of the from the only safe by to the southwest of the sites, which connects small cove of Agriomandra site. with a trafficable ravine leading up toward the main habitation Neolithic
is a tectonically active area, but it appears in the immediate area of Chrysokamino deformation Crete
that any geological has not changed times. Sea level may
since Bronze Age the local landscape significantly have changed by a few meters, but the landscape would affected because of the steep slopes along the coast.
hardly have been
NATURAL RESOURCES resources include rocks, minerals, soils, and other geological features can make the differ regions local plants and animals. They ence between a successful economy and a hopeless failure. Rich natural
Natural as well
as a
resources may be factors in the original decision to settle an area, and they may significantly affect the lives of those who have them. To achieve the successful maintenance of a settlement, balance must be achieved between must take steps to ensure enough food population and resources.40 Someone and other supplies to support the population from one harvest to the next, can if resources (local and increases in population only be accommodated are increased or imported) proportionately. near has relatively few natural resources. Its region Chrysokamino its soils are poor, and the topography does rocks have little mineral wealth, not support a good road system. Access to the sea is limited, and the nearest The
stream, the Platys River, does not flow most of the year.41 Chrysokamino's in the Bronze Age and in marginal economic and political character, both its later history, may be largely attributable to its restricted base of natural did not grow and become a town because Chrysokamino never have supported a large population. local landscape could
resources.
one notable
the
exception, the natural geological materials available in the territory of Chrysokamino pose few problems in their interpretation. With
40. Binford 1968b, p. 327; Smith 1972, p. 7;Wilkinson 1981. 41.Faurel984,p.47.
THE
NATURAL
ENVIRONMENT
39
region has soils of two types and several kinds of rock formations, all of which have been carefully mapped. The other natural resources are also easily discussed. The problem concerns the possible presence of copper a ore.With operating for centuries, the possibility of smelting workshop
The
a local ore source is an important
issue.
Soils terraced areas occur
in the vicinity of Chrysokamino (Fig. 2.16), was once farmed. The basis of this that land the showing farming, the soil, may be divided into two classes. A red soil, called terra rossa, occurs over the local limestone and dolomite bedrock, and a pale brown phyllitic soil Several
occurs over the phyllite bedrock. Both have different characteristics. They
soils have been thoroughly
studied.42
terra rossa contains
The
substantial carbonate, kaolinite, and quartz. over of soil forms bedrock. Most carbonate researchers feel it type consists primarily of the insoluble residue remaining after the dissolution
This
of the parent rock, with the red color resulting from late oxidation of iron minerals.43 The distribution of terra rossa in the Chrysokamino region to the of carbonate bedrock (Fig. 2.1). An especially presence corresponds site, at the low area large deposit is found downhill from the habitation named Lakkos Ambeliou, and the soil also occurs on the carbonate hillsides this location. The red soil is considered suitable for raising overlooking hole," a reference to grapes, and the name of the locality means Vineyard the excavation of the terra rossa soil for use in local vineyards and gardens. The sediment from Lakkos Ambeliou is particularly important for the because it seems to have been the material metallurgy workshop used for the furnace chimneys (see App. A). Eleni Nodarou studied this soil (App. L), and Michael Morris also terra rossa it.44 show The that the consists of sediment analyzed analyses a mixture of several different minerals, containing including enough clay (kaolinite) to make it plastic enough for pottery.45 The sediment is red
Minoan
of the presence of with Munsell colors of 2.5YR 4/6 dry Fe203, 3/6 moist. A substantial amount of silica in the analyses comes from quartz as well as kaolinite and other silicates, and the sediment also
because
and 2.5YR includes
other
oxides. These impurities including calcite and manganese a studies confirm that the soil is useful material for making industrial pottery or coarse storage jars or cooking vessels. It is not really suitable, however, for fine ceramics that require a smooth surface. The
soil that forms from the decomposition pale-colored cal phyllite has very different characteristics. Both Nodarou also analyzed this soil.46 It is more calcareous richer in some other elements, such as sodium. 42. Timpson see also Nodarou,
1992;Morris 2002; App.
43. Nevros and Zvorykin 1936; Danin,
Gerson,
and
Garty
Model
Plasma
Atomic
Emission
Spec
trometer [ICAP-AES] at theUniversity
L.
1983.
44.Morris used aThermo JarrelAsh
of Tennessee, pp.
Knoxville;
113,119-120, 45.
In the 20th
seeMorris
Kavousi century,
3
2002,
pedon. the soil at
Lakkos
of the lo and Morris
than the red soil, and it is In addition, it retains more
Ambeliou
was
used
as a source
of clay for brick making. 46. Nodarou, App. L in thiswork; Morris 2002, pp. 112 and 119, Kavousi 2
pedon.
CHAPTER
40
2
Figure 2.16. Terrace system AF 22, located near the habitation site. The small cave discussed inAppendix K (AF 9) is at the upper left, and ter raceAF 22b is infront of the cave than the terra rossa, so that it is more suitable for dry agricul ture.47 It also consolidates more firmly and does not erode as easily. Local conditions have stripped many of the carbonate hills of much of their red
moisture
soil cover, while The pale-colored
the phyllite slopes are still covered with deep deposits. soil is useful for agriculture, but not for the manufacture
of pottery.
and
Rock
Mineral
Resources
area is described above. Most of the land near the geology of the site at Katsoprinos has a covering of soil, and the outcrops of habitation bedrock are fairly small. Rocks include phyllite, dolomite, limestone, and a few small deposits of other rocks. The limestone and the dolomite are good are available, they are the main stones used they building materials. Where
The
habitation site is built over the for nearby terrace walls. The Chrysokamino on it uses dolomite blocks for its and of dolomite the hill, largest exposure source are a of lime for plaster. This also good walls. The carbonate rocks period, although might have been needed locally in theMinoan no evidence for its ancient use at Chrysokamino has been found. The local sources were definitely used for lime in later periods, and a limekiln from
material
the first half of the 20th century stands near Lakkos Ambeliou. The stone is also a good material for ground stone tools, especially for oval hand tools used in pounding and grinding. Small amounts of gray to black chert occur as inclusions in the dolomite and limestone. As in some other parts of the southern Aegean, however, the as the chert found inmainland Greece.48 As a result, not as good quality is were made of obsidian imported from East Cretan many chipped tools In post-Minoan periods, the residents of northeastern Crete used imported cherts and flints for threshing sledge blades and other purposes. eastern also used many other lithic materials. Although The Minoans
Melos.
Crete
has few deposits
of metals,
it has awide
variety of rock types. The
47. Morris 48. Jameson,
2002,
p. 76.
Runnels,
Andel 1994, pp. 302-303.
and van
THE
NATURAL
Minoans
ENVIRONMENT
collected
41
of them for various
purposes, including tools, other and items.49 The Chryso religious objects, in size and wealth, and many periods are poorly but the residents of the area certainly used east Cretan resources many
ornaments, stone vessels, kamino sites are modest preserved, as materials
for
querns,
stone
other
tools,
stone
vases,
and
other
objects.
Small deposits of several specific rocks and minerals occur in the Chry sokamino Some of them have territory and nearby parts of Crete. Minoan and later uses, while others do not. A deposit of coal lies north of Chrysokamino's did not find any use for territory,50 but the Minoans it.Although central Cretan gypsum was used inMinoan buildings,51 the local gypsum is too porous for architectural blocks (App. G, AF 15). A few other local deposits consist of stones used elsewhere in Crete, but whether were ever used is not known. In the specific deposits near Chrysokamino this latter category are the many small lenses of banded white and brown travertine including the one at Chylopittes (App. G, AF 34). They are of stone vases,52 but no examples of this mate the type used for Early Minoan rial come from the Chrysokamino excavations. Iron oxides and carbonates occur on the hill near the site, and they could have been used metallurgy as fluxes in but little of the smelting, original deposits survives today, and the extent of the original deposits is not known. On balance, the territory has little mineral wealth. The local phyllites and carbonates could be used as building materials, but the other deposits of useful stones are very small. They were suitable only for domestic tools and a few other items.
Copper
Ore
source of copper ore used at is particularly Chrysokamino impor tant in view of the date of FN-EM the III early metallurgy workshop. copper deposits exist in Crete,53 the modern geological survey Although The
no trace of any copper ore. territory has recorded that the rocks of the region probably never had any because have little nonferrous mineralization. copper Furthermore, they none of the modern residents of Kavousi who were questioned know of of the Chrysokamino It has been suggested
the presence of any copper in the vicinity. On the other hand, archaeologists who visited 1900 published
the region shortly after
statements:
very positive
On a headland about three miles east of this town are fragments of an ancient furnace, called figuratively by the peasants the "Golden some an and Furnace"; specimens of rock from adjacent cliff have shown on analysis a low percentage of copper, not sufficient to induce modern enterprise, toric inhabitants.54
49. The
most
the lithic materials Crete taken 1996.
inMinoan for Pseira;
study of complete used in eastern
50. Faure
times was
1912. 52. Compare Seager sources 53. For lists of copper
under
see Betancourt
1994
p. 48.
1966,
on
this
not
neglected
by the prehis
Branigan 1968, pp. 51-53; 1974,
51. Chlouveraki 1998.
and bibliography
but evidently
subject,
pp. 59-66; McGeehan-Liritzis pp. 386-387. 54. Hawes see
p. 38.
and Boyd
1996,
Hawes
1909,
42
CHAPTER
2
have repeated the suggestion that copper ore was found near Others, however, have rejected these claims. Branigan, Chrysokamino.55 who spent considerable time tracking down references to copper deposits, did not list the site among Cretan copper locations.56 Several writers
In view of the erosion
and the other geographical changes since the sea in Bronze Age, including level, the question of change a local copper source remains open, but the available evidence indicates that a nearby deposit is highly unlikely. Ore deposits that were exploited in the Bronze Age leave more than traces of ore. Ancient miners routinely a considerable
ore bits, the ore-bearing rock to remove the high-grade leaving behind waste rock in large amounts, aswell as broken and discarded stone crushed
tools.57 None
of this evidence
has been recorded from the Chrysokamino of an ore deposit, it is possible that the early archaeolo some stray ore discarded gists found pieces of by the smelting workshop. In the unlikely event that an ore deposit did once exist nearby, it must hillside.
Instead
have been very small. It did not fill the local needs, and foreign ore was as shown certainly brought in by ship, by the presence of copper ore on the small beach at Agriomandra and by the fact that the lead isotope pattern in the local slag matches Lavrion and Kythnos of inclusions (App. C). some distance from the ore is, in fact, common worldwide.58 at Smelting Furnace operations must adhere to schedules based on factors including the availability of labor and weather conditions that do not affect mining. no reason There for their schedules to coincide is, moreover, compelling with mining activities because mining output is based on other variables, such as intermittent discoveries of rich ores.
and
Forests
Other
Plants
the wild trees of ancient Greece in general in particular.59 They agree that timber played an impor tant role in the ancient world, though they differ in details of interpretation, especially in the extent of ancient Greek forest.60 The role of trees is nicely expressed by Rackham when he says that trees "are not part of the scenery
Several authors have discussed and those of Crete
are actors in the history; they play."61 In regard to the eastern part of the Gulf ofMirabello, the ancient vege can tation Several factors are relevant to only be partly reconstructed. Bronze Age conditions. The climate, discussed in the first section of this one of the most chapter, is important of these factors. The Mediterranean of the theater of human
sets the limits for the type of vegetation and the species that can grow and flourish under local conditions. The modern vegetation of the strip of coastal land near Chrysokamino also provides helpful information. It is mainly phrygana, which is a low climate
vegetation
often found
in Crete where
55. Fimmen 1921, pp. 17 and 120; Glotz 1923, p. 39; Lamb 1929, p. 5; Hutchinson 1962, p. 40; Faure 1966, p. 48.
1991; Gale
and Otta
and
1991.
way
58. Rothenberg 1972, pp. 208-210; Lechtman mann,
56. Branigan 1970a, p. 80, fig. 17; 1974, p. 60, fig. 1; 1988, p. 80, fig. 17. 57. D. Gale
the land has been overgrazed
Bach 1991; Hauptmann, and Maddin 1994, p. 4; O'Brien
1996. 59. See esp.Meiggs 1982; Perlin 1989; Rackham andMoody 1996;
Rackham
2001.
60. See
in
particular
the discussion
by Rackham (2001), who suggests the amount
of ancient
forest
overestimated. 61. Rackham
2001,
p. 5.
has been
NATURAL
THE
ENVIRONMENT
43
has been destroyed by fire. Very few trees grow on the taller vegetation remains are located. The trees that coastal strip where the archaeological are present are low shrubs of the type called maquis, species that would taller under favorable
grow
conditions
but remain
stunted
if browsed
by and other undershrubs also grow here. animals.62 Thyme was once agricultural terraces, however, show that the region in selected terraces found only post-Minoan farmland. Excavations remains, or other
goats Abandoned
suggesting
that many
of the terraces were
not built until after the Bronze
was used even though the survey indicates that this land (App. K), already during the Minoan period (App. G). How much forest was present? Pollen analysis and other forms of evidence suggest that, like some other parts of Greece, portions of Crete wet period following the retreat of probably had substantial forests in the
Age
the last glacier.63 The date at which these hypothetical forests disappeared from eastern Crete is not clear, however. Certainly, Crete was never com most of the endemic Cretan plants (species that pletely forested, because do not occur anywhere else) are not forest plants but species that grow on more open land.64At there was surely no forest in the Late Chrysokamino, Bronze Age because few wild animal bones are present in the archaeological record, and large numbers of sheep/goat bones indicate extensive grazing. No forest could grow on extremely eroded hills like Chalepa. The erosion that removed soil from this hill and deposited large amounts of terra rossa at Lakkos Ambeliou, which was earlier thanMiddle Minoan based on the of soil (App. G), presence of sherds on the surface of the accumulation indicates that the date of the erosion was earlier than the 2nd millen nium
b.c. This
erosion must
have
taken place
after the natural ground
cover had disappeared. It is likely that human
activities during the Bronze Age curtailed or cover local forest still in place before the Final Neolithic. any to be cleared for agriculture, and grazing would also have needed
eliminated Fields
inhibited natural plant growth. Grain impressions in the furnace chimneys show that agriculture was already prevalent at the end of the Early Bronze or Age (Chap. 12). In addition, activities like making quicklime for plaster65 the copper smelting operation itself could have required considerable fuel, and the cutting of trees for charcoal may have been a factor in destroying or reducing any remaining forests.66 By theMiddle Bronze Age, the forest was surely restricted to areas not used for farming. the presence of extensive local forests, however, wild an resource. Timber from the hills been would have important rising plants inland from the coast could have been exploited. Both maquis and larger trees would have grown in the gullies and ravines in all eras, including pe Even without
an agriculture. These plants would have been important source of charcoal and wood for fuel. Herbs, edible greens, and other useful wild plants would always have been available. riods of extensive
62. Rackham 63.
Zohary
2001, p. 8. and Orsan 1965; Turner
andGrieg 1975;Turner 1978. 64. Rackham 65. Betancourt 66. For as a result 1983; ham
the concept of
for an 2001,
pp. 7-8. 2004b.
2001,
metallurgy,
opposing pp. 33-34.
of deforestation seeWertime view,
see Rack
Forests
and other uncultivated
areas would
have provided other useful resources, in addition to the plants themselves. They would have sheltered wild animals, including hares and birds that could be hunted. The bone of a hare found in the faunal remains at the site (Chap. 11) can metallurgy come from hunting. Flowers were always available, and they only have would have supported beekeeping (discussed further inApp. I).
CHAPTER
44 Fish
and
Other
Marine
2
Resources
of the Aegean Sea must also be regarded as a resource. Al is not a coastal site in the traditional sense, itwas though Chrysokamino close enough to the sea to make some use of its potential. The harbor is within easy walking distance, and trails lead down to the shore near both the The
proximity
settlement
and the metallurgy
on
fishing at nearby Pseira of the sea as a food source consisted
location. Research
suggests that the Pseiran exploitation resources available near the coast?both fish only of coastal fishing.67 The have been and other marine life such as sea urchins and mollusks?would to the residents
at Chrysokamino
aswell,
and the archaeological a the exploitation of the sea. The marine environment, sea can coast and the shells abundant with shallow water, life, support rocky and small fish from here would have formed a useful adjunct to protein from other sources. Salt, an additional resource from the sea, would also available
record confirms
have been available.
67. Rose
1996.
PART II:THE METALLURGY WORKSHOP
CHAPTER
3
The
of
Excavation
Metallurgy
the
Workshop
byPhilip P. Betancourty James D. Muhly, EleniA. Armpis, Robert S. Powell, Elizabeth B. Shank, Evi Sikla, and Tanya Yangaki
After
in 1985, a formal several informal visits to Chrysokamino beginning to the site in 1994 accompanied from by representatives
visit was made the village Kophinakis,
Plans were made
to begin an excavation. Dimitris the mayor at that time, extended the full support of the local This included free access to the site (which is public land), the
of Kavousi.
government. offer of the Kavousi
as a storage and for use, without charge, new roadwork to access. Other study facility, and the promise of improve were a research was made for the and logistics arranged, plan project to summer. the following begin The goals for the project included a better understanding of the nature schoolhouse
location and of its relationship to the local terri of the workshop was seen as a part of a regional study that would elucidate its broader context. The nearby habi tation site, ca. 600 m away on a dolomite outcrop on the southwest slope of the hill of Chomatas, was excavated as an integral part of the Chryso and date of the metallurgy tory. From the beginning,
the excavation
kamino
Project.1 Even before excavation began, the extent of the metallurgy location was was covered with easily visible because its surface chimney fragments and a no soil was visible in such concentration that almost slag heavy (Fig. 3.1). Only a small amount of grass and a few other plants grew on this bare and
1. The third archaeological location in the territory, the burial Theriospelio, cave on the slope of the hill north of the metallurgy in this project.
site, was The
not
three
investigated locations were
all first inhabited in the Final Neolithic period,
and
they
were
all in use during
the Early Bronze Age and the opening phase of theMiddle Bronze Age. The habitation the Late
site continued Bronze
Age.
to be used
in
in a single location, with infertile spot. The slag heap was concentrated a at its sharp line edge where the slag stopped and the surrounding soil was on a promontory The location the Aegean, with a began. overlooking sea view of the good (Fig. 3.2). The position of the metallurgy site within the local landscape and its to the closest habitation site can be seen in the relationship in meters of shown 1.2. The 600 drawing Figure landscape two locations is easy to walk, with no major natural barriers on a cliff at the bottom of two places. The slag heap, found a coastal headland with between
an elevation
between
the
a hill, sits on
It lies on a small saddle
on the west
and phyllite on the east, with to the north and the south.
of limestone
outcrops the land sloping down both The surface bedrock, discussed
formation
of ca. 38 m.
topographic between the
of the headland.
in Chapter 2, plays a crucial role in the The western end of the promontory, directly
CHAPTER
48
3
Figure lurgy
3.1. The site before
surface
of the metal
excavation
Figure 3.2. The metallurgy .-**&?
..
during
site
excavation
above the sea, consists of Plattenkalk limestone, which is hard and durable. tectonic plate.2 The adjacent bedrock is a much It is part of the African tectonic plate that has been thrust softer phyllite, part of the European over the African
one. Because the limestone bedrock at the western tip of more resistant than the is the headland adjacent substantially harder and two is formations and because interface between the the especially phyllite, the limestone remains as an outcrop that rises higher subject toweathering, than the adjacent rock. The result is a small natural saddle that slopes more toward the north than the south (Fig. 3.2). Here, on this natural trough established that terminates in cliffs at its two ends, the early metallurgists their workshop. road stops well inland and uphill from the metallurgy site (Fig. 1.4). The promontory must be approached by descending a steep can also be see Figure 2.1). The headland slope (for the contour Unes, The
modern
2.
Papastamatiou
et al. 1959.
THE
EXCAVATION
OF
THE
METALLURGY
. ?s-
Figure 3.3. Sieving at the metallurgy workshop
WORKSHOP
49
* '^w^t^m
on the western side when the sea is calm; a steep path approached by boat near the a from small leads up ending landing place to the promontory, location where the dry sieve is shown in Figure 3.3. The steep hill between the metallurgy site and the modern road above has no agricultural terraces, and the absence of sherds suggests it has had little recent use aside from occasional
grazing. surface survey began in 1995 with mapping and geological studies, at the settlement site and it continued for two additional years. Excavations The
and the metallurgy workshop were conducted in 1996 and 1997. This vol ume describes the results of the survey and the work at the site.3 metallurgy The 1995 season lasted only two weeks. It included geological study, instrument survey, and mapping. This season was intended to be a prepa ration for the excavation scheduled for the next two seasons. No artifacts were installed near the location, Survey points metallurgical of the area. and a topographic grid was established to aid in the mapping Under the supervision of Lada Onyshkevych, this work was accomplished with aTopcon GTS 303 Electronic Total Station attached to a Gateway 2000 Handbook (486) laptop computer. were inserted at 2 m intervals on the the rectangular Using grid, stakes were collected.
border of the area to be excavated.
In the two seasons when
excavation was
conducted (1996 and 1997), string was attached to the stakes to create a se ries of 2 x 2 m grid-squares. A letter-plus-number system was used to facili was excavated tate recording. The site by grid-square (Fig. 3.4), and the slag a was a pile sampled in series of squares that created long trench north and a more in with the southwest south, quadrant (Fig. 3.5). complete coverage A large part of the slag pile was left unexcavated because something should always be preserved for future archaeological investigation. Because the boundaries of the site could be easily traced before the excavation began (since the ground was completely covered with slag and small pieces of industrial ceramics), measuring the slag heap s outer border 3. The site will
excavations be
published
at the habitation separately.
was
a simple matter. The deposit extended tance of 34 m from location E5015 N4989
from north to E5015
to south for a dis N5023,
and east to
CHAPTER
5o
3
Figure 3.4. James Muhly cleaning the upper part of the apsidal build ing, visible at the bottom of the level with
west
for a distance
averaging
between
grass
roots
10 and 15 m from location E5007
N4998 toE5019 N4998.The deposit had clearly eroded off the cliffs into overall area of slag and clay of about 375 to 380 m2. No architecture was visible
the sea at both the north and south sides. The
fragments consisted before excavation, and (aside from the fragments of industrial ceramics) only a few sherds were present. None of the sherds was easily identifiable as to date. Many of the ceramic pieces had awhite calcareous coating adhering to them, especially on their inner surfaces. Almost were under 5 cm in size. fragments Excavation
was
conducted
all of the slag and clay
in 1996 and 1997 under
the supervision supervisors included
of James D. Muhly and Philip P. Betancourt. Trench Eleni A. Armpis, Robert S. Powell, Elizabeth B. Shank, Evi Sikla, and teams of three workmen. Tanya Yangaki. The supervisors worked with Manolis
was foreman. Objects collected from the modern surface and the letter S. Excavated units with their grid-square
Hairetakis
were
numbered
were
numbered
sequentially beginning with the first pass.4 Unfortunately, this site did not yield a single artifact with any evidence that itwas in its use. All pottery consisted of fragments, all of which had original place of been scattered in antiquity. no stratigraphy was present, excavation was conducted in 10 cm Where was followed where it existed. All soil units. Natural stratigraphy deep except for water-sieving and material remaining
was dry-sieved, samples and other soil samples on the screens was washed with fresh water after
remove dust and facilitate visibility. No soil was dumped without sieving to wet. In 1996, all pottery, and sieving subsequent examination, both dry and faunal rounded stones, unusual stones, and slag remains, chimney fragments, were cm saved; similar collecting strategies fragments above the size of 2 was not saved. water Samples for employed in 1997 except that slag were as the collected directed other and purposes supervisors, by sieving collected from each level.Water-sieving with samples for water-sieving was conducted onsite (Fig. 3.3), using fresh water brought in by truck to a reservoir on the modern road uphill from the excavation. The water was were
4. The volume that from
of artifacts catalogues the find contexts, include
the reader
can ascertain
the same grid-square
what and
in this so came stratum.
THE
EXCAVATION
OF
THE
METALLURGY
WORKSHOP
51
Cliff
N A
Small Hut
5007E 5002N
5007E 4992N Figure excavated
3.5.
Plan at the
of the
grid-squares site.
metallurgy
E. Shank
to the site by channelled details irrigation pipe using gravity. Additional of recovery and recording are documented a on in handbook methodology file in the INSTAP Study Center for East Crete library.5 With the exception of the grid squares inwhich the apsidal building was discovered (discussed in Chapter 4), the same excavation method was repeated in every grid square, with similar results overall. After removal and bagging of any stone tools or sherds found on the surface, the first pass was excavated. It invariably yielded small slag fragments, pieces of furnace chimneys with black vitreous deposits on their interior surfaces, of phyllite, and a mixture of soil, ground-up slag, and tiny The first roots also contained from pass fragments. grasses and
angular pieces 5. Betancourt
1995.
chimney
CHAPTER
52
3
other plants. Infrequently, the workmen would find amarine shell, a piece of a clay vessel, or some other artifact. Except for the roots, the lower passes were similar. Some passes had no pottery except for the chimney pieces. was visible anywhere in the stratigraphy slag pile, except for the squares inwhich the apsidal structure was located. was concern The methodology rigorous enough to allow conclusions ing what materials were not present. As previously noted, all excavated
No
was
material
dry-sieved.
The
coarse
material
remaining
on
was
screen
the
in order to remove dust and reveal any green, blue, or ore was ever found this way. In no seasons red copper ore, but spite of two awater of extensive water-sieving using separation machine operated by with water
washed
not a single seed or fragment of charcoal was recov skilled paleobotanists, was ered. Nor any piece of partly consumed fuel found in either season of excavation.
acces the 1996 season of excavations, the study, conservation, During were in and of finds undertaken the Kavousi school sioning, cataloguing house. In 1997, work was transferred to the newly constructed INSTAP Study Center also
for East Crete
in Pacheia Ammos
where
the artifacts were
stored.
work was done at these study facilities during the course of the seasons. Trench excavation supervisors studied their own pottery under a brief report the the supervision of the directors, writing day following was after the washed and dried. They also selected excavation, pottery were at that time. Accessioned initial objects for accessioning objects Much
drawn, were
photographed,
accessioned.
and catalogued.
Accessioning
and
Subsequently,
cataloguing
strategy
additional was
objects
more
com
than at some sites. All waterworn
stones and all pottery sherds were plete a catalogued except for few samples retained for possible future destructive were acces of the analysis. Samples fragments of the furnace chimneys sioned. All other artifacts were accessioned. The registrar, Mary Betancourt, supervised the cataloguing operation. Further analytical work on finds from the metallurgy location was done at the following laboratories and institutions: 1. Isotrace Laboratory for Archaeology (Research Laboratory the History of Art), Oxford University, England 2. Mineralogical Laboratory, Geology Department, Temple University, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 3. Archaeological Laboratory, Department
of Art History,
and
Temple
University, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 4. Bartol Research Institute, Department of Physics, University Delaware, Newark, Delaware 5.Museum
Science Center for Archaeology (MASCA), Applied of Archaeology and of University Pennsylvania Museum
Pennsylvania Philadelphia, Anthropology, 6.Materials of Materials Characterization Facility, Department Science and Engineering, of Phila University Pennsylvania, delphia, Pennsylvania
of
THE
EXCAVATION
OF
THE
METALLURGY
WORKSHOP
53
7. INSTAP
Study Center for East Crete, Pacheia Ammos, Crete 8. Exhibit Museum, of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Michigan University 9. Department of Archaeology and Prehistory, University of Sheffield, England inArchaeology 10. Center forMaterials Research and Ethnology and the Center
for Geochemical
Analysis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Boston, Massachusetts 11. Laboratory for Archaeometry, NCSR "Democritos," Hagia Greece Paraskevi, Attica, 12.Martin Chemical Laboratory, Department of Chemistry, College, Davidson, North Carolina Research Laboratory, Department of Chemistry, New York College, Poughkeepsie,
Davidson 13. Amber
Vassar
The
Structure
Apsidal
byPhilip P. Betancourt
a series of 2 x 2 meter square trenches arranged project excavated from north to south on the long axis of the ancient slag pile in order to determine whether any features were preserved within or below the deposit of smelting debris (Fig. 3.5). Only a little vegetation was present on the
The
surface of the slag, but a few bushes grew in grid squares L 18, 18.Most of the excavated grid squares showed no change in most places, stratigraphy anywhere between the surface and bedrock. In
modern M
18, and N
the deposit consisted of small pieces of black, glassy slag mixed ments of industrial pottery containing holes pierced before firing, same phyllite found in nearby outcrops, angular pieces of the other artifacts. The only area that differed lay in the southwest
with
frag occasional and a few
quarter of the deposit where the bushes were growing. It later became apparent that the slag. plant roots had taken advantage of ancient lenses of soil within was an area A small building first recognized when of pale-colored soil
was
in Trenches
L 18, L 19, N 18, and N 19 (Figs. 3.4-4.4). contrasted with the darker color of the slag, began to the surface, at the level of the roots of the few plants in these grid squares. It was first visible at 37.90/37.96 masl.
discovered
pale soil, which be visible just below
The
growing When the area was
fully revealed by excavation, it became apparent that of three superimposed lenses, each one with an apsidal its long axis oriented north to south and the rounded end at
the soil consisted
shape with the north (Figs. 4.1, 4.2). The lenses of soil were were
floors within
a small structure whose
walls
of wood and other perishable materials. The building had three strata, visible as successive apsidal floors. The highest floor was covered with a small amount of slag, and additional slagwas found beneath constructed
the lowest floor. All
of the floors were
distinct, and the stratigraphically six grid squares. A few circular features were present at the margins of the lenses in the lower two strata, and they were most clearly visible at the south and at the east of the lowest floor. structure
could be traced within
of cylindrical cavities filled with dark, pulverized slag, had migrated down into the cavities from the sides and from above. The slag-filled cavities, apparently postholes, defined the outer margin of the apsidal area of soil. Eight postholes could be securely identified
They which
consisted
CHAPTER
56
4
Figure 4.1. Aerial view of the apsidal building; squaresM 18 and L 18 show in the
wC-:;:?
>3*v-#?g
floor.
N
the middle
floor;
photograph Kite photograph
show
other the
squares lower
by Jan Driessen
N20
M 20
L20
0
1m
Figure 4.2. Plan of the lower floor
THE
APSIDAL
STRUCTURE
57
Figure 4.3. The apsidal building
Figure
4.4.
Level
4 in
grid-square
N 19, looking north, showing the lower
floor
at the eastern
side of the
apsidal building structure was the more were clearly present originally. This (Fig. 4.5), but at site. After the lowest of discovered the built feature metallurgy only the three strata was exposed, the building was reburied to preserve it for future
generations.
was renewed three superimposed layers of soil show that the floor twice after the small structure was built (Fig. 4.6). At the north, the outer at the same place, indicating that edges of the superimposed lenses occurred at after the wall the north edge of the soil was built for the first phase of The
the structure, its position was not moved. At the south, however, the posts were moved for the middle floor. This floor was larger than the original one. The uppermost floor, found surface, was very just below the modern at not be measured the edges. The soil in all three floors disturbed. It could was
the same: a pale colored disintegrated phyllite typical of this part of Hill. The pale soil contrasted significantly with the darker color of the deposit of slag below and beside it.
Chomatas
is known of the upper floor because itwas just below the modern surface, and its soil was very disturbed. It appears to have been about the same size as the lower two floors. Its upper surface was irregular and poorly Little
CHAPTER
58
N
Sharp Edge
A
4
N20
of
Floor
M 20
L20
Probable
Soil Spread
Doorway
Outside
Doorway
P = Post
Hole
Figure 4.5. Apsidal building, floor,
1m was visible at ca. 37.90 to 37.96 masl (because of the soil preserved, but it color), presumably close to its original surface. The middle floor (Fig. 4.6), formed of the same pale-colored phyllitic soil as the other two floors, lay at an elevation of ca. 37.91/38.05 masl. At the east, the edge of the middle floor (visible in Fig. 4.1) extended slightly was found at the beyond the edge of the lower floor. A lens of burned soil an x area cm ca. 65 in size. oval 50 Two large stones north, covering irregular on the lowest floor one as well. The soil used resting projected above this to form the floor had many sherds mixed within it, and a few fragments found on the surface of the floor (marked on the drawing, formed complete vessels, and in some cases fragments of same were the vessel its soil, indicating both on top of the floor and within that the pottery was not used in this building. Possibly itwas used instead near the place where the soil originated. The southern part of the build was ing enlarged relative to the previous period of use, and the posts were in seated slightly different locations.
of pottery were Fig. 4.6). None
at ca. 37.75 to 37.94 masl, sat directly The lowest floor (Figs. 4.4,4.5,4.7), on top of the of and other smelting debris. Between pulverized slag deposit 37 and 45 cm of slag lay below this lowest floor, and bedrock was found
doorway
showing
the
location
lower
of the
THE
APSIDAL
STRUCTURE
59
N
A Bellows 189 . Sherd 83
Burned Area
Disturbed
mv*>
Sherd 102
*.
'
^
_,^
77
++^-Sherd
Bellows
2Q2
Cup 78
Stone Tool 139
38.04
2m
GRID SQUARE M 18
3815
GRID SQUARE M 19 -
_
^_?_ UPPER FLOOR
37.88
|-
38.10 above
sea
level
37.43
Figure 4.6. Plan of the apsidal build ings middle floor and cross section of the building
6o
CHAPTER
4
Pot Bellows
203 Probable Post Hole
Channel from Plant Root
Probable Post
Hole
Figure 4.7. Plan of the apsidal buildings lower floor the slag. The floor was packed and firm, with only two sherds lying upon it (fragments of pot bellows 190 and 203). A burned area was found at the north. It consisted of about 50 x 65 cm of red soil. Its northern side was 15 cm from the north edge of the lens of soil. Two large approximately stones (neither with any signs of working or use on the upper surface) and several smaller ones rested on this floor (Fig. 4.4, at left of photograph). below
shape of the lowest lens of soil can be best seen in the plan shown 4.7. The boundaries of the floor could be easily traced by the of the and the edges of the soil floor. Postholes were postholes configuration The
in Figure
were less distinct at the clearly visible at the south, east, and north. They west, either because they were never present or because of disturbance from roots. The soil here (at the west) was extremely disturbed from plant the roots of bushes still growing at the time of excavation, and the exact outer (western) margin of the lens of soil could not be traced. The south
modern
of a row of three postholes, with awider distance between a ones (forming doorway). The eastern and northern a sides of the building had scalloped appearance at the edge of the floor, and only a few postholes could be seen. The wall must have been made side consisted
the two western
of some perishable and perhaps flexible material that was posts. Postholes were about 15-20 cm in diameter.
attached
to the
THE
APSIDAL
STRUCTURE
6l
OBJECTS ASSOCIATED WITH THE BUILDING few fragments of vessels and bellows were found both on and within the two upper floors. The lowest floor was almost completely clean on its
A
surface, and itwas not removed by excavation. The middle floor, which was ca. 5-10 cm above the lowest one, had the most sherds on it and within it were on com not Most found the it. within of No soil, top (Fig. 4.6). objects vases were on any of the floors; plete everything consisted of casual sherds. The objects are discussed in the other chapters of this volume. They indicate a date in the EM III-MMIA period of eastern Crete, when East was
in use (see Chap. 5). The three phases of the structure are successive, but they are separated by too little time for any occur. It must be that no evidence change in pottery style to emphasized was found for the actual use of the bellows, shallow bowls, and other jars, Cretan White-on-Dark
Ware
ceramic objects in this building itself. The artifacts must be regarded as part of a secondary deposit. Most sherds came from within the soil, not on top of the floors, indicating that the objects must have been used elsewhere, near the location where the soil was excavated to form these presumably successive
floors.
THE ARCHITECTURE
eastern Crete
are uncommon
in Crete, a few structures from the island.1 They are more common in structures with curved than elsewhere. None of theMinoan
apsidal buildings Although with curved ends are known walls
because provide good parallels for the example from Chrysokamino all previously discovered apsidal buildings from Minoan Crete are built of stone or mudbrick. The is, at present, apsidal structure at Chrysokamino on the island. are more common much in Anatolia unique Apsidal plans and northern Greece.2 Although most northern are built Aegean examples on stone foundations, a few are also known.3 of wood buildings The use of perishable materials for buildings is also uncommon (or seldom recognized) inMinoan Crete, but the evidence from Chrysokamino is very clear. The presence of posts iswell attested, but no traces of clay,
plaster,
or
other
weatherproofing
materials
were
present.
Postholes
were
especially clear at the south and east of the lower floor where the remains were well preserved. no trace of any wood remained, the outline Although of the posts could be recognized because the soil from the floor had spread around the wood when the site was in use. The phyllitic soil was not very so it did not mobile, spread into the cavity as the loose slag did when the wooden
the site posts disappeared (perhaps from being pulled up when line of at A soil the of the floor abandoned). sharp pale-colored edge where it had been laid up against a wall or some other barrier could be
was 1. Giannouli
1995.
2. Hood 1986, pp. 41-42; Werner 1993. 3. See Hood 1986, p. 41; Renfrew 1986a,
p. 191.
traced easily, especially at the north. This some sharp edge showed that at divided interior from exterior the of the wall the floor; i.e., thing edge was built before the soil was out was in the interior. The soil spread only spread outside the structure at the south, where it had been scuffed outside
62
CHAPTER
4
at the doorway. In addition, the position of the sherds and other artifacts interior and exterior everywhere except indicated a sharp break between at the south, to confirm that this was not just a set of posts at the helping a lens of soil but an actual barrier of preventing anything inside from edge the interior was strewn casually being kicked out of the structure. Although with casual debris (Figs. 4.6,4.7), not a single sherd was immediately north of the edge of the soil. No
evidence
survives for a roof. Since the walls were made
of perishable it is likely that a roof would have been perishable aswell. How materials, ever, one could also reconstruct the walls as a simple barrier with no roof at all, or with a partial covering of branches providing some shade but no real shelter. The hearth area at the north suggests that probably nothing the place where the fire was built. architectural tradition that uses posts driven into the ground is called pile-based construction. Several conclusions regarding this practice at may be inferred from the surviving evidence. Most Chrysokamino likely the builders began by driving posts into the deposit of slag to form a U-shaped outline with the entrance at the south or a J-shaped outline with both covered
The
the south and west
was
then placed either against the posts, creating a solid barrier forming the wall. Finally, soil was to make the floor, and itwas spread out evenly placed inside the space to create a relatively flat surface extending as far as the posts and the wall attached to them. open.
Some material
or beside
the aspects of the small hut suggest northern connections: stone the of the absence foundations, megaron plan, pile-based construction, and the use of wood without mudbricks. Pile-based architecture, in fact, has Its technology is still been present in northern Greece since the Neolithic.4 Several
known
as a folk tradition
in the 21st century, and architectural studies of building practices inThessaly and Thrace demonstrate
modern
pile-based structures.5 Several aspects of the techniques used for this class of wooden the modern pile-based buildings help to explain the archaeological evidence
at
Chrysokamino.
use vertical posts with their bases set firmly into buildings the ground to form the core of the walls. The sturdy vertical timbers form the skeleton of the building. Flexible limbs of smaller diameter are often to the posts, with the limbs placed alternately inside attached horizontally Pile-based
and outside
the vertical
timbers
to create the walls. The
alternation
in the
a
scalloped wall that is placement of the flexible horizontal branches makes at the floor. This construction may be the explanation for the visible easily at the outer edge of the soil floor at Chrysokamino scalloped appearance of rigid vertical piles set into the ground (Figs. 4.5-4.7). A combination and flexible materials as
for the walls
is a combination
that has been regarded It iswell suited
resistant to the lateral forces of fierce winds.6
particularly to the windy conditions on the hill with the workshop. The framework provides the underlying structure, but a covering is necessary to make the building complete. The walls of modern Thessalian or mud to make a daub are regularly smeared with clay pile-based buildings at traces that of daub survive structure.7 No suggesting Chrysokamino, if the walls were covered, the builders used leather, fabric, or some other more windproof. perishable material to make the shelter
4. See
text, plans,
and bibliography
(p. 88) inHiller andNikolov 1988. 5. Efstratiou 1997; Eres 2003. 6. Rapoport 7. Efstratiou
1969, 1997.
pp.
112-113.
THE
APSIDAL
STRUCTURE
63
THE PURPOSE OF THE STRUCTURE location of the apsidal feature on top of the slag pile may seem unusual, but the explanation for its placement is easy to understand because if such a structure were required for the workshop,- itwould have been more difficult
The
around the elsewhere in the vicinity. The area immediately on of of is hard limestone bedrock very very compact, consisting slag pile the side nearest the sea (the west) and phyllite bedrock with very little soil cover on the inland side. Bedrock is near the surface, with little soil cover. to construct
as easier than Perhaps driving posts into the slagwould have been regarded cover was sufficient to drive the a where soil the piles deeply finding place to seat into them the enough ground properly. All the objects in the structure were fragmentary. They included pieces of clay cooking dishes, bowls, cups, and jars in small to large sizes as well as pot bellows fragments. Many of the sherds suggested the possibility of food preparation and consumption. The pot bellows fragments were the only evidence
a few activity aside from slag and furnace like those found outside the structure. No crucible
for metallurgical
chimney
fragments or other fragments, mold fragments, copper prills, copper waste, objects were the present. suggesting casting process Activities inside the small structure cannot have involved more than three or four persons because of the lack of space. The presence of a burned area on all three floors shows that a role in these activities and heating played that the fire continued to be used in the same place through all three stages of the structures history. A number of possible interpretations are suggested.
Option
1. The
Hut
Was
Used
for
Smelting
has published a suggestion that the lens of soil was used as a place for smelting and that the pot bellows were placed inside what he calls the "so-called postholes."8 Unfortunately, this idea is not supported by the
Watrous
postholes have dimensions of 15 to 20 cm, while have dimensions of 30 to 50 cm. The bellows were hot enough evidence. The
the bellows to have soil
fused to them, but neither fused soil nor any other evidence for intense heat was found at the edge of the floor. All the evidence from scientific analysis indicates that the smelting at Chrysokamino generated products that could only have been created inside a bowl furnace excavated into the ground (Apps. C and F), and no such bowl furnace is present in the lens of soil. And finally, since most of the pieces of bellows were found within the floor packing, they were brought to this location along with the soil, so they were used and broken elsewhere.
Option Metallurgical
2. The
Location
Was
Used
for
Some
Other
Activity
hearth area is only a slightly burned area, visible by its reddish color. It is not the base of a bowl furnace, but one might still consider whether a it was a location on which purpose was something with metallurgical heated. Smelting was only one step in ancient The metallurgy. smelting of
The
8.Watrous
2001,
p. 216.
copper under Bronze Age
conditions
resulted
in very impure metal. After
CHAPTER
64
4
the smelting, they had to purify the copper completed by remelting it in crucibles before they could pour the molten metal into molds to make useful objects. the metalworkers
to this theory, the According apsidal areawould not have been the floor a a of building, but lens of soil used to work on, and the posts driven into the slag would have supported something other than the walls of a build one cannot ing (perhaps a heat barrier?). Although completely rule out the was practiced inside a closed structure, several that possibility metallurgy points argue against the hypothesis of activity inside an actual building at inside a hut, space would have been with any metallurgical major problem activity, and the high heat would a a to hut made of perishable materials. have been If metallurgy danger a roof because were the activity, then the posts would not have supported this location.
If the lens of soil were
a
of the smoke and sparks that needed venting. In addition, a strong wind a role in all operations where the heat must be intense, so plays metallurgical a very choosing windy site and then placing the location for the activity out of the wind is somewhat illogical, and itwould prevent the best results. If the structure were used for metallurgy, one might envision the posts or framework construction, some type of either to pro supporting bracing or use of the bellows. tect the metallurgists perhaps in connection with the this hypothesis, the scallops in the edges of the soil might be regarded as the traces left by the edges of the pots for the pot bellows, which would be used in large numbers to force air into a portable, freestanding furnace or hearth or brazier that would be over the burned area. A very placed
With
serious problem with this reconstruction, however, is that the pots used as seem set to into bellows have been the ground surface and seated with mud, which fused to them during use, and no traces of this fused mud survive on the floors where
this theory. In addition, on the soil surface, pieces of them placed were not would have been high up in the slag pile, and they present. In addition, no evidence survives at Chrysokamino for a casting or a single crucible fragment comes from the site, remelting operation. Not and the slag is all smelting slag, rather than the residue from remelting for they would if the furnaces or crucibles were
have been with
of implements (one obvious difference between smelting is and from the higher iron content of the former). slag remelting slag Little physical evidence supports this possibility. the manufacture
3. The
Option
Hut
Was
a Dwelling
had to live somewhere, but the character of this structure The metallurgists tasks could not have been practiced inside it. indicates that all household The hearth takes up so much room that very few people could be inside at once, even sitting down. Insufficient space is present for storage or for structure was not very weatherproof, and the It is that likely sleeping. a were in winter. If the hut itwould have been cold and uncomfortable dwelling, place
one would
have
to assume
that many
domestic
activities
took
outdoors.
as awhole is not the range of artifacts from the workshop to represent a habitation site. No ground stone querns enough
In addition, complete
APSIDAL
THE
STRUCTURE
65
nor stone nor loomweights spindle whorls no cook vases. Pottery is specialized (mainly dishes, cups, and jars, with no almost the and few luxury items, pouring vessels). Among ing pots, for the from the Ware White-on-Dark sherds, corpus example, workshop includes no fragments of the decorated jugs and teapots that are usually are present. The
site has neither
found at settlements
from this period.9 Even food remains (animal bones, marine other and remains) are not numerous shells, enough to suggest either permanent or seasonal settlement at the location.
Option
4. The
Hut
Was
a Kitchen
for cooking is another possible the small hut at the metallurgy workshop.
A
location
explanation for the presence of need not have The windbreak
to because it would have been designed completely weatherproof a on too from small fire this prevent cooking burning rapidly windswept of the finds (domestic pottery hill. It need not have been roofed. Many animal bones, marine shells, stone [including cooking dishes],obsidian,
been
tools of small size, and cups and other serving vessels) suggest that at least some food was in the immediate vicinity. If the prepared and consumed lens of soil were
the floor of a small building, itmay have been a kitchen even if the metalworkers returned to their
a noon meal was cooked, homes at night.
where
Unanswered questions, however, also exist with the hypothesis that the structure was used as a kitchen. The nature of the hearth area (a flat space dis colored by fire) indicates that fires were built over it, not on it; if a fire were made here, the remains were either carefully cleaned away after use or the fire inside a portable hearth. The only cooking vessel sherds from the site are from a shape called a cooking dish, a large, shallow vessel whose thin walls indicate itwas used in place over a fire and not moved. Such a vessel would
was
have been supported by stones or by the edges of a portable hearth, prevent ing it from tipping over. Fires would have been built around it.However, this configuration was not preserved here, although itmay present. The main Minoan cooking vessel of EM III-MM a vessel that is common at the Chrysokamino cooking pot, half a kilometer away, but does not occur here. The absence of
once have been IA is the tripod habitation site
broken cooking no was of that indicates vessel broken course, here, offering pots, only tripod no
evidence
as to whether
or not
the
shape
was
used
nearby.
A roof over a cooking area is not desirable because of the smoke that would rise from the hearth. With the building used as a kitchen, one would that the expect posts supported only a screen that was partly roofed to a little shade. The structure would have been a temporary shelter provide rather than a full building.
Option
5. The
of the contents results
1984.
Was
an Apothecary
of clay vases from the workshop reveal some were of the vessels Several interesting (App. M). sufficiently well to yield evidence of their contents. The residues in some of the preserved vases yield evidence for spices and herbs, including saffron, camphor, and
Analyses
9. Betancourt
Hut
66
CHAPTER
4
rue.
some of these herbs may have been used for Although flavoring food, uses. The absence of normal would also have had medicinal they cooking residues such as plant oils or animal fats in the vessels containing these raises the possibility that some of the mixtures had a specialized use. Some of the herbs have been as traditionally employed analgesics for skin problems such as burns. One should also note that arsenic poisoning causes skin lesions that would have needed treatment. The configuration of herbs
area, suggesting use of a portable hearth rather than a cooking not does contradict this hypothesis. However, because the sherds were fire, found mostly within the floors and not on them, we cannot conclude that the hearth
anything
found
in the structure was necessarily
on
Conclusions
the
Hut's
used there.
Use
all the evidence, a metallurgical process other than smelt or the are the most of medicines ing, simple cooking, preparation likely on at the hut. Perhaps the most plausible interpretation activities carried In considering
for the apsidal structure is that itwas a small kitchen associated with the in this isolated location may have workshop. The metallurgists working in the evening, even wanted a cooked meal at noon or perhaps occasionally if they returned to their homes at night, because they could not interrupt to prevent the cooking the smelting process once it had begun. A windbreak fire from burning too quickly would have been absolutely necessary due to the windy conditions on this bare hillside, and a small structure (probably roofed) would have provided for the needs of the cook. The that herbal medicines were also prepared in such a structure possibility cannot be dismissed, particularly given the specialized nature of the pottery from the site and the absence of sherds from tripod cooking pots, which are only partly
common
in the EM
III-MM
IA corpus at the nearby habitation
site.
CHAPTER
5
Pottery
The
byPhilip P. Betancourt
few sherds come from the metallurgy workshop. Their dates Relatively (FN) to EM III-MM IA, with the largest range from Final Neolithic number of pieces coming from the final period. Relatively few shapes are a represented, and the pottery is clearly specialized assemblage. Even the pottery from the final phase lacks several crucial shapes, including the tri are present. The sherds come from pod cooking pot. No complete vessels the slag, from the soil used for the floor of the apsidal structure, and from the ancient ground surface that existed when the apsidal structure was standing. scattered
locations within
THE POTTERY PERIODS In eastern Crete, EM III-MM IA cannot be divided stylistically into two of Most the sherds from before this phase come from the slag pile. periods. one sherd, the FN are all from the some of Except for pieces slag pile, and them come from deep within the deposit (though not at its base). All of the I?II fragments are also from the slag deposit. This pattern is extremely important for the dating of the workshop, because it clearly shows that the was not derived from an earlier settlement on the early pottery existing was was before the Nor it in founded. with promontory workshop brought the soil for the floor of the apsidal building, because it occurs within the
EM
35-45
cm
deep slag deposit found below the level of the small hut. The FN and EM I?II sherds are definitely a part of the slag heap that existed IA phase of the workshop, before the EM III-MM and the foundation of the site must
predate the EM III apsidal structure. little pottery is present from any of the periods before the metal Very lurgists decided to build the apsidal structure. Only 14 sherds, representing 10-14 vessels, predate EM III-MM IA.This assemblage is a limited corpus, but the fact that several different shapes are represented, including a pyxis (12) and at least one probable storage vessel (14), indicates that the small number of sherds is not necessarily ameasure of the level of activity. Several contrasts can be noted between the pre-EM III pottery and the ceramics
from the final phase
of the site. First of all, the number
of
68
CHAPTER
5
sherds ismuch
larger in the later period. Secondly, the assemblage includes several new classes of pottery, including cooking vessels, more open bowls, and more storage vessels. The EM III-MM IA pottery represents a sub in the activities
stantial change
carried on at the site. The workers
now
spent enough time to build a small apsidal structure that was used long enough for the floor to be renewed twice after its initial construction. The new ceramic classes (especially the cooking vessels and the storage shapes) demonstrate that the preparation of food, cooking, storage, and probably increased food consumption
were
presence
in the vicinity. taking place somewhere of the likely represents expansion activity. The metallurgical as of pot bellows sherds in the corpus, in Chapter discussed 8,
supports
the
This most
an
same
conclusion.
pottery from the site can best be studied by dividing it into two the pottery from contexts, the slag pile and the apsidal structure. When one can see some clear each of these contexts is examined individually, differences both in date and in character between the two assemblages. The
These
differences
are very important
for the reconstruction
of the history
of the small workshop.
THE POTTERY FROM THE SLAG PILE the deposit of slag was reached in all of the the slag pile except for those that were directly under the apsidal building. In all trenches, the deposit of slag and furnace on sterile soil or bedrock. No traces of chimney fragments rested directly were earlier settlement encountered any anywhere within the trenches that
The
bedrock
trenches
were
surface below
excavated within
excavated. The
sterile stratum consisted mostly of very underlying highly calcareous phyllite. The soil, which ranged in
pale, disintegrated, character from hard and compact to soft and unconsolidated, in character to the local soil found adjacent to the slag pile. The character of the slag pile did not vary significantly
was
similar
between
the
surface and its lower limit, except within the trenches that revealed the area structure. the it consisted of small apsidal investigated, Throughout amounts small of bits of furnace of soil, and a chimneys, slag, clay pieces few stones. Only a few sherds of vessels were discovered, and some of the excavated levels (ca. 10 cm deep) yielded no fragments of vessels at all. The present publication presents all of the sherds noted by the excava tors except for a few scraps kept separate for potential in future generations. The context of each catalogued the other descriptive is evident. Final Neolithic
with
destructive analysis sherd is given along and the lack of clear stratification
information, sherds come from the surface as well
as from
sherds come from the sterile deep within the slag pile. No Final Neolithic a concentration of several early sherds in surface below the slag, although the middle levels inTrenches N 20 and O 20, below the level of the earliest floor in the apsidal structure, indicates a generally early level in this central part of the slag pile (Fig. 5.1). The scattered and mixed nature of the pot the deposit, shows its dis tery, along with the lack of stratigraphy within turbed nature. Perhaps
the metallurgists
disturbed
the deposit
by digging
THE
POTTERY
69
CLIFF
Level 3: 1 sherd (no. 1 )
i
Surface
1 sherd
cleaning:
Level 2: 2 sherds
(no. 73)
(nos. 8, 10)
Level 2: 1 sherd (no. 9)
Level 3 (4 sherds
Level 2: 1 sherd Level 1 (Surface):
Surface:
SLAG
Figure 5.1. Location of Neolithic dark-burnished sherds within the
(nos. 3, 5, 6, 7)
(no. 4)
1 sherd (no. 2)
1 sherd (no. 11)
slag pile
into it or moving the construction
the material
(presumably when of the small building and when
the area was its posts were
leveled for seated
in
the ground). The pottery deposits from the slag pile and the small apsidal structure are organized in separate tables (Tables 5.1-5.5 and 5.6-5.8; see Catalogue below) in order to show their character, following a system first used at Kommos.1 The tables provide a clear picture of the deposits by recording each of the sherds by ceramic class, vase shape, and position on the vessel, with an additional column at the right of each table giving the minimum number of vases represented by the surviving fragments. If a group of sherds is restorable as a vessel on paper, it is recorded as a single piece in the column called "whole" (no complete vases were found). The list with each table provides references to the catalogue in this chapter where the sherds are described more fully.
The
Final
Neolithic
Pottery
is all made from a single fabric (see pottery at the workshop a to is It with brown dark brown color and a heavily bur coarse, App. N). are nished surface. Inclusions, which abundant, include quartz in several both white and dark mica, and sandstone. These forms, phyllite containing The
1. Kommos
II; Kommos
III.
FN
inclusions
are not distinctive
enough
to suggest
a
place of manufacture,
CHAPTER
7?
5
in eastern Crete. The but they do not preclude a local source somewhere fabric is substantially different from the main fabric used for the EM III MM IA ceramics at the site (which is tempered with in the inclusions to diorite series), and it can be easily distinguished. granodiorite vessels have thick walls with a uniform The Final Neolithic
thickness.
are sturdy and well made using a few They hand-forming techniques. Only are present: bowls, a a and vessel with jars, pouring shapes globular body and are present, a horn on the one suggesting that preserved handle. No cups local drinking vessels in this period may have been made of gourds or wood. Coarse, dark-surfaced, burnished pottery is the earliest ceramics from this part of Crete. It occurs atmost of the sites in the region, and published finds come from Vasiliki,2 Mochlos,3 Sphoungaras,4 Pseira,5 Kalo Chorio,6 some of the unexcavated the Vrokastro Hagios Antonios,7 region,8 and from comes from survey.9The pottery also in eastern Crete.10 The chronology of this pottery still needs elsewhere more work. It definitely in the Final Neolithic (if not earlier), and begins in the Kavousi-Thriphti
sites recorded
at some sites, such as Pseira, the same fabrics persist into EM I, although EM I fabrics occur at and pattern-burnished the harder, well-burnished Mochlos
and elsewhere.11
consist of shapes in the region that includes Chrysokamino are Handles often wide and vessels without spouts. pouring jars, bowls, is extremely rare. Horned vessels straps or small, pierced lugs. Decoration like the jarwith the horned handle from Chrysokamino (6) are not known in this part of Crete from any of the published EM I sites, suggesting that Neolithic
the earliest pottery from the metallurgy ning of the Bronze Age.
The
EM
I-IIA
is earlier than the begin
Pottery
in the eastern Gulf
I fabrics
EM
location
of Mirabello
thinner and harder than in the Final Neolithic
region
were
sometimes
were period.12 New shapes vessels with spouts, pouring
manufactured during the period, including chalices on conical bases, and a series of pyxides of globular to ovoid as pattern burnishing, made their shape. New decorative techniques, such as well.13
appearance
over I period. long distances in the Early Minoan Pottery was traded vases IWare Imports into eastern Crete included Hagios Onouphrios from
south-central
2. Seager 3. Seager Davaras
1912, pp.
1912,
5. Betancourt pp. 29-30, 134. 6.
Haggis 7. Haggis
tomb
p. 212. p. 93; Soles and 179-180.
pp. 46-48. and Davaras 2; Pseira
Ware
from
from north-central
1904-1905,
1996,
4. Hall
Lebena
Crete,14
region,15 Pyrgos Ware
VII,
1990, pp.
133
in
somewhere
Crete,16
the
same
and several Cycladic
8.Hayden 2003a, 2003b. 9.Haggis 1992,1996b. 10. SeeManteli (1992) for Kastelli Phournis; Schlager (2002) forHagia Triada and Petrokorio (p. 181) and for the Katharades Acropolis (p. 196). 11. On
the chronology in Crete situation
1996c.
on
1993a.
this time, seeHood
the
of EM in general
1990a, 1990b;
I, and at
Wilson 1996c. Mirabello 12.
andDay 2000, p. 53;Haggis For
additional region,
Compare
sos inHood
discussion
of the
see Betancourt the
situation
1999. at Knos
1990a.
13. Betancourt
1985,
pp. 23-34. 1997.
15. Betancourt
1985,
16. Betancourt
1985,
pp. 31-32. pp. 26-29.
14.Whitelawetal.
THE
POTTERY
71
possible imports from outside of the immedi shapes.17 At Chrysokamino, on the ate region include a pyxis (12) and a vase with basket impression base (14); the pyxis is from EM I-IIA, while the vessel with the basket more impression cannot be dated closely than EM I?III. some other Although pieces might be from this period, the only certain EM
sherd from the metallurgy workshop is a tiny fragment of a pyxis in the slag pile (12). It has a combed decoration incised into the
I-IIA
found
are as EM ILA, but the usually regarded chronology is not absolutely certain. Good parallels come from central Crete,18 and a similar pyxis comes from a tomb at Gournia.19
exterior. Such vessels
The
EM IIB Pottery
One
sherd from a Vasiliki Ware
The
EM
goblet is present from the slag pile (13). Vasiliki Ware, the mottled pottery of EM IIB, is one of the most distinc tive and easily recognized wares ofMinoan Crete.20 The gray fabric of the sherd from this location is typical of the ware in this part of Crete.21 The surface is slipped and burnished in the usual fashion.22
III-MM
White-on-Dark
IA Pottery
is the definitive pottery for EM III-MM IA in It begins before the end of EM IIB,24 and it persists into that is contemporary with the start ofMM IA in central Crete.25 Ware
eastern Crete.23 a
period The ware
it is easily recognizable used because the MM
a by linear white decorations on dark background; both by its style and by the type of white paint IB white slip in this part of Crete ismuch whiter
than the EM
IA variety*26 Both
is characterized
III-MM
shapes and decorations
are very
distinctive. Most of the pottery from the slag pile is from EM III-MM IA. Both fine fabrics and coarse fabrics are present in a number of typical shapes. The fine fabrics are the pale, slightly of the Mirabello pastes "gritty" clay Fabric
that is typical of this phase in this part of Crete. The typical coarse fabric from this phase is red to yellowish brown. It varies in coarseness from vessel to vessel. Included fragments of stone, in the granodiorite/diorite
the definition for Mirabello Fabric.27 A series, place both fabrics within useful p?trographie is of this fabric in connection description published with examples found at Pseira.28 Mirabello Fabric is also the main local fabric for this region
17. Davaras
1971.
18.Xanthoudides 1924, pp. 34-36; Wilson 1985, p. 305. 19. Soles 1992, p. 32, fig. 13, no. GIII-4,
pi.
13:G.
21. Myer 1981.
court
1972;
1979. 1979; Myer
22. Schachermeyr (1938) collected another surface
and Betan
piece of the
of Vasiliki Ware metallurgy
from
the
workshop.
23. Zois 1968; Betancourt 1984; 1985,
20. See period 2 inWarren Betancourt
in later phases
pp. 55-61.
24. See period 2 inWarren 1972. 25.Momigliano 1991, p. 227; 2000, p. 102; Betancourt 2003b. 26. Noll, Holm, and Born 1971,
of theMiddle
Minoan
period.29
p. 617; Noll 1982, pp. 190-193; Fer rence,
Swann,
27. Myer
and Betancourt 1979; Myer
?002.
and Betan
court 1981;Day 1991, pp. 91-101; 1997, p. 223. 28. court
Myer, 1995.
Mclntosh,
29. Haggis andMook 2000.
and Betan
1993; Haggis
CHAPTER
72
5
THE POTTERY FROM THE APSIDAL STRUCTURE pottery from the apsidal structure comes from a level just below the modern surface. It comes only from inside the building and from the small scatter of soil in front of the are doorway. Only two periods represented.
The
One
sherd
from EM
is from III-MM
the Final Neolithic, and the rest of the pottery is date is certain because it is based on several
IA. The
well-dated
Ware pieces, including sherds of East Cretan White-on-Dark ware at this end of EM its the latest date 5.2). IIB,30 (Fig. begins Although is contemporary with MM IA in central Crete.31 The EM III andMM IA
parts of the phase cannot yet be subdivided on stylistic criteria. The pottery from the apsidal structure (Tables 5.6-5.8) is presented in tables similar to those used for the slag pile. These tables allow the two contexts
Final
to be compared
and contrasted
easily.
Neolithic
only pottery fragment from the apsidal structure predating EM III is a a body sherd from bowl of FN date (73). Its isolation within a substantially later deposit suggests it is an heirloom.
The
Early
Minoan
III-Middle
Minoan
IA
of 32 vessels. pottery from the apsidal structure represents aminimum There aremany ambiguous pieces whose original shape is uncertain because the sherds are too small for identification. These ceramics are presented in The
their entirety in the catalogue and charts in this chapter. Where the evi is sufficient for judgment, small sherds have been combined to form sherds; in the cases where joining has not incomplete vessels of nonjoining been possible, sherds are catalogued individually. The fact that many of the sherds come from within the soil of the dence
in the building proves that the soil, with most or all of its included sherds, was brought into the workshop from a settlement, so that the sherds catalogued here need not have been used originally within the apsidal struc ture itself. On the other hand, the date, style, and shapes of the EM III MM IA pottery from inside the apsidal structure and from outside it in the slag pile are so similar that the activities must be reconstructed from both assemblages. This similarity can be seen easily by a comparison be tween the lists of shapes from the two contexts (Table 5.9; see Catalogue IA contexts below). These similarities indicate that the two EM III-MM are similar parts of a IA people single range of pottery. The EM III-MM were area not the entire of the it is and using workshop, surprising that their pottery is spread over the entire area. The fragments of cups, pouring vessels, shallow bowls, storage jars with wide mouths, and cooking dishes observed in the sample attest to floors
food preparation activities and the consumption of food and drink. Not a a as a sherd from such that single luxury vessel, pyxis might have contained
30. See period 2 inWarren 1972. 31. Betancourt 1984; 2003b, p. 119; MacGillivray
et al. 1992.
THE
POTTERY
73
or oil, or from any vase that could be called a ritual vessel, is pres perfume ent. A few painted cups and pouring vessels are represented, but the truly as teapots, are not found. elegant painted shapes from the period, such Also missing are transport vessels with narrow mouths (such as amphoras), and all other vessels from aside cooking cooking dishes. tripod cooking pots, be that this is a limited
a small, assemblage from specialized site without many of the vessels that would be commonplace within the pottery assemblage of a larger and more diverse settlement. IA pottery, like the earlier ceramics, ismostly lo The EM III-MM The
must
conclusion
cal. The main
fabric is theMirabello
Fabric of the Gournia
to Priniatikos
Pyrgos region, and the style of the painted vases is typical of this part of the use of an apsidal structure and the possible importa Crete. Although a ore tion of from region north of Crete may suggest foreign connections, was the local pottery demonstrates that the community at Chrysokamino was to ceramic it the local This tied that system. firmly production implies as with of the other local cultural well. aspects system integrated
CATALOGUE In the following catalogue, the vessels are arranged by context. Finds from the slag pile are listed first, followed by those from the apsidal structure. in this and subsequent catalogues are in centimeters; heights Dimensions include the handles; the maximum axis across the sherd. Nomenclature Minoan
Pottery?2 Clay from
Pottery Final 1
is the length of the longest dimension follows the conventions of The History of colors are described using theMunsell system.33
the
Slag
Pile
Neolithic
(X 410, from R 20-3) Bowl,
rim
Diam.
of rim
Fig.
5.3
sherd. ca. 24.
A coarse fabric (black,with an unevenly colored surface,mostly dark reddish brown,
5YR
Open,
2
3/3);
burnished
shallow
bowl.
on
(X 1860, from K 17-Surface) Bowl,
rim
Diam.
of rim
interior
Fig.
and
exterior.
5.3
sherd. ca. 10-11.
A coarse fabric (unevenly fired, black, with the surfacemostly reddish brown, 5YR 5/4); burnished on interior and exterior. 3
(X 694, from N 20-3)
Fig.
5.3
Bowl, body sherd. 32. Betancourt 33. Kollmorgen ration 1992.
Max.
1985. Instruments
Corpo
dim.
4.8.
A coarse fabric (unevenly fired, with 3/2); burnished on interior and exterior.
the surface mostly dark brown, 7.5YR
CHAPTER
74
5
> ) J
7
/
/
Xr 6,7
\
I
/
12
11
10
)
7
?i
\\ 18
19
n
20
16
15
14
13
21
?
n
^f 22
17
23
the slag pile Figure 5.3. Pottery from 1:3 Scale (1-23).
THE
4
POTTERY
75
(X 671, from L 17-2)
5.3
Fig.
Bowl, body sherd. dim.
Max.
3.6.
A coarse fabric (unevenly fired, black, with the surfacemostly reddish brown, 5YR 5/4); burnished on interior and exterior. 5
(X 718, from N 20-3) Carinated
vessel,
open of
Diam.
ca.
body
5.3
Fig.
15-16
sherd. body at the carination.
A coarse fabric (unevenly colored, mostly dark reddish brown, 2.5YR 3/4, with a reddish brown surface); burnished on interior and exterior. 6
(X 421, from P 20-3)
Fig. 5.3 handle with sherd horned rim. Jar,
Restored
ca. 25.
H.
A coarse fabric (black,with an unevenly colored surface,mostly reddish brown, 5YR 5/4); burnished on exterior. Parallels: For FN closed vessels with horns on top of the handles, see 1992, fig. 8 Vagnetti 1975, p. 85, fig. 75, especially no. 8 (Phaistos); Manteli (Kastelli
Horned
Phournis).
and Bankoff
example, Stefanovich Cuka). 7
handles
(X 717, from N 20-3) of
interior
of Balkan
1998, p. 299, fig. 26:a-d,
ceramics
for
(see,
from Kamenska
5.3
Fig. neck sherd with handle. Jar,
Diam.
are a feature
ca. 8.
of neck
A coarse fabric (unevenly colored, mostly dark gray to black, with an unevenly colored surface, mostly light reddish brown, 5YR 5/4); burnished. Wide strap handle with small hole pierced in it,made before firing. 8
(X 652, from O 20-2) Jar, handle dim.
Max.
5.3
Fig.
sherd. 5.4.
A coarse fabric (unevenly colored, with a reddish brown surface, mostly reddish brown, 5YR 5/4); burnished. Wide strap handle from ajar. 9
(X 5, from O 22-2) Jar, handle dim.
Max.
5.3
Fig.
sherd. 5.4.
A coarse fabric (unevenly colored with a reddish brown surface, mostly reddish brown, 5YR 6/3); burnished. strap handle
Wide
10
from
(X 621, from O 20-2)
A
of
coarse
body fabric
light
ajar.
Fig. Closed vessel, body sherd. Diam.
light
5.3
ca. 22. (unevenly
colored,
with
dark reddish brown, 5YR 3/2); burnished. Comments: Probably a jar.
an
unevenly
colored
surface,
mostly
CHAPTER
76 11
(X 941, from K 21-Surface) Closed
vessel, dim.
Max.
5
Fig. 5.3
sherd.
body
3.1.
A coarse fabric (unevenly colored, mostly black, with the surface mostly dark gray, 5YR 4/1).
TABLE 5.1. FINAL NEOLITHIC SLAG PILE Handle
Rim 1.
Base
Spout
SHERDS FROM THE
Leg
Body
Whole
3.
1
4. 5.
3
Min. No.
4
2 Ill
2
2.
Total
1
11 3 2
2
2 2
Coarse fabric sherds: (1) bowl (1-4, X 410, X 1860,X 694,X 671); (2) carinatedbowl (5,X 718); (3) jarwith horned rim (6,X 421); (4) jar (7-9, X 717, X 652,X 5); (5) closed vessel (10,11, X 621, X 941).
EM 12
I-IIA (X 460, from N 17-2)
Fig.
5.3
Pyxis, body sherd. Max.
dim.
2.4.
A fine fabric (brown, 7.5YR 5/4). Globular
pyxis
with
decoration
combed
incised
into
the
exterior.
Comments: Small globular pyxides with stamped and incised decoration begin in EM I and continue into EM IIA. Parallels: Xanthoudides 1985, p. 305 1924, pp. 34-36 (Koumasa);Wilson (Knossos); Soles 1992, fig. GIII-4,
pi. 13:G (Gournia).
TABLE 5.2. EARLY MINOAN SLAG PILE Rim
Base
Handle
Spout
I-IIA SHERD FROM THE
Leg
Body
Whole
Total
Min. No.
Ill
1. Fine fabric sherd: (1) pyxis (12,X 460).
EM IIB 13
(X 750, from N 20-4)
Fig.
5.3
Goblet, rim sherd. Restored
Diam.
ca. 8-10.
A fine fabric (pinkish white, 5YR 8/2); slipped and burnished. Goblet with slightly inturned rim; Vasiliki Ware. Comments: The small goblet is one of the most common shapes in Vasiliki Ware (Betancourt 1979). It is distributed throughout Crete, but the majority of the
examples
are from
the
eastern
Parallels: See Betancourt
end
of the Gulf
1979, pp. 42-45,
of Mirabello
region.
for a list of other examples.
THE
POTTERY
77
TABLE 5.3. EARLY MINOAN SLAG PILE Handle
Rim
Base
Spout
IIB SHERD FROM THE
Leg
Whole
Body
Total
1.1
Min. No.
11
Fine fabric sherd: (1) goblet, VasilikiWare (13,X 750).
EM 14
II-III (X 497, from P 20-3)
Fig.
5.3
Jar (?), base sherd. Max.
10.6.
dim.
A coarse fabric (yellowish red, 5YR 5/8, to very dark gray, 5YR 3/1). Base
of a closed
basket
vessel;
impression
TABLE 5.4. EARLY MINOAN SLAG PILE Rim
Handle
Base
Spout
on bottom
of base.
II-III SHERD FROM THE
Leg
Whole
Body
Total
1.1
11 coarse
Very
EM 15
Min. No.
fabric
sherd:
III-MM
(1) closed
IA
(X 459, from N 17-2) Rounded Max.
cup,
dim.
(14, X 497).
vessel
rim
5.3
Fig.
sherd.
2.6.
A fine fabric (light red, 10R 6/6). Comments: White-on-Dark
Most
of
Ware,
but
the
published examples several from examples
of
this
shape
Chrysokamino
only a band on the rim. For the shape, see the list in Betancourt from
16
eastern
are
plain,
as with
1984, p. 43, all
Crete.
(X 668, from L 17-2) Rounded
cup, of rim
Diam.
are decorated
rim
Fig.
5.3
sherd.
ca. 9-11.
A fine fabric (light reddish brown, 5YR 6/4). Dark slip: band on rim. 17
(X 698, from L 17-2) Rounded Max.
dim.
Fig. 5.3
cup, body sherd. 2.6.
A fine fabric (light red, 10R 6/6). 18
(X 796, fromM 22-4) Rounded Max.
dim.
cup,
base
sherd.
2.0.
A fine fabric (pink, 7.5YR 7/4).
Fig. 5.3
CHAPTER
78 19
(X 711, from N 20-2)
5
5.3
Fig.
Cup (?), body sherd. Max.
dim.
Convex
2.
profile.
A fine fabric (reddish yellow, 5YR 6/6). Dark not
slip on exterior. Added white
preserved.
(X 719, from N 20-3)
20
5.3
Fig.
Cup (?), body sherd. Max.
dim.
1.7.
Convex profile. A fine fabric (reddish yellow, 5YR 7/6). Dark slip on exterior. Added white not preserved. (X 1223, fromM 20-2)
21
rim
Cup, Diam.
5.3
Fig.
sherd.
of rim
8.
rim.
Straight
A fine fabric (between pink, 5YR 7/4, and reddish yellow, 7.5YR 7/6). Dark slip on inside of rim and on exterior. Added white: bands with zigzag band at rim.
22
(X 3, from M 22-2) Shallow Diam.
rim
bowl,
Fig.
5.3
sherd.
of rim 56.
coarse fabric (reddish yellow, 7.5YR 6/6). rim.
A medium Thickened Comments:
a list of
For
such
open
bowls,
all from
eastern
see Betan
Crete,
court 1984, pp. 38-39. Complete examples are illustrated by Hall 1912, fig. 20 and Betancourt 1983, nos. 114,115 (all from Sphoungaras). Both plain and decorated are known.
bowls
In
several
cases,
the
decoration
is restricted
to
the
rim. The
distinction between the shape of the bowls and the cooking dishes is somewhat arbitrary
when
the
only
rim
survives,
but
the bowls
are often
decorated,
while
the
cooking dishes are left unpainted. 23
(X 1865, from K 20-Surface) Bowl,
rim
Diam.
of rim
Fig.
5.3
sherd. ca. 38.
Mirabello
Fabric (reddish yellow, 7.5YR 6/6). Thickened rim. Dark band (red) on the rim.
24
(X 219, from R 20-2)
Fig.
5.4
sherd. jar, spout Bridge-spouted Diam. of rim not measurable.
Mirabello Thickened paint
not
Fabric (reddish yellow, 5YR 6/6). rim. Dark paint on exterior and on inside of rim. Added white
preserved.
Comments: East Cretan White-on-Dark Ware, based on the typical rim pro file with paint on the interior of the rim. For a list of East Cretan examples from EM III-MM IA, see Betancourt 1984, pp. 45-46. 25
(X 607, from O 20-2) Vessel,
body
sherd.
Fig.
5.4
THE
POTTERY
Max.
79
dim.
11.6.
A coarse fabric (reddish yellow, 5YR 6/6). (X 6, from O 22-2)
26
5.4
Fig.
Cooking dish, rim and body sherds. Diam.
of rim 44.
Mirabello
Fabric (red, 2.5YR 5/8).
(X 448, from P 20-1)
27
dish, body sherd.
Cooking Max.
2.3.
dim.
Fabric (red, 2.5YR 5/6, and reddish brown, 5YR 4/3).
Mirabello
(X 658, from K 17-1)
28
dim.
2.6.
(X 672, from L 17-2)
29
5.4
Fig.
dish, rim sherd.
Cooking Diam.
5.4
Fabric, fine grained (red, 5YR 4/6).
Mirabello
of rim
Mirabello
ca. 30.
Fabric, fine grained (red, 2.5YR 4/6). rim.
Straight
(X1851, fromM
30
19-Cleaning) Fig. 5.4 dish, rim sherd with wide, knoblike handle attached at the bottom
Cooking of
Fig.
dish, rim of body sherd.
Cooking Max.
5.4
Fig.
the
rim.
Diam.
of rim not measurable.
Fabric (red, 10R 5/6). and parallels: For discussion of the cooking dish, a shallow open vessel that appears in Crete as early as EM I and often preserves marks of fire from cooking, see Betancourt 1980. This fabric is typical of EM III andMM cook Mirabello
Comments
ing dishes in this part of Crete. Compare Banou 1995b, p. 113, no. ADC p. 116, no. ADC 74 (Pseira). 31
(X 577, from P 20-3) Shallow Diam.
bowl, of rim
Mirabello 32
rim
Fig.
Vessel,
rim
5.4
sherd.
ca. 30.
Fabric (from red, 2.5YR 5/6, to light reddish brown, 5YR 3/4).
(X 1853, from J 17-Cleaning) Diam.
42, and
Fig.
5.4
sherd.
of rim not measurable.
coarse fabric (weak red, 10R 4/4). Vertical, slightly offset rimwith holes pierced in the rim before firing. Comments: It is possible that this vessel is aNeolithic "cheese pot" from the Cyclades. See Katsarou and Schilardi 2004, pp. 38, 39, nos. 1-8, fig. 10. A medium
33
(X 8, fromM 22-Surface)
Fig. 5.4
Bucket jar (or jar or basin?), base and body sherd. Diam.
of base
Mirabello
greater
than
56.
Fabric (reddish yellow, 5YR 6/6).
CHAPTER
8o
5
V
C7|
24
/ 26
27
/ / 25 01
28
^ 29
7
-
31
30
I
f
O 38
I I
35
34
33
32
T 39 40
37
36
^ 41
42
43
/
i
THE
Figure 5.4 (opposite). Pottery from the slag pile (24-43). Scale 1:3
34 Bucket
POTTERY
(X 1850, from H 19-Cleaning)Fig. 5.4 jar>base sherd Max.
dim.
Mirabello 35
dim.
Mirabello
Max.
jar, dim.
Mirabello
5.4
Fig.
6.4.
Fabric (reddish yellow, 5YR 6/6).
(X 1864, from G 18-Cleaning) Bucket
37
13.5.
Fabric (reddish yellow, 5YR 6/6).
(X 1852, from J 18-Cleaning) Bucket jar, body sherd. Max.
36
8l
rim
Fig.
5.4
sherd.
8.1.
Fabric (reddish yellow, 5YR 6/6).
(X 69, from Q^20-2) Closed
vessel,
Diam.
of rim
rim ca.
Fig.
5.4
sherd. 16.
A coarse fabric (yellowish red, 5YR 4/6). Probably a jug. 38
(X 99, from S 20-2)
Fig.
5.4
Jar (or jug?), rim sherd. of rim not measurable;
Diam.
Mirabello
(X 659, from K 17-Surface) Closed Diam.
dim.
3.8.
Fabric, fine grained (red, 2.5YR 4/6). rim.
Outturned
39
max.
vessel,
rim
Fig.
5.4
sherd.
of rim not measurable;
max.
dim.
3.4.
Mirabello
Fabric, fine grained (yellowish red, 5YR 4/6). rim. outturned Slightly
40
(X 422, from P 20-3) Jar, handle Max.
dim.
Mirabello 41
Jar, handle dim.
Mirabello
5.4
sherd. 6.7.
Fabric (red, 2.5YR 4/6).
(X 661, from K 17-Surface ) Max.
42
Fig.
Fig.
5.4
sherd. 8.4.
Fabric (light reddish brown, 5YR 6/4).
(X 660, from K 17-1)
Fig.
5.4
Jug, handle sherd. Max.
dim.
Mirabello 43
4.8.
Fabric (red, 2.5YR 4/6).
(X 405, from R 20-1)
Fig.
Jarwith thickened, flat-topped
5.4 rim, rim sherd.
CHAPTER
82
5
1 11 T 45
44
II 47
46
I ! '
i
i i
I
i i
/ i i
48
51
49 50
11
r i
i
i
i
i 55
54
53
52
i i
i i i i
i i
I I I
/ 56
57
58
59
Figure 5.5. Pottery from the slag pile (44-59). Scale 1:3
THE
POTTERY
Diam.
Fabric (red, 2.5YR 4/6).
(X 1859, from R 20-Cleaning) Jarwith thickened, flat-topped Max.
dim.
Fabric (red, 10R 5/6).
(X 67, from P 21-1)
Thickened 46
Vessel,
48
Max.
Mirabello 49
5.5
3.8.
Fabric (yellowish red, 4YR 4/6). Fig.
5.5
sherd.
body dim.
Fig.
sherd.
body
(X 68, from S 20-2) Vessel,
sherd.
Fabric (light red, 2.5YR 6/6).
dim.
Mirabello
5.5
Fig.
jar, rim ca. 22.
(X 7, from O 22-2) Max.
sherd.
Fabric (light reddish brown, 5YR 6/4). rim.
(X 664, from K 17-1)
Mirabello
5.5
ca. 28-32.
Bridge-spouted Diam. of rim
47
Fig.
jar, rim
Bridge-spouted Diam. of rim
Mirabello
Fig. 5.5 rim, rim sherd.
8.8.
Mirabello 45
ca. 32-36.
of rim
Mirabello 44
83
3.7.
Fabric (yellowish red, 5YR 4/6).
(X 218, from R 20-2)
Fig.
5.5
Vessel, body sherd. Max.
dim.
4.6.
A coarse fabric containing phyllite and other stones (red, 2.5YR 5/8). 50
(X 403, from R 20-Surface)
Fig.
5.5
Jar or bellows, body sherd. Max.
dim.
Mirabello 51
3.6.
Fabric (unevenly colored, from red, 2.5YR 5/8, to gray).
(X 413, from R 20-Surface)
Fig. 5.5
Jar or bellows, body sherd. Max.
dim.
Mirabello 52
4.3.
Fabric (red, 2.5YR 4/8).
(X 457, from N 17-2)
Fig. Jar or bellows, body sherd. Max.
dim.
5.5
3.6.
A coarse fabric containing phyllite and other stones (red, 2.5YR 3/6). 53
(X 458, fromM Jar or bellows,
17-2)
Fig. body sherd.
5.5
CHAPTER
84
Max.dim. 5.Figure 5.6 (opposite). Pottery from Fabric (unevenly colored, from reddish yellow, 5YR 6/8, to yelthe slag pile (60-72) and the apsidal lowish red, 5YR5/6). structure (73-82). Scale 1:3
Mirabello
54
5
(X462,fromOl8-Surface)
Fig.
5.5
Jar or bellows, body sherd. Max.
dim.
6.4. Fabric
Mirabello
colored,
(unevenly
from
red, 2.5YR
4/6,
on
the
exterior,
to
yellowish brown, 10YR 5/4, on the interior). (X 467, fromM
55
17-Surface)
Fig.
5.5
Jar or bellows, body sherd. Max.
dim.
Mirabello
5.2.
Fabric (light red, 2.5YR 6/8, with a gray core).
(X 470, from M
17-Surface)
Jar
or bellows,
sherd.
Max.
dim.
56
coarse
A
body
5.5
7.2. fabric
containing
red, 10R 5/6, to gray). Comments: Discolored 57
Fig.
(X 633, from R 20-2)
phyllite
and
other
stones
(unevenly
colored,
from
by partial reduction. Fig.
5.5
Jar or bellows, body sherd. Max.
dim.
Mirabello 58
4.2.
Fabric (red, 2.5YR 5/8).
(X 663, from K 17-1)
Fig.
5.5
Shallow bowl or cooking dish, body sherd. Max.
dim.
Mirabello 59
(X 666, from K 17-1) Jar
or bellows,
Max.
dim.
Mirabello 60
body
Mirabello
5.5
sherd.
Fabric (yellowish red, 5YR 5/6, and dark reddish gray, 5YR 4/2).
vessel, dim.
Fig.
5.8.
(X 674, from L 17-2) Open Max.
61
5.5.
Fabric (red, 2.5YR 5/6).
body 3.7.
Fig.
5.6
sherd.
Fabric (yellowish red, 5YR 4/6).
(X 675, from L 17-2)
Fig.
5.6
Jar or bellows, body sherd. Max.
dim.
Mirabello 62
6.
Fabric (red, 10R 4/6).
(X 676, from L 17-2)
Fig.
5.6
Jar or bellows, body sherd. Max.
dim.
Mirabello
4.3.
Fabric (dark gray, 10YR 4/1).
THE
POTTERY 85
1 1 1
1
I
(
I
60
I
62
61
63
64
1 1
1 1
1 1
I
i
\ 65
1
1/
67
66
/ 1
68
69
/
70
1 1
71
72
mi
73
74
?,'
1
75
I
r
-v
77
76
l:0>
78
tI
/1 !? \
NL 79
1 80
81
82
86
CHAPTER
(X 685, from N 21-Surface)
63
Fig.
5
5.6
Jar (or bellows?), base sherd. Diam.
ca. 38.
of base
A coarse fabric (unevenly colored, from red, 2.5YR 4/8, to light red, 2.5YR 6/6). (X 689, from L 17-2)
64
Fig.
5.6
Jar or bellows, body sherd. Max.
dim.
Mirabello
4.4.
Fabric (red, 2.5YR 4/8).
(X 720, from N 20-3)
65
Vessel, Max.
5.6
body dim. 2.4.
Mirabello
Fabric (dark brown, 7.5YR 4/2).
(X 1722, from N 17-2)
66
Fig.
sherd.
Fig.
5.6
Jar (?), body sherd. Max.
dim.
Mirabello
4.7.
Fabric (red, 2.5YR 5/6).
(X 1855, from O 19-Cleaning)
67
Vessel, Max.
Vessel,
Fig.
5.6
Fabric (red, 10R 5/6).
(X 1857, from O 19-Cleaning) Max.
5.6
body dim. 5.4.
Mirabello 68
Fig.
sherd.
sherd. body dim. 4.3.
Mirabello
Fabric
(exterior surface weak
red, 10R 5/4; dark interior and
core).
69
(X 1858, from O 19-Cleaning) Vessel, Max.
Vessel,
Fig.
5.6
sherd. body dim. 7.9.
Mirabello 71
Fabric (red, 10R 5/6).
(X 1862, from 119-Cleaning) Max.
5.6
body dim. 9.0.
Mirabello 70
Fig.
sherd.
Fabric (red, 10R 5/6).
(X 1863, from Q_19-Cleaning)
Fig.
5.6
Fig.
5.6
Vessel, body sherd. Max.
dim.
Mirabello 72
4.2.
Fabric (red, 10R 5/6).
(X 1867, from N 20-Cleaning) Vessel, Max.
body dim.
Mirabello
sherd. 3.9.
Fabric (red, 10R 5/6).
THE
POTTERY
87
TABLE 5.5. EARLY MINOAN III-MIDDLE SHERDS FROM THE SLAG PILE Rim
Handle
Base
Spout
Body
Leg
21
\.
Total
Whole
1 2. 1 2
1 3. 4. 1 5.or 2 1 6. 7.
1
8.
1
9.
3
4
3
3
11 12 2 or623
3
1 11 11
22 3
5
1 2
3 2
2
11.
1
11
12.
Min. No.
4
10. 2 2
13.
IA
MINOAN
2
2
1
3
2 14.
2
2725 10
Fine fabric sherds: (1) rounded cup (15-18, X 459, X 668,X 698,X 796); (2) cup, painted (19-21, X 711, X 719,X 1223).Medium coarse fabric sherds: (3) shallow bowl (22,X 3); (4) vessel (25, 32,X 607,X 1853).Mostly Mirabello Fabric sherds: (5) cooking dish (26-30, X 6,X 448, X 658,X 672,X 1851); (6) bowl (23,X 1865); (7) shallowbowl (31,X 577); (8) bucket jar (33-36, X 8,X 1850,X 1852,X 1864); (9) jaror jug (37-39, X 69,X 99,X 659); (10) jar (40,41, X 422, X 661); (11) jug (42,X 660); (12) jarwith thickened, flat-topped rim (43,44, X 405, X 1859); (13) bridge-spouted jar (24,45,46, X 219, X 67,X 664); (14) vessel (47-72, X 7,X 68,X 218, X 403, X 413, X 457, X 458, X 462, X 467, X 470, X 633,X 663,X 666,X 674, X 675,X 676, X 685, X 689, X 720,X 1722,X 1855,X 1857,X 1858,X 1862,X 1863,X 1867).
from
Pottery Final 73
the
Apsidal
Structure
Neolithic (X 1870, from O 19-Cleaning) Bowl, body sherd.
Max.
dim. coarse
A
5.6
Fig.
4.3. fabric
colored,
(unevenly
with
an
unevenly
colored
surface,
brown
to reddish brown, 2.5YR 4/4).
TABLE 5.6. FINAL NEOLITHIC APSIDAL STRUCTURE Rim
Handle
Base
Spout
Leg
SHERD FROM THE
Body
1.
Whole
Total
Min. No.
Ill
Coarse,
dark, burnished
fabric
sherd:
(1) bowl
(73, X
1870).
EM II 74
(X 66, from S 20-2) Fig. 5.6 Jar, body sherd. Max.
dim.
A medium 6/4).
9.7.
coarse, gritty, chaff-tempered
fabric (light reddish brown, 5YR
CHAPTER
88
5
Large closed vessel, probably a jar; trickle decoration in dark paint. Comments: This atypical vessel cannot be closely dated. Good parallels for the decoration exist from EM II atMyrtos (Warren 1972). The fabric is not typi cal for Chrysokamino.
TABLE 5.7. EARLY MINOAN APSIDAL STRUCTURE Rim
Handle
Base
II SHERD FROM THE
Spout
Leg
1.
Total
Min. No.
Ill coarse
Medium
EM 75
Whole
Body
fabric
(1) jar (74, X
sherd:
III-MM
Fine
IA:
(X 167, fromM
Fabrics
18-1, M
Conical
cup,
rim
Restored
H.
ca. 6.5-7.0;
66).
18-2, andM
Figs. 5.2, 5.6
18-3)
sherds.
and base
Diam.
of rim
ca. 10; Diam.
of base
ca. 5.5-6.0.
A fine fabric (pink, 7.5YR 7/4); burnished. Dark slip on inside of rim and on Added
white
Comments:
East
exterior.
with
and without
triangles
with
paint:
White-on-Dark are common
handles,
corners
hatched
is one
Ware.
of the
76
2, nos.
p. 24, motif
1984,
(X 148, fromM
19-3)
Fig.
corners.
hatched Decorated
in the ware.
Parallels: For the shape, see Betancourt see Betancourt
with
triangles
pendant
Cretan
standard
The
conical
decoration
cups,
both
of pendant
types.
1984, p. 39, shape 2A; for the motif
3-5.
5.6
Rounded cup, handle and body sherds. Max. dim. (largest sherd) 4.4. A fine fabric (light brown, 7.5YR 6/4). One
handle
See
Comments:
77
circular
with
section.
15.
(X 182, from N 19-2, N 19-3, M Rounded
cup, of rim
Diam.
rim
and body
19-3, M
19-5)
Fig.
5.6
sherds.
ca. 9-10.
A fine fabric (pink, 7.5YR 7/4). Dark slip; band on rim. 78
(X 210, fromM Rounded Diam.
cup, of rim
19-2B, M
19-3, andM
19-4)
Fig.
5.6
fragmentary. ca. 8.
A fine fabric (pink, 5YR 7/4). Band on rim, inside and out; line on outside of handle. One
handle
79
with
sherds
Several
circular
(X 415, from N 19-3) Rounded Max.
section.
burned.
Fig.
5.6
cup, handle sherd. 3.8.
dim.
A fine fabric (reddish yellow, 7.5YR 6/6). Dark slip; line on outside of handle. Handle
80
with
circular
(X 534, fromM Rounded
section.
18-3)
Fig.
5.6
cup, body, base, and handle sherds.
POTTERY
THE
89
ca. 9-10.
of rim
Diam.
slip; line on outside of handle.
A fine fabric (pink, 7.5YR 7/4). Dark 81
(X 636, from N 19-3)
cup (?), handle sherd.
Rounded Max.
5.6
Fig.
dim.
4.5.
A fine fabric (light reddish brown, 5YR 6/4). Dark slip: line on outside of handle. with
Handle
82
section.
circular
(X 149, fromM
5.6
19-3)
Fig. Closed vessel, body sherd. Max.
dim.
5.2.
slip on exterior; no added white paint
A fine fabric (pink, 5YR 7/4). Dark preserved.
Comments: From the thickness of the sherd and the quality of the dark slip, this vessel ismost likely a bridge-spouted jar of East Cretan White-on-Dark Ware with the white paint missing (Betancourt 1984, pp. 45-46). 83
(X 181, from N 18-2 and N 19-2) Closed
vessel,
Max.
dim.
of
body
sherds.
largest
sherd
8.5.
A fine fabric (unevenly colored, mostly added
white
vessel,
most
exterior;
covering Large
closed
East
Comments:
Cretan
are often
in this ware
decorated
spirals,
with
spirals
and
jar. jars Large bridge-spouted are more other motifs. They
IA
1984, pp. 45-46.
See
(X 466, fromM Closed
vessel, dim.
likely a bridge-spouted
jar.
83.
17-Surface)
body
Fig.
5.7
sherd.
3.2.
A fine fabric (reddish yellow, 5YR 7/6). Dark
slip: covering exterior; added
traces.
paint:
closed Large Comments:
vessel, See
most
likely
Fig. Closed vessel, body sherd. dim.
a
bridge-spouted
jar.
83.
(X 1675, from N 18-2)
Max.
slip: covering exterior; added
lines.
diagonal
paint:
Max.
86
slip
lines.
sherd helps provide a secure EM III-MM
Fig. 5.7 Closed vessel, body sherd. Diam. of body of vessel above 32. A fine fabric (light brown, 7.5YR 6/4). Dark
Comments:
white
diagonal
(X 271, from N 18-2)
Large closed vessel, most
85
light brown, 7.5YR 6/4). Dark
a likely bridge-spouted Ware. White-on-Dark
Parallels: See Betancourt
white
bands,
paint:
common than jugs or teapots. This date for the deposit.
84
5.7
Fig.
5.7
5.1.
A fine fabric (reddish yellow, 5YR 7/6). Dark slip covering exterior; traces of added white paint. Large closed vessel, most likely a bridge-spouted jar. Comments:
See
83.
chapter
9?
5
/ // 84
83
! 86
85
7 87
89
7 90
Figure 5.7. Pottery from the apsidal Structure
(83-90).
Scale 1:3
THE
POTTERY
EM
III-MM
91
IA: Medium
(X 145, from M
87
Shallow
bowl,
Diam.
and
Fabrics
Coarse
5.7
Fig.
sherds.
ca. 30-35.
of rim
coarse fabric (mostly pink, 5YR 7/4). Dark slip: band on the rim,
A medium inside
19-3)
rim
to
Coarse
out.
Straight, thickened rim. Comments:
is a common
This
(X 146, fromM
88
see 22.
shape;
Fig. 5.7 Shallow bowl, base sherd with handle. Diam.
19.
of base
coarse fabric (reddish yellow, 7.5YR 6/6).
A medium
See
Comments:
89
19-3)
22.
(X 168, from M
18-2 andM
18-3)
Fig.
5.7
Shallow bowl, rim sherd. Diam.
of
the
coarse fabric (reddish yellow, 7.5YR 6/6, with a darker surface on
of
groups
paint:
a on surface paler short lines on rim.
and
exterior
ca. 39-41.
rim
A medium
the
interior).
Dark
slip
on
rim. Added
white
rim.
Straight
See
Comments:
22.
Decoration
is often
only
on
the
rim,
as on
this
ex
ample.
90
(X 274, from N 18-2) Fig. Shallow bowl, rim sherd. Diam.
rim
of
A medium Comments:
Shallow
Straight Comments:
19-4)
rim
bowl, of rim
A medium
Fig.
5.8
sherd.
ca. 30-32.
coarseMirabello
Fabric (light reddish brown, 5YR 6/6).
rim. See
22.
(X 150, from M 19-3) Fig. 5.8 Shallow bowl or cooking dish, rim sherd. Diam.
of rim
Mirabello
ca. 25.
Fabric, fine-grained
(X 212, fromM Shallow Diam.
(red, 2.5YR 4/6).
rim.
Straight
93
22.
See
(X 1662, fromM Diam.
92
ca. 30.
coarse fabric (reddish yellow, 7.5YR 6/6). Band on rim.
rim.
Straight
91
5.7
bowl, of rim
18-3 andM rim
19-4)
94
5.8
sherds.
ca. 20.
Mirabello with
Fig.
Fabric, fine-grained (reddish brown, 2.5YR 5/4). Shallow bowl rim. Band in dark slip on rim, inside and out. straight
(X 270, from N 18-2) Fig. 5.8 Shallow bowl, rim and body sherd.
CHAPTER
5
91
93 i
7
92
y
94
95
> 97
96
98
y' 99
/
100
101
THE
POTTERY
Figure 5.8 (opposite). Pottery from the apsidal
structure
(91-101).
Scale
1:3
Diam.
of
93
ca. 28; max.
rim
3.2.
dim.
Mirabello Fabric (unevenly colored, from red, 2.5YR 5/6, to light reddish brown, 5YR 6/4). 95
(X 275 (from N 18-2, M
Fig.
5.8
dish, rim sherd.
Cooking
ca. 55-60.
of rim
Diam.
18-2)
Mirabello
(yellowish red, 5YR 4-5/6, with
Fabric, fine-grained
a browner
surface).
Straight, thickened rim. Comments:
96
See
25.
(X 411, from N 18-2) Cooking
of rim
Diam.
5.8
Fig. dish, rim sherd. ca. 55-60.
Mirabello
Fabric, fine-grained Straight, thickened rim.
(brown, 10YR 4/3).
(X 532, fromM
5.8
97
18-3) Fig. rim sherd. dish,
Cooking Diam.
of rim
ca. 45-55.
Mirabello Fabric, fine-grained Straight, thickened rim. 98
(red, 2.5YR 4/6, with a darker exterior surface).
(X 1661, from N 19-3) Cooking Max.
dim.
3.3.
Fabric (yellowish red, 5YR 4/6). Burnished
Mirabello 99
(X 641, from N 19-4) or
Bowl
Mirabello 100
in the exterior.
5.8
Fig. rim
dish, cooking of rim not measurable.
Diam.
5.8
Fig. dish, body sherd.
sherd.
Fabric (reddish yellow, 5YR 7/8).
(X 2, from L 17-2, L 18-2, M
18-1, M 20-2, N 18-2)
Fig. 5.8
Bucket jar, rim and body sherds. Max.
dim.
Mirabello
of
largest
Fabric
sherd
11.6.
(light brown, 7.5YR 6/4, to light reddish brown, 5YR
6/4). 101
(X 169, from M Bucket H.
20.4;
Jar,
p. 114) from probably
as larnax bucket
fragments or basins.
jars
are
5.8
of base
35-37.
19-3) Fig.
inside
5.9
sherd. of rim
ca. 32.
A coarse fabric containing quartz and other stones (reddish brown, 2.5YR
34. The sherds identified by Haggis (2005,
rim
Diam.
Fig.
Fabric (light brown, 7.5YR 6/4). Band on rim, extending
(X 144, fromM Diam.
18-2)
jar, complete profile. Diam. of rim 35-36;
Mirabello
102
18-1, M
5/4). Thickened,
flattened rim.
chapter
94 (X 211, fromM
103
Jar, rim
19-4, N 18-3)
Fig.
5
5.9
sherd. ca. 40-42.
of rim
Diam.
Fabric (from red, 2.5YR 5/8, to black). Thickened, flattened rim.
Mirabello
(X 291, from N 18-2)
104
Jar, rim
5.9
Fig.
sherd. of rim
Diam.
ca. 40-42.
Fabric (red, 2.5YR 5/6). Thickened, flattened rim.
Mirabello
(X 1659, from N 19-2)
105
rim
Jar,
5.9
sherd. of rim not measurable.
Diam.
Mirabello Thickened,
Fabric (yellowish red, 5YR 5/6). flattened rim.
(X 1663, fromM
106
Fig.
Jar, rim
sherd. of
Diam.
5.9
Fig.
18-1)
rim
ca. 30-32.
Fabric (between yellowish red, 5YR 5/8, and dark reddish brown,
Mirabello 5YR3/4).
(X 530, fromM
107
Bridge-spouted of rim Diam.
Mirabello
rim jar, ca. 30-32.
sherd.
Fabric (yellowish red, 5YR 4/6).
(X 414, from N 19-3)
108
5.9
Fig.
18-3)
Fig.
5.9
Closed vessel, probably a jar, handle sherd. dim.
Max.
10.4.
Mirabello Fabric (light red, 2.5YR 6/6), with a darker core (between pale red, 2.5YR 6/2, and weak red, 2.5YR 5/2). (X 1664, from N 19-2)
109
Jar, handle dim.
Max.
Mirabello 110
111
Fabric (red, 2.5YR 5/6).
Closed
vessel,
Diam.
of base
probably ca. 17-20.
Jar
or basin, dim.
Mirabello
5.9
Fig. ajar,
sherd.
base
Fabric (pink, 7.5YR 7/4).
(X 525, fromM Max.
112
sherd. 6.
(X 1658, from N 19-2)
Mirabello
5.9
Fig.
body of
8-3, M
19-5)
Fig.
5.9
sherds.
largest
5.7.
sherd
Fabric (between light red, 2.5YR 6/8, and red, 2.5YR 5/8).
(X 568, from L 18-2)
Fig.
Jar or bellows, body sherd.
5.9
THE
\
102
POTTERY
95
\
104
i
i
103
105
T
106
107
110 109 108
I 0/
I 111
113
112
/
114
115
/ /
/
/ 116
117
118
I
' /
119 Figure 5.9. Pottery from the apsidal structure (102-121). Scale 1:3
120
'
/
121
CHAPTER
96 Max.
dim.
Mirabello 113
5.7.
Fabric (reddish brown, 2.5YR 5/4).
(X 601, fromM
19-3)
Fig. Jar or bellows, body sherd. Max.
5
dim.
5.9
4.8.
Fabric (unevenly colored, from red, 2.5YR 4/6, to dark reddish
Mirabello gray, 5YR 4/2). 114
(X 602, from M
19-3) Fig. or bellows, body sherd. Jar Max.
dim.
Mirabello 115
5.9
4.6.
Fabric (reddish brown, 2.5YR 4/4, with a gray surface).
(X 610, from M
19-5)
Fig.
5.9
Jar or bellows, body sherd. Max.
dim.
Mirabello 116
(X 643, from N 19-4) Open Max.
vessel, dim.
Mirabello 117
Vessel,
Fabric (yellowish red, 5YR 5/6). 19-3)
Vessel,
Fig.
5.9
Fabric (brown, 7.5YR 5/4) and (reddish yellow, 5YR 6/8).
(X 1660, from N 19-3) Max.
5.9
sherds. body dim. 3.2 and 3.8.
Mirabello
Fig.
5.9
sherd. body dim. ca. 2.8.
Mirabello 119
body
Fig.
sherd.
4.3.
(X 816, fromM Max.
118
5.6.
Fabric (reddish brown, 2.5YR 4/4, with a gray surface).
Fabric (yellowish red, 5YR 4/6).
(X 1721, from N 19-2)
Fig.
5.9
Jar (?), body sherd. Max.
dim.
Mirabello 120
7.3.
Fabric (yellowish red, 5YR 5/6).
(X 1737, fromM Vessel, Max.
Mirabello
Fig.
5.9
sherd.
body dim.
19-Surface)
7.8.
Fabric (dark reddish brown, 5YR 3/4, with yellowish red, 5YR 5/6,
and dark gray core). 121
(X 1781, from N 19-3) Closed Max.
vessel, dim.
Mirabello
base
Fig.
5.9
sherd.
5.9.
Fabric (yellowish red, 5YR 5/6).
THE
POTTERY
97
III-MIDDLE MINOAN TABLE 5.8. EARLY MINOAN SHERDS FROM THE APSIDAL STRUCTURE Rim
Handle
Base
Spout
Leg
Body
Whole
1. 4
2.
1
3. 1
4. 5. 6.
Total 1
1 5
7
1
7
4
12
5 1
7.
9
9.
11 1 2 1
11. 12.
Totals
29
7
10
Min. No.
14
1
10.
IA
2 4 1 2 1
16
16
5
33
82
32
Fine fabric sherds: (1) conical cup, painted (75,X 167); (2) rounded cup (76-81, X 148, X 182,X 210, X 415, X 534, X 636); (3) closed vessel, paintedwhite on dark (82-86, X 149,X 181,X 271, X 466, X 1675).Medium coarse fabric sherds: (4) shallow bowl (87-91, X 145,X 146,X 168,X 274, X 1662).Mirabello Fabric sherds: (5) cooking dish (92-98, X 150,X 212, X 270, X 275, X 411, X 532, X 1661); (6) bowl (99,X 641); (7) bucket jar (100,101, X 2,X 169); (8) jar,flat thickened rim (102-106, X 144,X 211, X 291, X 1659,X 1663); (9) bridge-spouted jar (107,X 530); (10) jar (108,109, X 414, X 1664); (11) closed vessel (110,X 1658); (12) vessel (111-121, X 525, X 568,X 601, X 602, X 610,X 643,X 816,X 1660,X 1721,X 1737,X 1781).
III TABLE 5.9. COMPARISON OF EARLY MINOAN IA POTTERY SHAPES FROM THE MIDDLE MINOAN SLAG PILE AND THE APSIDAL STRUCTURE Slag Pile
Shape. Conical
yes
cup
Rounded
Apsidal Structure
yes
yes
Shallow bowl
yes
yes
Bowl
yes
yes
yes
yes
Bucket
cup
jar
jar Bridge-spouted thickened, Jar with flat-topped Miscellaneous closed vessel
rim
yes
yes
yes
yes
yes
Jug
yes
yes no
Cooking dish
yes
yes
The
Tools
Stone
byDoniert Evely
in spite of a collecting strategy (Figs. 6.1-6.4). From the ca. 40-50 m3 of deposits excavated (ca. 20%-25% of the slag pile), com furnace chim prised mostly of small pieces of slag and parts of demolished neys, only 23 stone tools were recovered. The corpus includes three pieces of obsidian, one potential surface for working, and a number of limestone hand tools, along with some cuttings in bedrock (Fig. 6.3). This is a small
Only
a few stone tools were
found in the workshop, that saved 100% of the excavated material
number of tools for a site where
the breaking up of furnace slags to retrieve of the working copper prills major part cycle. The three pieces of obsidian from the workshop and 144) (142,143, on as none of the pieces has site, may be debris from working the material either the size or other attributes that would merit identification as a tool. was
a
ores (see App. C), must have a useful material, and its presence is the from It imported Cyclades. here is not surprising. So little has been recovered that nothing can be de
The
obsidian,
like at least some of the metal
been
duced from it except the likelihood that itwas worked and used at the site. The largest class of stone tools consists of water-worn limestone and dolomite
cobbles.
In terms of size and shape, most examples fall within a are in one hand, either hafted essentially tools wielded
small range. They or unhafted. Lengths vary from 10-15 cm, and the weight is normally up to half a kilogram. No uniformity of shape can be recognized among the cuboid, bar-shaped, elliptical, ovoid, and nearly spherical forms. All the owe stones their shapes to the effects of water action, having been tumbled in watercourses and/or on the seashore so that their angles have become rounded and their surfaces worn to a smooth and even texture. The sole in the matter of size is 125, a larger implement whose exception shape, a softened the of effects resembles that of water-erosion, by though large boulder, split lengthwise. The piece is heavy, and itwas probably intended some to provide an immobile surface on which activity (other working was than pounding) carried out. The tools seem to have been collected as natural cobbles, and none in order to modify of them appears to have been deliberately worked the natural
shape. Suitable
gathering
places for the waterworn
cobbles would
CHAPTER
IOO
6
have been found at the sea s edge, with the nearest readily accessible source a at the mouth of a small ravine, being pebbly beach at Agriomandra, about a kilometer away (west of the Chrysokamino farmhouse). All of the were tools pieces at the site, whether they to the not occur do transported workshop by humans; they among the angular, slab limestones and layered phyllites of the
rounded
limestone
and dolomite
or not, were naturally promontory.
of tool types is difficult. Many of the pieces cannot nor can as identified their be reliably function be established, because tools, no wear marks are visible on the surface. Eight stones have been excluded are included their from serious consideration, basic descriptions though in the catalogue. At the most generous level of interpretation, five tools An
identification
as
and 133), two were pounders (124,126,129,132, used for grinding actions (122,123), and one (125) may be regarded as a or support. The surface uncertainty concerning use stems mainly working from the uniformly poor state of the surfaces. This condition has been called could be considered
not clear if this state is the "degraded" in the catalogue descriptions, and it is of the corrosive effects of the debris produced result of natural weathering, in the metalworking of several factors. In processes, or of a combination any case, the surfaces of the stones are somewhat powdery, and details are in blurred. In addition, patinas and carbonate deposits (called concretion the catalogue) are also present. are
the three represented within the corpus. Excluding obsidian, the tools are all native limestone pieces of (presumably Melian) and dolomite. The most common kind by far is a dark gray stone similar to Few materials
rocks used as materials
carbonate
for tools throughout the Bronze Age in of off-white to yellow limestone (125), and
Crete. A single example ismade one tool is a carbonate with (136). Analysis larger crystalline composition a limestone breccia. The dark gray 131 is shows that byMyer (unpublished) carbonates would have made a reasonably suitable material for the percus sive work stones
likely to have been carried out at the site, although
would
have
been
are rare in the immediate to Gournia). and itmight other
better.
However,
sources
of
finer-grained
fine-grained
limestones
are obtainable closer they of an unusual limestone,
neighborhood (though pale yellow tool (125) ismade have been used for a different sort of activity from that of the
The
tools.
small number of tools can be explained in several ways. Perhaps tools were broken or damaged, they were slung to one side, an action down the that would almost certainly ensure their eventual disappearance The
when
sea. If any of the tools were hafted, slopes of the saddle into the have been taken away when work ceased. Patterns tools. They
they might
of wear from usage can be seen on only a few of the limestone can be placed in the following categories:
loss of small surface chips as a result of direct percussive action of the stone tool against an item of considerable hardness (such as slag) areas of 2. The accidental removal of large flakes from the working the tool 1.The
THE
IOI
TOOLS
STONE
creation, as a result of grinding action (possibly combined with a degree of crushing), of a surface texture varying from smooth to polished
3. The
cut into the stone tool by the agitation of in the course of work (such as stray grains of harder materials sand or glassy silica-based substances in the slags)
4. Occasional
In addition
scratches
to the tools that have been recovered, one would expect to find items. Apart from more pounders and grinders, the most are items with a firm surface against which lacking set of tools
some additional
obviously the slag could have been broken up. The single instance of a stone-work was not used in this way. It is ing surface (125) possible that the limestone on-the with natural slablike hillside, patterns of cleavage, would outcrops a have supplied surfaces, although no damaged ready supply of working areas were
encountered
in the excavation.
Two
interconnected
circular
(35 cm across and up to 7 cm deep) were found in situ in the depressions at the site (Figs. 6.2,6.3), bedrock and they could have been used in virgin this way, but one would expect that many more would have been created. For the rest of the manufacturing processes undertaken at the site, the and surfaces would (mostly missing) working pounders, grinders, have sufficed for breaking up the charcoal and other fuels and demolishing same
the furnaces after each smelt. Sharper edges for cutting and slicing actions (obsidian and metal blades) or for chopping actions (axes) have relatively minor roles to play in the craft activities envisaged for Chrysokamino. and food preparation activities, however, if occurring in and near Cooking the small hut, might have required obsidian and other cutting tools aswell pounding and grinding tools. It is assumed that the clay and straw mix
as
consumed prepared use
or
in such quantities in forming the furnace chimneys was probably away from the smelting site and brought in ready for immediate storage.
long-term
CATALOGUE Stone
Ground 122
Tools
(X 451, from N 17-2)
Rod-shape
with
somewhat
triangular
section;
6.4
6.1,
Figs. Hand tool (?), fragment; ends lost, sides broken. Max. L. 10.7;W. 4.9; Th. 3.9;Wt. 333 g. Limestone (gray); layered texture. flat face
smooth
to touch,
angled
(rounded) face slightly smoother. No
scratches
Comments:
missing 123
visible. The
ends might
smooth
imply pounding
(X 681, from O 10-4) Hand
zones
suggest
possible
grinding
or
rubbing
actions;
(with loss due to fracture). Figs.
tool (?), complete; surface degraded. L. 10.5;W. 6.3; Th. 4.9;Wt. 580 g. Dolomite (very pale gray to off-white).
6.1,
6.4
CHAPTER
6
123
122
124
126
-
fc ^
,!
>
*
^ ??,
125
127
THE
Figure 6.1 (opposite). Stone tools (122-127).
Scale
STONE
TOOLS
cobble.
Elongated 1:3
Sides plane,
ends
and
are not
but
IO3
Comments:
no
show
of use. The
signs
no
smooth;
especially The flatter
zones
Hand
tool,
L. 13.4;W. Limestone Cuboid
depression
a flat
have
or
grinding
action.
rubbing
6.4
6.1,
degraded.
with
a natural cobble. angles; on narrower end. Main
rounded
of
damage pounding centers (the more approximate
ghosts at
each
7.5; Th. 5.9;Wt. 1.220 kg. (pale gray to gray).
appearance,
Possible
surfaces
Figs. surface
complete;
for
argue
might
(X 712, from N 20-2)
124
two main
scratches.
area
distinct
faces
have
cm
is 2.5
slight
across
and
0.3 cm deep). Comments:
125
Pounder-hammer,
hafted.
perhaps
Fig. 6.1 stone naturally fractured and damaged by the sea. Support (?), complete; L. 23.1;W. 16.1; Th. 7.1;Wt 3.555 kg. Limestone (off-white and yellow). Somewhat amorphous in form; natural boulder (split?). (X 453, from O 18-1-Surface)
One
is
surface
and
flat
fairly
to the
smooth
so it was
touch,
not
to
subjected
percussion, but only to being ground or rubbed. Comments:
The
have
may
object
a
been
surface
passive
on which
work
was
performed.
126
(X 942, from J 18-Surface)
Fig. 6.1 Hand tool (?), complete; surface degraded. L. 7.5;W. 5.4; Th. 3.7;Wt. 208 g. Limestone (gray). Somewhat wedge-shaped Possible
smaller
small
of
and slightly irregular. at either
activities
pounding/bruising
end, more
so on
end.
Comments:
127
zone
The
(X 667, from M
piece
was
a
perhaps
pounder.
6.1, 6.4 Figs. Hand tool (?), complete; concretion and surface degraded (by heat?). L. 12.1;W. 9.3; Th. 5.6;Wt. 954 g. Limestone
(pale
17-2)
some
gray);
breccia
to one
adheres
side.
Ovoid, flattish. so
Surface Comments:
128
that destroyed function The
no wear is not
marks obvious;
can be the
piece
(X 217, from P 20-2) Hand
mately Max.
a
Figs. tool (?), fragment; end and middle
quarter L.
seen. would
suit
as a
pounder.
6.4
6.2,
section of larger cobble (approxi
survives).
8.3; max. W.
4.6; Th.
8.0.
Dolomite (pale gray to gray). From a cuboid (?) cobble. remnants
Possible Comments:
129
The
of a flatter function
(X 452, from N 17-2) Hand
tool (?), complete.
on side, plane is not obvious.
Fig.
either
natural
6.2,
or from
use.
6.4
CHAPTER
i04
6
?
128
129
130
I
V
I
'I
>
133
131
132
i 142 (1:1)
143 (1:1)
I 144 #.-?; Cutting
in Bedrock
THE
in bedrock. cutting otherwise indicated
Scale 1:3 unless
IO5
8.5; Th. 5.3;Wt. 657 g. (pale gray); soft.
L. 5.5;W. Dolomite
Figure 6.2 (opposite). Stone tools (128-133), obsidian tools (142-144), and
TOOLS
STONE
cobble;
Humped
rounded
from water
angles
one more
with
action,
angular.
over small portion of one end. Perhaps a hint of pounding damage The
Comments:
is not
function
(X 232, from L 21-1)
130
obvious.
6.2
Fig.
tool (?), fragment; part of end of a cobble; surface damaged and dis
Hand
to heat. by exposure Dims. 7.1x4.6x3.0.
colored
Limestone traces
No
(gray). of work The
Comments:
is not
(X 768, from N 30-3)
131
now.
discernible function
obvious.
6.2
Fig.
Hand
tool (?), fragment; part of side of larger cobble.
Dims.
8.1
x 6.0
traces
No
x 3.2.
breccia (black and rose elements).
Limestone
of work The
Comments:
discernible. is not
function
obvious.
The
material
by George Myer, Department
lyzed by optical microscopy
of
the
tool was
ana
of Geology, Temple
University.
132
(X 1753, from T 23-Cleaning) Fig. 6.2 a Hand tool, fragment; part of larger cobble. P. L.
12.0.
Dolomite
(pale gray).
Rectangular Peck marks
shape. on extant
end.
Comments:
The
was
piece
(X 1866, from K 20-Cleaning)
133
Fig.
from
use
as a
pounder.
6.2
tool, fragment of larger cobble; small piece.
Hand
6.3.
L.
Max.
broken
possibly
Limestone
(gray). Comments: No signs of use, but the fragment may have broken off the cobble in a percussive
action.
(X 637, from O 20-3)
134
Hand L.
tool,
complete;
surface
degraded.
11.3.
(pale gray to gray); partly calcined. Ovoid, humped cobble. Comments: No signs of wear, though surface below the calcined (?) crust Limestone
indicate
might
No
clear
signs
of use.
cracked
and
(X 455, from Q21-Surface)
135
Hand L.
Figure 6.3. Cutting in bedrock at the metallurgy workshop
pounding.
tool,
complete;
surface
11.2.
Limestone (gray). Ovoid, flattened cobble. Comments:
No
signs
of use.
fissured
heavily.
CHAPTER
6
122
123
124
127
128
129 Figure 6.4. Stone tools (122-124 and 127-129) from the metallurgy site
THE
STONE
136
(X 495, from O 20-2) Hand
TOOLS
tool,
IO7
nearly
complete;
or
large flakes
segments
lost.
L.11.9.
Limestone/calcite (?) (gray and off-white). Ovoid, flattened cobble; stone fissure throughout. No
Comments:
of use.
signs
(X 496, from O 20-2)
137
Hand
tool, about half missing
(split lengthways); surface condition poor in
places. L.
8.7.
Limestone
(pale gray). cuboid
Subrectangular, Comments:
138
No
cobble. of use.
signs
(X 456, from N 17-2) Hand L.
tool,
Limestone Humped
condition
poor.
(dark gray). cobble.
Comments:
139
surface
complete;
7.6.
No
of use.
signs
(X 442, from L 19-2) Hand L.
tool,
6.8; W.
on
concretion
complete; 2.8.
surface.
Limestone (gray to dark gray). Ovoid pebble. Comments: No signs of use. Found on the middle floor of the apsidal build ing (see Fig. 4.6). 140
(X 454, from O 18-1) Hand L.
tool,
concretion
complete;
(calcined
crust)
on
part
of
surface.
4.8.
Limestone (gray to pale gray). Ovoid pebble. Comments:
141
No
of use.
signs
(X 231, from L 21-1) Hand
tool,
of
fragment
large
cobble;
ca. one
surface. Max.
L.
3.8.
Limestone
(gray).
somewhat
Ovoid, Comments:
No
spherical. of use.
signs
Obsidian 142
(X 945, from J 18-1)
Fig.
6.2
Small chunk/flake, complete. Dims.
1.0 x 0.9; Th.
Obsidian
0.5; Wt.
ca. 1-2.2
(black); fairly lustrous.
g.
quarter
survives;
concretion
on
CHAPTER
io8
in core
Removed
preparation;
implies
143
obsidian
on
preparation
(X 944, from J 18-1) Chunk,
Fig.
at the implies
6.2
Bladelet,
4 g.
18-2)
Fig.
fine,
but
its
below 1 g.
tapering.
No
a core. The or the
obvious,
complete.
Comments: working the use
or of accidental
6.2
L. 1.6;W. 0.5; Th. under 0.5 mm; Wt. Obsidian (black); semilustrous. Very
side.
site.
is either a result of core preparation fragment core. The is not of this piece function of the tip on the site. the use of obsidian
(X 1208, from M
144
the
The
Comments:
presence
on one
complete.
1.5 x 1.0; Th. 0.65;Wt. Obsidian (black); lustrous.
Dims.
severance
of cortex
function is not obvious (too small), but the presence of the
Comments: The flake
elements
slight
6
working
signs of edge damage. This function of
of the flake
this material
on
is unclear, the
site.
piece is probably debris from but
its presence
shows
either
CHAPTER
7
The
Furnace
Chimney
Fragments byPhilip P. Betancourt
of the metallurgy location taken before it was excavated Photographs the small illustrate many fragments of industrial ceramics present at aptly Hundreds of thousands of pieces survive in this artifact Chrysokamino. to over 10 cm in the in sizes from that class, range microscopic longest dimension. Most of the pieces are tiny, and they come from every level and every square meter of the deposit of slag on the site. No ment can be discerned within the class.
stylistic develop
of ceramic vessels in the deposit of slag provide the best Fragments clues for dating, but problems exist with this evidence. Pieces of Final vases come from the modern Neolithic surface aswell as from deep within In addition, most parts the deposit, indicating that the debris is mixed. of the slag pile contain no vessel sherds at all. Because of these problems with the context, none of the individual industrial ceramics fragments can be assigned a secure date based on the stratigraphie level. are Typical examples of the industrial ceramics presented in the cata at The the end of this includes logue pieces from bases, chapter. catalogue bodies, and rims of cylindrical clay objects with open tops. The fragments a provide large enough selection to illustrate the range. The total number of fragments present from the site is enormous. Be land surface, many pieces have eroded sides the fragments on the modern so into the sea, of the deposit are not known. that the original dimensions The extant size of the deposit is ca. 200 m2, with a depth that varies from ca. 60 cm. nothing to The fragments have a slight curvature, and computation of the degree of arc indicates they are from cylinders with diameters of ca. 16-44 cm. Rim sherds prove that one or both ends of the cylinders were open, with were straight to slightly everted rims that usually slightly rounded at their upper edge. No base sherds from the center of any base are present, but a few angular pieces from the point at which a vertical wall met a base sug gest that the cylinders sometimes had small ledges at the bottom to allow them to sit with more stability. Wall thicknesses are usually in the range cm. of 1-2 of the bases have diameters that are substantially larger Most than most
of the rims, suggesting
that the shapes were
usually
tapered.
no
CHAPTER
7
I
I
I
The
measure 20-30 generally than 40 cm in diameter.
rim diameters
cm, while
Figure 7.1. Front and back of chim ney fragment 180, showing dark, glassy deposit on the interior (right)
the bases measure
more slightly No decoration
or occurs on any fragment, but circular holes made slip before the clay was fired are present on all fragments of more than a few centi meters inwidth (Fig. 7.1). Diameters of the holes average about 2 cm. In all cases, the configuration of the holes shows that they were made by through the wall from the exterior of the cylinder, thrusting something either at a right angle to the wall or at a slight oblique angle. Experiments with moist clay cylinders of the correct thickness indicate that these holes were almost certainly made by the potters by thrusting their fingers through the clay. Holes are irregularly spaced, typically between 5 and 15 cm apart, and randomly distributed from base to rim. The fired fabric is red on the exterior of the cylinder and dark gray to black on the interior. It is coarse and porous with many voids from burned out organic matter. A detailed of the fabric is description p?trographie in and the A. The study of the presented Appendix p?trographie analysis in the fabric show that the organic material is mostly chaff impressions (short lengths of grain stems remaining aswaste material after threshing). the molds from burned out chaff are voids in the shape of barley unidentifiable other plant remains, and one olive leaf (Fig. 7.2).* grains, in the fabric are not like the igneous rocks found in Stone fragments
Among
Fabric, which was used for most pottery at the site. They consist, instead, of carbonate, crystalline and cryptocrystalline quartz, and are in the local soils at minerals that inclusions phyllite fragments, typical and that also occur in the clay of Lakkos Ambeliou.2 The Chrysokamino the Mirabello
is close enough to similarity with the clay deposited at Lakkos Ambeliou was as source that this feature used the for the clay to suggest probably make the cylinders. of the fragments have a coating of dark, glassy, highly vitrified Many material on the interior side of their curved surfaces (see Chap. 10). This on rim sherds. It was once deposit is not usually present highly viscous, with drips, flow lines, and circular voids attesting to its former liquid state. On some sherds, the coating was once thicker than presently preserved, away, while on other sherds, the surface of the vitrified Small lenses of copper alteration products under 0.5 coating cm occur occasionally within the glassy coating. and it has broken
is smooth.
1. For discussion remains
preserved
of the botanical in the clay of these
chimneys, 2. Morris
see
Chap. 2002,
12. pp. 52-59.
Figure 7.2. Chimney fragment no. X 213, preserving the impression of an olive leaf, compared with a leaf from
a modern
olive
tree
THE
Figure
7.3. Alternative
reconstruc
tions of the industrial ceramics fragments: (a) a cylindrical furnace; (b) a cover for a bowl furnace; (c) a chimney for a bowl furnace
FURNACE
CHIMNEY
III
FRAGMENTS
THE FUNCTION OF THE INDUSTRIAL CERAMICS industrial ceramics fragments differ in several ways from the sherds Their fabric is distinctive, of clay vessels found at Chrysokamino. their are not those ofMinoan vessels, and their coating of glassy material shapes use. The presence of copper alteration is not consistent with household
The
products
in the vitreous
deposit
proves
the pieces played
a role in copper
metallurgy. The fragments were obviously part of some aspect of the smelting include the possibilities that the small frag process. Previous suggestions ments were parts of crucibles3 or that a they joined together to form pierced floor in a single large furnace.4 The restoration of the fragments as cylin ders invalidates these suggestions. The objects were freestanding, tapering a narrows the range of for cylinders, shape that considerably possibilities their use. Alternatives
are illustrated
in Figure
7.3.
Freestanding, cylindrical smelting furnaces (Fig. 7.3:a) have a long his in tory metallurgy. They were used inNigeria until theMedieval period5 and in Shaba Province, Congo called (formerly Katanga Province, Zaire), until more recently.6 The furnaces inNigeria and Congo were used for smelting, and they were only used once before being broken up into pieces.
3.Mosso p. 50. 4. Faure
1910,
p. 291;
Branigan
1968,
p. 47-48. 1983; Bernus
1966,
5. Bernus
and Echard
1985. 6. Forbes
1972,
7. Betancourt
pp. 26-27. et al. 1999,
p. 362.
8. For the involved, principles see the discussion in Olsen 1973, pp. 36-39.
were also The possibility that the Chrysokamino cylinders freestanding furnaces has been considered,7 but the evidence indicates that this theory is not tenable. If the cylinders were the furnaces inwhich the ore was smelted, smelting slagwould be found adhering to their inner surfaces, at least in their lower parts. The interiors do not have any such smelting slag attached. Covers (Fig. 7.3:b) are another alternative. Small bowl furnaces lose heat upward, and a cover to help hold the heat and increase efficiency would be an advantage inmaintaining since high temperatures. However, a number of rim can be in the of corpus fragments recognized fragments, the cylinders must have had open tops. are the third alternative are an Chimneys (Fig. 7.3:c). They important or of kiln furnace of also aspect design (and fireplaces), because proper venting is necessary in order to raise the temperature by increasing the flow of oxygen.8 In systems using only a natural draft, the exit venting system must be as large as the inlet system because if the outlet flue is restricted, combustion will be slowed, and efficiency will be lowered. If the system adds
CHAPTER
112
7
oxygen by employing artificial means such as bellows to increase the draft, then the venting system is even more critical. Tall chimneys increase the velocity of the upward draft, driving the temperature higher as long as
more
proper fuel is present and adequate air is forced into the firing chamber. At where we know that bellows were used, chimneys would Chrysokamino, have been a logical part of the furnace system. as is of the Chrysokamino cylinders chimneys on interior the of of the the further supported by presence glassy coating of hot vapors the fragments. This coating was formed by the condensation The
identification
a as they moved upward through the enough to leave deposit occur in any situation where the vitreous Such heating deposits cylinders. materials, and they are common in the up process volatilizes mineral-laden per parts of both lime and pottery kilns. The presence of cuprous inclusions that cooled
within
the coatings at Chrysokamino from the intense heating
were made
shows that these particular deposits that included copper.
of minerals
are not unique to Chrysokamino. In cylinders used for smelting the closest parallels are with ceramic cylinders from smelting the Aegean, are similar to the ones from sites on Kythnos.9The fragments from Kythnos Clay
they seem to come from tapering open rims (and possibly open bases). They aremade of coarse cm with holes pierced through the walls. The holes, often about 2-3 clay, the pierced in diameter, are spaced irregularly from rim to base. Evidently are part of a technology used for the production regional Aegean cylinders of copper.
Chrysokamino. cylinders with
Like
Reconstruction From with
the Cretan
of
the
pieces,
Chimneys
the curvature of the walls, the clay fragments must be from cylinders are present in the cm. Many holes ranging from 16 to 44 to a just below occurring in random pattern from just above the base
diameters
walls, the rim. The
holes would have allowed drafts of air to enter and exit. The is open. The bases were probably not closed, because although upper part a few of their angled edges can be identified, no fragments coming pieces from the bottom away from the edge are present. If the cylinders were as suggested by the glassy deposits on their interiors, then they chimneys,
had no bases. They must have been used over bowl furnaces built into the not been discovered.10 ground in locations that have are not known. While are it uncertain. Heights Some of the details is likely that the chimneys tapered slightly toward the top, with the rims the surviving fragments are all too having smaller diameters than the bases, small to establish their shapes with certainty. If pot bellows were used with the furnaces, the most efficient system would have been for the nozzles to be inserted into apertures of the bowl furnaces, not into their chimneys, because the oxygen should be directed at the fire, not above it.One tuyere was recovered from the excavations, indicating the workshop used the usual for conveying the draft from the bellows (or an earlier blowpipe) method to the fire (see Chap. 9). The interior diameters of the bowl furnaces may have been about the same as the maximum
diameters
of the chimneys.
The
largest diameter,
9. Y. Bassiakos 10. A is discussed
fragment in Chap.
(pers. comm.). of the furnace 9.
lining
THE
FURNACE
CHIMNEY
FRAGMENTS
113
ca. 44 cm, is near the maximum diameter of experimental kilns used in smelt was found to be effective could be size maximum The that ing copper.11 on the fact that airwould ca. 20 cm into a computed based only penetrate furnace loaded with a charge of copper ore and fuel, using an ore-to-fuel ratio of 2:1. This suggests that the furnaces were fairly small, and they would
not have produced and
Technological Chimney
an abundance
Economic
of the smelted metal.
Implications
of
the
Fabric
fabric of the chimneys is interesting for several reasons. It is unlike the fabric used for vessels at the site, indicating that its production was
The
characteristics are an incorporation of distinguishing matter of identifiable as chaff (Chap. 12), a use of organic large quantities low-fired, porous clay, and a brown to red color on the exterior combined specialized.
with
Its main
a darker color on the interior. Minoan
pottery employs many fabrics, but the addition of large quan is not a common practice for Bronze Age vessel tities of organic material an exception, see 74). Fabrics with large production in Crete after EM I (for amounts of organic matter are used mainly for objects intended towithstand straw is heat, such as crucibles and molds used in metallurgy.12 Chopped a porous particularly useful in fabrics of this class because it creates body that can withstand thermal shock, and similar recipes have been used for molds made in some parts of Asia even in the 20th century.13 The evidence from Chrysokamino shows that the general principles of manufacturing use of for objects metallurgical operations, including the specialized clay were a established is a recipes, already by very early period. The workshop a were of tradition skills that inherited part using specialized technological in later times. It was not an anomaly outside the general development of traditions. metallurgical fabrics also provide information on the relation of the metal to the local economy. The stone inclusions suggest the manufacture lurgy of the furnace chimneys was local. The metallurgists had access both to local clay and chaff derived from the harvesting of grain. As noted earlier, a local clay the petrography of the clay shows that it matches deposit at The
The cylinders must have been made shortly after the harvest, in the fall of the year, when chaff was available. Perhaps the work was seasonal, performed in late summer to early fall when the harvest was the seasonal north wind (the meltemi) was blowing fiercely, and completed, Lakkos Ambeliou.14
the autumn
rains had not yet begun.
CATALOGUE 11.
Bamberger
1985.
12. Cf. Blitzer 1995, pp. 504-508. 13. Forbes
1972,
p. 26.
14.App. A; for the local clay see Morris
2002,
chap.
3.
Rim 145
Fragments (X 103, from O 22-4) Furnace Diam.
rim chimney, fragment. of rim ca. 24.
Fig. 7.4
CHAPTER
114
i i
7
146
i a
147
145
'
i
'
I 151
150
148
155
153
152
156
154
D"l
1
1 158
157
159
r 161
1
i
i
160
7 162 Figure 7.4. Profile drawings of chim ney fragments (145-162). Scale 1:3
THE
FURNACE
A
coarse
FRAGMENTS
CHIMNEY
fabric with
from
voids
II5
burned-out
organic
matter
(unevenly
colored,
mostly black). Furnace and
exterior;
chimney vitreous
with
rim; straight on lower
deposit
(X 111, from O 22-4)
146
Furnace Diam. A
coarse
rim
chimney, of rim ca. 30. fabric with
three of
part
holes
below
the
interior.
the rim;
rough
interior
7.4
Fig. fragment.
from
voids
burned-out
organic
matter
(unevenly
colored,
mostly dark reddish brown, 5YR 3/2). Furnace ous
with
chimney
outturned
rim;
rough
interior
and
exterior;
no vitre
deposit.
(X 112, from O 22-4)
147
Furnace Diam. A
coarse
Fig.
7.4
rim chimney, fragment. of rim ca. 36. fabric with
from
voids
burned-out
organic
matter
(unevenly
colored,
mostly yellowish red, 5YR 4/6). Furnace chimney with straight rim; hole below the rim; rough interior and vitreous
exterior;
148
on
deposit
lower
(X 113, from Q20-2) Furnace Diam. A
coarse
Fig.
part
of
the
interior.
7.4
rim chimney, fragment. of rim ca. 36. fabric with
voids
from
burned-out
organic
matter
(unevenly
colored,
mostly yellowish red, 5YR 4/6). Furnace chimney with outturned rim; hole below the rim; rough interior and no vitreous
exterior;
149
deposit.
(X 198, from Q20-3) Furnace Diam. A
coarse
rim
chimney, of rim ca. 32. fabric with
Fig.
7.4
fragment.
voids
from
burned-out
organic
matter
(unevenly
colored,
from reddish yellow, 5YR 6/6, to black). Furnace chimney with straight rim; hole below the rim; rough interior and no vitreous
exterior;
deposit.
(X 222, from R 20-2)
150
Furnace Diam. A
coarse
Fig.
7.4
rim chimney, fragment. of rim ca. 18. fabric with
voids
from
burned-out
organic
matter
(unevenly
colored,
mostly very dark brown 10YR 2/2). Furnace chimney with straight rim; two holes below the rim; rough interior and
exterior;
151
no vitreous
deposit.
(X 299, from M 20-6) Furnace Diam. A
coarse
rim
chimney, of rim ca. 54. fabric with
Fig.
7.4
fragment.
voids
from
burned-out
organic
matter
(unevenly
colored,
mostly yellowish red, 5YR 5/6). Furnace chimney with straight rim; hole below the rim; rough interior and exterior;
no vitreous
deposit.
CHAPTER
ii6
152
(X 319, from R 20-3) Furnace Diam. A
rim chimney, of rim ca. 34.
coarse
fabric with
7.4
Fig. fragment.
from
voids
burned-out
organic
matter
(unevenly
colored,
mostly black). Furnace
with
chimney
straight
rim;
Fig.
7.4
interior
rough
and
no vitreous
exterior;
deposit.
(X 320, from R 20-3)
153
Furnace Diam. A
rim fragment. chimney, max. of rim not measurable;
coarse
fabric with
voids
from
dim.
3.5.
burned-out
organic
matter
colored,
(unevenly
mostly dark reddish brown, 5YR 3/2). Furnace
with
chimney
rim;
straight
interior
rough
and
no vitreous
exterior;
deposit.
(X 321, from R 20-3)
154
Furnace Diam. A
rim
chimney, of rim ca. 24.
coarse
fabric with
7.4
Fig. fragment.
voids
from
burned-out
organic
matter
(unevenly
colored,
from reddish yellow, 5YR 4/6, to very dark gray). Furnace and
chimney no vitreous
exterior;
155
with
Furnace
A
coarse
of
three
holes
below
the
rim;
rough
interior
deposit.
(X 426, from N 18-3) Diam.
rim;
straight
7.4
Fig.
rim chimney, fragment. rim ca. 24. voids
fabric with
from
burned-out
organic
matter
(unevenly
colored,
mostly dark gray). Furnace
chimney
with
rim;
straight
rough
interior
and
exterior;
no vitreous
deposit.
(X 427, from N 18-3)
156
Furnace Diam. A
coarse
rim
chimney, of rim ca. 26.
fragment.
voids
fabric with
7.4
Fig.
from
burned-out
organic
matter
(unevenly
colored,
from red, 2.5YR 5/6, to dark gray). Furnace
chimney
with
straight
rim;
rough
interior
and
exterior;
no vitreous
deposit.
(X 429, from N 18-3)
157
Furnace Diam. A
coarse
rim chimney, of rim ca. 26. fabric with
Fig.
7.4
fragment.
voids
from
burned-out
organic
matter
(unevenly
colored,
from reddish yellow, 5YR 6/6, to black). Furnace
chimney
with
straight
rim;
rough
interior
and
exterior;
no vitreous
deposit.
(X 491, from P 20-2)
158
Furnace Diam. A
coarse
rim
chimney, of rim ca. 50 fabric with
Fig.
7.4
fragment.
(or from voids
from
a flat
area
burned-out
from yellowish red, 5YR 5/8, to black).
on
a
warped
organic
or matter
elliptical
artifact).
(unevenly
colored,
7
THE
FURNACE
FRAGMENTS
CHIMNEY
straight rim; hole below the rim; rough interior and
Furnace chimney with no vitreous
exterior;
deposit.
(X 500, from L 19-3)
159
Furnace Diam. A
rim chimney, of rim ca. 28.
coarse
II7
fabric with
7.4
Fig. fragment.
voids
from
burned-out
organic
matter
(unevenly
colored,
from yellowish red, 5YR 4/6, to very dark gray). Furnace
chimney
with
rim;
straight
interior
rough
and
no vitreous
exterior;
deposit.
(X 640, from N 19-4)
160
Furnace Diam. A
7.4
Fig.
rim chimney, fragment. of rim ca. 32.
coarse
fabric with
voids
from
burned-out
organic
matter
(unevenly
colored,
from red, 2.5YR 4/6, to gray). Furnace
chimney
with
rim;
straight
interior
rough
and
no vitreous
exterior;
deposit.
(X 752, from N 20-4)
161
Furnace Diam. A
rim
chimney, of rim ca. 28.
coarse
fabric with
7.4
Fig. fragment.
voids
from
burned-out
organic
matter
(unevenly
colored,
from yellowish red, 5YR 5/6, to very dark gray). Furnace ous
with
chimney
outturned
rim;
rough
and
interior
exterior;
no vitre
deposit.
162
(X 753, from N 20-4) Furnace Diam. A
rim chimney, of rim ca. 22.
coarse
fabric with
7.4
Fig. fragment.
voids
from
burned-out
organic
matter
(unevenly
colored,
from yellowish red, 5YR 4/6, to dark reddish brown, 5YR 3/2). Furnace ous
with
chimney
outturned
rim;
rough
interior
and
exterior;
no vitre
deposit.
Base
Fragments
163
(X 100, from S 20-2) Furnace Diam. A
mostly
base chimney, of base ca. 42.
coarse
fabric with
fragment.
voids
Furnace deposit
with flat base chimney on the interior.
(X 110, from O 22-4) Furnace Diam. A
mostly
from
burned-out
organic
matter
(unevenly
colored,
red, 2.5YR 5/8, with a black core).
vitreous
164
7.5
Fig.
coarse
voids
from
from
of wall;
rough
interior
near
interior
and
exterior;
exterior;
base.
burned-out
organic
matter
(unevenly
red, 2.5YR 5/6).
Rough
and
7.5
Fig.
chimney, fragment of base ca. 35-40. fabric with
at bottom
vitreous
deposit
on
the
interior.
colored,
CHAPTER
ii8
7
ii t
J
?
165
164
163
i
i
/ i
J
169
168
167
166
i
ii
J
>l 172
171
170
II I i
I I
I II
I
I
175
174
173
i
?
i
I
O n
/
i
?
l
176
178
177 Figure ney
7.5. fragments
Profile
drawings
(163-178).
of chim Scale 1:3
THE
FRAGMENTS
CHIMNEY
FURNACE
(X 114, from Q^20-3)
165
Furnace Diam. A
base
fabric with
voids
Furnace vitreous
deposit
with flat base chimney on the interior.
(X 129, from S 20-2) Furnace Diam. A
from
burned-out
organic
matter
(unevenly
colored,
red, 2.5YR 4/6, with a black interior).
mostly
166
7.5
Fig. fragment.
chimney, of base ca. 44.
coarse
119
at bottom
of wall;
rough
interior
and
exterior;
7.5
Fig.
base fragment. chimney, of base not measurable.
coarse
voids
fabric with
from
burned-out
organic
matter
(unevenly
colored,
mostly red, 2.5YR 4/8, with black interior). Furnace chimney with flat base at bottom of wall; two holes; rough interior and
exterior;
vitreous
on
deposit
(X 205, from O 22-4)
167
Furnace
Fig.
base
chimney, ca. 22.
interior.
7.5
fragment.
of base
Diam. A
the
coarse
fabric with
from
burned-out
with flat base chimney on the interior.
at bottom
voids
organic
matter
(unevenly
colored,
mostly very dark gray). Furnace vitreous
168
deposit
(X 214, from R 20-2) Furnace Diam.
base chimney, of base ca. 44.
Fig.
of wall;
rough
interior
and
exterior;
7.5
fragment.
A coarse fabric with voids from burned-out organic matter (black). Furnace chimney with flat base at bottom of wall; rough interior and exterior; vitreous
169
on
deposit
the
interior.
(X 129, from N 20-2) Furnace Diam. A
base chimney, fragment. of base not measurable.
coarse
fabric with
voids
Furnace vitreous
deposit
with flat base chimney on the interior and
(X 739, from N 20-3) Furnace Diam. A
from
burned-out
organic
matter
(unevenly
colored,
red, 2.5YR 4/8, with a black interior).
mostly
170
7.5
Fig.
coarse
Fig.
at bottom
voids
from
rough
interior
and
exterior;
7.5
base fragment. chimney, max. of base not measurable; fabric with
of wall;
exterior.
dim.
burned-out
of
sherd organic
4.3. matter
(unevenly
colored,
from yellowish red, 5YR 5/6, to black). Furnace
with flat base chimney on the interior. deposit
vitreous
171
(X 188, from O 22-4) Furnace Diam. A
coarse
Fig.
base chimney, of base ca. 28. fabric with
at bottom
of wall;
rough
interior
and
exterior;
7.5
fragment.
voids
from
burned-out
organic
matter
(unevenly
colored,
mostly dark reddish brown, 5YR 3/2). Furnace one
hole;
chimney
vitreous
with
deposit
flat base on
the
at bottom
interior.
of wall;
rough
interior
and
exterior;
I20
CHAPTER
Body
Fragments (X 1757, from P 20-2)
172
Furnace dim.
Max.
chimney, 4.1.
coarse
A
body
fabric with
Furnace the
7.5
fragment.
voids
chimney
with
from
straight
burned-out
matter
organic
colored,
(unevenly
wall;
one
hole;
thick
unusually
vitreous
deposit
interior.
(X 105, from O 22-4)
173
Fig.
red, 2.5YR 4/8).
mostly on
7
Furnace dim.
Max.
chimney, 7.6.
coarse
A
body
fabric with
voids
mostly red, 2.5YR 5/8). Furnace chimney with
Fig.
7.5
fragment.
from
burned-out
matter
organic
colored,
(unevenly
on the in straight wall; one hole; vitreous deposit
terior.
(X 106, from O 22-4)
174
Furnace Max.
coarse
A
body
chimney, dim.
Fig.
7.5
fragment.
7.1. voids
fabric with
from
burned-out
matter
organic
colored,
(unevenly
red, 5YR 4/6).
mostly
Furnace
with
chimney
straight
wall;
one
vitreous
hole;
deposit
on
the
in
terior.
(X 107, from O 22-4)
175
Furnace
A
chimney, dim.
Max.
coarse
body
Fig.
7.5
fragment.
7.3. fabric with
voids
from
burned-out
matter
organic
colored,
(unevenly
red, 2.5YR 4/6, to gray).
mostly
Furnace
with
chimney
straight
wall;
two
vitreous
holes;
deposit
on
the
in
terior.
(X 108, from O 22-4)
176
Furnace
coarse
A
body
chimney, dim.
Max.
Fig.
7.5
fragment.
7.3. voids
fabric with
from
burned-out
organic
matter
(unevenly
colored,
mostly yellowish red, 5YR 4/6). Furnace
with
chimney
straight
three
wall;
holes;
vitreous
deposit
on
the
interior.
(X 109, from O 22-4)
177
Furnace
chimney, dim.
Max.
coarse
A
body
Fig.
7.5
fragment.
8.4. fabric with
voids
from
burned-out
organic
matter
(unevenly
colored,
mostly very dark gray). Furnace
chimney
with
straight
wall;
interior.
178
(X 120, fromM Furnace Max.
chimney, dim.
5.9.
19-2) body
Fig. fragment.
7.5
thickened
area; vitreous
deposit
on
the
THE
CHIMNEY
FURNACE
coarse
A
fabric with
voids
FRAGMENTS
from
121
burned-out
matter
organic
colored,
(unevenly
mostly yellowish red, 5YR 5/6). Furnace chimney with straightwall; two holes; unusually thick vitreous deposit on
interior.
the
179
(X 130, from S 20-2) Furnace Max.
chimney, dim.
coarse
A
body
Fig.
7.6
fragment.
4.2. fabric with
voids
from
burned-out
matter
organic
colored,
(unevenly
mostly reddish yellow, 5YR 6/8), with a dark gray interior. Furnace chimney with straight wall; one hole; vitreous deposit on the in terior.
180
(X 140, from S 20-2) Furnace
chimney, ca. 29.
Diam. coarse
A
body
fabric with
voids
7.6
7.1,
Figs. fragment.
from
burned-out
matter
organic
colored,
(unevenly
from reddish brown, 2.5YR 5.4, to black). Furnace
with
chimney
wall;
straight
six holes;
vitreous
on
deposit
the
in
terior.
181
(X 215, from S 20-2) Furnace Max.
chimney, dim.
coarse
A
body
Fig.
7.6
fragment.
3.9. fabric with
voids
from
burned-out
matter
organic
colored,
(unevenly
from dark grayish brown, 10YR 4/2 to black; light red, 2.5YR 6/6, on exterior). Furnace
with
chimney
wall;
straight
one
vitreous
hole;
on
deposit
the
in
terior.
182
(X 310, from M 20-3) Furnace Diam. coarse
A
7.6
Fig.
chimney, body fragment. not measurable; max. dim. fabric with
voids
from
5.9.
burned-out
organic
matter
(unevenly
colored,
from reddish yellow, 5YR 6/8, to dark gray). Furnace 2.3);
rough
183
with somewhat chimney straight wall; hole no vitreous interior and exterior; deposit.
(X 323, from R 20-3) Furnace Diam. A
coarse
chimney, ca. 27-30. fabric with
body
voids
Fig.
larger
than
usual
(Diam.
7.6
fragment.
from
burned-out
organic
matter
(unevenly
colored,
from light red, 2.5YR 6/6, to black). Furnace
chimney
with
straight
wall;
three
holes;
vitreous
deposit
on
the
interior.
184
(X 324, from R 20-3) Furnace Diam.
chimney, ca. 30.
body
Fig.
7.6
fragment.
A coarse fabric with voids from burned-out organic matter (unevenly colored, from light red, 2.5YR 6/6, to black). Furnace
chimney
with
straight
wall;
six holes;
vitreous
deposit
on
the
inte
CHAPTER
7
^ I
K J
I I/
1
181
179
i
ii
v
J
i i
i
I
i
184
183
182
n
f
\
i
i
Ol 186
185
187
188 Figure ney
7.6.
fragments
Profile
drawings
(179-188).
of chim Scale 1:3
THE
FRAGMENTS
CHIMNEY
FURNACE
(X 1806, fromM 22-2)
185
Furnace dim.
Max. A
chimney, 6.8.
coarse
body
fabric with
Fig.
123
7.6
fragment.
voids
from
burned-out
organic
matter
(unevenly
colored,
from red, 2.5YR 5/6-8, to dark gray). Furnace chimney with straight wall; three holes; vitreous deposit on the interior.
186
(X 101, from S 20-2) Furnace
chimney,
Diam.
of artifact
coarse
A
Fig.
body fragment. not measurable;
fabric with
voids
mostly red, 2.5YR 5/6). Furnace chimney with
from
7.6
max.
dim.
burned-out
5.8. organic
matter
(unevenly
colored,
straight wall; two holes; vitreous deposit on the in
terior.
187
(X 104, from O 22-4) Furnace
A
chimney, dim.
Max.
coarse
body
Fig.
7.6
fragment.
9.6. fabric with
voids
from
burned-out
mostly yellowish red, 5YR 5/8). Furnace chimney with straight wall;
organic
matter
(unevenly
colored,
three holes; vitreous deposit on the
interior.
(X 1756, from P 20-2)
188
Furnace Max. A
dim. coarse
chimney, 9.4. fabric with
body
voids
Fig.
7.6
fragment.
from
burned
out
organic
matter
(unevenly
mostly light red, 2.5YR 6/8). Furnace chimney with straight wall; four holes; unusually deposit
on
interior.
colored,
thick vitreous
CHAPTER
8
Bellows
Pot
The
byPhilip P. Betancourt and James D. Muhly
is a device used to provide a forced draft for forges, metal in which high temperatures are lurgical furnaces, and other installations in the eastern Mediterranean desired. It was used extensively during the
The
pot bellows
a by several authors.1 It consists of a flexible leather cover cylindrical ceramic vessel fitted with having one-way cover up and down in air through the the draws alternately flaps. Moving
Bronze Age,
and it has been discussed
out through a nozzle. The device iswell known both flaps and forces it from illustrations in Egyptian paintings and from actual examples surviv record. Modern ing in the archaeological examples with similar designs are known from Asia and Africa where a role in they play metalworking and other crafts.2 Before
the discovery of the bellows from Chrysokamino, only known from later periods.3
were examples earliest use of the pot bellows is not known. Although the bellows themselves do not survive, the device has been suggested for smelting op erations as early as the Chalcolithic.4 Other than the finds from Chrysoka
Cretan
The
mino, the earliest known examples are from the beginning of theMiddle Bronze Age.5 a from the Tomb of Figure 8.1 shows painting of the 18th Dynasty at Thebes.6 Metalworkers Rekh-mi-re here use the bellows to melt cop per in small crucibles. The bellows are used in pairs so that alternation in their pumping action can produce amore steady draft. The devices in this painting consist of cylindrical vessels with nozzles to allow the attachment
1.Davey 1979;Tylecote 1981; Forenhaber pp.
106-107, 2. Forbes 3. Blitzer
Kommos;
1994; M?ller-Karpe 76. fig. 1950, p. 116.
1994,
can be lifted with from
pp. 508-509,
1995,
1997,
Dimopoulou
p. 435,
from Poros; Evely 2000, p. 363, from Zakros
and Palaikastro.
4. Hegde and Ericson 1985, p. 66; Rothenberg
1985,
p. 124.
1994,
pp.
106-107,
fig. 76. 6. For pi.
17.
the context,
see Davies
the air to the fire. A
leather cover over each vessels
a cord to inflate the bellows
on the leather forces the air stepping through shown for each small fire.
rim
and suck in the air, while the nozzle. Four bellows are
of a minimum of nine pot bellows come from Chryso Fragments kamino. All examples are presented here (see the catalogue in this chapter). are somewhat different in They design from the bellows known from other sites, although the principle of operation is the same. Perhaps they can be as regarded early, experimental examples of the device. are The bellows from Chrysokamino clay cylinders with drum-shaped
5. Davey 1979;Tylecote 1981; M?ller-Karpe
of a reed to conduct
1943,
closed
tops, with per surfaces. The
one or more design
large holes rather crudely cut in the flat up of the lower edge (i.e., the open part facing down
CHAPTER
126
Figure
8.1.
of workmen
Drawing
using bellows, from the Tomb of Rekh-mi-re.
After
Davies
1943, pi. 23
the object was in use) is not certain, but sherds with straight rims, are between 28 and 53 cm. such as 191, maybe from this shape. Diameters A nozzle iswell preserved on bellows 189 (see Figs. 8.3 and 8.4 below).
when
The
nozzle
is attached
on the upper part of the near the hole cut cylinder,
in the upper surface. The bellows all show signs of darkening from a hot, reducing atmo a sphere in their interiors. This characteristic is confirmation of their iden tification, showing that the devices were used before they were broken. The act of pumping air into a furnace was evidently not so efficient that it drew in only cold air to pump into the fire. Some of the hot air and some sparks seem to have been drawn back out of the furnace and into the bellows, a hot, inside the bellows and resulting in reducing atmosphere producing a dark color in the clay, as its red ferric oxide was altered to black (Fe203) oxide (FeO). The process that creates black iron oxides in clay fabrics by the chemical change called reduction iswell known.7 Contact ferrous
the hot, oxygen-depleted atmosphere accounts for the condition of the interiors; this heat is one of the reasons why these devices were made of clay instead of a flammable material.
with
of fused mud are on the exteriors of several bellows, always Deposits away from the end with the holes cut in it. Sherd 191, which may be a rim from a bellows, is one of the pieces with fused mud on its exterior. It is were in use, and were set into the ground when they likely that the bellows the join with the ground was sealed with mud to prevent air from escaping so that the mud baked and fused to the vessel during the pumping action, use. by the heat drawn into the bellows from the furnace during are from EM III? All the bellows fragments from Chrysokamino MM IA. The date is based on several considerations, with the most im portant one being that pieces are found within the soil used for the floor of the small hut, in association with White-on-Dark is found anywhere on the site.
Ware.
No
later pottery
7. Betancourt 1988,
p. 80.
1985,
p. 6; Noble
THE
8.2. Reconstruction
Figure bellows
in use
based
made
by Harriet Lyla Pinch Brock
on
Blitzer.
POT
BELLOWS
127
of the pot suggestions Drawn by
The bellows cannot be earlier in date because they are all made from a type of Mirabello Fabric consisting of a local clay paste with abun dant large rock fragments, a fabric not used before EM III-MMIA. Mira bello Fabric uses numerous fragments of angular white stone in the grano diorite/diorite series.8 It has several subclasses based on the coarseness of and their percentage in the fabric, ranging from a fine fabric a few inclusions used for Vasiliki Ware9 to a very coarse class just used for storage containers. Deposits of this igneous rock occur at several locations at and near Gournia,10 and the pottery using it has been analyzed the inclusions
with
several times.11 The as defined
igneous rock analyzed in the pottery from Pseira is and Guilford12 because it Donaldson, by MacKenzie, consists of plagioclase, amphibole, and biotite, with very little quartz, while the material analyzed from Mochlos is called granodiorite by Day, Joyner,
diorite
and Relaki.13 of the bellows from Chrysokamino suggests a reconstruction a leather bag with slits and flaps attached at the top, and the down and buried in the earth, sealed with mud to prevent air from escaping during use and to prevent the bellows from dislodging Blitzer
as a pot with "rim" upside
the leather bag up and during the pumping operation (Fig. 8.2).14Working down would pull in air through the one-way flaps and force it through the nozzle
and
into
the
furnace.
The widely distributed bamboo called kalami, which grows in many parts of Crete, has stems with a hollow interior that would fit the size of the aperture of the tuyere found at the site (see Chap. 9). The presence of the plant onMinoan pottery and wall paintings shows that it grew in Crete during the Bronze Age.15 It would have made a suitable conduit to allow air from the bellows to flow to the furnace, where the clay tuyere would the hollow
protect
8.
and Mook
Haggis
fabric court
1995, 9. Myer
p. 268. 10.
1993,
p. 273, and Betan
2; Myer,
Mclntosh, pp. 144-145. 1979; Whitelaw
et al. 1997,
11.Myer 1979; Day 1991, pp. 91 101; Myer,
Mclntosh
1995,
144-145;
Relaki
pp.
2003,
pp.
12. MacKenzie, Papastamatiou
et al. 1959.
stem from the heat.
and Betancourt Day, 17-18.
Joyner,
Donaldson,
Guilford 1982, p. 103.
and
pp.
13. Day, 17-18. 14. H.
Joyner,
and Relaki
Blitzer
(pers. comm.). see pottery, Popham and c; for wall painting,
15. For and
2003,
pi. 76:a Platon 2002,
pi. 48:a.
1967, see
CHAPTER
128
8
CATALOGUE lists all bellows and probable bellows fragments found at the into 15 catalogue entries combining pieces similar in thick site, grouped ness, fabric, shape, and general appearance. In many cases one cannot tell which sherds belong together, but aminimum of nine bellows is estimated The
catalogue
from this assemblage. 189
(X 143, from L 17-3, L 18-2, L 19-2, M 18-2, M 18-3, M 19-3, M 19-5, N 19-2, N 19-3, P 19-1, R 20-1, locus E5050N5016)
Figs. 8.3, 8.4
Pot bellows, large part of side and closed top and many nonjoining Diam.
of
top
Fabric (unevenly colored, red to black, with the interior darkened
Mirabello a
from
sherds.
ca. 37.
reducing
atmosphere).
Cylindrical vessel with almost straightwalls and closed top (lower part ofwalls
190
at side,
nozzle
missing);
near
closed
top;
rectilinear
in closed
hole
top.
(X 609, fromM 19-5) Fig. 8.4 Pot bellows, sherd from closed top. Max.
dim.
of
18.9.
sherd
Fabric (red, 2.5YR 4/8 on interior; dark brown, 7.5YR 4/2, on
Mirabello exterior).
Sherd from the closed top, from near the center; the edges of two long holes survive. This
Comments: than
a
191
single
sherd cut
opening
demonstrates
that
(X 420, from N 19-3, N 20-3) Jar
or
pot
Diam.
of
bellows, rim
the upper
part
sometimes
had more
in it.
rim
8.4
Fig.
sherd.
ca. 38; Diam.
of body
ca. 47-50.
Mirabello
Fabric (reddish yellow, 5YR 6/6). rim. Straight Comments: Burned soil fused to the body on the exterior. The
the
exterior
of
the vessel
than
a
192
(X 317, fromM andM 19-5)
this
suggests
artifact
may
have
been
a
pot
fused soil on bellows
rather
jar.
simple
18-1, M
18-2, M
18-3, M
19-2, Fig.
8.4
Pot bellows, body sherds. Diam.
of body
ca. 47-48.
Mirabello Fabric (unevenly colored, red, 2.5YR 4/8, to reddish brown, 2.5YR 5/4, to black; dark in the interior from a reducing atmosphere). Cylindrical vessel with almost straight walls. Comments:
193
Burned
(X 531, fromM
soil
fused
18-3) Fig. Pot bellows (?), body sherd. Diam.
of
Mirabello
body
to the body,
on
the exterior.
8.4
ca. 40.
Fabric (gray core; red surface, 2.5YR 5/6).
THE
POT
BELLOWS
129
190
189 (1:5)
191
1 1
192
193
Figure 8.4. Profile drawings of pot bellows (189-194). Scale 1:3unless otherwise
indicated
194
CHAPTER
130
194
(X 418, from M Pot
bellows, of
Diam.
reducing
sherds
many
19-3, N 18-1, N 18-2, and
from walls
closed
Fig.
8.4 N 19-2, N 19-3)
top.
ca. 28.
body
Fabric (black to red, 2.5YR 4/8; extremely dark in the interior from
Mirabello a
18-3, M
8
atmosphere).
Cylindrical vessel with almost straight walls; rectilinear hole in closed top. (X 294, from N 18-2, N 19-2)
195
Fig.
8.5
Fig.
8.5
Pot bellows (?), body sherd. Diam.
of
ca. 48.
body
Mirabello
Fabric (red, 2.5YR 5/8).
(X 293, fromM
196
18-2, M
18-3)
Pot bellows (?), body sherd. Diam.
ca. 45.
of body
Mirabello reducing
atmosphere,
in the
especially
(X 483, from P 20-2)
197
Pot
sherd
bellows,
Diam.
to almost completely black from a
Fabric (very dark gray, N3,
of closed
interior).
8.5
Fig.
the upper
from
part.
ca. 36.
end
Fabric (brown, 7.5YR 5/4; dark in the interior from a reducing
Mirabello atmosphere).
Cylindrical vessel with almost straight walls; closed top with hole in it. 198 M
(X 416, from K 17-1, L 19-2, M 19-2b, M 19-5, N 18-2, N 10-2, N 19-3)
Two Diam.
or more rim
of
of made pot bellows ca. 20; restored Diam.
similar of
19-3,
8.5
Fig.
rim and clay, body ca. 52-53.
sherds.
body
Mirabello Fabric (unevenly colored, from dark red, 2.5YR 3/6, to reddish brown, 2.5YR 5/4, to dark brown, 7.5YR 4/2, to light red, 2.5YR 6/6). Burned
Comments:
on exterior;
soil fused
one
sherd with
with a diameter very different from the body sherds. The would have helped seat the bellows in the ground. (X 1712, fromM
199
19-3)
rim, heavily
reduced,
ridge below the mouth
8.5
Fig.
Pot bellows, body sherds. Max.
dim.
Mirabello
M
largest
Burned
Comments:
200
of
sherd
6.2.
Fabric (red, 2.5YR 4/6). soil
fused
on
exterior.
(X 142, from L 17-3, L 19-2, M 18-3, M 19-2b, 19-3, M 19-4, M 19-5, N 18-2, N 19-2, N 19-3)
Pot
bellows, of rim
Diam.
rim, base,
and body
ca. 18; Diam.
8.5
Fig.
sherds.
of base
ca. 20;
restored
Diam.
of body
ca. 36.
Mirabello Fabric (unevenly colored, from red, 2.5YR 5/6, to reddish brown, 2.5YR 5/4, to dark reddish gray, 5YR 4/2). Comments: Hole cut in top; darkened from reduction in the interior; burned soil
201
fused
on
exterior.
(X 1713, from N 19-3) Pot
bellows,
rim
sherd.
Fig.
8.5
Figure 8.5 (opposite). Profile drawings of pot bellows (195-203). Scale 1:3
THE
195
196
POT
BELLOWS
131
197
199 1
1
198
1
200
201
J
202
1
203
1
1
CHAPTER
132
Diam.
Comments:
202
ca. 28.
of rim
Mirabello
Fabric (dark brown, 10YR 3/4). Burned
soil
fused
(X 183, from N 19-2) Pot Diam.
8
rim
bellows,
on
exterior.
8.5
Fig.
sherds.
ca. 48.
of rim
A coarse fabric containing phyllite and other stones (red, 2.5YR 5/8). Horizontal molding near the thickened rim. Comments:
Burned
soil
on
fused
the
exterior.
This
object
an atypical shape in comparison with atypical fabric, and it is regarded was shape
as bellows used
fragments. as a bellows. The
sherd
The
molding
that more suggests on the exterior would
is made
than have
one
ceramic
helped
the bellows in the ground during use. 203
(X 1666, from N 19-2)
Fig.
8.5
Pot bellows, body sherd. Max.
dim.
Mirabello Comments:
13.9.
Fabric (yellowish red, 5YR 5/6, dark on interior and core). Burned
soil
fused
on
the
exterior.
an
from
the other sherds seat
Miscellaneous
Ceramic
Artifacts by
Susan
C. Ferrence
and
Byron
Koukaras
Several ceramic objects from Chrysokamino do not fit easily into the other were found within the hut, in items discussed this volume. Two categories the others were discovered
in the slag area. None of the objects were were in their original place of use; they all fragments found in casual debris. to various (see categories They belong Fig. 9.1 below).
while
of the catalogued items, a tuyere and a piece of furnace lining, for evidence the reconstruction of the metallurgical activi provide important to our knowledge ties at the site. They make a significant contribution of the workshop. Some of the other objects, however, have unusual characteris tics that do not correspond with any of the pottery groups or industrial Two
at the site, and they are difficult to explain. The objects are all from the latest stratum (an EM III-MM IA context), but the poorly a an unusual vessel, is very handmade fashioned, object 204, possibly piece of classes found
crude for the latest phase of the Early Bronze Age. It may be an heirloom was context. in its archaeological produced long before it deposited
OBJECTS FROM THE APSIDAL HUT The
fragmentary pieces of 204 (X 272) consist of rim and body sherds to a vessel with a maximum rim diameter of 22 cm. The most belonging vase is its chaff-tempered, distinctive characteristic of the fine-textured fabric. It is a soft, pinkish white fabric that erodes easily into a very fine, an chalky powder. The vessel also has extremely irregular, lumpy surface. It as demonstrated in the coil method, by its obvious breakage too is coil lines. The porous to hold liquid. along object probably This fabric is unique for the site, and it is difficult to determine what function the vessel served at this industrial location. The shape cannot be is handmade
reconstructed.
Both
the fabric and the technology of manufacture differ from the other artifacts at the workshop and also from other
completely pottery known from this part of Crete. This as an
piece should surely be regarded
import.
Another object with
unusual a
consisting of two pieces of an body approximately 47-48 cm in diameter. The
item is 205
cylindrical
(X 1667),
CHAPTER
134
9
in its sides (like the furnace chimneys), but it ismade in a hard, dense clay fabric, not the porous, soft fabric filled with chaff used for the usual chimneys. It iswell fired to a uniform red color, but it shows no no evidence that itwas ever used as a signs of fire chimney. It displays or burning. item has holes
OBJECTS FROM THE SLAG PILE away from the hut may have had some function in the activities. Two of the artifacts, a fragment of furnace lining and workshop a a were tuyere, certainly used in the smelting. The other objects piece of are a sherd possibly fired accidentally and a unique triangular artifact of Objects
unknown
found
function.
Fabric, (X 614) is a severely burned piece of Mirabello on one side. The smooth, bubbly surface of the curved but flat mostly sherd indicates itmay have been near or trapped inside a burning furnace. It could be a sherd that was accidentally fired by one of the furnaces. Number
206
a object 207 (X 940) is triangular block of well-fired Fabric. It comes from the surface of the slag pile. The artifact Mirabello is 7.7 cm long on its hypotenuse and 1.3 cm thick. The triangular object, a was cut of clay before being fired to produce a from slab which carefully hard, dense object, has no marks from use. Its purpose is unknown. The
anomalous
208 (X 1755) is a tuyere fragment that was found in the slag end of the hut. It would have been used as the incombustible outside pile a to a hollow reed or the furnace. pot bellows piece of bamboo connecting in is only partly preserved, was originally cylindrical The tuyere, which an aperture with a a center. in It had hole with the longitudinal shape diameter of ca. 2.5 cm. Number
discusses tuyeres in detail, and he lists examples from many Tylecote The use of a tuyere is essential ancient sites in the Eastern Mediterranean.1 in operations involving pumping air to a furnace using combustible conduits because something must protect the end of the hollow reed from the in tense heat of the furnace. The clay tuyere would be fitted to the end of the reed, and only itwould come in contact with the furnace. In comparison the example from Chrysokamino the tuyeres illustrated by Tylecote, has a relatively small exterior diameter and a relatively thin wall, but its hole is the proper size for passing the draft from a bellows or a blowpipe to the furnace. Its 2.5 cm diameter is exactly in the center of the 2-3 cm for a tuyere's hole in order size range suggested as the optimal dimension
with
to pump sufficient air into the fire. Number 209 (X 1869) is a fragment of a coarse clay object that was one of the bowl furnaces. It has no finished probably part of the lining for sides, and its thickness (over 4 cm) indicates that it cannot have vessel. The piece has been fired extensively, and been part of any Minoan it has a black exterior color from complete reduction, a feature that would exterior
be expected if it was buried in the ground, lining not in contact with oxygen while itwas heated.
was
on all sides.
a bowl
furnace, and is broken roughly It 1. Tylecote
1981.
CERAMIC
MISCELLANEOUS
ARTIFACTS
135
207 208 209 Figure
9.1. Miscellaneous
(204-209).
Scale 1:3
artifacts
C?TALO
GUE
Objects
from
the
Hut
Apsidal
(X 272, from N 18-2, N 18-3, N 19-2, N 19-3)
204
9.1
Fig.
Vessel (?), rim and body sherds. Diam.
of rim 22.
A chaff-tempered, fine fabric (pinkish white, 5YR 8/2). a shallow
Perhaps Comments:
Very
bowl. crudely
made
by hand
and broken
at the places
where
coils
joined. 205
(X 1667, from N 18-1, N 19-3)
Fig. 9.1 vessel or object, two body sherds.
Unidentified Diam.
of
body
ca. 47-48.
A coarse, hard fabric (red, 2.5YR 4/8). Cylindrical form with holes thrust through the body before firing. Comments:
The
artifact
is similar
to the
furnace
chimney
fragments
except
that the fabric is very different and the item was never subjected to fire after it was
made.
CHAPTER
i36
206
the
from
Objects
(X 614, from L 17-1) dim.
9.1
Fig.
curved lump of clay with a flat side.
Elongated Max.
Pile
Slag
5.1.
Fabric (dark gray, 2.5YR 4/0). Comments: Severely burned and vitrified.
Mirabello
207
Fig. 9.1
(X 940, from J 17-Surface) Triangular
block,
Max.
5.0
dim.
complete. x 4.5 x 7.7;
1.4.
thickness
Fabric (red, 2.5YR 5/6). Triangular object with a slightly convex profile.
Mirabello
208
(X 1755, from P 20-2) Tuyere Diam.
fragment. of exterior
ca. 4; Diam.
Fig.
9.1
ca. 2.5;
of hole
original
length
unknown
at both ends). A coarse fabric (red, 2.5YR 5/6). Cylindrical profile. 209
(X 1869, from P 20-Cleaning) Lining Max.
from p. dim.
a bowl
furnace,
Fig.
fragment,
9.1 broken
on
all sides.
7.8.
A coarse fabric, highly fired in a reducing atmosphere (black).
(broken
9
CHAPTERIO
Metallurgical
Other Materials
byPhilip P. Betancourt
different materials discovered at Chrysokamino Many provide evidence for the activities carried out at the site. The excavation strategy was de awide range of manmade artifacts as well as geological signed to collect on the samples and other items that could contribute information history of the workshop uncatalogued
and the technology used there. This chapter presents the ore materials, metallurgical including slag, fragments, and
copper prills.
THE SLAG slag has been applied to awide variety of vitreous materials found in the archaeological record.1 It has been used for glassy waste products from several different processes including the production of lime, the fir the field ing of ceramics, the making of faience, and metallurgy. Within
The word
of metallurgy, the term has been applied to the residue from smelting, on various surfaces. in crucibles, and condensation remelting Vitreous materials resulting from smelting and other metallurgical practices have sometimes been divided between furnace slag (formed in the furnace), tap slag (formed when the furnace is tapped to remove mol ten metal), and crucible slag (formed in a crucible). all of these Although share the characteristic of being vitreous, they can differ from materials one another in their texture. and microscopic composition by Description formation process based on visual examination and on the archaeological context is useful for and describing the technology, but it understanding can be uncertain or impossible when only tiny fragments survive or when the context of the slag is unknown. An understanding of the original com can best be done to the and that led the final processes position products by analyses of various
types that demonstrate
both
the chemistry
and the
microstructure.
The
1. Bachmann dockl995,p.20.
1982,
pp.
1-6; Crad
slag resulting from smelting operations to obtain copper is regu in color and fairly heavy from inclusions of iron oxides, such as dark larly it usually occurs in larger quantities than slag magnetite. Archaeologically, resulting
from remelting
of copper
in crucibles. Estimates
have suggested
CHAPTER
i38
IO
Figure 10.1. Lumps of slag from unit M 22-3
that smelting results in quantities greater than the amount of metal
of slag that are between that is produced.2
10 andl5
times
fall into two broad classes. Some pieces The slags at Chrysokamino are loose, thick chunks that may or may not preserve an original smooth are on surface. Other examples surface coatings the interiors of furnace are dark and vitreous, (Fig. 7.1, right). Both classes have prills of copper in them. The surface coatings on the chimneys are thin (usually under 0.5 cm in thickness), and they have a smooth surface. The loose chunks, on the other hand, are thicker, solid pieces of glassy material (Fig. 10.1). It is likely that the solid pieces of slag chimney fragments and they sometimes
resulted from the melted
charge inside the furnace, and the coatings inside the chimneys formed partly from the condensation of vapors and partly from small liquid droplets and solid particles carried upward and deposited inside the chimneys
The
during
Chrysokamino
Before
Slag
process.
Deposit
a began, deposit consisting mainly of the saddle that forms the metallurgy
the excavation
the surface of most
the smelting
of slag was on site at Chryso
kamino
the slag formed the largest component, the (Fig. 3.2). Although also included clay chimney fragments, pieces of natural phyllite, deposit a few bits of ore, and the soil resulting from the phyllite s disintegration, various artifacts (pottery, stone tools, animal bones, shells, and other items in this volume). The small fragments of slagwere densely packed, and tiny bits of pulverized slag were also present. Presumably, most of the was broken slag by human activities. Freeze/thaw cycles during winter weather might also have broken some of the vitreous material, but breakage from the freeze/thaw cycles would have been most intense at the surface, so the fact that deeply buried parts of the deposit consisted of the same small as the surface suggests that natural was minimal. fragments breakage The deposit was low and wide, extending from sterile bedrock at the east and west of the a ca. 60 cm near the deposit to maximum height of discussed
center of the saddle a north-south (Fig. 10.2). It covered depression in the on west between of limestone the and phyllite exposures landscape higher on the east. The upper surface of the was level before excavation deposit (i.e., it did not form amound, but consisted instead of a flat area between the two higher exposures of bedrock). The original size of the slag pile could not be determined
because it had partly eroded into the sea at the and the south where the saddle terminates in cliffs, but it covered an area of ca. 200 m2. An estimated 60 to 70 m3 of was present. slag
north
2.Evely2000,p.353.
OTHER
Figure looking
10.2.
Slag
resting
METALLURGICAL
MATERIALS
139
on bedrock,
south
The phyllite on the east was extremely altered, and at the surface much of it had disintegrated into a white calcareous mass that crumbled easily. White material from this phyllite, which had washed downhill powdery over much
of the area, looked very much like lime, leading to the under was once the site standable but incorrect suggestion that Chrysokamino of a limekiln.3 The nearly white soil created a covering of dust that tended to adhere to everything. It made the surface of the slag pile appear paler was in actual composition; than it after the slag was washed, most of itwas almost black.
Vitreous
The
on
Coatings
the
Chimneys
of the fragments of clay furnace chimneys had dark, glassy material seems adhering to their interior surfaces (Fig. 7.1, right). The material to have covered most of the inside of the cylindrical chimneys, although it did not reach up to the open upper rims. The thickness of the coating
Most
was
usually
dence
less
than
0.5
that itwas once
cm. The
was
coatings
surface
was
smooth,
in surface flow
and
evi
structure and
preserved liquid drips. The orientation of the drips proved that the cylinders were used in a vertical fashion, with their open rims at the top, as is to be expected in artifacts interpreted as cylindrical chimneys. The vitreous material inside the chimneys seems to have formed mostly as a result of condensation of hot vapors, although liquid droplets and small solid particles carried up ward inside the chimneys by the force of the draft probably added to the condensation collected while the smelting operation was in were cooler than the furnace, and the because the progress chimneys coating solidified as soon as its temperature dropped sufficiently. indicates that at the microscopic level the material is com Analysis a numerous of matrix iron inclusions of the oxide posed glassy containing as occurs A and dendritic B).The magnetite magnetite (Apps. crystals that formed when the glassy material cooled quickly. A few very tiny grains of quartz are present as relics of the original charge. A copper chloride rec one can be an altera ognized in sample (App. B, CHR 93) interpreted as tion product of a tiny amount of copper deposited along with the glassy material. The
3. See Zois
1993.
material.
CHAPTER
140
The
Chunks
of
IO
Slag
in small pieces under 2 cm in size. solid chunks of slag occur mostly is pulverized. Because the pieces form a continuous Much of the material The
to cm or larger in series from microscopic particles fragments about 2-3 their greatest dimension, the total number of fragments cannot be calculated except by an estimate, which would be in the millions. The surfaces have different appearances depending on the degree of weathering. Weathered are dark, vitreous masses with dull, black exteriors. pieces By contrast, can be seen on fresh breaks. When the bright, highly reflective surfaces it is smooth and often original exterior surface of the slag is preserved, rounded (Fig. 10.1). A few rare stalactitic pieces demonstrate that some of the slag reached itsmelting point during the smelting process (Fig. 10.1:a). most of the slag is dense and heavy, a few pieces exhibit con Although siderable variation in physical characteristics. A little lightweight, "frothy" material
is present.
slags have been analyzed by a number of different laboratory tech some cases it has been niques (see the individual appendices). In possible to more than one so that the results analyze specific samples by methodology, one another. The can consists of a glassy complement typical microstructure matrix containing crystalline phases. Among these microscopic inclusions, as is common in ancient copper are numerous, magnetite crystals especially The
are often dendritic structure (the branching smelting slags.4 The crystals in This of is CHR inclusion is quite apparent 87). type App. A, typical of as opposed to those from slags derived from smelting oxidic copper ores, or more which of have lower iron con pure metal, remelting scrap ingots forms from the iron oxides that act as a flux during tents.5 The magnetite the smelting operation, and it contributes substantially to the black color of the final vitreous material. The composition shows and heavy weight that some of the slag cooled slowly enough for pyroxene group minerals to crystallize, as they are recorded as inclusions within the microstructure are fayalite crystals (App. A, (App. A, CHR 96, CHR 99). Also present CHR 99), another feature of slags from oxidic copper ores.6 Circular to are present from elliptical voids entrapped gas bubbles. In addition to the are other minerals, copper prills present in the slag as inclusions up to a some across. centimeter of of the fragments record considerable Analyses at the microscopic level (App. A, CHR 99). The analyses prove at that the this site results from smelting copper ores. slag conclusively of the slags are the result of several factors. Ele The final compositions ments of the final composition from the ore, the fuel, include contributions copper
the flux (whether itwas an addition or part of the ore), the air introduced even the walls of the furnaces. Some of into the furnaces, and potentially the crystalline phases are relics of the original charge placed while others formed during the smelting and subsequent as material. Additional weathering products phases formed use of the ary depositions long period between the during
in the furnace, cooling of the and as second 4.
the workshop
and the time of excavation. A few relics from the original charge can be recognized. These unaltered include phases that were insufficiently affected by the tempera minerals tures to alter their composition. Good examples include the quartz and
fig.
Craig 11.8:d.
and Vaughan
5. Bachmann Gale
et al. 1985, 6. Bachmann
3:b; Gale
1982,
1994,
p. 345,
p. 21, fig. 3:c;
p. 88.
1982, p. 12, figs. et al. 1985, p. 88.
3:a,
OTHER
METALLURGICAL
MATERIALS
141
chert grains visible in thin section analysis (App. A, CHR 97, CHR 93). Quartz has also been noted as a relic in comparable slags from the Near East.7 Tiny traces of the primary minerals that were not oxidized in the ore bodies the also survived the smelt workshop secondary exploited by were detected ing process. They Dispersive Spectrometry byWavelength and under the CHR examination 8) E, by polarizing microscope (App. where they were identified as pyrite, and SEM-EDS (App. F, ORE-1), covellite, chalcopyrite, and chalcocite. include several mineral phases. Late alteration products are of within voids visible (App. A, carbonate occasionally depositions of the glassy has also caused devitrification CHR 93). The weathering some in of CHR the formation of 93), resulting parts fragments (App. A, Postburial
new minerals
such as hedenbergite (App. B, CHR 93). The devitrifica is responsible for the dull surfaces on the portions of slag left tion, which to weathering in the upper layers of the slag pile, is visible with exposed
eye. One cannot be sure, but some of the cuprite may also be a product of recent weathering (App. A, CHR 99). Most of the mineral phases in the slags crystallized during the cooling of the material. These minerals are helpful in establishing some of the details of the process of smelting. Fayalite, the iron-rich end member of the olivine the unaided
group, has been regarded as a characteristic of slags formed under highly In slags produced under more oxidizing conditions, reducing conditions. the formation of the pyroxene hedenbergite would be typical.8 Olivine also tends to form with
high iron content in the melt (see App. F). Fayalite is some in of the present slags produced at Chrysokamino (App. A, CHR 87, CHR 99; App. B, nos. 7, 19, 20, 36), and magnetite and wustite, which also form under reducing conditions with high iron content in the melt, are present
as well
nos. 6, (App. A, CHR 97, CHR 87, CHR 93; App. B, see were also conditions 13, 23, 28, 33, 38; App. F). Reducing probably usual, but the presence of slags with substantial amounts of pyroxene and means cuprite (App. A, CHR 99) conditions with lower iron content
that more
(and/or oxidizing conditions in the melt) were also occasionally pres ent. The amount of cuprite is very small in comparison with the amount amount in ancient of cuprite of cuprite in the ingots has ingots.9 The large been interpreted as a result of the remelting of copper under more oxidiz than those existing in the smelting furnaces. The crystal ing conditions lization
of the magnetite and the other phases varies considerably from more euhedral to some with fragment pieces having larger and fragment, in crystals, indicating variations in the cooling rate as well as differences composition.
demonstrate that the smelting practices at Chryso not completely consistent from one operation to the next. ore differed in from time to time, and the de Probably the composition over to of the ratio of control fuel the amount of draft, and other ore, gree elements of the operation were not strictly controlled. The workshop was These
variations
kamino were
7. Bachman 8.
Hauptmann,
Maddin 9.
1980,
pp.
108-110.
Bachmann,
and
1994, p. 6.
Hauptmann, 2002, pp. 7-12.
Maddin,
and Prange
successful in removing copper from oxidic ores, but repeated operations did not duplicate prior conditions exactly, and the amount of metal remaining in the slag indicates that the process was not always a completely efficient smelting
operation.
CHAPTER
142
IO
THE ORE of copper ore are present at several locations in Crete,10 and are known from amounts larger Kythnos and elsewhere in the Cyclades.11 None of the known Cretan sources are close to Chrysokamino. The sources Small amounts
for copper on Kythnos and Seriphos have lead isotope patterns that are consistent with many of the artifacts found in EM Crete,12 and these were deposits and those at Lavrion already being mined and smelted in seem period.13 Sources north of Crete good candidates for the copper used for most of the EBA objects found on the large Minoan island. Analyses of copper prills in the slag from Chrysokamino by lead isotope analysis show that the patterns here also match those of Lavrion the Neolithic
and Kythnos,14 suggesting that some (or all?) of the ore smelted at Chryso in the north. kamino originated Small pieces of malachite and azurite come from the metallurgy loca are tion. These minerals and they are easier secondary copper minerals, a copper silicate that is also easy to smelt than sulfide ores. Chrysocolla, to smelt under ancient conditions,15 is also present. The pieces are small in length), and very few fragments are present in the (about a centimeter This situation is not unusual for smelting sites in record. archaeological the Eastern Mediterranean. to the ore from the smelting site, one piece of malachite This small, waterworn also comes from the small harbor at Agriomandra. ca. 2 cm in size with small amounts of a bright green mineral in it, pebble, on was Noel the beach. Gale confirmed the presence of copper picked up In addition
at the Isotrace Laboratory and the (Research Laboratory for Archaeology of No formations that Oxford could Art), History geological University. are present near the site, and it must have have produced the malachite been brought in by ship at some time in the past. The beach is a little over a kilometer
from the smelting workshop.
Affecting
Considerations Smelting
the
of
Location
Sites
to the logic that itwould be easier to transport smelted metal Contrary instead of the heavier ore, the location of smelting sites away from the mines is a typical practice in the ancient Mediterranean. Similar patterns recognized all the way from early mines at Feinan in Jordan16 in Palestine17 to Bronze Age mines in Britain and Ireland.18 Ores have been found at Shiqmim and Bir Safadi, both of which are located have been
and Timna
away from any ore deposits.19 A In a common metal production model
well
10.
Branigan
1989;
Stos
1998;
17. Rothenberg 1972, pp. 208
see also 210.
C. 15. See Tylecote's
comments
in
Koucky and Steinberg 1982b, p. 140.
Gale 1998. 1989,1993;
Gale andMacdonald 13. Stos-Gale
exists elsewhere.20
places, only crushing
14. Stos-Gale App.
and Stos-Gale
12. Stos-Gale
used inmany
1968; McGeehan
Liritzis 1996, p. 387. 11. Gale
similar situation
16. Hauptmann,
Stos
1991.
and Gale
Maddin 2003,
p. 87.
Bachmann,
and
1994, p. 6;Hauptmann 2000, pp. 167-168; Weisgerber 2003, p. 76.
18. O'Brien
ments byMuhly 19. Weisgerber 20. Lechtman
1996;
see also
1997, p. 772. 2003, 1991.
p. 76.
com
OTHER
METALLURGICAL
MATERIALS
143
and sorting occur near the mines, while the ore is transported to another location for smelting. Good reasons exist for this pattern. The crucial resources that determine the location of the smelting operation involve several factors in addition to the availability of ore. Some of these factors are related to availability of other materials, while others concern markets and social concerns. and charcoal, the most common are fuels employed, very bulky, and bundles of limbs take time to load and transport. After trees are cut down, several years pass before timber is again available from the same region. If the residue from olive oil production Fuel
is the first consideration. Wood
used as fuel for smelting, as is tentatively suggested in this volume, this product would arrangements with settlements capable of providing be required.
was
in choosing a smelting of flux can also be a consideration Availability site. At Chrysokamino, evidence for a deliberate addition of iron minerals as flux is ambiguous, but enough goethite is available locally for use as flux in copper smelting if this material was desired. At Feinan, no evidence survives for any deliberately added flux until the Late Bronze Age,21 but at
is apparently different. Iron oxide was obvi Chrysokamino ously present in the furnaces in some fashion, as is proved by the high iron content of the slag. It could have been part of the ore, or it could have been the picture
as a separate material. If the Chrysokamino smelters to use as a flux, the proximity of suitable sources could have been one of the influences on the choice of location. added deliberately needed iron oxide
The presence of a suitable topographic situation for smelting may also have been a factor. At Chrysokamino, the windswept cliff chosen for the seems to be a deliberate because the wind would aid workshop preference in providing the draft for the furnaces. A funneling effect associated with the north-facing is located helps to intensify trough where the workshop all northern breezes. Windswept hills were also chosen for smelting on the islands of Seriphos22 and Kythnos.23 An important additional factor
is the steady employment of a work are force trained in smelting. Ore concentrations in nature seldom uniformly distributed even within a single deposit, and miners must sometimes spend considerable time excavating worthless rock to get to the next part of the ore body. Smelting can proceed quickly, and it can often handle more ore can to stop the than be produced locally. It is not economical smelting while the workshop waits for additional ore, so smelting sites often use ore from more than one mine. Even a rich tin-mining region like Cornwall has sometimes relied on imported tin ore from South America.24
21. Hauptmann 2001, 22. Gale and Stos-Gale pp. 24-25. 23. Hadjianastasiou
p. 426. 1989,
and MacGil
livray 1988; Gale and Stos-Gale 1989, pp. 25-27.
24. See Gowland 1930, p. 522.
Proximity to markets and to the agricultural and social infrastructure to support a necessary may also be important metallurgical workshop considerations. Mines maybe found in remote locations, away from settle ments that would be sources of food, water, shelter, and steady supplies of to make furnaces. If like pottery, tools, or the raw materials as may have been the case the smelting work was conducted seasonally, at Chrysokamino, the ore may have been an alternative to transporting to the sources and all of its necessities transporting the entire workshop commodities
of copper ore.
CHAPTER
144
IO
ore is an additional factor. Before it can be preparation of the smelted, ore is typically prepared by beneficiation. This process involves the removal of bits of ore from their matrix to create a richer charge and improve The
the smelting process by giving a higher yield of copper with less slag. In less fuel is required during addition, because the ore ismore concentrated, is simple but time-consuming. the smelting. The process of beneficiation The rock containing the ore can be crushed with stone hammers, and the ore can be sorted is bright by color. Because azurite is bright blue, malachite green, and cuprite is red, the sorting operation can be done even by children. If the ore is heated first, it cracks and makes the crushing easier. In some cases where beneficiation has been studied, it has been observed that the ideal size of the ore pieces to be smelted is about 1 cm in length.25 This is Because this time-consuming task the same size found at Chrysokamino. use to can be done not it is metalworkers for unskilled labor, profitable by not to for this it, and itmay be preferable stop the smelting process type of activity. a result of all these factors, ancient smelters often seem to have ore. Min to transport only the beneficiated convenient
As
it more
found
at the mine itself, ing, sorting, and beneficiating would have been done to the smelting site. Transportation, either by land before transportation to accomplish with bags of tiny pieces or by sea, would have been easier waste ore rock. than with of beneficiated large tonnage that included ore sea would, in have been of fact, very simple, be by Transportation cause bags of ore could have been used as the ballast ships stable.
required
to keep early
The archaeological evidence from Chrysokamino proves that wherever at Chrysokamino itself. The it was not beneficiated the ore originated, absence of large quantities of waste rock and discarded low-grade ore at the site indicates that this process did not occur on the headland. The same shows that the mine was not adjacent to the workshop. Mining so the mining large quantities of useless rock along with the ore, is the the like beneficiation site, site, dumps of waste easily recognizable by has neither the waste rock nor material. Because the site at Chrysokamino the discarded tools that are common at such sites,26 one must conclude evidence removes
that the workshop was not the location of either mining or beneficiation, a conclusion confirmed by the geological survey of the region.27 not locate any ore deposit at did the geological survey Although or any formations that might have once had cuprous Chrysokamino metal
that a small deposit once existed has been the possibility cave immediately north of the metallurgy The site, previously. was later as a mine Mosso and others,28 interpreted properly by
deposits,
proposed regarded as a natural
cavern.29
ore on the cliff near Chrysokamino.30 Boyd reported seeing a was saw amount of ore brought there from some small what she
Harriet Whether
else or a natural geological occurrence, however, is not known. No was present, and she did not describe what she saw in any detail. geologist Local chlorite deposits are green, and someone not trained in geology or some ores. Even if a locality mineralogy might mistake them for copper where in the vicinity did once produce a small amount of ore, the deposit
where
was are
not adjacent present
there.
to the workshop
site, because
no
signs of beneficiation
25. Hauptmann,
and
Bachmann,
1994, p. 5.
Maddin
26. D. Gale
1991; Gale
and Otta
1991.
way
27.
See Chap.
28. Mosso Hutchinson 29. Faure
2 in this volume.
1910, 1962, 1966,
pp. 289-292; p. 40. pp. 47-48;
pp. 50-51. and 30. Hawes Boyd 38. p.
Branigan
1968,
Hawes
1909,
OTHER
METALLURGICAL
MATERIALS
145
of the ore was just one step in a complex process. procurement to be coordinated with needed the establishment of a acquisition
The Ore
the training of personnel, the procurement of fuel and possibly workshop, flux for the furnaces, and the construction of the furnaces with their clay to the general logistics involved with the maintaining personnel engaged in the work, the workshop a distribution system for the smelted metal. chimneys.
Ore
In addition
feeding and also needed
Sources most
for the identification of sources of satisfactory methodology ore combines lead with the prehistoric isotope analysis study of elemen tal compositions.31 Lead isotope analyses provide a pattern based on the
The
can date of the deposit, while elemental geological composition give some indication of the ore. of the For the composition original prills from lead isotope studies have revealed patterns consistent with Chrysokamino, sources in Kythnos or Lavrion.32 The high percentage of arsenic in some of the prills and the occasional presence of other metals (see App. B) sug gests that at least part of the ore may have been derived from the oxidized upper parts of a deposit containing some arsenic and possibly other metals in addition to copper.33 Such a deposit has not been identified in either Crete or the Cyclades. The percentages of arsenic from the copper sources on
are lower than at some arsenic is Kythnos Chrysokamino, although ores are there. the At Lavrion, present primary iron-manganese deposits and zinc-iron-lead but other minerals, many deposits, including copper, occur
in smaller amounts.34 Malachite
iswidespread within the region of arsenic Lavrion, arseniosiderite, containing (arsenopyrite, and many others) occur aswell. We have no way of knowing the composi tion of the upper levels of the deposits at Lavrion because they have been use as a mined away. However, of the Lavrion any copper source region must have exploited were for Chrysokamino well away from deposits that the two main classes of primary ores, because manganese and lead are scarce in the at no is The truth that known prills Chrysokamino. deposit and minerals
in the Aegean and the exactly matches both the elemental composition lead isotope fingerprint of the prills at Chrysokamino. If Chrysokamino a one is Lavrion polymetallic deposit, exploited geographic region that has both the potential for an elemental general comparison and an isotopic comes close to the ores from Chrysokamino. At fingerprint that matching our present level of as a cannot source it be excluded for the knowledge, ore. cannot be excluded the of lower levels either, presence Kythnos given
31. Hauptmann, Schmitt-Strecker 32. Stos-Gale
Begemann, 1999. 1998;
of arsenic from the region, the match in lead isotope fingerprint, amount of evidence for interactions with Crete large Cycladic areas during the Early Bronze Age.35
and
see also App.
C.
33. See Craig and Vaughan (1994, for similar occurrences in pp. 247-250) central and several other parts Europe of the world. 34. Marinos
and Petrascheck
Hanke 1994. 35. Karantzali 2000.
1996;
Broodbank
1956;
and the in other
in the slags and copper however, prills from Chrysokamino, elsewhere in this volume (see esp. Apps. A, B, and C), is a strong cautionary signal suggesting the possibility of a number of different ore sources If this was the case, and during the long life of the workshop. more a source than used of ore, then the situation Chrysokamino single is extremely complicated, and we cannot be sure that any one elemental or lead composition isotope fingerprint will provide a secure identification of the source of ores for the site as awhole. Diversity as discussed
CHAPTER
146
IO
THE COPPER PRILLS Small prills of copper are present in some of the slag fragments. Their size is always small, ranging from microscopic (under 50 micrometers across) a few to about a centimeter in size. Although of size small prills especially are in the on the interior of the most of them coatings chimney fragments, come from the chunks of was slag. Their small size suggests that the metal were extremely valuable, and that larger pieces carefully removed and saved. If occasional copper lenses or ingots were collected, no remains of them were found in the excavated material. The were only prills found at the site small masses
within the vitreous waste material. They have a been examined by number of analytical techniques, providing different of information. types Most analyses of prehistoric metals have been directed primarily toward disseminated
the determination
of provenance, but results have been very problematic. are variable even within a ore or compositions single piece of a sources. few conclusions single artifact, permitting regarding original More encouraging results have come from analyses aimed at understanding ancient technological processes. Elemental
thin section analysis indicates that other copper minerals are Optical to the prills of native copper found in the slag. The in addition present occasional presence of tiny crystals of the copper oxide cuprite may be a result of the original crystallization (App. A, CHR 99), but it is also possible that it represents oxidation of small amounts of native copper after burial. The copper and The cuprite is always very tiny (under 100 micrometers). iron oxide delafossite, revealed by X-ray is likely to have formed under oxidizing
diffraction conditions
(App. B, CHR 96), during the smelting
operation.
of the recovered prills are extremely altered, and inmany cases no pure copper survives. Information on the copper corrosion is provided by was used to examine the surfaces PIXE analyses (App. D).This technique Most
of altered prills, with analyses of several parts of the surfaces. It showed that the chlorine content was enriched on the surface from the formation content on the surfaces was highly variable, of copper chlorides. Arsenic and itwas depleted by the onset of corrosion products. analysis by SEM/EDAX (App. B) shows that the copper contains amounts the metals, iron and arsenic are elements. small of many Among present up to several percent, with iron occurring up to 4.9%. The arsenic The
is extremely variable at the microscopic that is too small to detect to 26%.
content
The
level. It ranges from a trace
is an important aspect of the copper from this site. of arsenic is a feature of copper artifacts from the 4th
arsenic content
A high percentage and 3rd millennia
area in the eastern Mediter B.c. in a broad geographic as as in well central and southeastern Europe37 and the northern ranean,36 of Early Cycladic It is a characteristic artifacts39 and Early Caucasus.38 Minoan objects.40 Arsenic can be present in copper tools and weapons as a result of several alternative processes. Smelting arsenic-rich copper ores, adding arsenic ores to the smelting charge, or introducing arsenic in subsequent melting opera
36. Charles 1967. 37. Budd and Ottaway 1991. 38. Ravich and Ryndina 1995. 39. Gale tables
40. Gale nou
and Stos-Gale
1989,
1990; Mangou
and
1-3.
1998.
Ioan
MATERIALS
METALLURGICAL
OTHER
H7
tions are all capable of producing arsenical copper. Most coppers contain amounts ranging from a trace to asmuch
ancient
arsenical
as 7%-10% of the
raises questions concerning the characteristics of the resulting over unalloyed copper. and the possible benefits of arsenical alloys alloys It also raises questions as to whether the ancient metallurgists were aware the arsenic was added of these advantages (if they existed) and whether
metal. This
deliberately. Several
authors have discussed the possible advantages of arsenical over metal. Favorable characteristics have been suggested both pure copper in regard to preventing oxidation during casting and improving annealing.41 Arsenical copper would also have had a paler color than the pure metal, it recognizable by sight and, perhaps, aesthetically preferable. An advantage in producing metal for sheets has been proposed for the alloy aswell.42 Cautions have been voiced, however, particularly with respect to
making
in the heterogeneous metals achieved by ancient processes.43 Experiments not it is have arsenical shown that copper casting necessarily advantageous because too many other factors are involved in creating a superior alloy, casting temperature, pour rate, and the presence of other im Most researchers have considered that at least 2%-3% of arsenic purities.44 is required to suggest a deliberate alloy.45 Percentages of arsenic between including
the best results.46 Amounts
2%-6% yield When
41. Caley 1949;Mar?chal 1958; Charles 1967; 1985, p. 25; Gale and Stos-Gale
1989,
42. Lechtman
p. 30. 1996.
43. Budd 1991. 44. Budd and Ottaway 1991, p. 135. 45. Hauptmann, Schmitt-Stecker
Begemann, p. 9.
and
1999,
47. Pollard et al. 1991, pp. 130-131; Thomas,
and Williams
age of arsenic above 5%, and much of the copper surely had less than 3%. since the arsenic is present within the prills in the slag, itwas Obviously, included in the charge in some fashion, either from within the copper ore or from the addition of a different ore. The amount of arsenic is so variable it that it seems unlikely that the metal was added deliberately. Whether deliberate or accidental, it probably resulted from the use of arsenic minerals along with the copper ores. Experiments have shown that if arse
was
nic minerals below
138-139.
Pollard,
little effect.
are included
in the charge, concentrations of the metal below even in the with temperatures easily smelting process it ismost likely that small amounts of 1000?C.47 At Chrysokamino,
5% can be achieved
46. Budd and Ottaway 1991, pp.
less than 2% have
percentages exceed 7%, the metal becomes brittle with cold working. The copper from Chrysokamino does not seem to have had a percent
1991.
arsenic minerals
were
crushed
ore.
copper
present
in the charge along with
the small pieces of
CHAPTER
II
Faunal
Remains S. Reese
byDavid
faunal remains are divided by the two contexts identified at the met two contexts, the small allurgy site. These apsidal structure and the rest of the slag pile, have different dates. The slag pile is amixed deposit with to Early Minoan Ill-Middle pottery that ranges from Final Neolithic
The
IA. The
Minoan
structure
apsidal
is a closed
deposit
that comes
from
EM III-MM IA. Within The
these contexts, the finds are organized by grid-square and level. are a presented with whole and restorable individuals before and fragments whose complete size is uncertain after a semicolon.
numbers
semicolon Dimensions The
of the whole
faunal remains
individuals
include
are
presented
inmillimeters.1
the following:
Alvania
montagui (gastropod, small) Cerithium vulgatum (cerith, horn shell) Columbella rustica (dove shell) Fasciolaria lignaria (tulip shell)
Monodonta Paracentrotus Patella Pisania
turbinata lividus
(top shell) (sea urchin)
coerulea (limpet) maculosa (dove shell)
Lepus europaeus (hare) Only a few faunal remains come from the pile of slag and industrial ceram ics fragments. They include 1 Lepus vertebra, 61 Patella, and 6 topshells (Monodonta). The shells are all edible species that live in shallow water on rocky
shores.
the time of excavation, the samples were isolated by specific loca could be recognized because faunal tions, but no pattern of distribution remains were distributed fairly uniformly over the excavated areas, so for At
1. Abbreviations: Number includes sieving.
MNI
of Individuals; material
ws
recovered
=Minimum = the deposit from water
this presentation, the remains are given by grid square. more marine remains come from the apsidal structure. Relatively 1 fish 34Monodonta, include 3 Paracentrotus, 1 crab 35 Patella, bone, They 8 and other shells of 5 the Like shells from the slag pile, the claw, species. are on species here rocky shores. mostly edible species from shallow water All of the marine invertebrates could have been collected casually from
CHAPTER
i5o
the seashore and fish bones
in the vicinity of the workshop site. The rarity of mammal a meat not that did suggests significant role in the diet play
here.
consumed
THE SLAG PILE Mammal
Bone
Q20-2 (ws) 1 Lepus-sized
Marine
vertebra
Invertebrates
K17-2 3 Patella,
25.25;
2 broken,
small/medium,
3MNI
K18-1 1 Patella
M17-2
fragment
(ws)
9/18 Patella,
M20-2
II
5 broken, 2 large, 9MNI
16.75,18,19,20;
(ws)
1 Patella
fragment 4Monodonta fragments,
1MNI
M20-3 1 Patella,
exterior partly burned black, broken,
1 Patella,
broken, medium
2 Patella,
26.25,1
large
M20-4 (?)
M20-5 broken, burned,
large, 2MNI
M20-7 1 Patella,
30+, broken,
large
N17-2 31/4 Patella, 26.25,29.5, 4Monodonta
(2), 22,23,23.75,25.5,25.75, small; most broken, 31 MNI fragments, 2 lips, 2MNI
18.5,19.5,19.75 34.5,1
N20-4 (ws) 1/1 Patella, broken, large, 1MNI 2Monodonta fragments, 1MNI O20-4 1/1 Patella,
20 (burned); broken
fragment,
2MNI P20-3 (ws) 1/1 Patella, ca. 15,1 MNI 1Monodonta fragment, medium/large
possibly
burned,
REMAINS
FAUNAL
151
Q20-2 (ws) 1 Patella
fragment 1Monodonta fragment
Q20-3 4 Patella,
18.75,23.25;
small/medium;
medium/large,
4MNI
R20-3 (ws) 2/4 Patella,
all broken, 2MNI
THE APSIDAL STRUCTURE Fish
Bone
M18-2 (ws) 1 fish bone Marine
Invertebrates
L19-2 internal center, 2MNI 2/1 Patella, 16,18.75; no near 25 Monodonta apices (1 fragments, 7 lips, apex), 7MNI L19-3 1 Patella,
burned gray, 30.5 6Monodonta fragments, 5 fresh, 3 lips (3MNI),
1waterworn,
large
M18-2
(ws)
8 Patella
fragments, 3MNI 38Monodonta fragments, 4MNI 1Alvania montagui, small 1 Cerithium 1 Columbella
vulgatum, fresh, small, broken lip rustica, lip fragment columella fragment, water-worn
1 gastropod Paracentrotus, 6 internal pieces, ments, 1MNI
6 spine fragments,
11 test frag
M18-3 1 Patella, burned 3Monodonta fragments; 1 Fasciolaria
M19-2
large, 1MNI lignaria, bumpy, open mouth,
broken
lip, length 35
(ws)
1/1 Patella, broken, 1MNI 2Monodonta fragments, large, 1MNI
M19-3
(ws)
6/1 Patella,
27.5,29.5, 6MNI
32.75,
34.25; 2 broken,
1 small, 1
medium, 6 complete, 6 lips, 11MNI 3/51 Monodonta, 1Fasciolaria lignaria, fresh, broken lip, length 31.75
CHAPTER
152
M19-4
(ws)
1MNI 1/2 Patella, medium/large, 1/1 Monodonta, complete example is small; distal piece with ancient break in half, 2 MNI 1 Fasciolaria Paracentrotus,
lignaria, body fragment 3 internal pieces, 2 test fragments,
is large,
1MNI
M19-5 1Monodonta
fragment,
body, large, encrusted
N18-2 17.25, ca. 20,24.5; 6MNI medium,
6 Patella,
1Monodonta,
1 center fragment,
2 broken,
complete, medium
N18-3 3 Patella,
3MNI 17.25; 1 small, 1 medium, 1Monodonta fragment, burned, body, medium/large 1 Pisani,
fresh, complete,
length
18.75
N19-2 (ws) 5/9 Patella, 18.5,19,25.25; 2 MNI 1/12 Monodonta, 1 Columbella, Paracentrotus, fragments,
2 broken,
complete, fresh 12 internal pieces,
2 medium,
7MNI
38 spine fragments,
36 test
1MNI
N19-3 (ws) 1/1 Patella, 23.75; broken, 1 crab pincer fragment
2MNI
N19-4 3 Patella,
3MNI
2 burned
center, broken;
1 unburned,
25, broken,
II
CHAPTER
12
for
Evidence Threshing Early
the
Remains Minoan
of
Use at
the
Metallurgical
Workshop by Glynis Jones andAnn Scho?eid the 1997 excavations
of the metallurgical workshop, furnace chim were with of evidence botanical collected from ney fragments impressions the surface of the site. Latex casts were made of these impressions, and they were identified (at x 10 to x40 magnification) subsequently by reference to botanical collections at the Department of Archaeology and Prehistory, The are of Sheffield. These identifications listed inTable 12.1. University During
The majority of casts were identified as barley (Hordeum L.).The most inclusions were rachis fragments, and all of them could be iden tified (either definitely or probably) as two-row barley (Hordeum disti on chon L.) the basis of the sterile lateral florets characteristic of this species
common
(in six-row barley, all the florets are fertile, i.e., grain-bearing). The shape of the internodes (parallel-sided) was also characteristic of the two-row species (rachis internodes of six-row barley are trapezoidal). The sterile lateral florets of two-row barley remain attached to the rachis when the ears are threshed to release the grain from the central fer tile florets, and so these fragments, lacking the central grain, apparently repre sent threshing remains. One of the rachis fragments (cast X 991) is from the lower part of the ear and is still attached to the culm (straw). Other grass culm fragments, not attached to straw resulting from threshing. A few definite and possible grains of identified, one of which appeared to be two-row barley (six-row barley has both lateral grains). The grains were all rather grains that might
remain attached
rachis, could also represent barley barley (the hulled variety) were also as would be straight, expected for central straight grains and twisted
sort of underdeveloped to the rachis during threshing. The most small?the
likely interpretation of this material is that it represents the chaff and straw resulting from the threshing of two-row hulled barley, which was used as of the chimneys. temper in the construction One fragment has been tentatively identified as a glume (chaff frag ment) of wheat (Triticum L.), which may have been aminor contaminant of the barley crop. A single olive (Olea L.) leaf (cast X 213) and a large indeterminate object (cast X 990) are presumably chance inclusions. Few Minoan
they are, these remains provide rare evidence of Early at this time, and it agriculture. Barley was clearly cultivated though
CHAPTER
154
TABLE 12.1. PLANT IMPRESSIONS WORKSHOP METALLURGICAL
IN CHIMNEY
FRAGMENTS
FROM THE
Cast Number
Spe 213 Hordeum distkhon L. H.
cf. distkhon L.
rachis frags.
cf. distkhon L.
hulled grains
978
981
982
985
988
989
990
991
993
994
997
998
1000
1001
1002
hulled grains
sp.
cf.Hordeum
977
rachis frags.
H
Hordeum
12
sp.
grains
cf. Triticum sp.
glume
indeter. cereal
grain
indeter. Gramineae
culm, frags.
Olea sp.
leaf
+ chaff
indeterminate
to identify with certainty the two-row hulled type. possible were also found in mud at the Early plaster Impressions of hulled barley but in this case identified, at least in part, settlement of Myrtos,1 Minoan as the six-row species (Hordeum impressions also vulg?re L.).The Myrtos has been
it of chaff and straw and, as at Chrysokamino, predominantly was floor. from the that threshing they represented sweepings suggested coarse fabric of a few At Early Minoan Debla,2 impressions from the emmer as storage bins were identified barley grains (along with grains of settlement of Pseira, a con wheat and oat), and at the Middle Minoan consisted
of charred hulled barley grain was tentatively identified to the and Pseira contrast with species.3 The finds from Chrysokamino those from the rest of Bronze Age Greece, where six-row barley ismore ismuch less reliable be usual.4 The evidence for wheat at Chrysokamino centration two-row
cause it is tentatively identified and may be no more than a contaminant of the barley. The olive leaf, too, could be derived from awild or cultivated tree (Fig. 7.2).
1972. l.J. Renfrew 2. and Warren Greig 3. Jones and Smith, 4. Hansen
1988.
1974. forthcoming.
1003
CHAPTER
13
in
Chrysokamino
of
Early
the
History
Metallurgy
byJames D. Muhly
research on Crete since about 1980, especially in the north Archaeological eastern part of the island, the Bay of Mirabello, has established that the of Cretan coincided with the establishment copper metallurgy beginnings of new settlements period,
in the eastern part of the island in the Final Neolithic ca. 4500-3500 b.c.1 This association of new settlements with
extended to the far east coast (Palaikastro) incipient copper metallurgy and the site of Phaistos.2 The evi and possibly as far west as the Mesara at Phaistos dence for FN metallurgy is, however, very inconclusive,3 and under discussion the associations here are best attested in the eastern part of the island. Inasmuch as metallurgical technology must have been to it from the Crete outside should be stressed that the island, imported Final Neolithic
has long been
recognized
as the first international
age in
Cretan
prehistory.4 on Crete Prior to 1996, the evidence for incipient copper metallurgy consisted of isolated finds that would be considered "trinket metallurgy" in a comparable Mesopotamian context.5 This situation changed with the 1996-1997
Here, for the first time, was an a site, copper smelting site that seemed to have itsmain b.c. (EM III), in the later part of the 3rd millennium
excavations
actual metallurgical
at Chrysokamino.
period of activity but was associated with Neolithic.
the date, see Johnson 1996, a for date, see p. 271; slightly different 1999. Johnson 2. Vagnetti 1975, esp. pp. 94-95. 1. For
3. Vagnetti and Belli 1978, p. 131. 4. Betancourt
p. 13; also 38-39. 1996, pp. Vagnetti 5. Moorey 1988, p. 29. 6. Evans vol. 2, pp. 1921-1935, 15, fig. 3:f. 1985,
7. Evans
1971,
8. Phelps,
Varoufakis,
1979.
p. 115. and Jones
14
sherds from all earlier periods, going back to Final It is true that no direct association can be made between metal
lurgical activities and the FN sherds, but it is hard to imagine any other reason for human presence on this isolated, windswept point of land. How are we to evaluate this new evidence for the early development on the island of Crete? How does it relate to our of metal technology current understanding of the beginnings of metalworking in the Eastern Mediterranean and the Near East? First of all, itmust be recognized that the Final Neolithic does not represent the very beginning of metal usage on Crete. That
honor goes to a Late Neolithic flat axe from Knossos, found a by Sir Arthur Evans.6 Evans published only drawing of this axe; to my no exists, and the axe can no longer be located in knowledge, photograph the Herakleion Museum. does it come from a secure Nor, unfortunately, context.7 It does, however, seem to be of a common Late Neolithic type, known
from sites on the Greek mainland
sites in the Balkans.8
and especially
from numerous
CHAPTER
i56
13
as an axe is probably best understood import in Late Neo lithic Crete, most likely from the Balkans, as this type of axe was never pro duced on Crete itself. A Balkan origin would not be surprising. Throughout The Knossos
for a Balkan origin of Greek Neolithic metallurgy seems exist not only with copper Balkan connections quite overwhelming. even lead. but also with the of gold, silver, and possibly metallurgy, working I have argued the case for Balkan influence on several occasions,9 and Balkan the Aegean,
the evidence
connections
have also been pointed
out by Branigan
and Nakou.10
EARLY AEGEAN METALLURGY AND THE BALKANS increases
The
quantity of metal finds from the Greek Neolithic of D?moule and Perl?s every year. In the terminology
view of Neolithic with
Neolithic), ca. 5500-4500
almost
in their recent re
Greece, most of these finds come from Phase 5 (Final a small handful of finds from Phase 4 (Late Neolithic,
b.c.).11 Only one tiny amorphous lump of copper from ca. 6000-5500 is said to be Middle Neolithic, b.c.12 level 14 at DikiliTash Recent finds from excavations at Ftelia, on the north coast of Mykonos, have produced a small collection of copper objects, especially awls and as well as a circular disk of a central pins, gold with perforation.13 A series of 10 calibrated radiocarbon dates from Ftelia support a date in the first I in the terminology b.c.,14 or Late Neolithic in of the excavator.15 Yet the Balkans, gold appears only inwhat are now it appears, b.c.16When called Late Chalcolithic contexts, ca. 4250-4000
half of the 5th millennium
however, it is attested in large quantities; some 6 kg of gold have survived from Eneolithic southeastern Europe.17 The metal finds from the site of Dimitra, just north of Sitagroi in some controversy. are eastern Macedonia, the of subject According currently to Grammenos, the excavator, five beads of copper come from aMiddle context in trench II, and four beads of copper, along with two Neolithic context in trench I.Metal finds beads of gold, come from a Late Neolithic from the site also include a possible fishhook of copper and another of gold to Andreou, Fotiadis, inwhat seem to be unknown contexts.18 According and Bronze Age northern Greece, to Sitagroi I to III, with the site of Dimitra has three phases, corresponding metal finds, including gold and copper beads, from all phases.19 Accepting a date for b.c.,20 this would mean that Dimitra Sitagroi I at 5500-5200 has some of the earliest copper finds from anywhere in Europe, as well as the earliest objects of gold. and Kotsakis,
1985a, 1996.
9.Muhly 10. Branigan 1995,
in their review of Neolithic
1974,
see I. Sikka,
p. 98; Nakou
11.D?moule and Perl?s 1993; for of the evidence,
p. 15. 14. Facorellis
%pi)aa(pi December
gttj 24,
2002,
pp. 4,21.
a summary
M?kovo,"
"Neo^iBiK?
Kathimerini,
see
Muhly
1996, pp. 78-80; 2002, p. 78. 12.Muhly 1996, p. 76. 13.Maxwell 2002; for the gold disk,
p. 311. 15. Sampson 16. Pernicka 17. Pernicka
and Maniatis
2002,
18. Grammenos the analysis et al. 1997.
19. Andreou, p. 312. 20. Elster
1997,
of these
finds,
Fotiadis,
p. 270; for see Mirtsou
and Kotsakis
2001, 2002a. et al. 1997, et al. 1997,
p. 51. p. 41.
p. xxvii.
and Renfrew
2003,
CHRYSOKAMINO
EARLY
AND
METALLURGY
*57
the island of Andros, and jewelry, copper implements, weapons, with architecture and marble have been discovered vases, along impressive at the fortified settlement of Strophilas.These finds are dated to the middle of the 5th millennium of the Final Neolithic b.c., or the very beginning are also a few Final Neolithic There copper objects from the Thar period.21 rounia cave in Euboia, principally pins or needles.22 For Sampson, the Final On
Neolithic
IIA) was numbers, make
(his Late Neolithic
always in insignificant Mainland Greece and the Aegean."23 Two aspects of the development
the period "when copper objects, their appearance at every site of
of Final Neolithic Aegean metal to be emphasized. The first is its polymetallic character. The lurgy need saw the real Final Neolithic of in and silver development gold metallurgy the Aegean world. The number of gold artifacts known to date from this has greatly increased pendants from the Theopetra period
in recent years, with the discovery of gold cave in near and from Anavissos Thessaly
as well as a inMagnesia, and Platomagoulia gold strip from the Zas cave on the island of Naxos.24 Silver pendants have been found in the cave in theMani were discovered Alepotrypa peninsula. They along with Yannitsa
a hoard of silver jewelry that included two pairs of bracelets and 168 very in unpublished small perforated silver beads, now duplicated finds from an EM I cemetery at Gournes in central Crete. Other silver pendants have in the Amnisos
been found
cave on Crete
and in the Cave of Euripides
on
the island of Salamis.25 Most
of these pendants, both the gold the characteristic "ring-idol" design, with are awell-known feature of Balkan pendants the Karanovo VI or Gumelnitsa culture, also with the Aegean period, roughly contemporary
and silver examples, are of a central Such perforation. from the time of metallurgy referred to as the Eneolithic Final Neolithic.26
The most
famous examples come from the cemetery at Varna, on the Bulgarian shore of the Black Sea. The Varna finds have been featured in many books and articles by the lateMarija Gimbutas.27 21.
"Neo^iGiKO? Kathimerini,
Av?po,"
From
axr|v
oiKiGuo?
p. 15.
2001, 22.
1993,
Andreopoulou-Mangou on for more
these
pp. 435-437;
made
apparently see below. 23.
Sampson
of arsenical
objects,
copper,
the largest known pendant of this type.28 An example in copper is known from Period IX at Emporio on Chios.29 A stone pendant comes from the on Andros. Strophilas settlement Itwould be hard to imagine more convincing evidence for the dominant
p. 164.
2002a,
24.Muhly 2002, p. 78. 25.Muhly 2002, p. 78. 26. For
see von G?rs
chronology,
dorf and Bojadziev 1996. 27. E.g.,
Gimbutas
Balkan
1977.
28. For all this, seeMuhly 2002, p. 78; also rary exhibit
Athens
that
chemical
of a tempo of Museum
(Demakopoulou 1998).
29. This from
see the catalogue in the National
is the earliest
metal
artifact
site; for the remarkable composition
Muhly 2002, p. 78.
of this piece,
the most
spectacular collection of such ring from the antiquities market. In two comes, unfortunately, one at (October 1, 1997) and a second in sting operations, Vouliagmeni Patras (May 17,2000), Greek police confiscated a large cache from would be sellers of looted antiquities, including 67 ring-idol pendants made of thin sheet gold. The most impressive piece, 15.5 cm in height, is, in fact, world,
idol pendants
7,
September
the Aegean
see
character of Aegean Final Neolithic metallurgy. Yet this interpreta tion is still anathema to many no part Aegean prehistorians. They want of it, for they feel that it reeks of old-fashioned diffusionist archaeology. This brings us to a discussion of the second main feature of Aegean Final Neolithic metallurgy. Whereas earlier periods produced only isolated ar us with evidence for the actual the Final Neolithic tifacts, period provides of such artifacts. Now, for the first time, we can speak with production assurance of the actual of metal artifacts on Greek soil. The production
CHAPTER
i58 most
13
comes from the site of assemblage of such evidence Sitagroi inMacedonia. The excavators of Sitagroi are also the most outspoken op ponents of what can be called the "Balkan Connection." extensive
site of Sitagroi, also known as Photolivos, was excavated in three under the joint direction of Renfrew and Gimbutas. (1968-1970)
The seasons
in 1986, dealt report, published on the and with studies archaeology chronology, along specialized area. environment and economy of the The second volume, dealing with
The
of the final excavation
first volume
with
in 2003. At the very beginning crafts and technology, was published of the excavation, Renfrew wrote an extremely influential article on "The of the South-East Autonomy European Copper Age."30 In this article, he outlined
his arguments for the independent invention of metallurgical in various parts of the ancient world. He has now returned
technology to this theme Artifacts
in the chapter on "Metal Sitagroi volume, a series of studies based on or Meanwhile, of the finds from Sitagroi appeared between 1969
in the second
and Metallurgy."31
including discussion and 2003. Among them, the most important from the perspective of early is a study by Veronica McGeehan-Liritzis and Noel Aegean metallurgy and Early Bronze Age metal Gale dealing with the analysis of Neolithic artifacts from Greece.32 This
is not
the occasion
is important
What
here
for another
is the evidence
evaluation
for metalworking
of all this work.33 at
Sitagroi. The seem to have remarks Renfrew diffusion34 recently published by regarding in the late 1980s and have no bearing on current discussions. been written I talk about diffusion I have inmind such works as the recent book When by Oppenheimer, deriving all ancient civilization from Southeast Asia.35 inAegean Neolithic metallurgy To argue for a strong Balkan component does not, inmy opinion, constitute diffusion.36 of copper artifacts is present already in Sitagroi II, a now as 5200-4800 b.c.37Most of period regarded early Late Neolithic, a come from of uncertain the metallurgical materials Sitagroi III, period exact date (Sitagroi IV-Va is ca. 3200?2500 b.c., with III covering some or all of the intervening centuries between 4800 and 3200 B.c.).38 The metal A
small number
a as objects from Period III include pins, beads, and bent strip of copper, well as a small gold bead.39 Upon final publication, however, the evidence for actual metalworking has proved quite problematic. most likely frag Sitagroi III has 36 sherds with copper incrustation, are ments of crucibles. As the incrustations found not only on the interiors of the sherds, but also on the exteriors and the rims,40 the logical conclusion is that the crucibles were used to pour molten metal in some sort of casting a operation. The lack of molds is something of problem in this context, but contexts prior to the Early molds are virtually absent from all metallurgical Bronze Age. Sitagroi III, then, provides evidence only for the crucible melt even native copper. This is true as ing of metallic copper, perhaps probably well for the isolated finds at other contemporary sites, such as Giali (near inwestern Macedonia.41 the Alepotrypa cave, and M?ndalo Nisyros), at Sitagroi or at any other cannot be documented smelting Copper can site in the Aegean. Nor the source(s) of the copper ore being Neolithic
30. Renfrew
1969.
31. Renfrew
and Slater
2003.
32. McGeehan-Liritzis
and Gale
1988.
33. SeeMuhly 34. Esp. pp. 317-318.
1991.
Renfrew
35. Oppenheimer 2000. 36. See
Diamond
the
and Slater
2003,
1999; Terrell
important
remarks
in
1995.
37. Andreou,
Fotiadis,
and Kotsakis
Fotiadis,
and Kotsakis
2001, p. 308. 38. Andreou,
2001, p. 308. 39. Renfrew fig. 8.1:b-g. 40. Slater 41. Renfrew for problems
and Slater
2003,
p. 305,
p. 303. and Slater
2003,
p. 309;
2003,
of interpretation
Sitagroi III, seeMuhly 2004a.
regarding
AND
CHRYSOKAMINO
EARLY
METALLURGY
159
in the Aegean Neolithic be identified. The analytical evidence to is date very unsatisfactory. The artifacts themselves are small; published the samples that the analysts were allowed to take were obviously much exploited
smaller, and they often contained only corrosion products, not actual metal. Some of these samples, taken from a single artifact, were analyzed by three different analytical techniques.42 The results vary by over 260%.43 Obvi can be said about provenience on the basis of such evidence. ously, nothing lead isotope evidence is also inconclusive,44 but it does suggest that sources to the north, were as perhaps in Bulgaria, being exploited. Indeed, Renfrew concludes, "The likelihood of a northern origin for the earliest on other was practices at Sitagroi grounds, metallurgical proposed above
The
and these findings would harmonize with it."45And that, in reality, is all I mean when I talk about the role of the Balkans in the development of Aegean metallurgy. The reasons for turning to the north, of metallurgical understand the beginnings
to the Balkans
to
in order
in the Aegean
technology technological priority than with simple typological or with flat axes and was comparisons, ring-idols. What being done in the was also in in the itwas be done but the Balkans Balkans, Aegean being on amuch centuries done earlier and scale. The earliest copper ing larger have more
to do with
in the Balkans, an awl from the site of Balomir in Romania, is a massive object, 14.3 cm in length, and it comes from an Early Neolithic b.c.46 By the second half of the 5th millennium context, 7000-6000 B.c., the Balkan copper industry was producing hundreds of massive shaft-hole artifact
axes and axe-adzes.47 At
the same time, Balkan metallurgists were mining ores in copper underground mines with shafts and galleries,48 and they were ores from these of capable smelting the complex secondary sulfide of gold ring-idol pendants known today from the is quite impressive, but it does not begin to compare with Aegean the quantities from the Balkans. Just four of the richest graves from the Varna cemetery produced a total of 2,200 gold objects.50 mines.49 The
number
world
We
now have
some
perspective for comparing Cretan metallurgical with what had gone on to the north, on the Greek mainland developments and in the Balkans. Metallurgy later in Crete and on a much developed smaller scale, with striking differences. The ubiquitous ring-idol pendant is virtually unknown on Crete. The silver example from a burial near the Amnisos
cave seems to be an isolated find. Flat axes never became
of the Cretan
metal
only one ever found were
quite
common.51
developing 42. McGeehan-Liritzis
1988. 43. SeeMuhly 44.
Stos-Gale
45. Renfrew
and Gale
1991, p. 361.
and Slater
2003,
46.Muhly
1996, p. 78; Bogn?r
as
always,
example similar axes made
seems
to have
repertoire of types (e.g., the triangular of Eneolithic
1978;
Pernicka
et al.
1993. 48. Chernykh 1978; Jovanovic 1978, 1995. 49.
p. 313.
Crete,
Kutzi?n 1976, p. 70. 47. Todorova
2003.
a
assemblage, on the island, although
See Ryndina, Kolossova 1999, with
Indenbaum, detailed
and analysis
a part
remains
and the Knossos
its own
gone
the
of stone way,
and the long daggers crucibles,
pp.
1063
1066. 50. Renfrew Varna
finds,
Europe. 51. Strasser
1986b, p. 148. For the see First Civilization in
2002.
CHAPTER
i6o
13
of the EM period) very different from that attested in other regions.52 Yet even so, there are three silver daggers from Early surprising similarities.The a Minoan remarkable resemblance to a silver dagger from Koumasa53 bear the Hungarian
Middle Bronze Age.54 In his 1969 article, Renfrew had very little to say about the Aegean. His goal was to establish the validity of radiocarbon dating and to use the dates it provided to demonstrate the autonomy and cultural priority of cultures. The "Copper Age" of the Balkans could not as scholars, from Anatolia, possibly following especially Troy, was had long believed. This conclusion Childe, necessary because the were far earlier than comparable finds from the Balkans anything known from Troy or any other Anatolian site. Even when early metal-using sites European
Neolithic
be derived
such as ?atal H?y?k and Cay?n? Tepesi came to light in Anatolia, the tiny bits and pieces of copper from these sites could not possibly compare, itwas argued, with the massive copper implements of the Balkan Eneo and Eastern Europe were dismayed, for careers upon the primacy of Troy. Never they had based entire academic theless, Renfrew's arguments carried the day, especially after his dramatic of the case in a popular book entitled Before Civilization: presentation lithic. Prehistorians
The Radiocarbon
from Central
Revolution
and Prehistoric Europe.55 Renfrew was so sure of the cultural primacy of the Balkans, and of was to draw a "fault line" Europe in general, that he prepared chronological on from the and the Near East. separating Europe Aegean, Anatolia, Only new seem to the European side of this fault line did the radiocarbon dates force drastic, upward revisions of the traditional archaeological chronology. The map showing the fault line appears in the book mentioned above,56 two years earlier in an extremely influen but it had also been published tial Scientific American article entitled "Carbon 14 and the Prehistory of was This article and the fault line times, map reprinted many Europe."57 became justly famous. It was not long, however, before it became obvious that the basic premise illustrated by this map was rather misleading. The caption to the map indicated that the fault line only concerned dates after ca. 3000 b.c. At the time, however, the dates after 3000 b.c. from the east of the fault line were based on historical chronologies, while those from the based on comparisons with Troy, according to the chronology then accepted. Early radiocarbon dates from the Eastern Mediterranean
west were
and
the Near
East
were
the historical
ported and Mesopotamia. Neolithic
from
contexts
after
ca.
3000
b.c.,
and
they
sup
based on written
chronologies Early radiocarbon
tell sites, and they indicated
records from Egypt dates from the Balkans came from a
chronology
much
earlier than the
accepted "Trojan-based" chronology. the "fault line," but in reality it did not exist. With the wide Hence use of calibrated radiocarbon dates, discussed in 1973,58 by Renfrew spread revision of traditional chronologies became necessary almost everywhere, a and Anatolia. The past decade has witnessed especially in the Aegean our in of the Neolithic of the chronology transformation understanding a on our had in this and has Greece and Anatolia, profound impact period areas. in of metallurgical both evaluation of the development technology of cultural priority and technological autonomy, Conceptions secure be just 20 years ago, now have to be reformulated.
thought
to
52. Branigan 53. Branigan 54. Mozsolics
1967. 1968, 1967,
pl. 15. 55. Renfrew
1973.
56. Renfrew
1973,
57. Renfrew
1971.
58. Renfrew
1973,
p. 63. pl. 45.1;
Kov?cs
p. 105, ?g.
21.
1994,
pp. 69-83.
CHRYSOKAMINO
EARLY
AND
METALLURGY
EARLY METALLURGY
IN ANATOLIA
has change been more of metalworking
Nowhere
the development to be something
of a backwater
l6l
than in our understanding of in Anatolia. Once thought technology
dramatic
the Neolithic
period, Anatolia has of the ancient world, especially emerged dynamic parts once called the Aceramic Neolithic, but more correctly during the period referred to as Prepottery Neolithic A and B, or PPNA and B, ca. 11,000 a PPNA 6200 B.c.59The earliest known settlement atHallan ?emiTepesi, during
as one of the most
site dating to ca. 10,200 b.c., already had a series of semi-subterranean round houses, stone bowls with incised decoration (one showing a proces sion of dogs), and the bones of what seem to be domesticated pigs, along with
use of wild plants and animals.60 to is the located of modern Diyarbakir. To the northeast ?emi in the vicinity of modern Urfa, lie a series of sites in the area
evidence Hallan
for extensive
southwest, known asUpper Mesopotamia. The earliest of these, G?bekliTepe Ziyaret, structures with interior has a series of circular or oval-shaped T-shaped some 2 m in pillars. The pillars, height, have remarkable relief carvings
wild boars, lions, snakes, foxes, and perhaps even wild Asiatic These finds are slightly earlier than 9000 B.c.61 donkeys. to the the PPNB north, in the foothills of the Taurus Mountains, Just site of Nevali ?ori has five levels of occupation covering the second half depicting
B.c. Nevali ?ori has monumental stone buildings, stone monumental with likely shrines, freestanding sculptures in the round depicting human figures and a bird in flight. Smaller sculptures
of the 9th millennium most
a veritable bestiary: panthers, lions, wild boars, wild horses, bears, depict and vultures.62 A single copper bead from Nevali ?ori is one of the earliest metal objects from Anatolia.63 From the PPNB site of A?ikli H?y?k, 25 km a series of beads made of rolled in central Anatolia, thin sheets of copper provides even more extensive evidence for the early use of copper. A?ikli represents a real town surrounded by a city wall, the earliest inAnatolia, and it had an extensive obsidian industry. The site is dated to the first half of the 8th millennium B.c.64 of Aksaray
southeast
The best evidence for early copper metallurgy inAnatolia still comes from the site of Cay?n? Tepesi, one of the first Aceramic Neolithic settle ments to be discovered, and one of the earliest of this Excavations period. now uncovered some 7,000 m2 in the course of underway since 1964 have 17 field seasons. Most
of the metal artifacts, made of native copper ham into the shape of objects such as awls and fishhooks, come from the b.c. Two calibrated radiocarbon dates suggest the site mid-9th millennium was b.c. (also known from occupied much earlier, 10,000-9400 Cay?n? Nevali ?ori) has elaborate buildings with terrazzo floors and the earliest mered
for woven
evidence 59. Bar-Yosef
2001;
2002a,
pp. 379
table, p. 30; Aurenche
and
Kozlowski (1999, p. 68) put G?bekli
381. 60. berg
logical
textiles, which were made
Rosenberg et al. 1995.
1994,1998;
Rosen
ca. 8200
61. Beile-Bohn et al. 1998; Bischoff 2002. 62. Bischoff
at ca. 8500
2002,
with
chrono
b.c.
and Nevali
?ori
at
b.c.
63.Yal?in2000,p.
65.Muhly 1989; ?zdogan and ?zdogan 1999;Maddin, Muhly, and Stech from
19.
64. Esin 1999;Yal?in and Pernicka 1999; Yal?in 2000, pp. 18-20.
of linen.65
1999. The the
earliest
site of Mehrgarh
known
cotton,
in southern
Pakistan, dates to the first half of the 6th millennium
2002).
b.c.
(Moulherat
et al.
CHAPTER
i6z
the onset ofMellaart's
At
excavations
13
at the Konya
basin site of ?atal in 1961, the scholarly world was totally unprepared for the wealth H?y?k an area then as of finds from aNeolithic site inAnatolia, provin regarded cial and of little significance compared to Syria and Mesopotamia. Mel laart's excavations revealed elaborately decorated shrine buildings, wall paintings of hunt scenes and bizarre funerary rituals with headless corpses and vultures, and clay figurines depicting women in the act of giving birth. These finds came from contexts now dated to the first half of the 7th millen nium B.c.66There were
also small finds of copper, including beads made of like those from A?ikli H?y?k. These artifacts, strangely rolled-up were never but they are in the Konya Mu enough, published byMellaart, seum.67The small beads from level VIA, identified as lead in the publication, sheets
are
actually made
of the lead sulfide galena.68 can be seen as the culmination
?atal H?y?k in Neolithic Anatolia
of developments underway for over 3,000 years. This was the period known as a time when the drying and cooling of the environ
the Younger Dryas, ment stimulated a shift from a way of life to agriculture hunter-gatherer and settled communities.69 The Anatolian evidence clearly shows that the introduction of metal and the development of metal technology took place
of profound social and economic change, periods that saw the of specialized artistic work in crafts, highly sophisticated development was but one stone and clay, and monumental architecture. Metalworking in periods
innovations aspect of awhole series of technological of intense creativity. This remarkable fluorescence
taking place in periods of culture in Anatolia
came to an end toward the end of the 7th millennium
b.c. Severe climatic
b.c., as seen in the ice cores from Greenland changes dated and the pollen cores from Anatolian lakes, brought about the drought that an across to PPNB cultures Anatolia and the Levant.70 One of end put to ca. 6200
the last products of this remarkable age is the massive from level 2B at Can Hasan, southeast of ?atal H?y?k. to ca.
6000
copper macehead This find is dated
B.c.71
is, not surprisingly, serious opposition among some Aegean to the whole Younger Dryas climatic Eastern prehistorians and the argument that a sudden reversal of climate at change hypothesis the end of the last Ice Age led to the development of sedentary agricultural There
and Middle
In a 1997 monograph entitled Naissance des divinit?s, naissance de the Cauvin shifted argument from ecology and environment l'agriculture, to one based on human mentality of new religious and the emergence to Cauvin, Childe's ideas and symbols.72 According so-called "Neolithic in the world view of the Revolution" was a fundamental transformation
66. Levels 67. Yener
of the day, as attested by the elaborate architecture and religious societies, especially those of Anatolia.73 iconography of PPNB This issue is of some significance here because most of the scholars
who 6200 2200
believe
cultures to an end ca. changes brought PPNB that another sudden climatic change occurred ca. to this the Akkadian empire of Sargon I.74According
that climatic
B.c. also believe B.c., ending
climatic changes across the Eastern Mediterranean theory, contemporary of copper smelting activity coincided with the apparent intensification in the EM III period.75 Chrysokamino
at
Mellaart
1967.
pp. 23-24.
68. Sperl 1990.
societies.
societies
IX-IV; 2000,
69. Bar-Yosef
2001,
pp.
70. Bar-Yosef
2001,
pp. 26-28;
Bar-Yosef
2002b,
17-26.
p. 122.
71. Yal?in 1998. 72. Cauvin
1994.
73. Cauvin
s monograph,
noticed
in the Anglo-American
little world
of prehistoric has now archaeology, in an English translation appeared by
TrevorWatkins
(Cauvin 2000) and has
been
of a review
the subject
the
Cambridge Archaeological et al. 2001). (Cauvin 74. Weiss 1997.
75.Weiss 1998.
feature
in
Journal
and Courty 1993; Courty
CHRYSOKAMINO
AND
EARLY
METALLURGY
163
THE USE OF ARSENICAL COPPER In recent decades, two basic themes have dominated studies of the devel of Mediterranean and Near Eastern Eastern tech opment metalworking ca. b.c. 8000-2000 nology The first theme is the development of furnace technology, or the stages metalworkers first from moved whereby heating native copper to melting native copper in crucibles, then to smelting simple oxide and carbonate copper ores in crucibles, and later to smelting simple (and complex?) cop per ores in specially built furnaces. Initially, these furnaces may have been more than or without crucibles as linings pits in the ground, with nothing or on and collars top of the pits to increase the draft. This stage chimneys was followed by the use of the on the fully developed shaft furnace which, basis of present evidence, seems to have been a product of the Late Bronze the history of these developments attempt at writing Age. A pioneering has now been made by Craddock.76 other theme concerns the development of alloying technology, a to of related the of furnace complex developments integrally development no is evidence for the manufacture of any artificial or technology. There The
alloys with native copper as their base. Itwas only with the smelt ores that copper of ing complex copper alloy artifacts appeared. The first of these contained ca. 2%-6% arsenic. Later alloys contained 4%-10% tin.
manmade
The 4000
of arsenical copper alloys during the period from predominance to 2000 b.c. is one of the most significant discoveries of modern
research. Contemporary archaeometallurgical metallurgists, working chiefly in industry, long ago forsook any interest in arsenical copper. Their objective was, contrarily, to remove all trace of arsenic from metallic cop per. In the 20th century A.D., copper was of interest chiefly for its ability to conduct
traces of arsenic electricity, and the presence of even minute greatly reduced this capability.77 It was only when the Cambridge metal lurgist James Charles examined some of the Early Cycladic daggers in the at Oxford Ashmolean Museum that the importance of arsenical copper alloys in Early Bronze Age metallurgy was rediscovered.78 a Beginning with pair of articles published by Charles and Renfrew in the 1967, significance of arsenical copper from the Indus River to the Brit ish Isles has been documented in great detail through a series of analytical Much of the technical metallurgical research on the production programs. and the metallurgical properties of arsenical alloys has been carried out on artifacts from the New World, especially from the arsenical copper industries of ancient Peru.79 Some similar work has also been done on early arsenical alloys from the Old World.80 It has often been stated that arsenical copper and bronze (the alloy with tin) had more or less equal mechanical was properties and that it only the medical hazards involved in working
76. Craddock 2001. 77. Lechtman
1996,
p. 479.
78. Charles 1967; for his scholarly career,
see Charles
79. Lechtman
2000. 1996;
Lechtman
and
Klein 1999; Shimada andMerkel 1991. 80. Northover 1989; Budd and 1991. Ottaway 81. Northover
1989,
pp.
112-114.
arsenic that prompted a shift to tin. This is simply not correct. Bronze a is harder, tougher alloy. The main advantage of the arsenical alloy is its and the medical hazards have been greatly exaggerated, as all ductility,81 was done out in the open air, not in an enclosed environment. It smelting has also been established in laboratory work, making use of modern alloys
with
with different
concentrations
of arsenic, that the presence
of less that 2.0%
CHAPTER
164
13
arsenic has virtually no effect on the properties of the copper artifact.82 The shift from arsenical copper to bronze was a major technological develop ment of great cultural significance. use of arsenical
copper in the pre-Bronze Age Aegean must, at as be present, regarded problematic. The presence of arsenical copper is claimed in copper artifacts from Final Neolithic Kephala and the Zas cave, but these analyses are unpublished.83 The use of arsenical copper in the The
Thessalian
is said to have been demonstrated
Final Neolithic
of two metal
artifacts
by the analysis but this cannot be correct. Of the
from Dimini,84
two objects in question,85 only one, a flat axe, was to be 99.7% copper with no trace of arsenic.86 The axes from Sesklo87 were 99.3% copper. The metal
also made
analyzed. It was found two contemporary flat
of very pure copper, having
99.9% and
cave in Euboia
remain enigmatic. From contexts that Sampson regards as LNIIA (late 5th to early 4th mil lennia B.c.)88 come four copper artifacts, a dagger and three needles, made of arsenical copper. They have an average of 3.12% arsenic.89 It is curious and Ioannou publish the Tharrounia that Mangou analyses in their study finds from theTharrounia
of prehistoric copper-based artifacts from mainland Greece, but they say use of arsenical copper in a Final Neolithic this anomalous about nothing context. They are only interested in the presence of some 2% nickel of the arsenical copper needles from the Tharrounia cave.90
in one
It is theoretically possible that complex sulfide and arsenide ores were being smelted in the Aegean already during the Final Neolithic period. As mentioned above, such technological sophistication has already been claimed on the in the Eneolithic analysis of crucible period,91 based to ca. 4300 B.c.92 site of dated from the Durankulak, securely fragments Similar claims, involving the use of both copper and arsenic-rich ores, have now been made for contemporary contexts in Anatolia.93 The analytical for the Balkans
however, still supports the reconstruc one that an produced pre-Bronze Age metal industry, on the basis of surviving estimated 4,700 kg of copper, calculated solely was based on a very pure copper that can only artifacts. This industry represent the use of melted native copper.94 for such a copper smelting technology The Aegean documentation is even more ambiguous than the data from southeastern Europe. The evidence
from southeastern
Europe,
tion of an extensive
Sitagroi evidence, cited in the past in support of copper smelting activity at that site during Phase III, now seems more compatible with the simple cru as discussed above. Another a melting of (native?) copper in crucible, a B.c. at western context in M?ndalo cible from good late 5th-millennium Macedonia
has extensive vitrification
82. Northover 1989, p. 113; Budd and Ottaway 1991, pp. 138-139. 83. Sherratt 2000, p. 68. 84. Andreou,
Fotiadis, n. 46.
p. 267, 85. McGeehan-Liritzis
2000,
nos.
and Gale
34, 35.
p. 203, 86. McGeehan-Liritzis
1988,
and Kotsakis
and Gale
in its interior,95 but the way p. 217. 87. McGeehan-Liritzis
inwhich
1988,
1988,
p. 219,
nos.
91.Ryndinaetal. 92. Pernicka
and Gale
1996, p. 73. Sampson 89. Andreopoulou-Mangou 1993, and Ioannou p. 436, table 1;Mangou 1999, p. 84, table 1. and
Ioannou
p. 127.
2000, p. 35. et al. 1997, 94. Pernicka
pp. 41,
93. Yener
68, 69.
88.
90. Mangou
1999. et al. 1997,
1999,
p. 86.
121. 95. Papanthimou
and Papasteriou
1993, pp. 1209,1213, fig. 2.
AND
CHRYSOKAMINO
EARLY
METALLURGY
165
this crucible was
used has yet to be determined. Fragments of crucibles site of Kephala on the island of Kea;96 also come from the Final Neolithic were found with they pieces of slag originally thought to represent a fluid was too advanced for the Final Neolithic slag that period.97 Now, in light of the Chrysokamino evidence discussed in this volume, the Kephala slags need to be studied in greater detail. Two small amorphous lumps of metallic copper, found with four daggers and other copper artifacts in good Final Neolithic
at the cave,98 suggest some sort of local Alepotrypa a more but definite activity, interpretation must await future
contexts
metalworking
investigation. on Crete is still the Early metal production and usage subject of much debate and considerable confusion. Certain basic assumptions, eminently analytical
in the early years of the 20th century, still influence our present of the archaeological evidence. In publishing the metal finds from the Trapeza cave, excavated in 1936, Money-Coutts wrote, "Itmust reasonable
evaluation
be remembered
inhabitants
II period metal of any kind was practi so that the use and the skill rapid spread of its shew the receptiveness and ingenuity of the early
that until the EM
in Crete, cally unknown was it with which worked
of the island."99
or Yet nothing about the deposits within the cave itself necessitated even a conclusion.100 such nature discussion of the supported Pendlebury's of these deposits shows that the metal finds, both of precious and of base metal, came from a context that included a jumble of pottery, ranging toMM from Final Neolithic II. Because of the assumption made explicit in the foregoing quotation, none of the metal any earlier than EM II.101
96. Keos 97. The
I, p. 4, pis. 22, 66. was studied by S. R. B. slag
in the 1970s
Cooke
(Keos I, p. 114).
98. Papathanassopoulos 228. p. 99. Money-Coutts
1996,
this.
101. Pendlebury, Pendelbury, 1935-1936.
and
Money-Coutts
102.Xanthoudides 1918. 103.Muhly 2004b. 104. Davaras Betancourt
1971; Davaras
106. For 1984,
and
2004.
105. Day,Wilson, the finds,
to be
The degree to which old assumptions still influence current thinking is even more apparent in the case of the metal finds from the Pyrgos cave, in 1918.102 Recent discussions excavated by Xanthoudides of the finds from this cave show a consensus that the pottery is EM I, but there is a reluctance to call the associated metalwork EM I, because the metalwork includes a series of long daggers claimed to be no earlier than EM II.103 the pottery is EM I but the Thus, we are left with a situation in which isEM II. In the case of Hagia Photia, a metalwork large cemetery thought to cover the EM I?II period,104 there is also a general reluctance to admit that any of the metal finds from the more than 263 tombs could be EM I,
and Kiriatzi 1998. see
though the bulk (if not all) of the pottery clearly dates to late EM I.105 for theMesara tholoi, which were used for burials during the EM and MM periods, none of the bronzes from these tombs, including the 54 from As
1935-1936,
100. She would probably have been to admit
thought
even
p. 102. the first
artifacts was
Branigan
pp. 30-31.
107. Blitzer 1995, pp. 502-505.
Hagia Triada, the 56 from Koumasa, and the 95 from Pl?tanos, has ever been thought to be as early as EM I.106 The metal finds from Hagia Photia show all too clearly why scholars have been so reluctant to accept the obvious conclusion, one supported by the archaeological evidence. If the metalwork from these tombs is indeed EM I, then one has to accept the use of long daggers, small saws, knives, at B.c.Moreover, and fishhooks the of the 3rd millennium chisels, beginning a with the these tombs metalwork, along produced pair of footed crucibles, of a type known from slightly displayed in the Hagios Nikolaos museum, on later contexts at Kommos,107 as well as from Chalandriani Syros and
i66
CHAPTER
Thermi molten
13
on Lesbos.108 The Hagia Photia crucibles were clearly used to cast and would thus seem to testify to the actual working copper, they
on Crete come during the EM I period.109 Over 30 metal artifacts a a from this site, including silver zoomorphic lead bead, and a pendant, socketed spearhead of probable LM III date. In the 1980s, the Isotrace
of metal
at Oxford, then under the direction of Noel Gale and Zofia Laboratory 16 metal artifacts from Hagia Photia. The lead isotope Stos-Gale, analyzed seven ratios for of these objects were published in 1993,110 but the chemical composition data has only been published in the form of a histogram.111 The use at histogram makes it clear that the dominant alloy in Hagia Photia was
copper with 1.0%-6.0% arsenic. Is this the earliest arsenical copper in the Aegean world, apart from cave? Perhaps it is, on the basis of the the objects found in the Tharrounia to date. However, when published, evidence published the site of Poros, as the harbor town of Knossos, will take pride of place the most important arsenical
Imetallurgical site on Crete. Arsenical copper was certainly Early Minoan the alloy being produced and cast at Poros.112 Arsenical copper was also for the dominant alloy at Early Cycladic sites, especially daggers, but the or the Cycladic objects have traditionally been dated either to the EC II II?III period.113 Noel Gale has further suggested that the triangular daggers from Hagia Triada, also of arsenical copper, could be an EM I?II date,114 probably slightly later than the copper-based assigned transitional
EC
un analyses of nine site of Petromagoula, show that seven of these objects were made
Photia. The
artifacts from Hagia
electron microprobe artifacts from theThessalian
published copper-based located southwest of Sesklo,
copper, averaging 2.9% arsenic.115 The authors regard Petro as an EB II site, but this does not seem to be correct. Andreou, magoula at the very end of Fotiadis, and Kotsakis put the material from Petromagoula or I.116Johnson assigns the beginning of Early Helladic the Final Neolithic of arsenical
scheme.117 the site a similar date, ca. 3700-3300 b.c., in his chronological on the basis of It is hard to see any pattern in these developments our present knowledge. The arsenical copper artifacts from Petromagoula seem to be somewhat earlier that those from the so-called Palace hoard in copper objects found in level VIA at the site of Arslantepe eastern Turkey.118 Of the 22 artifacts making up this hoard, 8 have been or INAA.119 All analyzed using instrumental neutron activation analysis
of arsenical
proved
to be made metal
contemporary cesultan in western The
copper, averaging 4.16% arsenic. The at Late Chalcolithic hoard from level XXXIV Bey also attests to the use of arsenical copper. Anatolia
analyzed
eight
of arsenical
averaged
objects
108. Day,Wilson, and Kiriatzi 1998, p. 136; for the historical development see Mohen
of the crucible,
109. For
contemporary
110.
1993,
evidence
p. 122,
table
11.1. 111. Gale
1990,
p. 303,
Gale (1998, p. 725) says that only 10
discrepancy. 112. P. Day
see further Azzurro, in the text below.
Stos-Gale
Early
and Walter
Poliochni
discussion
arsenic.120 Among
were objects analyzed; only full publica tion of the data can clarify this seeming
1994. from
1.33%
fig.
1. Stos
(lecture,
Athens,
March
22,2004). 113.
Sherratt
p. 217,
table 4.
and Kot
117.Johnsonl999,p.320. et al. 2002. 118. Hauptmann et al. 2002, 119. Hauptmann 49, table 5. and Pernicka
114. Gale
1988,
Fotiadis,
p. 271.
pp. 47,
120. SAM 11774-11781; Muhly
2000.
1990, p. 301. 115. McGeehan-Liritzis
116. Andreou, sakis 2001,
and Gale
1992,
p. 312.
AND
CHRYSOKAMINO
METALLURGY
EARLY
167
5 contexts of the early 3rd millennium b.c., the site of Hassek in southeastern Ana of the Taurus Mountains located south just H?y?k, a rich collection of metal artifacts. Of the 76 objects that tolia, produced have been analyzed, not one had any tin, but 52 were made of arsenical copper, averaging 1.90% arsenic.121 It should be pointed out that this Late Ninevite
in Anatolia also involved the use of silver. The metallurgy of some of the short swords from Arslantepe VIA were decorated silver inlay, and a silver ring was found in the Beycesultan hoard. This
Chalcolithic handles with
silver is probably just slightly earlier than the silver pendant in northeastern Crete.122
from Hagia
Photia
was the dominant preceding evidence shows that arsenical copper use ca. B.c. This is true for Iran,123 4000-2500 during the period alloy in Syria,125 the Levant,126 and, of course, Anatolia.127 It has Mesopotamia,124 The
now been well
established that the Early Bronze Age was, for most of its an duration, age of arsenical copper. The actual production of this arseni cal alloy, however, still remains a matter of great controversy. It certainly was not made arsenic to molten is no copper. There by adding metallic that arsenic was
as a separate metal in ancient times, recognized a language had word for "arsenic." There are, however, various arsenic sulfide minerals that could have been added to the copper or could have been present already in certain types of copper ores that, upon smelting, would have produced an arseni cal copper alloy. Recently, it has been proposed that arsenical copper could have been produced by a simple cosmelting operation using copper oxide ores or iron together with either copper sulpharsenide sulpharsenide.128 evidence
and no ancient
What
about the production of arsenical copper in the EBA Aegean? the 1980s, it has been argued that the Cycladic island of Kythnos a and site. This site, known very impressive copper smelting possessed large as Skouries, has massive blocks of copper on today smelting slag still lying its surface. Skouries is dated by associated pottery to the Early Cycladic II period, with further support from two radiocarbon dates on pieces of Since
in the slag.129When calibrated, the radiocarbon the site fall in the first half of the 3rd millennium B.c.130
charcoal found
Of even greater potential of
the
smelting
site,
a
of
significance
copper
mine
said
just to the south
is the discovery, to contain
dates for
arsenical
copper
ore.
copper prills in the slag from the Skouries smelting site also proved to have a high arsenic content, with microprobe analyses of six different prills from one Kythnos slag sample averaging 6.3% arsenic.131Moreover, the lead
The
isotope analyses of the trace element lead in the ores and slags of Kythnos gave a lead isotope "fingerprint" that seemed to match the "fingerprints" obtained from analyzing the lead in many of the arsenical copper objects from
121.
Schmitt-Strecker,
Begemann,
and Pernicka 1992; for themetallurgy of the Ninevite 5 period, seeMuhly and Stech 2003. 122. Davaras p. 181. For
early 123. Thornton
and Betancourt silver, see Maran et al. 2002.
2004, 2000.
the Early Cycladic
period.132 It also matched
124. Stech 1999, p. 63. 125. De
Ryck,
128. Lechtman and Adams
Adriaens,
2003. 126. Golden,
Levy,
and Hauptmann
2001. 127. Palmieri,
Chernykh 1993.
Sertok,
and
the "fingerprints"
129.
Hedges 130. Stos-Gale 131. Gale
and Klein
p. 226. p. 720.
1998,
and Stos-Gale
p. 34, table 6. 132. Sherratt
1999.
et al. 1990,
2000,
1989,
pp. 72-92.
of
i68
CHAPTER
13
artifacts from theMinoan
Mesara tholoi (including Pl?tanos, Triada, Koumasa, Kalathiana, Marathokephalo, Hagia Hagios Onouphrios, and Porti)133 and even the copper-based objects from Hagia Photia.134 Arsenical copper tools also occur in an Early Cycladic hoard of al now in the British Museum. leged Kythnian origin that is They average copper-based
3.2% arsenic.135 In comparison, the 20 arsenical copper EC artifacts in the Ashmolean Museum average 4.31% analyzed by Gale and Stos-Gale can sure one never arsenic.136 Although be of the provenience of such ma terial, there seems to be no reason to accept the recent suggestion that the Kythnos hoard actually The original information to be
came from the Zas cave on the island of Naxos.137 that it came from Kythnos
itself ismore
likely
correct.138
In the 1990s,
it looked as if the combination
of chemical analysis and one of the solved had major problems of prehistoric analysis Aegean metallurgy. The arsenical copper artifacts from the Early Bronze seemed to be made of copper from arsenical copper ores Age Aegean the various mined and smelted on the island of Kythnos. Unfortunately, lead isotope
to threads of this argument soon started to unravel. Attempts replicate in subsequent the earlier results of Gale and Stos-Gale archaeological work at various Kythnian copper smelting sites and in further analyses of same results.139This issue was slags and ores have not yielded the at the Third Round Table on Aegean Archaeology, devoted to the for topic of "Metallurgy in the Early Bronze Age Aegean: New Evidence and at a colloquium devoted to "Early and Consumption,"140 Production new in the Aegean Islands."141 Much analytical work Copper Metallurgy
Kythnian discussed
on ores, slags, and copper prills from copper smelting sites by Bassiakos on to detect the presence of arsenic. This situation is has failed Kythnos raises it serious but questions regarding the theory that Kythnos puzzling, was
the source of arsenical
copper for the Aegean Early Bronze Age. At the same time, Gale and Stos-Gale are also having serious problems with their definition of a "Kythnian" lead isotope field. It now seems certain that not all the copper ores being smelted on Kythnos actually came from that island. The true picture appears much more complicated, with ores for from a number of different islands having been brought to Kythnos seems now to consist both of a high smelting.142 The Kythnos field itself to conclude, "We need still more leads Stos-Gale and a low field. This to be finally sure what the term analyses of slags and ores from Kythnos seem that we have yet to solve all 'Kythnos field' really means."143 Itwould the problems presented by arsenical copper in the Aegean Early Bronze the smelting of arsenical copper ores at Chrysokamino Age. Obviously, seen as must be but one chapter of a complex story, one that we are still in the process of understanding. 133. Gale 1990, p. 315, fig. 7. 134. Stos-Gale 1998, pp. 720, 725. 135. Craddock 1976, pp. 98,106. 136.
Sherratt
2000,
pp. 72-92.
137. Fitton 1989; Sherratt 2000, p. 92.
138.Muhly
1999, p. 17.
139. Work Service
by the Greek Archaeo was under the direction
logical of Olga Philaniotou-Hadjianastasiou. was undertaken The analytical work at the Laboratory at Demokritos, Center
of Archaeometry the Greek National
for Scientific
Research,
led by
Yannis
Bassiakos.
140. This
conference
Sheffield University 141. This
was
held
at
in January 1998.
colloquium
was
Demokritos
on April 28,2001.
142.
Stos-Gale
1998,
143.
Stos-Gale
1998,
held
at
pp. 723-724. n. 36.
p. 726,
CHRYSOKAMINO
AND
EARLY
METALLURGY
169
THE USE OF BRONZE copper, of course, is only half of the technological history of Early more Bronze Age copper-based alloys. Even complex is the development of the copper-tin alloy known as bronze (and the term "bronze" should be
Arsenical
is and tin-bronze used only for this alloy; arsenical bronze is a misnomer, s of the Pare Since 1985 redundant). survey my study problem,144 magisterial the situation in the Aegean still presents has appeared.145 Nevertheless, serious problems, both archaeological and analytical. At the outset, a dis tinction needs to be made between the limited use of bronze, the existence of bronze as but one of several competing copper alloys, and the full use to the exclusion of other alloys. Pares discussion and his map use in the of of the bronze the full bronze put showing metallurgy spread ca. 1600-1400 same now at the date for b.c.,146 Syria and Aegean suggested such a date does not mark the introduction of Obviously, Mesopotamia.147 or even the first serious use of bronze. bronze metallurgy In recent decades, it has been proposed that bronze may have been B.c. in Chalcolithic used during the second half of the 5th millennium of bronze
now been put to rest. In speculations have Europe.148 These we take a all the Pernicka and evidence, reviewing colleagues conclude, "If closer look at the proposed early finds of tin bronze in southeastern Europe southeastern
not
a
one
single
What Aegean Minoan
needs
stands
up
to close
scrutiny."149
in detail here are developments in the b.c. and the use of bronze in millennium early
to be examined
in the mid-3rd
Crete. It is in the first half of the 3rd millennium, especially in the later part of this period, that we find a substantial quantity of bronze at the time of the Royal Cemetery of Ur. InMeso in use inMesopotamia,
144.Muhly 145. Pare
2000.
146. Pare
2000,
147. De
Ryck,
Ilia or 2600-2500 b.c.150 The tin potamian terms this is Early Dynastic seems come to have from central Asia and Afghanistan,151 for this bronze
1985b. p. 26, fig. Adriaens,
1.14. and Adams
2003, p. 579. 148. Schickler 1981. 149. Pernicka
and Mari.153
et al. 1997,
p. 125.
150. Stech 1999, p. 63. 151. Alimov
et al. 1998;
153. Pinnock,
See
Boroffka
1985b.
the articles
and Scandone
154.Muhly
inMatthiae, Matthiae
1995.
1985b; for the complex
of these terminology metallurgical and Bachmann texts, seeWaetzoldt 1984. 155. Palmieri
and Hauptmann
2000, p. 1260. 156. Palmieri
and Hauptmann
2000, pp. 1261-1264. 157. Stech and Pigott 1986, pp. 55 58.
158.Muhly 1999, pp. 18-20. 159. SeeMuhly 1993.
The
texts from Ebla, dating to Early Dynastic IIIB and the following contain so-called for period, recipes making bronze, adding
Old Akkadian
et al. 2002.
152.Muhly
along with gold and lapis lazuli.152 So-called Royal Treasures and Royal Tombs containing significant amounts of lapis lazuli and gold are known from contemporary or slightly later contexts in Syria, especially from Ebla
specified quantities of tin to specified amounts of copper in order to produce a quantity of bronze for a specific even purpose.154 Some of these texts of "classic" bronze with 10% tin.155The bronze describe the manufacture now been objects from Ebla that have analyzed contain up to 13% tin.156 In 1986, Stech and Pigott presented a very convincing argument for B.c. bronze and tin as status metals in the mid-3rd millennium They argued, route one or went the main that tin trade for this however, by sea, from more was to across It then distributed from Anatolia Syrian ports Troy. Troy as well. In and, presumably, to the north Aegean exchange, Troy supplied with Anatolian silver.157 Such a trade pattern is, Syria and Mesopotamia of course, possible, but as I have already argued, it ismost unlikely.158 The situation inAnatolia is ambiguous at best, even if one iswilling to discount the possibility of Taurus sources of tin.159The lapis lazuli trade route cer went as farwest as Ebla, where blocks of raw tainly lapis from Afghanistan
CHAPTER
170
have been found
in Palace G
in late-3rd-millennium
13
b.c. contexts.160 The
of EBA Anatolia, however, seem to have had no interest in this semiprecious stone. The only exception is the enigmatic battle-axe of lapis lazuli from Treasure L atTroy.161 One isolated example, in amost unusual inhabitants
context
that also included an axe made
to support aTroy-Byblos What makes things
of jadeite, is hardly enough
evidence
trade route.
even more our present understand complex is at at the situation For least the past 100 years, Troy II ing of Troy itself. and its north Aegean Poliochni Giallo (V) have been seen counterpart as part of an EB II of In Gold." the mid-3rd millennium b.c., this "Age across the Old World on Crete to from Mochlos phenomenon spread Troy II, Alaca H?y?k, Eskiyapar, Ebla, Tell Brak, Mari, Ur, and perhaps even as far east as the sites along the Indus river. The EB II Harappan of Gold" hypothesis has, however, been called into question recently "Age of romantic sensationalism who refers to it as "a combination by Nakou, and an overwhelming to historiase tendency
desire for order in the past" and as part of a "general the Early Bronze Age."162 Nakou is certainly correct to the fact that the evidence comes from a series of
in calling attention hoards that do not necessarily represent finds from any one period. They are better seen as was current for consid "palimpsests of material which erable time, and would probably have escaped deposition were it not for extraordinary circumstances in the late millennium."163 In other words, what in precious and base has preserved for us is the metalwork, happenstance was in that circulation the mid-3rd millennium B.c., exactly metals, during the period when bronze became an important prestige alloy throughout the Eastern Mediterranean and the ancient Near East. does all this mean for Early Minoan Crete? To answer that ques a is of comparative archaeological tion, proper understanding chronology B.c. does not represent the essential. First of all, the mid-3rd millennium first use of bronze on Crete. I have long argued for an EM I date for the What
two small daggers from the Krasi tholos, located just outside the northern over 70 years border of the Lasithi plain and excavated byMarinatos ago.164 was a careful excavator, and his detailed report makes it clear Marinatos that the daggers in question came from the earliest burials in the tomb, associated with
the distinctive
EM
pottery known as that "the small primitive blades from
Pyrgos Ware. Branigan has argued Krasi might well belong to the very Crete."1651
would
160. Pinnock
I pattern-burnished
start of the Early
Bronze
Age
Treister
in
agree.
and Pyrgos170 cave
1.85%
averaged
arsenic.171
B.c. terms, however, the mid-4th millennium a new new of the emergence marked complex, involving metallurgical as and flat such of axes, types double-spiral pendants, daggers, objects In wider
comparative
pp.
162. Nakou
1997,
163. Nakou
1997,
p. 637. p. 637.
1929. p. 215.
1967,
166. SeeMuhly fig.
1973, pp. 339-342.
167. Marinatos
1929,
13, nos.
SAM
30-31;
and
Tolstikov, 148-152.
165. Branigan
pp. II/3,
119,131, nos.
9447,9449.
is scarce. The
from Salami169 roughly contemporary metalwork is all of arsenical copper. The five objects from the Pyrgos
from Crete
1996,
164. Marinatos
two daggers, however, are made of bronze. Analyzed by the SAM Project in the 1960s,166 they proved to contain 10% and 6% tin.167 to current understanding of Early Minoan these chronology, According These
b.c.168 Is the use daggers belong to the second half of the 4th millennium of bronze at such an early date a realistic possibility? Comparative material
1988.
161. Antonova,
168. Warren 169. This
1980, comprised
p. 489. two
daggers:
SAM II/3, nos. 9444 and 9445. 170. This
comprised
three
daggers,
needle, and a chisel: SAM II/3, nos.
9366-9370.
171. SeeMuhly 2004b.
a
CHRYSOKAMINO
new
AND
EARLY
METALLURGY
171
over a broad complex extended expanse, including southeastern Europe (Usatovo), western geographic eastern Anatolia Anatolia VII and VIA), and (Ihpinar IV), (Arslantepe The metalwork Palestine from (Nahal Mishmar).172 Sitagroi IV is part of along with
sources of metal. This
this complex. The site has artifacts made of bronze, two metal fragments with 3.2% and 5.9% tin respectively.173 The scholars involved in the pub lication of these analyses have gone out of their way to urge caution in the interpretation of the analytical data,174 but these results are not necessarily as anomalous as they once seemed. The most use of bronze interesting early comes not from Krasi but from the site of Kastri on in the EBA Aegean the island of Syros, excavated over 100 years ago by Tsountas. There is no a point in belaboring here the confused analytical results from single set of Kastri metal
samples originally taken for the SAM Project.175 For analyti it is best to deal instead with results of the SAM Project cal consistency, in 1967.176What Bossert has always been remarkable about published by seem to document a analyses is that they metallurgy involving of arsenical copper and bronze. I would combination still regard this as a transitional were period, when metalworkers representing adding tin the Kastri
sense can the material from Kastri be copper.177 But in what as transitional? regarded The pottery from Kastri is now the subject of amajor international re search project because it seems to document the arrival of Anatolian colo to arsenical
in the Cyclades, paralleling the EM I arrival of Cycladic colonists in eastern Crete, in the of Photia.178 Central to this particularly region Hagia discussion is the date of the ceramic assemblage from Kastri. In Sotirako nists
s recent study of the "Kastri Group," said to include Kastri, Lefkandi, poulou the pottery is classified as transitional EH II/III,179 Rafina, and Manika, but this study simply ignores the metalwork from all of these sites. a new In a 1986 essay, Mellink of proposed radically understanding 172. Pernicka
et al. 1997,
173. Renfrew
and Slater
table
p. 306,
8.2, nos.
EBA Troy and its role in the Eastern Mediterranean during the 3rd mil lennium B.c. This reconstruction of traditional archaeological sequences has profound of the development of implications for our understanding
p. 57. 2003,
and Gale
McGeehan-Liritzis
1988,
p. 216, table 4, nos. 24 and 25. 174. McGeehan-Liritzis and Gale 1988,
pp. 220-221;
2003,
pp. 313-314;
Renfrew
and Slater
see also Begemann, and Pernicka 1992,
Schmitt-Strecker, p. 223.
175. SeeMuhly p. 18. 176. Bossert
1991, pp. 362-364;
1999,
1967,
p. 76,
table
178. Betancourt Sotirakopoulou
1;
2003c. 1993.
180.Mellink 1986, pp. 146-148. 181.Mellink 1986, p. 151. 182. For Troy II and Poliochni Giallo as EB IIIA sites, see Efe and Ilasil997,p.600,fig.2.
seen as
at the end of Troy correlating with destructions Ij, Poliochni Verde was followed the Transitional (III), and Thermi V What period associated with pottery assemblages from Rafina, Manika, Lefkandi I, and Poliochni Rosso was
Muhly 1985a, p. 127. 177.Muhly 1999, p. 18. 179.
our metallurgical technology and appreciation of the de s InMellink velopments documented by the excavation of Chrysokamino. at of II the the the close EH destructions of the that pottery, reading period put an end to Lerna III and the "House of the Tiles" at that site are now 3rd-millennium
5624,5625;
(IV). The a
handmade,
distinctive one-handled,
pottery
type fossil of this transitional
red-polished
period
tankard.180
But this tankard is not to be found atTroy because, with level Ij having been destroyed byWest Anatolian marauders from Tarsus, the site of Troy lay in ruins during the Transitional period. In the following EB IIIA period was
as a
"triumphant station built by a successful warrior new breed ofWest Anatolian king of the navigators and traders."181This was with at Kastri and Poliochni similar settlements Troy II, contemporary Troy
Giallo
resettled
the exception of Lefkandi, all of these sites from the (V).182With and from EB IIIA have associations. Itmust period important metallurgical
CHAPTER
172 be remembered, however, that very little of EBA Lefkandi site) has been excavated to date.
13
(the Xeropolis
at Rafina uncovered two Rescue excavations conducted by Theocharis areas of copper activities with apparent remains of a smelting smelting no proper with and furnace, along tuyeres.183 Unfortunately, slags, molds, was made at the time of excavation, and any finds study of the material can no to inAthens the National Museum brought longer be located. The metal
finds
from Manika
have been
in detail by Stos artifacts from the site,
studied
the more
and Mangou.184 Of than 50 metal 20 copper-based objects and 1 of silver were analyzed by atomic absorption spectroscopy (AAS). The copper-based objects contain both arsenic and tin, but in contrast to the situation at Kastri, a clear separation was maintained
Gale
one the two alloys.185With exception not to be considered here, the objects contained either arsenic or tin, but not both. The analytical results establish very clearly that both arsenical copper and bronze were available to the smiths who made the metal artifacts found atManika. The
between
12 objects of arsenical copper (i.e., those with over 1.0% arsenic) averaged 3.5% arsenic. The five objects having over 2.0% tin averaged 5.9% tin. The possible reasons behind the choice of alloy are not at all clear. Pins and knives were made
of both alloys, while
only of arsenical copper. The situation at Poliochni late 1980s, the Heidelberg-Mainz artifacts. This study used both
daggers
and chisels were made
the most complex of all. In the team analyzed a total of 97 copper-based instrumental neutron activation analysis
is perhaps
(INAA) and atomic absorption (AAS), the latter only for spectroscopy lead and bismuth.186 The samples came from all four metal-using periods at Poliochni, and the number of samples taken (shown in parentheses) gives a (6), Verde good indication of the growth of metal usage at that site:Azzurro terms In of and Giallo Rosso (28), (52). (11), comparative archaeological these four periods cover almost the entire Early Bronze Age, chronology, of Troy I, if not earlier, and with Azzurro dating to at least the beginning Giallo
certainly extending Arsenical copper was
to the end of Troy II. already in use in the Azzurro
phase, with four of the six analyzed objects averaging 1.96% arsenic. There was no tin, but bronze made a slight appearance in the Verde phase. Of 11 analyzed objects, 6 were of arsenical copper, averaging 2.2% arsenic, and 2 were of bronze, use of bronze increased during the Rosso phase, averaging 9.25% tin. The toMellink's corresponding period following the destruction of Troy Ij.Of were 28 analyzed objects, 17 of arsenical copper, averaging 2.8% arsenic, and 7 were of bronze, averaging 8.16% tin. A single, very unusual artifact had 19.8% tin and 11.71% arsenic; it is hard to imagine what such an aberrant alloy might It is remarkable
represent. that during
the Poliochni Giallo phase we find the 17 copper (with objects averaging 1.94% arsenic), bronze (with 14 objects averaging 9.17% tin), as well as the same mixture of the two alloys found at contemporary Kastri. There are 12 objects with more than 1.0% arsenic and 2.0% tin. Taken together, they average 1.34% arsenic
use of arsenical
and 6.68%
tin.
183. Theocharis 1955. 184. Mangou 185.
Stos-Gale,
Sampson,
and
1996.
Stos-Gale, Sampson, 1996, p. 51, table 1. Mangou et al. 1990. 186. Pernicka
and
AND
CHRYSOKAMINO
EARLY
METALLURGY
173
figures do not take into account the artifacts. Already in the Azzurro phase, all had over 1.9% lead, averaging 3.1% lead. This assume that there was a high trace element only the arsenical copper ores being utilized at Poliochni. These
Poliochni
incidence
of lead in the
the six analyzed artifacts ismost unusual; one can concentration of lead in
activity Metalworking of some sort was underway at Poliochni already during the Azzurro phase, team analyzed the slagged I;187 the German contemporary with Thermi interior of six crucible fragments from this period at Poliochni.188 Very little lead was
in the objects from the Verde and Rosso phases, or in those of the Giallo, but there are several notable exceptions in the lat are made of leaded arsenical ter from Two Poliochni Giallo objects phase. found
lead, and two are of leaded At least three objects have lead. bronze, averaging small amounts of arsenic, tin, and lead. Clearly the copper-based alloys in use were more in all Poliochni Giallo than those found during complex copper,
averaging
previous The
2.01%
arsenic
9.55%
tin and 9.33%
and 9.05%
phases at the site. site of Thermi on Lesbos
has played a significant role in all discus sions of early Aegean metallurgy for over 70 years. Lamb, in her excellent final report on excavations at the site,189 paid careful attention to all the
evidence uncovered, and she even had some of the metal ar metallurgical tifacts analyzed by Desch, the scholar who best deserves the title of "Father of Archaeometalfurgy." in there has been a long discussion Consequently, the scholarly literature regarding the crucible fragments from the lowest levels at the site (Thermi I) and, from the same context, a bronze pin, with 13.1% tin, often cited as the earliest object of bronze from the Aegean world.190 From his detailed analysis of all the relevant pottery, Podzuweit concluded that Thermi I and II were contemporary with Troy la and that III was contemporary with Troy lb.191A bronze artifact of such an as we have seen, not without early date is unexpected but, precedent. The context and analysis of this pin have now been called into question,192 but
Thermi
it is probably best to accept the original report. Unfortunately, not included in the new programs of Thermi analyses because
the pin was it could not
in the museum.193
be located
recent programs of analyses194 included 19 objects from Thermi I. were all made of arsenical copper, averaging 1.91% arsenic. Of the They seven artifacts studied from Thermi II, only one was bronze, with 2.4% tin. Five were arsenical copper, averaging 2.36% arsenic.195 The Oxford The
187. Schmitt-Strecker, Begemann, and Pernicka 1992, p. 221. et al. 1990, p. 269, 188. Pernicka
189. Lamb 1936. 190. Lamb 1936, pp. 214-215, no. 31.64.
The
a division
metallurgical
issued
present special complications. metal from the site were artifacts
1979,
pp. 38-40.
team with
the
authorities.
The
strong British
192. Gale 1996, p. 118.
members
193.
because
Begemann, and Pernicka 1992,
Thermi
Schmitt-Strecker, p. 223.
protest, School
support of the Greek team Oxford lodged with
should Thermi
the
support
of the
at Athens, have was
its claiming been consulted
originally
exca
vated by the British. This resulted in
of the sides samples. Both to each tried and publications,
discredit
sampled by theHeidelberg-Mainz
table 4.
191. Podzuweit
194. The studies
the work
of the other. Having to reopen what has been a most I pres unfortunate controversy, ent here what I feel to be a reasonable no desire
a
account of the development of EBA at Thermi. metallurgy 195. Begemann, and Pernicka, Schmitt-Strecker 1995, p. 125, table
1.
CHAPTER
m
13
analysis of these samples gives somewhat different results. Of 34 analyzed I and II, 1 was bronze (a punch or drill with 4.12% objects from Thermi tin) and 24 were
arsenical copper, averaging 2.62% arsenic.196 Of the 16 ob III, again only 1was bronze (a pin with 4.2% jects analyzed The 12 of arsenical tin). copper averaged 2.22% arsenic. The nine objects no objects of bronze, and the six analyses from Thermi IV produced objects of arsenical copper averaged 2.43% arsenic. The eight analyses of objects from Thermi
two objects of bronze, V produced averaging 10.7% tin, and six of arsenical copper, averaging 3.41% arsenic. In all five periods at a clear Thermi, separation existed between arsenical copper and bronze; no amixture of both metals. No leaded bronzes were had object analyzed, but two objects were leaded arsenical copper. One artifact from Town III from Thermi
had 2.83%
arsenic and 2.64%
lead; one from Town
IV had 3.8% arsenic
and 3.2% lead. Given the relatively small number of objects involved, little can be said about the comparative use of the two alloys. Single bronze pins came from Thermi I, II, III, and V, but 11 pins were made of arsenical copper: 4 from Thermi III, 4 from Thermi IV and 3 from Thermi V Arsenical copper was also used
to make
chisels: 2 from Thermi
III and 3 from Thermi
to these figures. Thermi
V No
was
great significance should be attributed clearly a center of Bronze Thermi major Early Age Aegean metallurgy. Although seems to have had one of the earliest examples of bronze from the Aegean, as well
as the use of arsenical copper only tin object from the area,197 the seems to have at the site. This would support the idea that predominated a time contemporary with at the occupation of Thermi ended probably
Poliochni
Verde,198 before
the real expansion of bronze metallurgy. as itwas be study has shown that arsenical copper,
This
comparative ing produced in the Aegean Early Bronze Age, most often had an arsenic content of just under 2.0%. Yet the modern metallurgical studies cited above all conclude that an arsenic content below 2.0% has little effect on the then, did physical properties of the metal being produced. Why, so an Bronze metalworkers Early Age consistently produce alloy that gave them a metal with the same basic properties as unalloyed copper? I have no
answer
to
this
question
at
the
present
time.
In many respects, all of this research began over 100 years ago in the Troad. From the beginning of his work at Troy in 1870, Schliemann an interest in the development demonstrated of metal technology and a to have metal artifacts examined and willingness analyzed by competent the basis of this analytical work, he concluded that there was no use of tin in what is now called an Troy I, opinion supported by later time the of his Great Treasure, which Biegen by scholarship.199 However, was use of bronze. A total in for the there evidence Troy Ilg, placed ample scholars. On
of nine flat axes from this treasure, analyzed for Schliemann by metallur gists in England, France, and Germany, averaged 5.20% tin.200 The work.201 itswork
use of bronze
inTroy
recent analytical team the results of published
II has been confirmed
In 1984, the Heidelberg-Mainz in northwestern Anatolia.202 One
by
table gives the analytical results from the study of 50 artifacts contemporaneous with Troy II from north
196.
bracelet
1992, p. 175, app. 3. a remarkable tin
Stos-Gale
197. This
was
1936, pp. 171,215, pl. 25. 198. Begemann, and Pernicka 1992,
199.Muhly Begemann,
IVa; see Lamb
from Thermi no.
30.24,
fig. 50,
Schmitt-Strecker, p. 224.
1985b, pp. 283-284;
Schmitt-Strecker,
and
Pernicka 1992, p. 223. 200. Muhly and Pernicka 1992, p. 310. 201.Easton2002,p.327. et al. 1984. 202. Pernicka
AND
CHRYSOKAMINO
EARLY
METALLURGY
75
these 50 objects, 30 had over 4.0% tin, averaging were at Troy itself, 28 objects analyzed. Results were published only in terms of whether the object was made of copper, arsenical copper (having over 2.0% arsenic), or bronze (having over 1.0% tin).204 On this basis (and it should be noted that the Heidelberg
western 7.95%
Anatolia.
Of
tin.203 From Treasure A
definitions of arsenical copper and bronze are the reverse of those used here), only 1 object was made of arsenical copper; 16 pieces were of bronze. This table also includes the results of analytical work done on a hoard of bronze objects from the Troad, purchased by Istanbul University
Mainz
and published by Bittel.205 The objects consisted mainly of attachments for a type of metal "teapot," an example of which had been excavated by Schliemann.206 Of the 22 objects analyzed, 15 were bronze and 6 were ar senical copper. Bittel had already published these analyses in 1959, giving actual percentages.207 Twelve of these bronzes had the "classic" amount of ca. 10% tin. The six objects of arsenical copper averaged 3.27% arsenic. team published In 1985, the Oxford its own analytical work, making use of the same use in the SAM taken for samples originally Project. They published neutron activation analyses (NAA) of 15 objects from Troy II.208 Nine proved to be bronze, averaging 8.23% tin, and four were arsenical copper, averaging 2.45% arsenic. But this hoard of metalwork, designated as the Great Treasure, Treasure A, or Priam sTreasure, is no longer dated to the end of Troy II (Troy Ilg). Recent work directed at Troy by Korfmann would now place this metalwork in the middle of the Troy II phase, with an absolute date of ca. 2500 B.c.209 Korfmann does not accept Mellink's 1986 revision of Trojan stratigraphy. The gold and bronze metalwork from now as seen in other is with that from the words, Troy, contemporary Royal Cemetery of Ur. This same combination of gold jewelry and bronze metal can be seen in central Anatolia, lurgy especially at the site of Alaca H?y?k, a where group of so-called royal tombs roughly contemporary with the "treasures" of Troy II were excavated.210 The metalwork from Alaca shows the same combination of arsenical copper and bronze. Of 36 objects from analyzed by the SAM Project, 12 had over 5% tin, and 13 had over 1.0% arsenic.211 The very strong Caucasian connections of the finds from are of considerable Alaca H?y?k interest.212 Alaca
In all the studies dealing with copper-based artifacts from Anatolia and the Aegean undertaken by the Heidelberg-Mainz and Oxford teams, chemical elemental analyses have been combined with the study of lead years lead isotope ratios have isotope ratios. Over the past twenty-some come to be seen as the best way to the study provenience of copper, silver, has generated an enormous bibliography and a great over deal of controversy, especially Lavrion and Cyprus as sources of copper for the Aegean Bronze Age. Both the and the Oxford Heidelberg-Mainz and lead. This work
teams agree that the real introduction 203. table
204. 579,
Pernicka,
et al. 1984,
p. 575,
3. Pernicka
et al. 1984,
table 4.
205. Bittel 1959.
pp. 578
206. Bittel 1959, p. 14, fig. 28. 207. Bittel 1959, p. 34. 208. Gale,
Stos-Gale,
p. 148, table 209. Korfmann
1985,
and Gilmore
occurring
p. 380.
in the middle
210. Mellink 1956. 211. Stech and Pigott 1986, p. 54.
212. Mansfeld 2001.
1. 2001,
of bronze,
CHAPTER
176
13
b.c. along with the use of tin rather than arsenic as is associated with the appearance of a new, so-called the alloying metal, "exotic" lead isotope signature. Bronze artifacts, especially those from Troy and Poliochni, tend to plot right off the lead isotope diagram. That is, they
of the 3rd millennium
a lead that is older than or from anything known from the Aegean ore This lead could only have come from Precambrian deposits 700-900 million years old, and such deposits do not exist inGreece, Turkey, or theMiddle East.213 Cyprus, contain
Anatolia.
is being studied here, of course, is the geological date of the lead as a trace element in artifacts. As this "exotic" lead copper-based
What contained
does not appear in the arsenical copper artifacts, the logical conclusion would be that it came from the tin. This lead might in turn provide evidence alluvial cas provenience of Bronze Age tin. However, of tin and presumably the source of this "exotic" lead, to contain virtually no lead.214 It is now being proposed
for the long-sought siterite, the dioxide has been
shown
that the lead came with
the copper. In the mid-3rd millennium B.c., sources of copper were being exploited by metalworkers, and the northeastern Aegean.215 those in northwestern Anatolia new
therefore,
especially Such copper is even found in objects and II.216This copper must have come favored as the source of Bronze Age was the copper mixed with the tin in
of bronze, as inThermi I from central Asia, the very area now tin (see above). But how and where
not made
order to produce bronze? If this was in it is possible that Early Bronze Age Asia done central then itself, being in metalworkers were, fact, smelting stannite, an ore containing both copper and tin. Such ore is found in central Asia, especially at the site ofMushiston
inTajikistan. This without iron. The
area has deposits of stannite high in copper and tin, but ores "would result in copper with smelting of these high
stannite, the usual iron content was replaced cannot it and be accidental that some of the objects from Thermi by zinc, to be so in zinc that they were considered possible examples proved high of the early production of brass.218 tin contents."217 InMushiston
the distinctive
Given Eastern
Mediterranean
typology
of Early Bronze Age
it seems
world,
artifacts from the
to assume
reasonable
that
this metal
in the form of bronze ingots and was turned into into the Aegean at all of The evidence for metalworking artifacts by local metalworkers. at Poliochni and the relevant sites supports this conclusion. Metalworking
came
has already been discussed; the evidence for Troy II has recently bronze ingots are something summarized by Easton.219 Admittedly, seems no an feasible at the present time. but other of anomaly, explanation
Thermi been
lead isotope analyses indicate that this metal, with "exotic," very early contexts inOman and the United to be found in contemporary is also lead, Arab Emirates.220 The implications of this, obviously, are enormous. Recent
213. ments,
For see
a summary of these and Pernicka
Muhly
216.
Stos-Gale
217.
Boroffka
218. There
pp. 312-315.
214. Muhly 1978, p. 45, table 1. 215. Pernicka 1987, pp. 702-703; Muhly 313.
and Pernicka
1992,
1992, p. 170. et al. 2002, p. 141. are four averag objects
argu 1992,
pp. 312
ing 7.6% zinc; p. 175, app. 3. 219. Easton
220.Weeks
see Stos-Gale
2002,
2003.
p. 328.
1992,
CHRYSOKAMINO
AND
EARLY
METALLURGY
CHRYSOKAMINO AND THE DEVELOPMENT METALLURGICAL TECHNOLOGY
177
OF
seems to In light of the preceding discussion, the site of Chrysokamino a of into threshold the Middle Bronze On the one occupy something Age. terms in its of what be called hand, smelting technology, might proto-shaft furnaces and the use of pot bellows, seems to be a harbinger of what is to come; on the other hand, its use of arsenical copper reflects the technol ogy of previous centuries. Arsenical copper has already been discussed. It is appropriate, therefore, that this chapter close with a brief discussion of over a century, scholars have smelting technology. For struggled to under stand the curious fragments of perforated clay that littered the surface of In 1910, Mosso took them to be fragments of crucibles.221 Chrysokamino. Our current thinking on this subject is well described by Betancourt in 14 of this volume. Similar fragments are known from the Chapter Early II smelting site of Skouries on Kythnos, mentioned above. Al are seem come to these from though fragments largely unpublished, they more substantial, structures than the Chrysokamino larger, and thicker were used, and the idea of their some sort However examples. they being of a cover for a bowl furnace ismost attractive, they must have been de signed to increase the flow of air into what was awind-powered smelting operation (with additional draft supplied by the pot bellows in the EM III Cycladic
period). Wind-powered smelting technology was probably widely used all over the world. It has now been well documented for iron smelting furnaces inMedieval
Sri Lanka.222 Roughly contemporary with are Chrysokamino the Early Bronze Age examples from the site of Feinan in Jordan.223 It is interesting that 20th-century copper smelters were unable to achieve a separation of slag and metal in replication experiments done such a separation is now being proposed for con was achieved with the additional temporary Chrysokamino. Perhaps this draft provided by the pot bellows, but there is also no evidence for any sort at Feinan,224
221. Mosso
1910,
pp. 290-291,
fig. 164. 222. Juleff 1998; Craddock 2001, p. 162, n. 47. 223. Bunk 224.
Bunk
et al. 2002. et al. 2002,
225. Golden, 2001.
Levy,
p. 336. and Hauptmann
226. Golden,
Levy,
and
2001, pp. 956, 958, fig. 8.
Hauptmann
although
on of perforated structure at Feinan. Yet a primitive structure positioned site of top of the bowl furnace was already being employed at the Negev to a dated the mid-4th millennium B.c.225 At bowl Shiqmim, Shiqmim, furnace, consisting of nothing more than a pit dug in the ground, possibly lined with a crucible, was surrounded on the surface by a sort of clay collar about 5 cm in thickness, 9 cm in height, and 30 cm in diameter. The original collar was about 80% of a circle, leaving an open space for the draft of air.226 It is probably not too fanciful to see this Shiqmim collar as the precursor on of the structures used at Skouries on Kythnos and at Chrysokamino a Crete millennium later.
CHAPTER
14
of
Discussion and
the
Workshop of
Reconstruction
Smelting
the
Practices
byPhilip P. Betancourt
The
main
period of the smelting workshop in EM III-MM IA, but the quantity
at
can be Chrysokamino of slag beneath the stratum
placed from this period shows that the workshop had a substantial earlier history on the spot before the EM III The number of Final Neolithic period. sherds found stratified within the deposit of slag below the EM III level indicates
that the installation was
has been
demonstrated
already in operation by this period. As in the previous chapter, the Final Neolithic of in western Asia) inherited a Crete (often equated with the Chalcolithic long earlier tradition of copper technology. From the lead isotope anal copper objects, we know that the ore deposits ysis of Neolithic Aegean on were and Kythnos, Seriphos, Siphnos already being exploited dur ing this period.1 Since these ores do not consist of native copper, this exploitation must have involved smelting; the situation at Chrysokamino cannot be unique. The
in the Aegean presence of specialized metallurgical technology an before the beginning of the Bronze Age is not isolated event, and it fits well with a rapidly growing body of evidence for specialized technology in other crafts as well.2 Pottery production was more becoming sophisti are and the earliest marble from the Neolithic cated, Cycladic sculptures as well.3
On the other hand, the exact date of the heavily burnished pottery in this part of Crete is far from secure. It definitely begins during the Neo lithic,4 but its latest date is at least contemporary with EM I, and it may even later. The persist length of time over which the workshop was used cannot be determined at our present level of knowledge. was not the at Chrysokamino workshop only cop eastern were in Crete. similar Other, facility workshops even in operation during the Early Bronze no Age, though
The metallurgy per
1. Stos-Gale
and Gale
2003.
2. Perl?s and Vitelli 1999. 3. Papathanassopoulos 4. Betancourt 1999. 5. Mosso
1910,
1981.
pp. 289-292.
smelting
undoubtedly additional examples have been excavated. Two other locations for probable are recorded. In at Chrysokamino, the metallurgy workshops describing Mosso mentioned another place with similar perforated ceramic fragments, somewhere
on or near the beach at Pacheia Ammos.5
not recorded. Another
location with
The
exact location was
a similar sherd was found by Haggis
CHAPTER
i8o
14
came from piece during his regional survey in the vicinity of Kavousi.6The no an excavation within the village of Kavousi, and other evidence for the was present. It is site at Chrysokamino the furnace that unlikely workshop would
have been
extraction without workshops
of metal the hints once
the only location where a process as important as the from its ores would have been practiced, so that even of these other locations, one would suppose that other
existed.
TOPOGRAPHY is an important component topographic situation of the smelting site a limestone outcrop at the west and a phyllite of its location. It consists of
The
outcrop at the east, with a lower space between them, situated at the top cliff slightly over 38 m above the sea. This topography of a north-facing it blows creates a fiinnel-like the wind when trough that concentrates situation has parallels from elsewhere in the Aegean. copper smelting locations on Kythnos and Seriphos Slagheaps are found on similarly situated north-facing cliffs high above the sea.7 In all of these cases, the topographic placement suggests a deliberate choice to maximize the exploitation of the north wind.
from the north. The
at ancient
The workshops location was obviously based on factors other than to the ore. The geological survey shows that no copper ore was proximity and it had to be imported. That present in the vicinity of Chrysokamino, ore some distance away from the mines in order to smelt it transporting at in antiquity is demonstrated by the similar situation ores several other places. At Feinan in Jordan, for example, Chalcolithic were over 100 km for smelting.8 Similar examples have been docu shipped
was not unknown
in Europe.9 Ore was especially easy to ship by sea made have because good ballast. Smelting sites might have been situated near other necessary resources like fuel and labor, in preference to
mented
from elsewhere itwould
locations
near
the
ore,
because
it was
easier
to
ship
the
ore
than
it was
to
the fuel.
transport One presumes that even if the smelters arrived as strangers in a new some needed commodities. Re territory, the local region could provide water for of and the included furnaces, making chimneys clay quirements fuel for smelting, additional laborers, and and food for the metalworkers, the for the final product. For Chrysokamino, however, whatever no evidence that the smelt situation was when the workshop began, there is
markets
ers were
IA activity. By then, foreigners by the period of the EM III-MM were within the local culture, as is the workshop integrated fully personnel sources access to and chaff (the two ingredients local clay shown by their of the chimneys), the presence of local styles of pot in the manufacture
site (with no foreign products), and the use of local tery at the workshop for all the ground stone tools. The abundance of East Cretan materials situation that whatever pottery and stone tools, in particular, demonstrates earlier, by the period of the greatest integral part of eastern Cretan society.
existed
activity, this workshop
was
an
6. 2005, p. 109, a chimney Haggis two holes found in soil with fragment of Kavousi. from a site in the village 7. Gale
et al. 1985,
Hadjianastasiou
pp. 90-91; and MacGillivray
1988; Stos-Gale 1998. 8. Hauptmann p. 425. 9. O'Brien
2000,
2001,
1996.
pp.
167-168;
OF
RECONSTRUCTION
SMELTING
l8l
PRACTICES
mj^J
?7 14.1. East Figure from Dark Ware
Cretan
7
V7
White-on
Chrysokamino
and
nearby sites: (a) Chrysokamino 75; (b)Myrtos Fournou Korifi, EM IIB; (c)Vasiliki, EM III-MM IA; (d-f )Gournia, EM III-MM IA; (g) Pseira, EM III-MM IA.
1972, no. P25; C: after A, B: afterWarren after Betancourt Pseira VI, 111. 13B; D-F: and Silverman 1991, nos. 313-315; G: after Pj?'nz VI, 111. 13A. Scale 1:3
ORGANIZATION
OF THE WORKSHOP
on Kythnos and Seriphos, the deposit of slag slag heaps at Chrysokamino in Crete is not near any large settlement. The nearest site is 600 meters away, and the nearest substantial town known habitation or at was located either at Kavousi, at Tholos Beach, at Pacheia Ammos, none of which were in times later all of which (but Gournia, important Fabric habitation have excavated Final Neolithic levels). The Mirabello IA pottery in the most important phase of the used for the EM III-MM Like
the Cycladic
the ware was site suggests a possible relationship with Gournia, where occurs at a in class this The in this the main fine pottery pottery period.10 whole series of sites near Chrysokamino (Fig. 14.1). intense period of IA date for the final and most The EM III-MM is Ware is secure. East Cretan White-on-Dark activity at the workshop at ware the at site. The the this fine from the only begins phase pottery end of EM IIB with simple motifs like pendent chevrons (Fig. 14. lib), and IA.11 Conical it develops fully during EM III-MM cups decorated with white hatched triangles (like the one illustrated in Fig. 14.1:a) are among the most common cups from the period. The end of the ceramic phase is IA in central Crete.12 contemporary with MM could not have existed in isolation. The The Chrysokamino workshop is very clear on this point: the site has no houses, no complete range of domestic pottery, and no household debris. The metalworkers slept and at The itself. the workshop lived somewhere nearby, not workshop must have been an appendage of some other site (presumably the habitation location situated half a kilometer away) because the workers needed food, evidence
water,
10. Hall
1904-1905;
1984. 11. Betancourt
1984.
12. Betancourt
2003b.
Betancourt
housing,
and
other
necessities
as well
as access
to
local
commodi
ties such as pottery, fuel for the furnaces, and clay and chaff to make the to have access to markets, and they depended on chimneys. They also had someone who could coordinate the acquisition of the ore. Since the lead and Lavrion in the slag matches Kythnos isotope pattern of the copper ore must have been shipped in by sea, requiring access to the (App. C), the aswell as personnel to unload, transport, and store it. port atAgriomandra,
CHAPTER
l82
14
At the regional level, the nature of the workshop would have neces sitated some type of directing authority. Importing ore would have required the coordination of a number of different activities, not all of which were same individuals: to find sources of metallic performed by the prospecting ore of the the ores, operation mines, preparing by removing waste rock ore an to the embarkation point, and ship transporting (beneficiating), sea over a distance of many kilometers. After the ore was received ping by and smelted at Chrysokamino, the copper was then transported to places where the copper was remelted in crucibles and cast inmolds to form use seems to have been ful articles. The metalworking industry in east Crete into specialized stages, as proposed for other regions by Ottaway.13 was most a small part of at Chrysokamino The small workshop likely only a overseas connections. large operation with both Cretan and divided
in the area, as shown by the chimney presence of other workshops from Pacheia and Ammos Kavousi, suggests a regional produc fragments tion system designed to provide the many villages and towns of the eastern The
Gulf
ofMirabello
from
with
local resources.
an important commodity not available exclusively In order to supply these workshops with ore, fuel, some agency must be envisioned. The coordinating
and other necessities, some or economic authority already existed in implication is that political the region by EM III-MM IA, and that itwas directing the Chrysokamino as well as other aspects of the industry. workshop it was palatial or authority, and whether a private, is complicated problem that cannot be resolved with the pres In western Asia, private companies could man available evidence. ently ventures like long-distance international trade, and their age comparable vast quantity of personnel often had kinship ties.14 On the other hand, the The
nature
of this higher
IA pottery from Gournia15 suggests that whoever was in a was of this which would have site, charge palace by LM I,16 already moot its economic issue base. The be because the modern may expanding in between private and palatial may have had little meaning dichotomy
EM
III-MM
society, where kinship may be the cornerstone of both in Early Minoan tensification of craftwork and the emerging political hierarchy.17 The lines between public and private may have been very blurred. At the local level, the metalworkers must have slept, cooked their meals, in the Chrysokamino and lived their daily lives somewhere territory. The EM III-MM record for all before IA indicates that sparse pottery periods the site was definitely not used continuously the during long period rep resented by its surviving artifacts; indeed, it is possible to argue that itwas in between. used only for very brief episodes, with periods of abandonment in years when could not have operated itwas active, the workshop were year-round. The evidence from the furnace chimneys suggests they
Even
an important ingredient probably all made in the fall because the chaff, in the clay fabric, would only have been available after the threshing that followed the grain harvest. This period also coincides with the windiest season, when
there is no rain but the north wind the conditions
every day, optimizing the draft for the furnaces. The didate
to help provide
at Chrysokamino
place of residence,
even
is the best can
though
it is 600 m
see Garelli
1963; Veenhof 1972; Kraus 1982; Larsen 1967,1976; Dercksen 1996; for short
see Foster
summaries,
15.Hall 1904-1905.
location of the later farmhouse for the metalworkers'
called the meltemi blows
for its exploitation
13. Ottaway 2001. 14. For Karum Kanesh,
16. Soles 17.Warren
1991. 1987,
p. 52.
1977,1987.
RECONSTRUCTION
OF
SMELTING
PRACTICES
183
away. No architecture has been found for the Early Bronze Age, but the IA pottery small settlement has Final Neolithic through EM III-MM from later contexts, and the pottery's style exactly matches that found at the workshop.18 In addition, the early settlement pottery has amore complete range of shapes than exists at the workshop, including cooking pots and other and serving vessels, storage shapes, and even a cooking dishes, cups few luxury pieces. Its pottery convincingly supports the argument that the was settlement the long period represented by the occupied throughout pottery at the workshop. On the other hand, the 600 meters of distance be tween the two locations raises questions. In particular, the soil for the three successive floors of the small apsidal structure was carried to the workshop from somewhere
away from the pile of slag. This soil, with many sherds and bellows pot fragments included in it,must surely have come from wherever the metallurgists lived. Unless the soil had a symbolic meaning (which may very well have been the case), itwould have been simpler to bring it from somewhere closer than a spot over a half kilometer away.Wherever the not the location has been excavated. Our information lived, metallurgists about the metallurgists, therefore, must come almost exclusively in the workshop evidence unearthed itself.
RECONSTRUCTION PROCESS
from the
OF THE SMELTING
In order to form the chemical
reactions that separate copper from other in secondary ores like malachite and azurite, the ore must be heated in a reducing atmosphere in the presence of fluxing agents.19 The flux, usually quartz and iron oxides, will eventually form much of the slag. a fuel like wood charcoal in a small, can create Burning mostly closed space elements
the reducing agent, carbon monoxide. The chemical reactions take place in and azurite, heating to ca. 500?C decomposes the stages. With malachite carbonate ores to create copper oxide. On higher heating, the carbon mon oxide unites with
the oxygen in the copper oxide and forms carbon dioxide, the copper behind. The reaction can be achieved at temperatures leaving under the melting point of copper (1083?C), and lower temperatures can be used if heat ismaintained for longer periods of time. comes from several items for the process at Chrysokamino in the archaeological record. The expedition uncovered a fragment of furnace lining, pieces of slag, chimney fragments, bits of ore, a fragment of a tuyere, stone tools, and pieces of pot bellows. This physical evidence substantial information for a reconstruction of the smelting provides Evidence
found
of the slag fragments and their included prills provide processes. Analyses information on the operation as well. in the smelting of copper have demonstrated Modern experiments several of the principles and techniques that must have been present in 18. Betancourt
and
Floyd
2000
2001. 19. For useful process,
Maddin
summaries
see Bachmann
1996, pp. 9-10.
20. Bamberger
1985.
1982,
of the p. 121;
the operation at Chrysokamino. Bamberger produced good results with a a furnace having diameter of up to 40 cm, preheated for 1.5 hours.20 He found that air would not penetrate more than approximately 20 cm into the charge, so he suggested ca. 40 cm (which is also the maximum diameter as the maximum of the Chrysokamino diameter for a simple chimneys)
CHAPTER
i84
14
Furnace Chimney
Bellows
14.2. Figure bowl furnace
Tapped Slag Tuyere
based
ratio of ore-to-fuel
from
fragments
Chrysokamino in the found
excavation
Charge furnace. The
on
of a
Reconstruction
ore was used along with results. good
was 2:1. Artificial
as fuel, with three air intakes yielding a few remain, most of the steps in smelting can be questions reconstructed. The evidence suggests that the technical process in Crete
charcoal
While
was not very different from other Chalcolithic in the eastern Mediterranean.21 ing operations
to Early Bronze Age smelt Before the smelting could
a coarse chimney from clay, build begin, the workers needed to construct a bowl furnace, and raw materials and fuel. the gather together rossa at a were made from local Chimneys clay. A deposit of terra about a kilometer away from the nearby sinkhole called Lakkos Ambeliou, is the closest clay deposit whose mineralogy matches the fabric workshop, site than to the of the chimneys. The deposit is closer to the habitation itself. Its sediment includes both abundant kaolinite and small workshop stone fragments, so it (or a similar deposit) would have worked well as a raw material for ceramics without the addition of extra materials, aside from the organic material that would burn away and leave the fabric more this organic material was chaff and straw from porous. At Chrysokamino, the threshing of barley stems of plant material as crucibles
used
clay fabric made
cut pieces of the (Chap. 12). The addition of short, was not unusual for molds and other items such
in Cretan metallurgy, because the creation of a porous ceramics the less likely to break under the stress of high
were built by hand to form cylinders that temperatures.22 The chimneys were open at both top and bottom, with slightly smaller diameters at the were in the end. Holes upper cylinders by thrusting fingers through pierced the walls while the clay was still wet and soft. The chimneys were probably not fired before use. a con smelting process would have taken place in bowl furnace in a small hollow in the ground (Fig. 14.2). The furnace would have been small, 20-40 cm in diameter, and lined with clay. Ore, already The
structed
into small pieces, would have been placed in the furnace along with the fuel and flux to form the charge. The absence of waste rock or of stone tools for preparing the ore indicates itwas brought to the site ready for
broken
use.
over the furnaces would have aided in the draft, and, by Chimneys EM III-MM IA if not earlier, the natural draft would have been augmented 21.
use of pot bellows. by the Three
copper
minerals,
azurite,
malachite,
and
chrysocolla,
occur
in
are
the archaeological material excavated from the site (Chap. 10). They all present in very tiny fragments, and no direct evidence survives for their source. Several writers have considered the possibility of Cretan copper
See,
among
others,
Bachmann
1980; Rothenberg 1972; 1985; Haupt mann
1989; Hauptmann,
and Maddin
Bachmann,
1994; Hauptmann
2000.
22. Blitzer 1995, pp. 504-508; Evely 2000,
pp. 353-356.
OF
RECONSTRUCTION
SMELTING
PRACTICES
185
island does have small copper deposits,23 and some writers needs.24 Others that they could have supplied Early Minoan
ores. The suggested discounted
have have
are some of these sources,25 but the use of small deposits that a or that were as yet undiscovered remains depleted long ago possibility. all the ores may have been imported from sources outside Alternatively, Isotope analyses of the lead in copper prills trapped within the a source outside of the island. They indicate slag support the argument for the isotope that the minute quantities of lead in the prills best matches
of Crete.26
pattern of ores found at both Lavrion and Kythnos.27 sea. In calm weather, The ores probably arrived at Chrysokamino by the ships could have landed at the foot of the cliff at the metallurgy site, but inwindy weather, landing at the small beach of Agriomandra would have stone containing malachite safer. A piece of waterworn (discussed in was found on the beach at the small harbor of This Agriomandra. App. C) a waterworn is beach with sheltered covered located cove, stones, small, by at the foot of a ravine that begins just downhill from the Chrysokamino been
habitation.28 It is farmhouse, the most likely location for the metallurgists' is one of the Malachite the closest harbor to the Chrysokamino workshop. ores one at cannot the site. found determine copper metallurgy Although when
the malachite
condition
indicates
was on the beach, its waterworn specimen deposited it is not a recent arrival. It also indicates that copper
ore was
to at some time in the past. brought Agriomandra are all ores found at the ores secondary copper workshop easily is is their colors and azurite (malachite blue, green, bright recognized by The
is pale blue-green). Even novice metalworkers would have no ores or the difference between higher-grade recognizing problem sorting and lower-grade shipments. These minerals are easier to smelt than cop chrysocolla
per sulfides, and they would have yielded suitable amounts of copper, but not account for all of the present in the slags from they do mineralogy iron contents of the slags In the and silica Chrysokamino. particular, high are not
present
in these
ores.
One
must
assume
that
an
iron-rich
flux
was
present in the charge along with the copper ores and fuel. The variable arsenic content also requires an explanation (Apps. B a ores not is and D). It constituent of any of the three copper found at the site. Arsenic
is of particular interest because of its presence in arsenical cop artifacts from Crete and elsewhere in the Aegean,29 aswell as in objects per from western Asia.30 The presence of arsenic inAegean copper artifacts has been discussed many times.31 The element can occur in nature in brightly colored green and blue-green ores such as clinoclase and pharmacosider ite. Such ores may have been recognized as yielding copper with different 23. Faure 1966; Branigan 1968, pp. 50-52; 1974, pp. 57-63; McGee han-Liritzis
1996,
p. 117.
25.Wheeler, Maddin, andMuhly 1975; Becker 1976; Gale 1990,
probability 18. chap. 28. For
1982;
of a match,
see Baxter
Agriomandra,
see Faure
2000, p. 459. 29. Gale
and Stos-Gale
and
See App. C; for comments to achieve statistical methods
27. the
p. 387.
24. Faure 1966; Branigan 1974,
pp. 304-305. 26. Gale
Gale 1990. on the 2003,
Ioannou
p. 4.
31. Charles 1967,1980; Coghlan 1972; Gale 1990; Zwicker 1991;Tyle cote 1991; Katsa 1997;Mangou and Ioannou
and Stos-Gale
1989,
tables 1-3; Gale 1990;Mangou
1998.
30. Ravich and Ryndina 1995,
Chap.
1998; 13.
see also discussion
in
i86
CHAPTER
14
their addition, or they may from copper smelted without characteristics for the more common copper ores. have been accidentally mistaken The high arsenic content in some of the prills (App. B) can only mean that arsenic minerals were present in some of the charges placed in the microscopic level, the arsenic is irregularly present, in one tiny mass that is as high as 26% arsenic (App. B, no. 48), in most prills, the arsenic content is much lower. The element
the furnaces.32 At resulting
although is not uniformly
and many prills contain only a trace.When distributed, traces in ancient metalwork arsenic has been regarded as the occur, only were not fully aware an accidental inclusion.33 Even if the metallurgists to the conclusion must be that in addition of their process, however, the sometimes contained the malachite, and azurite, charge chrysocolla, ores with small amounts small quantities of more complex polymetallic even of several metals, gold including arsenic, nickel, lead, and (rarely) no. 1). (App. B, Fluxing agents were also present. The analysis of the slags from Chryso shows that the original charge used for the smelting operation was amounts of highly siliceous, with the additional presence of substantial and the iron The silicates A and iron oxides and/or hydroxides B). (Apps.
kamino
either present in the ore or in a separate fluxing agent that needed to be added to the charge. To a certain extent, the point ismoot, because both fluxing agents were clearly present in sufficient quantities to
minerals
were
produce The
the desired product.
ore and fuel and smelting operation could begin after the charge of flux was placed in the small bowl furnace. Fuel will probably have included some charcoal, but additions of high-efficiency fuel like the residue from not out. cannot do know what fuel was used extraction be ruled We olive oil some at the site. In contrast with of the other early smelting operations, no trace of unconsumed excavation. fuel comes from the Chrysokamino Charcoal, however, is not always found along with Bronze Age slag if the is usu waste pile is located away from the furnace itself.34 This material ally assumed to be the fuel of choice for early smelting operations, but the at Chrysokamino, along with the absence of high temperatures achieved on the excavated part of the site, suggest anywhere that seeds and skins from olives may have been used as an alternative or an addition to the charge. In the centuries before the use of large presses, olive oil extraction would have involved the use of mortars and hand pestles, either ash or charcoal
a residue that was a crushed mass of seeds and skins.35 This oily producing and itwould have burned mixture would have been highly combustible, an intense heat, accounting for the high temperatures, the absence of fuel, and the lack of unsmelted ore in the slags. It was used as a Its efficiency as a fuel is attested for fuel pottery kilns at nearby Mochlos.36
with
unburned
at modern
limekilns
and pottery
kilns
in Crete, where
it is regularly used
the fire was
started, the cylindrical chimney would have been to aid in the draft, which was created by the natural placed above the furnace were wind as well as by the use of bellows. The bellows at Chrysokamino to air for conduct the the reed with nozzles drum-shaped, cylindrical pots a to cut for leather in surfaces allow their upper toward the fire and holes After
32.
Thompson
33.
as a fuel.37
Hauptmann, Schmitt-Strecker
1958,
p. 4.
Begemann, 1999, p. 9.
and
34.Herdits2003,p.71. 35. Soles 2003, p. 24.
36. Sarpaki and Bending 2004, p. 126. 37. Betancourt
2004a.
RECONSTRUCTION
OF
SMELTING
PRACTICES
187
inflatable pumping mechanism. They were set into the ground and fixed there with mud so they would not move around during use. Several will have been used for each furnace, with a reed that terminated in a tuyere were not very efficient conducting the air from bellows to fire. The bellows at this site, and in addition to the fresh air, they sucked in enough heated air from the furnaces to darken their interiors and to bake the mud that fixed them to the ground sufficiently to turn the mud into pottery. The pumping mechanisms (presumably made of leather and wood) could not have lasted very long. The technology that produces either a copper ingot at the bottom of a furnace or a series of prills inside the slag iswell known, and modern have experiments replicated the process.38 In small furnaces, ancient met a temperature of ca. 1200?C and maintain it for allurgists had to achieve so that as an droplets would flow downward and collect in the bottom of the furnace.39 At lower temperatures, however, even ingot as much as 200?C below the heated melting point of copper, malachite the slag. These under reducing conditions will form small prills within not flow to the bottom of the furnace, so prills stay within the slag and do that their removal requires that the slag be broken into small pieces. about four hours
a the smelting operation at Chrysokamino produce high enough cause a mass to to at of collect the of the fur bottom copper temperature nace? Phase diagrams that show the chemical compositions of slags40 can Did
demonstrate
the liquidus temperature (a reasonable estimate of the lower achieved in the furnace). An alternative method derives tem
temperature based on the fractional perature estimates from the chemical composition cation composition.41 By using both of these methods, Stos-Gale and Gale a near estimate and 1200?C for the slags at Chysokamino, temperature of they note
fall into two groups, with some 100? higher than others approximately
that the slags they analyzed
examples reaching temperatures a diameter of 1 cm are sufficient for prills with (App. C). These temperatures to flow downward and collect at the bottom of the furnace, with tiny prills the slag. The presence of slag fragments with surfaces remaining within that the material flowed out of the furnace and cooled quickly showing a (Fig. 10.1) provides additional proof that the process resulted in pool of copper at the base of the furnace. This would have necessitated tapping the furnace to remove the copper, and the tapping process would also have caused the slag to flow out and form rivulets of molten siliceous material on (note the flow formations Fig. 10.1:a and c). No rivulets would have formed if the smelting resulted only in amass of slag inside the furnace. The
small size of the chunks of slag from the workshop is typical of was where the broken up to remove early copper smelting operations slag the copper.42 As at Chrysokamino, these roughly contemporary operations some or all of the copper as isolated the slag, and prills within was necessary to retrieve the metal. Even if (as seems to have been crushing some of the metal collected at the bottom of the case at Chrysokamino)
produced 38. Tylecote andMerkel 1985. 39.Maddin 1996, p. 14. 40. Bachmann
1980,
pp.
120-131.
1982, pp. 21-22; Rothenberg 1985,
the furnace, the remainder of the copper was obviously desirable enough to be retrieved even if it consisted the only of tiny prills trapped within The accumulation of the small of broken created slag. pieces resulting slag
p. 124.
the slag heap at the site (Fig. 10.2).
41. Nathan and Van Kirk 1978. 42. Bachmann 1980, pp. 108-110;
i88
CHAPTER
14
indicate that at least some of the prills slags at Chrysokamino an to flowed down form ingot. Many pieces of slag from Chrysokamino are a result of than the other known consistently higher temperatures The
ore or intermediate stages early smelting sites. No partly smelted pieces of between ore and slag are present. The site does not have any of the incom pletely smelted material (sometimes called furnace conglomerate) present in Chalcolithic smelting operations at Feinan, Jordan43 and elsewhere.44 Also, some of the pieces of demonstrate the presence slag from Chrysokamino of a liquid stage during the smelting. Small drips, stalactite-like forma are the tions, and other traces of amelted among stage present fragments is also occasionally of slag (Fig. 10.1:a). Flow-banding recognizable at the level (App. A, CHR 99). microscopic The high temperatures, however, were not always achieved success in the slags at the microscopic level and the varying fully. The differences amounts of arsenic in the copper prills indicate that surviving slag fragments were
formed under different
conditions.
Some of the slag reflects differ ences in the amount of reduction as is shown during smelting (App. A), amounts of of formed the relative characteristic under by fayalite (a slags and which indicate pyroxene group minerals, highly reducing conditions) amore the arsenic, experiments have oxidizing atmosphere.45 Concerning of this element within shown that incorporation copper prills in the slag can result if arsenic minerals are present and if the temperature is not raised a high enough to result in molten metal that would be removed by tapping the furnace.46 The evidence indicates that conditions varied substantially between than
other
different
firings,
and that temperatures
were
sometimes
higher
times.
The high temperatures that would have been necessary to produce these are important because of Chrysokamino's early date. The nature of slags the slags from this site contradicts an opinion that was once generally held, and that that slags may be dated on the basis of their physical description, are a high temperature) "glassy" slags (i.e., highly vitrified pieces indicating on or In for Roman later.47 this basis based from fact, always slags dating, as a was once general pattern, widespread, Cyprus and regarded incorrectly itself was once assigned a date in theMedieval and Chrysokamino period or later on this basis.48 After the smelting operation was completed, the slag was broken into it.The impor small pieces to retrieve even the small bits of copper within tance of the availability of water for this process has been emphasized by because it adjoins Herdits.49 The sea is easily accessible at Chrysokamino the site, and wetting the hot slag with sea water would have shattered it at the relative scarcity of stone hammers and easily quickly, explaining was of the waste pile, which this site (Chap. 6). The composition mostly to attests of of with the final corners, tiny pieces slag angular composed step in the process of smelting (Fig. 10.1:a). In conclusion, a combination of evidence with
from scientific analysis along from the excavation has resulted in a useful re
the physical evidence construction of the main steps in the smelting process. This reconstruction were successful in at Chrysokamino indicates that the methods achieving
43. Hauptmann,
Maddin
44. Bachmann
1980,
45. Hauptmann,
Maddin
and
Bachmann,
1994, p. 5. p. 108.
Bachmann,
and
1994, p. 6.
46. Pollard 47. The
et al. 1991,
theory
is well
p. 132. summarized
by Koucky and Steinberg 1982a, p. 156, 1; see also 1982b. 48. Faure 1966; Branigan
table
49. Herdits
2003,
pp. 69-70.
1968.
RECONSTRUCTION
OF
SMELTING
PRACTICES
189
could have been disseminated good results. Copper from Chrysokamino to several sites in Crete, to be made into chisels, daggers, awls, and other a was the That metal is products. resulting highly valued commodity extreme at the was not the workshop. Ore economy practiced proved by (the largest piece found at the excavation was a centimeter across). small prills were desirable, and the slag was shattered into small pieces to recover the tiny bits of metal. Copper was clearly a highly prized
wasted Even
material.
PART III: THE SURFACE SURVEY
CHAPTER
15
to
Introduction
the
Surface
Survey byPhilip P. Betancourt
a small Minoan A metallurgy workshop, habitation site, and a burial cave an area of less than a were present in the region within Chrysokamino to In kilometer. order better these understand sites, an intensive square surface survey was planned as one component of the investigation. The was a to main goal better diachronic understanding of the local develop use. to its with and land In particu settlement, respect economy, territory was to context it essential elucidate the of the lar, absolutely metallurgy in order to interpret its significance. The local context was by no workshop means understood before the project began. Was copper ore present in the as a consequence of local vicinity? Did the metallurgy develop mining and the exploitation of a small ore deposit, as had been claimed by some of the early investigators,1 or did it exist in isolation from the natural resources for its development? How did the metallurgy site fit into the local was the relation between the What site and the small economy? metallurgy cave claimed at one time as a copper mine?2 Did the live at metallurgists
necessary
the habitation
site or somewhere
else? Did the metallurgy workshop and definable territory, and could one learn anything specific the history of that territory during the Bronze Age and later? a
within
exist about
to questions about the metallurgy operation, many general to needed be The date of the earliest settlement of the addressed. questions local area had not yet been established. When did the human occupation of the region begin, and how did it develop? Were Final Neolithic sherds found elsewhere as well as at the metallurgy workshop? was an The nature of the region s development through time important or did issue. Was the local development and continuous, interruptions was the relation between the habitation recessions exist? What site, the as a and the location? Did the site habitation function cave, metallurgy an or center for estate at any time agricultural farm during its history, and In addition
if it did, could the boundaries of the local territory be determined? Did the nature and extent of this territory change through time?What were the characteristics of small individual (location, description, and distribution) sites and features 1. Hawes
and Boyd
Hawes
1909,
p. 38.
2.Mosso pp. 289-293.
1908, pp. 518-521; 1910,
were
in the territory of the main interrelated?
domestic
complex,
and how
all these locations The
exploitation one of the important
of the land and its natural resources must
have been
factors in local history. To answer the many
questions
CHAPTER
194
15
site, the project needed to establish the potential of posed by the metallurgy the region, including its geological materials (soils, mineral wealth, stones as as for building and other purposes) its favorable environmental well such as access
to natural harbors, landing places for ships, and access to water, the pres routes. to It also needed establish transportation ence of different types of with varying potentials for exploitation, landscape
factors
and resources
such as forests and wild
the local environment area needed were
game. These and other attributes of to the settlement of the that may have contributed before we
to be defined
could determine
how
such resources
used.
on Bronze was a Age land management special focus of the was to define of the landscape characteristics important goal key as a basis for it into units different different classes of (i.e., dividing spatial as land), using asmany factors possible: agricultural potential as determined Information
survey. An
by soil type and presence of mineral nutrients, water retention capability of the soil, use of the land in antiquity as determined by the presence of or to sherds and other artifacts, proximity distance from settlements, and setting (e.g., steepness of the land and other factors). The topographic was to use these characteristics to establish different classes of land plan as part of the evidence for how the and landscape may have been managed used. Agriculture must have been important. Did the exploitation of the the land use of the Bronze Age the farmland change through time?Was foundation for the later agricultural exploitation of the territory, or could in later periods? be recognized even some of these the con questions would complement Answering clusions to be drawn from the data collected by excavation. Placing the
differences
operation within of the economic
metallurgy
something would hopefully contribute aswell as the general history
a historical
context
and trying to understand it operated and social systems within which nature into the of the local history in insights of the small metallurgical
installation
and its
role in the local region.
PROCEDURES OF THE INVESTIGATION A research plan was developed answers.
ponents, the same
It was
organized
to address the many
as an
some of which were
intensive
extensions
surface
questions survey
with
that required several
com
of the excavation
project and used such as the instrument
required for the excavation, personnel survey team. Other components required the expertise worked only on the intensive surface survey.
of specialists who
were an of the Chrysokamino territory important in determining the extent of the survey. They were defined component of several factors including topography, natu based on a combination The
boundaries
ral barriers elsewhere, were being
in the landscape, information from
analogies with the excavation
territorial
boundaries
that showed what
from
resources
of nearby sites. Because and the proximity this exploited, not be in detail before the assembled could project methodology employed its data, preliminary estimates of the territory were made at the inception of the work,
and the plan was modified
as work
progressed.
TO
INTRODUCTION
THE
SURFACE
SURVEY
*95
An especially close examination of the landscape was required because of the many questions raised by the metallurgy operation. One of the most important of these questions involved the possible use of local copper ores, an issue raised several times in the early 20th century.3 The presence or absence of former ore beneficiation sites, mining operations, or locations for stockpiling of ore could only be determined by examining the entire for example, involves the enrichment of bulk ore landscape. Beneficiation, of the removal rock that does not contain any ore, and the practice results by in large quantities of waste rock.4 Even if a small ore deposit is completely exhausted, the piles of waste rock will survive as dumps. Since the excava tion of the metallurgy site demonstrated that no beneficiation occurred at a waste the workshop search for in rock the of itself, piles Chrysokamino the presence or absence of former mining territory could help demonstrate or on the absence of ore stockpiling sites. Any potential conclusions based deposits (i.e., using negative evidence) could only be valid after the entire was examined landscape closely enough to be certain that such waste rock was
not
present.
surface survey of the Chrysokamino specialized territory was It differed from the intensive traditional planned. substantially walking survey.5 A traditional survey had already been conducted in this territory,6 and most of the pottery fragments on the surface had already been collected. In 1983, a team of metallurgists headed by Noel Gale and Zofia Stos-Gale had also examined the territory as a part of their metallurgical survey of A
sites in the Aegean smelting and mining (App. F). The soils of the region had also already been studied.7 The new investigation was planned as an extension of the previous work. new intensive
The
carried out between
surface survey included 1994 and 2003:
the following
components,
1. Geological
the geology of the Survey. In order to understand local territory, William Farrand and Carola Steams conducted a survey of the and the bedrock geology. They geomorphology
across the entire territory and recorded the relevant in 1994 and 1995 (see information Chap. 2). of the Landscape. A team of three to five persons used 2. Mapping a Topcon Total Station interfaced with a laptop computer to map the Chrysokamino territory, walking over the landscape at and recording points suitable intervals. The team recon walked
firmed
and accurately mapped sites recorded by the earlier collected additional sherds, and recorded all features. survey, The team set up the survey instrument and recorded points it at intervals of 5-10 m, noting whatever anthropogenic the area being measured. The sur present within vey station was then moved to record new territory. This aspect of the project took four field seasons (1995-1998). The team around
features were
3. Hawes
et al. 1908,
p. 33; Hawes
and Boyd Hawes 1909, p. 38;Mosso 1910, pp. 289-292. 4. D. Gale 1991;Gale and Ottaway 1991.
5. Among
many
others,
see the
Davis,
methodology of Keller and Rupp 1983; Cherry, Gamble, and Shennan 1978; Cherry
et al. 1988; Wells,
Zanger
1990,
pp. 214-216;
Runnels, Cherry,
and
and Mantzourani
1991,
espe
Mantzourani,
and
Whitelaw 1991;Wells 1996. 6.Haggis 1992,1995,1996b,
2005.
cially Cherry,
7. Morris
Davis,
2002.
CHAPTER
iq6
15
its time between working on the survey and providing and mapping for the excavations. The electronic
divided
measurements
maps and charts mapping project produced computer-generated as well as detailed information on the nature of the landscape (see Chap. 16 and App. G). 3. Soils Survey. A survey of the soils in the territory was made by (see Apps. L and N). 4. Analysis Program. Several analytical studies were undertaken to contribute information on the territory (see Apps. A-F, M, and N). They examined artifacts and materials by a series of different techniques, contributing substantial information for Eleni Nodarou
the project. 5. Register of Anthropogenic Features. All architectural features terrace recorded walls) were mapped, (including groups of with the survey instrument on a three-dimensional grid in the and described (App. G). The instrument computer, measured, team the features as a part of their mapping recorded survey architecture were also mapped, project. Sherd scatters without and sherds were
(see Apps. H and J). Given the nature as the occurrence of a previous survey, the new collection was regarded as a sample possibly not rep the new information was resentative of all periods.8 Therefore, collected
as well
of the evidence
coordinated
the data obtained
with
to Anthropogenic
6. Revisits
ters were
revisited
staff for additional 7. Selective
Excavation.
metallurgy genic
of the several times by different members and sherd collection. study, photography, In addition
a small
to obtain
excavated
8. Study, Analysis,
to the excavations
cave
and
additional
an
terrace,
agricultural
information Revisits. After
and Additional
at the
site, two anthropo
and the habitation
workshop
features,
from the previous survey.9 features and sherd scat
Features. All
were
(App. K). study and
analysis, specific locations, regions, and features were again visited and additional data (including more electronic survey were obtained as needed. This extra step allowed points) maps to be checked against the actual computer-generated and preliminary written conclusions the physical situation on the ground, information could be collected as needed.
to be com
topography pared with
so that addi
tional
Information
from the excavation workshop from
the
was
site and the metallurgy interpret the data
of the habitation
and used to help
coordinated
survey.
In order to determine
land use, the land was divided into types of soils and their agricul
classes based on topography, tural potential, archaeological uity (including location within in new
resulted
ment
evidence for land use in antiq terrace sherds, walls, and other characteristics), the territory, and other factors. These studies conclusions
on
the
organization
and manage
of farmland
9. Conclusions published
during antiquity. and Publication. Conclusions
both
in preliminary
8. Read
were
completed reports and in this volume.
and
9.Haggis 2005.
1986.
1992,1995,1996b,
2002,
of
Topography
the Region
Chrysokamino
byLada Onyshkevych and William B. Hajford
is located in a region of terraced site at Chrysokamino The metallurgy the Gulf hillsides and steep cliffs west of modern Kavousi, overlooking of Mirabello. this area, the ground surface is covered with Throughout a dense, scrubby vegetation (maquis), occasional large thorny bushes, and few lone olive trees. The bare landscape near the coast is divided from the to the territory from the village of inland fields by amodern fence. Access is provided by a modern road, with a gate (to prevent sheep and crosses the road. The at from the goats point where the fence trespassing) road terminates at theMinoan habitation location.
Kavousi
area
surveyed for the maps in this volume includes the Chryso kamino metallurgical workshop and a habitation location with the stone remains of a Late Minoan farmhouse (Fig. 16.1). Anthropogenic features are discussed in Appendix G and shown on Figure 16.2. They include The
terrace walls, field houses, threshing floors, boundary walls, small wells, features. None of these are in use anymore, and their and other manmade distribution contributes substantial evidence for the past history of land use in the region. The survey area to the north extends to the coastline beyond theTherio spelio cave, while to the south, it continues to the field called Lakkos Ambe liou and to the lower slopes of Chalepa Hill. The hills north of the territory, where the small unexcavated hilltop tower called Pyrgos Chrysokaminou is located, are beyond steep cliffs that form a natural boundary north of The coastline, with additional steep cliffs, forms the western Theriospelio. On the east, the surveyed area includes terraced olive groves east boundary. site (Fig. 16.3). In terms of the grid created by the survey team in 1995, the area surveyed extends from approximately 4000N to 5250N, and from 4500E to 5600E, with some points measured as well see also (Fig. 16.2; Fig. 16.4 for the locations of beyond these lines of the Minoan
habitation
the datum and other grid points set in cement). as as of the Maps of the excavated areas, well larger region linked to them, were sea instrument electronic survey produced by during the 1995-1998 sons. were cover measured electronically, and 7,000 points Approximately age averaged every 2-3 m surrounding In
areas
farther
away
from
the
excavation
the excavated locations,
locations coverage
(Fig. 16.5). was
sparser,
CHAPTER
198
N
16
Pyrgos Chrysokaminou
Metallurgy Location
Theriospelio
Habitation Location Katsoprinos of the greater 16.1. Map around with Chrysokamino, indications of the habitation and
Figure
region
locations, Theriospelio beach and the cave, Agriomandra to it, the road within ravine leading the ravine, the road and the fence of
metallurgy Kephalolimnos Agriomandra
the ravine road '
Chrysokamino sites
neighboring
CHALEPA
Kephalolimnos,
LAKKOS AMBELIOU
Chrysokaminou
at an average of every 5-6 m, because of the considerable extent of land areas (such as needing to be surveyed. Very distant Chalepa, the hill south of Agriomandra received beach) coverage averaging every 15-20 m. In areas as the ravine of and treacherous addition, very steep footing (such on the northeast
or the lower ravine area of Chomatas Hill side ofTherio, the two excavated locations) could in some cases receive only between coverage: a line of points taken along the highest ridgeline representative and the lowest line of the ravine. The software to generate topographic areas 16.6). (Fig. This coverage was sufficient
were resulting data
satisfactory
topographic
sufficient for the lines for those
for detailed mapping. The work also surface survey of the territory, with the recording of all anthropogenic features noted by the team (see App. G). The intent was a series of accurate maps to showing the topography and to locate produce included
an intensive
the abandoned
architectural
remains and other manmade
features within
the territory, so that both natural landforms and anthropogenic could be studied in more detail as a part of the overall project.
features
region, of and
and
Katsoprinos, Pyrgos
the
TOPOGRAPHY
OF
THE
REGION
CHRYSOKAMINO
199
5200 H
5100 H
5000 H
4900
4800 H
4700
-\
4600
-J
4500 H
4800
4900
Figure 16.2.Map features
of anthropogenic
in the Chrysokamino
stead (seeApp. G)
5000
farm
5100
5200
5300
5400
5500
5600
5700
the survey personnel gathered almost all of the data for the Although in this volume maps electronically, many of the coastal cliffs at Chrysoka mino could not be surveyed directly because of their dangerous slopes and treacherous footing. Therefore, the maps were produced with the aid of a coastline digitized from an old Greek military map and merged with our own
files. The military electronically surveyed data in Surfer and AutoCAD to topographic features and map, however, could not be precisely matched landmarks currently visible, due to a number of factors. First, the sea level, and consequently over the decades
the apparent line of the coast, had undergone changes since the military map was made. Second, the original purpose of the military map did not require the same level of precision as that yielded by modern surveyed data, and itmade use of older technology. these two bodies of data, itwas necessary to make some Thus, inmerging in the data recorded on the military adjustments rotation of the coastline axis west of north.
map,
including
a
slight
CHAPTER
l6
N A
Metallurgy Location
Gulf of Mirabello
Figure 16.3. Topographic showing
A few areas of the coastline and coastal cliffs, however, were accessible for surveying, and they helped determine the correct alignment of the mili area can be tary map's data and the electronically surveyed data. One such found on the coastline immediately southwest of the metallurgical location, location. curving south and southeast into the bay below the habitation A number of coastal cliff areas that descend almost directly into the sea could also be surveyed electronically, and they yielded data consistent with these areas were Chylopittes, the rotated coastline. Among location's headland, northeast of the metallurgical
Therio
the headland
of
the cliffs south
beach, location, and the cliffs flanking Agriomandra the small beach or harbor including parts of Chalepa Hill. Agriomandra, at the bottom of the ravine southwest of the metallurgical and habitation
west
of the habitation
also yielded data consistent with the adjusted alignment of the our own data. Thus, the coastline used in military map's coastline and extent not the maps in this volume, while directly surveyed in most of its and not as precise as other surveyed data in this study, can be regarded as locations,
reasonably
accurate.
is situated downhill from a location of Chrysokamino small saddle south of the dome of Chomatas Hill, at an average elevation the north and of approximately 120 masl, in an area called Katsoprinos.To once terrace modern A walls. it is bordered east, sheepfold (mandra) by The
habitation
terraced
areas
map (shaded)
OF
TOPOGRAPHY
THE
C H RYS O KAM
IN O
REGION
Figure 16.4. Map of grid points for the Chrysokamino farmstead (Main Datum,
East
Point,
South
Point,
Villa North, Villa West) bordered
it to the south and partly extended over the ancient remains prior architectural complex itself slopes to the southwest at
to excavation. The
an average a distance of 1 m features a gradient of 0.14 (i.e., change in to continues elevation of 0.14 m).This down the southwest, flattening slope out into a fairly level field (about 106 rh in elevation), which contains terra rossa sediment and a construc large ellipse of rubble wall. This elliptical see an old now tumbled down (Fig. 16.2:32; likely sheepfold, a to rises AF The terrain small for and then 32, date). description App. G, hill of about 110 m in elevation, descends to a lower hill, and continues tion ismost
a down again until it reaches Lakkos Ambeliou, large and fairly flat basin (about 75 m in elevation) filled with more of the terra rossa sediment a steep ravine (revma), with sides of Lakkos Ambeliou, (Fig. 16.6). West at maximum down of 3.0, stretches to dropping gradients approximately the sea, ending at Agriomandra beach. Chalepa Hill rises south of the at an average gradient of 0.4, while another ravine and Lakkos Ambeliou hill rises north of the ravine in two peaks of about 100 m in elevation (with a
of Agriomandra gradient of about 0.3 from the ravine edge). Northwest a from beach is that is completely inaccessible small, craggy peninsula land because of a deep crevasse separating it from the cliffs of the north side of the ravine; topographic information for this small peninsula was estimated from the military map and from visual data, and so cannot be regarded West
as
highly accurate. of the habitation
location is a rocky outcrop, which descends a steep ravine, which in turn and along knobby ridge rocky cliffs into to terrain down the coastline. of this and the South ravine, drops ridge a an to descends along average gradient of 0.5) very gentler incline (with m a at into the of North which 44-50 3.5. sea, cliffs, steep drop gradient a
CHAPTER
Indicates points measured
electronically
Indicates points estimated
for topographical continuity
Coastline
in inaccessible
l6
areas
based on Greek military map
location, the terraced hillside steps down along a shallow ravine. Then, at an elevation of approximately 80 m, it drops into a a rather steep and very gradient of 0.53) slippery cliff and ravine (with
and west
to
the
sea
of the habitation
coast.
north, the modern dirt road (partly created in the spring of location along the terraced hillside from the habitation extends 1996) onto the southwestern side of the same hill (Chomatas). One branch Farther
side where the gate to a area is located, and lower branch descends along the the Chrysokamino side western side of Chomatas Hill and stops abruptly. The southwestern of the hill descends along a relatively bare and unterraced stepped ridge, down to a very rocky headland above the sea where the Chrysokamino curves around
the dome
of the hill
to the north
Figure 16.5. Map kamino of all
of the Chryso
farmstead,
with
measured
points
indications electronically,
all points taken from the Greek map, military to generate contours
and
all
satisfactory
(see
legend)
points
inserted
topographic
TOPOGRAPHY
OF
THE
REGION
CHRYSOKAMINO
203
CHYLOPITTES N Theriospelio A
Metallurgy Workshop
Gulf of Mirabello
16.6. map Figure Topographie the of the Chrysokamino territory farmstead
of
LAKKOSAMBELIOU
is located. The metallurgical location is on a low metallurgy workshop saddle on this headland,1 at an upper elevation of approximately 38 m, drop a ping sharply to the west at gradient of 6.5, to the north at a gradient of to at a gentler gradient of 0.65. The seacoast and the southwest 1.1, sloping can be ease approached with relative along the southwestern descent, while the west,
northwest,
and
northeast
sides
are
too
steep
to
allow
access
to
the sea. Located
area about 222 m below the lower road, the metallurgical itself requires a walk for ascent or descent (gradient of 0.28). The direct distance between the metallurgical location and the habitation location is ca. 585 m. Around
the curve of the cliff to the north and northeast
of the metal
lurgical location (average gradient 5.5), another headland (Chylopittes, part to a rocky of the hillside named Therio) protrudes into the bay, descending coastline at an average gradient of 0.56 before dropping in stepped cliffs to the water on the west and southwest. The northern corner of this headland, however, steps down directly to sea level, although the wide gaps between its ridges make
actual access to the sea difficult or
1. Haggis 1996b,
1992,
pp. 380-381,
p. 170, locus esp. n. 22.
88;
here. A cave, called The is located 44 masl on this headland
riospelio, Agriospelio, Kolonospelio, this cave has a small entrance, but a large interior (Figs. 16.1,16.2:34,16.6); a cave is located at a with (not mapped) sloping and slippery floor. The ca. m direct distance of 230 from the metallurgical location and ca. 610 m
CHAPTER
204
l6
from the habitation
location. Farther north, the coastline contains another small inlet, from which a ravine ascends to the area of the modern gate (with a gradient of 0.3 along the base, and 0.6 along the sides); a few ter
race walls
remain
along
this
steep
ravine.
larger Chrysokamino region also contains the remains of a number of features that probably marked the natural boundaries or extent of the ter ritory utilized by the inhabitants in the Bronze Age. The terraced hillsides immediately to the northwest of the habitation location (Fig. 16.3) find paral The
lels on the hills farther north, up to the modern gate to the Chrysokamino and to the east, where an olive grove cur (Fig. 16.2:19, 21, 25-27), on the inland (eastern) side of the modern an area rently thrives fencing, in terrace called Chordakia the walls, built (Figs. 16.2:17, 16.6). Although to recent in of schist or dolomite be rubble, appear date, these relatively area
areas may well in the Bronze Age poses modern. atively South of theMinoan terraced
have been used for grazing or agricultural pur of rubble buildings are also rel
aswell. A number farmhouse
are two fields with
terra rossa-derived
sediment
for the (see Fig. 16.2:32 for the upper field and Figs. 16.1,16.6 lower field, named Lakkos Ambeliou). Area residents currently use the as a "clay mine" for brick larger field in the low basin (Lakkos Ambeliou) as for numerous apiaries. soil, as well making and for gardening Access to the sea for this region was provided from antiquity onwards means of a substantial ravine, which curves west of Lakkos Ambeliou by and north of Chalepa Hill, between two extremely steep cliffs (gradient 3.0), to the small beach of Agriomandra (Figs. 16.1,16.6). Currently, this ravine is lined with walls of relatively recent date (Venetian or Ottoman?), which from one cliff side to the other for the length support a built path winding of the ravine, often on top of terrace walling constructed especially to sup port the path. A small church lies in a small cave about two-thirds of the way down eastern
this ravine, while
entrance
of
the
the remains of a limekiln
can be found at the
revma.
that the natural features noted here delineate the outer Assuming of the region (see Chap. 20), a total area of approximately boundaries 687,000 m2 can be ascribed to the inhabitants of the territory of Chryso or trade purposes. This kamino for agricultural, pastoral, manufacturing, area within the modern fenced land, territory mostly coincides with the at the north, to the north from northern coastline of Therio the extending to the south, and from the fence on the east edge of Lakkos Ambeliou to the sea and cliffs on the north and west.
ern
CHAPTER
17
A
Summary at
Site
of
the
Habitation
Chrysokamino
Chomatas by CherylR. Floyd
site at Chrysokamino is located on habitation near the coast of northeastern Crete, northwest of 600 m from the EM Kavousi.1 It is approximately smelting operations apparently ended in the EM
The
the hill of Chomatas the modern
village of site. The
metallurgy III-MM IA period, remains at the habitation site date to the
while
the surviving architectural LM IB and LM III periods (Figs. 17.1,17.2), with potsherds ranging in to Venetian or Ottoman date from the Final Neolithic periods. Although a considerable number of MM come from the habitation loca potsherds tion, no associated architecture has been identified. The preserved archi tectural remains are mostly from LM IIIA. The latest ceramic material to Ottoman recovered consists of a few Byzantine and Venetian sherds from
strata.
surface
in more detail in a future volume, but a be published of is the results of the summary necessary for a proper understanding conclusions from the Chrysokamino survey. The
site will
THE EARLY PERIODS site are Final Neolithic The earliest identifiable remains at the habitation to Early Minoan I sherds from strata below the level of the LM I and LM
IIIA floors and from fill in Room A, Room 8 at the north. In addition, occasional
toWall
in various diately west
over the site (including of the northern part of Room
trenches
Room
2, and in levels adjacent early sherds were found 6 and the area imme
2), but none
occurred
in any
concentration.
Larger quantities of EM II-MM pottery were unearthed from floor over most of the site, a considerable like packing and fill strata indicating structures were located in the immediate area. lihood that EM II-MM 1. For tion
information
complex,
pp. 401-403,
see fig.
Haggis
on
the habita 1996b,
13; Betancourt,
No
permanent
structures
from before LM
IB have been
found
at this
site. Floyd,
andMuhly 1997; Betancourt, Muhly, and Floyd 1998.
Only the final two passes inTrench 38 (nearWall passes in Room A were unmixed, early strata (FN-MM).
8), and the lowest The early stratum
2o6
CHAPTER
E5380
?j
E5390
N4580
Figure plan
17.1. Western of the habitation
of the portion site showing
the LM Iwalls in black. Rooms/ are indicated spaces by L. Labriola, P. Betancourt
letters
A-G.
THE
Figure
17.2.
State
plan
of the habita
tion site showing the LM III archi are indicated Rooms/spaces L. Labriola, numbers 1-16. by P. Betancourt tecture.
HABITATION
SITE
AT
C H RY S O KAM
IN O
-
C H O M ATA
S
20J
CHAPTER
208
17
Figure 17.3. The LM I bronze dag ger from Room A (X 830)
V
I
7
X541
X1448
X1321
\
17.4.
Examples
of EM
Figure 17.5. Examples ofMM ceramics: X 541 and X 1448, frag
ceram
ics:X 1321, EM I pyxis lid fragment; X1179, EM IIB Vasiliki Ware closed vessel
base.
Scale
X 932
X1497
X1179 Figure
1
O
ments
from
carinated
cups; X
1497,
base of a tumbler; X 932, body
1:3
sherd Scale
of a large,
closed
vessel.
1:3
??
mm
X808
X1480
X836
Figure 17.6. Examples of LM IB ceramics: X 1480, base of a bell cup; X 808, cup rim;X 836, neck of a jug. Scale 1:3
1
THE
HABITATION
inTrench
SITE
AT
CH RYSO
38 was found at a level below
and it could not be associated with
KAM
INO"C
the foundation
any architecture.
HOM
ATAS
ofWall In Room
20Q
8, however, A, below
I floor with its dagger (Fig. 17.3), a stratum contain sherds but no later material was also revealed. FN potsherds
the level of the LM ing FN-MM were
in both number and shape; the forms represented included and jars. The vessels were formed from either gritty-textured gray brown fabrics or reddish brown gray fabrics. The walls of the vessels were were dark in color and often burnished. generally thick, and their surfaces limited
bowls
Examples of fragmentary EM vases were also recovered, including a sherd in a fine gray fabric from an EM I cylindrical pyxis lid with pierced lugs, and sherds from EM IIB Vasiliki Ware vessels (Fig. 17.4). The range of forms was
considerably greater; numerous fragmentary cups, bowls, were recovered, as and closed vessels in light-on-dark kalathoi, technique were MM of and dishes pieces cooking pots (Fig. 17.5). This full comple ment of vessel forms supports the a that in the MM hypothesis period
MM
settlement
site existed at this location.
THE LM IB PERIOD LM IB architectural remains are confined to the western portion of the site (Fig. 17.1). Parts of several rooms from one or more structures have been excavated, revealing a technique of wall construction that differs from the later, LM IIIA technique. Architects in the LM IB period generally
The
built directly atop the dolomite bedrock and used more regularly shaped stones than did their LM IIIA counterparts. The paucity of LM IB architecture makes it difficult to saymuch about the nature of the site during this period. LM I pottery recovered from the lower strata in the western part of the site (Fig. 17.6) included vessels asso ciated with general domestic activities, such as eating, drinking, storage, and food preparation. This evidence suggests that the associated struc tures (or structure) were utilized, at least in part, as domiciles. Other finds from LM IB strata included ground stone tools, a broken obsidian blade, and clay loomweights. LM I luxury goods, as represented by a complete bronze dagger (X 830, Fig. 17.3), a complete stone bowl (X 818, Fig. 17.7), and the rim of another stone vessel, indicate a degree of wealth for the LM
Figure 17.7. Stone bowl (X 818) from LM I stratum. Scale 1:3
IB inhabitants.
2IO
CHAPTER
17
Figure 17.8. LM IIIA hearth above a LM Iwall Wall ( C), but below a
LM IIIAwall (Wall9)
Figure 17.9. Example of LM IIIA wall construction at the habitation site. Note
the
seating
of
larger
stones
on soil and smaller, chinking/leveling stones
Figure 17.10. East entrance into the LM IIIA complex, delineated with upright slabs
THE
HABITATION
THE
POST-LM
SITE
AT
C H RYS O KAM
IN O
-
C H O M ATA
S
211
IB PERIODS
site is post-LM IB in of the preserved architecture at the habitation date. Several phases of construction took place after LM IB, the latest of which occurred in LM IIIA. Sometime after the destruction of the LM IB
Most
a hearth was constructed above the level of Room Bl (Fig. 17.8). building(s), This hearth was below the LM IIIA wall running east-west as a dividing wall in Room 3 (Fig. 17.2), but above the level of the LM Iwall below it can be associated with this hearth. (Fig. 17.1). No architecture Following the phase represented by the hearth, the first recognizable LM IIIA phase can be isolated, represented by the east-west wall within Room 3, which contained LM IIIA sherds in its construction material. This wall, however, is earlier in construction
sequence
than most
of the LM
IIIA architecture
at the site. In fact, it is actually incorporated into the massive west wall of the latest phase complex (also LM IIIA in date). Many of the trenches in their excavated on the eastern part of the site had LM IIIA potsherds lowest strata, usually above bedrock. latest structure is a series of adjacent rooms and open spaces con thick enclosing walls. The construction techniques employed contrast with those of the LM IB period on the site. The builders of this The
tained within
to seat their walls on bedrock. More complex frequently did not bother often, they merely built on soil, using small chinking stones to help bed initial irregular courses of larger stones (Fig. 17.9). The type of masonry used was rubble construction with small to large irregularly shaped stones set in amortar
of soil. Two doorways from this phase were articulated using slabs on either side of their thresholds (Fig. 17.10, the east
large, upright entrance into the architectural builders were
complex). Due to the slope of the site, the to construct terraces stepping down from north to
required terraces were
formed using buttressing walls in conjunction shelves (see Fig. 17.2, the walls at the north of Room 1 and at the south of Rooms 3 and 6). Along the south of Room 6, this system was especially massive and complex, having been built buttressing in up stages. The largest enclosed space, Space 10, appears to have been an interior several built features were located. Some courtyard in which rooms or spaces were paved with slabs where the bedrock did not project (for example, see the exterior space north of Room 1 and south ofWall 8, and Room 6). The numerous built features found at the site included two south. These
with
natural bedrock
hearths, possible Not
depressions with cists or bins.
channels
pecked
into the bedrock,
and several
all of the building survives. The northeastern portion of the site is very poorly preserved, and it remains enigmatic. The walls defining Rooms 13,14, and 15 at the south were truncated at some point after their construction, probably during the construction of amodern mandra imme south of the complex. In addition, Walls 8 and 24 are incompletely to the complex and and/or hence their excavated, preserved relationship is not entirely understood. They may have functioned as further enclosing walls, or they may date to an earlier period. diately
of the pottery from this latest phase was LM IIIA in date (Fig. 17.11). Vessel forms represented in fine fabrics included cups, handled Most
212
[WW?
X1533
CHAPTER
17
X791
X1399
X1506
Figure 17.11. Examples of LM IIIA ceramics: X 791, cup rim;X1387, rim of a bowl; X1533, kylix stem;
X194 r X18
i \ X89
X1399, champagne cup foot; X1506, stirrup jar neck; X18, leg of a tripod cooking vessel; X 89, jar rim;X194, Scale
rim of a cooking dish.
1:3
bowls, kylikes, stirrup jars, jars, jugs, and other closed vessels. Many pot sherds from cooking and storage class vessels made in tempered fabrics were
also
present.
classes of artifacts were also recovered from the LM IIIA com a chisel (X1534), a hook (X1287), a plex. Bronze finds included fragmen tary knife (X 1025), a buckle (X 1026), and an elaborate, fragmentary jug (X 1149). In addition, several strips of folded lead were found in Room 5, and a sealstone (X 208, Fig. 17.12) came from Room 2. Other
stone tools at the site included saddle-shaped querns (Fig. 17.13) as as tools that were probably used pounders, rubbers, and grinders. were at the site, only a stone tools commonplace couple ground
Ground aswell While
of pieces of obsidian were found, and these derived from LM IB strata. and debitage Quite possibly this scarcity of chipped stone implements and materials from the pre indicates a change or shift in tool production ceding LM IB period. site yielded some animal bones, which for the diet of the inhabitants, as many of them showed were most common, signs of butchering. Although bones of sheep and goats a a shrew, bird, and an agrimi or examples of cattle, hares, weasels, pigs, Most
trenches at the habitation
serve as evidence
Figure 17.12. Sealstone Room
2. Scale
1:3
(X208) from
THE
HABITATION
SITE
AT
C H R Y SO KA M
IN O
-
C H O M ATA
S
213
Figure 17.13. Examples of ground stone
tools
from
the habitation
site
deer were
also found. Strata in Room A
the
(LM IB), Room 5/7 (LM IIIA), the greatest concentrations of bones on
11 (LM IIIA) yielded
and Room site.
Of the numerous
species of marine shells recovered from the site, limpets (Patella) and top shells (Monodonta) occurred most frequently. Several whole or nearly complete triton shells (Charonia) were also found in LM IIIA contexts. A number
examples came from the site. was discovered in Room 11. This One interesting deposits two pairs of long goat horns still attached to parts of deposit consisted of the skulls of the animals, a complete triton shell, a handle from a ladle of a a small a broken storage Mycenaean shape, jar, conical cup, and ground of fragmentary
of the most
stone hand tool (Fig. 17.14). The LM IIIA complex
at presents a series of con Chrysokamino rooms and spaces with built features. The was complex apparently constructed with a concern for defensible architecture. The nature of the
nected
architectural
features
as well
as the finds of ceramics, metal implements, faunal and botanical remains, etc., suggest that in part, as a residence for individuals engaged in
stone tools, loomweights, the complex functioned, agricultural pursuits, animal husbandry, and small-scale, related industries. or had access to some These inhabitants, however, also either manufactured Figure 17.14. The
ritual deposit in
in situ,
Room
11,
horns,
triton
handle,
and
showing stone shell,
other
ceramic
the goat tool,
ladle
fragments
finer objects such as the bronze jug and the sealstone, and they engaged in certain cult activity, as indicated by the ritual deposit in Room 11. The remains of the final architectural sufficient, outlying for its Bronze Age
community inhabitants.
phase at the site attest to a relatively self in a variety of capacities that functioned
CHAPTER
l8
Hall's
Edith
in
Excavations
THE ThERIOSPELIO
CAVE
byPhilip P. Betancourt and Cheryl R. Floyd
a short excavation in the In the spring of 1910, Edith Hall conducted cave. The results of the excavation were never published. Theriospelio This report is based on a study of pottery from the excavation and records of Pennsylvania Museum of preserved in the archives of the University and Anthropology. Archaeology cave is a natural cavern in limestone. The
It contains many stalactites called Therio, on a steep and almost
and stalagmites. It is in the region bare hillside. In direct distance, the cave is 230 m from the metallurgy site site. It has a small entrance (about 1.15 m and 610 m from the habitation 10 m into the earth onto a large room high), but it opens approximately and several smaller ones. From the entrance to the back, the cave is about 60 m in length. Traces of the excavations of Edith Hall or others, includ burnished pottery, and ing disturbed soil, pieces of coarse, dark-surfaced, are on human bones, visible the surface inside the cave. are known
Few details
about Edith Halls
were
Richard
work
in the cave. She and
near Gournia
at
excavating Seager Sphoungaras and they visited the cave on a Saturday when their workmen home for the weekend. They looked at the cavern on April returned on April pieces
of
25 to excavate with are
ceramics
from
preserved
six men the
in 1910,1 had returned
23, and Hall for two days. Only a few
excavation.
is contained in two let ters written by Hall to her parents. The relevant passages are reproduced that the party here. The first letter, written on Sunday, April 24, mentions of visitors had stopped the day before on the way home from a trip by sea to the island of Pseira. They landed on the coast, where they examined Most
of what
is known
about the excavations
times and the place where they smelted their bronze inMinoan where there is a big cave like those I dug inWestern Crete. I am to go there again tomorrow, with Nikolaos from the foreman [the excavations at Sphoungaras] and six men to clear this cave. It will take two days and after that comes Easter
probably the men
won
holiday when
t work.
1.Hall 1912. Letters of Edith Hall are
preserved
University
in the archives of Pennsylvania
of the
Museum.
The tion
second letter was written about
the
excavation:
on
May
1st. It provided
additional
informa
CHAPTER
2l6
18
I had begun to dig the cave when I was I there and Tuesday you. only two days, Monday a was to to the first of this week. According plan I sleep there in tent guarded by my six workmen but later we decided itwas poor I cant remember whether last wrote
to pitch a tent and that steep, rocky, mountain-side ground?a on I had better ride back and forth horseback. That meant three hours a day in the saddle and over [as] steep ground as I had ever taken a horse before but no mishaps. These Cretan ponies are sure-footed. The cave had a very small opening so marvelously that we had to enter on all fours, but once inside itwas fairly lofty, took in hanging supported by splendid stalactite columns. We on ropes strung them with reflectors and strong suspended lamps men to from stalactite had candles too. It was a stalactite. The weird
sight corners with
to see the men
tending to their work in dim dark their only light.We got out very candle smoking I hope we may have time for more caves later on.
a
good pottery.
Sherds from the cave are in two collections
in the United
States. Six sherds
are in the Mount
in South Hadley, Mas Holyoke College Art Museum, are two in the of Pennsylvania and additional sachusetts, University pieces in Philadelphia. Edith Hall Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology, (later Edith Hall Dohan) taught at both institutions during her career, and she arranged for an official gift of sherds from the Candia Museum to be exported inHerakleion) Museum (predecessor to the Archaeological for teaching purposes. This pottery is divided between the two institutions. Sherds inMount Holyoke were catalogued by Foster.2 The ceramic pieces in Philadelphia The Mosso
have also been previously described.3 in print several times.4 site and its excavation have been mentioned discussed the cavern in 1910 and noted that both he and Hazzidakis the site before Hall
collected pot excavated there. Hazzidakis or EM I), FN sherds what he called tery, including "primitive" (presumably as "MM III."5 EM II pieces, and one fragment described byMosso Haggis is surely correct in suggesting that the "MM III" sherd with white paint on had visited
a dark ground ismore likely to be EM in a few other publications.7 mentioned collected
III.6 The Zois
site has also been briefly the cave in 1990 and
visited
several sherds.8
THE POTTERY The
pottery
Coarse
in the American
Fabric
with
collections
Burnished,
belongs
Dark
to three classes.
Surface
2. Foster
1978.
3. Betancourt
in a coarse, dark fabric are in theMt. Holyoke a bowl with a H collection One (H 1, 2). piece is from vertically pierced on the exterior, and the other is from a bowl or chalice. The fabric is lug a coarse and gritty. It is heavily burnished and fired in reducing atmosphere
Two
sherds of vessels made
to create a dark brown surface. The
fabric
a dark brown, unevenly colored I fabrics from Mochlos and like the FN-EM
to black fabric with
is not
Haggis
1983,
most
4. The
complete
p. 14. discussion
is
1992, pp. 170-173.
5. Mosso
1910,
p. 290.
6. Haggis
1992, p. 171.
7. Becker
and Betancourt
1997,
p. 114;Haggis 1996b, pp. 380-381, fig. 4. 8. Zois
1993,
p. 340.
IN
EXCAVATIONS
THE
CAVE
THERIOSPELIO
Pseira, which have phyllite from Sphoungaras.10
2TJ
but it is visually
inclusions,9
similar to a fabric
un chronology for this class of coarse, burnished pottery is still certain. Similar vessel shapes (not always made in identical fabrics) have been recognized from Kavousi,11 Alykomouri/Hagios Antonios,12 Sphoun and several other places.17 No clear garas,13 Pseira,14 Vasiliki,15 Mochlos,16 The
on
based
has been found,
sequence
stratigraphie are
between
comparisons
and chronological
the
surface
shapes,
synchronisms and
treatments,
and firing technology with Final Neolithic pottery from manufacturing elsewhere in Crete.18 The class may persist into EM I, but it does not ap pear in the late EM I assemblage from Hagia Photia.19
with
Fabric
Gray
Pattern
Burnishing
Four sherds of pattern-burnished gray pottery (Pyrgos Ware) from the cave are in the American collections. Two pieces are in South Hadley, and two are from chalices, and one piece are in pieces Philadelphia. Three pieces (H 3) is either from a bowl or a chalice.20 This class of pottery, called Pyrgos fine, hard fabric with few visible inclusions. The Ware,21 has a medium surfaces of the vessels are rubbed with implements when in a leather-hard surface. This stage to align the clay particles, causing a shiny, burnished class sometimes has burnished patterns achieved by rubbing over specific areas. The vessels are fired in a reducing atmosphere, which accounts for their usual gray color. This ware
is particularly
sist a little
longer. Pattern would be needed
characteristic
of EM
I, although is widespread
burnished
itmay per in Crete.22
pottery to determine the relation of this pottery (if Analyses as defined to the later "Fine Gray Ware" of EM I-EMIIA any) byWilson and Day.23 Several authors have discussed
the chalice. The general development set out by Hood many years ago,24 and more detailed analyses have been made by others.25 Based on the fabric and the shapes, the examples
was
here can be assigned to EM I (H 3-H 5) andEM I or EM IIA (H 6). Vasiliki
Ware
Two pieces of Vasiliki Ware are in the assemblage (H 7, H 8). They aremade of the fabric typically used for the finest versions of this ware, consisting of amedium fine fabric in the gray to pink color range with a slipped surface 9. Banou 10. Foster
1995b, 1978,
p. 109; no. 2.
1998,
p. 15.
16. Seager 1909, p. 279; 1912, opposite
nos. p. 82,
29-42,
fig. 48; for
11.Haggis 1992, locus 17/92; 1996b, pp. 389-393. 12.Haggis 1992,, locus 58; 1996b,
the FN date, seeVagnetti and Belli
pp. 389-393. 13. Hall
1999;Hayden 2003a; 2003b; 2004,
court
1983,
Betan pp. 46-48; p. 46, nos. 110-113. 1912,
14. Banou 1995b, p. 109; 1998, p. 15. 15.
Seager
1904-1905,p.
212.
p. 137. 17. Betancourt
19. Davaras 20. For
the
1999;
Branigan
p. 42.
18.Vagnetti 1973; Vagnetti and Belli 1978; Vagnetti, Christopoulou, andTzedakis 1989;Hood 1990a; Manteli 1992.
see
1997.
Haggis
21. Branigan 1970a, p. 21; 1970b, p. 18; Betancourt
1978,
1971. shape,
1985,
pp. 26-29.
22. See the list in Betancourt 1985, pp. 26-27. 23. Wilson
and Day
1994,
pp. 4-22.
24. Hood 1971, p. 38, fig. 14. 25.Wilson 1985;Momigliano 1990;Hood 1990a;Haggis 1997.
2l8
CHAPTERl8
that was
intentionally mottled during the firing process. The sherds are in the collection of theMount Holyoke College Art Museum. is the definitive ware for EM IIB.26 It is first used in Vasiliki Ware this period, and it does not occur in deposits from East Cretan EM III? MM IA. Recent research suggests that this ware was produced by a limited of East Cretan workshops.27
number
CATALOGUE H 1
(Mount Holyoke College BAI.3d) Fig. 18.1 Bowl with vertically pierced lug. Max. dim. 4.8; Diam. of vessel ca. 14; thick (0.8) wall. A gritty fabric; core, dark gray (10YR 4/1); exterior surface, reddish brown (2.5YR 4/4); interior surface, very dark gray (10YR 3/1). Slightly convex profile;
small
at Gournia
found
on
exterior
and
interior.
fabric is similar to an early fabric from theMirabello
Comments: The area
Burnished
vertically.
lug pierced
and
Sphoungaras.
Marked
"Chryso
Kamino"
Bay
in Greek,
in
pencil. FN (to EM I?). Bibliography: Foster 1978, no. 5 (incorrectly published as from Knossos). H 2
(Mount Holyoke College BAI.3g) Chalice (or bowl?), rim sherd. Max.
dim.
of rim
7.9; Diam.
ca. 15;
Fig. thin
18.1
(ca. 0.5) wall.
A gritty fabric, reddish brown (5YR 4/5); gray areas on exterior surface.Convex rounded
straight,
profile;
rim. Burnished
on
exterior
and
interior.
Comments: The fabric is like H 1.Marked "Chryso Kamino" in Greek, in pencil. FN (to EM I?).This vessel ismore likely to be a bowl than a chalice. Com pare Xanthoudides 1918, p. 153, no. 84, fig. 10. If it is a chalice, it ismore globular than
as is the
usual,
case with
an
example
from Mochlos
in the Museum
of Fine
in Boston (09.655), a piece from Kanli Kastelli (Alexiou 1951, no. 5, pi. 14, fig. 1), and one from Pyrgos (Xanthoudides 1918, p. 153, no. 76, fig. 10). Bibliography: Foster 1978, no. 12.
Arts
H 3
(University of Pennsylvania Museum Bowl
or chalice,
Diam.
of rim
rim
42-34-2-A)
Fig.
18.1
sherd.
ca. 15.5.
A fine gray fabric (gray, 10YR 6/1); heavily burnished. Straight rim. Burnished vertical
lines
forming
panels.
Comments: Pyrgos Ware. The date is late in EM I (based on the presence of the shape atHagia Photia Siteias, forwhich seeDavaras [1981], fig. 2; 1977, pi. 603; and 1989b, p. 266, pi. 149). Parallels: For vertical burnished lines, seeHaggis 1997, pi. 92, fig. c. For the 1918, p. 150, nos. 42-45, especially 42 and shape of the rim, see Xanthoudides 45, fig. 8; p. 151, nos. 56-59, especially 58, fig. 9; p. 153, nos. 75 and 77, fig. 10, republished by Haggis 1997, pi. 91, fig. 5:a, no. 3, fig. c, lower row nos. 2 and 4, all from the Pyrgos cave;Davaras 1977, pi. 603, from Hagia Photia. Bibliography: Betancourt 1983, no. 13. H 4
(University of Pennsylvania Museum Chalice, Diam.
rim of rim
sherd. ca.
15.5.
42-34-2-B)
Fig.
18.1
26. Warren court
1972, 1979;
pp. 29-30; Betan
pp. 94,108-109; 1985,
27. Whitelaw Wilson,
1970a,
Branigan
pp. 43,45-48. et al. 1997; Day,
and Kiriatzi
1997.
IN
EXCAVATIONS
THE
CAVE
THERIOSPELIO
219
1 *
r
HI
H2
7 H3
H4
7
K
H5
H6
AJ HI
H7
Figure 18.1. Profile drawings of sherds Scale
from 1:3
the
Theriospelio
A fine gray fabric (gray, 10YR 6/1); heavily burnished. Straight rim.Burnishing
cave. over
entire
exterior
Comments:
interior. Ware.
Bibliography:
H 5
and
Pyrgos Betancourt
EM
IB. See H no.
1983,
(Mount Holyoke College BAI.4a) rim
Chalice, Diam.
3.
14.
Fig.
18.1
sherd. ca. 19; max.
of rim
dim.
8.8.
A fine gray fabric (gray, 10YR 5/1) with browner areas on the surface; heavily burnished,
vertically,
Comments:
to create
patterns.
Ware.
Marked
Pyrgos
See H 3.
EMI.
Bibliography: Foster 1978, no. 8.
Straight "Chryso
rim. Kamino"
in Greek,
in
pencil.
220
CHAPTERl8
H 6
(Mount Holyoke College BAI.4b)
Fig.
18.1
Chalice, base of the conical bowl and upper part of the pedestal. Max.
dim.
ca. 9.6.
A fine gray fabric (gray, 10YR 5/1) with browner areas on exterior and interior on
burnished
surfaces;
exterior
and
interior
of bowl.
Incised
lines
on
exterior
of
pedestal.
Comments: Marked "Chryso Kamino" in Greek, in pencil. EM I-IIA. Parallels: Xanthoudides 1918, p. 151, no. 56, fig. 9, from Pyrgos; Haggis 1997, nos. KT53 and KT56, pi. 94, fig. a, from Kalo Chorio; for EM IIA, seeWilson 1985, p. 302,
11, no.
fig.
from
31,
Knossos;
Warren
1972,
p.
157,
no. P44,
from
Myr
tos.
Bibliography: Foster 1978, no. 20. H 7
(Mount Holyoke Conical
bowl,
Diam.
of base
College BAI.5a)
base
18.1
Fig.
sherd.
ca. 4.7;
thick
(0.6-0.9)
wall.
A fine fabric (reddish yellow, 5YR 7/6). Slipped on interior and exterior; red
mottled, on
exterior
and
just
areas.
black above
Burnished.
articulated
Flat,
base with
deep
groove
base.
Comments: VasilikiWare. EM IIB. For a list of conical bowls see Betancourt 1979, pp. 33-36. Bibliography: Foster 1978, no. 17. H 8
(Mount Holyoke College BAI.5b)
Fig.
18.1
Jug, body sherd. Max. dim. of sherd 6.4; thick (0.7) wall. A fine fabric (core dark gray, 10YR 4/1; exterior surface reddish brown, 2.5YR 4/4; interior surface very dark gray, 10YR 3/1). Slipped on exterior; mottled, red and black
areas.
Burnished.
Comments: VasilikiWare. Marked "Chryso Kamino" inGreek, in pencil. The curvature of the sherd, which is definitely from a closed shape, makes it unlikely that
it could
come
from
any vessel
form
other
than
a
EM IIB. For a list of jugs in this ware, see Betancourt Bibliography:
Foster
1978,
no. 21.
large
jug
with
a raised
1979, pp. 46-48.
spout.
CHAPTER
19
in Context:
Chrysokamino
A Regional
Archaeological
Survey byDonald C.Haggis
This
is an overview
chapter
of Bronze Age settlement patterns in the Ka is to provide a broad regional and chronological
vousi region. The purpose area of draw Chrysokamino, perspective for the analysis of the sites in the on the results of an intensive from conducted survey ing archaeological is not to reduplicate previous or forthcoming reports on the Kavousi survey, but to comment in detail on the specific area and periods relevant to the Chrysokamino project. Bronze Age settlement are on the two in the broader Kavousi patterns region brought to bear 1989 to 1991.1 The
intent
areas excavated: the FN-EM III metallurgical site of Chrysoka specific mino (site 32 in the Kavousi survey; Figs. 19.1,19.2) and the FN-LM III site on the spur of the hill of Chomatas 34 in habitation the Kavousi (site survey; Figs. Prepalatial the context
19.1,19.2). The and Protopalatial, of the southwest
principal focus of discussion will be the late and Neopalatial and Postpalatial periods in Kambos and southern end of Chomatas.
area of the sites excavated by the Chrysokamino project is composed of a number of locales with distinct toponyms (see Chap. 1). these localities, the most important is Chordakia or Choriodakia Among The
broader
("little villages"),2 situated on the southernmost spur of Chomatas and at the southwestern edge of the Kambos (Figs. 19.1,19.3). A small valley, Lakkos and from the hill of Chalepa Ambeliou, separates the hill of Chomatas drains westward down a narrow gorge into the small inlet and roadstead at (Figs. 19.1,19.3). A kalderimi (Venetian- or Ottoman-period Agriomandra cobbled path) links the Kambos with this port. Evidence would suggest that from the Roman period until World War II the small harbor served as an important gateway to the Bay ofMirabello. No doubt the same was true for the Bronze Age. Immediately off the shore in the depths of Agrio are deposits of amphorae of the 1st century A.D., testifying to the s use. In more recent times, boats would anchor them site Roman-period selves in this rocky cove to receive cargoes of carob, olive oil, soap, cheese, as oil made from cedar, sage, and laurel?bound and other products?such
mandra
1.Haggis 1992,1993b, 2005. 2. Boyd 1901, p. 156. 3.
Spanakis
1991,
1996b, 2002,
pp. 322-323.
for Herakleion,
and other Aegean and Mediterranean Athens, ports.3 as of in in this locale the Bronze modern times, lies importance Age, not only in its proximity to the port at in the but also facility Agriomandra, on the southeastern of the soils agricultural potential slopes of Chomatas The
CHAPTER
222
19
Theriospelio
Kambos
Agriomandra
Figure 19.1. Map survey
area
in the
of the Kavousi late Prepalatial
period
1000m
Figure 19.2. Map survey
period
area
of the Kavousi
in the Protopalatial
A
REGIONAL
ARCHAEOLOGICAL
SURVEY
223
,x7/Mt. Schiniasy
Metallurgy Workshop
Figure
19.3.
Map
\^7
of the Kavousi
in the late Prepalatial period
area
between the areas of Kephalolimnos and Katsoprinos rossa to terra contrast In marked the soils farther afield in (Fig. 19.1). rocky the central plain of Kambos, the phyllite alluvium of this small valley com
and in the Kambos
the optimal arable land for rain-fed agriculture (Fig. 19.4). The more retain soils moisture than the stony limestone phyllite plant-available and dolomite alluvium, and local farmers have traditionally reserved them prises
for small gardens, wheat (rather than the usual barley), and intensive olive planting. The oldest olives in the Kavousi area are found in phyllitic soils. In an olive Chordakia, the Roman settlement of Kephalolimnos (Fig. 19.1) has a basin and millstone (orbis), reminders of the impor crushing (trapetus) tance of this area and these soils in ancient olive oil production (Figs. 19.5, area were also found to be several 19.6). Sherd densities in the Chordakia times greater than in the main area of Kambos,4 a good indication of the intensity and continuity of land use since the Bronze Age. The
actual occupational and its surrounding history of Chordakia Roman the Settlement patterns and land use long predates period. in section the this discrete of Kavousi lowlands and coastal hills practices area
can be discussed the broader
4. Haggis 1996b.
as a unit. While
this area is not physically isolated from and the north Isthmus of Ierapetra, its late
region of Kavousi and sites illustrate characteristics of a pattern Prepalatial Protopalatial a self-contained households. may represent group of interdependent
that
224
CHAPTER
19
Figure 19.4. The phyllite terraces of Chordakia and the Kavousi plain (the Kambos),
seen
from
the west
Figure 19.5. An olive crushing basin (trapetus) at Kephalolimnos
Figure 19.6. A millstone Kephalolimnos
(orbis) at
A
Figure 19.7. Theriospelio
REGIONAL
ARCHAEOLOGICAL
SURVEY
225
cave from
the west
THE PREPALATIAL AND PROTOPALATIAL PERIODS In Chordakia
and its vicinity, evidence for EM I?II is not substantial. While
II pottery has been recovered from the cave at Theriospelio (see to cave not is in is AF 34 this material the likely belong App. G), Chap. 18; to a permanent habitation site (Figs. 19.1,19.7). Neither the position nor the topography of the cave, which lies on the precipitous western slope of FN-EM
Chomatas, suggest a proper location for a long-term settlement. Therio an is isolated extremely narrow, low entrance and spelio topographically, with little room or sign of activity on the terrace outside. A special function, such as burial site, cult activity, or periodic camp, may be reasonably hypothesized. individual sherds datable to EM I?II have been found through While out the Chrysokamino-Chordakia area, no single site initially suggested a of from surface survey. The systematic excava locus habitation significant tion at the Chrysokamino habitation site has changed the picture somewhat, in its earliest pre-architectural producing both FN and EM I?II material levels. The nearest substantial EM I?II settlements found in the survey, is some 1.5 km however, are located at Kavousi village (Fig. 19.3), which to the southeast of Chordakia,5 and atAlykomouri in the Hagios Antonios at the northeastern to 3 km the end of Chomatas about north, valley, lying are founded in the Final Neolithic and settlements (Fig. 19.3).6 These some in sites the Kavousi of the earliest represent permanent occupation are settlements. Each is located on region. They typical of Early Minoan near a a hill or rise above the plain, perennial spring, and in close proxim to alluvium. Kavousi ity village appears to have been abandoned phyllite in in EM IIB, while Alykomouri continues into EM III. The farmhouse area, like the Chrysokamino workshop continues into EM III. Given the evidence
the Chrysokamino
Theriospelio, habitation recovered 5. Haggis 1996b, p. 391. 6. Haggis 1993b.
in excavations
and the cave of for FN-EM
II
in the Chrysokamino-Chordakia area, site in the locality it is very likely that the original Prepalatial habitation was the site (Chap. 17). habitation Chrysokamino
CHAPTER
226
In the Chordakia-Chrysokamino in EM III-MM IA. This is a period and settlement in the Kavousi area.
19
area, several new sites are founded of major reorganization of land use the sites of function special Including
and the Theriospelio cave, there (the metallurgy workshop) Chrysokamino were no less than nine sites in use in the late Prepalatial period (Figs. 19.1,19.3). Seven of these sites?probably individual farmhouses?were established above the Kambos
on the south and southeastern
and slope of Chomatas sites clustered neatly around the rich
at the northern
end of Chalepa. The alluvium of Chordakia and the mixed
phyllite liou are all of similar size. Their
terra rossa of Lakkos Ambe
equidistant spacing (between 100-200 m) the areas between the houses to be used for sizable gar dens and household livestock. The primary agricultural focus was, however, the phyllite soils in the Kambos and on the east-facing slope of Chomatas.
would
This
have allowed
is the area of Chordakia
Kephalolimnos. trated precisely
between
It is noteworthy at the watershed
the localities
that the settlement
of Katsoprinos and concen activity is
that separates Lakkos Ambeliou from con would have This position (Figs. 19.1, 19.3). permitted trol of an important route and access to the port at Agriomandra. Clusters of sites also appear inEM III-MM IA in the Hagios Antonios the Kambos
area of Xerambela (Vronda) and Chon valley and above Kavousi village in the drovolakes (Fig. 19.3). Each cluster occupies an area with phyllite soil and a permanent water the overall pattern of settlement supply nearby. While is dispersed,
the clusters of houses represent distinct groups, each occupy concentrations of arable land. Social conditions were perhaps discrete ing similar to those in the nucleated villages of EM I?II; the inhabitants of these clusters may have had a sense of local identity, autonomy, and direct to the land in the immediate area of each group. clan or family connections cluster pattern implies that individual sites reflect family units. The as units could have been interdependent, sharing land and water supplies well as lineage ties. The
and 45 may have been the settlements whose Sites 28,34,35,36,41,44, the site at Chrysokamino occupants operated metallurgical (Fig. 19.1). aspect, they are protected from the north winds By contrast, the Chrysokamino smelting site, by the peak of Chomatas. is favorably exposed to the winds situated on the west-facing headland,
With
their southeastern
required by the smelting process.7 The settlements, probable control of the is no doubt significant because the smelting port facility at Agriomandra raw materials, operation would have required the importation of fuel and such as the copper ore itself, aswell as export of the copper. Located at the the sites would and Kephalolimnos, have communicated easily with the Kavousi plain, the Isthmus of Ierape was self-sufficient tra, and Mirabello Bay. The late Prepalatial community
watershed
between
Lakkos Ambeliou
a view to coastal and trade Aegean agriculturally, but clearly situated with via the Bay ofMirabello. It also had easy access to the Isthmus routes and inland passages through the Kavousi mountains. inMM In the subsequent Protopalatial IB, the period, beginning to be used, and several of the old Prepalatial sites continued new sites were established (Fig. 19.2). This growth represents continuity locations
7. See discussion
in
Chap.
2.
A
REGIONAL
SURVEY
ARCHAEOLOGICAL
227
at each of the Prepalatial sites. In the Chor region, the total number of sites doubled, with 16 dakia-Chrysokamino site IB-IIB. Only the metallurgical farmhouse-sized sites in use inMM and expansion
of habitation
were abandoned, and possibly the cave at Theriospelio IB?II their special functions. The settlement pattern inMM
at Chrysokamino emphasizing is essentially
a continuation
IA: single ofthat established in EM III-MM m ca. are 150 located above the Kambos farmhouses, spaced apart, plain at the Kavousi region, this the fringes of pockets of arable land. Throughout twofold growth of settlement is reduplicated in each of the site clusters in IB?II and Hagios Antonios. The MM Avgo, Xerambela, Chondrovolakes, of of sites represents the maximum and distribution settlement dispersal area. in maximum the Bronze the Kavousi Age population possibly
The
of
Significance
in the
Changes
Prepalatial
Landscape The
a late Prepalatial period witnessed profound restructuring of settle in EM I?II to the shift from isolated nucleated villages
ment?the
late Prepalatial system was to provide the basis and stability for the growth and expansion of settle ment throughout the subsequent Protopalatial the period. Furthermore, clusters of EM
farmhouse
III-MM
IA. This
IA landscape represent a decisive changes apparent in the EM III-MM of FN-EM break with the long-established nucleated communities II. In sum, the changes apparent summary discussion here. 1. New
sites were
sometimes
in EM
established
III-MM
in EM
IA are remarkable,
III, while
EM
deserving
IIB sites were
abandoned.
2. A new structure of settlement
appears in the archaeological record, the pattern changing from nucleated to dispersed, with farmhouses clustering in arable zones sharing agricultural land and water. The Chrysokamino site is perhaps the habitation location of the original nucleated EM I?II settlement from
the late Prepalatial pattern develops in the Chordakia area. Similar Chrysokamino trajectories of settlement develop ment and cluster formation can be traced inHagios Antonios, The community Kavousi, and Xerambela-Chondrovolakes. the cluster retained a local would have pattern represented by was reinforced as as communal ties that well identity by lineage
which
in the locality. Such activities might have included cooperative exploitation of fields between the houses and
activities
the immediate
gardens, communal stock terrace and wall building, staple rearing, irrigation, terracing and surplus storage, and transportation. The Chordakia
beyond
household
cluster is likely to have been responsible for of the metallurgical site at Chrysokamino. a 3.Within site the clusters, single building appears to have been particularly prominent because of its central location and large stone or Cyclopean masonry. Such architectural elaboration Chrysokamino the operation
CHAPTER
228
indicates
IC
social stratification within
the site clusters, with the a or to prominent house belonging important socially politically or individual. The economy of the site cluster family including would have probably required a leader with an Chrysokamino and organizational role. important managerial 4. Land use patterns changed new sites were established Crete, including Bebonas (700-800
IA, significantly. In EM III-MM at several places in this part of the upper elevations of Avgo (600-700 masl),
masl), andThriphti Argira (Hagia Anna) (600-700 masl). Xerambela (400 masl) was also an important site in this period. Such settlements, located high in the Kavousi are evidence of Mountains, expanding agricultural and pastoral of new systems of interests, perhaps signaling the development land use and land tenure. These changes conceivably involved the control and intensification of agricultural and pastoral a elite.8 Rapid expansion of settle production by land-owning ment into the Kavousi Mountains in EM III may also have tied directly to the need for combustible materials, forest resources, to operate the furnaces at Chrysokamino. zones may in the mountain The settlements conceivably been
i.e., have
from the coastal areas increasing need for such is possible that the deforestation It of Avgo, Papoura, supplies. to and Thriphti led the expanding agriculture in these areas.
benefited
or are clearly fortified sites, which common on in north Isthmus elsewhere the and the very island in the period EM II-MM IA,9 strongly suggests that were or site clusters the Kavousi-area either interdependent
5. The
absence of defensible
mutually beneficial. That is to say, the social and political structure across the landscape appears to have been well integrated,10 with strong connections between sites. 6. Imports of pottery with diorite/granodiorite temper, derived from the Gournia and Kalo Khorio regions west of the in the archaeological record Isthmus, increased dramatically of the late Prepalatial period. These fabrics made up a large coarse ware assemblage until MM III, part of the Kavousi-area wares when local phyllite-quartzite the replaced tempered Kalo Chorio 7. The
expansion
the growth
fabrics.11 site at Chrysokamino of the metallurgical and sites in the Chordakia of neighboring habitation
cluster is evidence for significant economic Chrysokamino in the region, involving links to potentially distant changes sources of raw materials and extraregional trade. The inter raw materials crucial in the production of regional exchange of both agricultural tools and luxury goods signals the emergence of awealth distribution economy fueled by a new and extensive staple finance system. was In the Protopalatial period, the settlement pattern dispersed and the site clusters, including the one at Chrysokamino, remained intact. In fact, the total number of sites more than doubled in most areas. This continu
8.
Manning
9.Manning
1994,
p. 234.
1994; Alexiou 1979,
1980.
10. Plog 1974. 11.Haggis andMook 2000.
1993; Haggis
A
REGIONAL
SURVEY
ARCHAEOLOGICAL
229
ity of settlement, pattern from EM Prepalatial
along with the constancy and longevity of the cluster III until MM II, underscores the importance of the late settlement system in establishing the trajectory of settlement
use. The area expansion and land occupational history of the Kavousi really anew in EM III with new in social and ways begins changes complexity of exploiting the landscape. These changes were no doubt felt throughout the subsequent
period.
Protopalatial
NEOPALATIAL AND POSTPALATIAL PERIODS occurred inMM IA when III-LM the Chrysokamino discontinuity a marked decrease in area dense cluster of The experienced population. and farmhouses into fell disuse Prepalatial Protopalatial finally (Fig. 19.8).
A
It was
situated Neopalatial houses: the by two prominently site 34 in habitation the Kavousi (site survey; Fig. 19.1) Chrysokamino with a southeastern aspect, overlooking Lakkos Ambeliou, and Katsoprinos replaced
(site 28 in the Kavousi the plains of Chordakia
survey; Fig. 19.1), facing east, immediately above and Kambos. The Chrysokamino habitation site, known both Evans and is the farmhouse excavated by probably long Boyd,12 as part of the same pattern of abandonment, Chrysokamino project. The at and Avgo, coincided with a shift Chondrovolakes, Xerambela, apparent to the lowland plain. Of par in agricultural emphasis from the mountains ticular interest to the Neopalatial inhabitants of Kavousi were the north Kambos plain area and Tholos Bay (Fig. 19.9). With the changes in land use came a dramatic nucleation in the plain, especially at of population (site 5) Hagios Antonios settlements. Other villages 11, 15, 17, 18 [Fig. 19.9], which runs the full length
and Tholos and hamlets
(site 1), which became grew up in the Kambos
town-sized
plain (sites and 23, 27 [Fig. 19.8]) along the Platys river, of the plain and drains into the sea at Tholos
Bay. It is likely that these sites intensively exploited the terra rossa soils of the lowland for the first time, perhaps utilizing the river for direct irriga tion of these otherwise arid fields. The overall pattern of nucleation and into the Kambos, Hagios Antonios, and Tholos population movement areas attests to economic changes in the transition from the Protopalatial to the Neopalatial period. towns and In LM IA Kavousi, dominated by the nucleated villages of the north Kambos, what was the role of single, isolated farmhouses such as the one at Chrysokamino? Each of the houses was situated in areas of the the clusters. The Chrysokamino habi precisely Protopalatial on tation site (like Katsoprinos the site at Avgo, and the site Chomatas, at
Skali) clearly exploited the phyllite soils in Chondrovolakes-Panagia their immediate vicinity, the best arable land in the Kavousi region. Near II Cyclopean walls of the house at Chondrovolakes the EM III-MM is
tree in the a trunk diameter of about region, with which farmsteads, megalithic frequently dominated discrete estates. controlled small Like the LM IB house involved valleys, probably near the eastern end of the Mochlos at Chalinomouri, in flax production the oldest
living olive
3.0 m. These
12. Boyd 1901, p. 156. 13. Soles 1997, pp. 429-430; Mochlos
IA, pp.
103-132.
plain,13 they must
have been
involved
in intensive
farming
of cash crops
CHAPTER
230
IQ,
agricultural activities.14 Intensive farming and crop suggest an economic or political hierarchy in the region. specialization Such a hierarchy is perhaps echoed in the ranked site sizes apparent in the and other
Neopalatial These
specialized
Figure survey
19.8. area
of the Kavousi Map in the Neopalatial period
settlement
pattern. in the settlement
structure suggest concomitant changes changes in land use. Larger contiguous areas of land appear to have been brought under cultivation. The farms, abandoned small, dispersed Protopalatial new to in the shift of population from the clusters villages and towns in I, were
into larger landholdings, turned into probably incorporated or in the north The of sediment left fallow. pattern pasturage, aggradation of these changes in land use in Kambos may enhance our understanding the Kavousi region in the Late Bronze Age.15 LM
In an exposed scarp in the Platys river channel, soil scientists of the an alluvial event marked by silty overbank de Project discovered a on top of a stratified lag channel. On top of this alluvial episode, posits
Kavousi
stable living surface had formed. The terminus ante quern for this episode is provided by the overlying soil formation, which has a radiocarbon date I date.16 Morris has suggested of 3040 ? 90 B.p. and sherds of MM-LM in the upper elevations, perhaps triggered by that landscape destabilization deforestation, maybe consistent with the aggradation episode.17 The pattern sites in the mountains south and east of Kavousi illustrates of Protopalatial the character of human activity, which was certainly dense, dispersed, and II and land use practices in EM III-MM of long duration. Habitation no doubt transformed the natural environment of Kavousi. The dramatic shift in settlement
patterns underscores
in LM
I, with
of population effects on the local landscape the nucleation
in the Kambos, the potential and the probable changes in land use practices. It is likely that the alluvial was an erosive event, of the ultimately caused by the abandonment episode
14.Hayden 1997; Hood 1971. Cadogan 15. Morris 2002,
1983;
16. Morris
2002,
p. 75. pp. 68-69.
17. Morris
2002,
p. 75.
A
REGIONAL
ARCHAEOLOGICAL
SURVEY
231
V\\ W // i ?7///h////-^\C0 U\ )?//l,,fi(l^=>^\\4i); Schinias *\ | I / / IM \ / / / Mt. /^BV
V ^^~^?r^^.
f
19.9. Map
of the north
Kam
bos and Tholos Bay in the Neopala tial period
MM
^
^ II household
i i I I
;
^
\\(
\
River Bedi Platys / / /
inyyyy
Figure
/ / / I I I
\ I HagiosAntonios ^^^^k^r I
'S//" < ^? \\ \ \J \ Mt.Chomatas "} %^B
z^?
/ /
?y^/it y//n=^yj !
oJ>Y\|i V^j^L)
;/
n
till: ^Jlllttl
farms and site clusters. New
were introduced herding practices of areas of the Kavousi mountains.
inMM
III-LM
intensive
farming and I, leading to the disuse
In the subsequent Postpalatial period, the Kavousi area experienced a remarkable population decrease, perhaps partly because of these drastic environmental changes. The overall number of sites dropped from 40 habi tation sites in LM I to a combined total of 10 habitation and burial sites in was LM IIIA-B.The LM I farmhouse near Chrysokamino reoccupied in LM IIIA as was the megalithic farmstead at Avgo.18 The LM IIIA reoc (site 5 in the survey; Fig. 19.9) cupation of the town of Hagios Antonios was
tions of pottery and
spotty,
characteristically
discrete
areas.
suggesting The
with
sparse
and
surface
remains
actually
concentra
discontinuous
reuse and squatting
in individual reflect
the
buildings
character
of
LM
III occupation evident in excavated contexts at Gournia, Pseira, and Mochlos. While the overall reduction in the number of inhabited sites in identifying LM II-IIIA may be slightly exaggerated by the difficulties on east sites of in date Crete, the decrease in the survey pottery Neopalatial total number of sites does appear to mirror the evidence from excavation, 18. Hayden
1997.
suggesting the magnitude LM IB destruction.
of abandonment
and resettlement
following
the
CHAPTER
232
19
CONCLUSIONS a number of broad area of Chordakia-Chrysokamino, comprising sites including those excavated by the Chrysokamino project, is essentially a microcosm of the Kavousi area as awhole. The various settlement sys
The
tems and the changing land use and settlement patterns apparent results of intensive survey and excavation are duplicated on various throughout the region. Although Chordakia-Chrysokamino linked to a broader region, the local settlement patterns are nevertheless
of extreme
of sociopolitical change and eastern Crete. What
in the scales
is perennially in this single area the implications
importance in understanding in the north Isthmus, the Mirabello Bay region, were the social, economic, and political dynam
involved in the changes from nucleated village ics and cultural processes cluster and from dispersed site clusters to nucleated town? These changes are asmuch dependent on local social systems and environ ment as on broad interregional currents of exchange and external political to settlement
in Bronze Age Kavousi influences. The normative mode of settlement was not the or the town, but the of interdependent village cluster?groups of arable land. The cluster pattern farmhouses occupying concentrations ostensibly represents the optimal settlement arrangement in this particular environment.
The expansion of settlements and exploitation of agricultural land from as early as EM III suggests a highly stable and dynamic social II. and economic system capable of sustaining a constant growth until MM the internal cohesion, The longevity of the cluster pattern emphasizes between clusters, and cultural identification with strong interconnections the region and local environment. This highly integrated human-landscape interaction fostered economic prosperity and population growth. Even so, the draw of a centralized economy, the the clusters could not withstand in regional production and exchange, and the direct control of or indirect centers higher-order palatial influence. Nor could the limited arable land of Kavousi ultimately support the population explosion of changes
a site hierarchy and town economy I?II. By the Neopalatial period, had replaced the archaic site clusters. The farmhouse near Chrysokamino had become part of awider world.
MM
CHAPTER
20
The
Geographic
the
Chrysokamino
Boundaries
of
Farmstead
Territory byPhilip P. Betancourt
small farming communities must have a close relationship with the land that provides their economic livelihood, any understanding of the cultural history of an agricultural society must consider the use of the land
Because
scape as an essential part of the scientific data. In applying this assumption toMinoan Crete, one of the first steps must be the definition of boundar ies. Establishing
the extent of the territory providing the hinterland for a foundation of discussions and conclusions.
site is an essential
specific In this study of the region around Chrysokamino, the word "territory" is defined following Wilkinson, who suggests that a territory is "the area a group in the course of its seasonal subsistence regularly exploited by degrees of exploitation may be recognized. cycle."1 Different for the study of the extent of the territory controlled by Methodologies agrarian estates have been more developed for the Roman Empire than for earlier periods of antiquity. The sizes of Roman estates seem to have been so that estimates of territorial size based on regional and local conditions, vary widely.2 Estimates for different regions have varied from 50-2,000 ha, and even if both extremes are considered atypical, the situation emphasizes the variability of land use under different conditions. In order to examine or a one an examina must the territory for estate, specific farm begin with it existed. tion of the conditions under which
THE CHRYSOKAMINO REGION The mos
on the Cretan coast between Tholos region Bay and Pacheia Arri was first inhabited in the Final Neolithic Bay period, and its Bronze lasted until LM IIIB. The evidence, which is discussed occupation
Age in Chapter
the occupation was 19, is not sufficient to establish whether or intermittent, but most pottery are periods represented. Until EM IIB, only a few dispersed sites existed, including the Chrysokamino site on the hill of Chomatas, habitation the nearby metallurgy workshop, continuous
1.Wilkinson 2. See Vallar
1981, p. 251. 1991,
pp.
10-11.
and the cave called Theriospelio. The pattern of small, dispersed sites eastern this of the of the side Gulf of Mirabello, part prevailed throughout
CHAPTER
234 It was
followed
20
inMM
IB-II by small clusters of settlements. The local sites passed out of existence afterMM IIB, leaving habitation location to command this part of the I to LM III.
clusters of neighboring only the Chrysokamino terrain from LM
most of the evidence for the Chrysokamino is farmhouse Although from the Late Bronze Age (Chap. 17), the residents must have farmed the land from the time they first settled in the region until they left the coast at the end of theMinoan period. Because few objects other than sherds survive from the early phases at the site, little can be said about the nature of the Prepalatial and Protopalatial occupation or even about the exact location or of the building buildings that may have been present. The presence of chaff from barley in the furnace chimney fragments, however, shows that the was region already producing grains in the Early Bronze Age (Chap. 12), and the location of the settlement near the best local land supports the same conclusion. The earliest surface pottery from the farmland in the vicinity of the dwelling is from the Final Neolithic (App. H, AF 32.1). Evidence for LM I is more fully preserved than for earlier periods, and the occupation from LM III is even better documented. A substan complex from LM III is present, and the location of on virgin soil indicates it must have increased in of the architecture part at size this time. The LM III building almost certainly housed a larger number of people than lived there in LM I. The residents from both of tial architectural
these periods exploited the landscape for agriculture aswell as for animal survives for flocks and herds (sheep/goat, husbandry. Evidence pig, and cattle bones), for agriculture (botanical remains of olive and cereals, aswell as querns and other and for some trade (pottery grinding implements), from elsewhere undertaken. probably domestic
This
in Crete). evidence
The fairly
Small-scale suggests
self-sufficient,
craftwork, including weaving, was that in LM I?III the residents were
depending
on the land for most
of their
economy.
situation
is not an unusual
one. The
of hilly terrain by in the southern Mediterra
settlement
small groups of agriculturalists iswell known nean; it is regarded as a standard type of land use until the Roman period.3 The evidence indicates that low hills were especially favored for exploita tion. The crops that were grown and the strategies that were employed for suited to this type of landscape. of botanical remains found in furnace fragments from Impressions the metallurgy location furnish a little evidence for the crops grown at impressions, Chrysokamino during the Prepalatial period (Chap. 12).These an olive leaf, suggest that olives the of and wheat, preserving shapes barley, growing
them were well
and grains were some of the staple crops. The situation is not surprising, because similar crops have been regarded as normal both for other sites during the Early Minoan period4 and for later periods in this part of the are a We Mediterranean.5 fairly stable agricultural probably observing in which successive groups of people adopted similar practices, to nature the of their landscape and its resources. Moreover, because owing similar crops required similar farming techniques, the land was probably a in the residents of the isolated exploited generally unchanging way by strategy
3. MacKinnon
1998.
4. J. Renfrew 1972; Blitzer 1993. 5. Vickery 1936; Forbes 1995; Halstead 1987,2000.
OF
BOUNDARIES
THE
FARMSTEAD
TERRITORY
235
IIB, and IIB, the cluster of tiny sites of EM III-MM I-III farmhouse. A fundamental question in regard to a farm or an estate such as one envisioned here is the extent of its associated land.What part of an was to local region available such establishment? Such estimates farm in FN-EM
the
LM
the the are
should difficult, but several clues help to suggest possible conclusions. We bear inmind that the territorial boundaries would probably have varied in different periods, depending on the proximity of other inhabited locations, at the main domestic the fluctuating population sites, and several other factors.
Today, the situation is very different from that of the Bronze Age. A metal fence divides a coastal strip, where the hills are mostly bare, from an used for raising olives. extensively cultivated region called Chordakia The
area is on the inland side of Chomatas
cultivated
called the Kambos, public land.
and it is divided
At the microregional is varied. The sea bounds
Hill, above the plain into private plots. The barren coast is
level, the topography on the coast near Kavousi the territory of Chrysokamino and the southwest on both the north and the west. Chomatas has
slope of Chomatas Hill two peaks, but neither one is visible from the archaeologi Chrysokamino a cal sites. The hills southwestern slope is series of lower ridges, with two and uphill from the habitation location (one at E5336 N4934 the other at E5478 N4758). A saddle lies between them. The slopes uphill from theMinoan architecture are mostly phyllite and phyllitic soil, with a few isolated outcrops of dolomite, limestone, and other rocks (see Chap. 2, low hillocks
on the geology of the area). One contact between carbonate is at the north side of the Chrysokamino The
the phyllite farmhouse.
and the
site is on the largest relatively level dolomite outcrop slope. To the east, the terraced land slopes to the Kambos (Figs. 1.6,19.4). To the north and northeast
habitation
on Chomatas
s southwestern
gently down is the hill of Chomatas, of the hills slope down
and farther north are additional bare hills. Many toward the sea until they terminate at ravines and the Aegean, and easy passage by steep trails down these
cliffs overlooking cliffs to the sea is possible at only a few locations. South and southwest of the habitation site, the land has eroded extensively (Fig. 1.10). Its bedrock is dolomite, and the hill slopes down to a low area of red soil named Lakkos Ambeliou. From here, a steep gorge descends to the west all the way to a A cobble road (kalderimi) goes down small harbor named Agriomandra. awalk of much less than an hour, a resident of the habi tation site could reach a small, protected beach, slopes with rich phyllitic soil, bare limestone hills, and rugged ravines. The Chrysokamino for a diversified region provided the potential
the ravine.With
life style. The harbor would have allowed access to the sea with all of its potential for trade, seafaring, and fishing. Soils of two types, terra rossa and decomposed phyllite, could have provided for farming, while barer hills could have been used as grazing lands. Outcrops of dolomite, limestone, and phyllite were suitable for ground stone tools.
sources of building materials
and raw materials
CHAPTER
236
20
TERRITORIAL BOUNDARIES FOR THE CHRYSOKAMINO FARMSTEAD factors may suggest territorial limits for a specific for the correlation of topography, settlement methodology Several
land use has been developed for the study of Roman can be and similar observations applied to the situation Five factors are the most important considerations: 1.The
site. A
careful
patterns, and farms and estates,6 at Chrysokamino.
topography, bedrock types, and soil types presence of natural barriers
2. The
3. The nature and proximity of other sites 4. Information on the type of landscape that was being exploited, as sources of information provided by excavation and other estimate 5. Population Estimates
of boundaries
the above factors. The in relation
considered
at the Chrysokamino estate have been based on and demographic features have been topographic to one another
as well
as to the excavated
evidence
from the three archaeological sites, especially the one with domestic archi tecture. The intensive survey of the region conducted by Haggis provides on the location of nearby sites that would have needed terri of their own.7 tory the factors considered for boundaries, the size of the popula Among tion at Chrysokamino is the most tenuous. Certainly, itwas never large. information
an a Only single farmhouse is likely to have been present in LM I. Even if extended family lived there, one cannot imagine more than 10-15 persons inhabiting the single building, and the number could have been smaller. In III, when the architecture was larger, the number of occupants may have expanded as well. For earlier periods, fewer than ten persons is an educated guess. If slaves were present, as they probably were, one might add to the number.
LM
The
suggested limits for territorial boundaries have several degrees of that represent physiographic Those barriers, such as the sea at certainty. west and gorges and uninhabited bare peaks at the northeast, the north and not be easily crossed. must represent borders that remained They at the east static the long history of the farmstead. Boundaries fairly during and tradition and south are likely to have been established by negotiation is far less certain, even with neighboring sites, so that their exact placement can be proposed. None of the Bronze Age though their general locations would
borders were fortified or even demarcated the archaeological neighbors. General
record, suggesting
in anyway that is recognizable in relations with all contiguous peaceful
have existed as early as the site's foundation a few Final Neolithic sites have been period. Only near from Kavousi. The three main Minoan archaeological boundaries
must
in the Final Neolithic identified
sherds, but the nearest other site near Hagios Antonios, well to that has been recognized is at Alykomouri a a It lies natural the northeast beyond (Fig. 19.3).8 boundary, defined by ravine near the modern gate that provides access to the southern part of locations
at Chrysokamino
all have FN
6. See DalTAglio andMarchetti 1991, with bibliography. 7.Mook andHaggis 1990; Haggis 1992,1995,1996b, 2000,2005. 8. See Haggis
1993a.
BOUNDARIES
Vt
OF
THE
FARMSTEAD
TERRITORY
237
Cave / Church Field House
N
Lime Kiln
A
20.1. Figure dra harbor
Ravine
2*3,
and
Built Road
Agrioman
ravine and the bare cliffs and peaks to the north of it form and northeast of these physiographic barriers, topographic the closest human outpost on the cliffs is a small walled settlement, referred
Chomatas.The
barriers. North
use is not to here as Pyrgos Chrysokaminou (Fig. 1.5). Its earliest date of known, but itmay have served as a lookout post or a refuge site. To the west and north, the sea forms the border of the territory. Except location and the burial cave, no Minoan for the metallurgy archaeological sites have been found
in this direction
between
the habitation
location
and
the sea.At
the southwest, the ravine leading to the harbor of Agriomandra is also a natural border (Fig. 20.1). the sites are located nearby to the south, suggesting No FN-EM and boundary could have extended into the poorer land of the Kambos or to Lakkos Ambeliou of bare hill The southwest of beyond. Chalepa, cannot have supported agriculture and is a natural bar Lakkos Ambeliou, rier itself. It is possible (even likely), of course, that FN and EM sherds near eventually be recognized at additional locations Chrysokamino, our its of territorial scope. refining picture In Chapter 19, Haggis suggests that the settlement pattern at the in EM III-MM I. southwestern spur of Chomatas Hill changed markedly
will
Several new
sites were
founded
near the habitation site, Chrysokamino sites. He makes a strong case that these
a cluster of resulting in nearby sites were probably related, and that they could have shared resources and as the site and the harbor at nearby locations such managed metallurgy at Their strategic location the head of the ravine leading Agriomandra. to the tiny harbor suggests they monitored the tiny port traffic between
CHAPTER
238
20
and places farther inland. Nevertheless, site at the presence of aMinoan the harbor itself suggests the situation could also be more complex. If the cluster functioned as a unit, asHaggis suggests, the northern convincingly and western territorial limits were probably similar to those of the FN is surely indicated, how EM IIB settlement. An expanded population ever, and the southern somewhat
and southeastern
boundaries
could have extended
farther.
To the east,Middle Minoan sites existed at Katsoprinos and Kephalo limnos. Because these MM neighbors must have needed farmland of their the Chryso own, a boundary of some type must have existed between kamino territory and the land controlled by these other sites. Although are not known, the precise boundaries proximity of the other settlements an area at Chrysokamino sites and its vicinity for the cluster of suggests across the upper terraced part of the southwest and southeast slope of Chomatas Hill, including part of Chordakia. The territory prob near the major ravine north of the modern gate. The outpost ably ended that extended
was either an or outlying extension (Pyrgos Chrysokaminou) (more likely) the next neighbor to the north. InMM III-LM I, Haggis suggests that the cluster of sites went out the land of existence, and a situation arose inwhich one site dominated to the north
scape. That site was the Chrysokamino first period with excavated architectural partly preserved. Other communities
habitation remains
is the
location. This
at the site. One
house
is
near here in nearby. The most important site was was later times, Kephalolimnos, already inhabited. A Bronze Age site east of the Chrysokamino habitation still present at Katsoprinos, location, to the east. These LM I settlements must farther and Afykomouri lay have required their own land, so that the territory of the Chrysokamino were
at this period. cannot have included all of Chordakia For LM III, the boundaries were probably as shown in Figure 20.2, with additional land used for pastures. The northern and western boundaries, are not likely to have changed much. established by the geomorphology,
farmstead
Both Kanta9 and Haggis10 have reported LM III pottery from Kephalolim still had the same site as a neighbor nos, so the residents at Chrysokamino to the southeast, suggesting of a boundary somewhere the continuation on Hill. of Chomatas the slopes within the region of Chordakia, remains a question mark. southern border, near Lakkos Ambeliou, some of the site disappeared, sites the MM south of habitation tiny estate may have expanded slightly to include more area the Chrysokamino The
When
near Lakkos Ambeliou, but itwould probably farmland than the cluster had held jointly. The
not have controlled
more
expansion in territory, ab be a natural outgrowth of the had would what cluster controlled, sorbing the increase in the size of the architectural complex at the main remaining
did not also absorb population. site, but only if Kephalolimnos In the diagram in Figure 20.2, the border is drawn at the bare hillside south of AF 32 (an oval enclosure), a region with no sherds suggesting LM I?III a border).11 Farther south, at Lakkos Ambeliou, activity (i.e., it may be
habitation
LM
III and later sherds suggest that activity continued
into the 1st millen
9. Kanta
1980,
pp.
144-145.
10.Haggis 2005, pp. 116-117. 11. For see
Apps.
the G, H.
situation
and
the pottery,
BOUNDARIES
OF
THE
FARMSTEAD
TERRITORY
CHOMATAS HILL
N
Burial Cave
Metallurgy Site
Katsoprinos Habitation
Site
Modern Road
Kephalolimnos Agriomandra
Modern Ravine
Modern
Road
20.2.
Boundaries
for
the
farmstead in LM III
Fences
LAKKOS AMBELIOU
CHALEPA HILL Figure
Road
200m
s habitation site was not inhabited. This Chrysokamino not is in LM included the region, therefore, territory. in By LM I, the estate probably had an eastern border somewhere to Chordakia. The primary territory extended northward the ravine north nium
b.c., when
gate, and it probably included the region west to the sea to somewhere near Lakkos Ambeliou, the boundary where to have varied somewhat from This broad may period period. region had a a one at at the stable the north, west, south and east, but shifting border and southwest. It always included the locations of the metallurgy workshop of the modern and south
and the cave, but both were abandoned before the Late Bronze Age. Evidence from the excavations contributes additional information. Besides
the growing of crops, the residents in LM I and LM III, the evidence Especially stantial amounts of meat, which surely means Access to the bare hillsides south and north of 12. For rather modern
the practice of herding on these hills in than farming see times, 1992, p. 75. Haggis
have
been
essential,
whether
the
pasturelands
pursued
animal husbandry. they consumed sub
suggests flocks and herds were the main were
farming
shared
kept. area would
or owned.12
were also a part of the record, suggest goods archaeological access to a harbor. were almost ing Many imports certainly brought in by Trade
CHAPTER
240
20
sea through rather than overland. Because of its regional Agriomandra, it is that any single community ever had exclusive use importance, unlikely of this type of harbor; as with grazing land, one must consider the possi a shared resource. bility of In summary, the evidence
a for the Minoan period suggests territory in Figure 20.2. Only one long-lived habitation location area. on most is this It found the stable bed recognized within
like that shown has been
rock outcrop in the region (where most of the land is soft phyllite and its semiconsolidated site is surrounded alteration products). The habitation a set at off natural boundaries the northeast, by the by primary territory by sea at the north
and west, and by the proximity of other Minoan the east and south. This primary territory was probably the main region controlled by the estate.
sites at farming
the primary territory are secondary territories that might Beyond have been shared. They include a ravine that terminates at a harbor with a small beach, aswell as bare hills more suitable for grazing than for farming located both north and south of the ravine. Bare hills are also found north of the territory, where they could have been shared with Kephalolimnos, s access to which would also have surely required pastures. Chrysokamino a a for and for primary territory agriculture secondary territory grazing, a small, along with access to the sea, helps to explain how semi-independent unit was able to subsist for more than amillennium and a half in the face of fundamental
changes occurring both locally and throughout the island. stable relationship between land use and population must have been established early in the regions history, based on constant factors such as the nature of the soils, the topography, crop management strategies that did
A
not
contributed deplete the soil, and simple animal husbandry. Metallurgy to the domestic economy until EM III-MMIA, but in later periods, stable factors such as gardening, farming, and herding were more significant in the long run.
CHAPTER
21
Land
Use
on
Chrysokamino
the Farmstead
byPhilip P. Betancourt
communities were the main economic force in the Classical Agricultural era,1 and they would have been at least as important in earlier periods. In to trade and craftwork, Minoan spite of commitments society must have at small sites been firmly based upon an agricultural economy. Especially located away from the large urban centers, subsistence activities would have been focused mainly on growing crops and tending animals. For the territory considered here, strong evidence indicates an agrar ian base. In the first place, accessibility to farmland seems to have been an site important factor in the choice of settlement location. The habitation was neither situated on the coast at the harbor of which Agriomandra, nor farther inland where land traffic seafaring, easier. No major natural resources aside from the land
would
have accommodated
would
have been
itself are present in the vicinity of the site. It was surely the arable land that attracted the residents. Other evidence for agricultural activities comes from the present excavation. This evidence includes the presence of querns for grinding grain, substantial numbers of animal bones from domestic animals (and very few wild species), pottery evidence for long-term storage of commodities, and the identification of chaff, barley, wheat, and olive in the metallurgical furnace chimney fragments. No doubt exists that the residents here engaged in farming and animal husbandry. The interaction between human occupation in this part of Crete
and
the slowly changing conditions of climate, natural resources, and other are crucial factors in the of the environment aspects physical history of at the Bronze Age community The natural Chrysokamino. setting of the is formed of territory Chrysokamino by specific types physical features that can be arranged into separate zones. Because these zones differ activity one from would have afforded different potential another, they markedly to the community as awhole. The contributions dynamic ways their potentials were used or neglected had an important impact on the history of the region. economic inwhich
1. Barker 1985;Halstead 1987; Wells 1992.
The Chrysokamino location provides the setting for a specific way of life based on farming and the keeping of domestic livestock. The pattern of cultural activity must have changed through time, but the need for farmland
CHAPTER
242
21
have been constant.
would manage climate,
the land with and
In all periods, itwould have been necessary to a strategy that was appropriate for the local soils,
crops.
In the methodology for this project, the landscape was developed first divided into different classes. The information used for this analysis came from distinguished relationships
the intensive
by considering between them:
1. Available
survey, and the categories of land were the following three types of data and the
surface
soils and their characteristics,
especially
to support agriculture2 presence or absence of a substantial
2. The
on
the
their potential
scatter ofMinoan
sherds
surface3
or flat; or covered with nature of the topography rocky (steep a substantial soil cover) sediment; with or without
3. The
types of soils are present on the land that makes up the Chrysokamino a territory. A red soil called terra rossa occurs over carbonate bedrock, and
Two
over soils are very clearly phyllitic soil is present phyllite.The by color. Because they also have very different characteristics, distinguished cannot be farmed in the same way. Any successful agricultural system they would have required an understanding of the differences between the two pale-colored
soils and the development of different strategies for their management. was farmed for The fact that the Chrysokamino territory approximately is that the residents their land's 2,000 years ample proof clearly understood were able to manage their soil resources and capabilities successfully. The presence or absence of a substantial scatter of Minoan and later sherds on the surface can be easily documented by intensive surface survey some parts of and In the (see Apps. G, H, I, J). territory, Chrysokamino the landscape are almost empty of sherds, with only an occasional piece m or more apart. Other portions of the land have spaced every 25-50 many ceramic fragments, with more than 10 pieces in a 10 m2 area. This circumstance obviously results from a difference in ancient activity, and it is, therefore, a significant factor in defining classes of land use. is extremely varied. It includes The topography around Chrysokamino areas of steep cliffs, gently rolling hills, a deep ravine, and bare hillsides with almost no soil cover. These different classes of land do not offer the same
must have been exploited in potential for agricultural use, and they different ways. Four classes of land have been recognized based on the three criteria of soil type, presence or absence of substantial numbers of ceramic sherds, and type of terrain. The first three classes are on flat or gently sloping land suitable for farming. Type 1 consists of land with terra rossa soil and a sub sherds on the surface. Type 2 consists of terra stantial scatter of Minoan rossa soil without
the substantial
scatter ofMinoan
sherds. Type 3 consists scatter ofMinoan sherds
of phyllitic soil, which does not have a substantial on the surface at The fourth type consists of land that is Chrysokamino. too steep for either agriculture or the keeping of livestock. These four clas and of the geological sifications, defined initially by simple observations
2. For
discussions
of the
importance
of this factor, see Bintliff 1977, pp. 99 1992, pp. 48-49. of this factor importance for the presence of subsurface features to ac and for its relation human past see et al. 1988, p. 170; tivity, Cherry 100; Carothers 3. On
for
its use
agricultural
the
in the reconstruction practices,
of
seeWilkinson
1982; Bintliff and Snodgrass 1988, pp. 507-508;
Betancourt
and Hope
Simpson 1992 (with substantial addi tional bibliography).
LAND
USE
ON
THE
FARMSTEAD
243
CHOMATAS HILL
Metallurgy Workshop
Katsoprinos
Kephalolimnos
Modern Road
CHALEPA HILL
Figure 21.1. Land of Type 1, used for horticulture substantial
(terra scatter
LAKKOSAMBELIOU
rossa with
of Minoan
200m
sherds)
that distinguish data, have many additional characteristics archaeological them from one another as well. The additional characteristics that are unique to each class help confirm the validity of the organizational system as awhole. A recognition of the differences between the categories leads on the to some significant conclusions and management of organization land at the Chrysokamino
FARMLAND,
TYPE
In the classification soil with
farmstead.
1: GARDENS
used in this study, land of Type 1 consists of terra rossa scatter ofMinoan sherds on its surface. The land of
a substantial
Type 1 is fairly restricted in extent (Fig. 21.1). A sloping hillside extends from the habitation site, which has an elevation of 120 masl, to the oval structure
32 (App. G), which has an elevation of 106 masl. rises slightly to a ridgelike hill with an elevation the land 32, of 110 masl and then descends in a long, relatively evenly sloping hillside all the way to Lakkos Ambeliou (elevation 75 masl). The land of Type 1 is an area south and southeast of the habitation site, extending downhill called AF
South of AF
from the architecture
to just over the ridge south of AF
32. The
roughly
CHAPTER
244
21
circular deposit of sherds extends across an area with awidth of ca. 100 m and a length of ca. 110 m. Within this area, the sherds are distributed as small, worn, pottery on the surface fairly evenly, occurring fragments of the ground. The area is too large for the sherds to have been dumped here and later scattered. The soil (red terra rossa) is different from the covers the settlement, so the material cannot have pale brown soil that hill eroded down the from the habitation and the site, simply ridge with a same conclusion because erosion of 110 masl demonstrates the height across the land shows that the flow uphill. The even distribution sherds did not spread out from any single location. The long hillside south of AF 32 has the same terra rossa soil, but it has no sherds on it until it It is not a part of this class of reaches the vicinity of Lakkos Ambeliou. cannot
landscape.
Another
thick scatter of sherds occurs at Lakkos Ambeliou.
This
fea
ca. 280 m ture is a pedon (a deposit of sediment) in a sinkhole measuring m east-west. Morris north-south studied this deposit in detail.4 by 410 He concluded that it developed as an alluvial deposit from the terra rossa on the surrounding glacial period. The
in a lake during the last hills, possibly accumulating was of surface the pedon dry by the Middle Minoan sherds were deposited on it.
period, when Many Minoan
sherds occur both within
the soil and on the surface of
site and across the ridge south the land of Type 1 between the habitation are III period, but of the farmhouse. Most of them from the Late Minoan and Late Minoan I pieces are present aswell.5 The earliest Middle Minoan sherd recognized
from the area is from the Final Neolithic.
Several
sherds
in the present study as typical examples of the material catalogued found here (see AF 32 in App. G). They are all similar in their physical in that they are small (mostly under 5 cm in size), worn, and preservation, are
on them, and they do not join with poorly preserved. Little paint survives or of their other pieces to make larger fragments parts of vessels. Most are
edges
rounded.
character of the pottery differs from the better-preserved sherds found at the settlement, but it is identical to sherds found away from sites. In comparison with the sherds from the Chrysokamino settlement The
site, the sherds from Site AF 32 and its vicinity are smaller and come from the same Minoan periods. In terms although they the number of sherds per square meter was much lower at Site 32 than at the settlement before excavation. Isolated sherds of this type
habitation
more worn, of quantity, AF
been called "offsite scatter."6 They are commonly found in surveys in eastern Crete and elsewhere. the soil. Morris found Mi small, worn sherds also occur within
have sometimes regional The
to a depth of 110 cm at nearby Lakkos Ambeliou. He that the buried sherds were not on an ancient, buried ground surface, and he suggested that they might have moved downward through vertical cracks in the ground.7 This conclusion may be correct for some of noan
sherds buried
demonstrated
the sherds in the sinkhole he studied, but it is not likely to be correct for all of them because he also identified a buried tillage zone extending from the surface to ca. 30 cm below the surface.
4. Morris 5. For
2002, pp. 45-59. their previous recognition,
seeHaggis 2005, p. 119, locus 53. 6. Bintliff and Snodgrass 1988; and Mantzourani Davis, chap. 3. 7.Morris 2002, pp. 57-59.
Cherry,
1991,
LAND
USE
ON
THE
FARMSTEAD
245
that such vertical movement usually takes place inmont Considering as not in kaolinite morillonite those of this sinkhole, some such clays, clays of these sherds may have been deposited through the practice of manur not In is the sinkhole the region of AF 32 where the within any case, ing. sherds must be explained in terms presence of a larger number ofMinoan of Bronze Age activity. manure to land used for was aworldwide Adding agriculture practice for agriculturalists before the introduction of commercial fertilizers.8 The value of manuring has been studied inmany regions, from Great Britain,9 to continental Europe,10 to North America,11 to Asia.12 The practice im proves the land in several ways. The working of manure and other refuse into the soil renews nutrients, adds organic matter to help retain moisture, aerates the soil, distributes nutrients more uniformly, and breaks up clumps soil to improve root penetration. The practice has often been as a normal part of gardening and farming. regarded The manuring of fields has also been previously documented archaeo
of denser
in the ancient Mediterranean logically.13 It must have been widespread because Greek and Roman writers described it as a routine practice.14 In on farming, for example, Cato regarded it as an essential part of agriculture (deAgri Cultura. 5.8,29.1). Given its broad distribution it would be surprising if elsewhere, was not also practiced in Bronze we now have manuring Age Crete, and on Pseira. The excavation firm proof of its use during theMinoan period of two agricultural fields on Pseira Island discovered sherds both on the his manual
surface of the fields and deeply buried within the soil.15The Pseiran field at location G 2 is particularly relevant to the situation at Chrysokamino. The two regions are in the same part of Crete, the fields have contemporary to Late Minoan are both Middle Minoan deposits, and the sites farming land composed of terra rossa soil. using poor quality, marginal in the Pseiran agricultural field, which was located well away from any settlement, were found within the soil all the way from the surface to bedrock. They were small and worn like their counterparts from AF 32 locations
Sherds
8.
Lyon
and Buckman
1929,
pp. 381-405; Wilkinson 1982; Courty, Goldberg, andMacphail 1989, pp.
133-134.
9. Pitty 1978, pp. 132,135. 10. Barker
p. 163.
1985,
11.Wines
1985, chap. 1. et al. 1964, pp. 264 12. Tamhane
269;Walls 1982, p. 26. 13.Wilkinson 1982,1989; Bintliff and Snodgrass 1988, pp. 507-508; Bintliff, Howard, and Snodgrass 1999; Bintliff et al. 2002, pp. 260-261. 14.Tilly 1973, p. 73; Garnsey 1992, p. 151. 15. Betancourt
and Hope
Simpson
1992. 16. Bull,
1999.
Evershed,
and Betancourt
at Chrysokamino.
Small amounts of other refuse occurring with them, sea and shells, scraps of obsidian, broken loomweights, including bones, other items, helped indicate that the material on this and other Pseiran terraces was settlement debris. Scientific a team of scientists at analysis by the University of Bristol has now confirmed that chemical traces of manure are present
in the soil from context G 2 on Pseira. There
can be no doubt,
of the deposit.16 the terra rossa at the location
about the formation
therefore, ' on Pseira, near the As Chrysokamino site is rather poor terra rossa soil. It has few nutrients, and it habitation has an even greater problem in its inability to retain much water. If this or over a soil was used for horticulture agriculture long period of time, a fertilizer would have helped restore nutrients, and it would have added retention. organic matter for better moisture Analysis of the soils contributes additional evidence that the terra rossa in this region was used for agrarian purposes. Human influence on soils can be determined by identifying the presence of specific residual chemical
CHAPTER
246
21
the natural surface horizon of elements, especially phosphorus.17 Although soils in this region averages only 15 cm in depth,18 Morris demonstrated that the red soils from Lakkos Ambeliou have a 20-30 cm deep surface zone
and other chemical relics of agricultural ac containing phosphorus as a tillage zone, and the presence tivity.19 This horizon may be identified of substantial numbers ofMinoan sherds shows that this part of the land, 32, was used in the Bronze Age. in sherd density is the most variation
not far from AF The
of the difference between interpretation 1 and Type Types 2-3. At Chrysokamino,
important
factor
in the
the Chrysokamino farmland of the extensive sherd scatter of
pottery exists only on a restricted part of the terra rossa soil. An occasional sherd occurs on the other two types of land in the Chrysokamino
Minoan
territory, but the contrast in the amount of pottery is sufficient to indicate a in land use. The explanation cannot be found in difference pronounced the type of soil because some of the terra rossa (i.e.,Type 2 farmland) does not have the extensive
sherd scatter.
of the land of Type 1 further help to separate it, albeit less dramatically, from the other two types of farmland at Chryso kamino. All of the Type 1 land is close to the settlement. In fact, it adjoins Other
characteristics
the habitation site, with no physical barrier in between, while parts of the other two farmland types are up to a kilometer away. It is restricted in size, in contrast with the larger territory covered by the other two types of land. It is close to a deep natural cleft in the bedrock, which would have been a no terraces because it is not very steep. source of water in rainy periods. It has use was clearly indicates that local land different for various parts of the landscape. This conclusion fits well with a use in ancient growing body of archaeological evidence for zonation in land and more recent periods inGreece.20 The land available for agriculture was even we no though usually have apparently often divided between crops, The
evidence
at Chrysokamino
in agrarian clear picture of which crops were on which plots. Variations on and on have been based situations21 practices recognized topographic the suitability of land for grazing and other uses.22 That selected crops are of intense care (hoeing, weeding, watering, and grown under conditions can also be manuring) recognized from the presence of certain weeds.23 is best understood The use of different classes of land at Chrysokamino in relation to research on ancient
strategies for raising various types of crops. An excellent summary of the subject is presented by Leach, who notes that a large body of evidence (linguistic, topographic, archaeological, literary, and ethnological, among others) indicates a very different ancient attitude toward gardens and fields.24 Several Roman writers, especially Cato and Varro, discuss these different attitudes.25 The different strategies arose as a natural consequence of the types of crops grown; some plants (such as as and many vegetables) require constant care, while others (such pulses not. and olive do trees) grains for the two classes of crops were very different in Classi Strategies times. Crops in the fields were handled as large units in terms of tilling, planting, and harvesting, while plants in the gardens were tended individually. Gardens were routinely placed near the settlements where they could receive intensive care, while fields could be located farther cal and Roman
17. Sjoberg 1976; Proudfoot 1976; Eidt 1977. 18.Timpsonl992,p. 19. Morris 2002,
137. pp. 52,59.
20.Wagstaff andAugustson 1982; Hayden 1995, p. 100;Acheson 1997, p. 175;Halstead 2000, p. Ill; Ather don
2000,
p. 63.
21.Wagstaff
andAugustson
1982,
p. 107.
22. Gamble 1982, pp. 163-164; Forbes 1995;Halstead 2000. 23. Jones 1987,1992; Jones et al. 1999;
Bogaard
et al. 2000;
2000. 24. Leach 1997. 25. Tilly 1973, p. 64.
Jones
et al.
LAND
USE
ON
THE
FARMSTEAD
247
in Homer and in Linear B tablets suggest that gardens away. References fruit trees, and grape vines were situated near the settle for vegetables, ments.26 The basic contrast in attitudes is even reflected in the linguistic origins of the words horticulture, associated with the home, and agriculture, derived from a root meaning wilder areas at some distance from the house. The situation typically resulted in a division of labor along gender lines. Women typically cared for the gardens, which required small amounts of labor on a daily basis. Men were more likely to work in the fields, away from the houses. The fields required longer periods of intensive work at certain stages of the growing cycle, as in the times of pruning, planting, and harvesting. It is this difference helps explain
in the amount of care needed
the differences
in the number
for some plants that of sherds on the land around
It is likely that the Bronze Age residents of this farmstead some crops that required intensive care, with the addition of
Chrysokamino. were growing substantial amounts
of manure, while to grow with much use of manure and rubbish
could be allowed Greater
they also raised grains and olives that less hoeing, weeding, and manuring. as fertilizer in the near the gardens
settlement would have resulted in the higher density of sherds recorded in the archaeological record. A combination of poor soil and plants requiring care than other crops is extra nutrients, more moisture, and more frequent the best explanation for the use of farmland of Type 1. There are additional reasons for the placement of a garden near the home. Many vegetables are routinely harvested in tiny amounts every day or two to ensure freshness, making frequent trips to the garden necessary. are stored, in contrast to crops such small amounts of vegetables Only as grains and olives that are harvested in large quantities all at once and stored until the next harvest. Planting garden plots close to home means that short trips to the garden to water sprouts, remove weeds, pick fresh or add a small amount of refuse as fertilizer can be produce, interspersed with other household chores. such as olives, barley, and wheat, all of which are attested at Early as as elsewhere in EM Crete,27 do Chrysokamino (Chap. 12), well
Plants Minoan
can be not require constant care. a settle They planted in fields away from In addition, many of the tasks associated with their management, including pruning trees and harvesting grain, require full days of very hard labor. Such tasks are not well suited to household members who are also or taking care of very small children. cooking in land use is clearly reflected at Chrysokamino. This distinction Land
ment.
of Type
1 contrasts with
to the distinction
land of Types 2 and 3, conforming between gardens and fields. Land of Type
very closely 1 adjoins the no natural barriers such as ra
site and is easily accessible with It has many small sherds on its surface, indicating that this land received more attention than the land of Types 2 or 3, a situation very compatible with garden plots. A number of crops were probably grown in the gardens. A strong case has been made for pulses as a staple in the Minoan and Cycladic diet.28 habitation
vines to be crossed.
26.
See
the discussion
in Palmer
1999, pp. 478-480. 27. J. Renfrew 1972; Greig and Warren
1974.
28. Sarpaki 1992.
If this hypothesis is correct, it confirms the need for horticulture. Pulses have to have been raised in gardens near the settlements because the
would
CHAPTER
248
21
cultivation of these plants is extremely labor intensive.29 Grapes may also care in have been grown. Viticulture requires extra pruning, staking, fertil on and other and thrive well-drained tasks,30 grapes izing, slopes. The land here as garden plots would have been well suited to this crop. this pattern, with gardens for vegetables aswell as dry farm Although for olives and grains, has not been previously noted in the Minoan ing record, itwas probably not unusual. Diversity has long been archaeological interpreted
as an
important aspect of Bronze Age farming,31 and different between gardens and fields different crops require strategies. Distinctions were in made later of antiquity in both Greece and Italy. routinely periods no seems reason to suggest that Crete was There substantially different regarded
from other places where the same crops were raised. The ancient Mediter ranean people had limited strategies for solving the problems of agricultural on
marginal land. A division between gardens and fields would not have been an unusual situation, but rather an ordinary aspect probably of Minoan land use. production
FARMLAND, TYPE 2: GRAZING LANDS of terra rossa soil without
sherds any substantial scatter of Minoan constitute farmland of Type 2. This category of land is farther away from site than the land of Type 1. It includes low hills where the the habitation
Areas
a as well as the Kambos where the terra underlying bedrock is carbonate rossa has been extensively deposited. This class of farmland is shown in Figure 21.2. Chalepa, eroded. Many
the hill south of the ravine leading to the harbor, is extremely parts of the hillside are composed of boulders and bedrock
rather than soil. The hill does not have any terrace walls could not be used very successfully for farming in its present, of the soil has washed into the valley of the Kambos Most an
Ambeliou,
event
that
seems
to have
taken
place
in two
on it, and it eroded state. near Lakkos stages,
which
are not suggests that much of the first precisely dated. Research byMorris erosion occurred of during the last glacial period, when probably period was a lake.32 The presence of Middle the sinkhole at Lakkos Ambeliou sherds on the surface here proves the final stage was earlier than and the resulting erosion have often been re this period. Deforestation as processes in the Aegean,33 though there are strong garded anthropogenic the universal opinions against application of this hypothesis.34 It is tempting
Minoan
to associate
the last period of erosion with clearing of the land for agriculture for copper smelting, because such operations
Minoan
to deforestation smelting often leads no direct evidence for the association the
two
events
to Early the Final Neolithic or with the use of the region
30. Hanson
in this case except for the date when
In spite of their bare condition, the hill of Chalepa and other carbon ate hills in the vicinity are used today (1990s to early 2000s) as grazing them land for sheep and goats. They support sparse vegetation, making even in late summer. No
cattle are kept
in this vicinity.
1985,
p. 73.
1992.
31. A. C. Renfrew 1972, p. 306; Palmer
require substantial fuel, and and subsequent erosion, but there is
occurred.
suitable for grazing
29. Barker
1999,
32. Morris
pp. 478-480. 2002, p. 58.
33. Bottema 1980;Thirgood pp. 68,153-155;
van Andel,
1981,
Runnels,
and Pope 1986; van Andel, Zangger, and Demitrack nels,
Run 1990; Jameson, and van Andel 1994, p. 325.
34. Rackham
p. 127;Moody 2000b.
and Moody
1996,
1997,2000; Forbes
LAND
USE
ON
THE
FARMSTEAD
249
N
Katsoprinos
Agriomandra
Kephalolimnos
Modern Road Ravine Road
LAKKOS AMBELIOU
Figure 21.2. Land of Type 2, used rossa with
for pasture
(terra
face
or with
sherds
a
light
no scatter
sur
CHALEPA HILL
of
sherds) Additional
hills where
Lakkos Ambeliou, north of the main bare of vegetation, It is suggested for the ancient
the bedrock
is a carbonate
lie between AF
32 and
and also north of the ravine that leads toAgriomandra, are mostly Chrysokamino region. All of these places but they support enough for sheep and goats. here that these hills would
farmsteads
west
of modern
have afforded grazing lands Kavousi, including Chryso is not clear, and the absence of
Early Bronze Age situation site could suggest either that little meat animal bones from the metallurgy or that this was in the diet Bronze did not the Early workshop during Age consume much meat while the were In other words, the working. personnel site may have been too specialized to give a true picture of diet in general; kamino. The
may have returned to their homes at night. By the Late period, however, there is substantial evidence for sheep and/or goats in the LM I?III strata at the habitation site, indicating that meat formed an in important part of the diet of the people who lived at the farmhouse the metalworkers
Minoan
that period. Land animals
35. Gamble Forbes
1982,
pp.
163-164;
1995.
36. Halstead
1981,1987,2000.
that
they
of Type must
have
2 would
have provided
nearby grazing
for the
managed.
near Specialized grazing sites agricultural communities have also been recognized from later periods of Greece.35 Animal husbandry, therefore, in which may often have been more complex than simple transhumance, flocks and herds are moved from upland pastures in the summer to lower grazing lands in the winter.36 It has been suggested that keeping animals locally
was very important
to small farmsteads, with
agricultural
sites being
CHAPTER
250
21
of their proximity to grazing lands as well as farmland.37 us an additional reason to suppose that at least some animals gives were managed locally at Chrysokamino. chosen because
This
If the situation
in the Kambos
before
the middle
of the 20th
cen
tury A.D.
is any indication of ancient times, the low-lying parts of the as plain may have suffered from droughts that made them undesirable even could have flocks and herds, farming areas, though they supported summer. This situation would leave the terraced in the particularly phyllite hills
(farmland of Type 3) for raising field crops. A similar pattern of land on the upper with animals maintained use, slopes and cereals and other on lower hillsides, has also been proposed for other parts of crops raised eastern
Crete.38
FARMLAND,
TYPE
3: FIELDS
is steadily accumulating in Early Minoan for olive cultivation refutes earlier doubts about its presence,39 Crete. Blitzer convincingly must olive that the have been a significant crop. It was probably arguing also present in the Final Neolithic, although evidence has not yet been discovered for this early phase. Evidence
must also have been important. Impressions of chaff, barley awheat grain, and an olive leaf in the furnace grains, fragments from the was site that the show region Chrysokamino already engaged metallurgy in diversified agriculture at the end of the Early Bronze Age (Chap. 12). Grains
the impressions in pottery are primarily chaff, it is likely that grain amounts. Grain and olives may even have been planted in substantial on the same farmland, with the gathering of chaff resulting in the planted casual inclusion of olive leaves.
Because was
and grains are crops that can withstand long periods without more land their cultivation is often called rain; dry farming. They require area of than the small farmland of Type 1, and the land of Type 2 is too Olives
poor to support them. The large area of Type 3, consisting of the most fertile land in the Chrysokamino territory, must have been the mainstay of dry farming, if for no other reason than that none of the other available as a semi land was suitable. The farm could not have been maintained was exploited. independent unit unless the phyllitic soil Land of Type 3 is shown in Figure 21.3. It consists of areas inwhich the bedrock is phyllite, with the overlying soil being formed by its disinte terra rossa of the region, gration. This soil is substantially richer than the and it retains moisture
better. The
manure
of the region still characteristics These purposes.40 scatter of sherds associated with
modern
to the red soil for agricultural prefer it may explain why it lacks the extensive
residents
and other refuse. In this region, an average of one sherd or less is an area of 1,000 m2. A tiny settlement with limited refuse
present within
to use its manure on the nearby gardens where itwas most might prefer needed, rather than on the fields where crops grew well. site adjoins land of The area of Type 3 is substantial. The habitation some at of 3 much of the land lies distance from the but Type Type 1,
37. Forbes 1995. 38. Hayden 1995, p. 100. 39. Blitzer 1993, p. 165; cf. Runnels and Hansen
40. Haggis p. 378.
1986,
pp. 305-306.
1996a, p. 188; 1996b,
LAND
USE
ON
THE
FARMSTEAD
251
Metallurgy Site
Katsoprinos
Kephalolimnos
Figure 21.3. Land of Type 3, used for dry farming (phyllitic soil)
LAKKOSAMBELIOU
Several areas in this part of the landscape have well-preserved terrace walls. They show that much more of this general region was farmed in the past than today.41 Terraced areas are shown in Figure 16.3. settlement.
Terracing tory.42
The
has been a regular practice
practice,
however,
was
not
in many
universal,
and
periods it may
his
of Greek have
been
based
on local factors, such as the desired crop, the type of soil, and the degree of slope. In northeastern Crete, agricultural terraces have been excavated to one another, revealing very different at two sites in close proximity were built terraces during the Bronze Age,43 practices. On Pseira, many at Chrysokamino after the only excavated terrace was constructed the Roman period (App. K). Rackham andMoody suggest three types of Cretan terraces.44 Parallel terraces. at the ends create braided terraces. Switchbacks walls form step
while
Small, often semicircular terrace walls create pocket terraces. All three types a fourth type, in which occur at the walls Chrysokamino (App. G), and are built inside a ravine to prevent it from eroding and becoming larger, is as well (App. G, AF 30 and AF 31). present It is not possible to prove that any of these terrace walls areMinoan from the available data. The only terrace excavated (App. G, AF 22b) was sherds recorded on the land Occasional Minoan Venetian or Ottoman. to local residents, 41. the According here not last farming was abandoned War II. long after World 42. Moody
and Grove
1990;
Foxhall
1996; French andWhitelaw 1999; Rackham andMoody 1992; 1996, pp. 140-145; Krahtopoulou 1997; Frederick
and Krahtopoulou
2000.
43. Betancourt
and Hope
IX, p. 287. 44. Rackham and Moody
Simpson
1992; Pseira
1992.
CHAPTER
252
21
in the Bronze Age, although a sherd from the surface does not prove that a terrace was first built in the Bronze Age. The terrace itwas constructed. Even may simply have incorporated earlier soil when the of included though phyllite would have released gradual disintegration indicate
itwas used
gradually into the soil, occasional additions of refuse from animal and settlement refuse piles must have occurred. pens In most places, the terraces are irregular and somewhat informal, and a series of even, they do not create regularly spaced steps. This type of most has been considered terracing appropriate for olive trees,45 and it is nutrients
as well. At the likely that grains would have been grown under the trees no survives direct evidence for theMinoan farmstead, crops Chrysokamino grown on the land that is now terraced. One
of the most
to have been water
in terrace systems is likely important consideration rather than the creation of level land. Ter conservation
races of the "check dam" class, inwhich successive terraces are built on the are a standard method a occur slope of hill, throughout the territory. They of preserving moisture. small buildings found in this terraced zone all seem to have been constructed after the Bronze Age (App. G). Their late date suggests that theMinoan farmers walked out to their fields from the settlement, taking their tools with them. A similar situation exists at nearby Pseira, where all or later.46The the field houses and threshing floors are Byzantine gradual The
drying of the climate in this part of the Aegean47 may have brought about the need for more terrace walls to retain moisture. This problem may not have been so acute until after theMinoan
period. Many of the slopes of the hills are not very steep, and crops could have been grown on them without substantial terracing.
crops did the residents of the estate grow? The triad of grain, olives, and grapes has been regarded as the foundation of Aegean agriculture for many years.48 Pulses were probably staples as well.49 Several pieces of evidence suggest that the main grain grown on poor land in this part of Crete was barley rather than wheat. The molds of cereals preserved in the What
furnace chimney fragments aremostly two-row barley (Chap. 12). Similarly, atMyrtos, the molds in clay have also been identified as barley,50 and this even at Knossos.51 grain appears to have been stored in quantity Barley on it and would have been a logical land than wheat better does, grows poor choice for the main cereal to be grown on the hillsides at Chrysokamino. is lacking for other crops, but they surely existed. A strong Evidence case has been made for diversification in the small outlying farms of Mi seems to be the best noan Crete,52 and this explanation for meager theory The use of land of more than evidence that exists from Chrysokamino. one type, the presence of more than one species of domestic animal, and the relatively small scale of the operation all argue for a diversified agri cultural base. 45. Lohmann 46. Betancourt
49. Sarpaki 1992.
1992. and Hope
1992; Pseira IX, pp. 296-300. 47.
See Chap.
2, pp.
48. Vickery 1936.
19-21.
Simpson
50. J. Renfrew 1972. 51. Evans 1921-1935, 52. Halstead
1992.
vol.
4, p. 622.
LAND
USE
ON
THE
FARMSTEAD
253
CHOMATAS HILL
Metallurgy Site
Figure unsuitable
21.4.
or areas Steep rocky HILL for farming
X
CHALEPA
RAVINES,
LAKKOS
CLIFFS,
AMBELIOU
AND
OTHER
STEEP AREAS
If the land in the vicinity of Chrysokamino is divided into zones, the loca tions that are too steep for farming make up a very small percentage of the total (Fig. 21.4). They consist only of the sea cliffs, some rocky outcrops, of the ravines that di steep areas on the hillside, and a few ravines. Most are not vide hillsides with phyllitic soil very steep, and some of them were terraced
in
post-Minoan
times
to
conserve
water
and
provide
spaces
for
are farming. Numbers AF 30 and AF 31 (App. G) examples of ravines with walls running up and down the slope to prevent the gorges from becoming wider through erosion, with subsequent loss of farmland. Cliffs and very steep slopes characterize the land at the edge of the sea at this on the coast. of the cliffs are too dangerous even point Many for goats, and the modern shepherd tries to keep his animals away from them (one animal was lost over the cliff in 1996). The steepest gorge is the one that forms the natural barrier at the southwest of the territory. Some at the north of this gorge, bordering on the Chrysokamino are sheer cliffs. In this are not territory, study, the hectares of steep land area in estimates of the total land counted available for agriculture and
of the bluffs
animal husbandry. On the seacoast, continuous. Numerous
the steep cliffs at the edges of the hills are not steep paths lead down to the sea, and residents
CHAPTER
254
21
use them to get down to the sea to fish as a routinely ease leisure time activity. The with which the paths are used suggests that the appearance of isolation from the sea is deceptive. The Minoans prob
of modern
Kavousi
ably walked down to the coast fairly often marine invertebrates as well as to fish.
to
gather
sea urchins
and other
gorges were probably once forested, as many ravines are in this ismost likely a result of recent part of Crete. Their present bare condition of their is stunted from foraging by goats). (most overgrazing vegetation The
In the Bronze Age, they could have furnished brush and wood for fuel and other purposes, small amounts of vegetation for animals, and ha vens for the wild birds, hares, and other creatures that were occasionally resources were hunted in all periods. These extremely important.53 Hare bones are present in the faunal remains from both the farmhouse and the site, suggesting metallurgy the local meat diet.
occasional
hunting
or
trapping
to augment
LAND OUTSIDE THE MAIN TERRITORY: AGRIOMANDRA ravine that leads to the harbor of Agriomandra is one of the most in areas in the access route from the Kambos teresting region (Fig. 20.1).The a area consists of from the of Lakkos Ambeliou steep ravine descending
The
narrow cobbled road (kalderimi), now with some parts to the importance of the route. The road may be testifies away, or the Venetian from the Byzantine period, because it provides originally a a access to small church built into cave part way down the route, but some of the better-preserved sections may be from the Ottoman period. The to the harbor. A
eroded
to Hagios church, on the north side of the gorge, is dedicated a entrance is vault, and the interior is covered with concrete The (opus incertum). Beyond the church, the road continues it reaches a tiny beach called Agriomandra.
Ioannis.54 and stone
to descend down the gorge until The small harbor was used as
a seaport by some of the residents of Kavousi until the middle of the 20th century.55 Because its small beach faces west, it offers some protection from the Bronze Age, the beach must have and eastern winds. During sea level in this part of Crete.56 the because of lower relative larger a series of farms and villages in The harbor would have accommodated and Pacheia Ammos. the territory between the two larger ports atTholos northern
been
It was
too surely important to have been used exclusively by any single small settlement. One assumes that those who lived nearby took care of and the harbor's maintenance. reports Minoan pottery from MM Haggis
LM worn
from this beach
53. Burford 1993, pp. 111-112. 54. Faure 1964, p. 58; 1979, p. 58; 1989, p. 244. 55. Haggis 1992, pp. 169-170; 2005, p. 118. 56. Flemming 1972; Flemming,
cannot know
Czartoryska,
I from a small site at the south side of the harbor,57 and he also records sherds from the beach.58 A piece of water-tumbled malachite was
in 1996 (App. C). if the inhabitants of sites like Chrysokamino had direct or indirect contact with the seafaring that must have entered Crete collected One
at the small harbor, but the presence of imported goods at allMinoan sites indicates that access to the sea was a simple and constant part ofMinoan
and Hunter
1973;
Piraz
zoli et al. 1982; Pirazzoli 1988. 57. Haggis 1992, pp. 169-170; 2005,
p. 118,
locus
45.
58. Haggis 2005, p. 118, locus 110.
LAND
USE
FARMSTEAD
THE
ON
255
the best route to a harbor was life. For Chrysokamino, the ravine to Agriomandra.
the easy walk down
at the for a major seafaring component scarce. Neither bones from is, however, deep percentages of foreign pottery testify to marine
evidence
Archaeological
farmhouse
Chrysokamino water fish nor significant seas contribution pursuits. The Late Bronze Age when
may have been modest, especially in the the evidence for all activities at the site is most
complete.
For earlier periods, when the metallurgy workshop was active, the evi are present, and lead iso ismore extensive. A few Cycladic imports ore some at of used at the smelting site that least the studies tope suggest came from Lavrion and Kythnos.59 Certainly the region benefited from
dence
its proximity to the sea and its access to a small local harbor where and small ships could land.
boats
LAND OUTSIDE THE MAIN TERRITORY: THE KAMBOS large valley called the Kambos extends inland from the beach atTholos, to the south dividing the coastal strip of hills from the higher mountains (Fig. 19.3). The valley, drained by the Platys River, extends all the way from that runs the beach to the northern terminus of the break in the mountains
A
to south across the Isthmus of Ierapetra. It adjoins the hills of is one of its extensions. and Chalepa, and Lakkos Ambeliou terra rossa eroded from nearby The soils of the Kambos are mostly hills. They have been studied at several locations near Kavousi.60 These from north
Chomatas
soils are subject to droughts the phyllitic soils.
because
they tend to retain less moisture
than
The Kambos was planted with olive trees in the years following World IL As a part of his survey of the region, Haggis interviewed several residents of the areawho could recall when the plain was not planted. Itwas
War
as undesirable land, and people preferred to do their farming on regarded the phyllite and dolomite slopes flanking it to the north and south.61 The digging of deep wells made water available for irrigation and transformed agriculture in this part of Crete,62 making the olive tree the most profitable crop and leading to the planting of the entire plain in olive groves, as illus trated in Figure 19.4. This
situation
is typical of low-lying plains and river valleys in the before the middle of the 20th century. In many
southern Mediterranean 59. Stos-Gale see also App.
1998,
pp. 720-721;
C.
60.Timpson 1992;Morris 1994, 2002. 61. Haggis 1996a, p. 188; 1996b, p. 378.
62. Allbaugh 1953, pp. 258-263. 63. See general 1985, p. 57.
comments
by Barker
64. Tilly 1973, pp. 45-46,156.
cases, only modern technology has allowed this type of land to be exploited successfully for agriculture.63 Even in places where the soil is better than at Kavousi, the seasonal variation in large plains ismore extreme than in in rainy periods and too hilly terrain, and they tend to be water-logged dry at other times of the year. The Roman writer Varro noted the unsuit use of low hills for ability of lowland plains to farming.64 He advised the uses. It is the with reserved for different farming instead, plains being use of the Kambos more probable, therefore, that in the Bronze Age the closely
resembled
its use in the period before World War
II than that of
CHAPTER
256 the present. The modern Kavousi an economically
wells
and irrigation that have made viable region65 have led to a major
21
the plain at changes in
agricultural practice. Instead of farming, low plains were traditionally used for winter pas tures. They collect abundant water from the runoff of the hills, and herds and flocks are mobile enough to exploit the resulting vegetation easily and to avoid the marshes.66 The
to be used in places where upland plains tend can also be the summer, with the flocks and pastures exploited during a in pattern of seasonal transhumance. If the situation herds being moved at Kavousi and other to the 1940s is any indication places in Crete67 prior of the role of the plain in antiquity, itwould have been used primarily for winter pasture in connection with transhumance rather than for growing crops. The animals would have been moved to higher summer, when droughts would have severely affected soils of the plain.
ground during the the dry terra rossa
it occurred in this region during the Bronze Age, or at the Bronze have either intensified the end of may Early Age begun when new settlements opened up much fresh territory in the mountains south of Kavousi (Chap. 19). An expansion of sites near Lakkos Ambeliou took place at the same time, and the new pattern may signal an increased sources. population needing additional food mountains south of Kavousi would the Kambos and the Exploiting If transhumance
local have required new cooperation and possibly outside direction. These not be regarded as isolated phenomena. Crete experienced should changes at the onset of the Proto profound economic and political transformations a involving the exploitation of larger palatial period. A local development economic is consistent the visible elsewhere with patterns region changing IA,68 and it surely played a in Crete. Gournia expanded in EM III-MM role in overseeing or safeguarding any greater regional system that provided a good. It cannot be coincidence that the pottery tempered with rocks in the granodiorite/diorite series, the hallmark of the Gour amounts at Chrysokamino at this time. in nia production, appeared large for the common
A regional transformation, associated with the expanding power of Gournia, seems to fit the evidence from Chrysokamino best.69 of extensive grazing lands began, it was Whenever the exploitation Bronze in the Late firmly place during Age. Substantial evidence for ani mal husbandry the habitation
was site. A
recovered
from LM
levels in the excavation of economic of subsistence, one that I?III
complex pattern included some arrangement for large flocks and herds, was definitely of the Late Bronze Age agricultural system at Chrysokamino.
a part
65. Allbaugh 1953, pp. 258-263. 66. Barker
1985,
67. Blitzer
2004,
p. 57. pp. 122-124.
68. Hall 1904-1905. 69. For changes without
an alternative
managed the need
see Forbes
2000a.
under
model, local
for outside
with control
direction,
CHAPTER
22
Survey
Conclusions
byPhilip P. Betancourt
of the Chrysokamino territory adapted to several changes area in northeastern Crete. The this small their of long occupation during first known inhabitants settled here at the end of the Stone Age. They found an area suitable to their needs and established permanent residence. Some
The
inhabitants
of the territory's features, such as the proximity of the soils, remained stable over an extended
of the sea and the nature
period. Other aspects of the environment, however, such as climate and vegetation, did not remain constant. The territory's relations with the other settlements on Crete also
changes during the regions long history. experienced many deep-seated The residents of Chrysokamino responded to changing conditions, but the strictures of limited local resources. their choices were made within Some aspects of the local economy, such as the copper smelting workshop, a successful stage, and then slowly, reached developed passed completely out of existence; others, such as agricultural practices, lasted much longer. of Chrysokamino shows that cultural change, as others have on is based suggested, usually complex forces of formation and dissolution rather than on a strictly linear, gradual development.1
The
history
FINAL
NEOLITHIC
TO EM
III-MM
IA
a In the Final Neolithic period, probably well before 3000 b.c., few settlers In western Asia , the arrived on the coastal strip known as Chrysokamino. and copper tools were already period would be called the Chalcolithic, new settlers founded at being made and disbursed in small quantities. The least one settlement, and at some time within the period, they either estab lished or allowed others to establish a small metallurgical installation for ore. were in Their dead the Theriospelio smelting copper probably buried cave. The
1. See
Sutton
1994.
residents of the area were farmers, and the evidence they left in the archaeological record indicates their choice for a place to live was dictated more by the availability of low hills where crops could be grown and animals could be grazed than by easy access to the sea or to inland tracts of virgin forest.
CHAPTER
258
sites have also been recognized at several other places and/or cemeteries have been Settlements
Final Neolithic
of Mirabello.2
the Gulf
around
22
noted at Kavousi,3 Mochlos,4 Pseira,5 Sphoungaras,6 Pacheia Ammos,7 Vasi liki,8 Vrokastro,9 and elsewhere.10 The pattern suggests that the settlement was part of a that brought numerous of Chrysokamino general migration residents to this part of Crete. was neither the most desirable nor the worst location Chrysokamino It was not easily visible from the sea for a small band of agriculturalists. one could walk an if forces hostile approached), but advantage (perhaps fairly easily. An outcrop of dolomite provided both to build. construction material for houses and a stable bedrock on which land was available for both gardens and fields, and a cleft in Agricultural site was almost certainly a source of south of the habitation the dolomite water in the rainy season. Rain was more abundant than in later times, and the success of the settlement proves the location was favorable. The to the water
down
established a stable pattern of land management residents of Chrysokamino a small group of next their that allowed people for the territory to support two millennia. to settle in a location
that would support diversified agri to placing the habitation site centrally on successfully, opposed a view one that Neolithic traditional class of soil, raises questions about only a on was based grains.11 No real evidence for such restrictive only agriculture one cannot prove Cretan Neolithic farming practice exists, and although the point, the first residents at Chrysokamino probably required land for in addition to cereals. The almonds, fruit trees, legumes, and vegetables site to good garden soil as well as to land for proximity of the habitation field crops was surely not accidental (for Final Neolithic pottery on the see App. H, AF 32.1). garden area, on small, diversification, semi-independent especially Agricultural one an was asset. in Failure farmsteads, crop from disease, drought, or other factors could be offset by success in another. A varied diet is both healthier and more pleasant than a restricted one. Small labor forces can because different crops are planted and be maximized with diversification harvested at different times of the year, allowing the labor force to move The
choice
as
culture
one
from
crop
to
another.
In
regard
to
some
storage,
crops
complement
or vinegar, made by process (for example, can be used as preservatives for more easily spoiled ing olives and grapes, are suited for different crops. Diversification allows soils Different harvests). the use of otherwise unusable land (for example, planting fruit trees in gul lies or placing grains in the underused spaces that are necessary between one another
2. Betancourt
3.Haggis 17/92.
olive oil and wine
1999.
1992, pp. 173-174, locus
1912, p. 93. Seager and Davaras 5. Betancourt
4.
1990;
Pseira VI and VII. 6.Hall 1912, pp. 46-48; Foster 1978,
p. 4, nos.
2-3;
Betancourt
1983,
nos. 110-113. p. 46, 7. M. Tsipopoulou 8. Seager 1904-1905,
(pers.
comm.).
p. 212.
9.Hayden 2003a, 2003b. 10.Haggis 1992, pp. 53-56; Betan court
1999.
11. A. 304-307.
C. Renfrew
1972,
pp. 280,
CONCLUSIONS
SURVEY
259
trees). All of these factors suggest the likelihood that several crops raised at Chrysokamino during the entire history of the territory. differs from the one in central The situation near the Gulf ofMirabello
olive were
in some important ways. Knossos had a substantial population much levels were extensive.12 Neolithic earlier than eastern Crete, and itsNeolithic Knossos covered an area of at least 4.5 hectares,13 and in comparison with town or even other Neolithic sites, itmust be regarded as a large, wealthy a small were levels at Phaistos also substantial,14 aswere city. The Neolithic in southern Crete.15 other early settlements Crete
a by the Late Neolithic period central Crete had had large near and for the the southern millennia, living population population eastern shores of the Gulf of Mirabello before the Final Neolithic period Although
have been much smaller, as it has left few traces. In fact, no large town from any of the Neolithic periods has been found in eastern Crete, area seems to have consisted the occupation and in the Gulf ofMirabello
must
only of tiny sites spread through the region until the late Early Bronze of places like Gournia.16 The small size and the scattered Age development distribution
of the eastern
in comparison development of the island. part
have played a role in their slower the more urban situation in the central
sites must with
Large towns developed in eastern Crete by the end of the Early Bronze to substantial growth at two places Age. Evidence from excavations attests that would later be important: Mochlos17 and Gournia.18 But Chrysoka mino, like most of the local settlements, remained tiny. The contrast with central Crete in terms of population distribution would have been an use for a district with important factor in local history. The system of land to hamlets would have have been different from that of tiny substantially one dominated centers. urban by large Settlement patterns appear to have remained stable during the Early three archaeological Bronze Age. At Chrysokamino, locations have sub stantial evidence for human social/economic/religious activity (Fig. 1.4): 1.A habitation 2. A metallurgy
(App. G, AF 29) workshop (App. G, AF 23) location
3.A cave (App.G, AF 34) Final Neolithic The
discussion
and Early Minoan pottery in Chapter 20 demonstrates
three FN-EM made
12. Evans
1921-1935,
vol.
1, pp. 32
55; Furness 1953; Evans 1964,1971, 1994;Hood and Smyth 1981, p. 6. 13. Evans 1964, p. 132; Broodbank 1992,
pp. 40-41.
from all three places. for this
that the boundaries
as a
were single topographic district, probably formed barriers to the north and west, and the proximity sites to the east and south, along with several other factors. The
territory, functioning by natural topographic of other
comes
locations are very different
separate contributions
types of sites, and they must have to the inhabitants of the territory.
14.Vagnetti 1975. 15.Vagnetti 1973. 16. For the large size of EM III MM IA Gournia, seeHall 1904-1905. 17. Seager 1912; Branigan 1991,
pp. 101-104; Soles 1992; Soles and Davaras 1994, pp. 394-396; 1996, pp. 178-180; Mochlos IA;Mochlos IB. 18.Hall 1904-1905; Soles 1992; Watrous
and Blitzer
1999.
26o
CHAPTER
Main
The
Habitation
22
Site
habitation site's setting is directly related to the geomorphol on a is It hard, stable, dolomite outcrop, at the highest point on the ogy. is visible at southwest slope of the hill of Chomatas where the dolomite the surface. The dolomite provides ample amounts of building material for stone architecture, as well as a stable and relatively flat foundation on
The main
to build.
In fact, this bedrock outcrop is the only place within the are two to conditions such a present Chrysokamino territory where these great degree. The location is the only logical choice as a site for substantial stone and mudbrick architecture because the rest of the territory is covered
which
terra rossa or unstable decomposed phyllite, with a irregular outcrops of few other stones.
with
only small and highly
site also has other good characteristics. It is near the entrance to to the best harbor in the area; it overlooks the
The
the ravine that leads down
at Lakkos Ambeliou, through soft soil down
where water
could be reached easily by and it has ample land table, digging It is for and animals. also high enough to raising crops nearby grazing receive good breezes, alleviating the heat of summer, and it is relatively far that would have troubled people living closer away from the mosquitoes depression
to the water
areas in the Kambos.
to marshy
show Pottery sherds found under ttie floors of the later farmhouse was and Early that the spot already settled during the Final Neolithic Bronze Age. The excavation of the farmhouse has produced significant pottery from these early periods, and the site was it is likely that the factor in the territory, although probably controlling other tiny sites lie buried in the vicinity. The residents of the area used for burial, and they must have had a relation to the cave at Theriospelio amounts
of domestic
the metallurgy workshop. The three locations are so close together that It is significant that Final Neolithic they must have been interrelated. pottery is the earliest pottery at all three places because it implies that the territory
was
already established
as a unit during
this early phase
of its
settlement.
in the Final Neolithic, its establishment the pattern of land stable enough that no major change seems to have taken place until EM III, when several small sites were founded near the previous set tlement. This long period of stability must have resulted from a successful After
use was
balance between support The
the size of the population
and the capacity of the land to
it.
in the furnace and olive impressions presence of barley, wheat, was shows that the from workshop agriculture chimneys metallurgy in the region during the Early Bronze Age. An already being practiced seems to have on based mixed economy farming and animal husbandry In this region, the prox been normal for early Aegean communities.19 sea allowed access to seafaring as well, and an outlet to the imity to the sea would have been a crucial factor in the other important element of on im installation depending the early economy here, a metallurgical ores. ported
19. A.
C. Renfrew
1972,
pp. 304
307; Halstead 1981, pp. 318-320, 326.
SURVEY
CONCLUSIONS
Metallurgy
The
261
Workshop
the main
site habitation site, the choice of location for the metallurgy is on a saddle also be based on topographic factors. The workshop between higher outcrops of bedrock with a cliff at the north. The saddle
Like
must
acts as a funnel that channels
the northern winds
and intensifies
them, so
needed a natural draft to aid in the smelting process, that if the metallurgy this spot is the windiest location on the southwest slope of Chomatas. A second factor may be the proximity of the sea. A path leads down to the and in calm weather
water,
If both
access
ships could anchor and unload cargo and pas to the sea and windy conditions were the factors
sengers. the saddle is the most suitable location necessary for the pyrotechnology, in the vicinity. A third factor could be the availability of fuel. The territory must have had an original forest cover when the Final Neolithic settlers arrived, and metallurgy iron
ores
were
used
needs
substantial
fuel. It is also possible
that local
as fluxes.
The metallurgy site is too tiny to have been a complete settlement. The presence of one flimsy hut less than 4 m long does not imply a permanent or even a self-sufficient are scarce, and community. Artifacts they do not include the full range of objects (such as cooking pots and storage vessels) one expects from a permanent settlement. The workshop must have been an
some other site nearby. appendage of at this isolated promon The presence of a highly specialized workshop access to specialized tech that early tory calls into question suggestions was
nology
in locations
concentrated
that were
centers of socioeconomic
a number of at Chrysokamino power.20 The workshop probably supplied sites with copper, but there is no reason to assume that this technology was established
because
the choice
is more
of any elite presence within the region itself. Instead, on wind conditions, to have been made based likely
access to the sea, availability of fuel, and proximity of markets. topography, an If elite segment of the population controlled the workshop, which may was well have been the control exercised from a distance. true, very
The
Burial
Cave
at
Theriospelio
site in the territory is a natural cave with stalactites and such a cavern is a significant and highly specialized stalagmites. Obviously, cave is found in Plattenkalk The feature. limestone. Although topographic
The
third major
its entrance one
can
stand
is fairly small, the space inside is over 40 meters up
inside
the main
in length, and
room.
for a settlement is adjacent to the cavern. Its entrance is situated on a steep hill, so that construction of houses would have been extensive terracing. No traces of houses or terraces are impossible without No
evidence
present at the location, for habitation.
E.g.,
Carter
1998.
isolated from any spot used
on the surface inside the cave clearly visible (in the disturbed soil either excavated by Edith Hall in 1910 or by others), the cave is interpreted here as a place for burial. The earliest pottery from Because
20.
and the cave appears
human bones
are
CHAPTER
262
22
the location is from the Final Neolithic burials in period. Final Neolithic this part of Crete were associated with a wide variety of tomb designs, caves, and small built chambers.21 Some including natural caves, manmade more one times than tomb type exists in the same cemetery.22 Choices for tomb design were clearly based on social factors about which we have little information. The Theriospelio cave, the only known natural cavern was in the Chrysokamino territory, apparently the social choice for the local community's burials. burial caves in eastern Crete were regularly used until much later cave was also used into III.23 It is likely that the Theriospelio excavation we cannot know the the Middle Bronze Age, but without Other
than EM details.
Comments the Early Bronze Age, the residents of the Chrysokamino terri During use are made of three of If the different site. three locations tory types as a an considered lived at the habita agrarian community single unit, tion site (and possibly elsewhere), buried its dead nearby, and engaged in periodic craftwork including metallurgy. The evidence suggests that the one locations at Chrysokamino archaeological complemented unit probably based another, interacting to form a single socioeconomic at the excavated habitation location. This unit seems to have been one of three main
a series of small settlements
established
in the Kavousi
region at the end
of the Neolithic.24 Very little evidence survives for the Early Minoan agricultural products that must have been the foundation of this stable system. Impressions of site grain and chaff in the furnace chimney fragments from the metallurgy was raised, and the one wheat impression of (Chap. 12) show that barley seed hints at wheat production. An olive leaf gathered up with the chaff that tempered the chimneys suggests that grain and olive trees were grow one another. ing in close proximity to Organic residues in sherds from the site show that wine, flavored with many herbs and spices, was metallurgy so grapes were were already present (App. M), being raised. Grains already in the Cretan Neolithic.25 the Minoan grown By period, the farm Early ers of Crete raised wheat, barley, and oats along with olives26 and several other crops.27 As at these other sites, the agriculture probably diversified. The Neolithic
was
at Chrysokamino
economy was supplemented by the smelting of copper. For Final and Early Minoan I, copper is known from only amodest amount
in this part of Crete,28 but the evidence is accumulating for other places (see Chap. 13). The EM I-IIA cemetery atHagia Photia shows on Cretan culture an that the metal was already making impact early in of evidence
21. Betancourt 22. For Mochlos, Soles 1992.
2003a, see
pp.
123-128. 1912;
Seager see Soles For Gournia, see Pseira VI and For Pseira, 1992.
VII.
Money-Coutts 1970a,
Pendlebury,
and
Branigan
Davaras
p. 387; Schlager andDollhofer 24. For
discussion
of some
1989a,
1998. of the
see 1992, pp. 53-56. Haggis 25. Evans 1968, p. 269.
others, 23. Pendlebury,
pp.
1935-1936; 153-154;
26. J. Renfrew 1972; Blitzer 1993. 27. Greig and Warren 1974. see 28. For Mochlos, 1912, Seager vol. 1, pp. 58, 1921-1935, p. 93; Evans 68.
SURVEY
CONCLUSIONS
263
isotope patterns observed in the copper and Kythnos,30 suggesting the ore was patterns was pre brought in by ship. The workshop produced only copper, which to neighboring sites to be remelted in crucibles and cast sumably taken into various objects. the 3rd millennium
b.c.29 Lead
slag match
from Lavrion
local smelting operation was only one step in the making of metal of copper from ore involved the activities of a objects. The production series of skilled specialists in addition to the smelters working at Chryso The
the prospectors who found the ore, the miners who recovered it from the ground, the workers who beneficiated the ore and packed it for crews who provided transportation, shipment, the ship captains and their
kamino:
the final products. To set up the operation, the resources to obtain good quality copper ore, arrange for its shipping, mine the rock to be used as flux, establish a run secure by craftsmen familiar with the smelting process, and workshop to for It markets the would also have been obtain copper. necessary potential and the metalworkers someone
needed
who made
to advance
furnaces fuel, food for the workers, and raw materials for manufacturing and chimneys. The implications of this complicated production system are very im our for of Cretan craft Such portant understanding early organization. over an extended disparate activities, carried out period of time inmultiple of a series of different persons rather locations, imply the involvement than a small workforce performing every task. One cannot expect that ship a captains would also have been prospectors, miners, and smelters. Such and supervision. The complex endeavor would have required coordination ore did not get transported to the right port or loaded on the right ship the shipment from mine automatically. Someone must have accompanied to destination to in order guarantee its arrival. Behind such an operation was
someone with
to
confidence
in its successful
conclusion
and the resources
a series of tasks whose
profits would only be realized at the same manager might also have found it neces
accomplish end of the process. That sary to oversee the intermediate
level supervisors, and perhaps to take as for armed guards or soldiers) to make sure (such arranging that the potential profits were not stolen somewhere along the way. Such an operation would be fully at home in a bureaucracy like the one re flected on the Linear B tablets. The implication is that some of the super visory roles that played such an important part in later Cretan administra tion had a long history inMinoan Crete, emerging well before the Late Bronze Age. some action
was probably not unique. Both Chrysokamino locally and elsewhere in Crete, successful communities would have needed to develop agricultural systems that were viable within the constraints of locally available land, to secure access to the sea or other modes of transport, and to exploit local 29. Davaras Betancourt sion
2004;
and 1971; Davaras see also the discus
in 13. Chap. 30. Stos-Gale 1998,
see also F. App. 31. E.g., Blackman 1977,
pp. 69-71.
pp. 720-721; and Branigan
and regional
resources.
of the agricultural base with crafts Augmentation as in the at of a metallurgical manufacturing, development workshop as a to have been undertaken natural response the Chrysokamino, might leisure time afforded by seasonal farming activities. Patterns of settlement or
and land use recognized at other locations in Crete31 are not incompatible the more detailed conclusions presented here.
with
CHAPTER
264
22
in this long period occurred at the The culmination of developments end of the Early Bronze Age. EM III-MMIA is defined in eastern Crete the of East Cretan White-on-Dark The ceramic style Ware.32 presence by begins at the end of EM IIB with over Vasiliki Ware surfaces.33 After
the application the destruction
of simple white level coinciding
lines with
Ware became more popular, and its IIB,White-on-Dark to of motifs include range expanded spirals, circle motifs, quirks, and other on or reddish brown designs. It used white linear designs uniformly dark of without of the characteristic the surfaces, any mottling previous period. The phase ended with destructions throughout the region, identifiable in the end of EM
the archaeological record atMochlos,34 Pseira,35 and Gournia.36 The final MM IA at Knossos.37 of the with stage phase overlapped This period is an important one in Crete. Several new developments can be and elsewhere on the island. The assigned to it at Chrysokamino at Knossos substantial deposits that survive suggest this was a prosperous time in north
In southern Crete, several new sites can be as expansion in population there well.39 Important
central Crete.38
recognized, suggesting from this period
an
is also found atMalia.40 Gournia, a site that would into an important center by LM I, expanded significantly. The large IA pottery at Gournia41 contrasts dramatically of EM III-MM
pottery
develop amount
the tiny amount of Vasiliki Ware from the previous phase.42 The period was a stable one in central and eastern Crete, and itwas not
with
by major destructions until its end. The beginning of polychrome on pottery, which should mark the boundary between EM III and painting MM that was only used on a small IA,43 is actually a rare characteristic number of vases in this period, even at Knossos.44 The red pigment was marked
not used during this phase the Gulf of Mirabello.
at the eastern
in the pottery workshops
side of
a new settlement pattern inwhich At Chrysokamino, Haggis has noted a cluster of sites site replaced the single location of the .main habitation are new sites from the of found downhill Most these original (Chap. 19). in the settlement, at the edge of Lakkos Ambeliou. Other new foundations south of Kavousi may signal advances into the higher country of herds and flocks. seasonal movements inland, perhaps to accommodate and an exploitation The new pattern suggests an expansion in population of new resources for intensified animal husbandry. This expansion coin mountains
the main period of the metallurgy workshop, which would have timber for fuel, also available in the higher hills. for other This pattern of scattered settlements has been proposed a as must of have been the result well.45 It parts of Crete larger population cides with
needed
needing
more
food. By spreading
32. Betancourt
the population
36. Hall 1904-1905,1908.
1984.
33. Boyd 1904-1905, pl. 25, no. 2; Warren 1983,
1972,
phase p. 69, no. 236.
34. Seager
1909,
p. 278;
Soles
178-180.
37. Warren court
II; Betancourt
Davaras 1994, pp. 394-396; 1996, 35. Banou
pp.
19-20.
1965,
1967-1968;
1924,
pp. 25-26;
40. Demargne Betan
Levi
for Drakones, pp. 76-79.
Chapouthier,
1945,
Demargne,
pp. 1-12; and Dessene
1962. 41. Hall 1904-1905,1908.
2003b.
38.Momiglianol991. 39. For Patrikies,
and
756; 1995a,
over the land, agricul
see Bonacasa 1976, vol. 1, pp. 747 see Xanthoudides
42. Hawes 43. Hood
et al. 1908, 1971,
p. 39.
44. Momigliano 1983. 45. Kanta
1991,
no. pi. 6, p. 219.
1.
CONCLUSIONS
SURVEY
265
to inhabit tural production might have been increased,46 but decisions on are also to at have been least locations partly based likely dispersed cultural preferences. system of important characteristic of the Early toMiddle Minoan character. The sites were land use in this region is its open and undefended no traces of fortification walls. This situation is very tiny and exposed, with different from the one in several other parts of Crete, where walled towns An
and citadels,
fortification walls, suggest often with megalithic communities were fearful of attack.47 Elsewhere
that small
in eastern independent an attest to defense.48 road stations fortified Crete, may organized regional The relative safety of the region (perhaps imposed by a higher authority or elsewhere?) must have been a crucial factor at Gournia allowing the dispersal of the population. All of this activity implies
that new social and economic
factors were
the local area. Several
affecting
between
tionship For the Middle
theories have been suggested for the rela in Crete. this part of the island and higher authorities a case for a several have made Minoan authors period,
that included this region and was centered at Malia.49 An palace-state IA was alternative center was much closer at hand, however. EM III-MM a major period of expansion at Gournia,50 and this expansion coincided with the spread of the typical Gournia pottery tempered with rock in the series.51 granodiorite/diorite in EM III pottery was the majority fabric at Chrysokamino cave IA. The small workshop, the habitation and the all used site, and other ceramic products that had the same White-on-Dark Ware This
MM
same fabric as Gournia, Vasiliki, Pseira, Priniatikos Pyrgos, style and the and several other sites in this part of Crete.52 The ceramics had a regional a series of other ceramic classes distribution, replacing including Vasiliki and other burnished
Ware53
pottery. at the transition
the Early and the between developments Bronze Age involved cooperation between sites, indicating a greater awareness of settlement patterns changed. The regional goals. Traditional ore from abroad and metallurgy workshop expanded greatly, importing its Several
Middle
sending its copper to locations in the inland mountains were
away from the workshop. New foundations surely derived from the coastal population, have shared communal goals. A new, large, and widely dis
and they must tributed class of pottery replaced the Vasiliki Ware of EM IIB. Some of these new regional initiatives would seem to imply a directing organization. The authority must have had strong social (and perhaps religious) power, because there are no local fortifications, in sharp contrast with other parts of
46. versus
See
comments
intensive
on extensive
agriculture
by Halstead
1992. 47. Watrous
1982,
pp. 42-43,
62
63; Brown 1993, p. 65; Nowicki 1996a; 1996b, pp. 35-42; Schlager 1999. 48.Tzedakis
et al. 1989;Tzedakis
eastern
Crete.54
et al. 1990.
52. Betancourt
1984.
49. Cadogan 1995; Knappe? 1999. 50. Hall 1904-1905,1908; Betan
53. Betancourt
1979.
court
1984.
51. Haggis andMook fabric
2.
1993, p. 273,
54. Alexiou 1979,1980;Tzedakis et al. 1989; Tzedakis
et al. 1990; Man
ning 1994; Nowicki 1999,2002.
1996a; Schlager
266
CHAPTER
22
cluster of small sites probably managed a territorial region that was not too different from the one used earlier, except that itmust have been The
at the south, the Kambos, would have been larger at the south. The land in itwould have been attractive as pastureland, the but rainy season, marshy use was if its of the inland hills especially complemented by exploitation for transhumance. At the same time, the patterns of sherds on the surface, with
their evidence an
to for manuring, indicate that agriculture continued role in local subsistence. The division between gardens
important play and fields suggested in Chapter 21 was probably already in place, and the area site (Fig. 21.1) would have been used for adjoining the habitation care. and other vegetables, vines, plants requiring periodic at the end of the Early Bronze The evidence suggests that this period Bronze Age was an affluent time, of the Middle Age and the beginning with population growth, expanded craftwork and manufacturing (including at the metallurgy workshop), and the advent of new ways to exploit the into the hills beyond the coast and the larger landscape. The expansion use of this for transhumance, timber, and other resources, territory probable to significant advances in the region's economy. would have contributed If the stability of the earlier system implies a balance between subsistence the expansion of flocks and herds involving transhumance and population, on a scale may suggest new surpluses, either for local trade or, more larger a likely, to support rapidly expanding
MIDDLE
MINOAN
state centered
at Gournia.
IB-IIB
affected the influences must have increasingly IA, outside a new at follows destruction of The major territory Chrysokamino. phase were of when White-on-Dark Ware Gournia, deposited large quantities north of the town.55 New pottery styles, now using the potter's wheel more
After MM
IB. than previously,56 signal the beginning ofMM at and Phaistos this time, and magnificent Malia, Knossos, expanded were into a palatial class built. The polychrome pottery developed palaces called Kamares Ware,57 and the other arts were encouraged aswell. Cretan on many fronts. Palatial art objects had little society and economy advanced or no
on life in the territory, but the rise of palatial Chrysokamino impact culture must have resulted in a new economic situation for all of Crete. at the end of EM III The metallurgy workshop was abandoned the ultimate cause, was part of the MM IA. Its abandonment, whatever in Crete at this time. broader social and economic changes happening the founding of theMiddle Minoan palaces, metals may have been a smelted or available, or more centrally controlled, imported in condition. In this new era, there was no room for the small independent
With
more
workshop
II, metals were much more available By MM the island than they had been during the Early Bronze Age,
at Chrysokamino.
throughout and competition
from these new sources, surely involving imports from eastern ports ,meant that the older ways of obtaining metal would never on now again be viable.58 Chrysokamino depended primarily agriculture and the tending of animals for its subsistence.
55. Hall 1904-1905,1908; court
56. Warren 1985,
Betan
1984. 1980,
p. 492;
pp. 77-78.
57.Walberg 58. Betancourt
1976. 1998.
Betancourt
SURVEY
The
CONCLUSIONS
Site
267
Clusters
Minoan territory and its period, the Chrysokamino a to the south had of sites cluster small that included the adjoining region main habitation site aswell as some tiny locations near Lakkos Ambeliou small establishments persisted until the end of the (Chap. 19). These the Middle
During
phase. This scattered settlement pattern seems to have been of the period throughout the Kavousi region.59 The individual house typical sites are not contiguous, but they are so close together that a relationship seems between them, possibly kin-based, likely. They probably managed the land as a group, with cooperation for large projects affecting the whole
MM
IB-IIB
was well located both for region. The cluster farming access to the the seaport at Agriomandra.
and for controlling
Comments in the Chrysokamino IB-IIB developments region coincide with the growth of the palaces. The more centralized economic system and its success in of the obtaining imported copper surely led to the abandonment new use local metallurgical installation. The and the greater system of land
MM
exploitation of the land at Lakkos Ambeliou by the cluster of small sites a to have been the demise of local activities, may response manufacturing forcing an intensification of the agricultural efforts. Itmight also have been to a larger related to a need to produce a surplus for contribution political unit, one that was based at Kavousi, Gournia, or even Malia. Several authors have discussed the theory of a large palatial state evidence from the Malia hiero by Malia.60 The administrative aswell as the size and tablets,61 glyphic importance of theMiddle Minoan Malia palace, leaves little doubt that the site was supported by a substan tial hinterland, but the boundaries of that hinterland have been difficult governed
59. Haggis 2005. 60. Poursat 1987; Cadogan 1990, 1995; Knappe? 1999. 61. Poursat
1990.
62. Knappe? 1999, 63. For discussions,
pp. 632-634. see Pendlebury, and Money-Courts 1935
Pendlebury, 1936,
p. 62; Coldstream
and Huxley
[1972] 1973, pp. 94-95; Walberg 1976, pp. 150-151, form 47; 1983, pp. 190 forms
192,234-241,
mata);
no. 11 pi. 2, and Silverman
Betancourt
(Gournia); 1991, wicki
234-241.
et al. 1908,
64. Hawes
No p. 25, no. 412 (Gournia); no. 5 34, 13, (Katali p. fig. no. 8657 1945, 33, pi. Demargne
2002,
(Malia); Knappe? 1999, p. 631, fig. 19 (Malia);
Betancourt
p. 145, nos. BR
and Davaras
28-30
(Pseira);
1999, Knap
pe? 1999, p. 629, fig. 12 (PyrgosMyr tou); Seager 1904-1905 (Vasiliki); Betancourt
(Vasiliki).
1983,
p. 274,
nos.
257-260
to establish
because of lack of clear evidence. In the case of pottery, for one cannot know if connections also imply political control. The example, case for a site under the control ofMiddle Minoan Malia most compelling a town on the southern coast. For eastern may be found at Pyrgos Myrtou, Crete,
the situation from Malia
pottery somewhere
is less clear. Although many of the parallels between are apparent in vases made ofMirabello
and the Gulf
in the Gulf area, imports from the Phaistos area also occur at and elsewhere within the proposed Malia state, and some imports itself,62 suggesting that pottery was appear in the hinterland but not atMalia a not simply sent from a subsidiary political unit to central one. Evidently, across moved it difficult to pottery routinely political boundaries, making use it for those boundaries. defining
Malia
MM IIB ended with widespread in eastern Crete. The destructions use of the thin-walled final phase was characterized the carinated by eastern In the to of from Malia this cup Crete, Palaikastro, parts cup.63 no over often has white paint its dark slip, and it is decorated only with the cup grooves on the upper part. Although disappears hundreds of MM IIB have excavated. been The cup III, examples to the Gulf of Mirabello.64 is present throughout the region from Malia
thin horizontal inMM
268
CHAPTER
22
IIB in the Isthmus of Ierapetra that the end of MM a crisis period when people fled to high refuge sites, in coincided with Katalimata.65 The use cluding the easily defensible height of Monastiraki
Nowicki
has noted
of such an inaccessible the widespread
refuge site must architectural destructions
surely have been correlated with in the region. The disruption is
was buried with its contents,66 especially evident atVasiliki, where House A and at Pseira, where the town was destroyed and the cemetery abandoned.67 The extensive rebuilding after the period of the carinated cup indicates, occurred throughout the region. The most however, that the discontinuity important site with destructions is clearly visible the destruction
at this period is the palace inQuartier Mu.68
site atMalia;
It is tempting to associate the fundamental changes at the end of this period with the expansion of Knossos into eastern Crete. At Chrysokamino, is evident has been found, a transformation of the pattern of land use requiring a cluster of sites and the survival of only a single settlement, the habitation site built on the
where
no MM
architecture
in the abandonment
dolomite the MM
outcrop at Katsoprinos. A new house was constructed IIB period, and it survived until LM IB or early LM
MIDDLE MINOAN
III-LATE MINOAN
here after II.
I
the beginning of the Neopalatial III-LM I, the cluster period, inMM of sites southwest of the hill of Chomatas was replaced by a more nucle
At
pattern. For the remainder of the Bronze Age, until the was abandoned in LM IIIB, the habitation site was the complex only settlement within the Chrysokamino territory. The LM I farmhouse at Chrysokamino must have controlled the whole territory of Chrysoka ated settlement
domestic
mino, although the absence of sherds in an area south of AF 32 suggests that the territory included the land in Figure 20.2, but not the region south sites observed by Haggis south of Chrysokamino of it. Several tiny MM farmhouse, the vil (Fig. 19.8) must now have joined the Chrysokamino or some other settlement. The consolidation of the of lage Katsoprinos, a new sites into of land scattered use, system larger settlements represents and itmay imply a new bureaucratic management system organized under palatial control. is not com farmhouse The LM I architecture at the Chrysokamino seems a to it of have consisted single building. It pletely preserved, but rooms. Additional had an entrance on the east and a series of contiguous interior spaces were at the north fortifications were present. it seems
(destroyed
to have been
by the later architecture).
No 65. Nowicki 2002.
an
domestic independent complex Although at Chrysokamino LM I the situated in theMinoan countryside, building cannot be regarded as a villa or "country house" as defined by van Effenterre, of LM I, are large, and others.69 Minoan villas, a phenomenon Cadogan, architectural units with rich possessions, large amounts of stor that imitate the palaces.70 The architectural details and age, sophisticated imitations of the palaces are, as far as we know, completely architectural
unfortified
66. Betancourt
1977,
p. 346.
67. Pseira VI and VIL 68. Poursat
1996.
69. Cadogan 1971,1997; Hood 1983; Nixon 1987; Betancourt and Marinatos terre
1997;
Effenterre
1997.
70.Moody
1987b.
and Effen
CONCLUSIONS
SURVEY
269
at Chrysokamino. In LM I, the incomplete architecture leaves but the from this finest many questions unanswered, possessions period, stone vases and bronzes, are certainly not imitations of objects including found in the palaces, although they argue for amore complex social station isolated farmstead. Reused wedges for drilling stone than an impoverished, missing
vases (found in LM III levels) suggest an earlier industrial component may even have produced a surplus beyond its own needs.
that
Niemeier
has convincingly villa system of argued that the Minoan I had an earlier social and political history, and that it did not appear of any type.71 Before large manorial vil suddenly without predecessors las could exist in the Minoan imitating palatial architecture countryside,
LM
of peaceful and genteel, even luxurious, living, and creating microcosms the agrarian base of the rural countryside had to develop over a period of many years. The LM I farmhouse at Chrysokamino may represent a late survival of the type of small, semi-independent farmstead that helped craftwork traditions that develop the farming practices and small-scale of larger villages, towns, and splendid villas. would lead to the development was founded in the Final Neolithic That Chrysokamino and continued to III is a testament to the stability of the system of it used, but it is also proof of the limits of its immedi more ate landholdings, which were never able to support anything grand. the development of complex political systems inMinoan Whether Crete exist in LM
I and LM
land management
is regarded as evolution or revolution,72 the Chrysokamino domestic unit did not participate much in these dynamic developments, except as a recipi a stable ent of outside influences and directions. The residents developed pattern many
early in the regions other sites did.
history, but the farmhouse
did not evolve as
is not unique. During MM and LM I, the island of Chrysokamino a number of small, isolated domestic buildings Crete had that occupied the landscape between the larger villages and towns.73 Excavated examples in eastern Crete include Chalinomouri,74 Karoumes A,76 Chamaizi,75 are and Kokkino Phroudi.78 Unexcavated farmhouses Cheiromandres,77 also known Photia.79 Greece, larger
from other parts of Crete; six are found in the region of Hagia situations seem to have existed elsewhere in prehistoric
Similar
including estates
the mainland,
occupied
the
where
areas
both small, independent
between
urban
complexes.80
the nearest of these excavated Chalinomouri, close Like especially parallel for Chrysokamino.81 as well as in craftwork engaged farming, operating domestic complex that was less semi-independent Like Chrysokamino, 71. Niemeier
it survived
73. See Bevan
2002,
and Davaras
?g. 17;Mochlos IA. 75. Davaras
1973.
affords an itwas Chrysokamino,
farmhouses,
in the countryside as a a complex than village.
III. 76. Chryssoulaki 1999, pi. 7:?.
1997.
72. Branigan 1970a, p. 204; Cherry 1983. 74. Soles
into LM
farms and
p. 224, 1996,
fig. 5. p. 209,
77.
Chryssoulaki
1999,
pi.
7:ce.
78. Chryssoulaki 1999, pi. 7:y. 79. Tsipopoulou lou 1997, p. 206. 80. Palmer 2001, 81. Mochlos
and Papacostopou pp. 52-65. 103-132.
IA, pp.
CHAPTER
270
22
sites such as Chrysokamino and Chalinomouri do not fit some of the land use systems into Minoan for Crete. proposed perfectly as sites has that with isolated such MacGillivray suggested buildings Isolated
same category as as belong to the villages such Tylissos and Vasiliki,82 but the variability in the scale of these sites implies serious cultural differences. The Minoan settlement pattern was complex and multitiered.83 It probably encompassed many different types of habitation
Chalinomouri
sites, including isolated tiny houses, towns, and cities ruled by palaces. Several of the Cretan farmsteads
larger farms, villas, hamlets,
villages,
seem to have had defensive capabili to their agrarian functions. Pyrgos is an Chrysokaminou small fort at the top of the highest cliff east of Chrysokamino, unexcavated with a commanding view of the sea (Fig. 1.5). The small, isolated domestic that survived into LM I were all units that combined farming buildings ties in addition
a strategic location. Chiromandres, Kokkino Phroudi, and Karoumes seem to have been defensible farmhouses set on theMinoan road system;
with A
they have been
regarded
as
guard
are
stations for the roads.84 Chaimaizi
and
forts that dominate
their surroundings. hilltop Pyrgos Chrysokaminou is set so that it controls a small landing place for ships at Chalinomouri domestic unit is Plain. The Chrysokamino the eastern end of theMochlos the upper end of the ravine that also set at a strategic location overlooking sea. access to Its situation is better suited to controls the Kambos from the and control of the region than the nearby tiny sites that were one III toMM II, and this commanding present position could be of the reasons it survived into LM I and LM III. observation
in EM
As
have supposed a local palace at Gournia86 or that are coming from Knossos.87 Political alliances ultimately to prove for the local situation at Chrysokamino, but the basic
of aMalia decisions
the previous period, political allegiances are difficult for this era. Some writers have suggested the region was part
is the case with
to reconstruct
state.85 Others were
impossible occur inMM III/LM I indicate outside political forces are changes that more likely than simple reactions to the local topography or some other that took place at Chrysokamino internal factor, because the consolidation is similar to the nucleation visible elsewhere. At Pseira, for example, the town expanded to the adjoining hill after MM IIB, and it almost doubled size in a single period of construction, its geographic implying the arrival new come must from beyond the island.88 have of many residents who same time but in different at the Radical population changes, taking place locations, suggest someone was making the size and location of settlements. As LM
elsewhere
II and mature
decisions
regionally
in regard to
in this part of Crete, the period between LM IB-early LM II ended with a local destruction. The habitation
site was unoccupied for awhile, and the later architecture had a different were em techniques plan of larger scale. New architectural construction new settlement was ployed after the destruction, but the economy of the still based on agriculture and animal husbandry.
82. MacGillivray
1997,
p. 22.
83. Driessen
2001.
84.Tzedakis
et al. 1989;Tzedakis
et al. 1990; Chryssoulaki 1999. 85. Cherry 1986, 1995. Cadogan
p. 21, no. 2, fig. 2;
86. Soles 1991. 87. Betancourt 88. Pseira
2004c.
IV, areas C
and D.
SURVEY
CONCLUSIONS
LATE MINOAN The
LM
271
III
III period was
the Chrysokamino LM I predecessor.
of the high point for the economic exploitation new was its The much than territory. building larger It had an entrance on the east that allowed access to
an enclosed
were constructed of courtyard. Rooms for living and working some of them megalithic. found in the excavation Objects large stones, a from establishment: included everything expected semi-independent
stone tools of including vessels for cooking, serving, and storage; a of number of the used for grinding with many types, querns type large cattle, and grain; animal bones of several species, including sheep/goats, in the do marine and other and used swine; shells; loomweights objects its surrounding farmland and used it mestic economy. The site managed pottery,
successfully Behind
for crops and animal husbandry. all of these situations lies theMinoan
agrarian economy. One from this study is a better important resulting survives best of Minoan land evidence The management. understanding III period, but it is surely applicable earlier; it sug from the Late Minoan of the most
conclusions
divided the land into specific gests that the system in use at Chrysokamino were was used and maintained which parts, differently. The farmhouse I, and it surely had more people living in it.The mature system must be the basis for the productivity agricultural management that allowed the residents to support a larger population with diversified agriculture and animal husbandry involving several species. larger than in LM
zones the land into different system of dividing agricultural in Chapter 21 was fully mature by LM III. This agricultural system would have required land for fields, gardens, and pasture. Analogies with later Greek and Roman farming methods show that ancient practices The
described
treated vegetables and field crops very differently. Because of the effects in Chap. 2), the local of the local topography and climate (see discussion conditions would have been very dry, with greater variations in temperature, some humidity, wind conditions, and amount of precipitation compared to of the other parts of Crete. Plants grown in gardens would have needed and the addition of organic matter special care, including extra watering to the soil for nutrients and moisture retention. This extra care left traces in the archaeological record in the form of organic matter in the soil, the from the and sherds that were carried out to the land manure, chemistry with the household refuse used as fertilizer (Chap. 21). along a location south of the settlement has In the Chrysokamino territory, that suggest itwas reserved for gardens (Fig. 21.1). Here, crops that had to be tended individually and whose products were harvested frequently for fresh produce could be managed easily. This land all of the characteristics
is recognizable in the archaeological record because it is not separated from the settlement by any topographic barriers, because it is relatively flat, and because it has a heavy scatter of sherds on its surface. The sherds are different from sherds found in settlements; are small, worn, and they isolated from other fragments from the same vessel. They occur within the
89. Sarpaki 1992.
soil at a depth that suggests tilling. The crops would have included grapes, herbs, and other garden plants. Pulses, probably aMinoan vegetables, as well. staple,89 would also have been tended here
CHAPTER
272
22
Low hills with phyllitic soil constitute a separate class of land (Fig. 21.3). as they still are in this part They would have been used for dry farming, of Crete. The
phyllitic soil retains moisture better than the red soils, it has nutrients, and it iswell suited to the growing of olives and grain. At the phyllitic soils do not have the heavy concentration of Chrysokamino, worn on as sherds found land the identified indicat small, garden plots, were never used for crops like ing that they vegetables requiring repeated
more
deposits The
of manure
that were
excavation
of the habitation that meat
bones,
indicating were Sheep and/or goats in large numbers in LM
tilled into the soil. site yielded a large corpus of animal a substantial role in the r?sidents' diet.
played the dominant
species. Bones were already present in LM III, I, and they continued to be deposited that the occupants enjoyed a steady supply of meat. They would
indicating also have had access
to the hides, leather, and other skin products that are so useful to aswell as towool for early societies,90 weaving. They clearly flocks and and the herds, suggests that the eroded hill kept topography not for growing crops. It in of Chalepa suitable for but is, fact, grazing lacks the evidence, present elsewhere, for terraces, sherds on the surface, and deep soil useful for farming. It is likely that some of the flocks and herds were moved summer when
seasonally to upland meadows, particularly during the the low land covered with terra rossa loses much of its
moisture.
was a normal practice in Classical Greece.91 Analogy other prehistoric pastoral economies suggests itwas probably a regu lar part of ancient Cretan animal husbandry,92 andWatrous has made a Transhumance
with
convincing
case
ments
for
the
seasonal
movement
of
even
some
complete
settle
during period.93 It is unlikely, however, that the entire of would have moved. At least in the LM I and Chrysokamino population LM III periods, when the evidence ismost complete, the diversity of the the Minoan
economy, with craftwork as well as varied agricultural land use, indicates permanent habitation by at least part of the community. that out The evidence presented here supports the view of Halstead
domestic
engaged in highly diversified agricultural establishments towhat may have been more agriculture and animal husbandry, in contrast Animals included specialized palatial productions.94 sheep and/or goats, as as situation well fields. This and cattle, pigs. Crops required gardens animals could had many advantages for an isolated farmstead. Different subsist on different types of pastures, and diseases in one species would not lying Minoan
a not necessarily have spread to others. Crop failures in single harvest would have been disastrous if additional harvests could be realized at other times of the year. In addition, different crops required labor at different times of without the year, so the work force could be maximized, long periods of a The residents of the achieved territory inactivity. satisfactory system that a resulted in long-term, stable economy.
90. Driel-Murray 91.Whittakerl988.
92. Cherry 1988.
2000.
93. Watrous
1977.
94. Halstead
1992.
CONCLUSIONS
SURVEY
THE Like
273
ERA
POST-MINOAN other coastal
settlements
was
abandoned
Chrysokamino movement throughout patterns lations. Most
much
inmore
resulted
in this part of Crete, the habitation site at in LM IIIB. This was part of a general of the Aegean.95 This shift in settlement
inland sites and fewer undefended
coastal instal
the change to a disruption of the situation that prevailed during the height of relatively stable and peaceful economic the Mycenaean empire. The majority view is that pirates and marauders made the exposed sites too dangerous, and most people pre and Gournia were abandoned or nearly ferred to live elsewhere. Mochlos same at time. about the abandoned scholars would
attribute
New foundations and increased population at existing sites can be seen on the high hills south of modern Kavousi.96 The residents used Minoan pottery and other artifacts, but the population appears too small to account for all of the coastal residents. It has also been proposed that some people emigrated
to Cyprus.97
the 1st millennium b.c., the residents eventually moved back During down from the peaks south of modern Kavousi. They resettled the region between the modern village and the sea, although they would never again the Chrysokamino live on the coastal hillside within territory itself. The near the territory was at largest and most important village Kephalolimnos, on the inland side of the coastal hills.98 The site is not excavated, but it is is a prominent covered with pottery, and a Roman or Byzantine millstone local landmark (Figs. 19.5,19.6). The coastal territory of the Bronze Age farmstead must not have been during the Classical and Roman periods. Pottery from these is absent from the surface, a situation paralleled on the bare and periods of equally dryland nearby Pseira.99 The inland slopes of the hills, however, were certainly exploited. Small amounts of pottery attest to increased use of the region in used much
era. Several sherds from a were the Byzantine large Byzantine amphora on site (App. J, J-l). They suggest that found the surface of the habitation some of the ruins may have stood a little shelter; high enough to provide the walls were neither unfortunately, the construction of amodern mandra see Desbor
95. For bibliography,
ough 1964,1972; Drews 1993. 96. Gesell 1990; Coulson 1990; Haggis
1993b;
for more
recent
bib
liography, seeDay and Snyder 2004; Eliopoulos 2004; Klein 2004; Glowacki 2004; Nowicki 2004. 97.
Karageorghis
1992.
98. Boyd 1901, p. 156; Pendlebury 1939, p. 375. 99.
Seager
1910.
100. Faure 1975, p. 32; 1989, p. 343; Spanakis 1991, pp. 322-323. 101. Haggis 2005, p. 38.
of the stones were
photographed in the mid-20th
nor described
before
century when many architecture has been
no Byzantine robbed. Although this part of Crete was so heavily settled at this identified at Chrysokamino, time that people must have visited the territory regularly, whether they
farmed
there
or not.
slopes of the low hills were farmed during the Venetian period, was reached and the height of the post-Bronze Age activity during the are from Ottoman sherds these present in the occupation. Many periods The
territory. Probably most of the surviving terrace systems are from the 15th to 19th centuries, as suggested by the excavation of AF22b and its cave recent town small In the has been centuries, adjoining (Apps. G, K). at Kavousi,100 a settlement whose roots, like those of are Chrysokamino, in the Neolithic
period.101
CHAPTER
274
22
use of the land was very different from during these later periods the pattern in the Bronze Age. The changes have been documented through The
and description of manmade features in the landscape in is best understood by transformation land The management (App. G). occur in spatially related clusters.102 They reveal examining the tiny sites that a new settlement pattern for the local era.The territory in the post-Minoan the identification
lived on the coastal side of the hill, and they must have walked out to their gardens and fields and returned home with their harvest and tools. Because the later residents lived farther away, they needed field houses for storage of tools and harvests, threshing floors near the fields to avoid carrying to bulky harvests back home, and wells in the fields provide water.
Minoans
Terracing areas with territory has several Chrysokamino agricultural terraces are all made of locally avail supported by stone walls (Fig. 16.3). The walls in any way. The able stones, gathered from the vicinity and not modified
The
locations
are recorded
of the terraces were period of maximum The excavation
Surface pottery shows that most used in Ottoman times, as is to be expected for the usage at the end of a long tradition. one of of terrace AF22b provides detailed evidence for in Appendix
G.
the large terrace systems (App. K). To build this terrace, the land was cut back at the uphill side, and a one-faced wall of small stones was constructed on the downhill side. The space behind the wall was then soil. If this type of terrace construction began at the bottom of the hill, soil from each successively higher terrace could have been shov eled onto the adjoining lower level when the adjacent higher slope was cut mortar
without filled
inwith
the top of the system called AF 22, the highest terrace (AF 22a) is rather small, and itwould not have yielded enough soil to fill both itself and AF 22b, so soil from the excavation of the small cave (Apps. G and K, AF 9) was used for part of the fill.The system as awhole was not constructed evenly, but it followed the lay of the land, combining features of the stepped back. At
terrace and the braided
terrace as defined
and Moody.103 by Rackham comes from the Ottoman period, and this
Pottery from the excavation date is probably applicable for the present configuration of the entire system. It is possible, however, that earlier terraces may have been modified when the final system was built. A small amount of Venetian pottery comes from within the soil of terrace AF 22, and itmust attest to earlier use of the hill side. An
occasional Minoan
sherd also occurs on the surface of this terrace
system. The Ottoman pottery from the lower level of terrace AF likely providing the date of the wall, is from the 18th century.
Land
22a, most
Use
thatMinoan land use at Chrysokamino project clearly demonstrates use in later from the local land different fundamentally periods. The no evidence for boundary walls or any other indica Minoan period provided This
was
tions of private ownership. All of the territory seems to have been farmed so well that by people who knew each other physical markers identifying boundaries
were
unnecessary.
From
more
recent
times,
the
remains
of
102. On the application of this see Russell 1985, p. 30. methodology, 103. Rackham and Moody 1992.
CONCLUSIONS
SURVEY
Cluster Figure 22.1. Map of Clusters 1-3, with closely related anthropogenic features
1
Cluster
275
Cluster
2
3
was divided between several eight field houses showed that the territory own each of which required its households, permanent fixtures for storage or other functions. Short walls also existed, giving a clear sign that boundary the limits between fields could be the subject of disputes if they were not in a permanent way. A basic change in land use is thus apparent. features from the post-Minoan Several of the anthropogenic periods occur in groups that suggest individual ownership/usage (App. G). Clus ters often consist of a group of agricultural terraces, a small building, and
marked
a
awell occurs nearby. threshing floor. Sometimes A brief discussion of three clusters shows the pattern
Cluster 1
(Figs. 16.2,22.1): (Fig. 22.1,
AF
5 and AF
7. Field houses
AF
4. Threshing
AF
6. Agricultural
left)
(consecutive?)
floor terrace walls
1 is a group of closely spaced and obviously related features. The presence of a threshing floor (App. G, AF 4) indicates a use with grains or some other crop requiring threshing, and the latest phase (mid-20th
Cluster
on some of the other suggests century) of dry farming slopes of Chomatas as a candidate. Field houses for storage and for shade in used likely barley structures with a rectangular this part of Crete are usually single-roomed of of the two examples Because their different degrees preservation, shape. here are more
likely to be successive
AF
13 and AF
AF
18. Threshing
16. Field houses
rather than contemporary. Cluster 2 (Fig. 22.1, (consecutive?)
center)
floor
AF 12.Well AF
11 and AF
17. Agricultural
terrace walls
2 has features that are similar to those of Cluster 1.As in Cluster 1, the two field houses were probably not used at the same time. The addition of awell, one of three in the territory under examination, shows that the
Cluster
labor expended water
from
in digging was preferred
a distant
to the difficulty
Cluster 3 AF AF AF
of transporting
source.
(Fig. 22.1, right)
of stones, probably a field house floor 20. Threshing terrace walls 11 and AF 17. Agricultural 10.Mound
CHAPTER
276
22
a certainly collapsed build one of rather small dimensions. It probably served as the
of stones
The mound
in this cluster
is almost
ing, apparently field house for threshing floor AF 20. The threshing floor ricultural terrace walls (App. G, AF 11 and AF 17), where
is close to ag itwould have
at harvest time. These terrace walls extend to the vicinity a and 2, boundary between the two parts of the landscape may have existed, but it is not visible archaeologically. been convenient of Cluster
In addition to these clearly associated groups of features, other groups also exist (Fig. 16.2). The small cave (App. G, AF 9) is near a large group of agricultural terraces (App. G, AF 22), and itwas probably excavated for use as a field house. This uncommon in cases where mar practice is not land is being cultivated.104 A well boundary wall (App. G, AF 3). ginal
(AF 2) is associated with
a
nearby
territory also has features associated with animal husbandry. The site (App. G, AF 32) and its successor south of the habitation were to AF intended hold flocks and herds. Some of the field 28) (App G, houses could have been used as shelters for shepherds. The
oval pen
clusters and the more
These
of land use was
isolated features show that the later system than the situation during the Bronze
different
completely was divided between many users, with individual sections Age. The territory on that accommodated dry farming agricultural terraces by nonresident farmers who traveled out to their tiny plots of land from Kavousi and its like Kephalolimnos. The eight field houses suggest that the predecessors land was subdivided into about six separate plots (assuming that the nearby pairs
are
successive
rather
than
contemporary).
of the post-Minoan features are associated with small-scale ag riculture and animal husbandry. They furnish evidence for small individual not farm was quite large holdings, large agrarian estates. The Late Minoan Most
in comparison. The later features probably also represent multiple periods of use, and often only the most recent period is clearly visible. It seems was farmed and likely that the coastal strip grazed during many periods after the abandonment of the Minoan settlement.
The
Situation
21st
Century
at
the
Beginning
of
the
Since the end of the 20th century, the Chrysokamino territory has been used mainly for recreation, especially fishing, and for grazing animals. At the end of its long period of use, the coastal strip between Chordakia and sea an assortment of the has been extensively overgrazed. Even phrygana, small spiny shrubs and thistles, is restricted in distribution. The coastal so bare of that a contrast with the inland area is visible strip is vegetation as from the air.The satellite photograph Figure 1.3 was taken published in 1988 before the construction of the road from the earlier track to the excavated habitation is a
prominent
104. Halstead
site.The boundary between wasteland
feature.
2000,
p. 118.
and olive groves
SURVEY
CONCLUSIONS
277
? Z <
Less
? z
More
^??mmmm^^
Population
< z o a: <
<
Resources
o
o LU (0 D LU
LU CO CO CO LU
Figure 22.2. Pressures influencing greater
or lesser
use
of
marginal
land
O
Available Land
for agriculture
Comments use occurred when the farm Chrysokamino change in land to higher in LM IIIB, and most of the residents moved locations away from the coast. The coastal territory at this location would a permanent never It would, settlement. instead, alternate again have
A fundamental was
abandoned
as in the present day, periods of almost complete abandonment, and periods of use by farmers who traveled out to their fields from a village located away from the coast.
between
Like
the more
recent abandonment
not to farm the seacoast several factors, including tween size of population,
of the coastal strip, the decision after the Bronze Age must have been related to relative prosperity. A three-way relationship be amount of available land, and other components
of the region s economy has profoundly affected decisions about farming to is land. Land that difficult farm successfully, yielding only marginal a small return for substantial investment in time and effort, will not be used in every period. The principles are illustrated in Figure 22.2. More fewer outside resources, and a decreased availability of better population, land exert pressure to increase the exploitation of marginal land. If these factors
are
reversed,
the
pressure
to use
marginal
land
decreases.
In the late 20th century, external contributions to the economy (outside resources) and the availability of better land have caused the coastal strip to be abandoned. Being awaiter in a restaurant, for example, or raising olives in the Kambos is financially and socially more attractive than spending or animals in a desolate long hours trying to raise crops landscape. the early 1st millennium and b.c., the decrease in population During more land was availability of probably responsible for the coast. With from Crete to Cyprus and away from the migrations other places in the East, the people who remained chose better farmland than the exposed and dangerous coastal strip with its dry and marginal soil. the concomitant
move
change that caused the land to become the process of abandonment.
Climatic
drier must have intensified
It was probably an increase in population that prompted reuse of the area in the Venetian and Ottoman all the late periods periods. During
CHAPTER
22
out to the fields
from
278 the land was
when homes
farmed, inland. These
located
the farmers
traveled
new
continued
to be used
farming practices the early 20th century. As Lloyd observed in the case of the Roman to the fields "There is little doubt that the peasant commuting Empire, until
from
town,
or hamlet
village,
was
a common
sight."105
In conjunction with this new strategy, the farmers needed to construct field buildings and threshing floors (alonia) in the countryside. All of the in the present study were built after installations permanent recognized one of them, along period (App. G), and the excavation of with the closest part of its nearby terrace wall system, shows that the final era of use the Venetian period (App. K). postdated The several examples of the small field installa survey provides the Minoan
tions used
as
facilities in the former territory of agricultural processing a small building or Chrysokamino (App. G). They typically consisted of in shallow cave, a threshing floor, and a series of terrace walls. Elsewhere were a alonia used for of Greece, crops, including figs processing variety and grapes that needed to be dried.106 In this part of Crete, however, the flat areas were used primarily for threshing grain, and all of the examples noted at Chrysokamino have vertical stones at their edges to keep the grain contained during the threshing process. Walls made of rough stones were used as boundary markers before the modern fences were built (App. G). They divided the public land at the coast from the inland private land, but they were so flimsy that they a only survive in few places. These early boundary markers show that the a governmental regulations that currently operate and provide for balance between open land and private land has a long history in the region, but no evidence survives to suggest it operated during the Bronze Age. Like the agricultural-processing facilities, the boundary markers seem to be a post-Minoan
phenomenon.
use of the coastal hills for growing half of the 20th century at Chrysokamino. The
started theMarshall after the destruction
into the first grains continued In 1947, the United States
Plan, which provided funding to help rebuild Greece II. A part of the of its economy during World War
plan provided money for deep wells in the Kambos to permit irrigation.107 As a result, the land was planted in olives, a crop that was gaining in favor throughout Crete because of its nutritional value and other aspects of its production.108 After the transformation of the land to support olive culture, and its associ the coastal side of the hills, where the Bronze Age workshop cave were was ated settlement and burial located, increasingly neglected the coastal the irrigation system did not reach this far. Although recre at of from used the close the 20th aside century, strip longer one ation and animal husbandry the inland shepherd), (by only slopes of
because
was no
called Chordakia, were completely planted in olives and a few Chomatas, other trees. Chordakia and the Kambos, divided into small individually owned plots, supported olives and garden vegetables that were tended by of Kavousi, who traveled out to their fields from their homes in the village. By this time, the land management system that favored the in the midst of the gardens and fields had ceased location of settlements residents
to
exist
for many
centuries.
105. Lloyd 1991, p. 235. 106. Lee 2001, p. 61. 107. Allbaugh 1953, pp. 258-263. 108. Riley 2002.
APPENDIXES
and
Petrography
X-Ray
of
Diffraction
Analyses
and
Chimneys
Furnace
Slags
er and byGeorgeH\ My Philip P. Betancourt
were of the slags and furnace chimneys from Chrysokamino in the analyzed by optical thin section and by X-ray powder diffraction of Mineralogy Laboratory, Department Geology, Temple University. The sec D. M. Organist Laboratory (Newark, Delaware) prepared the thin tions. The methodology followed standard practices for optical thin section Samples
analysis.1 The Mclntosh,
and
presentation
of the results follows
the format used byMyer,
Betancourt.2
a analyses by X-ray diffraction used Rigaku XRD powder dif with a copper X-ray tube source, horizontal fractometer model DMAX/B (radius 185 mm) with total accuracy within 0.02 degrees, and goniometer The
curved crystal graphite monochronometer analysis system. The continuous scan mode, which counts integrated intensity per specified sample interval, scans run at 10 a diffraction produced degrees per minute, with sampling interval of 0.05. All data were recorded on magnetic disc, analyzed by use. Rigaku software, and printed and plotted for hard copy
PETROGRAPHY OF THE SLAGS are dark masses with a slags at Chrysokamino glassy appearance (see seenwithout Because that similar when many pieces appear Chap. 10). magni fication have very different compositions, the class as awhole can be described
The
as
in detail but similar in overall appearance. The differ heterogeneous ences are sufficient to suggest variations in the as well original materials as different in the furnaces during the pyrotechnological conditions process.
classes of slag can be distinguished. One class consists of on the inside of chimney walls, and the other class consists of
Two different condensation
solid pieces of dark vitreous material of four samples are presented here.
1. Bambauer,
1979.
Taborsky,
and Trochim
that formed from the melt. Analyses
2.
Myer,
1995.
Mclntosh,
and Betancourt
A
APPENDIX
282
Slag sample CHR 97.
Figure A.l. P?trographie black dendritic in a
glassy
thin
matrix;
section
crystals
showing of magnetite
plane-polarized
light, width of field 2.5 mm. 97 (vitreous coating in the interior of a chimney fragment, a Fig. A.l), slag containing opaque dendritic inclusions (mag netite) occurring as branching dendritic crystallizations, with no
1. CHR
or
fayalite
2. CHR a
pyroxene.
in the interior of a chimney fragment), of magnetite, with radiating crystallizations
93 (vitreous coating slag containing
minor
olivine.
87 (slag fragment, Fig. A.2), a slag containing opaque den dritic inclusions (magnetite) occurring as branching dendritic masses of along with green crystal points and crystallizations,
3. CHR
pyroxene and masses of cuprite and fayalite. 4. CHR 99 (slag fragment, Figs. A.3, A.4), a slag fragment consist a considerable percentage of ing of two dissimilar bands, with in the glassy matrix along with inclusions of an clinopyroxene opaque mineral, fayalite, cuprite, and unidentified phases.
with
Slag Number
Black
of samples examined:
of a chimney Matrix
Inclusions
Dendritic 1 (CHR
97, slag deposited
on the interior
fragment) Groundmass)
(Glass
A. Optical properties and color 1.Under plane-polarized light: mottled,
with
color variation
tan to yellow brown to dark brown; some of the color variation around the opaque inclusions. 2. Under
cross-polarized
light: isotropic.
grain size and modality from under 62 micrometers
B. Overall
vary widely, under 62 micrometers C. Overall
from
is zonal
of inclusions
and voids:
inclusions
to over 2 mm; voids vary widely, from to over 1 mm; ca. 50% inclusions; ca. 10% voids.
preferred orientation
of inclusions
and voids: random.
analyses
Figure A.2. Slag sample CHR 87. P?trographie
thin
section
show
ing magnetite (black, thin curved crystals), fayalite (pale, circular, at upper center), and pyroxene (dark rounded masses) in a glassy matrix; plane-polarized
light, width of field
800 micrometers.
Figure A.3. Slag sample CHR 99. P?trographie thin section showing pyroxene crystals (radiating), magne tite (black, at top left of center), and cuprite (circular, upper center) in a glassy matrix; cross-polarized light, width of field 800 micrometers.
Figure A.4. Slag sample CHR 99. P?trographie thin section showing pyroxene crystals (dark) and cuprite (black triangular mass with rounded corners
at center)
plane-polarized 2.5 mm.
in a
glassy
matrix;
light, width of field
of
slags
and
furnace
chimneys
283
A
APPENDIX
284 D.
Inclusions 1.Magnetite dendrites. Size range: from under
up to ca. 10 x 250
1 micrometer
micrometers.
orthogonal branching growth patterns with Shape: multiple initiated along both primary and secondary the crystallization branches; usually like a two-sided comb, with isolated cross-sec tions visible as well. opaque dendritic quench crystals with many as identified branches; isometric; magnetite by X-ray diffraction; in some locations the rows of long dendrites are at right angles to one another, creating a gridlike pattern; sometimes iron alteration Comments:
opaque
as red brown colorations
are visible
products
at the margins
of the
crystals.
2. Quartz.
Size range: from ca. 10 micrometers to rounded. Shape: subrounded
up to ca. 2 mm.
some grains single grains; undul?se extinction; are some rimmed with have acicular inclusions (rutile?); grains the opaque dendritic crystals (i.e., the quartz acted as a nucleation Comments:
surface on which
the crystals grew).
3. Chert. Size
range:
Shape: Comments:
from
ca.
subrounded
10 micrometers
up
to ca.
1 mm.
to subangular.
microgranular
texture.
Voids A. Size range: up to over 500 micrometers. B. Shape: mostly C. Comments:
oval. voids from entrapped
gas.
Modality Matrix Voids:
(glass groundmass): ca. 10%. Quartz: under
ca. 50%. dendrites: Opaque 1%. Chert: under 1%.
ca. 38%-40%.
Discussion on the interior of a chimney a Sample CHR 97 consists of glassy deposit a abundant dendritic crystal includes mottled The matrix, glass, fragment. as that crystallized when the lizations, which may be identified magnetite indicates the slag cooled quickly (see App. B). The abundant magnetite are unaltered which conditions. under formed Quartz grains, reducing slag in of Chalcolithic noted have also been relics from the original charge, slags date from Israel.3 The X-ray diffraction (the analysis of this sample shows magnetite and dendrites) quartz (the quartz grains and the chert grains). Other peaks No fayalite or other members are too ambiguous for certain identification. of the olivine group can be detected.
3. Bachman
1980,
pp.
108-110.
analyses
with
Slag
and
slags
of
furnace
Radiating
chimneys
Magnetite
of samples examined: 1 (CHR the interior of a chimney fragment).
Number
Matrix
(Glass
285
Inclusions 93, vitreous
on
coating deposited
Groundmass)
A. Optical properties and color 1.Under plane-polarized light: mottled,
with
color variation
from
tan to yellow brown to dark brown. 2. Under cross-polarized light: crystallized (devitrified), consisting of interlocking blades with some pleochroism (most likely a postburial an not characteristic the of reaction, original slag). B. Overall grain size and modality of inclusions and voids: inclusions vary to over 2 mm; voids vary widely, from widely, from under 62 micrometers to over 1mm; ca. 15% inclusions; ca. 10% voids. under 62 micrometers C. Overall D.
orientation
preferred
of inclusions
and voids: random.
Inclusions 1.Magnetite dendrites. Size range: from under 1micrometer
up to ca. 60 micrometers.
Shape: small radiating groups of crystals. Comments: opaque dendritic quench crystals consisting mostly of small radiating groups; identified asmagnetite by X-ray diffrac tion; sometimes Fe alteration products are visible as red brown at
colorations
the
margins.
2. Chert. Size
ca.
range:
30 micrometers.
subrounded.
Shape: Comments:
texture.
microgranular
3. Carbonate.
Size range: up to ca. 100 micrometers. Shape: films. Comments: 4. Olivine Size
amorphous;
postburial
depositions.
group. range:
under
10 micrometers.
masses. Shape: spherical Comments: alteration of the glass (devitrification); is a postburial alteration. sible that the devitrification
it is pos
Voids A.
Size range: up to over 500 micrometers.
B. Shape: mostly C. Comments:
oval. voids from entrapped
gas.
Modality Matrix Chert:
(glass groundmass): under 1%. Carbonate:
ca. 85%. Voids: under
ca. 10%. Magnetite: 1%. Olivine: under 1%.
ca. 4%-5%.
286
a
appendix
Discussion (CHR 93) consists of a glassy deposit on the interior of a amottled a few inclu glass, contains only chimney fragment. The matrix, that crystallized when the sions, which may be identified as magnetite
This
sample
slag cooled from
quickly. The
glassy matrix
is extensively
altered
(devitrified)
weathering.
(the analysis of this sample shows magnetite chert the devitri (in (the opaque crystals), quartz grains), hedenbergite fied glass), and a hydrated copper chloride (not present in the thin section in the X-ray prepared from this sample). No olivine could be detected diffraction
The X-ray
analysis, present
the optical examination shows that a tiny amount a too to in bulk analysis). little show up (apparently although
with
Slag
Dendritic
Black
is
and
Inclusions
Pyroxene Number
of samples
Matrix
1 (CHR
examined:
87, fragment
of loose slag).
Groundmass)
(Glass
A. Optical properties and color to brown. 1. Under plane-polarized light: pale green 2. Under cross-polarized light: isotropic where pale in color and anisotropic where
brown.
B. Overall
grain size and modality of inclusions and voids: inclusions up ca. 5%; aniso voids vary widely; micrometers; isotropic glass ca. 80%; inclusions ca. 10%-15%; voids under 2%. tropic glass
to ca. 20-30
C. Overall D.
preferred
orientation
of inclusions
and voids: random.
Inclusions 1.Magnetite dendrites. Size range: mostly ca. 5 x 10-20 micrometers. a two-sided Shape: branching dendrites, usually like visible as well. with isolated cross-sections
comb,
opaque dendritic quench crystals with many as isometric; identified magnetite by X-ray diffrac
Comments: branches; tion. 2.
Pyroxene. Size
range:
ca.
10 micrometers.
masses the dendritic enveloping Shape: crystal points and in the the is nucleated sometimes needles; pyroxene magnetite. Comments:
green.
3. Fayalite. Size range: ca. 10 micrometers
up to ca. 50 micrometers.
masses.
Shape: spherical Comments: yellow crystalline
structures.
to yellow redmasses with
internal radiating
analyses
of
slags
and
4. Cuprite. Size range: under Shape: Spherical Comments:
red
furnace
chimneys
287
10 micrometers. masses. in color.
Voids A. Size range: up to over 100 micrometers. B. Shape: mostly C. Comments:
oval. voids from entrapped
gas.
Modality ca. 80%. matrix (glass groundmass): Magnetite Anisotropic ca. 10%. ca. 5%. Voids: matrix (glass groundmass): Isotropic Pyroxene: under 5%. Fayalite: under 5%. Cuprite: under 1%.
dendrites: under 2%.
Discussion a of magnetite inclusions sample consists of glassy matrix with and The forms curved dendrites, pyroxene, cuprite, magnetite fayalite. acicular crystals within the glass matrix. The sample was consumed in the so that itwas not available for examination preparation of the thin section,
This
diffraction.
by X-ray
with
Slag
Pyroxene,
and
Cuprite,
Fayalite
Inclusions Number
of samples examined:
Matrix
(Glass
1 (CHR
99, fragment
of loose slag).
Groundmass)
A. Optical properties and color 1.Under plane-polarized light: isotropic glass with between the bands). (with great differentiation 2. Under cross-polarized light: black.
flow banding
of inclusions and voids: inclusions grain size and modality to over 1 cm; voids vary widely, from 62 micrometers under vary widely, to over 1mm; ca. 60%-70% inclusions; under from under 62 micrometers B. Overall
1% voids. preferred orientation
C. Overall
of inclusions
and voids: usually parallel
to the banding D.
Inclusions
Band
1 1.
(pale
colored glass)
Pyroxene.
Size range: average ca. 100-200
micrometers
in diameter.
A
APPENDIX
Shape: euhedral twinned crystals in radiating clusters. Comments: green to dark green to black or brown; pleochroic to brown in disseminated (weak to moderate pleochroism) green the glass; quench crystals from rapid cooling; differentially different interference colors at the crystal margins. 2. Fayalite.
zoned,
with
Size
range:
average
Shape: spherical. Comments: yellow
ca. 20-40
in diameter.
micrometers
to yellow redmasses with
internal radiating
structure.
crystalline
3. Cuprite. Size range: average ca. 20-100 Shape: spherical to cubic. Comments:
red; interstitial mineral.
4. Opaque Size
range:
average
ca.
1-12
micrometers
x 250 micrometers
isolated grains composed not identified.
Band 2 (brown glass, stronglyflow-banded; 1. Opaque mineral. Size
range:
average
ca.
1-12
in diameter.
iron (or tenorite?).
elemental
Comments: anisotropic;
in diameter.
to the pyroxene.
Shape: nearly spherical. Comments: opaque; possibly 5. Rock grains. Size range: 1 mm Shape: rounded.
micrometers
to 1 mm
of interlocking
dense w/microscopic
micrometers
crystals;
inclusions)
in diameter.
Shape: nearly spherical. Comments: similar to band 1 but much more 2.
x 1.25 mm.
abundant.
Pyroxene.
Size range: average ca. 100-200 micrometers Shape: euhedral twinned crystals in radiating
in diameter. clusters.
similar to band 1 but less abundant.
Comments: 3. Fayalite. Size
range:
average
ca. 20-40
micrometers
in diameter.
Shape: spherical. Comments: similar to band 1 but less abundant. 4. Cuprite. Size
range:
average
ca. 20-100
micrometers
in diameter.
Shape: spherical to cubic. Comments: similar to band 1 but less abundant. IDS A.
Size range: up to over 100 micrometers.
B. Shape: mostly C. Comments:
oval. voids from entrapped
gas.
analyses
slags
of
and
furnace
chimneys
289
Modality Band 1 ca. 70%. Matrix
Pyroxene: Opaque
mineral:
under
ca. 25%. Voids: under 2%. (glass groundmass): 1%. Cuprite: under 1%. Fayalite: under 1%. Rock
1%.
grains: under Band 2
ca. 70%. ca. 15%. Pyroxene: Opaque mineral: (glass groundmass): ca. 5%. Voids: under 2%. 1%. 1%. under Cuprite: under Fayalite:
Matrix
Discussion a slag with two dissimilar bands. The matrix Sample CHR 99 consists of contains pyroxene, fayalite, cuprite, and other unidentified inclusions. a X-ray diffraction analysis of bulk sample from this slag indicates that a sufficiently crystallized to yield patterns: clinopyroxene, red cubic crystals), probably augite (the pyroxene crystals), cuprite (the fayalite (brown radiating spheres), and elemental iron (probably the opaque inclusions). in this slag, one with Two types of glassy bands can be recognized are
four minerals
crystals and the other with fewer crystals but with clinopyroxene abundant, tiny spherical inclusions of an opaque mineral, possibly iron. The slag, which was produced under strongly reducing elemental includes tiny inclusions of fayalite (the Fe end member of the conditions, olivine group). Red crystals of cuprite (20-100 micrometers across) are or as a part of the also present, but whether they formed original process in postburial oxidation is uncertain. abundant
more
of fayalite and pyroxene provide an indication of the degree of reduction during the smelting process. The presence of large amounts of fayalite is a characteristic of slags formed under highly reducing The
relative amounts
as
to the occurrence
of pyroxene, which would be typi substantial amounts of pyroxene oxidizing as in this and the oxide cuprite are visible in slags from Chrysokamino, slag, and fayalite are present, suggesting formation under more less magnetite than the slag recorded as no. 3 above (CHR 87). oxidizing conditions conditions, cal of more
opposed
conditions.4 When
CHRYSOKAMINO FURNACE CHIMNEY FABRIC Number
of samples examined:
6 (CHR 91, CHR
92, CHR
93, CHR
94,
CHR 97, CHR 98) Matrix
(Groundmass)
A. Optical properties and color 1. Under plane-polarized light: mottled. 2. Under cross-polarized light: anisotropic. 4.
Hauptmann,
Maddin
Bachmann,
1994, p. 6.
and
B. Overall grain size and modality of inclusions and voids: inclu to over 5 mm; voids vary sions vary widely, from under 62 micrometers
APPENDIX
2?O
to over 1 cm; ca. 50%-60%
widely, from under 62 micrometers ca. 10%-20% voids. C. Overall preferred orientation to the surface of the furnace. D.
Silt-sized
inclusions
1. Quartz,
of inclusions
A
inclusions;
and voids: usually parallel
(under 62 micrometers)
type 1.
Size range: up to 62 micrometers. Shape: subangular to angular. single grains; the smaller size range of the larger 1 type quartz grains. 2. Quartz, type 2. Comments:
Size range: up to 62 micrometers. Shape: subangular to angular. Comments:
multiple grains; the smaller size range of the larger 2 type quartz grains; derived from the phyllite.
3.Mn Oxide(s)(?). Size range: up to 62 micrometers. Shape: irregular. Comments: opaque films and borders on grains and voids. 4. Chlorite. in section. Size range: ca. 5-6 x 2 micrometers Shape: flakes. colorless under plane-polarized Comments: light; first-order colors under interference gray cross-polarized light. 5. Carbonate. Size
range:
ca.
10 micrometers.
Shape: spherical. Comments: very few grains. Voids
Type 1 Size range: up to over 2 cm. B. Shape: varies widely: irregular;
A.
cylindrical;
various
plant
forms.
C. Comments:
voids
from burned
out organic matter,
including
chaff (Fig. A.5).
Type 2 A.
Size range: up to over 1 cm.
B. Shape: elongated. C. Comments: shrinkage
Inclusions
above
cracks.
Silt-Size
(above
62 Micrometers)
1. Carbonate.
Size range: up to 3 mm Shape: irregular. Comments: biogenic
in size. carbonate
rock; altered by heat; may
ANALYSES
Figure
A.5.
Furnace
chimney
OF
SLAGS
AND
FURNACE
CHIMNEYS
291
sample
CHR 97. P?trographie thin section showing clay fabric with voids from burned
out
chaff;
cross-polarized
light, width of field 6 mm. have oolitic contains
structure with one
foraminifera;
quartz grain consisting fluid inclusions.
spherical to ovoid to irregular oolites; mm grain inCHR 98 is attached to 1.5
of low-grade metamorphic
quartz with
2. Shale. Size range: up to 5 mm Shape: subrounded. Comments:
in size.
contains grains of quartz; some fragments
altered by heat. 3. Quartz, type 1. Size range: up to 0.5 mm
highly
in size.
Shape: angular. Comments: single grains;
clear; uniform
extinction;
precise
boundaries.
4. Quartz,
type 2.
Size range: up to 1 mm Shape:
in size.
angular.
Comments:
multiple
grains; derived
from the phyllite.
5. Chert. Size range: up to 500 micrometers Shape:
rounded,
subangular,
and
in size. angular.
a subrounded granular texture; CHR 94 contains with Fe-rich rhombic chert grain included crystals (siderite?). Comments:
6.
Ferruginous
siltstone.
Size range: up to 5 mm in size. Shape: subangular to rounded. Comments:
sedimentary
rock;
consists
of quartz
grains
cement
ed by hematite; may contain small fragments of shale. 7. Phyllite. in size. Size range: up to 600 micrometers Shape: subrounded. consists of quartz, feldspar, mica, and chlorite; extinction and multiple grains; CHR 89 has a has undul?se quartz a subhedral of crystal of epidote with light grain phyllite containing in brownish green pleochroism light and typical plain-polarized Comments:
A
APPENDIX
292
"stained glass window" colors in cross-polarized
appearance
of second-order
interference
light.
Modality Matrix
(groundmass): 20%-30%. Voids: 10%-20%. inclusions: 1. Quartz, Silt-sized type 1:10%. 2. Quartz, 3.Mn Oxide(s)(?): under 1%.
type 2: under 5%.
15%. 2. Shale: 15%. 3. Quartz, type 1: Larger inclusions: 1. Carbonate: under 5%. 4. Quartz, 2: under 5%. 6. 5. Chert: under 5%. Siltstone: type under 5%. 7. Phyllite: under 5%. Discussion fabric is consistent with
The
the Gulf
ofMirabello.
The
a local source in the region of the east side of quartz and phyllite inclusions are petrographi
oxide inclu calfy similar to those found in this part of Crete. Manganese sions are also present in clay deposits from the region, including deposits near the site of are common, and All of the constituents Chrysokamino. no distinctive would
elements
allow a precise
ANALYSIS
OF
have been recognized source to be identified.
SLAGS
BY X-RAY
by this methodology
that
DIFFRACTION
was on four Analyses by X-ray powder diffraction performed samples of were slag, two of which angular broken pieces of glassy slag containing mi two of which were vitrious coatings on the interior inclusions and croscopic were surfaces of chimney fragments. The following mineralogical phases sufficiently well crystallized to provide X-ray patterns in bulk samples:
CHR 96 (glassy slag) Akermanite Diopside Delafossite
Dolomite (?) CHR 99 (glassy slag) Augite Cuprite Fayalite Elemental CHR
iron(?)
93 (coating
on the interior of a chimney
fragment)
Magnetite Quartz Hedenbergite Unnamed hydrated CHR
copper chloride
97 (coating on the interior of a chimney
Magnetite Quartz
fragment)
SEM/EDAX
Analysis
by Yannis Bassiakos
This
study presents analyses of metallic prills and slag by SEM/EDAX. of Archaeometry, Institute analyses were made at the Laboratory of Materials N.C.S.R. Science, "Demokritos," Hagia Paraskevi, Attikis,
The
Greece.
Table B.l presents the analyses of copper prills arranged by increasing arsenic content. This set of measurements differs from the PIXE results shown
in Appendix
in that these measurements
D
were made
on clean, in this set
arsenic contents are substantially higher than they are in the values obtained from PIXE analysis to 26%, with an average of 5.51%. (App. D); they range from 0% were sawed, mounted, and analyzed with SEM/ Samples of the slag EDAX. The results are shown inTable B.2. uncorroded
metal. The
of measurements
TABLE B.l. SEM/EDAX ANALYSES OF COPPER PRILLS ARRANGED BY INCREASING ARSENIC CONTENT SEM/EDAX Analysis 24
No.
Arsenic in
Weight
Content Percentage _0.00 0.20
26 34 22
_0.50 _1.50 _1.10 4.10
11 _5.30 12 _5.50 45
_7.37
16
10.00
48
26.00
TABLE B.2. SEM/EDAX Analysis
No.
Al
Mg
ANALYSES
OF METALLURGICAL K
Si 3.4
nd
nd
nd
1.6
7.4
41
0.8
0.9
7.5
42.1
0.9
nd
nd
0.2
0.7
nd
0.5
0.1
nd
0.3
2.8
2.6
0.6
24.5
47.6
0.6
5.7
0.3
nd
nd
Ca
0.1
REMAINS Ti
Cr
Mn
Fe
nd
nd
nd
4.6
1.6
12
0.5
0.1
0.2
33
1.9
12
34
0.4
0.1
0.1
0.1
0.2
0.1
0.1
0.06
2.4
0.7
nd
0.1
nd
0.04
2.7
0.1
0.2
0.2
0.7
1.3
29.5
0.15
0.1
0.2
0.06
nd 22
0.1
0.2
0.4
0.1
nd
nd
18
1.3
0.7
0.1
0.05
56
0.1
nd
2.7
10
0.5
5.9
0.7
11
2.5
nd
0.3
nd
0.4
nd
0.4
nd
nd
1.9
12
2.4
nd
0.2
nd
0.1
nd
0.1
nd
nd
0.2
13
0.4
1.1
1.3
0.05
0.2
14
0.5
6.8
37.7
0.8
0.1
1.4
24
15
1.3
5.8
37.5
0.8
0.1
1.2
26
16
nd
0.4
0.4
nd
0.6
nd
17
nd
0.1
1.4
0.7
24
0.1 2.1
37
18
10
36.5
1.2
0.1
19
17.1
1.5
58.4
0.03
0.1
20
0.8
7.7
36.7
26
0.1
0.1
0.9
0.1
21
0.5
6.9
34.5
0.6
0.2
22
0.3
0.2
1.3
0.1
0.4
23
0.4
2.7
4.7
0.08
24
nd
nd
0.2
0.1
0.1
25
0.2
0.4
3.4
0.5
24
0.02
0.2
nd
0.6
nd
0.7
0.5
0.06
0.6
0.3
95
0.8
0.1
0.2
27
0.6
0.1
0.2
25
0.1
nd
nd
nd
nd
0.2
2.1
1.1
6.4
0.5
0.2 nd
14 29 34
0.9
20
0.7
nd
0.4
nd
nd
0.02
0.7
4.6
0.2
0.4
0.1
0.1
0.1
0.1
0.05
nd
4.8
0.1
nd
nd
0.1
0.6
0.2
4.3
39.2 1.4
nd
nd
nd
6.2
33.7
0.7
0.2
1.2
0.2
0.6
24
nd
1.3
32
0.2
nd
<0.1
0.7
0.4 14
<0.1
0.1
nd
0.06
0.4
nd
0.2 0.03
95
nd
0.4
24
0.6
nd
nd
nd
2.9
0.1
nd
0.06
0.8
<0.1
0.4
1.6
0.8
<0.1
13
1.2
0.6
18
0.3
2.3
18
30
nd
nd
31
nd
0.2
32
0.8
6.2
37.9
33
3.3
4.8
0.4
nd
0.1
nd
34
nd
0.1
1.4
<0.1
<0.1
nd
35
1.1
19.7
54
<0.1
0.1
2.1
36
1.2
28.9
47
0.3
0.1
37
1.7
15.1
51
0.3
0.1
38
1.2
2.7
0.07
0.2
0.1
39
1.5
20.4
60.7
nd
0.2
40
1.1
19.5
64.5
nd
nd
2.8
41
2.0
15.3
53.5
nd
nd
2.34
0.6 30
18
0.7
23
0.3
0.2
89
nd
<0.1
nd
0.2
0.1
<0.1 0.3
0.2
0.3
9.1
0.3
9.2
0.2
7.9
1.6
1.2
12.8
0.97
0.06
0.27
11.4
0.14
0.04
10.6
22.8
53
nd
nd
5.05
0.71
20.4
63.2
0.03
nd
4.00
1.54
0.84
0.04
0.15
44
3.5
14.5
22
nd
nd
0.9
1.48
1.1
0.65
0.33
0.17
nd
0.11
0.15
0.05
nd
0.05
0.86
0.31
0.94
0.45
0.23
0.26
47
nd
0.08
1.93
nd
48
nd
nd
3.06
nd
49
nd
nd
0.32
nd
25.4 3.28 24.5
69
1.3
1.78
0.32
3.5
2.3
6.37
42
4.9
0.1
42
nd
8.7 33
43
4.5
5.7
0.3
1.03
nd
4.2 37
0.1
0.5
0.86
1.9 11
0.7
0.2
29
46
85
0.6
28
45
28
0.06
21
0.8
26
2.3
0.1
nd
27
26
32.6
7.5 55 1.25 14.4
nd
1.53
0.07
0.01
0.01
4.18
nd
2.19
0.08
nd
nd
2.01
nd
0.34
0.04
nd
0.02
1.93
B.2
TABLE
No.
Analysis
(ana.) Cu
Au
nd
nd
0.6
0.2
0.2
nd
_90_ nd
0.3
0.1
0.1
nd
nd
2.3
12
Pb
1.6
_91_ 3.3
11
As
0.8
73
10
Zn
Sb
Cl
Na
nd
nd
~nd~
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
0.3
1.4
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
0.3
4.1
nd
nd
0.5
nd
nd
nd
nd
0.2
nd
nd
nd
nd
0.2
nd
nd
nd
0.2
1.6
nd
nd
nd
nd
0.3
nd"
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
0.1
nd
nd
nd
nd
96
0.6
0.2
nd
nd
nd
1.6
0.2
0.3
nd
nd
nd
nd
0.1
nd
nd
0.2
5.3
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
0.5
5.5
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
0.4
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
0.2
0.2
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
0.2
nd
nd
nd
nd
0.2
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
89
13
_91_ 0.1
14
0.8
15 16
84
nd
17
63
nd
JO_ 3.7
nd
0.2
nd
nd
1.3
nd
nd
nd
nd
18
0.1
nd
0.1
nd
nd
nd
nd
0.1
nd
nd
19
1.1
nd
0.1
nd
nd
nd
nd
0.1
nd
nd
20
0.5
nd
0.1
nd
nd
nd
nd
21
0.6
nd
0.1
nd
nd
nd
nd
_22_ 23
nd
1.1
nd
nd
nd
0.2
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
0.1
0.5
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
0.1
nd
nd
24
97
0.2
nd
nd
0.1?
nd
nd
0.5
nd
nd
25
52
0.3
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
4.2
nd
nd nd
26 2.5
_?z_ 28 29 30 31
0.4 _68_ J3_
nd
0.5
nd
0.5
nd
nd
5.3
nd
0.5
0.4
nd
nd
nd
nd
0.1
nd
nd
0.3
0.1
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
0.3
nd
nd
0.8
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd nd
32
1.3
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
0.2
0.3
33
0.1
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
<0.1
nd
nd
nd
0.5
nd
nd
nd
nd
<0.1
nd
nd nd
34 35
_91_ 0.6
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
36
0.1
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
0.2
nd
37
1.5
nd
0.3
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
38
0.1
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
39
0.3
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
0.6
0.2
nd
40
0.3
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
0.7
0.1
nd
41
1.2
nd
0.26
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
42
0.03
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
0.24
nd
nd
43
0.44
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
0.2
nd
nd
44
0.36
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
45
89.5
46
0.4
nd
7.37
nd
nd
nd
nd
0.06
nd
nd
0.04
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
0.15
nd
nd
3.73
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
nd
47
62.7
0.27
48
63.7
0.18
49
70.5
0.26
26_ 1.93
are as indications. The of less than 0.1% are not reliable, and Concentrations given only they long calcareous-silicate phases The of Si. Minute skeletal crystals of magnetite contain mainly Fe but (Ca>Si) are fayalite-like. long-dark phases consist predominantly also Si, Ca, and Ti. Cu prills coexist with mattes. Limited and Si, S, Ca, Ba, and Fe are idiomorph phases exist inwhich Ti predominates, are not determined. also included. Single grains of barite "nd" means The abbreviation apparent. (BaS04)
Notes:
APPENDIX
296 The
49 analyses
Sample M
listed inTable
18-3-(B).
B.2 were
Slag containing
performed
on 10 samples. and one prill of
prills of copper
gold 1. Gold
grain by elements 2. Bulk analysis by oxides 3. Glassy matrix by oxides 4. Sulfide rim surrounding copper prill (by elements) 5. Copper prill by elements 6.Magnetite by oxides 7. Glassy matrix by oxides 8. Fayalite by oxides 9. Copper
prill by elements
Sample M 18-3-(A). Slag containing 10. Bulk by oxides 11. Copper 12. Copper
copper prills
prill by elements prill surrounded by matte elements by 13. Magnetite crystal by oxides 14. Glassy matrix
rim, denser,
by oxides
Sample M 18-3-(C). Slag containing 15. Bulk by oxides 16. Copper prill by elements
copper prills
17. Copper matte 18. Glassy matrix
by oxides oxides by by oxides containing
19. Fayalite 20. Fayalite
Sample M 19-1-(B) 21. Bulk analysis by oxides 22. Copper prill by elements 23. Magnetite by oxides 24. Copper prill by elements 25. Matte by elements Sample M 19-1-(C) 26. Copper prill by elements 27. Bulk by oxides 28. Magnetite
by oxides
Sample M 19-1-(A) 29. Bulk analysis by oxides 30. Matte by elements 31. Matte
by elements
Sample M 19-1-(D) 32. Bulk analysis by oxides 33. Magnetite crystal by oxides 34. Copper
prill by elements
high Ca
B
"clearer" Cu prill
SEM/EDAX
ANALYSIS
Sample N-17-2-(A) 35. Area of slag composed analysis by oxides
297
of glassy matrix
and "fayalites," bulk
36. "Idiomorph" fayalite by oxides, elongated 37. Glassy matrix, bulk analysis by oxides 38. Magnetite crystal by oxides 39. Ceramic 40. Ceramic
part by oxides part by oxides
Sample N-19-2-(D) 41. Glassy matrix, bulk analysis by oxides 42. Ceramic area, bulk analysis by oxides 43. Vitrified area, bulk analysis by oxides 44. Skeletal magnetite, spot analysis by oxides 45. Copper prill by elements Sample N-19-2-(C) 46. Bulk analysis by oxides 47. Matte A, analysis by elements 48. Copper prill, analysis by elements 49. Matte
B, analysis by elements
crystals
C
APPENDIX
Lead
and
Isotope of
Analyses
Slags
Chemical from
Chrysokamino byZofia S tos andNoel Gale
are not uncommon in the Aegean, Although slag heaps of various sizes are in the found of relevant mineral deposits. The they generally proximity mode of occurrence of copper slag at Chrysokamino thus seems unusual. most the of copper slags has been reported Perhaps frequent appearance ores are also found. relatively rich copper copper slag heaps are scattered in Many undated (but probably Archaic) in Phtiotis, where copper was mined the region of the Othrys Mountains not so long ago in Limogardion and Sfaki. On the Cycladic islands of and both ancient and copper slag heaps Seriphos, copper ores Kythnos can still be found.2 However, are present on the scatters of copper slag from northern
Greece1 where
island of Kea both at Kephala3 and below the church of Hagios Simeone,4 and copper ores on this island are rare to nonexistent, with some iron ores less than 5% copper. The copper extraction site at Chrysoka containing mino
seems,
contrary
to Mosso's
as we
claim,5
to have
no
nearby
confirmed when we first visited
occurrences
of
the site in 1983.
copper minerals,6 The general position of the site, which is set on an elevated coastal cliff, is quite similar to the locations of the slag heaps on Kythnos and Seriphos, but its location seems not to have been selected for its proximity to the source
of
copper
ore.
THE NATURE AND CHEMICAL ANALYSIS OF THE SLAGS AT CHRYSOKAMINO The slag heap at Chrysokamino appears first to have been described by Hawes7 and independently Mosso.8 Mosso, however, does not seem to by have visited it, basing his account on firsthand observations by Hazzidakis. in his Later, Mosso repeated his earlier account, almost word-for-word, on book Mediterranean archaeology.9 Davies had little to report about ore
1. 1986. Papastamatak? et al. 1985; Gale 2. Gale
4. and Stos
Gale 1989; Gale 1989; Stos-Gale 1989. 3. Keos
I.
Caskey 5. Mosso 6.
court
et al. 1988. 1910,
pp. 289-291.
Betan 1968, pp. 50-51; Branigan et al. 1999, see also the p. 352;
report in this volume. geological et al. 1908, p. 33. 7. Hawes 8.Mosso 1908, pp. 518-521.
9.Mosso
1910, pp. 289-291.
APPENDIX
3??
C
on Crete10 and presented hardly any information of substance about in his it in passing in book,11 though he did also mention Chrysokamino an earlier article,12 inwhich he cave as aworked-out the copper accepted deposits
mine. Although Fiedler described the Skouries site on Kythnos,13 he did not include Crete in his admirable and comprehensive survey of matters was in since and botanical Crete then under Egyptian Greece, geological rule and did not become
part of Greece until 1913. in 1983 as part of our long-standing We first visited Chrysokamino work on the archaeometallurgy ofMinoan Crete. We were guided to it by an inhabitant of the elderly nearby village of Kavousi. The site, described at length elsewhere in this report, is located on a cliff top exposed to the wind, much like the Bronze Age copper smelting site of Skouries on Kyth amount of copper slag with small nos.14 The site contains a considerable in In the Oxford, we ascertained through electron copper prills. laboratory some of the copper analysis that prills microprobe percent of arsenic, a feature not inconsistent with the in the Early Bronze Age and directly comparable to for some of the copper prills in the Early Bronze Age
up to several arsenical copper used the analyses reported
contain
copper slags at Skou in the copper prills of slags from
ries on Kythnos.15 The arsenic content is confirmed by the independent Chrysokamino analyses reported in this volume by Bassiakos A feature of the Chrysoka (App. B). distinguishing mino slag heap, first published by Mosso in 1908,16 is the omnipresence of thick coarse pottery sherds perforated with holes 1.5-2 cm in diameter, often fused and slagged on the interior surfaces, which are clearly the broken remains of furnace chimneys, not crucibles asMosso thought. at the Mosso that he believed dated slag heap Chrysokamino implied a sherd of EM II to Minoan times.17 Schachermeyr18 reported finding Faure believed the site postdated "mottled ware"19 at this site. However, was the Middle probably relatively recent, perhaps related to Ages and the work of gypsies.20 He based his opinion on the state of vitrification of the slags, the use of a siliceous/calcareous flux, and the assumed use of ore (for which he had no evidence). chalcopyrite Branigan, who was perhaps influenced by Faure, visited the site in 1967 and briefly described both the cave and the slag site, wrongly accepting the coarse ware sherds as crucible fragments.21 His discussion veered between as the of the simple melting characterizing operations at Chrysokamino ores. no at He found decorated sherds copper and the smelting of copper sherd found by the slag site and was unaware of the EM II Vasiliki Ware so he had no conventional means of and archaeological Schachermeyr, the metallurgical operations. Chemical analyses of the slag from made by Sargent for Branigan, suggested a high recovery of Chrysokamino, copper metal, revealed the presence of calcium, and suggested to Sargent dating
that a temperature of about 1150?F (621?C) or more was attained "during the smelting operations."22 All these features suggested to them a relatively modern date for the slag, "not earlier than about the 12th century AD." was a site used was led to conclude that Chrysokamino by "itin Branigan erant bronze-workers which copper they probably using ready-smelted carried with them," and that they may have belonged to aminority group, or thereabouts." Since the Chalkiades, "operating in the 14th century AD
10. Davies
1935,
pp. 266-268.
11. Davies
1935, pp. 7,113,264, 270 (n. 1 gives an analysis of the slag the calcium which misses by Desch, content). 12. Davies
1932,
13. Fiedler
1841,
p. 987. p. 97.
14. Fiedler 1841; Gale et al. 1985; Gale
and Stos-Gale
1989;
Stos-Gale
1989,1998. 15. Gale
et al. 1985,
p. 90.
16.Mosso
1908, p. 519, fig. 24; 1910, p. 291, fig. 164. 17.Mosso 1908,1910. 18.
Schachermeyr 19. Vasiliki Ware;
1938, p. 473. see Betancourt
1979. 20. Faure 21. Branigan 22. Branigan
pp. 47-48. 1968.
1966,
1968,
p. 50.
LEAD
ISOTOPE
AND
OF
ANALYSES
CHEMICAL
SLAGS
3OI
the melting point of copper, we suspect that 1150?C that itwas judged too high a temperature to be attained and intended, in Bronze Age furnaces. At the time when Faure and Branigan wrote, the study of ancient cop
1150?F
iswell below
was
per smelting and slag was in its infancy. The dating to the Early Bronze on Kythnos,23 however, along with the Age of the Skouries slag heap proof that slags from Skouries had melting points between about 1050?C calcium,25 shows that evidence based on the did not physical properties of the slag from Chrysokamino a rule out Minoan date for it.Our examination of the Chrysokamino slag a few ores samples of copper heap produced lying intermingled with the and 1200?C24 and contained and chemical
ores were all oxidized ores, mostly malachite, and suggest that slags. These to the smelting of oxidized copper ores. This this slag heap bears witness examination of suggestion is strengthened by the petrological microscopic a number of mala these slags by Bassiakos (Apps. B and F), who found chite inclusions in the thin sections examined. A sample of ore found by on the beach
near Chrysokamino to be of malachite, in Oxford, examination and may suggest sea. ores arrived at Chrysokamino by
Betancourt
at Agriomandra
on proved, that copper
SOURCES OF COPPER ORES ON CRETE IN THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL LITERATURE in European cop sources but the of this metal b.c.,26 and axes dating to the EM period are not
has shown that the island of Crete
Branigan
led the way
in the 3rd millennium
per metallurgy used for the numerous immediately copper mine
daggers obvious. Mosso made
a definite
but ill-founded
claim that a
existed on the island of Gavdos
and in a cave near Chrysoka either site, he wrote that ore containing somewhere there; at the same time he admitted that none of the rock samples sent to him by Hazzidakis from the walls of the cave contained any copper ore. Faure, from his personal observations, concluded that the cave was natural, rather than being amine,
he never visited mino.27 Although was found of "protoxide copper"
and
it never
that
contained
copper
minerals.28
30 years ago, several papers appeared implying that theMinoans were mining copper ore on Crete. Faure listed 22 sites on Crete where he asserted that copper minerals were found.29 Typical descriptions by Faure of such occurrences were similar to the one that he gave of a "copper min About
eralisation" near Kritsa At
(Mirabello
one and a half hours' walk
Bay): to theWSW
of Kritsa
one finds a
great variety of eruptive rocks, bordering the high plateau of Katharo_In such a context the geographer Raulin is the first to in a Creta have described in 1845 grains of pyrites disseminated ceous contact deposit... 23.
Stos-Gale
24. Gale 25. Gale
1998, et al. 1985, et al. 1985,
pp. 719-720. pp. 86-89. p. 87,
table 2.
26. Branigan
1968,1974;
I have seen traces of nickel
cf. Pendle
bury 1939, p. 280, and Caskey 1964. 27.Mosso 1908, pp. 518-521; 1910,
pp. 289-293. 28. Faure 29. Faure
1966,
sulphide. For
pp. 47-48.
1966,1980.
APPENDIX
302
C
the presence of many years local prospectors have mentioned carbonates of copper to the south of Katharo. For 80 years the or sent peasants of Selakano and of Kritsa have sold to foreigners to the Archaeological and votive axes Service bronze weapons site, probably to the NE of Selakono. coming from an unknown One can hardly doubt the existence of one or many centres for the treatment of metal between Selakano and the Katharo whilst the ... mountain is rich in toponyms describing furnaces, generally of charcoal; but everyone knows that at all times one has roasted and reduced
impure minerals
with
this fuel.30
not describe any real features of speculative and does or real, as such relatively galleries, spoil heaps, exploitation or ore minerals observed indeed of of any copper minerals, large, outcrops by Faure other than those of iron and nickel.
All
this sounds highly
ancient mineral
Branigan reassessed the hypothesis of the existence of Cretan copper ore sources in the early seventies when he conducted several seasons of several other survey in south central Crete and described archaeological occurrences of copper ore deposits.31 Apart from the occurrence at Chryso stomos near Laseia, which and azurite (as does indeed contains malachite are in west Crete),32 other mineralizations the occurrence at Sklavopoula as consisting of "copper minerals in schist." In claiming mostly described the discovery of an Early Bronze Age metal source in Crete, Branigan at the site of Fournou some describes pebbles" found "copper-bearing were made and of these Korifi. Apparently, chemical analyses pebbles "the analysis of two of the pebbles produced 1% and 2.2% of copper."33 Oh we were unable to find any copper-bearing pebbles visiting this site in 1983, at the location described, nor did we see any in the conglomerate cap of to a Brani the nearby hill, though heap of pebbles otherwise answering or was s furnace No found. crucibles, gan description pieces fragments, of slag were found. It seems probable that, if a copper source ever existed small and of no importance here, it was extremely except for strictly local
needs.
the basis of their surveys, both Branigan and Faure concluded that there are enough copper ore deposits on Crete to have satisfied Minoan and Rapp in the Early Bronze Age. Muhly for this metal demands on Crete in 1974, which discounted many of the al conducted a survey On
leged copper deposits reported by Faure; they stated that they found that in the literature are repre "a number of the copper deposits discussed are some on and rocks stains sented only by green serpentine rather than that Crete probably should not be considered copper."34They concluded a of copper in the Bronze Age. Becker, in the course of major producer extensive fieldwork on Crete conducted primarily to establish soft stone that many alleged copper sources on Crete have sources, also demonstrated been incorrectly identified.35 Finally, according to a Cretan commercial we have corresponded: "The occurrences mining engineer with whom to small samples our Faure refer mutual friend Professor cited by mostly found as float. In many cases the alleged site has produced no further evidence."36
30. Faure
1966,
p. 49
(translation
by
the authors). 31. Branigan
Blackman
1971;
and
Branigan 1975,1977. 32. This is confirmed in both cases our own by later.
in 1983
observations
33. Branigan
p. 12.
1971,
34.Wheeler, Maddin, 1975, p. 32. 35. Becker
1976.
36. This
information
a letter Diallinas, Aegean
is well
andMuhly
comes
in our archives who
and
from
from Michael known
archaeologists,
Gale inOctober 1977.
in
to many
reply
to Noel
LEAD
ISOTOPE
AND
CHEMICAL
ANALYSES
OF
SLAGS
303
THE GEOLOGISTS' VIEW OF COPPER DEPOSITS ON CRETE of southeastern European mineral deposits does any copper ores at all on Crete,37 while the Greek section of the later UNESCO map of Europe mentions metallogenic only the cop on Crete at note mineral of The per deposit only deposits Sklavopoula.38 are current in the literature mentioned gypsum and iron. The geological from IGME working on Crete in the 1990s Greek economic geologists
The
standard handbook
not mention
denied
the existence
However,
itmust
of all but traces of copper ores on the island. be admitted that there is often a certain lack of un
derstanding among modern economic geologists concerning the relatively of five thousand years ago. The limited requirements of the metallurgists interest in the nonferrous metallic mineral deposits of the world modern on the deposits of Australia, Siberia, America, and the Far East. Over fifty years ago, Bateman wrote: tends to be focused
Africa,
was widely early times until 1800 copper produced in small was to 1801 1810 From the annual world quantities. production one to than less month's production only 18,200 tons, equivalent The tremendous growth in the use of some present-day mines....
From
of copper
is indicated by the fact that of the total world copper in in the the last 100 years about 80 percent was mined produced last 25 years-Annual from about production normally ranges 2 to 2.5 million
tons of metallic
copper.39
are quite mean copper deposits of the whole of the Mediterranean one thinks on such a scale. when modern economic ingless Consequently,
The
some cases be somewhat geological handbooks and maps may in misleading comes to it ancient the search for metal sources. when With
the help ofMichael Diallinas, Kostas Zervantonakis, and many we a in from the IGME office conducted Chania, helpful geologists on occurrences in of the mineral Crete 1979, relatively systematic survey 1983, and 1987. We were especially interested in the occurrences described
most
by Faure and Branigan, and thank both for their generous correspondence with us. Our main aim was the collection of ore samples for lead isotope on Crete are on two sites analyses. Copper minerals definitely present one to is that of Chrysostomos, known the archaeologists: southwest of on the central south coast, and the other is inwest Andiskari Sklavopoula inmetamorphic Crete. The copper carbonate mineralization rocks near the ruined chapel of St. John Chrysostomos is quite interesting. Faure men a in tions that 1952 Greek firm attempted to mine copper ore there, and 37.
Dunning,
Mykura,
and Slater
1982, with report byMarinos p. 237. 38.
1982,
and Koukouzas
Anastopoulos
1984. 39. Bateman
1946,
p. 479.
40. Faure 1966, p. 52; Branigan 1968,
p. 51.
and azurite, aswell as limonite, Branigan confirms the report.40Malachite are still visible in the walls of the large open pit that remains from this venture of the 1950s. It is difficult to assess how much copper mineraliza tion might have been present on this site some four thousand years ago. It was ever very extensive, but some is very unlikely that the mineralization oxidized copper ores might have been visible here and might have been used to a small extent in antiquity. The occurrence is surrounded byMinoan
APPENDIX
304
C
us around and later sites; on one occasion, J.A. MacGillivray, walking with several noticed Minoan sherds and the remains of Early Chrysostomos, a tholos tomb on a field no traces above the of copper just pit. However, in smelting, slag, or ancient galleries were found. The copper occurrence west
at Sklavopoula is high in the (Selinou), south of Rethymno, a station. A below radar mountains, just military comparatively recent min ores in here left of 196241 ing activity spoil heaps mainly iron/manganese with some dispersed oxidized copper minerals. The site has no evidence Crete
of any ancient exploitation of these minerals, and the geochemistry of the ores suggests that copper here is a minor iron of component only relatively ores. No were found slags anywhere in the region. Iron deposits have also to a small extent southwest
been exploited copper
also
collect
some
minor
occurs
as a minor
of
copper
of
component
samples of copper minerals
occurrences
of Chania.
minerals
the
ore,
In some of the mines, and we
at Kambanos.42 also
occur
relatively
were
able
to
Some other very near
the mine
of Chrysostomos, south of Hagia Triada and Phaistos on the south at Lasaia, Lebena, and Miamou. The results of our survey, combined with all reliable geological mation about mineral deposits on Crete, indicate that a significant extraction (copper, lead, and silver) from the local ores in Bronze Age is very unlikely. To widen our survey for possible metal extraction
coast, infor metal times
slags on Crete, we enlisted the of the Nowicki, help archaeologist Krzysztof in Crete. He showed us the who surveyed large areas of the mountains site near Kato Zakros, in the Valley of Death,43 but no copper slags were no copper present. Moreover, slag heaps have been located other than course that at Chrysokamino, though of slag layers have occasionally been sites such asMalia.44 It may be worth found in the excavations ofMinoan as Kato Zakros, which pointing out here that the structures at such places some have as Bronze are to sought identify Age copper furnaces, clearly not designed for this purpose.
CHEMICAL ANALYSES AND DATING OF SLAGS FROM CHRYSOKAMINO is the only site found on Crete so far where copper smelt Chrysokamino ing, the extraction of copper from ores rather than the making of artifacts from copper metal, was practiced. In 1994, we were able to obtain two thermoluminescence (TL) dates on two different examples of the charac teristic perforated furnace sherds that we had collected in 1983 and in the b.c.: 1990s from Chrysokamino.45 Both dates fell into the 3rd millennium 2420 ? 345 b.c. and 2710
? 365 b.c.46 These
dates substantiated
of the antiquity of Chrysokamino, which of Vasiliki Ware found there by Schachermeyr.47 indication
the earlier
level, similar to copper prills in the Bronze Age
1966,
see
iron;
1935,
1985.
dates
M.Tite,RLAHA, 46.
for
p. 47, n. 1.
1966,
44. Poursat 45. The
was
in Davies
42. Kambanu
47.
slags from
mining p. 57.
p. 268. 43. Faure
came from the sherd
sections of many of the Chrysokamino P?trographie slags revealed the numerous Chemical of metal presence copper prills.48 analyses of these an electron in fitted with wavelength made Oxford microprobe using prills showed that many of the prills contained arsenic at the dispersive XRF several percent
41. The Faure
Stos-Gale Schachermeyr
are courtesy Oxford. 1998,
of
p. 721. 1938,
p. 473.
48.We first had a sample of the slag
from Michael
Diallinas
when
we
visited him in his offices inHerakleion in 1978, and we subsequently more we visited samples when
in 1983.
collected the
site
LEAD
ISOTOPE
AND
CHEMICAL
ANALYSES
OF
SLAGS
305
Skouries on Kythnos.49 This finding has now been confirmed and extended in this volume (Apps. B and F). by Bassiakos The pioneering work of Bachmann showed that useful information about the copper smelting techniques used at a particular site can be obtained from bulk chemical analyses of the slags and their interpretation by ther modynamic phase diagrams, though such inferences should, if possible, be aided by mineral identification based on petrography of the slags.50 Experi also allows mental work on silicate melts of various chemical compositions inferences to be made about slag melting points and furnace temperatures, aswell as about slag viscosities and densities, in turn permitting estimates of the efficiency of separation of metal from the slag phase in the furnace.51 Several slag samples collected from the Chrysokamino heap were, therefore, 22 and for elements, using the technique chemically analyzed powdered of inductively (ICP-AES). coupled plasma atomic emission analysis This work was undertaken at the Royal Holloway College, London. Analy ses for arsenic content were by wavelength dispersive X-ray fluorescence also undertaken by the analytical laboratories of the British Geological were checked Survey, Keyworth. AH analyses against concurrent analyses of standards. The chemical analyses are presented international geochemical in Table C.l. It is evident that, as noted by Faure and Branigan,52 these slags
are
quite rich in calcium, although also contain calcium at medium
Kythnos The bulk chemical
the EBA
slags from Skouries levels.53
on
high especially the relatively high calcium seem to be contents, and the ternary diagrams into which they classify, in accord with the p?trographie studies (Apps. A and B), which reveal compositions,
to be present in the (including augite), fayalite, and magnetite samples of loose slag from Chrysokamino. Bachmann54 has shown how such chemical analyses of slags may be
pyroxene
terms of the quaternary phase system interpreted in CaO?FeO?A1203? to include other elements, he expanded to: Si02, which, CaO{+BaO+Na20+K20]?FeO{+MnO+MgO}?A1203?Si02 basic system plots in space as a tetrahedron, which projects into four in order to include wollas and Zacharias, ternary systems, but Bachmann tonite, found itmore useful towork in terms of five ternary systems, which
The
include
the minerals
and anorthite, gehlenite, wollastonite, A1203, Si02, are neces with the that others.55 FeO, along They specify computations sary to interpret chemical analyses of slags in terms of these five ternary have programmed these computations diagrams. We using MathCad, the calculation
of the basicity number, and have further used to program the computations necessary to use Shaws method as a to compute slag viscosities function of temperature.56
including MathCad
49. Gale
et al. 1985,
50. Bachmann
p. 90,
table
3.
1980.
51. Shaw 1972; Bottinga andWeill 1972; Bottinga,Weill, and Richet 1982; Bottinga, Richet, andWeill 1983. 52. Faure 1968,
p. 50.
1966,
p. 48; Branigan
53. Gale
et al. 1985,
54. Bachmann
1980.
55. Bachmann
1980,
p. 87,
pp.
table 2.
120-131.
56. Shaw 1972. Subsequently we found that Ford (1992) has published on the Internet
a convenient
program
(CHEMCAST), which computes a
number of basic chemical/petrological and includes viscosities parameters smethod and densities using Shaw
following Bottinga,Weill, and Richet 1982 and Bottinga, Richet, andWeill 1983.
C
APPENDIX
3?6
TABLE C.l. CHEMICAL SiO^
Sample
^A
OF CHRYSOKAMINO
ANALYSES MgO
?A
CaO
NaO
SLAG
K<0
TiO^
MnO
Ba
CHR2
33.91
5.37
19.68
1.33
30.53
0.87
0.85
0.26
0.19
5960
CHR3 CHRYA CHRYB
42.37
5.51
34.64
0.70
11.88
0.72
0.53
0.23
0.21
920
38.06
5.38
23.08
1.22
25.70
1.19
0.89
0.25
0.22
6580
32.84
7.45
34.40
1.42
17.75
1.52
0.89
0.36
0.34
6460
CHRYC
34.05
7.06
34.16
1.53
17.30
1.29
0.96
0.33
0.32
4660
CHRYD
27.59
5.50
40.08
1.15
17.93
1.41
0.63
0.27
0.34
8180
CHRYE
41.56
6.14
19.53
1.09
23.44
0.83
0.94
0.28
0.12
1521
CHRYF
28.44
3.76
37.08
0.81
10.65
0.56
0.62
0.16
0.08
>20000
CHRYG
47.53
6.22
15.64
1.31
22.32
0.95
0.95
0.30
0.25
14240
CHRYH
45.48
6.49
15.46
1.55
23.44
0.99
0.97
0.31
0.27
14280
CHRYf CHRYK CHRYL
35.22
7.49
30.16
1.36
16.24
1.57
0.90
0.35
0.85
4570
31.59
5.47
42.04
1.19
14.12
0.33
0.80
0.26
0.14
532
46.62
6.32
15.33
1.35
22.70
0.95
0.94
0.30
0.25
13630
CHRYM
35.93
5.04
31.56
1.23
18.71
0.48
0.78
0.26
0.16
6020
of the most useful parameters that can be obtained from assign to the via their chemical compositions, ing slags, appropriate ternary phase as a reasonable estimate of the lower is the temperature, diagram liquidus One
of a suite of attained in the production that the application of the crude Si02? FeO?CaO ternary diagram, much used in the past for this purpose,57 predicts far too high liquidus temperatures, sometimes by many hundreds of degrees, and that Bachmanns approach produces liquidus temperatures limit of the furnace temperature slags. It has been shown
ancient
very much
nearer the truth.58 Another
equations, as derived
in terms of the fractional
method for estimating the liquidus one is and Van temperatures of slag silicate melts developed by Nathan Kirk as an initial part of their attempt to devise a computer model for frac in geological magmas.59 They derived empirical tional crystallization from
its chemical
of a number
cation
composition for the estimation
analysis, in a multicomponent of minerals In comparing the predictions
of the magma of the liquidus
silicate liquid temperature at atmospheric of the Nathan pressure. and Van Kirk equations with an analyzed set of 975 glasses produced at known temperatures and oxygen fugacities, Ford found that the equations to better than 40?C, which predicted the measured liquidus temperatures is perhaps adequate should bear in mind
one for archaeometallurgical purposes.60 However, and Van Kirk equations that the empirical Nathan
are based on data sets directly to geological melts, and applicable chiefly more iron-rich in of for the stand need recalibration composi they really tions of typical archaeometallurgical the minerals treated slags. Moreover, and Van Kirk do not include some that are more applicable to by Nathan in slags.61 Table C.2 shows the results of applying the Bachmann tions to the analyzed The table slags from Chrysokamino. those found
57. E.g., Conophagos
1980;Milton
et al. 1976. 58. Gale
et al. 1985.
59. Nathan and Van Kirk 1978. computa shows the
60. Ford
1981.
61. Bachmann
1982.
LEAD
TABLE
C.l
Sample
ISOTOPE
AND
CHEMICAL
ANALYSES
OF
SLAGS
307
(cont.) Co
Cr
Cu
Li
Ni
Se
CHR2
16
90
5980
28
47
CHR3
21
127
12380
17
21
CHRYA
87
101
5820
38
60
CHRYB
46
137
19080
30
523
CHRYC
35
120
11660
28
258
CHRYD
31
130
14150
21
353
CHRYE CHRYF
24 40
109
23230
30
60
16470
CHRYG
23
107
CHRYH
18 55
114
Sr
Zn
Zr
Pb
465
104
30
127
63
18
231
540
26
1915
58
721
596
191
29
194
62
50
12
304
170
25
329
82
66
12
289
110
26
142
81
36
11
270
127
20
246
63
61
83
250
215
24
589
62
92
19
43
1225
101
17
861
42
56
16940
30
51
497
214
30
675
72
47
7870
31
32
550
230
32
582
74
35
152
22850
28
602
206
154
28
335
78
45
13
83
7480
26
36
233
282
39
267
67
40
CHRYL
20
110
10670
30
40
502
218
30
603
75
37
CHRYM
29
87
15630
47
169
365
141
39
700
70
96
CHRYJ CHRYK
Values
for oxides
are percentages;
values
for elements
12
15
are ppm.
calculated
selection
quotients Q^, Q^2, Q^3, the phase diagrams selected appropriate for each slag, the ages of the appropriate principal mineral phases, the basicity numbers, the densities using the approach of Bottinga and colleagues,62 the viscosities computed using Shaw's method, and the the method devised Nathan and liquidus temperatures computed by by as
Van Kirk. The
Bachmann approach shows that the Chrysokamino slags two into ternary phase diagrams, with the majority falling into the classify Anorthite?Wollastonite?FeO diagram and three falling into the Anor diagram. Figure C.l shows the 12 slags that plot in the thite?Si02?FeO or the Anorthite ternary region Hercynite region of the AN?WO?FeO it and shows that the diagram, slag liquidus temperatures probably fall in ? the 1200-1250?C FeO region. The three slags that fall in the AN?SiO diagram (Figure C.2) suggest liquidus temperatures of about 1200?C. On the other hand, the calculations of liquidus temperatures using the ap and Van Kirk, reported in Table C.2, suggest slightly proach of Nathan lower liquidus temperatures of about 1120-1170?C, though these estimates are based on the minerals
it is probable that augite and olivine. Because the operating temperatures of ancient smelting furnaces were typically at seem least 100?C above the melting temperature of the slags,63 itwould that at Chrysokamino the furnace temperatures were in the vicinity of
62. Bottinga,Weill,
and Richet 1982; Bottinga, Richet, andWeill 1983. 63. Freestone
64.Merkel and Wincierz
1988.
1983,1990; Bamberger 1990.
65. See Craddock
66. Lang 1978.
et al. 1985.
this agrees with experimental of copper reconstructions 1250-1350?C; in shaft furnaces.64 smelting simple a minimum Even assuming furnace temperature of 1200?C, the are of the order of 20 poise, slightly higher than the Rio slag viscosities lead slags,65 but still not very high. Combining the calculations of in Table C.2 and the of for the density of 7.8 cm"3 g slag density figure one can use at to molten Stokes' law 1200?C,66 copper compute the rate
Tinto
TABLE C.2. RESULTS OF APPLYING FROM CHRYSOKAMINO
COMPUTATIONS
THE BACHMANN
TO THE ANALYZ
Phase Sample
Q,
Q2
Qs
CHR2
0.093
0.092
1.012
CHR3
0.077
0.235
0.326
Density*
Diagram 3?
AN
No.
Basicity
FeO
SiO,
1.383
38.39
0.9
WO
FeO
55.02
23.93
21.05
2.98
23.60
2.96
3.01
34.43
27.18
at 1200?C
AN
CHRYA
0.083
0.107
0.775
1.185
50.32
26.08
CHRYB CHRYC
0.134
0.206
0.649
1.332
42.56
22.57
34.87
3.12
0.122
0.202
0.604
1.278
41.81
23.42
34.77
3.10
CHRYD
0.117
0.152
0.772
1.733
39.48
19.45
41.07
3.28
CHRYE
0.087
0.136
0.639
0.951
50.38
29.17
20.45
2.87
CHRYF
0.078
0.174
0.447
1.366
CHRYG
0.077
0.141
0.547
0.78
51.31
32.24
16.45
2.77
CHRYH
0.084
0.14
0.599
0.84
52.35
31.01
16.64
2.79
CHRYJ
0.125
0.224
0.558
1.138
42.94
24.89
32.17
3.03
CHRYK
0.102
0.202
0.506
34.97
22.25
42.78
3.25
CHRYL
0.08
0.141
0.565
0.797
51.80
31.87
16.33
2.77
CHRYM
0.083
0.14
0.591
1.207
42.02
25.36
32.62
3.07
by the methods as Loge(Viscosity)
given as
*Density **Viscosity ^Liquidus
computed quoted
temperatures
computed
from
3? 2?
by Bottinga, computed
43.67
1.421
Weill,
and Richet
by the methods
the formulae
39.72
given
given
by Nathan
43.23
17.05
13.54
42.79
1982; Bottinga, by Shaw
Richet,
1972.
and Van Kirk
1978.
3.24
andWeill
1983.
Ln(Vi at 1
LEAD
C.l. The Figure Wollastonite-FeO diagram 12 slag
and samples
the
ISOTOPE
AND
CHEMICAL
ANALYSES
OF
SLAGS
309
Anorthite ternary locations from
phase within
it of
Chrysokamino Wollastonite [WO]: CaS?03 Anorthite [AN]: CaAI2Si208 Hercynite: Fe2AI204 W?stite: FeO Olivine (Fayalite) Fe2Si04 Melilite: Ca2AI2Si207
FeO
WO
AN
C.2. The Anorthite-SiO Figure FeO and ternary phase diagram the location it of three within slag samples
from
Chrysokamino
APPENDIX
3io
C
of separation of molten copper metal from molten slag within the furnace. For a spherical copper droplet of 1mm in diameter, Stokes' law gives a rate cm per minute, which for a copper of settling through the molten slag of 8 mm in diameter to of 0.1 0.08 cm per minute. Given the droplet drops furnaces (Chaps. 7 and 14) and the relatively small size of the Chrysokamino fact that ancient copper smelting furnaces were operated for several hours,67 copper droplets of 1mm in diameter and above could sink through the slag many times over, while very small copper droplets of the order of 0.1 mm in diameter or lesswould be trapped in the slag, as observed (seeApps. B and F). Such very small copper prills could not easily be broken from the slag by mechanical means, nor would this be necessary, since separation of copper mm in diameter from the molten slag by gravitational droplets larger than 1 settling during operation
of the furnace would
have been very efficient.
LEAD ISOTOPE ANALYSES OF COPPER AND LEAD ORES FROM CRETE ores collected our surveys isotope analyses of copper and lead during in Crete are listed inTable C.3, while lead isotope analyses of the Chryso small number of kamino slags appear in Table C.4. The comparatively
Lead
analyses of minerals from Crete, 28 in total, reflects directly the scarcity of and Sklavopoulou, copper ores in the few occurrences. At Chrysostomos on as is the surface of the host rock, though visible oxidation green copper and azurite are present on localities richer ores bearing malachite ore the rocks the dumps from 20th-century exploitation. At Sklavopoulou, some are iron with with and minerals, manganese copper impregnated host rock contains some the metamorphic carbonates. At Chrysostomos, in both
at lead ore occurrence and dispersed copper carbonates. The is relatively small, with exposed veins of fine-grained Ano Varsamonero neutron We galena. analyzed two samples of this galena using instrumental activation: the silver content in the samples was 150 ppm and 240 ppm, limonite
the gold content in both around 0.1 ppm. The silver content at this level would have been too low for extraction in the Bronze Age,68 so that the cannot have been aMinoan silver source. In deposit at Ano Varsamonero some of the iron mines in western Crete, it is possible to find relatively and a few such copper-rich minerals were collected rich copper minerals, from Kambanos
as well
as
Sklavopoulou. not able to find equally good copper minerals Unfortunately, was found at La in any other mines, though weak copper mineralization on near the central southern coast of the village of Lenta saia and Lebena Crete. The currently available lead isotope data for Cretan ores are plotted on two mirror diagrams in Figure C.3. we were
ores show that the copper ores in south isotope analyses of these and western Crete have very central Crete and those from Sklavopoulou Lead
1990. 67. Bamberger and Wincierz 68. Gale and Stos-Gale 1981a,
1981b;
Gale,
1984;
Pernicka
and Davis Stos-Gale, et al. 1983.
LEAD
ISOTOPE ANALYSES
TABLE C.3. LEAD FROM CRETE Sample
ISOTOPE
Occurrence
AND
CHEMICAL
OF
SLAGS
)7Pb/206Pb
206pb/204pb
CST6A
Chrysostomos
Malachite
2.08110
0.83980
18.618
CSTA1
Chrysostomos
Malachite
2.08187
0.83880
18.652
CST1A
Chrysostomos
Malachite
2.08014
0.83992
18.616
Chrysostomos
Malachite
2.08280
0.83828
18.715
CST3 CST4
Chrysostomos
Malachite
2.07765
0.83746
18.682
CHR4
Chrysostomos
Malachite
2.07895
0.84035
18.580
CHR4A
Chrysostomos
Malachite
2.08103
0.84077
18.599
CHR3
Chrysostomos
Malachite
2.07834
0.83913
18.573
CST2
Chrysostomos
Malachite
2.08253
0.84080
18.568
CST1
Chrysostomos
Malachite
2.08180
0.84320
18.483
CST5
Chrysostomos
Malachite
2.08381
0.83862
18.692
Kam200
Kambanos
Copper
ore
2.07179
0.83242
18.923
Kam201
Kambanos
Copper
(
2.06447
0.83253
18.950
Kam21g
Kambanos
Copper
ore
Kamdl
Kambanos
Copper
LAS1
Lasaia
Copper
LEB1
Lebena
Copper
MIAMI
Miamou
LAQ_ MLB skavl
2.06773
0.83455
18.879
(
2.06751
0.83312
18.947
ore
2.08554
0.84286
18.544
ore
2.08067
0.84110
18.540
Galena
2.07745
0.84033
18.614
Miamou
Galena
2.07676
0.84019
18.591
Mia
Galena
18.579
Sklavopoulou
Copper
skav2
Sklavopoulou
Copper
skav3
Sklavopoulou
Copper
2.07275
0.83998
ore
2.06482
0.83356
18.935
ore
2.06982
0.83479
18.897
ore
2.06450
0.83396
18.981
2.07143
0.83510
18.833
VARS1
Ano
Varsamonero
Galena
2.09771
0.8511
18.399
VARS2
Ano
Varsamonero
Galena
2.09393
0.85058
18.436
AN1
Ano
Varsamonero
Galena
2.09589
0.85083
18.405
ANV100
Ano
Varsamonero
Galena
2.09519
0.85033
18.394
skav4
Sklavopoulou
Copper
311
OF COPPER ORES AND GALENAS 208Pfr/206p?
Description
ANALYSES
ore
different
lead isotope geochemistry. The galena from Ano Varsamonero is isotopically different from both of these groups. Our earlier lead isotope copper oxhide ingots from Hagia Triada and Kato analyses of Minoan
Zakros69
show clearly that all of these ingots have lead isotope analyses completely different from those of any copper ore from Crete yet analyzed, so that present evidence shows that these copper oxhide ingots were not
made
from copper extracted from any known Cretan known Cypriot copper ores.70 69. Gale
1999.
and Stos-Gale
1986; Gale
copper ores, nor from
70. See Gale 1991,1999; Stos-Gale 1993.
C
APPENDIX
312
2.11
2.10
O
Copper ores, Crete Lead ores, Crete
O
Slags,
Chrysokamino
i
2.09
2.08
-*^
a. CO o
M
2.07
o
~^ 2.06 o
*> o ?O.1%
20Pb/206Pb
2.05
X 0.830
0.840
0.835
0.845
0.850
**?
18.9 18.8
^^r
4
a.
0.855
t 0.1%
*^
18.7 18.6
n a.
?* ?k
18.5
?to
18.4
*
18.3 18.2 207pb/206pb
18.1
0.830
0.835
0.840
0.845
0.850 C.3. Lead Figure tions of ores from
0.855 isotope Crete
composi compared
with those for slags from Chryso kamino
LEAD
ISOTOPE
AND
CHEMICAL
ANALYSES
OF
SLAGS
313
TABLE C.4. LEAD ISOTOPE RATIOS OF PIECES SLAG OF CHRYSOKAMINO Sample
208pb/206pb
207pb/206pb
206pb/204pb
CHR2*
2.05868
0.83189
18.807
CHRYE
2.05793
0.83024
18.860
CHRYA
2.06281
0.8327
18.829
CHRYC
2.05539
0.82963
18.856
CHR3*
2.06808
0.83722
18.640
CHRYD1
2.06829
0.83438
18.754
CHRYB CHRYI CHRYH
2.06776
0.83403
18.809
2.06632
0.83309
18.812
2.06751
0.83432
18.784
CHRYM
2.06715
0.83276
18.868
CHRYJ CHRYG
2.06332
0.83196
18.833
2.06358
0.83228
18.830
CHRYD2
2.06896
0.83454
18.769
CHRYL
2.06953
0.83479
18.876
CHRYK
2.06326
0.83234
18.830
Pieces
were
remaining
in August
collected
marked
Samples
are Isotrace numbers numbers. Laboratory in 1985 with lesser accuracy than the analyzed on the new mass in 1995. spectrometer analyzed 1983. The
an asterisk were
with
samples, which
were
LEAD ISOTOPE ANALYSES OF SLAGS FROM CHRYSOKAMINO In 1983 we mino with
some
slags from the surface of the site at Chrysoka for chemical analysis and for lead isotope analyses to be compared the Cretan ores. The isotopic data obtained for some of these slags collected
is listed inTable C.4. were made in 1985 and published by Stos analyses Gale.71 As Figure C.3 shows, the lead isotope analyses of these 14 slag pieces form quite a compact group, clearly different isotopically from the ores. The analyzed Cretan superficial similarity of the isotopic composition of ores from western Crete with the slags from Chrysokamino, apparent on the 208Pb/206Pb can be quite definitely rejected in view of the diagram, different 206Pb/204Pb ratios of these two groups of ores. The copper ores Two
71. Stos-Gale kamino
1998,
p. 724, Chryso
1 and 2.
72. For Stos-Gale, 73. Gale
the data
for these
and Annetts Gale, et al. 1985; Gale
Gale 1989; Stos-Gale 1998.
ores,
see
1996. and Stos
of these
from Chrysostomos and the occurrences near Lasaia and Lenta are very different in all three lead isotope ratios. On the presently available evidence, some of the slags from Chrysoka mino show identical lead isotope ratios with copper ores from Lavrion,72 while
other Chrysokamino slags have lead isotope compositions match ores from the EC II smelting site of Skouries on the ing copper slags and island of Kythnos73 and copper ores or slags from Seriphos (see Cycladic
Table C.5). The
lead isotope plot for the ores and slags from these sites is
APPENDIX
3H
TABLE C.5. CYCLADIC ORES AND COPPER WITH SLAGS FROM CHRYSOKAMINO Island
Sample Orkos 3 Orkos 1
Orkos
Kea
SLAGS ISOTOPICALLY 208Pb/206Pb
Type of Sample
Region
Kea
C
Copper
Orkos
Copper
CONSISTENT 207T>L/206 Pb/206Pb
mineral
in a rock
2.06922
0.8338
mineral
in a rock
2.07010
0.83384
mineral
in a rock
2.06919
0.83400
Orkos 2
Kea
KYT 10 publ
Kythnos
Skouries-H.
Ioannis
Slag
heap,
slag
2.06796
0.83364
KYT 52b
Kythnos
Skouries-H.
Ioannis
Slag
heap,
slag
2.06998
0.83367
KYT 3 publ
Kythnos
Skouries-H.
Ioannis
Slag
heap,
slag
2.06896
0.83373
KYTOl
publ
KYT02
Orkos
Copper
Kythnos
Skouries-H.
Ioannis Ioannis
Slag
heap,
Ioannis
Slag
heap,
Slag
heap,
oxidized
Cu
ore
oxidized
Cu
ore
2.06892
0.834
2.06949
0.8345
2.0697
0.83461
2.06972
0.83397
Kythnos
Skouries-H.
KYT 20
Kythnos
Skouries-H.
Zogo2 publ
Kythnos
Zoghaki
KYT 17
Kythnos
Skouries-H.
Ioannis
Slag
heap,
slag
2.07011
0.83421
Kythnos
Skouries-H.
Ioannis
Slag
heap,
slag
2.07012
0.83404
Kythnos
Skouries-H.
Ioannis
slag
2.07015
0.83420
Zogo3 publ
Kythnos
Zoghaki
2.07016
0.83426
KYT03
Kythnos
Skouries-H.
2.07024
0.83415
2.06836
0.8345
2.06893
0.83459
2.07016
0.83408
2.06841
0.83499
publ
KYTT30 KYT 19
publ
SerAvy prill KEF 3
Seriphos Seripho
Kefala
Seriphos
Kondouro
ASPYR3
Siphnos
Aspros
Slag
heap,
oxidized
Mine, Slag
heap,
Cu
Cu
Cu
ore
ore
ore
Slag heap, Cu prill from slag
Avyssalos
KONDO1
oxidized
Mine,
Ioannis
slag
Slag
heap,
Mine, Fe-Cu
Pyrgos
slag
oxidized
Cu
ore
ore
on samples of slags from Chrysokamino compared with the data obtained seems in Figure C.4. This result very surprising at first, but it needs to be examined in terms of the paucity of copper ores in Crete and the known in the Eastern Mediterranean. The Aegean islands, copper mineralizations and Attica are the lands with copper ore deposits that are the P?loponn?se, closest to the island of Crete. suggested that the Minoan as a base for of exploitation stone from Laconia and perhaps also for
Starting from the northwest, settlement of Kastri on Kythera marble
and other
murex
decorative
shells.74 Laconia
copper,
it has been
was
used
has also been mentioned
lead, and silver. Together with and Mineralogical Exploration,
Geology and lead ores in 1987. Some several locations. However, small; there are no mines,
as a
source of possible from the Institute of
geologists we surveyed Laconia for copper mineralization is, indeed, present in copper in all cases is quite the amount of the minerals
but only isolated outcrops in the mountains, trial/survey trenches. No slag heaps that would provide evidence for smelting of metals were found during the survey or reported ores from the copper outcrops and from the by the geologists. Samples of
with
small, modern
deposit inMolai have been analyzed for their lead isotope not match any of the Bronze Age copper or and they do composition, lead artifacts. The largest copper deposit is in the northeast part of the large lead-zinc
74. Coldstream
and
Huxley
1984.
LEAD
ISOTOPE
AND
CHEMICAL
ANALYSES
OF
SLAGS
315
2.08
2.07
2.06
2.05 0.828
0.830
0.832
0.834
0.836
0.838
0.840
0.828
0.830
0.832
0.834
0.836
0.838
0.840
18.9
18.8
18.7
18.6
Figure tions of and
C.4.
Lead
slags ores from
Cyclades
from
isotope
composi
Chrysokamino and the Lavrion
APPENDIX
3i6
C
at Ermioni. The main mineralization is deep and accessible P?loponn?se a number of surface modern but mining only by expressions of techniques, ores to in the Bronze Age miners. would, principle, have been accessible the lead isotope analyses of ores from the Ermioni deposits do However,
Figure C.5 (opposite). Lead isotope
those for Bronze Age copper-based artifacts, so that these ores not used for production of Bronze Age copper objects. on the Attic coast, is the ore Northeast from Ermioni, polymetallic near the port of Lavrion (Laurium, modern Lavrio). South from deposit islands where, on Kythnos and Lavrion, toward Crete, are the Cycladic ores are and ancient slags. Silver, lead, and possibly copper Seriphos, there
slags ores from
not match
were
also copper were mined on the Cycladic island of Siphnos. No copper ores are known from the Dodecanese coast of Turkey. islands or the Aegean The sea distance from Crete to Cyprus going toward the island of Rhodes to Lavrion. is approximately twice as long as the sea route from Knossos islands and Lavrion were for theMinoans Therefore, indeed, the Cycladic the closest sources of copper and lead-silver ores. of slag at Chrysokamino is quite small, and the lead iso of the analyzed pieces show compositions that would tope compositions in result from using the Lavrion and Cycladic ores separately, or mixed The
amount
was a smelting charge. It is possible that the whole smelting operation ore on in the search for result of only a few expeditions the shores nearest to the northern coast of Crete.
one
COMPARISON OF LEAD ISOTOPE ANALYSES OF SLAGS FROM CHRYSOKAMINO WITH EM-MM We
have
COPPER lead isotope
Minoan
ARTIFACTS and elemental artifacts. On
copper-based are the dominant and the Cyclades MM II Crete.
analyses of 118 Early and Middle the basis of lead isotope data, Lavrion sources of copper and lead in EM
lead isotope ratios closest to the analyzed pieces of slag from are found among EM-MM artifacts from several sites. Chrysokamino The
since very similar lead isotope ratios appear also among the However, LM artifacts, copper from Lavrion clearly was used on Crete over a long somewhere else, period of time and must have been extracted mostly not at Chrysokamino not in Crete at all), since it would have (perhaps of these objects been possible to transport copper metal to Crete. Many were cast in or settlement are made of tin bronze. If they palace workshops, the tin would have been added to copper there. Artifacts showing the best lead isotope match with Table C.6.
the slags are plotted
on
Figure C.5
and listed in
analyses
some
of
Protopalatial artifacts from
from
and
Prepalatial
copper-based Crete
alloy
compared
Chrysokamino, and
Lavrion,
slags from the Cyclades
with
copper ores
and
LEAD
ISOTOPE
AND
CHEMICAL
ANALYSES
OF
SLAGS
317
2.08
2.07
2.06
2.05
0.830
0.828
0.832
0.834
0.836
0.838
0.840
0.838
0.840
18.9
18.8
A
18.7
D 0>
Seriphos, Kythnos, Ores from Lavrion
Siphnos
Slags from Chrysokamino EM-MM copper artifacts
207pb/20* Pb 18.6
0.828
0.830
0.832
0.834
0.836
APPENDIX
3i8
C
TABLE C.6. EARLY MINOAN COPPER-BASED ARTIFACTS CONSISTENT WITH THE SLAGS FROM CHRYSOKAMINO
HM
Site
No.
Artifact
Chronology
Description
EM-MM
ISOTOPICALLY 208pbf206pb
206pb/207pb
2.05966
0.83147
2.05789
0.83197
2.066
0.83203
1557/St 9376
Mochlos
dagger,
HM
1556/St 9375
Mochlos
dagger
LM?
HM
1265
Hagia Triada
dagger,
triangular
EM IIA-MM
HM
1930/St 9383
Pl?tanos
dagger,
tongue
EM?
2.06137
0.83211
Hagia Photia Hagia Photia
chisel
EM I-IIA
2.06278
0.83217
chisel
EM I-IIA
2.06624
0.83295
ANM
4660
ANM
4667
HM 2041/St 9368
triangular
IA
EM I-II
2.06944
0.83302
2.0661
0.83305
2.06807
0.83344
2.06576
0.8336
Pyrgos
dagger,
Krasi
dagger with 3 rivets
ANM 4671
Hagia Photia
dagger
HM1195/St9425
Koumasa
dagger,
long
EM IIA-MM
dagger,
triangular
EM IA-MM IA
2.06572
0.83403
2.07083
0.83414
St 9447
HM 2005/St 9432
Marathokephalo
long
EM IIA-MM
IA
EM I-IIA IA
Hagia Photia
spearhead
LM I (?)
Pyrgos
punch/awl
EM I-II
2.0709
0.8344
Hagia Photia
chisel
EM I-IIA
2.07006
0.83444
HM 2040/St 9369
Pyrgos
dagger,
EM I-II
2.07085
0.83448
ANM
Hagia Photia Hagia Photia
fishhook
EM I-IIA
2.06915
0.83455
dagger,
long
EM I-IIA
2.06771
0.83464
long
EM I-IIB
2.06912
0.83468
2.07006
0.83476
EM I-MMII
2.06814
0.83477
4669
ANM
HM 2047/St 9366 ANM
4656
4662d
ANM
4670
long
HM
1852/St 9399
Pl?tanos
dagger,
HM
1182/St 9423
Koumasa
dagger with midrib
Koumasa
dagger,
HM1167/St9427
EM IIA-MM
long
IA
ANM
4674
2.07439
0.83484
4655
Hagia Photia Hagia Photia
EM I-IIA
ANM
awl (?)
EM I-IIA
2.06907
0.83497
ANM 4663
Hagia Photia
chisel
EM I-IIA
2.07241
0.83514
HM
1434/St 9429
HM 318/St 9364 MP/70/146
Porti
dagger,
long
EM-MM
2.07464
0.83529
Palaikastro
dagger,
triangular
EM III-MM I
2.07330
0.83534
EM III-MM I
2.07234
0.83551
Myrtos,
Pyrgos
pin
HM
1498/St 9443
Kalathiana
dagger,
fragment
EM IIA-MM
IA
2.07133
0.83552
HM
1932/St 9381
Pl?tanos
dagger,
long
EM IIA-MM
IA
2.07132
0.83563
Hagia Photia
ANM HM
4675 1552/St 9374
HM1294/St HM
9411
1188/St 9428
C-70.22; C1009B
chisel
EM I-IIA
Mochlos
dagger,
Hagia Triada Koumasa Kea
2.07242
0.8357
long
EM IIA-MM
IA
2.07177
0.83576
dagger,
long
EM IIA-MM IA
2.07275
0.83578
dagger,
long
EM IIA-MM
2.06923
0.83589
EC
2.06169
0.83108
EC
2.05964
0.83172
EC
2.06519
0.83239
EH
2.06353
0.8325
EC 2
2.06344
0.8326
EC-MC
2.06635
0.83261
Hagia
Eireini,
copper
IA
lump 16159
Naxos
Unknown
KPH.9
Kea
5807
Euboia
Manika,
AE 234 (1893.64)
Amorgos
Amorgos,
C-9.100; C775-C
Kea
Hagia
Kephala chisel dagger Eireini,
Cu
slag
LEAD
TABLE Artifact
C.6 No.
Site
ANALYSES
OF
SLAGS
319
Amorgos,
7206a
Lemnos
Poliochni,
16125
Syros
Chalandriani,
Amorgos
Amorgos,
Euboii
Manika,
Cyclades,
Kythn Euboia
Chronology
208pb/206pb
Pbl207Pb
206pb/204pb
EBA-MBA
2.06536
0.83365
18.823
EH?
2.07097
0.83371
18.856
punch
EC 2
2.06494
0.83372
18.805
axe
EC 2
2.06563
0.83394
18.794
EH
2.06982
0.83416
18.827
EC 2
2.0667
0.8344
18.811
EC
2.07005
0.83455
18.8
EH?
2.06595
0.83462
18.793
Description
Amorgos
1969/12.31.5
CHEMICAL
(cont.)
1927.1358
AE236
AND
ISOTOPE
Syros
dagger chisel
flat chisel
tweezers
Chalandriani, Kythnos, Manika,
flat
axe
spatula
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS like to thank very warmly the Director and members in of the Institute of Geological and Mineral Athens and Exploration Chania for their great help in surveying Greek copper and lead/silver de
The
authors would
we were and posits. On Crete, particularly assisted by Michael Diallinas Kostas Zervantounakis. Research in the Isotrace Laboratory was financed by the Science ment Research
and Engineering Research Council, the Natural Environ the British the Leverhulme Council, Trust, and Academy, are to of Oxford. We INSTAP for funding very grateful
the University our work between Department British Geological
For chemical analyses, we thank the at the Royal and the Holloway College
1995 and 2001.
of Earth
Sciences
Survey.
Arsenic A
Prills: by
Study
C. Ferrence
Susan
of
Content
Copper
Applying
and Charles
PIXE
P. Swann
study presents analyses by PIXE of copper prills included in slag at Chrysokamino, to Early Bronze Age workshop from the Final Neolithic on the arsenic content as measured from corroded surfaces in focusing
This
more pure comparison with the values obtained from the prill interiors. The as is survive interest because corrosion of artifacts many study only products, and the degree towhich these corrosion products reflect the original arsenic content
is important in the estimation of the original composition (i.e., is the surface arsenic enhanced because of the removal of other elements, does it remain stable, or is it depleted?). The study addresses the magnitude of the arsenic content
within
individual
of the prill surfaces, the degree of heterogeneity both prills and between prills, and the differences between
corroded prill surfaces and the more
pure prill interiors.
INTRODUCTION The many analyses of metal objects from the Aegean Early Bronze Age show that the metallurgists of this period made extensive use of arsenical scholars have Some copper.1 suggested that arsenical copper has advantages were aware over unalloyed copper and that early Aegean metallurgists, who of these advantages, deliberately produced alloys.2 Others have challenged the concept that arsenical copper offered advantages and the as cases of copper with high arsenic content were produced sumption that all exist in Uncertainties the arsenic content intentionally.3 regard towhether
both
or accidental, whether itwas present in the copper ores or or added later at the smelting similar situ casting stage, and whether ations existed in all Aegean workshops. The debate has been hampered by
was
intentional
was
several factors, including the minimal number of analyses from anything other than finished products. In particular, only a few analyses have been published
from Aegean
copper
1. Renfrew 1967; Charles 1967; Gale
and Stos-Gale 2. Charles
1967.
1989.
smelting
sites.
3. Budd andOttaway 1991; Budd 1991.
APPENDIX
322
1
D
C c 0) c o ?
<
53
55
28
101
Sample Numbers Figure D.I. PIXE analyses of copper
PIXE MEASUREMENTS Samples of prills from the Chrysokamino Bartol Research Institute at the University
prills arranged content
by
increasing
arsenic
were slag heap analyzed at the of Delaware. The analysis used
air (helium) proton-induced X-ray emission spectroscopy,4 an analytical tool for the study of archaeological artifacts that has been employed suc since about 1975.5 With the additional use of appropriate X-ray cessfully filters, the observation of all the elements from sodium through antimony and the heavy elements such as lead is possible with good detection limits. The great advantages of such systems are their basically nondestructive limits for most nature, the good detection character, their multielemental conditions, and the rapidity of data collection; the fact that PIXE is a tech can be both a nique for surface analysis positive on the intent of the study. depending
and negative
characteristic
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION 4. For
Figure D.l increasing conducted
presents the analyses of copper prills by PIXE, arranged by were arsenic content of the samples. The PIXE measurements on the corroded surfaces of tiny masses and lenses of copper
5. Swann Fleming
on
the methodol
Ferrence,
and Betan
comments
ogy, see Swann, court 2000.
and Fleming and Swann 1992.
1988,1990;
ARSENIC
CONTENT
First As Content Third As Content Figure
D.2.
showing
PIXE
OF
H
COPPER
PRILLS
323
Second As Content Average As Content
measurements
the variation
within
vidual prills
indi
included within glassy masses of slag.Where the size of the prill permitted, three PIXE measurements were made on each prill, with the measurements 100 micrometers an
average
of
apart. Arsenic
contents vary from <0.03% to 3.42%, with
0.72%.
as shown Figure D.2 illustrates the variations within individual prills by in the PIXE measurements D.I. arsenic The three values for given Figure each prill are shown as the first three bars in each group, with the average for each prill presented as the last bar in each group. Variation can be as little as 0.01% or as great as 1.29%. some of the copper The measurements presented here show that prills to Early Bronze at obtained from Final Neolithic Age smelting operations Chrysokamino
between
contain
arsenic
2% and 6% have been
invariable
amounts.
as
Percentages
amounts
of
arsenic
because
regarded significant qualities during casting and its ability to improve in tiny prills at the hardness.6 The amounts recorded from Chrysokamino cannot to level the gross amount in larger necessarily be related microscopic masses of copper because of the high variability detected. of arsenic's antioxidant
recon amount of arsenic is compatible with the methodology for Chrysokamino, where the copper was formed as tiny prills a disseminated have shown that incor through glassy slag. Experiments as an arsenic of within smelted copper occurs during the poration impurity This
structed
6. Budd
and Ottaway
1991.
APPENDIX
324
D
are present in the smelting process if arsenic minerals original charge and if the temperature is not high enough to result in amolten metal that would some conditions, be removed by tapping the furnace.7 During including those suggested for this site, some of the prills would be trapped within the slag even if some of the copper collected at the base of the furnace. As elsewhere, under the conditions present at Chrysokamino only the larger prills would migrate to the bottom of the furnace and collect as molten metal, leaving the smaller ones within the slag. indicated
The
lower arsenic values obtained
from corroded
with clean surfaces (see the results obtained by Bassiakos that the corrosion tends to deplete the arsenic content
surfaces compared inApp. B) shows contained within
is presumably a postburial action that occurred the prills. This condition corrosion. it is important the of In terms of methodology, processes during means to recognize this result because it that values obtained from corroded copper surfaces are useful asminimum the occurrence of arsenical copper.
values and can be used to document 7. Pollard
et al. 1991.
APPENDIX
E
Slag
by Wavelength
Analysis
Dispersive
Spectrometry
by Christine M. Thompson
was carried out at the Center forMaterials Research following research inArchaeology and Ethnology and the Center for Geochemical Analysis at theMassachusetts Institute of Technology. The samples were analyzed on aJEOLJXA-733 byWavelength Dispersive Spectrometry Superprobe with a beam current oflOnA, probe diameter of 1micrometer, and count of times 40-80 seconds element. per ing The
Five pieces of metallurgical slag from the smelting workshop at Chryso kamino were analyzed (numbered CHR 55,48,50, 8, and 74). They were to all dark, vitreous specimens from the Final Neolithic Ill Early Minoan Middle Minoan All the IA slag pile. samples contained small, visible prills of copper. In the following
charts, "nd"means
"not detected"
and "na"means
"not
analyzed."
SAMPLE CHR 55 were made at two Analyses opposing points of the samples matrix, and results indicate a nearly homogeneous composition, which is a silicate high in iron and barium (Points 1 and 2). Both the light and dark "needles" are same elements as the matrix. The dark comprised of the crystals within (Point 5, shown in Fig. E.l) are an Fe-oxide. The dark crystals in the backscattered electron image (Fig. E.l) appear light in the photo micrograph (Fig. E.2). the matrix
TABLE
E.l.
CHR
Point
55, POINTS
SiO^
(Figs. E.l, E.2)
&2<>s
*,o3
CaO
BaO
Cu
Total
Notes matrix
35.75
2.44
32.39
3.24
23.83
trace
97.65
37.05
3.04
33.42
3.69
19.60
trace
96.8
note
1
73.57
1.10
0.32
trace
103.81
note
2
28.83
Notes:
1-5
nd
29.80
2.62
35.15
1.08
31.16
trace
99.81
note
3
0.06
0.44
101.15
0.03
0.12
trace
101.80
note
4
1. Same matrix
opposite
Point
. 1; 2 Dark
"needles";
3. Light
"needles";
4. Dark
crystals.
E
APPENDIX
326 E.2.
TABLE
CHR
Point
Notes:
55, POINTS
Pb
Fe
Cu
nd
3.1
70.48
nd
0.54
99.13
inclusion;
2. Prill.
1. Circular
6, 7 (Figs. E.l,E.2)
nd 0.82
0.01
nd
25.75
0.23
nd
0.30
99.34 101.02
Figure E.l (left). Backscattered electron image of CHR 55 (200 x) with large copper sulfide inclusion,
SAMPLE CHR 48
"needles,"
inner regions. The Sample CHR 48 is comprised of three concentric most region contains Cu-As-oxides (Points 1 and 2). The surrounding with is of Cu-oxides high levels of Cl (Point 4). Point 3 region comprised is primarily exterior the region, which represents sample's dominant, Cu sulfide (Cu2S).
TABLE E.3. CHR 48, POINTS Point
Figure
E.3.
Notes
Total
Cl
Sb
As
Photograph
dark
crystals, by C. Thompson
and
prills.
light Figure E.2 (right).White photomicrograph of CHR 55 (200 x) with "needles" and small prills. Photograph
by V. Pigott
1-4 (Fig.E.3) As
Sb
Total
Ca
Si
26.67
0.88
0.13
92.65
26.88
0.88
0.13
90.34
Cl
Pb
Fe
Cu
nd
0.10
44.91
18.82
0.37
0.73
0.04
nd
0.20
42.28
18.48
0.33
1.12
0.04
nd
0.01
78.98
nd
0.04
nd
19.68
Na
98.71
nd
nd
58.73
nd
0.04
14.91
0.01
Na
90.63
Backscattered
electron
image showing the core of CHR 48 (40 x). Photograph
by C. Thompson
DISPERSIVE
BY WAVELENGTH
ANALYSIS
SPECTROMETRY
327
SAMPLE CHR 50 50 is primarily an Fe-Ca-Al-Silicate (Point 1). Ba-sul in the remainder of the is associated with Cu-chloride fate (BaS04) (CuCl) amounts of aluminum matrix. The dendrites contain iron oxide with small
The matrix of CHR
(Point 2). Analyses of the prills reveal high levels of copper, small amounts of iron, and trace amounts of arsenic and antimony (Point 3).
Figure E.4. Photomicrograph of CHR 50 (400 x)with dendrites and prill field. PhotographbyV. Pigott
TABLE E.4. CHR 50, POINTS Point
SiO,
*2?3
n2o3
CaO
BaO
Cu
Total
Notes
44.77
6.39
32.65
14.86
0.18
nd
98.85
matrix
0.94
3.93
96.42
0.42
nd
trace
101.71
dendrite
TABLE E.5. CHR 50, POINT Point
1, 2 (Fig.E.4)
Fe
Pb
3.52
nd
3 (Fig.E.4)
Cu
As
Sb
Cl
97.53
0.57
0.18
0.11
Notes
Total
101.97
0.06
prill
SAMPLE CHR 8 silicates comprise the matrix and needles of CHR 8. Cu-sulfide was detected at Point 4 and is representative of the circular inclusion shown an inclusion (not shown) contained in Figure E.5. Another Cu-sulfide Fe-Ba-Ca
inner region of metallic
TABLE E.6. CHR 8, POINTS Point
&"0,
*P3
copper with
arsenic
(Point 1).
1-3 (Fig.E.5) K2?3
CaO
BaO
Cu
Total
Notes
34.17
2.64
36.99
8.06
15.73
trace
97.59
matrix
29.56
1.17
64.02
4.60
2.82
trace
102.17
needles
0.20
0.36
98.20
0.09
0.39
trace
99.24
dendrite
APPENDIX
328
TABLE E.7. CHR 8, POINTS Point
Notes:
E
4, 5 (Fig.E.5)
Pb
Fe
Cu
As
Sb
Cl
nd
0.56
80.41
0.21
nd
nd
20.06
101.24
nd
1.27
97.87
2.97
nd
nd
nd
102.39
1. Circular
2. Circular
inclusion;
Total
Notes
inclusion.
Figure E.5 (left). Photomicrograph of CHR 8 (400 x)with "needles," dendrites, and circular inclusion of sulfide copper by V. Pigott
SAMPLE CHR 74 of CHR 74 was a Ca-Fe-Al-silicate, and the dendrites con were iron oxide with measurable amounts of aluminum. The prills
The matrix tained
comprised
of copper with minor
amounts
TABLE E.8. CHR 74, POINTS Point
Si09
^A
by C. Thompson
1, 2 (Fig.E.6)
FeO
CaO
BaO
Cu
Total
8.77
15.54
35.48
0.07
trace
97.12
1.19
5.67
93.41
1.74
0.13
trace
102.14
Pb
Fe
nd
0.14
Cu
102.3
3 (Fig.E.6) As
Sb
0.93
0.30
Cl
Total
103.67
Photograph
Figure E.6 (right). Backscattered electron image of CHR 74 (lOOOx) with matrix and dendrites. Photograph
37.26
TABLE E.9. CHR 74, POINT Point
of arsenic and antimony.
at center.
Notes
prill
Notes matrix dendrite
F
APPENDIX
Smelting the
Analysis
the
of
Reconstruction
Process
Based
of Ore
and
Copper
on Slag
Samples by Yannis Bassiakos andMihalis Catapotis application of scientific techniques in the study of Early Bronze Age metal artifacts and metallurgical finds has a very long history in the Ae for early metal production has been evidence gean.1 However, although our available since the middle of copper smelting 1980s,2 understanding technologies during the Early Bronze Age is still limited. This is due to The
sites and to the preoc the lack of systematic excavations of metallurgical in of studies the cupation archaeometallurgical Aegean with questions of as at the of considerations. Therefore, provenance expense technological the only systematically excavated smelting site in the Aegean, Chrysoka a for a detailed technological unique opportunity provides study of a copper smelting process. This report presents the results of analyses of ore and slag samples from conducted at the Laboratory of Archaeometry, N.C.S.R. Chrysokamino
mino
"Demokritos." By integrating archaeological and analytical data, we propose a was provisional reconstruction of the copper smelting process that taking at site. the place
MORPHOLOGY OF THE SITE
AND GEOLOGICAL CONTEXT
The metallurgical site of Chrysokamino is located on a promontory that is part of a small isolated peninsula3 consisting of terraced hillsides on the eastern edge of the Gulf ofMirabello. 1.
E.g.,
Lamb
1936; Keos
I; Crad
dock 1976; Gale and Stos-Gale 1981a; and Ioannou Mangou et al. 1990; Stos-Gale 2. E.g.,
Gale
1984;Wagner 3. This horst;
is a
Flemming,
Pernicka
1999; 1993.
et al. 1985;
Spitaels
andWeisgerber submerging
1985.
tectonic
Czartoryska,
Hunter 1973; Fortuin 1978.
and
Most of the typical geological formations of eastern Crete are present in this area (for the geology, see Farrand in Chap. 2). The stratigraphically lower autochthonous unit, constituting approximately half of the peninsula, is a carbonate formation known as Plattenkalk, present also in Epirus, in the P?loponn?se, and in other Cretan areas. It consists of a solid, rela or limestone, tively thinly bedded slabby gray to bluish semimetamorphic to brown calcitic veins. conspicuous white Sporadically in the same formation are some folds, either coarsely crystalline or intercalations of marly and green limestones. The first overthrusting
interlaced with visible with
APPENDIX
330
F
sheet is the unit of the Phyllite-Quartzite nappe, a formation exhibiting more intense in its is which low-grade metamorphism, stratigraphically constituents of this phyllitic unit are powdery (silty) and lower parts. Most mineralogically
altered as a result of in situ weathering of the calcite-rich, less extended in the site is the dolomite of the
rock. Much
fine-grained second successive Tripolitza
to the sheet, which belongs geologically overthrusting to and is predominantly dark gray and nappe (Figs. 2.1,2.3) gray bedded. It occurs in the area of the habitation site and between
massively it and the smelting location. An interesting geological feature of the area is aweathering-resistant carbonate ledge traversing the local phyllites with a strike of N40-55E and a dip of 40-50S.4 In our visits to the area, we noted that the selective of the weathering phyllites has often resulted in the exposure of the ledge,
In those cases, iron (hydr)oxides can be forming localized protuberances. seen on the lower contact between the carbonate ledge and the phyllites. Similar iron (hydr)oxide crusts can be seen frequently on rock fragments among the tumble covering the slope on the east of the promontory. Those thin crusts appear to develop locally into aweak iron mineraliza contact. The existence of tion, mainly hosted in the Plattenkalk/phyllite or mineralizations is, in calcite-accompanied quartz-accompanied uncommon in the Aegean HP/LT experience, not polymetamorphic in in the formations Attica, Cycladic complex, and elsewhere) where (e.g., the repeated metamorphic action causes mobilization and condensation of
weak our
relocated by means of ledge components, formerly disseminated metallic as a source formation. The possible role of the local iron mineralization is ad of fluxing material in the copper smelting process at Chrysokamino dressed later in this report. In contrast, no copper mineralization has been identified in the vicin site, suggesting that copper ores were brought to ity of the metallurgical The original interpretation of the nearby cave from elsewhere. Chrysokamino a as and others of Theriospelio copper mine5 has been rejected by Diallinas no evidence of mineralization.6 who have examined the cave but found
METALLURGICAL
REMAINS AND SAMPLES
at the site revealed many tons of dark-colored slag present, cm in size)* or completely pulverized in small (see mostly pieces (under 2 the finds were tens of thousands of perforated ceramic Chap. 10). Among identified as chimneys for furnaces (Chap. 7), remains of pot fragments bellows (Chap. 8), tuyeres (Chap. 9), and a small number of stone tools ore (malachite, azurite, and (Chap. 6). A few minute fragments of copper were revealed during the excavation. Our study concentrated chrysocolla) Excavations
of ores and slags from the site;Myer and Betancourt the furnace chimney fragments (App. A). Three surface finds of copper ore were collected by Bassiakos after the were used for labora of the excavations completion (August 2000) and on raw materials used to in information the order tory analysis provide
on the examination studied
et al. 1999,
4. Betancourt 5. Mosso 6. Branigan in this volume.
1910,
p. 352.
p. 219.
1968,
p. 50;
see
Chap.
18
RECONSTRUCTION
OF
THE
COPPER
SMELTING
PROCESS
331
in the smelting process. The fragments were of very small size (less than 2 cm). Macroscopically, all three appeared to consist of green copper ores to The green copper mineral was identified in the field quartz. adhering as malachite, Iron hydroxides were visible on two of CuC03*Cu(OH)2. the ore fragments (ORE-1 and ORE-2), both as individual particles and as
stains
on
the
surface
of
quartz.
were selected for this Forty-six slag samples analytical project, mostly deriving from passes 3 (sample series B) and 4 (sample series A) in trench N 20. One sample (sample series C) derived from the surface material. The were small, samples irregularly shaped fragments rarely exceeding 2-3 cm in size. Porosity was limited and of small size (<1 mm), whereas vitrification crusts varied both among and within individual slag fragments. Carbonate most derived from the calcareous environment coated thickly fragments (with the crusts up to ca. 1mm thick). This epigenetic material had often the penetrated to their interior through open porosity and cracks. Despite state of the fragmented slag and the presence of epigenetic material, both of which prevented a detailed macroscopic examination, many of the largest still had visible textural features that could be associated slag fragments with
slag tapping, i.e., the removal of liquid slag from the furnace through a hole. Minute copper prills (<1 mm) and small silica inclusions (<2 mm) could be seen occasionally with amagnifying lens. ore was iron An included in the slag samples fragment inadvertently
collected for laboratory analysis. The size of the fragment was about 3 to 4 cm, and macroscopically it appeared to consist of yellow orange iron was considered to be an This hydroxides. important find as it could have use been associated with the of fluxing agents in the process.
ANALYTICAL OBJECTIVES, METHODOLOGY, AND INSTRUMENTATION aim of this study was to understand the technology employed for the production of copper at Chrysokamino. Breaking down the smelting process into its constituent parts, we set the following questions as guidelines for
The
the analytical work: types of copper ores were processed, and what were the associated gangue minerals? 2. Is there evidence for the use of fluxing agents or other additions in the charge? 1.What
3.What
was
the nature of the smelting process (e.g., reduction etc.)? conditions (temperature and redox
smelting, matte smelting, 4.What were the operational
conditions) during smelting? 5.Was the slag tapped or was it left to solidify 6.What were the copper losses in the slag? 7.What
was
chemical
inside the furnace?
of the smelting process (i.e., what was of the smelted composition copper)?
the product
the
F
APPENDIX
332
state of the material did not allow detailed the fragmented macroscopic examination of the samples, more emphasis was placed on laboratory tech was conducted niques. Mineralogical analysis using optical microscopic methods. Polished specimens were examined on a LEICA DM polarizing
As
from x25 to xlOOO.Quantitative microscope using a range of magnifications chemical analysis of ore and slag samples was conducted using a Philips 500 (SEM) coupled with an Energy Dispersive Scanning Electron Microscope detector (EDS) (see App. B). In most cases, the chemical Spectroscopy was obtained area scans on composition by multiple specimens pelletized into resin. In cases where the size of the sample was small, impregnated chemical composition was obtained by multiple area scans on the polished was also used for the specimens used for microscopic analysis. SEM-EDS analysis of individual phases within samples. Finally, the Fe27Fe3+ ratio of five slag samples was obtained by M?ssbauer spectroscopy.7 chemical
ANALYTICAL RESULTS: THE ORES Most
macroscopic
observations
the
concerning
copper
ores
were
gener
as the copper minerals were ally confirmed microscopically, predominant malachite with some azurite, while the gangue minerals Cu3(C03)2(OH)2, were and quartz with small amounts of iron hydroxides predominantly of sample ORE-1 under the polarizing phases. Examination also revealed small quantities of sulfidic minerals inside the microscope oxidized matrix. The identification of those minerals with the aid of siliceous
the predominant sulfide to be pyrite small quantities of barium, covellite (CuS), (FeS2), occasionally containing some chalcocite and mineral chalcopyrite (CuFeS2), (Cu2S) (Fig. F.l).The texture and of those indicates that inclusions constituted residual ogy they SEM-EDS
hypogene oxidation
point
The by EDS O RE-3 fragment,
showed
sulfides, which had survived the weathering process inside the zone of a copper (vein?) deposit. No sulfidic inclusions were
in the
found
analysis
other
two
ore
samples.
of the three samples was obtained composition area scans) of the sections. Sample polished (multiple a a quartz of very fine flake of malachite adhering to
bulk chemical analysis consisted so two
separate
sets
of
and one for the gangue mineral. support the phase identifications
analyses
As
were
shown
conducted,
in Table
one
for
the
the EDS
ore
data
F.l, on microscopic analysis. In the of first place, the generally low sulfur contents reflect the predominance in the ore samples. In the case of ORE-1, oxidized minerals the however, residual sulfides identified microscopically slightly raise the sulfur content. based
quartz is shown to be the predominant gangue mineral, followed and aluminum, while the levels of lime are extremely by iron-hydroxides never content of arsenic and nickel in low, exceeding 0.3%. The average Secondly,
all ore samples iswell below 0.2%, although occasionally the percentages reached slightly higher levels (0.5%) in individual area scan analyses. ore examination confirmed Turning to the iron fragment, microscopic that the dominant
mineral
in the ore is goethite,
-FeO(OH),
showing
7.We poulos
are grateful from N.C.S.R.
this analysis conducting the analytical results.
to Dr. A.
Simo
"Demokritos" and processing
for
OF
RECONSTRUCTION
THE
COPPER
SMELTING
PROCESS
333
Figure F.l. Copper ore (ORE 1) from Chrysokamino showing resid ual sulfides (1: pyrite; 2: covellite) in amatrix of oxidized copper/iron minerals (3) and grains of quartz (4); reflected
light.
Scale: 30 micrometers
Figure F.2. Iron ore from Chryso kamino showing rhomboid crystals of calcite (dark gray) embedded in amatrix of iron (hydr)oxides (light gray);
reflected
light.
Scale: 0.1 mm
texture
in cross-polarized light, locally altered Small rhomboid (Fig. F.2). crystals of calcite (Fe203.nH20) were (ca. 100-300 micrometers) dispersed throughout the ore, raising the CaO content to 25% (Table F.l). The silica, on the other hand, was just characteristic
botryoidal
to "limonite"
5%.Mineralogically, therefore, the iron ore is different from the copper ores found at the site. also that the iron ore contains no Considering traces of copper, it follows that the iron ore fragment does not represent gangue mineral discarded during some process of in situ beneficiation but rather a material assemblage.
that was
separately
introduced
to the metallurgical
TABLE F.l. EDS ANALYSIS Sample
SiO^
(AVERAGE COMPOSITION)
FeO
CaO
^A
MgO
OF COPPER ORE AND
MnO
Na^O
K20
CuO
IRON ORE S
so^
cip
As203
NiO
ORE1
57.60
6.53
0.14
1.51
0.92
0.01
0.76
0.01
29.93
1.52
0.15
0.05
0.08
ORE 2
54.14
1.41
0.25
1.52
0.52
1.09
0.54
0.10
39.17
0.17
0.18
0.08
0.01
1.53
0.29
0.15
0.92
1.27
0.08
3.37
0.00
91.31
0.03
0.67
0.00
0.10
97.21
0.09
0.00
0.47
0.28
0.00
0.66
0.07
0.04
0.00
0.04
0.00
0.00
4.86
67.36
23.25
0.47
1.29
0.20
1.32
0.12
0.04
0.09
0.23
0.06
0.16
ORE 3 (ore) ORE 3 (gangue)
IRONORE Results
normalized.
RECONSTRUCTION
OF
THE
COPPER
PROCESS
SMELTING
335
Si02
a
copper-ore iron-ore slag
?* **
#**>
F.3. The
Figure
from
slags ternary
position
of ores
Chrysokamino
system
and
in the
FeO
CaO
CaO-FeO-Si02
Si02 + A1203
Chrysokamino
Other sites
* van
f?tf
F.4. The of Figure position slags from Chrysokamino and other EBA sites from the south smelting ern in the ternary system Aegean
CaO-FeO-Si02
CaO
(+A1203)
FeO
ANALYTICAL
RESULTS:
THE
SLAG
to the results of the EDS analysis of pelletized According samples, the slag to from Chrysokamino the and it also con system CaO-FeOx-Si02, belongs tains aluminum and smaller quantities ofMgO, MnO, and alkalis (Table F.2). area of olivines and pyroxenes, to Most samples fall in the corresponding in this slag system (Fig. F3). the lowest liquidus temperatures It should be noted that the high levels of lime characterizing the are uncommon slags from Chrysokamino come of with copper slag examples high lime levels small number of Near Eastern smelting sites, including the sites F2 and 39 atTimna,8 the EBA site of Shahr-i-Sokhta
copper Known 8.Merkel
and Rothenberg
9. Hauptman, Strecker
Rehren,
and Schmitt
the Roman
2003.
10. Bachmann
1999.
smelting
1980.
Aegean
site of Beer Ora
Early Bronze Age
atTimna.10 They (Fig. F.4).
are
in prehistory. from only a Chalcolithic
in Iran,9 and certainly unique in the
TABLE F.2. EDS ANALYSIS Sample
OF SLAG PELLETS
SiQ2
FeO
Al2Q3
20.49
5.93
**P
CuO Kp_
so*
Cl20
*Ps
MO
1.73
0.81
0.41
0.38
0.16
0.15
0.01
0.33
1.76
0.73
0.78
0.18
0.09
0.24
0.04
1.53
0.66
2.72
0.76
1.29
0.21
0.29
0.07
0.03
5.45
1.61
0.30
2.35
1.10
0.52
0.49
0.10
0.05
0.00
6.55
1.70
0.10
2.14
1.20
1.51
0.20
0.20
0.18
0.06
0.08
0.02
A01
28.46
36.34
A02
28.98
45.12
12.04
5.45
1.81
A03
11.00
39.45
33.04
7.60
A04
20.76
31.29
34.58
A05
18.64
33.78
31.55
1.59
0.27
A06
27.98
37.89
16.03
7.02
3.38
0.86
2.66
0.96
0.67
0.30
0.14
AQ7
19.39
36.00
30.78
5.30
1.16
0.20
2.90
0.78
0.55
0.17
0.13
0.09
0.00
A08
19.36
35.53
32.97
5.33
1.54
0.21
1.21
0.98
0.92
0.19
0.10
0.07
0.03
A09
20.50
34.39
31.01
5.53
1.52
0.18
2.15
1.04
1.35
0.25
0.22
0.20
0.06 0.03
1.51
0.27
2.61
1.13
0.63
0.21
0.12
0.16
10.76
1.59
0.20
4.41
1.10
1.15
0.12
0.17
0.13
0.00
11.31
7.24
2.43
0.40
1.99
1.11
0.98
0.16
0.20
0.37
0.01
47.89
18.23
5.95
0.95
0.35
2.25
0.70
1.14
0.17
0.16
0.17
0.04
22.47
38.43
22.01
7.68
2.38
0.40
2.40
1.00
1.11
0.02
0.09
0.00
0.13
A15
11.92
39.38
29.52
8.85
1.58
0.34
3.26
0.73
2.30
0.20
0.32
0.07
0.09
A16*
13.70
40.24
31.22
5.93
1.42
0.21
2.46
0.57
1.70
0.19
0.06
0.66
0.00
A17*
18.33
34.85
31.84
7.35
1.76
0.34
1.79
0.91
0.92
0.33
0.03
0.13
0.05
A18*
9.85
38.97
33.82
8.62
1.75
0.30
3.71
0.93
0.92
0.02
0.07
0.06
0.04
38.99
28.03
8.58
2.34
1.15
1.22
0.78
0.07
0.05
0.00
0.06
1.52
0.39
1.97
0.68
2.57
0.13
0.18
0.63
0.03
24.83
43.28
16.49
All
17.94
45.81
12.67
A12
25.11
46.77
A13
19.71
A14*
A10
A19*
14.66
6.79
2.68
A20
17.38
40.36
24.03
7.22
A21
27.42
32.45
27.68
4.85
1.31
0.24
2.07
0.66
0.89
0.22
0.11
0.24
0.05
A23
9.25
40.12
32.02
9.17
1.92
0.52
2.87
1.29
0.97
0.30
0.13
0.00
0.04 0.01
A25
20.35
42.98
20.99
6.40
1.43
0.15
1.99
0.91
1.75
0.14
0.24
0.21
A26
21.41
42.20
24.63
3.90
1.23
0.16
1.77
0.64
2.02
0.11
0.20
0.07
0.06
A28
19.76
41.95
25.31
5.69
1.33
0.15
1.65
0.66
0.98
0.19
0.22
0.05
0.01
A29
18.83
36.88
29.11
6.99
1.60
0.29
2.76
0.85
0.75
0.22
0.09
0.07
0.00
TABLE
F.2
(cont.) CaO
Sample
Si02
FeO
AIP3
M#0
MnO
Na20
CuO Kp_
so*
cip_
^P3
MO
BOl
24.05
35.31
28.43
5.09
1.49
0.23
1.45
1.11
0.44
0.30
0.10
0.12
0.04
B02
22.62
38.57
22.63
4.92
1.34
0.20
1.21
0.64
2.23
0.15
0.12
0.44
0.01
B03
25.88
43.88
15.14
5.53
1.46
0.31
1.96
0.80
1.58
0.03
0.13
0.34
0.00
B05
22.29
34.65
27.10
5.71
2.70
0.32
2.58
0.81
1.09
0.14
0.17
0.36
0.07
B06
15.34
35.76
33.02
6.29
2.06
0.16
3.04
1.06
0.97
0.39
0.16
0.03
0.03
B07
14.56
34.86
35.85
6.13
1.56
0.17
2.93
0.85
1.06
0.34
0.24
0.03
0.08
B09
31.05
38.34
13.25
5.73
5.86
0.29
1.61
0.81
0.67
0.19
0.14
0.21
0.04
Bll
26.87
41.40
17.42
5.70
1.48
0.25
2.29
0.74
1.11
0.07
0.17
0.35
0.07
B12
14.34
38.69
28.75
9.21,
2.47
0.38
1.89
1.02
1.20
0.21
0.21
0.04
0.01
B13
20.71
35.86
30.49
5.49
1.64
0.13
1.55
0.89
0.97
0.24
0.13
0.08
0.03
B14
14.97
34.73
34.53
7.02
1.62
0.28
3.00
0.83
1.51
0.30
0.13
0.03
0.00
B15
13.98
36.72
31.11
8.02
1.61
0.52
2.72
0.64
2.85
0.19
0.25
0.17
0.04
B17*
19.97
40.53
24.95
6.37
1.25
0.48
2.77
0.80
0.64
0.27
0.03
0.18
0.05
B18
17.34
38.36
28.01
7.45
1.58
0.37
2.25
0.96
1.01
0.31
0.18
0.18
0.04
B20
23.97
33.46
27.56
5.64
1.82
0.26
2.89
0.90
0.85
0.25
0.14
0.05
0.00
B22
25.98
43.43
16.66
5.06
1.14
0.21
2.29
0.58
1.31
0.09
0.14
0.47
0.00
B23
15.36
36.31
30.38
8.00
1.85
1.39
3.25
1.05
0.44
0.50
0.16
0.11
0.04
B24*
19.46
33.37
32.09
7.76
1.41
0.56
1.96
0.96
0.68
0.42
0.03
0.20
0.00
B26
22.38
40.90
23.87
5.24
1.36
0.14
1.86
1.06
0.71
0.26
0.14
0.04
0.06
COI
17.58
35.77
31.31
7.30
1.48
0.30
3.06
0.81
1.00
0.09
0.01
0.00
0.05
with
an asterisk
Analyses
marked
have been
obtained
by multiple
area scans
(see text). Results
normalized.
F
APPENDIX
338
The average copper content of the slag is ca. 1%. This low amount is indicative of a very efficient smelting process with low copper losses. Arsenic and nickel, which are generally concentrated in the metallic phase are rather than the slag,11 also found, therefore, at very low levels (<0.5% on
average).
Examination izing microscope and intergrowths, individual
of polished sections of slag samples under the polar showed a wide range of mineralogical phases, textures, notable both within and between heterogeneity being
samples. A brief description
of the major
identified
phases
is
given below.
and
Silicates
Glass
to fully vitrified, the slag textures range from fully crystallized is usually dominant. Silicate crystalline formations are glassy component a fine dendritic texture indicative most in them present slag samples, giving
Although
of rapid precipitation from a liquid solution. Their chemical composition to the pyroxenes and olivines, most samples approximating corresponds the composition of the compounds and hedenbergite CaO.FeO.Si02 in a glassy matrix olivine (Table F.3). The silicate crystals are embedded that often shows red internal reflections due to the presence of bands of should note finely dispersed copper and (possibly) cuprite inclusions.12 We that a considerable part of the identified "glass" matrix might be in fact as indicated by the chemical similarity between the glassy cryptocrystalline, and siliceous phases
Iron
in the slag (Table F.3).
Oxides
are (FeO) and magnetite frequent in most slag samples, (Fe304) is always present in the latter usually being the dominant oxide. Wustite are as dendritic form, whereas magnetite crystals generally present large
Wustite
skeletons
near
the
center
of
the
slag
fragments,
changing
to
numerous
aligned dendrites with excessive growth along a single direction near the is clearly associated with differences in the cool surface. This difference areas in the rate to of cake: closer the various surface, the drop in ing slag is with the steeper, temperature rapid crystal growth producing fine-armed shape and size is primarily determined by kinetic factors. to the results of M?ssbauer analysis of five slag samples, the According state iron is of Fe2+, with the Fe27Fe3+ ratio ranging valency predominant dendrites whose
from 80:20 to 90:10 (TableF.4). A notable feature of many slag samples is the presence of thin bands of magnetite present at the interior of the fragment (Fig. F.5). In many are cases those bands run through the sample, but they uninterruptedly more
The microstructure of the slag, however, commonly discontinuous. is always different on the two sides of the band. A similar textural feature has been identified by Okafor13 in early iron smelting slags from Nigeria and has been of those bands
shown to reflect successive
the presence tap cycles. Whether is questionable, indicates a similar process at Chrysokamino
ll.Yazawal980,p.381. 12. Cf. Hauptman, Schmitt-Strecker 13. Okafor
Rehren,
2003. 1993,
p. 446.
and
RECONSTRUCTION
OF
THE
COPPER
TABLE F.3. EDS ANALYSIS OF MAIN COMPONENTS AND GLASS PHASES IN SLAG SAMPLES FeO
SMELTING
OF SILICATE
Sample
Phase
CaO
Si02
A04
silicate
27.63
33.93
34.71
1.01
1.99
0.23
A04
silicate
25.66
36.33
28.94
5.69
1.26
0.85
A05
silicate
22.44
42.19
19.80
1.01
2.32
A05
silicate
28.36
34.18
33.27
0.47
2.76
0.57
A13
silicate
20.85
47.32
21.21
5.29
2.41
0.42
A14
silicate
32.72
40.78
12.15
6.63
3.07
3.92
A14
silicate
33.14
40.15
12.00
6.63
3.77
3.39
A14
silicate
33.12
40.56
12.44
7.08
3.09
3.12
A14
silicate
23.14
40.43
21.64
7.97
2.64
1.50
A15
silicate
20.69
43.04
25.36
7.84
2.12
0.64
A18
silicate
10.53
32.97
46.34
7.33
1.09
0.35
A19
silicate
13.61
36.75
35.58
8.97
2.94
1.02
A19
silicate
13.39
36.58
33.90
8.61
3.43
1.22
B01
silicate
25.76
34.02
32.29
3.13
B01
silicate
26.08
34.12
31.94
2.85
1.91
1.24
B01
silicate
26.44
33.97
32.65
2.28
2.58
1.03
MgO
Na20
1.24
B01
silicate
34.57
41.01
13.87
4.38
3.46
1.87
B01
silicate
34.35
40.65
14.08
4.85
2.78
2.22
B01
silicate
34.76
40.77
13.07
4.18
4.22
2.13
B12
silicate
12.30
30.95
39.97
11.08
3.76
0.48
B13
silicate
33.94
40.64
15.91
4.26
2.46
2.02
B13
silicate
33.14
40.84
15.93
4.33
2.40
2.10
B17
silicate
20.77
42.52
27.21
6.28
0.89
0.96
B20
silicate
28.45
36.24
25.33
5.71
1.43
1.40
A05
glass
22.28
39.97
28.48
6.27
1.82
0.86
A13
glass
27.05
49.48
12.88
6.02
1.11
1.41
A14
glass
21.96
39.91
26.15
8.26
2.61
0.34
A14
glass
21.46
41.76
24.52
8.31
2.07
0.70
A14
glass
33.49
40.22
12.38
7.23
2.85
2.99
A14
glass
23.07
39.20
23.15
7.69
2.37
2.21
A17
glass
20.96
39.47
24.77
7.25
1.93
3.35
A18
glass
10.33
41.58
33.17
8.75
1.63
3.06
A19
glass
15.33
39.92
28.84
8.79
2.03
3.13
A19
glass
15.40
39.00
28.83
8.21
2.64
2.81
B05
glass
24.70
38.07
25.31
6.71
2.20
2.09
B12
glass
15.53
38.92
27.81
8.95
1.53
4.20
B13
glass
15.31
41.02
30.11
6.69
0.92
1.45
B13
glass
15.00
41.46
30.95
7.78
0.55
0.55
B17
glass
21.09
40.68
26.76
5.92
1.47
2.31
B24
glass
22.36
37.54
24.83
7.91
1.91
3.26
Results
not normalized.
PROCESS
339
APPENDIX
340
TABLE F.4. RESULTS OF M?SSBAUER FE+2/FE+3 RATIOS OF SLAG SAMPLES Solidified Ferrous
Sample
Hedenbergite
A17
40
A18
80
A19
40
B17
80
B24
40
phases
iron
of
Valencies
Intermediate
(unidentified)
35
0
40
AND CALCULATED
SPECTROSCOPY
(unidentified)
50
F
Magnetite
25
Fe'2
Fe*
Fe+2/Fe+J
83.3
16.7
5.0
20
80.0
20.0
4.0
10
90.0
10.0
9.0
20
80.0
20.0
4.0
86.7
13.3
6.5
20
Figure F.5. Sample A04: magnetite "bands"
forming
Reflected
light.
three slag "layers." Scale: 50 micrometers
as the thickness of individual mm. However, "slag-layers" rarely exceeds 2-3 as the presence of a bands is strong indication of solidification magnetite in contact with the air, it seems very plausible to argue that the bands formed by the "folding" of a relatively viscous slag as itwas tapped out of is considered the furnace. The possibility of slag tapping at Chrysokamino more in detail in the discussion of the analytical results.
Copper
Prills
are common inmost Copper prills slag samples. Their diameter ranges from a few micrometers to the results of to 1mm in some rare cases. According analysis, their chemical composition corresponds to the quaternary are Cu-Fe-As-Ni Arsenic levels (Table F.5). alloy highly fluctuating, often or even the level of solid solubility in copper, which reaching exceeding is ca. 8%.14This results in the formation of the arsenic-rich Cu3As phase present inmany prills in the slag (Fig. F.6).15 The nickel content of copper
EDS
14. Northover
1989.
15. Cf. Lechtman and Klein 1999, p. 521, fig. 24.
RECONSTRUCTION
TABLE F.5. EDS ANALYSIS OF COPPER PRILLS IN SLAG SAMPLES Sample
Cu
A05
OF
THE
COPPER
TABLE
F.S
As
93.66
2.81
2.65
0.88
0.00
B05
88.96
A05
90.36
1.30
6.99
1.25
0.10
B05
A05
94.74
2.34
2.57
0.35
0.00
A05
94.82
1.36
2.85
0.74
A05
95.67
0.71
2.90
A09
96.62
2.00
0.83
A09
96.05
1.01
2.46
A09
95.06
0.65
A09
96.43
All
89.26
A14
87.94
A14
Ni
As
Ni
2.30
7.79
0.89
86.70
1.95
10.47
0.81
B05
72.49
1.79
22.84
2.76
0.23
B05
91.36
1.23
6.82
0.53
0.72
0.00
B05
67.11
1.31
31.00
0.38
0.37
0.17
B17
64.82
1.78
32.61
0.67
0.32
0.16
B17
74.15
0.74
24.75
0.27
4.04
0.09
0.15
B17
67.07
3.85
26.26
2.72
0.43
2.75
0.24
0.15
B20
88.62
2.78
7.47
1.12
1.65
7.78
0.41
0.90
B20
3.76
3.64
6.62
0.95
2.20
6.59
0.77
2.50
B20
85.99
4.89
8.19
0.88
90.13
1.28
7.78
0.78
0.03
B20
88.00
2.86
8.09
0.99
A15
97.52
2.29
0.00
0.02
0.16
C01
95.81
2.07
0.96
1.05 1.01
Sample
A15
97.30
2.31
0.09
0.00
0.30
COI
94.53
3.09
1.22
A15
95.91
2.48
0.93
0.45
0.23
COI
95.20
2.69
0.94
1.07
A15
95.33
3.33
0.36
0.90
0.08
COI
94.23
3.37
1.55
0.79
A15
89.52
1.23
8.44
0.81
0.00
COI
93.96
3.28
A15
88.83
0.30
9.83
0.97
0.07
COI
95.43
2.39
1.40
0.67
A15
93.34
1.17
3.65
1.72
0.12
COI
93.26
4.71
1.07
0.89
A15
90.78
1.84
4.00
0.50
2.89
COI
95.71
1.77
1.45
0.92
A16
96.15
3.54
0.22
0.04
0.05
COI
94.75
2.11
2.13
0.84
A16
96.97
3.03
0.00
0.00
0.00
COI
95.11
2.35
1.44
0.90
A16
98.24
1.66
0.10
0.00
0.00
COI
94.97
3.39
0.45
1.10
A16
98.57
1.34
0.00
0.08
0.00
COI
95.94
0.35
2.18
1.29
A17
90.69
2.21
4.94
1.97
0.19
COI
94.89
2.77
1.55
0.71
A18
90.20
2.47
5.24
1.99
0.10
COI
93.99
1.48
3.32
1.03
A18
92.42
3.08
3.19
1.22
0.10
A18
91.23
2.46
A19
61.71
0.45
4.86 23.11
1.25
0.20
14.70
0.03
Results
341
(cont.) Fe
Fe
PROCESS
SMELTING
0.48
normalized.
prills is also variable, but most values are between 0.5% and 2%. Iron content has amean value of 2.2% but reaches 5% in some cases. No -iron to their dendrites were identified microscopically, possibly due extremely small size.16 The only exception is a large prill (Diam. = ca. 1 mm) found in sample A18 containing massive -iron dendrites and sulfidic inclusions in a copper matrix. The composition embedded of this prill was found by EDS analysis to be 69.7% Fe, 23.7% Cu, 3.9% As, and 0.8% S. Finally, small matte particles are often embedded in copper prills, but this phase is 16. Roeder,
Sculac,
and Notis
1984.
usually present
as "rims" surrounding
the metallic
prills (Fig. F.6).
APPENDIX
342
F
Figure F.6. Sample B18: Copper massive showing prills of a second arsenic-rich
precipitation phase
(Cu3As). The prill is surrounded by matte. Reflected light. Scale:
Liquid
10 micrometers
'blister' copper
Liquid Cu
Figure F.7. The position of matte inclusions
wt % S
Matte
present
Chrysokamino Cu-Fe-S
in in the
slags
from
ternary
Inclusions
Although matte inclusions are common, they are significantly less common than the copper prills with which they are often associated (see above). Most inclusions have characteristic Widmast?tten structure resulting from solid-state
precipitations from the sulfide solution.17 As shown by the results analysis (Table F.6), the average iron content is 4%, while nickel and arsenic are usually below 1%. The matte compositions deviate from equilibrium compositions having a slightly higher copper content (Fig. F 7). This is due to the fact that matte compositions were acquired using area of EDS
17. Cf. Doonan
1996,
p. 57.
system
OF
RECONSTRUCTION
THE
COPPER
TABLE F 6. EDS ANALYSIS IN SLAG SAMPLES
SMELTING
OF MATTE
PROCESS
INCLUSIONS
Sample
Cu
Fe
As
A04
77.42
2.69
0.60
A05
79.18
1.83
0.30
0.17
A05
78.68
2.20
0.40
0.21
A05
79.37
2.57
0.24
0.00
A09
79.08
2.48
0.17
0.00
A17
72.43
6.33
0.40
0.30
A18
74.26
5.98
0.34
0.25
A18
68.58
9.37
0.05
0.09
A18
75.26
5.44
0.08
0.00
M
A19
79.39
1.65
0.70
0.53
A19
79.64
1.40
0.30
0.28
A19
78.17
1.01
1.66
1.16
A19
77.85
5.18
0.28
0.30
B01
75.55
4.60
1.02
0.07
B01
79.51
1.53
0.96
0.24
B01
78.70
1.30
2.10
0.33
B05
76.85
4.32
1.63
B05
77.90
3.14
0.90
B05
77.11
3.11
2.23
BQ5
76.78
4.27
1.27
B05
78.94
2.08
1.35
B12
80.39
0.95
0.11
0.03
B13
75.66
4.53
0.07
0.04
B17
75.43
1.87
4.44
0.25
B17
78.13
2.38
1.25
0.42
B17
79.53
1.46
0.60
0.53
B17
75.46
4.84
0.94
0.19
B20
79.02
3.20
0.17
0.10
B20
75.72
6.78
0.00
0.01
B20
72.38
9.17
0.77
0.14
B20
75.00
0.29
0.06
B24
68.53
9.24
0.30
0.46
B24
72.47
6.61
0.68
0.69
B24
73.25
6.43
0.44
0.45
Results
normalized
("na"
= not
analysed).
343
APPENDIX
344 scan analyses,
F
en and mechanically incorporating precipitated are visible and trapped phases. Such inclusions in the matte microscopically include globules of metallic copper and a light blue copper-arsenic phase.18 If those phases were not included in the analysis, the copper content of matte
therefore
inclusions would
Undissolved
range from ca. 75% to almost
80%.
Materials
raw materials that were not dis Very few inclusions in the slag represent solved in the slag matrix during smelting. Small silica grains (0.5-2 mm) are with signs of severe fragmentation occasionally present, and their suban were not in the process of dissolution. gular shape suggests that they Only a was identified. In rare of silica with single grain signs ongoing dissolution cases, fine dispersions of green and red copper minerals, probably reflect ing residual copper ore (malachite and cuprite?), were associated with the quartz grains. Remains of iron ore are also present, either asminute, heavily altered ore fragments or,more often, as agglomerations of iron oxides, which have clearly resulted from the decomposition of larger inclusions.19
Other
Inclusions
a mineral associated with slightly Cuprite (Cu20), in the smelting furnace, is uncommon in the slag it in is When found present, usually clearly corroded a corrosion it is that suggesting product rather than
reducing conditions from Chrysokamino. areas of the samples, a
phase formed dur the Delafossite another mineral as process. ing smelting (Cu2O.Fe203), is uncommon in slags from sociated with slightly reducing atmospheres, two Chrysokamino, being present in only samples. Small fragments of are present in four slag samples, from the furnace walls was dissolved
ceramic material the material
suggesting that some of in the slag.Minute gold
are in the identified, usually as dispersions grains (2-5 mm) occasionally a matrix with EDS of copper prills. glass aligned analysis gold grain gave 90% Au, 4.6% Fe, 3.4% Si, 1.0% Ca, 0.8% Cu and 0.6% Pb. Itwas not possible to formulate a coherent system for the classification of the slag samples on the basis of the microstructural features described most to due the of above, mainly heterogeneity samples and mineralogical to facilitate the the absence of obvious, distinct "groupings." Nonetheless, were se interpretation of the analytical results, six typical microstructures textures lected to represent the range of mineralogical and identified phases (Fig.F.8). a correlation between chemical Although composition and microstruc ture exists, it should not to indicate the presence of dif be taken necessarily ferent types of slag in the assemblage. Instead, as the chemical composition of the slag samples falls in an area of the system with three CaO-FeOx-Si02 areas even the iron and olivines, oxides), precipitation slightest (pyroxenes, chemical differences
could have resulted in the formation
of different phases (or different relative abundances of the various phases) during solidification. To be specific, higher levels of iron in the molten slag favor (a) the forma tion of olivines 2(Ca, rather than pyroxenes (Ca, and Fe)O.Si02 Fe)O.Si02
18. Cf. Lechtman and Klein 1999, p. 515, fig. 19. Cf.
14.
Rehren, Hauptman, Schmitt-Strecker 2003, p. 204,
and fig. 6.
RECONSTRUCTION
Figure F.8. Typical microstructures found in slags from Chrysokamino. Reflected light. Top left:A04, A07, A08, A09, A17, A20, A21, A25, A29, B01, B05, B06, B07, B12, B13, B14, B15, B18, B20, B24, COI. Top center: A03, A15, A16, A18, A23. Top right: A01, A06, B09. Bottom left:A14, A19, A28, B17, B26. Bottom center: A02, B03, B22. Bottom right: A10, All, B02,
Bll,
B23.
A12, A13,
Scale: 50 micrometers
OF
THE
COPPER
SMELTING
PROCESS
345
and/or wustite. Conversely, higher levels (b) the precipitation of magnetite of silica and/or lime promote the formation of pyroxenes, the suppression of the formation of free iron oxides, and the presence of unfused silica grains due to the supersaturation
of the liquid slag.
DISCUSSION OF RESULTS: MASS BALANCE investigation of the mass balance of a smelting process is a powerful to visualize the nature and relative quantities of materials going in and out of the furnace. The approach followed here is based on the simple
The
means
premise that all elements present at the output of the process (i.e., in the slag and metallic phases) should be accounted for by materials present at the input (raw materials). Therefore, through the comparison of copper it is possible either to confirm their ores, slag, and metallic inclusions, chemical similarity or to postulate the use of additional materials that do not appear in the archaeological
Copper
and
Ores
record.
Slag
A
the chemical composition of the gangue striking difference between in the copper ores and the slags from Chrysokamino is that the minerals latter contain significant levels of iron oxides and lime (Fig. F.3). Unless that all three copper ore samples included in this study are from those actually smelted at Chrysokamino, different the con entirely must iron in levels of and lime the be accounted for by sistently high slag it is assumed
present in the furnace during the process. The role of fuel ash as a source of lime in early copper smelting slags has been emphasized in the literature but can only account for some 6%-8% of CaO in the another material
bulk composition.20 20.Merkel
1990;Merkel and 1999; Rothenberg Shugar 2003.
during but
only
smelting might a minor
one.
clay from the furnace wall have been an additional source of lime in the slag,
Erosion
of the calcareous
APPENDIX
346
F
A plausible samples derives
for the chemical composition of the slag interpretation from a consideration of the function of the fragment of iron ore found at Chrysokamino. As already mentioned, the presence of iron ore at a copper smelting site could reflect the use of such ores as fluxes, since the predominant to the results of EDS
especially
gangue mineral in the copper ore is silica. ore analysis, the iron sample contains 67%
According FeO and 23% CaO, so its use as a fluxing agent in the smelting process some material from the erosion (together with the fuel ash and perhaps iron and lime levels in the of the furnace wall) would increased explain the slag. Another is that the fragment of goethite has interesting hypothesis derived from the local weak iron mineralization hosted in the Plattenkalk/ contact
(see above). Detailed comparative analyses using geological are necessary in order to examine this samples possibility.
phyllite
Metallic
Phase
and
Copper
Ores
A
the chemical composition of the metallic comparison between prills found in the slag and the composition of copper ores reveals yet another discrepancy. All copper prills (except for the prills in sample A16) contain high levels of arsenic and ca. 1% nickel. Yet those elements were not pres ent at significant levels in the three copper ores analyzed. Although the limitations of the EDS technique for the analysis of elements at levels near or below 0.5% should not be ratios in the ignored, the Cu/As and Cu/Ni ores are far too low to have resulted
in the percentages of As and Ni found conclusive results would derive from the analysis
in the copper prills. More or like AAS, of more copper ores and the use of techniques ICP, NAA, for chemical analysis. On present evidence, however, we suggest WDS that the arsenic and nickel found in the copper prills did not come from the copper ores but from another material that was added to the charge. is the of lead isotope analysis also results suggestion supported by of slag samples from Chrysokamino show significant (App. C), which ores of various sources. the from variability, probably reflecting smelting it is assumed that the copper ores from the various sources were Unless these elements all characterized by similar arsenic/nickel concentrations, This
were
probably introduced into the smelting furnace separately. It should be noted that the suggested addition of arsenical minerals and iron fluxes could have influenced the isotopic composition of the slag (and the smelted ore rendering any comparison with deposits misleading. However, ore the source(s) maybe problematic, although identification of the specific a strong is from the isotopic variability characterizing Chrysokamino slags
copper),
for the smelting of ores from multiple deposits. present, no evidence from the site indicates the type of arsenical
indication At
stud that might have been used at Chrysokamino. Experimental ies on the production of arsenical copper have shown that various types of arsenic-bearing minerals (including arsenides, arsenates, and sulfarsenides) can be co-smelted with copper ores to produce copper-arsenic alloys.21 In
minerals
fact, that early Aegean metallurgists cal minerals has been established
and exploited such arseni Doonan and colleagues,22 by
recognized recently
21. Lechtman and Klein 1999; Shimada andMerkel 1991; Rostoker and Dvorak 22. Doonan
1991. et al. forthcoming.
OF
RECONSTRUCTION
THE
COPPER
SMELTING
PROCESS
347
near presented evidence from the EM I-II site of Poros Katsambas Knossos suggesting production of arsenical copper by addition of roasted l?llingite (an iron arsenide) in melted copper. in the arsenic content of prills results from the uncon The fluctuation
who
trollable formation of the volatile compound the process and As203 during does not, therefore, reflect variable arsenic content in the raw materials. Nickel, on the other hand, is usually collected in the metallic phase during so its low level in the prills suggests a similarly low consistently smelting, level in the raw materials.
THERMODYNAMIC PROFILE AND OPERATIONAL PARAMETERS of the complex physicochemical Investigation phenomena taking place a at the is process necessary step for the during smelting Chrysokamino reconstruction of the technology for the extraction of copper employed from its ores. For this, it is necessary to make accurate estimations of the during the process and to explain how they would of cupriferous ores into a copper-rich promote both the transformation and its from the product separation slag phase. prevalent
conditions
Temperature The
standard method
for the estimation
of the operating temperature of the calculation of the liquidus tem
ancient
involves smelting processes of the The perature slag. liquidus temperature is, in turn, obtained from to the the phase diagram corresponding slag under investigation. For this a Bachmann23 has purpose, proposed procedure that allows the selection of the most appropriate subsystem in the system based Al203-CaO-FeO-Si02 on the relative abundances of the various oxides in the present slag. this is a useful approach, it should not be Although employed uncriti cally in the study of early copper smelting processes. First of all, as Bach mann himself argues,24 it is necessary to examine whether unfused materials common in (very prehistoric slags) are present in the slag samples because their inclusion in the calculation of the liquidus temperature will produce overestimated
in the moderately reducing characterizing early copper smelting practices, the first phase to the liquidus temperature) precipitate from the liquid slag (thus determining is very often magnetite. This compound, however, is not always included in the ternary diagrams employed in archaeometallurgical studies. This smelting
temperatures.
Secondly,
conditions
is because modern
phase diagrams usually describe slag systems in equi iron and therefore under strongly reducing conditions =10-11-10"12 atm). Under such conditions, however, iron is present in (p02 the slag in its ferrous state, and no magnetite a is precipitated. Moreover, recent study of the of liquidus temperature Al203-MgO-CaO-FeO-Fe203 and Yazawa25 has shown that the effects of common Si02 slags by Kongoli or CaO) on the oxides (e.g., liquidus temperature of the slag A1203, MgO, librium with metallic
23. Bachmann 24. Bachmann 25. Kongoli
1980. 1980, p. 110. and Yazawa 2001.
may be different
under reducing
and oxidizing
conditions.
F
APPENDIX
348
use of of the liquidus tem phase diagrams for the determination case in is valid the of the from because of the perature slags Chrysokamino limited presence of unfused materials. Given the abundance of magnetite in the slag samples, we employed a phase diagram26 that corresponds to = 10"8 atm). The solid phases pre moderately reducing conditions (p02 dicted by this diagram are in good agreement with the mineralogy of the The
our selection. From the slag samples, therefore confirming phase diagram, the liquidus temperature of most slag samples is found to lie between 1150 and 1230?C. In silica-rich samples, the liquidus exceeds 1300?C, but this value is probably an overestimation due to the increased presence of unfused silica grains in them. Overall, raising the temperature to ca. 1300?C would have produced a slag of sufficiently low viscosity.27 Such temperatures were attainable in the Early Bronze Age.28
Redox
Conditions
(i.e., the reducing or oxidizing capacity study of the redox conditions of the furnace atmosphere) during smelting is usually based on the inves tigation of elements exhibiting multiple valency states in typical copper
The
the most important being copper and iron.29 Copper conditions, = ca. 10"5 atm associated with phases moderately reducing conditions (p02 as are rare at 1300?C), such cuprite (Cu20) and delafossite (Cu2O.Fe203), in slags from Chrysokamino (see above), suggesting that conditions were smelting
more
reducing.
At more
estimations of the partial pressure of conditions, temperature can be deduced from the relative abundance
reducing
oxygen at a given of ferrous and ferric cations, taking into consideration activities by other oxides present in the slag.30 Using
the effects on their the Fe27Fe3+
ratio
and extrapolating from the data spectroscopy by M?ssbauer in the literature,31 a range of values from 10"75 to 10"95 atm p02 at 1300?C is derived. of the Similar redox conditions can be deduced from a consideration
provided available
copper content in the matte, which ranges from 75% to almost 80%, ex on matte cluding the precipitated phases (see section analysis). Such matte (i.e., when co-present with metallic ca. 10"9 to 10"7 atm.32 from values Finally, the copper) correspond p02 an content in copper prills, with iron average value of 2.2%, is also compat redox conditions.33 ible with such intermediate compositions
under metal
saturation
to
26. Kongoli and Yazawa 2001, p. 587, fig. 11. 27. Cf. Kresten 1986, p. 44, fig.
28.Merkel Thermodynamic
Profile
of
the
Smelting
Process
values calculated above are compatible with the phases identified p02 in the slag, so they probably describe accurately the local redox conditions at the area in the bottom of the furnace where the slag was collected. However, the numerous perforations on the ceramic shaft, on the one hand, and the combined action of the pot bellows and the strong winds, on the other,
The
would
have created extremely complex furnace during the smelting process.
and variable
conditions
inside the
29. Hauptmann, 1989. Bachmann
and
Weisgerber,
30.Turkdoganl983,p.237. 31. Timucin and Morris p. 3196, figs. 11,12. 32. Sridhar, Togurl,
1970,
and Simeonov
1997, p. 195, fig. 5;Yazawa 1980, p. 379, fig. 2. 33. E.g., cf.Merkel Shugar2003.
1.
1990.
1990
and
of
reconstruction
the
copper
smelting
process
the complete profile in the p02 /temperature can be investigated through experimental only Chrysokamino safe to assume that in contrast to a typical shaft furnace, the more subjected the descending charge to oxidizing perforations that resembled typical conditions of ore-roasting processes. In Although
349
furnaces work,
at it is
presence of conditions
fact, similar furnaces have been used for the roasting of copper perforated cylindrical no on the cop ores.34 Such conditions would have had significant effect per carbonates or the iron hydroxides (apart from their calcination due to the increasing temperature), but they would have burned off much of the sulfur present in the charge and removed much of the arsenic as As203.35 Near the bottom of the furnace, the atmosphere was probably more reducing and the temperature much higher, enabling the formation of copper. The reducing slag and the reduction of copper oxides to metallic a cover conditions and the presence of of liquid slag then allowed most in the metallic of the remaining arsenic to be collected copper. Nickel
was
in the liquid copper. A small amount of entirely concentrated the determined redox iron, conditions, also entered the metallic mainly by phase. Finally, since iron sulfides readily react with copper oxides producing metallic copper and/or copper sulfides,36 the formed matte phase would gradually become copper-rich. almost
to this model, the output of the smelting process According probably a and consisted of a slag phase, a Cu-As-Fe-Ni alloy phase, high-grade matte. Those are the phases that were identified in the smelting slags from Chrysokamino.
Slag-Metal
Separation
indications
that liquid slag was
tapped from the furnace the during smelting process. Firstly, many slag fragments have characteristic flow features that are typically associated with tapped slag. Secondly, the bands inside the slag samples reflect "foldings" occurring during magnetite Strong
suggest
slag in contact with the air. Finally, the texture phases present in the slag samples is indicative of a fact that could be associated with solidification
the viscous flow of molten of most mineralogical
rapid crystallization, outside the furnace. It should be noted, however, that a significant amount of furnace slag (up to 50% of the total amount)37 probably remained inside the furnace after the completion of the smelting process. 34. Craddock 1995, p. 169;we thankOli Pryce for drawing our to the attention between the similarity furnaces and the fur Chrysokamino naces from Yeke, Katanga. reported 35. Cf. Lechtman and Klein 1999, p. 510. 36. Biswas
and
p. 81; Rostoker, 1989, p. 73.
37.Merkel 38. See Chap.
1976, Davenport and Dvorak Pigott,
1990. 10.
Although was
much
of the copper produced during the smelting process collected at the bottom of the furnace where it formed an
probably a ingot, significant part remained trapped in the slag (both tapped and furnace slag), requiring crushing to achieve further separation. This is state of the slag found at the site, slag indicated by the highly fragmented cakes being absent and slag pieces rarely exceeding 2-3 cm in size.38
The very low copper content found in all analyzed slag samples suggests that the entrapped metal was not finely dispersed in the slag matrix but was instead concentrated in sizable nodules that could be easily collected by crushing the slag into small pieces (1-2 cm) and handpicking. However, the evidence shows that this might not have always been the case. The
APPENDIX
35o
F
at Chrysokamino amount of is probably too large to pulverized slag found have derived from the simple crushing of the slag, and it could suggest that smelters often needed to grind the slag to a very fine size to expose minute copper inclusions. Such fine metal particles would have been impossible to collect by hand; instead, a "secondary" beneficiation process (probably washing) would have been required to separate the metal from the slag. It is not possible, on present evidence, to explain the different degrees of comminution of the solidified slag for the recovery of entrapped copper. process was used for the more Perhaps the laborious grinding/washing viscous furnace slag or was undertaken after a less successful smelting of the pulverized operation. Examination slag from the site (despite the it is chemi obvious analytical difficulties) may help to determine whether different from the larger slag fragments. cally and/or mineralogically are that could There various types of evidence from Chrysokamino include not only be associated with the processes described above. They of stone tools found at the site, but also the two shallow, carved on the bedrock that might have served as depressions
the small number
cup-shaped "mortars" for this purpose.39 These finds, however, could equally have served other purposes including the preparation of the raw materials or even (in the case of stone tools) the destruction of the furnace after the completion of the smelting process.40 it should be emphasized that the overall copper losses To conclude, were at the process extremely low. Chrysokamino during metallurgical Based on the average copper content in the slag samples (ca. 1%), the total amount of copper entrapped in ca. one ton of slag would be approximately
10 kg. Product
The
The main product of the smelting process was a quaternary copper-arsenic iron-nickel alloy. The arsenic content was probably highly variable due to the uncontrollable
This argument is As203. supported by the results of the EDS analysis of copper prills, which show a single slag in the arsenic content even within considerable fluctuation was relatively constant because this ele content The nickel fragment. ment
formation
of the volatile
copper, while iron probably due to the variable redox conditions. As high showed minor fluctuations iron contents make copper very brittle,41 an additional refining stage was necessary, although there is no evidence, at present, to indicate that this process was conducted at the site. Some arsenic was also removed in the is generally
concentrated
in the metallic
fumes during the refining process, although if a reducing atmosphere was retained the loss would have been insignificant. The chemical composition in the Aegean. is not unknown of the copper prills from Chrysokamino of arsenic above 2% and nickel at about 1% in copper has also in the copper prills of a slag fragment from the EBA smelting site of Skouries on Kythnos.42 A similar chemical pattern is found inmany
Co-presence been found
Early
Minoan
Whether
artifacts.43
similar raw materials this reflects the use of mineralogically of the very same sources is impossible to say on present
or the exploitation
39. Betancourt
et al. 1999,
pp. 354
40. Betancourt
et al. 1999,
p. 366.
366.
41.
2001. Papadimitriou et al. 1985, p. 90, 42. Gale 43. Branigan
1968,
p. 48,
table table
3. 15.
OF
RECONSTRUCTION
THE
COPPER
SMELTING
PROCESS
351
In any case, this similarity suggests that technologies comparable to that employed at Chrysokamino might have also been used in other areas in the Aegean for the production of arsenical copper during the Early Bronze Age. evidence.
was secondary product of the smelting process at Chrysokamino on present evidence, we cannot estimate matte, although, high-grade in each smelting operation. If sulfur was mainly the amount produced A
a
introduced into the charge by the residual sulfides present in the copper ores, then based on the analysis of the ore samples, the amount of matte If, however, the arsenical produced would have probably been minimal. mineral added to the charge was a sulfarsenide/sulfarsenate, then more matte would have been produced. Further work is required to investigate presence of matte in the output of the smelting remains. absence in the metallurgical
the possible its apparent
product
and
CONCLUSIONS was
the locus of highly sophisticated smelting activities raw careful selection and of and ma materials mixing by in the furnace to enable the production of the conditions of
Chrysokamino characterized
nipulation arsenical copper and its separation from the gangue materials with minimal copper losses in the slag. The copper ores used in the smelting operations were copper carbon ates, occasionally containing some residual sulfides, associated with quartz and small amounts of iron (hydr)oxides. Calcite bearing iron ore, similar to was as a flux. It is fragment found at the site, probably used possible that this material was collected from the weak iron mineralization hosted in the
a
contact, which we located during a geologi nearby Plattenkalk/phyllite an arsenical cal reconnaissance of the Chrysokamino peninsula. Finally, mineral containing low levels of nickel was probably added to the smelting the nature of this mineral cannot be established on charge. Unfortunately, present evidence. However, arsenical copper at the EM
the use of iron arsenides site of Poros Katsambas44
for the production of could suggest that a
similar mineral was
at Chrysokamino. employed effects of air penetrating from the perforations on the shaft, the air blasts from the bellows, and the fuel supply created a very complex p02/temperature profile inside the smelting furnaces at Chryso kamino. The maximum temperature attained (near the combustion zone) was as deduced from the chemical 1300?C approximately composition, The
combined
and texture of the slag. The redox conditions were probably mineralogy, was ca. 10"8 atm, but at the bottom of the hearth, the variable; highly p02 more at conditions oxidizing probably prevailed higher levels in the furnace. as the significant amount of arsenic and sulfur was, therefore, removed charge descended in the shaft. The output of the smelting process consisted a a of aCu-As-Fe-Ni alloy, lime-rich ferrosilicate slag, and seemingly small a amount of high-grade matte. The slag was periodically tapped to enable was concentrated at the bottom continuous smelting process. Most metal
A
44. Doonan
et al. forthcoming.
of the hearth
forming
an
ingot, but some remained
entrapped
in the slag,
352
F
APPENDIX
Arsenical
mineral
nickel
Fuel (charcoal?)
Iron ore +
carbonates +
Copper
+
residual sulfides
calcite
SMELTING
Air
G
Tapped
slag
Furnace
Matte
ingot
Copper
slag
ases
t 9
Crushing +
Grinding +
handpicking
Crushed slag
washing
Copper nodules
Pulverized
Copper prills
Cu-As-Fe-Ni
slag
alloy
F.9. Figure tion of the process
at
Schematic proposed Chrysokamino
representa copper
smelting
RECONSTRUCTION
OF
THE
COPPER
SMELTING
PROCESS
353
to be crushed and/or pulverized to enable further sepa a simple remelting in relatively reducing atmosphere would have been necessary to remove the iron present in the smelted copper without no evidence of this process has causing significant arsenic losses. However, been found at the site.
which
then needed
ration. A
the technological questions set at the beginning of this report Although have been explored in varying degrees of detail, it is possible to propose a of the smelting process at Chrysokamino that provisional reconstruction could serve as aworking hypothesis for future research (Fig. F 9).More ar analytical, and experimental work is essential for an enhanced of the metallurgical processes taking place at the site. understanding chaeological,
APPENDIX
G
of
Register
Anthropogenic
Features byPhilip P. Betancourt, Lada Onyshkevych, and William B. Hafford
A
careful
between
of the Chrysokamino territory was conducted It included an instrument survey as well as a
examination 1995
and 1999.
groups of terrace walls), of the natural landscape. The workshop
visible
a sherd scatter, or some other human
alteration
the territory that included the metallurgy was gen primarily of low bushes (Fig. G.l). Visibility and features were clearly visible. A total of 41 Anthropogenic
vegetation consisted
erally good, Features were
feature (AF) was anthropogenic terrace walls or architecture (including
features. An
recording of anthropogenic defined as a location with
within
the Chrysokamino territory. Many of them noted the previously by Kavousi-Thriphti Survey.1 The close view of the landscape presented here may be regarded as an extension of the previous survey, focusing on a small part of the originally surveyed
were
recorded within
at locations
territory in greater detail. It differs from the earlier survey in that itmakes note of features from all not just from the Bronze periods, Age. The fol were recorded (for their locations, see features lowing Fig. 16.2). AF
1.Terrace walls
AF2.WelP AF AF
3.Wall segments, perhaps 4. Threshing floor
a
boundary wall3
AF 5. Field house (?) AF
6. Terrace walls
AF
7. Field house
AF
8. Sherd
AF
9. Venetian/Ottoman
AF
10.Mound
AF
scatter4 to modern
of stones, probably 11. Terrace walls
AF 12.Well 1.Mook 1992,1993b, 2. Haggis 3.Haggis 4. Haggis 5. Haggis
andHaggis 1990;Haggis 1995,1996b, 2005. 2005, locus 49. 2005, locus 49. 2005, locus 52. 2005, locus 49.
AF
13. Field house
AF
14. Terrace walls
AF
15. Field house
AF
16. Field house
AF
17. Terrace walls
(Chordakia)
cave (see App. K) a field house5
APPENDIX
356
G
Metallurgy Workshop
Figure G.I. The metallurgical work shop
and
its
nearby
from the habitation AF
18. Threshing
AF
19.Wall, perhaps a boundary wall 20. Threshing floor
AF AF
territory,
floor
AF
21. Boundary walls 22. Terrace walls
AF
23. Metallurgy
workshop6
AF 24. Field house AF
25. Terrace walls
AF
26. Boundary 27. Boundary
AF
AF28. AF
wall wall
Sheepfold (Mandraf
AF
29. Chrysokamino 30. Terrace walls
AF
31. Terrace walls
AF
32. Oval
AF
33. Field house
AF AF
34. Theriospelio 35. Terrace walls
AF
36. Terrace walls
AF
37. Terrace walls
AF
38. Terrace wall
habitation
site8
enclosure9 cave10
AF 39.Well AF
40. Road
AF
41. Metal
and house walls fence
The methodology devised in Chapter 15. The special were dictated by the project as the need to determine beneficiation
for the recording of these features is discussed circumstances for this highly specialized survey
s goals, the topography, and other factors, such or if any tiny features associated with mining ore were in of the vicinity of the smelting workshop. present
the main considerations that determined the special methodology Among were the small size of the to be examined and the existence of a territory surface The survey. prior, traditional, regional previous survey had already
as seen
site (AF 29)
6. Haggis 2005, locus 88. 7. Haggis 2005, locus 50. 8.Haggis 2005, locus 50. 9. Haggis 2005, locus 52. 10.Haggis 2005, locus 55.
REGISTER
OF
FEATURES
ANTHROPOGENIC
357
pottery, and few artifacts remained on the surface. Consequently, pottery collection for this project was limited to a few specific features, a as selective rather than com sampling strategy that could be described collected
that the pottery is selectivity decreases the probability representative.11 On the other hand, since all pottery collecting has value,12 some of the evidence permits different conclusions from those reached by This
prehensive.
the survey of Haggis, and the new collection be illustrated with specific ceramic evidence.
allows
to
these conclusions
was designed tomeet the specialized needs of this recording system were means with aTotal Station Locations recorded survey. by electronic a in the established for 1995. feature was Each manmade using region grid a number, and groups of terrace walls were lettered given sequentially from often defined the highest to the lowest on the slope of the hill. Locations The
as "sites" in traditional
at the surveys were divided into several components were later joined stage of investigation.13 Their designations preliminary reasons ease in it. For when warranted several study (including together were in and all references manmade features map digital recording), given ones such as the metal fence, AF 41). (including modern Dates for theMinoan and post-Minoan pottery were assigned by Betan court and Poulou-Papadimitriou respectively. feature numbers
REGISTER OF ANTHROPOGENIC
FEATURES
1 Terrace walls
AF
Fig. G.2 Grid coordinates: E5459 N4851
H.:
(at center
120 masl
(at center of area).
of area).
Visibility: good. ca. 70 m
Dim.: Date:
north-south
Pottery: Comments:
none
All
ca. 7,500
east-west;
m2.
collected. Four
parallel
to the Chrysokamino fence.
x 108 m
unknown.
the walls
are west
terrace walls
agricultural
of the modern
gate
area, uphill from the road and downhill from the modern
here
are constructed
of
irregularly
blocks
shaped
of carbonate,
ranging in size from 0.06 x 0.06 x 0.06 to 0.3 x 0.3 x 0.3 m, with the largest stones positioned the walls Wall the
at the bottom
Soil
away. on the wall highest three walls. It is the least well
AF
lower
bedrock
of the walls.
has
over
eroded
the walls,
and parts
of
have washed la,
the
slope,
was
preserved
made of
with the
smaller
four walls,
stones and
than it uses
in its construction.
Wall AF lb is 27 m downhill (north) ofAF la. It is preserved to amaximum height of 1.1 m, and it is up to 0.2 m thick. It is founded on bedrock. Wall AF lc is 16.2m north ofAF lb. Its greatest preserved height is0.6 m (0.2m 11. This authors,
has been
e.g., Binford
noted 1968a,
by many p. 13;
Hope Simpson 1983; Cherry, Gamble, and Shennan
1978.
thick). Bedrock is used only in small parts of the wall. Wall AF Id is 16 m north of AF lc. It is the same thickness as the others, with a preserved height of up to 0.7 m. Well
AF2
12.Whallonl983.
13.On the difficulties of site defini tion, pp.
see the comments 17-21.
byWells
1996,
Grid coordinates: E5363.5 N4896.6. H.:
124 masl.
Visibility: good.
Fig.G.3
APPENDIX
358
G
Figure
G.2.
Location
of
anthropo
genic features AF 1,AF 2, and AF 3, uphill from the road at the right of the photograph. View looking north from the intersection marked AF 40 on Figure 16.2.
1.45 m
Diam.: Date: Pottery:
Byzantine none
Comments:
interior, or
2.2 m
exterior;
H.
m.
0.45-0.80
later.
collected.
The
southwestern
slope
of Chomatas
has
two
peaks.
A
well
is located on the saddle between them, uphill from the habitation site (AF 29). The wellhead is built of unworked fieldstones without mortar, forming a circular It includes
feature. x 0.15
both
and flat
blocky
stones
of various
sizes,
up
to ca. 0.3
x 0.4
m.
AF 3 Wall
segments Fig. G.4 Grid coordinates: E5362.4 N4890.7 H.: 124.4 masl (at center of wall).
(at center of wall).
Visibility: good. Dim.: Date: Pottery:
ca. 82.2 Byzantine none
m
north-south or
(length
of reconstructed
wall).
later.
collected.
Comments: Three segments of wall are located near thewell recorded asAF 2. They The
cannot stones
be are
terrace walls very
irregular,
because and
they the wall
are on can
a flat never
area have
at the ridge stood very
of high.
the hill. Wall
AF 3a meanders along the saddle for 23 m. Its height rangesfrom 0.07 to 0.17 m, and
REGISTER
Figure
G.4.
Segment
of a wall,
OF
ANTHROPOGENIC
FEATURES
359
pos
sibly a boundary marker (AF 3) its thickness is 0.1 to 0.3 m. It ismade of unworked fieldstones laidwithout mortar. Wall AF 3b is 4.2 m south ofAF 3a. It consists of seven stones in a Une.Wall AF 3c, 2.7 m long and 0.2-0.4 m thick, is northwest of AF 3b. It ismostly buried. The most likely explanation for these sections of wall is that they form a boundary marker, dividing the public land on the coastal side of the ridge from the private land inland. The well (AF 2) is just barely inside the wall (land side). The boundary today,marked by amodern fence (AF 41), makes all of the hilltop public land, including this feature. AF 4
Threshing floor Fig. G.5 Grid coordinates: E5296.9 N4993.2.
H.:
121.8
masl.
Visibility: good. Diam.: Date: Pottery:
ca. 7.9 m. probably none
Venetian
or Ottoman.
collected.
Comments: This oval or circular threshing floor nearAF 5 has a floor of hard packed soil and a raised soil perimeter with vertically placed phyllite slabs, 0.25 0.6 m in length. Slabs remain standing in place at the north and west. They are all unworked.
Figure G.5. Destroyed floor
with
a few
standing
the perimeter (AF 4)
threshing stones
at
APPENDIX
360
G
Figure G.6. Collapsed field house
(AF5) AF5
Fig. G 6 Grid coordinates: E5269.3 N4983.6. Field house
H.:
117 masl.
Visibility: good. Dim.:
9.1
Date: Pottery:
x 9.7 m.
Comments:
or Ottoman.
Venetian
probably none
collected. remains
The
of a one-roomed
structure
of drywall
built
masonry,
primarily of flat phyllite slabs, lies between AF 4 andAF 7. Stones are small in the north and west walls (average size 0.15 x 0.10 x 0.05 m) and larger in the eastern portion of the north wall (average size 0.9 x 0.25 x 0.4 m). Although it is not certain that
the
north
preserved
wall
meets
the
natural
bedrock
outcrop
on
the
it
east,
is likely that this outcrop was used as part of the east wall. This bedrock outcrop jogs
in to the west,
but
a
it maintains
primarily
line for a distance
north-south
of
5.9 m. It is 1.2 m high at its highest point, but no evidence of awall on the bedrock survives. Although the north wall is the best preserved one, even this wall is not more than two courses high inmost places. It is 9.1 m long (height between 0.29 and 0.70 m). The poorly preserved west wall, which is 9.7 m long and 0.7 m thick, is laid on bedrock. The other walls have collapsed. The field house is near a threshing floor (AF 4) and terraced fields (AF 6), suggesting
that
this group
of features
Fig. G 7
AF 6 Terrace walls
(at center of area).
Grid coordinates: E5257.0 N4968.1 H.:
(at center
109 masl
a unit.
forms
of area).
Visibility: good. Dim.: Date:
ca. 22 m probably none
Pottery: Comments: built
m
east-west;
ca. 600 m2.
or Ottoman.
collected.
West
of unworked
x 33.3
north-south Venetian
of AF
fieldstones,
terrace walls. 5 is an area of agricultural are about 8-10 m are apart. They mostly
The
walls,
carbonate
blocks, up to 0.3 x 0.3 x 0.2 m in size, and they follow the contours of the hill, occasionally
incorporating
bedrock
into
their
construction.
This
system
of terrace
walls, inwhich parallel walls are placed on the slope of a hill, is called a check-dam. The highest wall (AF 6a) stands 6-7 courses high in some places (H. 0.8 m).
REGISTER
OF
ANTHROPOGENIC
FEATURES
361
Figure G.7. One of the terrace walls atAF 6 AF 7
Field house Figs. G.8, G9 Grid coordinates: E5253.8 N4982.2
H.:
111.2
(at center
masl
(at center of area).
of area).
Visibility: good. ca. 4.4 m
Dim.: Date: Pottery:
east-west.
or Ottoman.
Venetian
probably none
x 3.6 m
north-south
collected.
Comments: The lower parts of thewalls of a small building with one room are downhill from AF 5. The structure is built of drywall masonry using flat phyllite It is oriented
slabs.
northwest-southeast.
The
southeast
wall,
4.15 m
long,
contains
a doorway. The interior is filled with stones fallen from the walls, obscuring the floor. The northwest wall is 4.16 m long, and the northeast wall is 3.45 m long. Wall thickness varies from 0.51 to 0.69 m. Only the lower parts of the walls are preserved. The preserved wall height is up to 0.7-0.9 m. It is possible thatAF 5 succeeded this poorly preserved structure. Sherd scatter
AF 8
Fig. G.10 Grid coordinates: E5390 N4530 (at center of area). H.: 112 masl (at center of area). Visibility: good. ca. 85 m
Dim.:
x 170 m
north-south
east-west.
Date: FN-LM III. Pottery: recorded with AF 32. Comments: A scatter of EM-LM sherds (recorded asAF 8) occurs on the red soil south of the habitation site (AF 29). Except for AF 32, an oval structure near The the form
the
southern
sherds oval a
side
are
present structure. No
fairly
even
of
this
across
specific across scatter
no
scatter, the
concentration the
entire
or other
architecture area
entire
from
feature
the habitation
seems area. Their
to be present, fabrics
range
is visible. to south
site as
the
in date
of
sherds from
FN to LM III.The discussion inChapter 21 suggests that this area is the garden for
the habitation
AF9
site.
Cave Grid coordinates: E5411 N4702 H.:
111.5
masl.
(at center of interior).
3o2
APPENDIX
G
Figure G.8. Collapsed field house (AF 7) on the slope uphill from the metallurgy site. View looking west toward the metallurgy workshop
Figure G.9. Collapsed field house (AF 7). View looking south
Figure G.10. Looking downhill (south) from the habitation site (AF 29) to the location of a scatter of sherds (AF 8) and an oval enclo sure (AF 32)
OF
REGISTER
FEATURES
ANTHROPOGENIC
363
Visibility: good. Date:
Venetian none
Pottery:
x 6.6 m to modern.
collected
A
Comments: 1.5 m
entrance
north-south to Ottoman
ca. 9.2 m
Dim.:
from
the
high,
facing
surface.
cave
small manmade west
east-west.
cut
the soil has a semicircular phyllitic sea. The interior is oval. It is 1.8 m
into
the
toward
m deep. The floor is loose soilwith a high near the entrance, 9.2 m wide, and 6.6 few
scattered
The
stones.
phyllite
excavation
The
K).
(App.
angular
cave was excavated in 1997 under the supervision of Brigit Crowell to terrace
proximity
AF
discovered 22b
that the
suggests
it was cave
out
carved
is contemporary
in
stages, this
with
and
the
feature
to Ottoman).
(Venetian
of stones
AF 10 Mound
Grid coordinates: E5483.5 N4760.7. H.:
139.8
masl.
Visibility: good. ca. 6.7 m.
Diam.:
seeAppendix J, J-6 and J-12. Comments: An artificial mound of stones 1.2 m high is found on thewestern ridge of Chomatas, uphill from the habitation site (AF29).The mound seems to be a collapsed field house, and a portion of one wall (0.8 m long) is visible at the Date: Ottoman:
south/southwest.
AF
near
from
Pottery
the feature
is Ottoman.
11 Terrace walls Grid coordinates: E5504 N4766 H.:
(at center
137 masl
(at center of area).
of area).
Visibility: good. Dim.: L. 1.3 m (wall 11a); 2.3 m (wall lib). unknown.
Date:
none
Pottery:
collected.
Comments: Agricultural terracewalls in the public land on Chomatas (outside the modern fence, AF 41) show that the boundary has not always been where it is now. Two
of terrace walls
fragments
are
preserved
is 0.25-0.3 m high and 0.15 m thick; wall AF lib and
high)
m
0.2-0.35
thick. The
walls
are not
at this
location.
Wall
AF
11a
is 0.3-0.4 m high (2-3 courses
completely
preserved.
Well
AF12
Grid coordinates: E5513.5 N4800.1. H.:
128.5
masl.
Visibility: good. ca.
Diam.: Date: Pottery:
1.0 m.
probably none.
Venetian
or Ottoman.
Comments: A well is 5.1 m north of the field house called AF 13.The south ern part of the wellhead is partly preserved, with a height of 1.05 m, enclosing an area 1.0 m in diameter. The walls are 0.55 m thick, built of fieldstones in a drywall technique.
AF
13
The
stones
measure
0.1
x 0.1
Field house
Grid coordinates: E5515.8 N4793.2. H.:
130.5
masl.
Visibility: good.
x 0.05
m
to 0.6
x 0.4
x 0.18
m.
APPENDIX
364 Dim.:
m.
4.2x5.1
Date: Pottery:
G
probably none
Comments:
or Ottoman.
Venetian collected.
The
a small,
of
ruins
one-roomed
are 5.1 m
building
south
of
AF 12.The building is oriented from north to south, with an opening 0.9 m wide east wall.
in the
The
rubble
are 0.55
walls
m
thick,
is filled
AF
from
of a terrace
part
ably
stones
with
the
wall,
east-west
An
walls.
collapsed is near the
to three
up
preserved
high (0.55 m). Stones are up to 0.3 x 0.3 x 0.2 m in size.The
stones
interior of the room 6.2 m
wall
long,
prob
building.
14 Terrace walls (at center of wall).
Grid coordinates: E5665 N5047 H.:
84.7
(at center
masl
of wall).
Visibility: good. ca. 91 m
Dim.: Date:
Pottery: Comments: ravine
x 15 m
northwest-southeast
1,200
northeast-southwest;
m2.
unknown. Minoan
downhill
collected.
terraces
of nine
group
from
none
seen;
pottery
A
the modern
a
forms
to
gate
the
of
system of
territory
in the
check-dams
Walls
Chrysokamino.
range from 4.5 to 11.4 m in length, and they are placed at intervals of 3.2 to 9.15 m in horizontal distance and 0.6 to 2.6 m in vertical distance. The lowest few curve
walls
southwest,
slightly in range height x 0.15 m in size. All
walls
or other
houses
AF15
from
0.5
seen
sherds are
features
of the direction following to 1.5 m. Most of the stones on
the
ravine's
are small,
area
in this
surface
the
The slope. ca. 0.2 x 0.2
are Minoan.
No
field
nearby.
Field house
Fig. Gil Grid coordinates: E5636.8 N4843.0.
H.:
113 masl.
Visibility: good. ca. 3 x 4 m.
Dim.: Date:
Pottery: Comments:
Ottoman
Chrysokamino orientation
small Ottoman with
comparison
collected.
or later field the
house
with
less well-preserved
a
single small
x 0.1
0.1
the entrance
with
x 0.1 m
to 0.4
x 0.7
top with
sticks,
brush,
plastic
sheet,
and
gravel.
The
with mud and plaster. The floor is soil and bedrock with back. Wooden
AF
16
buildings
in the northeast
x 0.5 m. The
provides in the
are
beehives
sometimes
placed
wall.
floor measures
Rubble walls 0.5 m thick support a flat roof built of wooden on
room
territory. It is built on bedrock, using the drywall technique. The
is northeast-southwest, from
vary
none
seen;
pottery
A for
information
sizes
or later.
Ottoman
interior
Stone 3 x 4 m.
crossbeams layered is
mostly
covered
a bedrock bench at the
nearby.
Field house
Grid coordinates: E5545.9 N4796.2. H.:
126.7
masl.
Visibility: moderate. Dim.: Date:
ca. 3.9 m
x 4.0 m.
Ottoman.
Pottery: seeAppendix J, J-13. Comments: A poorly preserved building with only the north and west walls still partly in place is built of unworked stones in the drywall technique. Stones range from 0.1 x 0.1 x 0.1 m to 0.45 x 0.5 x 0.15 m. A sherd from the feature is
REGISTER
Figure G.ll.
OF
ANTHROPOGENIC
FEATURES
365
Standing field house
(AF15) Ottoman. Terrace walls on Chordakia
(AF17)
and a threshing floor (AF18)
are
nearby.
AF 17 Terrace walls (Chordakia) Grid coordinates: E5508 N4620 (at center of area). H.: 110 masl (at center of area). Visibility: poor to moderate to good. ca. 296 m
Dim.: Date:
x 141 m
north-south
east-west;
m2.
42,000
to modern.
Minoan
Pottery: Appendix H, AF 17.1 toAF 17.3 andAppendix (EM III to LM IIIB, Venetian, Ottoman). Comments: show many
east
The of
stages
slope
and
rebuilding
m apart. The name Chordakia of
on
sherds
the
terraces
since theMinoan the
is covered
of Chomatas reuse. Most
of
terrace
with
is used for this terraced slope. A
indicates
that
the
region
has
been
period (or earlier?). Sherds published
used
which
walls,
are about
terraces
the
and J-14
JJ-3J-9,
5 to 15
light scattering for
agriculture
in this volume illustrate
range.
The area is planted in olive trees.The olives here and in the adjacent plain called the Kambos were planted after theMarshall Plan provided funds in 1947 for
wells
deep
for
irrigation.14
Before
then,
the
terraces
were
used
for grains.
Wall AF 17a is closest to themodern fence (AF 41). It is preserved to a height of ca. 0.5
to 1 m, with
an average
thickness
of ca. 0.4 m.
It is
into
the wall
in some
of dolomite
mostly
blocks (from ca. 0.15 x 0.15 x 0.1 to 0.8 x 0.8 x 0.2 m). Bedrock
is incorporated
places.
Wall AF 17b is ca. 12-13 m downhill from AF 17a.The preserved part of the built portion of this wall ranges from ca. 0.6-0.8 m. It abuts bedrock cliffs, some of which drop asmuch as 5 m. Dolomite blocks are used in the construction, with stones
up
to ca. 0.3
Wall AF and
14.Allbaugh 1953, pp. 258-263.
up
in the
x 0.25
x 0.15
m.
17c is ca. 6 m down the hill from AF
to ca. 0.3 m construction.
thick.
Dolomite
blocks
up
17b. It is ca. 0.6-0.9 m high
to ca. 0.3
x 0.3
x 0.25
m
are used
APPENDIX
366
G
Wall AF 17d is from 0.7 to 3m high, with a thickness of 0.3-0.4 m. Dolomite blocks
part
than
this. The
is washed
away.
Walls AF more
in of
walls
AF18
x 0.25
to 0.7
up
smaller
height. this
x 0.2 m
and
and bedrock.
phyllite
are
techniques
are
stones
The
northern
to those
similar
used
in the
other
region.
Threshing floor Grid coordinates: E5540.9 N4803.2
H.:
but most
in its construction, some
17f consist of several separate segments, up to 1m or
17e andAF Materials
are used end uses
southern
125.9
(at surviving walls).
masl.
Visibility: moderate. Dim.: 4.9 m (length of surviving walls). Date: Pottery:
AF
probably none
Ottoman. collected.
Comments: A threshing floor is 4.7 m north of the field house recorded as 16. The shape is unknown (not preserved). It has a soil floor. The perimeter, survives
which
in two
only
of
consists
sections,
an average height of 0.5 m and awidth
slabs with
thick,
set
vertically
of 0.35 m. The
carbonate
slabs are not
worked.
AF19 Wall (at center of wall).
Grid coordinates: E5724.9 N4903.3 H.:
129.4
masl.
Visibility: good. Dim.: ca. 28.5 m (length of wall). Date: Pottery:
Byzantine none
or later. collected.
Comments: A longwall, 28.5 m in length, is constructed with many vertically a
set stones,
used
technique
in
and
Byzantine
later
times
in this part
of Crete
for
walls thatwere not parts of buildings. The date for this technique isprovided by sev eral Byzantine walls on Pseira, including awell-dated wall from the 5th to 9th cen tury
AF
a.D.
that
ran
is 0.8 m. The
thickness
across
to west
east
the Minoan
plateia.15
The
orientation
for
to east/southeast. The height is 0.15 to 0.85 m, and the
19 iswest/northwest
wall
is
a
probably
wall.
boundary
AF 20
Threshing floor Grid coordinates: E5495.5 N4736.1. 136 masl.
H.:
Visibility: poor. not measurable.
Dim.: Date: Pottery:
probably none
Venetian
or Ottoman.
collected.
Comments: A threshing floor, mostly stones,
is not
sufficiently
exposed
concealed under a pile of loose field
to be measured.
Its
perimeter
stones
are
vertically
set phyllite slabs. AF 21
Boundary walls
Grid coordinates: E5601 N4840 H.:
G.12-14
119 masl.
Visibility: Dim.:
Figs. (at center of area).
good.
ca. 39 m
east-west.
15. Pseira W,
p. 139.
REGISTER
OF
ANTHROPOGENIC
FEATURES
367
Figure G.12. Sections of wall (AF 21), probably a boundary wall
Figure G.13. View of AF 21 from above
Date:
or
Byzantine
later.
Pottery: Appendix H, AF 21.1 andAF 21.2. Comments: Two walls are west of the field house called AF 15. They are roughly parallel with the modern fence, and they are on the crest of the hill, so they cannot
be
constructed The
terrace
walls.
as double-faced
wall
sections
One
section
appear of wall
have They walls with
an
and
faces,
rubble
a
to be has
two
are the preserved parts clearly the two courses of stones.
fill between
predecessor corner. oblique
of
the modern The
part
fence. that
is east
of
the
corner
is 15.8 m long, 0.1-0.35 m high, and up to 0.3 m thick. It is constructed of car bonate fieldstones up to 0.25 x 0.3 x 0.2 m in size.An additional 15.9 m of wall is west-northwest
of
the
corner.
The
thickness
double stones; its height is up to 0.25 m.
in this
section
reaches
0.55
m, with
APPENDIX
368
G
'"" *>^l^-r The
section
second
Figure G.14.
~?1$*\&?!^;I?^^ of wall
is oriented
It
north/northeast-south/southwest.
is 11.4 m long (as preserved). Stones range from very small (0.05 x 0.05 x 0.10 m) at the south/southwest end to very large (0.7 x 0.8 x 0.3 m) at the north/northeast end. Its thickness is 0.3 m, and it has a height of 0.35 to 0.8 m. Fig. 2.16 Grid coordinates: E5366 N4667 (at center of area). H.: 105 masl (at center of area). Visibility: moderate.
AF 22
Terrace walls
ca. 172 m
Dim.: Date:
Venetian
not
east-west;
m2.
21,000
J, J-4, J-5, and J-7 (from the excavation of AF 22b); a
Pottery: Appendix few Minoan
very
x 165 m
north-south to Ottoman.
and Ottoman
sherds
were
seen
elsewhere
in the
for a check-dam
system
area but were
collected. A
Comments:
between length,
series
15 terrace walls
of
is in a ravine
the cave called AF 9 and the sea.They vary considerably in preserved and
height,
spacing.
While
some
of
the walls
curves
continuous
form
extending to both sides of the ravine, many of them extend only 30-40 m along one
side
spacing
of
the
between
run
ravine
and
walls
can be
into as much
other
terrace
same
in this
walls
as 20 m. The
are
walls
generally
system. The over 2 m
high, although some of them risemuch less (only a single course). Thickness var ies from 0.2 to 0.8 m. One terrace wall (AF 22o) has between 15 and 20 courses and
preserved
stands
1.5 m
high. Where
preserved,
the stones
are
mosdy
carbonate
blocks that range in size from 0.1 x 0.1 x 0.1 to 0.5 x 0.3 x 0.3 m. An excavation was made in terraceAF 22b in 1997 under the supervision of Crowell (seeApp. K). The excavation discovered that the terracewas built in the Venetian or Ottoman period, and at least some of thewall was definitely Ottoman. No
evidence
for
earlier
activity
was
found.
Samples
of
the
are discussed inAppendix L. AF23
Fig. Metallurgy workshop Grid coordinates: E5015 N5001
H.:
1.7 (at center of area).
38 masl.
Visibility: good. Dim.: 34 x 10 to 15 m. Date: FN to EM III-MMIA. Pottery: see Chapter 5. Comments:
see Part
II in this volume.
soil
from
this
terrace
Section of wall (AF 21)
ANTHROPOGENIC
OF
REGISTER
FEATURES
369
Field house
AF 24
Grid coordinates: E5286 N4544. H.:
masl.
118.5
Visibility: good. Dim.:
ca. 2.1
Date:
Ottoman
x 2.1 m. or modern.
none
Pottery:
collected.
of the habitation site (AF29), two rough stonewalls are built
Comments: West up
windows
x 0.3
ca. 0.5
a small
to form
the bedrock
against
x 0.2 m
shelter.
The
two walls
in size. The
northern
wall
are about
1m
built in drywall technique using carbonate fieldstones 0.1x0.1
mto0.3x0.3x0.3m.
The
is from
shelter
two
has
They
high.
small are
ranging in size from 0.1 x
the Ottoman
period
or later,
and people tending crops or animals probably used it as a field house. AF 25
Terrace walls (at center of area).
Grid coordinates: E5747 N4918 H.:
(at center
129 masl
of area).
Visibility: good. ca. 70 m
Dim.: Date:
x 35 m
north-south
ca. 2,000
east-west;
m2.
unknown. none
Pottery:
collected. East
Comments:
15 is an area with
of the road near AF
three
terrace walls,
the
highest of which is close to the probable boundary wall called AF 19.The highest wall (AF25a), mostly washed away, is preserved only two stones high (0.2 m).The building
material,
carbonate
mostly
varies
blocks,
from
0.1
x 0.1 x 0.1 m
to 0.2 x 0.4
x 0.25 m. The thickness is 0.25 m.Wall AF 25b is lower on the hill, to thewest, and it is also poorly preserved. It ismostly composed of large, yellow, irregular blocks of limestone, with a few smaller stones (range 0.15 x 0.15 x 0.1 m to 0.55 x 0.65 x 0.25 m). Two courses are preserved (height 0.55 m) with a thickness of 0.25 m. Between 15-20 m lower on the hill iswall AF 25c, also mostly washed away. It is 2-3 courses high (0.3-0.65 m) with a preserved thickness of up to 0.5 m. AF 26
Boundary wall? Grid coordinates: E5662.8 N4838.4 H.: 109.2 masl (at center of wall).
(at center of wall).
Visibility: good. Dim.: 17.7 m (preserved length of wall) Date: Ottoman (?). Pottery:
Ottoman
pottery
seen;
none
collected.
Comments: A poorly built rubble wall runs perpendicular to the modern road near AF 25. It is only one course high (0.15 to 0.40 m), and its thickness or three rows of stones in some parts (0.35 to 0.70 m thick). up to two incorporates to be The wall is above ground, and it appears fairly recent, part of it has although a washed is It wall. away. probably boundary
AF 27
Boundary wall
Fig. G.15 Grid coordinates: E5677.4 N4868.3
H.:
(at center of walls).
117 masl.
Visibility: good. Dim.: Date: Pottery:
ca.
19.5 m
Byzantine none
east-west
(length
of
preserved
walls).
or later. collected.
Comments: Walls constructed of limestone blocks and vertical slabs of phyl lite in two rows with a fill of rubble between them (compare AF 19 andAF 21).
APPENDIX
37?
G
Figure G.15.
Section of boundary
wall (AF27) iswest of themodern
The main section of wall continues the line ofAF 21, which road. The
the hill,
down
is 0.6 m.The
thickness
and what
runs
wall
appears
primary to be a cross-wall
an east-west
along lies 5 m
from
Une up and easternmost
the
cross-wall is only 1.5 m long. It consists of a single row of (from 0.15 x 0.15 x 0.1 m to 0.3 x 0.3 x 0.25 m). Farther west,
end of the wall. The large fieldstones the main
east-west
meets
wall
another
wall
running
northwest
and
southeast
for
a distance of 7.5 m. This wall also uses two stones for itswidth (up to 0.8 m), and although fewer vertical stones are present, it is probably related to the uphill wall. Two
courses
are
preserved
to a
height
of 0.4 m.
Stone
sizes
vary
from
0.2
x 0.1
x
0.1 m to 0.5 x 0.35 x 0.2 m.
AF28
Sheepfold
Grid coordinates: E5384 N4560 H.:
(at center of feature).
120 masl.
Visibility: moderate. Dim.:
ca. 7.2 m
north-south
x 20.9
m
east-west.
Date: middle of the 20th century. Comments: About the middle of the 20th century, a shepherd built a sheep fold over the south side of the Chrysokamino habitation site (AF29) using stones from the archaeological site.The sheepfold has been recorded by Haggis.16 Itwas dismantled
AF 29
during
the
course
of excavation.
site (Chap. 17) Figs. G.16-18 Grid coordinates: E5388 N4569.
H.:
Habitation
123 masl.
Visibility: good. Dim.: southwest.
ca. 20 m
north/northeast-south/southwest
x 26 m
east/northeast-west/
16.Haggis 2005, p. 115, locus 50.
REGISTER
Figure G. 16. General view of the habitation site (AF 29) before exca vation
Figure G.17. The habitation site (AF 29) before excavation, showing the east
Figure
side,
G.18.
looking
The
main
south
entrance
to
the habitation site (AF 29), looking north from outside the building
OF
ANTHROPOGENIC
FEATURES
371
APPENDIX
372 Date: FN-LM IIIB. Pottery: see Chapter 17; see also Appendix see
Comments:
AF 30
G
J, J-2 and J-3 (Venetian).
17.
Chapter
Terrace walls
Grid coordinates: E5222 N4663. H.:
50 masl.
Visibility: good. ca. 30 m
Dim.: Date:
Minoan
and Ottoman
area AF
terraced
large
seen;
pottery
none
collected.
downhill from AF 22 andAF 39 are probably an extension
Comments: Walls the
ca. 700 m2.
east-west;
unknown.
Pottery:
of
x 26 m
north-south
22. Two
are visible.
of wall
sections
section
One
is
built inside a steep ravine, and it prevents the sides from eroding (compare AF 31, which is similar), and the other wall terraces additional land south of it.The two walls are well preserved. They are made of dolomite fieldstones using drywall and
masonry,
AF 31
as much
stand
they
as 1 m
or more
in
height.
Terrace walls (at center of area).
Grid coordinates: E5463 N5073 H.:
(at center
25 masl
of area).
Visibility: moderate. ca. 105 m
Dim.: Date:
northwest-southeast
of
(length
system).
unknown. Minoan
Pottery: Comments:
and Ottoman from
Fishermen
seen;
pottery Kavousi
none
collected.
use
routinely
the
at this
ravine
location
towalk down to the sea (for sport fishing). Rubble walls here are built of drywall to create
masonry
a series
of
terraces.
are made
They
with
carbonate
blocks
and
stand over 1m high. Some sections of wall are at the edge of the ravine, designed to
its walls
prevent
sion
of
terrace
the
from
eroding
(compare as AF recorded
system
AF
30). The
be an exten
may
terracing
36.
Oval enclosure
AF 32
Grid coordinates: E5397 N4491. H.:
106 masl.
Visibility: good. ca. 42 m
Dim.: the
Date: tury
north-south
x 69 m
east-west;
2,300
m2
of
interior
in
space
enclosure. Minoan
activity
leaving
a sherd
oval
scatter;
structure
isOttoman,
cen
18th
A.D.
J, J-8 (X 1345, from within
Pottery: Appendix of the oval
enclosure);
additional
sherds
form
a
the construction of the wall
pottery
scatter
that
extends
across
the structure and uphill and slightly downhill from it; to 32.1 AF AF 32.53 (FN to LM III). Appendix H, Comments: An oval enclosure with the east side open is located downhill the hillside both within
from it, but
the
settlement
a sherd
found
(AF in the
29). This stones
entire used
area has
as the
lowest
a scatter course
of Minoan and
foundation
sherds
on
for the
wall (Appendix J, J-8) provides an 18th-century date for this architectural feature, a is almost The enclosure above ground. pen certainly completely mortar stones is of without It built any goats. sheep (drywall masonry). over the area scatter that form the pottery The sherds this late feature including a are not related to it. The area is of for the Minoan the part garden apparently
which for
is almost and
habitation site (see Chap. 21).
OF
REGISTER
AF 33
ANTHROPOGENIC
FEATURES
373
Field house
Grid coordinates: E5471.8 N4514.5. H.:
94.8
masl.
Visibility: good. Dim.: The eastwall is 5.5 m long, thewest wall is 4.8 m long, the north wall is 2.9 m
long, and the Ottoman. Date:
Pottery: Appendix seen
pottery
(LM I to LM
and J-33.2
J, J-33.1
on
(all measurements
long
the
exterior).
IIIA/B); Ottoman
collected).
(not
small
A
Comments:
is 3.1 m
south wall
one-room
is constructed
building
carbonate
of uncoursed
fieldstones without mortar (drywall masonry). The upper parts of the walls have collapsed into the interior, covering the floor. The building is oriented north-south with a doorway 0.38 m wide in the east wall. A niche is built into the north end of the west wall, in the interior of the building. It is 0.37 m wide by 0.38 m high m by 0.3 the wall
The construction technique deep. stones and smaller up. The higher
uses
stones
larger
northeast
corner,
in the
lower
where
part
the walls
of are
best preserved, is 1.4 m high. AF34
Theriospelio cave Fig. 1.11 Grid coordinates: E5180.7 N5146.9
H.:
44 masl
(at entrance).
(at entrance).
Visibility: good. L.:
ca. 60 m.
III or later.
Date: FN-EM see
Pottery: Comments:
AF 35
Chapter see Chapter
18. 18.
Terrace walls (at center of area).
Grid coordinates: E5437 N4966 H.:
80 masl
(at center
Visibility: moderate ca. 50 m
Dim.: Date:
none
AF 36
x 8m
east-west
(estimated
ca. 400 m2).
collected. A
of carbonate
curately
to good.
north-south
unknown.
Pottery: Comments: walls
of area).
because
area north
terraced fieldstones.
of
the poor
of
extent
The
the modern of
this
road
system
has
cannot
poorly
preserved
be measured
ac
preservation.
Terrace walls
Grid coordinates: E5497 N5085. H.:
40 masl.
moderate. Visibility: ca. 31 m north-south Dim.: Date:
x 17 m
east-west;
ca. 400 m2.
unknown.
Pottery:
none
collected.
Comments: This area is probably related toAF 31 andAF 35.Walls are built of carbonate fieldstones. Two walls can be seen.AF 36a is 31 m in length, andAF 36b is approximately the same length. AF 37
Terrace walls
Grid coordinates: E5204 N4880 H.:
75 masl
(at center
Visibility: good.
of area).
(at center of area).
APPENDIX
374 12 m
ca.
Dim.: Date:
x 84 m
north-south
ca. 800 m2.
east-west;
unknown. none
Pottery:
collected.
Comments: Terrace walls uphill from the metallurgy carbonate
and
blocks,
phyllite
of phyllitic soil.Walls AF 38
G
a check-dam
creating
system.
location are built of The
terraces
are all
are not well preserved.
Terrace wall
Grid coordinates: E5221 N4599 H.:
(at center
75 masl
(at center of area).
of area).
Visibility: good. Dim.:
ca. 4 m
Date:
unknown. none
Pottery:
x 5m
north-south
16 m2.
E-W;
collected.
Comments: A terrace wall south of AF 30, built of carbonate fieldstones, as probably part of the same system recorded AF 30 andAF 22.
is
Fig. G19
AF39 Well
Grid coordinates: E5313.8 N4676.5. H.:
86 masl.
Visibility: good. Diam.
ca. 2 m.
of exterior:
Date:
or later.
Ottoman
Pottery:
none
collected.
Comments: A circular well consists of a shaft lined with stones. It is dug into the
soil
covering
the bedrock
on
this
runs downhill from near AF 9. The well is partly filled with stones. AF 40
Road and house walls
Fig.
Grid coordinates: E5336 N4821 H.:
115 masl
(at intersection
hillside,
on
a terrace
interior is ca. 0.80-0.90
above
the
ravine
that
m in diameter. The
G20 (at intersection on west slope of Chomatas).
on west
slope
of Chomatas).
Visibility: good. Dim.:
average
width
ca. 5 m.
Figure G.19. Opening
(AF39)
of awell
REGISTER
OF
ANTHROPOGENIC
FEATURES
375
Figure G.20. The modern road (AF 40) showing the section con structed inMay 1996, as seen from the habitation site (AF 29)
Date:
is modern;
road
none
Pottery:
walls
are Minoan.
collected.
Comments: A graded but unpaved road is one of the most easily visible landscape features of the Chrysokamino territory.The portion of the road from the intersection at E5336 N4821 to the habitation site (AF 29) was constructed inMay of 1996. The other parts of the road are older (graded in the mid-20th or earlier,
century
traditional following new section of the scarp
in the
visible
AF 41 Metal
access of
the
routes
to the area). House
walls
are
road.
fence
Grid coordinates: E5497 N4744 (at the highest point on Chomatas). H.: 135 masl (at the highest point on Chomatas). Visibility: good. Dim.: Date:
not
applicable. modern.
Pottery: Comments:
none
collected. A
metal
fence
with
two
construction
periods,
both
after
the
middle of the 20th century, is important for the interpretation of earlier stone walls that follow the same general line (AF 3,AF 26, andAF 21/27). The fence is also a useful orientation feature for those using the maps prepared by this project because,
like
the modern
road,
it is
easily
visible.
The modern fence demarcates the private land (which is inland) from public land (the coastal strip, owned by the village of Kavousi). It is the latest in a series of
boundary
markers
at
approximately
the
same
place,
but
the earlier
walls
are not
continuous. The latermetal fence clearly defines the border between the territory used by individuals and the public land.
APPENDIX
H
Minoan
The
Pottery
the
from
Survey
byPhilip P. Betancourt
The Minoan
pottery
presented
here
is used to illustrate both
the date of
several of the anthropogenic features recorded in Appendix G and the character of the preserved ceramics associated with these features (Figs. H.l to H.4). It is all collected from the surface. Many of the sherds are very on is often based worn, and their identification shape and fabric rather than
decoration.1
AF 17 Early AF
Minoan
17.1 Vessel, Max.
III-Middle
(X 1669; from AF
Minoan
17d surface)
Fig.
IA H.l
sherd.
body
4.2.
dim.
Mirabello Fabric (yellowish red, 5YR 5/6). Comments: EM III-MM IA; the fabric of X 1669 is typical of EM III, but it continues
Late AF
into
the next
Minoan 17.2
I
(X 1299; from AF 17a surface)
Cooking Diam.
period.
H.l
Fig.
dish, rim sherd.
of rim not measurable;
max.
dim.
5.3.
A phyllite fabric (red, 2.5YR 5/8). Thickened Comments:
LM
I; the piece
is an
ordinary
rim.
cooking
dish,
a broad,
open
shape
used in cooking from the EM until the LM IIIC periods (for the shape, see Betan court 1980). The fabric used here is the phyllite fabric that ismost common in LM I (Haggis andMook 1993; for the petrography of this fabric, see Betancourt andMyer
1. For
fabrics
in the region,
see
Haggis andMook 1993; Betancourt andMyer 1995;Myer, Mclntosh, and Betancourt
1995.
Late AF
1995).
Minoan 17.3
I-III
(X 1668; from AF 17d surface)
Tripod cooking pot (?), body sherd.
Fig.
H.l
H
APPENDIX
378 Max.
dim.
3.9.
A phyllite fabric with white stone inclusions (red, 2.5YR 5/6). Comments: In this part of Crete, the phyllite fabric with white sions is usually LM III.
stone inclu
AF21 Late
I
Minoan
AF 21.1
(X 1739; from AF 21 surface) Fig. H.l
Pithos, body sherd. Max.
dim.
9.0.
A coarse fabric (dark yellowish brown, 10YR 4/4, with a light reddish brown surface, 5YR 6/4). on
Ropework
Late
exterior.
Minoan
IIIA-B
AF 21.2
(X 1725; from AF 21 surface) Fig. H.l Tripod cooking pot, leg sherd. dim.
Max.
5.3.
A phyllite fabric containing other stones (red, 10R 4/8). Comments: For the use of the cooking pot, see Betancourt fabric with white stone inclusions is usually LM III.
1980. The phyllite
AF29 Late
IIIA-B
Minoan
AF 29.1 Kylix, Diam.
(X 326; from the surface at E5397.284 base
Fig. H.l
N4588.443)
sherd. 6.
of base
Fine fabric (light reddish brown, 2.5YR 6/4). Traces of dark slip on exterior. Comments:
AF
surface
32 and AF
worn.
For
shape,
see
Popham
1969.
8
pottery from AF 8 comes and a rocky ridge just south of minus post quern for the pens sherd scatter extends over the
The
the
from the area between
the habitation
site
a
large oval animal pen (AF 32). The ter is in the 18th century. The construction a few meters down the other and ridge
side of the hill, but it does not continue all the way down the hillside to scatter contains a heterogeneous mixture of small, Lakkos Ambeliou.The worn sherds. Pieces do not most cases join with other fragments, and in the corners
are rounded, and the paint is missing. The character of this is from ceramic pieces found in and near houses, and it different pottery is interpreted in this volume as a deposit representing casual sherds tilled
THE
MINOAN
POTTERY
379
i i
i
i i
/
t
AF 17.3 (X 1668)
AF 17.2 (X 1299)
AF 17.1 (X 1669)
i
i
i
'? 11 AF 32.2 (X 1793)
AF32.1(X1785)
er*?j
i
AF 29.1 (X 326)
AF21.2(X1725)
AF21.1(X1739)
i
'
AF 32.3 (X 1770)
AF 32.4 (X 1672)
I I
o
I
AF 32.5 (X 1778)
? ! I
AF 32.6 (X 1766)
I I
AF 32.7 (X 1765)
AF 32.8 (X 1763)
D-'? t AF 32.9 (X 1764) H.l. Figure the surface,
Minoan
from
AF
Scale 1:3
pottery 17 to AF 32.
AF 32.10 (X 1798)
AF 32.11 (X 1803)
AF 32.12 (X 1800)
H
APPENDIX
38o
into the ground along with manure. The interpretation is supported by near in the results of chemical analysis related deposits Lakkos Ambeliou2 and on Pseira Island.3
Final
Neolithic
AF 32.1
(X 1785; from AF 32 surface) Fig. H.l vessel,
Open Max.
dim.
sherd.
body 6.2.
A dark-surfaced fabric (mostly black) with phyllite inclusions; burnished. vessel
Open
with
are an unusual
rior of the vessel comments
Early
in
interior.
element.
For
the FN
in this part
in the inte
of Crete,
see
the
5.
Chapter
Minoan
III-Middle
Minoan
AF 32.2
in the
dots
impressed
Probably from the Final Neolithic. The punctations
Comments:
II
(X 1793; from AF 32 surface) Fig. H.l dish, body sherd.
Cooking Max.
dim.
3.0.
Mirabello
Fabric (dark reddish brown, 5YR 5/4). Comments: This is a typical cooking dish fragment of the type used in
EM
III and
later
times.
For
the
shape,
see Betancourt
1980.
(X 1770; from AF 32 surface) Fig. H.l Cooking dish, rim sherd.
AF 32.3
Max.
3.0.
dim.
Fabric (dark reddish brown, 5YR 3/4). Comments: Similar toAF 32.2.
Mirabello
(X 1672, from AF 32 surface) Fig. H.l
AF 32.4
Small vessel, handle sherd. Max.
3.0.
dim.
Mirabello
Fabric (brown, 7.5YR 5/4). It is
Comments: have
similar
Early
possible
Vessel, Max.
this
is a handle
from
a cup, but
some
small
jugs
appendages.
III-Late
Minoan
AF 32.5
that
Minoan
I
(X 1778; from AF 32 surface) Fig. H.l body dim.
sherd. 2.0.
Fabric (brown, 10 YR 5/3). Comments: Mirabello Fabric is typical of theMiddle Bronze Age; its use comes to an end at the beginning of LM I (Haggis andMook 1993, type 1). Mirabello
AF 32.6 Vessel, Max.
(X 1766; from AF 32 surface) Fig. H.l sherd. body dim. 3.5.
Mirabello interior).
Fabric (brown, 7.5YR 5/4 exterior with very dark gray, 7.5YR N3
2. Morris
pp. 187,197. and Hope Simpson and Betancourt Evershed,
3. Betancourt 1992; 1999.
Bull,
1994,
THE
POTTERY
MINOAN
381
Middle
Minoan-Late
AF 32.7
(X 1765; from AF 32 surface) Fig. H.l
Vessel,
Minoan
sherd.
body
A coarse fabric (between brown and dark brown, 10YR 4/3). (X 1763; from AF 32 surface) Fig. H.l Closed vessel, body sherd.
AF 32.8
Max.
dim.
2.7.
A coarse fabric (yellowish red, 5YR 5/8 exterior with 4/3 interior). AF 32.9 Closed Max.
reddish brown, 5YR
(X 1764; from AF 32 surface) Fig. H.l rim
vessel, dim.
sherd.
2.6.
Rolled rim. A coarse fabric (red, 2.5 YR 5/6). (X 1798; from AF 32 surface)
AF 32.10 Vessel, Max.
H.l
sherd.
body dim.
Fig.
2.5.
A fine fabric (reddish yellow, 5YR 6/6). AF 32.11 Vessel, Max.
(X 1803; from AF 32 surface) Fig. H.l sherd.
body dim.
2.2.
A phyllite fabric with a few white
(X 1800; from AF 32 surface) Fig. H.l
AF 32.12 Vessel, Max.
inclusions (reddish brown, 5YR 5/4).
sherd. body dim. 1.4.
A coarse fabric (yellowish red, 5YR 5/6). (X 1794; from AF 32 surface)
AF 32.13 Vessel, Max.
Fig.
H.2
sherd.
body
2.7.
dim.
A coarse fabric (red, 2.5YR 5/8). AF 32.14 Vessel, Max.
(X 1799; from AF 32 surface) Fig. H.2 sherd. body dim. 1.5.
A coarse fabric (reddish brown, 5YR 5/4). AF 32.15
(X 1760; from AF 32 surface)
Tripod cooking pot, body sherd with Max.
dim.
Fig.
H.2
leg.
4.5.
A phyllite fabric with many white inclusions (between red, 2.5YR 5/6 and reddish brown, 5YR 4/4). Leg with thick oval section with three vertical slashes on outside
AF 32.16
of
leg.
(X 1786; from AF 32 surface)
Bridge-spouted
jar,
rim
Fig.
H.2
sherd.
A phyllite fabric with many white Thickened rim.
inclusions
(yellowish
red, 5YR 4/6).
APPENDIX
382 Middle
Minoan-Late
I
Minoan
(X 1780; from AF 32 surface) Fig. H.2
AF 32.17
handle
Vessel, Max.
H
dim.
sherd.
3.2.
A coarse fabric (yellowish red, 5YR 5/6). (X 1759; from AF 32 surface) Fig. H.2
AF 32.18 Jar, rim Diam.
sherd.
Mirabello
Middle AF 32.19 Vessel, Max.
ca. 24-26.
of rim
Fabric (light red, 2.5YR 6/6). Outturned
Minoan-Late
rim.
III
Minoan
(X 1768; from AF 32 surface) Fig. H.2 sherd.
body dim.
3.6.
A coarse fabric (red, 2.5YR 5/6 exterior with yellowish brown, 10 YR 3/4). AF 32.20 Vessel, Max.
(X 1769; from AF 32 surface) Fig. H.2 sherd. body dim. 3.7.
A coarse fabric (yellowish red, 5YR 5/6 exterior with 3/2 core). AF 32.21 Vessel, Max.
(X 1772; from AF 32 surface) 2.7.
A phyllite fabric with a few white AF 32.22 Vessel, Max.
H.2
sherd.
body dim.
Fig.
dark brown, 7.5YR
inclusions (red, 2.5YR 4/6).
(X 1797; from AF 32 surface)
Fig.
H.2
sherd. body dim. 3.0.
A coarse fabric (yellowish red, 5YR 5/6). AF 32.23 Vessel, Max.
(X 1773; from AF 32 surface) Fig. H.2 sherd. body dim. 3.0.
A coarse fabric (red, 2.5 YR 5/6). AF 32.24 Vessel, Max.
(X 1771; from AF 32 surface) Fig. H.2 base dim.
sherd. 5.4.
A phyllite fabric with a few white AF 32.25
(X 1782; from AF 32 surface)
Closed
vessel,
base
Diam.
of base
32.
H.3
inclusions (reddish brown, 5YR 5/4).
(X 1783; from AF 32 surface) Fig. H.3
Closed vessel, body sherd. Max.
Fig.
sherd.
A phyllite fabric with a few white AF 32.26
inclusions (reddish brown, 2.5YR 4/4).
dim.
6.8.
THE
MINOAN
POTTERY
383
h
1
Q-?
I I
AF 32.14 (X 1799)
AF32.13(X1794)
AF 32.15 (X 1760)
AF 32.16 (X 1786)
\\
a-i
F AF 32.17 (X 1780)
AF 32.18 (X 1759)
AF 32.19 (X 1768)
i 1 1
i AF 32.20 (X 1769)
AF 32.21 (X 1772)
*
AF 32.22 (X 1797)
V AF 32.24 (X 1771) H.2. Figure the surface,
Minoan AF
32.
pottery Scale 1:3
from
AF 32.23 (X 1773)
APPENDIX
384
H
AF32.25(X1782) AF32.26(X1783)
7 ( AF 32.28 (X 1671)
AF 32.27 (X 1795)
\
Y
\
'
AF 32.29 (X 1805)
\ i
" ? AF 32.32 (X1787)
AF 32.31 (X 1762)
AF 32.30 (X 1804)
/
11 AF 32.34 (X 1776)
AF 32.33 (X 1761)
I
i !
AF 32.36 (X 1779)
?-!
II
AF 32.37 (X 1788)
o-#;
AF32.35(X1789)
i i
?-*
AF 32.38 (X 1777)
AF 32.39 (X 1775)
Figure H.3. Minoan the
surface,
AF
32.
pottery from Scale 1:3
THE
POTTERY
MINOAN
Convex
385
profile.
A phyllite fabric with many white
Middle
III-Late
Minoan
AF 32.27 Conical Diam.
inclusions (yellowish red, 5YR 5/6).
(X 1795; from AF 32 surface) rim
cup,
I
Minoan Fig.
H.3
sherd.
of rim 7.
A fine phyllite fabric (brown, 7.5YR 5/2).
Late
I
Minoan
AF 32.28
Vessel,
(X 1671; from south of AF 32)
Max.
H.3
sherd.
body dim.
Fig.
4.1.
A phyllite fabric (yellowish red, 5YR 5/6). AF 32.29 Cup Diam.
(X 1805; from AF 32 surface) or tumbler, of rim
rim
Fig.
H.3
sherd.
10.
A fine fabric (yellowish red, 5YR 5/6). AF 32.30 Vessel, Max.
(X 1804; from AF 32 surface) rim dim.
sherd. 2.1.
A phyllite fabric with a few white
inclusions (yellowish red, 5YR 5/6).
AF 32.31
(X 1762; from AF 32 surface) Fig. H.3 Tripod cooking pot, leg sherd.
Max.
dim.
3.4.
A phyllite fabric (red, 2.5YR 4/6). Leg with thick oval section.
Late
I?III
Minoan
AF 32.32 Closed Max.
(X 1787; from AF 32 surface) Fig. H.3 vessel, dim.
body
sherd.
3.6.
A phyllite fabric (yellowish red, 5YR 5/6). AF 32.33
(X 1761; from AF 32 surface)
Fig.
H.3
Closed vessel, body sherd with handle. Max.
dim.
2.7.
A phyllite fabric with a few white AF 32.34 Closed Max.
inclusions (red, 2.5YR 5/6).
(X 1776; from AF 32 surface) Fig. H.3 vessel, dim.
base
sherd.
6.3.
A phyllite fabric with a few white
inclusions (red, 2.5YR 5/6).
APPENDIX
386
H
i
i
i
AF 32.42 (X 1796)
AF 32.41 (X1802)
AF 32.40 (X1801)
-
\ /
\
?i
AF 32.43 (X 1676)
/
T*
AF 32.46 (X 1767)
AF 32.45 (X 1674)
AF 32.44 (X 1677)
*
AF 32.47 (X 1784)
i
n i
\1 I
i # 1^1
P
AF 32.50 (X 1790)
AF 32.49 (X 1774)
AF 32.48 (X 1791)
V
iII AF 32.53 (X 1792)
AF 32.52 (X 1678)
AF 32.51 (X 1673)
11
Ii
i
AF 33.1 (X 1724)
l
AF 33.2 (X 1723)
THE
Figure H.4 (opposite).Minoan pottery from the surface, AF 32, AF 33. Scale 1:3
MINOAN
AF 32.35 closed Max.
POTTERY
387
(X 1789; from AF 32 surface) Fig. H.3 vessel> handle sherd> dim.
3.7.
A phyllite fabric with many white
inclusions (brown to dark brown, 10YR
4/3). AF 32.36 Vessel, Max.
(X 1779; from AF 32 surface) body dim.
Vessel, Max.
inclusions (red, 2.5YR 4/6).
(X 1788; from AF 32 surface)
Fig.
H.3
Fig.
H.3
sherd.
body dim.
H.3
2.8.
A phyllite fabric with a few white AF 32.37
Fig.
sherd.
2.2.
A phyllite fabric (red, 2.5YR 5/6). AF 32.38 Vessel, Max.
(X 1777; from AF 32 surface) sherd.
body dim.
1.4.
A phyllite fabric (yellowish red, 5YR 5/6). AF 32.39 Vessel, Max.
(X 1775; from AF 32 surface)
H.3
Fig.
H.4
sherd.
body dim.
Fig.
2.2.
A phyllite fabric (red, 2.5YR 4/6). AF 32.40 Vessel, Max.
(X 1801; from AF 32 surface) sherd.
body dim. 3.1.
A phyllite fabric with a few white AF 32.41 Vessel, Max.
inclusions (yellowish red, 5YR 5/8).
(X 1802; from AF 32 surface)
H.4
Fig.
H.4
sherd.
body dim.
Fig.
2.6.
A phyllite fabric (red, 2.5YR 5/6). AF 32.42 Vessel, Max.
(X 1796; from AF 32 surface) sherd.
body dim.
2.9.
A coarse fabric (yellowish red, 5YR 5/6). AF 32.43
(X 1676; from AF 32 surface)
Fig.
H.4
Cooking dish, rim sherd. A phyllite fabric with white stone inclusions (yellowish red, 5YR 4/6). Comments: This is often a Late Minoan III fabric in this part of Crete. AF 32.44
(X 1677; from AF 32 surface)
Fig.
H.4
Tripod cooking pot, leg sherd. Max.
dim.
5.4.
A phyllite fabric with white Comments: See AF 32.43.
stone inclusions (red, 10R 4/8).
APPENDIX
388 (X 1674; from AF 32 surface)
AF 32.45
Fig.
H
H.4
Tripod cooking pot, leg sherd. Max.
dim.
4.7.
A phyllite fabric with white stone inclusions (yellowish red, 5YR 4-5/6). Leg with thick oval section. Comments: See AF 32.43. (X 1767; from AF 32 surface)
AF 32.46
Fig.
H.4
Tripod cooking pot, leg sherd. Max.
dim.
3.4.
A phyllite fabric with a few white Leg with thick oval section. Comments: See AF 32.43.
inclusions (red, 2.5YR 5/6).
(X 1784; from AF 32 surface) Fig. H.4
AF 32.47
Tripod cooking pot, leg sherd. Max.
dim.
3.8.
A phyllite fabric with a few white Leg with thick oval section. Comments: See AF 32.43.
inclusions (yellowish red, 5YR 4/6).
(X 1791; from AF 32 surface) Fig. H.4
AF 32.48
Tripod cooking pot, leg sherd. Max.
dim.
6.0.
A phyllite fabric (between red, 2.5YR 5/6 and dark reddish brown, 5YR 3/4). Leg with thick oval section. (X 1774; from AF 32 surface)
AF 32.49
Fig.
H.4
Tripod cooking pot, leg sherd. Max.
dim
5.2.
A phyllite fabric with a few white Leg with thick oval section. Comments: See AF 32.43.
(X 1790; from AF 32 surface) Fig. H.4
AF 32.50
sherd.
Jar, handle Max.
dim.
6.5.
A phyllite fabric with many white Comments: See AF 32.43.
Jar, rim
sherd. of rim
ca. 40.
A phyllite fabric with white Comments: See AF 32.43. AF 32.52
inclusions (red, 2.5YR 4/6).
(X 1673; from AF 32 surface) Fig. H.4
AF 32.51
Diam.
inclusions (yellowish red, 5YR 5/6).
stone inclusions (reddish yellow, 5YR 6/8).
(X 1678, from AF 32 surface)
Fig.
H.4
Jar, body sherd with part of handle. Max.
dim.
5.2.
A phyllite fabric with white Comments: See AF 32.43.
stone inclusions (red, 2.5YR 4-5/8).
THE
MINOAN
Late
POTTERY
III
Minoan
AF 32.53 Closed Max.
(X 1792; from AF 32 surface) vessel, dim.
389
body
Fig.
H.4
sherd.
4.3.
A fine fabric (reddish brown, 5YR 5/6). Comments: Dated on the basis of the fabric.
AF33 Late
I
Minoan
AF 33.1
(X 1724; from AF 33 surface) Fig. H.4
Vessel, body sherd. Max.
dim.
2.6.
A phyllite fabric (yellowish red, 5YR 5/6).
Late
Minoan
AF 33.2 Vessel, Max.
IIIA-B
(X 1723; from AF 33 surface) Fig. H.4 sherd. body dim. 5.2.
A phyllite fabric containing other stones (red, 2.5YR 6/6). Comments: Possibly a cooking pot? Dated by the fabric.
I
APPENDIX
for
Evidence
Beekeeping
by Susan C Ferrence and Elizabeth B. Shank
Evidence
for possible beekeeping within the geographic territory of the was discovered summer of 1999. farmstead the during Chrysokamino A pottery sherd measuring 5.0 cm long by 4.3 cm wide by 1.4 cm thick was found in a survey of the south of the habitation site landscape came from a (Figs. 1.1,1.2). The sherd hilltop that is lower than the eleva tion of the habitation site. Both hills overlook the Gulf ofMirabello. The sherd was
on the surface among thyme and small pine trees. No sherds from pottery vessels were observed nearby. of its original appear The sherd is too small for any reconstruction a to it but class of vessels ance, may belong resembling large basins with on the interior. The scoring possibility that such vessels might have served found
as beehives
in Crete has been proposed several times,1 although it has also as suggested that the objects could have been used graters.2 The in as beehives has been discussed in detail of the class terpretation by Melas, who cites many parallels for incised beehives from Classical Greece and been
Scoring in the interior would have enabled to adhere to the internal surface of the beehive.
elsewhere.3
the honeycombs
suggests that most beehives were located to the south of, but near to, houses on hillsides covered with "aromatic shrubs and stunted pines."4 In is significant because this context, the sherd discovered at Chrysokamino of its distant location from the habitation site, indicating that beekeeping Melas
was not always limited to the immediate a or farm. surroundings of house The area inwhich the sherd was found would have been ideally suited for and casual pasturage. beekeeping sherd from Chrysokamino is important because most similar one and this is of the better fragments have been found in settlements, use as the of such incised vessels beehives.5 Scored ves arguments against sel fragments were found within the rooms of buildings at several places, The
1. See, pp. 98,168,
II, among others, Kommos nos. 467,1483; Kommos
III, p. 25, no. 439; Floyd 1998, p. 75, no. 263,
from
Pseira.
2. Floyd 1998, p. 180;Davaras 2001, pp. 81-82. 3. Melas 4. Melas
1999. p. 487. 2001, p. 82. a list, see Melas 1999. 1999,
5. Davaras 6. For 7. Melas
1999,
p. 490.
including Kommos, Kato Syme Viannou, Pseira, and sites on Karpathos.6 These occurrences have been interpreted to represent the storage of beehives when they were not in use. Scored vessel fragments have also been found within
the habitation
site at Chrysokamino. that Minoan honey production
was Melas suggests largely oriented toward domestic use and local trade.7 Isolated farms needed bees for crop
APPENDIX
392
habitation
I
site
Agnomandra?.
Figure 1.1. Location fragment settlement
interior
I
I
was Chrysokamino bees would lage. Raising
and its by-products a self-sufficient
away
of the beehive from
any
I
I
X1807 pollination. The honey within the household.
found
Figure 1.2.The beehive fragment would
have been
consumed
farmstead isolated from any vil have been necessary for ensuring the pollination of the crops and running a successful private farm. The farmer could also take advantage of the resulting honey and wax production, making life for his family that much sweeter.
APPENDIX
J
to
Byzantine
The
from
Pottery
Ottoman
the
Survey
byNatalia Poulou-Papadimitriou
a Although only few pieces of pottery from the Byzantine and later periods are present at are interesting for the information Chrysokamino, they they about the region during these periods (Figs. J.l, J.2). No signs of a provide of permanent settlement are present, and no spot has a large concentration sherds. The pottery fragments occur in isolation, and they probably attest area. Several of to farming, herding, hunting, or casual travel through the the sherds are from closed vessels that would have been useful in carry ing water open
and other
a few pieces
liquids, while
are from dishes
and other
shapes.
CATALOGUE The
catalogue follows the format used for the Minoan pottery, with the sherds arranged by periods. Colors are described using the Munsell system.1
Byzantine J-l
Period
(X 1485, from the surface of unit XB-42-1) Large
amphora,
many
body
Fig. J.l
sherds.
Diam. of body (restored) ca. 30. A fine fabric (reddish yellow, 5YR 6-7/6). Comments: of
the Minoan
12th-13th habitation
century,
probably
13th
century.
Found
on
the
surface
site.
Venetian Period J-2
(X 1657, from AF 29 surface) Fig. J. 1 Open bowl, body sherd. Max.
dim.
5.9.
A fine fabric (reddish yellow, 7.5YR 7/6). Creamy off-white glaze on interior and upper part of exterior; greenish yellow drips evenly spaced on exterior. 1. ration
Kollmorgen 1992.
Instruments
Corpo
Comments: production.
Venetian,
15th-16th
century Glazed
Painted Ware;
a Cretan
APPENDIX
394
J
(X 1300, from AF 17 surface) Fig. J.l
J-3
rim sherd. Amphora, Diam. of rim 14.
A fine fabric (light red, 2.5YR 6/8) with Thickened,
flat
Comments:
Venetian,
Venetian
rim; groove
under
15th-16th
or
Period
inclusions; without
century.
Ottoman
Period
(X 1167, from the excavation of terraceAF 22b,
J-4
unit
or large jar, body sherd.
dim.
4.
A fine fabric with mica
inclusions (light red, 2.5YR 6/8).
or Ottoman.
Venetian
Comments:
(X 1235, from the excavation of terraceAF 22b,
J-5
unit
J.l
Fig.
Xgamma-1-9)
Closed Max.
1
J.
Fig.
Xgamma-1-9)
Amphora Max.
slip.
rim.
vessel, dim.
body
sherd.
3.4.
A coarse fabric (red, 2.5YR 5/6, to reddish gray, 5YR 5/2).
Ottoman
Period
(X 1656, from AF
J-6
or Ottoman.
Venetian
Comments:
10 surface) Fig. J.2
Amphora,
body sherd.
Max.
5.2.
dim.
A coarse fabric (reddish yellow, 5YR 6/6). Almost straight profile. Comments: The shape has parallels from Eleftherna from as early as the 14th century, but the hard-fired paste suggests this piece is from the 17th to 18th century.
J-7
(X 1168, from the excavation of terraceAF 22b, Fig. J.2 unit Plate, Diam.
Xgamma-1-10)
base
sherd. 8.
of base
A fine fabric (light reddish brown, 5YR 6/4), slipped, with a yellowish glaze over
the "random" base. Glazed with slip. Ring Comments: Cretan Ottoman. production.
drip pattern. A trace of the
tripod
trivet
used
in
stacking is visible in the glaze in the interior of the vessel. J-8
(X 1345, from AF 32 surface) Fig. J.2 Flask, body sherd. Max.
dim.
11.3.
A fine fabric with
inclusions (light red, 2.5YR 6/6). Comments: Found within thewall of the oval structure atAF 32.18 th century.
Undecorated,
J-9
without
slip;
(X 1307, from AF Small Diam.
lekane,
rim
of rim 28.
from
a flask with
17a surface) sherd.
two
handles
(a water
container).
Fig. J.2
THE
BYZANTINE
TO
OTTOMAN
POTTERY
395
I J-l (X 1485)
\ /
I J-3 (X 1300)
J-2 (X 1657)
i i
/ J-4 (X 1167) to Ottoman
Figure J.l. Byzantine pottery from the surface of the territory (J-l to J-5). Scale 1:3
J-5 (X 1235)
APPENDIX
396
J
?f?v?">
?V,?.*"
?.r.v**-*** ?vil w?<
J-7 (X 1168)
J-6 (X 1656)
7 J-9 (X 1307)
J-8 (X 1345)
/ J-1KX946)
J-10 (X1594)
i i
> i
/
J-12 (X 1655)
/
J-13 (X 1654)
I
I
J-15 (X 1669)
J-14 (X 1670) Figure J.2. Ottoman the
surface
of the
pottery from
territory
(J-6 to J-15). Scale 1:3
THE
BYZANTINE
TO
OTTOMAN
POTTERY
397
A fine fabric (light red, 2.5YR 6/6), with yellow glaze (5Y 8/8) on the interior and
J-10
exterior
of
rim.
the
Thickened,
outturned
rim.
Comments:
Ottoman,
19th
century.
(X 1594, from the surface of unit XB-33-0)
Fig. J.2 from of sherd the the base. Large lekane, beginning Max.
dim.
9.8.
A fine fabric (dark reddish gray, 5YR 4/2) with lowish brown, 10YR 4/6) on interior. Comments:
Glazed Ware
Ottoman.
Found
on
(greenish glaze without
the
surface
of
Large Diam.
base
lekane, of base
the Minoan
habitation
site.
slip).
(X 946, from the surface of unit XB-12-1)
J-ll
inclusions; glaze (dark yel
Fig. J.2
sherd.
ca. 10.
A fine fabric (reddish yellow, 5YR 6/6); yellow glaze (2.5Y 7/6) in interior. Comments:
on
Found
the surface
of the Minoan
habitation
production.
(X 1655, from AF
J-12
Amphora, Max. dim.
body 5.
10 surface) Fig. J.2
sherd.
A coarse fabric (yellowish red, 5YR 5/8). Straight profile. Comments:
J-13
Ottoman.
(X 1654, from AF
16 surface) Fig. J.2 Closed vessel, body sherd. Max.
dim.
4.2.
A coarse fabric (yellowish red, 5YR 5/6). Incised bands. Comments:
Ottoman.
(X 1670, from AF
J-14
17d surface) Fig. J.2
Flask, body sherd. Max.
dim.
5.3.
A fine fabric with Comments:
inclusions (yellowish red, 5YR 5/6).
Ottoman.
(X 1669, from AF 17d surface)
J-15
Flask, Max.
site. Glazed
Ware
slip; this very rough ware is found until the 19th century; local Cretan
without
Fig. J.2
sherd.
body dim. 5.1.
A fine fabric with Comments:
Ottoman.
inclusions (red, 2.5YR 5/6).
The
of Cave
Excavation
and Terrace
AF
AF
9
22b
byBrigit Crowell and Philip P. Betancourt
cave (AF 9, small manmade Figs. K.l, K.2) and the second highest ter race in a series of step-terraces (AF 22b, Figs. K.3, K.4) were excavated in order to better understand the date and character of the agricultural
A
near the habitation site. No sherds were present on the surface of plots either feature. The investigation revealed that both the cave and the ter race were used in Venetian theMinoan
or (more likely) Ottoman
times rather than in
period.
THE EXCAVATION OF CAVE AF 9 A
trench was
excavated
in 1997 in a small cave located near a large group 9, and Fig. K.4). The goal of the
of agricultural terraces (see Fig. 16.2, AF excavation was to ascertain the function cavern
and phases of use for the small the feature s shape, size, and other characteris cavern is the cave within the borders of the largest manmade
and to describe
tics. This
habitation site, so the Chrysokamino territory, and it is near theMinoan use was of in its the Minoan question possible period important to the area. of the interpretation cave faces north-northwest.
The
It is carved out of soft phyllite, which into brown soil. The entrance is carved
has almost completely decomposed into a low cliff (running roughly north-south),
and it opens just above ter terrace system. The width from the 22b, providing easy passage of the entrance is ca. 3.45 m, and the height is 1.53 m from the modern surface inside the cave to the upper center of the entrance. The sides of the cave mouth are ca. 0.95 m thick at the base, and they rise in an arch above the entrance. Inside the cave, the rock is roughly carved into a dome that race AF
is less than 2 m high. Areas of the interior appear to have been cut back to form an irregular oval area of floor, with two areas extending deeper on the north and south sides. The dimensions of the interior are 5.98 m from the to the back wall, with aminimum width of 8.21 m north-south. floor and the land just outside the entrance slope downhill from east
entrance The
to west.
A
1 x 3 m was laid out on an east-west trench measuring axis, with east into the cave and 1 m to west the outside extending
2 m extending
APPENDIX
400
K
Figure K.l. Cave AF 9, looking south-southwest (1999)
Figure
an initial debris, the trench clearing of modern in 11 passes of 10 to 15 cm levels. The first pass deep an elevation of 111.91 masl, and soil was removed to a at began depth of 1.79 m. the entrance.
was
After
excavated
soil was fairly consistent and homogeneous in all passes. Itwas a soft, fine-grained, powdery soil, pale yellow (2.5Y 7/4) when dry and light brown (2.5Y 6/4) when wet. The only indications of intrusion yellowish were found fairly close to the surface. In passes 2 and 3, at 111.80 masl, a The
soil was present. Itwas found only in the eastern part a lower level (111.52 masl), a reddish, burned area with small fragments of charcoal was present. Natural soil was found directly above and below these two deposits. Despite their small size, the deposits are useful because or animal demonstrate that human they activity may be cave. within the environment of the The easily recognized only artifacts recovered were two fragments of thin, corroded iron found near the lower lens of darker soil. lens of darker brown
of the trench. At
The
two lenses of different
soil indicate
that the cave was
carved out
in stages. In view of the consistently natural soil found in all low levels, it may be concluded that the cave is fairly recent, having nothing to do with the Minoan period. Its construction was probably associated with one or more of the periods of use of the nearby terrace AF 22b.
K.2.
The
cave's
entrance
THE
Figure
K.3.
Terrace
group
looking north-northwest
AF
OF
EXCAVATION
CAVE
AF
9
AND
AF
TERRACE
22B
4OI
22,
(1999)
Figure K.4. Terrace AF 22b, looking north-northwest (1999)
THE EXCAVATION OF AGRICULTURAL TERRACE AF22B habita AF 22b is part of a terrace system near the Minoan tion site, on the southwest slope of the hill of Chomatas (see Fig. 16.2, AF 22). No olive trees grow on any of the terraces in this system, and there is no visible indication of recent agricultural use. It is the second highest Terrace
terrace in the system, and it is adjacent to the small cave AF 9 (Figs. K.1, K.2). A trench was excavated in this terrace to investigate the terrace wall's
manmade
construction to the
technique
terrace
wall
on
and its period of use. Itwas
an east-west
axis,
4m
east-west
laid out at a right angle by
1m
north-south,
across the level area of the terrace. The
extending were missing, on
the
close
before
excavation.
trench was
excavated
surface
The
so the first few passes excavated
upper stones of the wall were only soil. No artifacts
in 10 cm passes from the surface to a level excavation exposed both sides of the rows of stones of various sizes and irregular
to the base of the wall. The
terrace wall.
It was built with
was mostly dolomite, which shapes, often having flat faces. The material on the surface occurs in just south of this location. large quantities
APPENDIX
402
The
K
Soil
In the upper levels of the trench, the soil was similar to the soil on the surface of the terrace. It was hard and dry, and it appeared brown when first excavated. Itwas a compact mixture of soil, phyllite pebbles, and larger stones. Modern snails and roots were found in the upper levels. The soil was
pale yellow (2.5Y 7/4) when dry and light yellowish brown (2.5Y 6/4) when wet. It was easily distinguished from the natural soil of the hillside, it. which below The and lay description analysis of the soil is published inAppendix L. the natural soilwas cut back to form a depression for the browner soil that the wall supported, or the slope of the hillside was very shallow here before the wall was constructed. The bottom of the fill was higher at the east, where the natural soil was found at 107.75 masl (just over 1 m below the modern surface in the northeast corner). At the west, near the Either
terrace wall,
The
the natural
of
Date
the
surface was
at 107.50 masl.
Terrace
upper courses of the preserved stones of the terrace wall were first excavation ended encountered in pass 7, at an elevation of 108.10 masl.The at 107.50 masl. No artifacts were recovered below a sherd found in associa
The
tion with were
found
Ottoman),
the upper preserved course of the wall (J-7). Only three sherds in the excavation: J-4 (Venetian or Ottoman),J-5 (Venetian or and J-7 (Ottoman). This pottery indicates that the terrace was
or Ottoman times. Ottoman construction probably constructed inVenetian rested just of at least part of the wall is attested by the sherd J-7, which behind the face of the wall below its uppermost preserved course.
Conclusions use of the terrace behind wall AF 22b. helped clarify the It established the extent and depth of fill that the wall supports, as well as the characteristics natural soil of the terraces soil and the underlying
The
excavation
hill may have been cut back to form a depression for the agricultural soil, which was carried in from another location, possibly the cave. The relative absence of intrusive material suggests that little nearby of the hill. The
or activity occurred at any depth. If the soil had been repeatedly fertilized more sherds or other types of artifacts would have it is that redug, likely sherd (App. J, J-7, been found in the soil.1 The presence of an Ottoman 1168) provides a date for at least the upper part of the terrace wall. It appears that this system of terraces, which is one of the largest in the was constructed at least Minoan partly in conjunction with Otto territory, X
terrace and the nearby cave (AF 9) can probably farming practices. The be associated with the same phase of agricultural activity in the region.
man
1. One
can contrast
the
terraces
on Pseira,
two Minoan which
had
ity within
extensive the
soil;
evidence see Betancourt
Hope Simpson 1992.
in
situation both
of
for activ and
L
APPENDIX
and
Soils Natural
from
Sediments Deposits
at
Chrysokamino byEleni Nodarou
study investigates selected samples of soils and sediments from the site of Chrysokamino.1 low-technology analytical archaeological Using in it examines particular physical properties of the sediments, methods,
This
organic material content, and magnetic cluding particle size distribution, of aim the The analysis is to investigate the properties of susceptibility. the natural deposits and provide comparative data for the archaeological at the Minoan farmhouse. The comparative study on of the soil material and the provenance insights archaeological an assessment of factors in soil formation processes. The anthropogenic thesis.2 work presented here forms part of my masters sediments
excavated
offers
MATERIAL AND METHODOLOGY used in the present study consists of 12 samples of ca. 500 g each collected in situ from an agricultural terrace (phyllitic sediment), a road exposure (terra rossa), and an alluvial deposit. Field observations were recorded for all locations.
Material
that were
Processing was conducted at the INSTAP Study Center for East Crete where the soil samples were dried, weighed, and sifted through a 2 mm sieve. All gravels were removed and collected, and the fine fraction was were labeled, sealed, and subsequently subsampled.The samples transported to the laboratory of the Department at the University of Archaeology 1.1 would
like to thank
of Sheffield.
P. Betan
to carry out this for permission to study and for the invitation publish part of it in this volume. This work has court
benefited advice owed ments
from guidance greatly from C. Frederick. Thanks
and
com for useful McCoy on an earlier draft of the paper.
to F.
Antiquities
and
the Institute
of Geology andMineral Exploration (IGME). 2. Nodarou
1998.
amortar
Analytical
carrying out any analysis, all soil lumps were gently and pestle and sifted through a 2 mm sieve.
Procedure
are
Sampling permits were kindly provided by the 24th Ephorate of Prehistoric and Classical
crushed with
Before
were analyzed for particle size distribution, samples content, and magnetic (Table L.l). susceptibility
All
Particle
Size
organic material
Analysis
textural properties of a deposit are produced by several factors, includ contributions from the parent material, alteration during transport, ing
The
L
APPENDIX
404
TABLE L.l. ANALYTICAL Mean Depth (cm)
Samplet
DATA FROM NATURAL LOI0,
Susc.
Magn.
SI
Mz
AT CHRYSOKAMINO
DEPOSITS GravelsL,
Silt% Clay %
Sand%
Textural
Class
Agricultural Terrace 1/S ample
1
7.5
3.9
18.32
2.13
4.94
32
25.0
30
13
loam
Zone
1/Sample
2
22.5
4.0
21.79
0.80
5.27
45
19.0
25
11
loam
Zone
2/S ample
3
40.0
3.0
26.44
1.86
5.23
36
24.0
25
15
loam
Zone
2/S ample
4
60.0
2.2
27.74
1.36
5.27
41
23.0
21
15
clay loam
Zone
2/S ample
5
77.5
4.4
28.70
2.20
5.50
38
17.0
27
18
clay loam
3/Sample
6
97.5
3.7
10.24
6.76
2.49
7.5
64
28
clay
Zone 3/S ample 7
120.0
2.1
7.71
6.50
2.11
5.0
73
22
silt loam
Zone
4/S ample
140.0
4.9
13.18
0.96
4.8
43
29.0
15
13
sandy clay
Road
Exposure
Zone
1
12.0
9.3
193.16
2.90
5.03
29
28.0
24
19
Zone
2a
38.5
4.5
134.72
4.06
4.66
16
38.0
23
23
sandy clay
Zone
2b
38.5
6.4
179.40
2.50
5.66
40
23.0
17
20
clay loam
7.9
248.38
8.03
3.02
34
57
clay
Zone
Zone
8
Red Alluvium
0.5
9.0
loam-clay
loam
and postdepositional alteration. environment, are and and they modified, culturally deposited as of these different be treated artifacts. The deciphering
aspects of the depositional sediments Archaeological can therefore
us to inputs helps interpret the sedimentological of human activity and to develop the period during of the history of the area under study.3
conditions a better
prevailing
understanding
about the percentage of size analysis provides information mean size in the and and sediments. The sand, silt, sorting clay particle of grain size distribution) are indicative of the nature (i.e., the homogeneity Particle
reflects forma of the depositional environment.4 Particle size distribution tion processes and transport modes, energy or velocity of the transporting Based on and energy or turbulence in the basin of deposition. medium, was at of the tell of size distribution Davidson Sitagroi, analyses particle rate to in and breaks the of buildup able draw conclusions about the telTs continuity of occupation.5 The limitations of the method
should also be considered:6
must
take into account the small size of the sample to the detail of the analysis. Archaeological levels cannot always be fully sampled, and therefore the sample may not be statistically representative of the entire level. This might
1. Conclusions
in relation
result in a slightly 2. Incomplete that must 3. Artifacts often
skewed average.
disaggregation, be considered
are factors organics, and carbonates in the results of the analysis.
and ecofact particles contribute
(ceramic sherds, bones, significant weight fractions.
etc.) can
In this research project, particle size analysis has been employed for the description and comparison of the different sediments deriving from differ ent locations and environments. The samples were homogenized through were discovered in the samples presented here. sieving. No ecofacts
3. Gladfelter 1977, p. 522; Aitken 1992. 4. Hassan
1978,
p. 206; Aitken
1992. 1973.
5. Davidson 6. Canti
1995,
p. 184.
AND
SOILS
SEDIMENTS
FROM
NATURAL
DEPOSITS
405
The hydrometer method was used for grains of silt and clay size, and the dry sieve was used for sands and gravels. The entire procedure followed of Soils (SMPSAS). The the Standard Method for Particle Size Analysis mean
particle size and the standard deviation of size distribution calculated and plotted against depth in each section.
were
Material:
Organic
Loss
on
(sorting)
Ignition
in sediments derives mainly from the decay of plant Organic material and animal residues. It comprises compounds of carbon and nitrogen, along with carbonates and charcoal. People are sedimentary agents, and human a soil. Therefore, in activity changes the physical and chemical traits of contexts, high quantities of organic matter may indicate archaeological significant contributions from plant and animal sources, horizons of human or an area of occupation, specific human activity. This organic material can be used for diet, climate, and Vegetation, landscape reconstruction. are the most common foodstuffs, housing, and roofing material organic imports.7
the limitations
Among 1. Possible
confusion
of the method, can
exist
between
it should be mentioned natural
organic
matter
that:8 accu
as part of soil-forming processes and organic matter to the site by people during occupation. brought 2. Organic matter can be lost due to postdepositional alterations. mulated
In the present research, the organic material was treated as a significant in the differentiation of the sediments under study and as a crite
factor
rion for their provenance. The method used for the analysis was loss on involved measuring the loss of weight after a 10 g split of ignition, which the silt and clay fraction of each sample was placed in amuffle furnace for 24 hours at 400?C.
Magnetic
Susceptibility
are susceptibility measurements Magnetic widely used in paleoenviron mental studies.9 Sediments often contain magnetic features resulting material, which can be used for studies of and reconstruction correlations, provenance, lithostratigraphic of environmental in the conditions. Human intervention and occupation can to the fluctuations of natural environment also be detected according from the influx of detrital
magnetic
allochthonous
values.10
of magnetic susceptibility was undertaken using the a sensor meter with Bartington Bartington dual-frequency an mm. was to set internal diameter of 36 It low Type and
Determination standard MS2 of the MS2B
7.Aitken 1992; Stein 1992, p. 195; Ball 1964. 8. Stein 1992. 9.Mullen 1977. 10. Gale
and Hoare
1991.
frequency in the SI system, with the range multiplier knob set at 1.0. The were a 2 mm sieve, and part of the fine fraction was passed through samples to fill the standard cubes for the measurement. used Four measurements were
taken for each sample, and the average of these values was calculated. was derived from the susceptibility for each sample equation of sample/0.01). Average/(Mass The magnetic
L
APPENDIX
4o6
THE AGRICULTURAL TERRACE studies on agricultural terraces have proved significant Geoarchaeological in providing information on ancient agricultural systems and practices as well as artifact distribution.11 An agricultural terrace (AF 22b, Fig. K.4) was
at Chrysokamino in 1997 under the supervision of Crowell a at is site at Kat distance from the habitation It situated short (App. K). to in the stepped type the classification of Rackham soprinos and belongs and Moody.12 The slope is fairly steep, and the purpose of the extensive was to retain the soil, preserve moisture, and make the cultiva terracing excavated
successful. Terracing was a common soils of the region under study.
tion of the area more
for the
practice
phyllite-quartzite The terrace was
to record the succession of strata investigated in order interference. Archaeological finds and to discern potential anthropogenic secure were scarce dates for the topo (only three sherds), but they provide feature. graphic terrace consisted
The
of four zones. Each one was
subdivided
into two
or three subzones The
and sampled separately according to field observations. criteria for separating the zones and subzones were soil color (using
color charts), uniformity in color and texture, structure, and bound differentiation. The samples were sifted through a 2 mm sieve, and the ary on was fine fraction ignition), magnetic analyzed for organic material (loss
Munsell
and particle size distribution. (magnetic susceptibility), properties Field observations are reflected on the stratigraphie column (Fig. L.l). Zones 1 and 2 consist of gravelly silty loam of pale yellow color. The indi and the boundary of Zone 1 are indicative of an Ap vidual characteristics horizon, a humic surface with mixed gravels and organic matter. In regard the abundance of coarse 2, it is important to investigate whether or a of anthropogenic interfer is result of colluviation processes material ence. The analytical data clearly indicate the existence of three different to Zone
types of sediment: 1. An anthropogenic 2. A natural stratum 3.Weathered
bedrock
stratum
(0-0.85 m)
(0.85-1.3
m)
(1.3-1.7
m)
of a cultivated A horizon. 1/S ample 1 bears all the characteristics for values include high These characteristics organic content and magnetic of fine and extremely poorly sorted and the predominance susceptibility sand (Mz = 2.13 phi). In comparison with lower levels, particle size distribu tion shows a greater quantity of gravels, similar quantities of sand and silt, and less clay. Lower values of organic content and magnetic susceptibility, Zone
occur sorting, deeper than the humic surface of for Zone analysis 1/Sample 2 and Zone 2/Samples 3, deposit.The a content of organic matter, amean 4, and 5 show general decrease in the coarse to medium sand, and an extremely poor sorting. At particle size of the bottom of Zone 2/Sample 4 (ca. 70 cm below the surface), magnetic at the same an increase, with a culminating point depth and properties same. increase in the percentage of gravels, while the sorting remains the aswell
as
seemingly
better
a natural
indicate that the sediment was not the product these properties its formation was due to anthropogenic situ weathering; activity.
All
of in
11. Betancourt 1992;
Bull,
and Hope Simpson and Evershed
Betancourt,
1999,2001. 12. Rackham
and Moody
1996.
SOILS
AND
Loss-on-lgnition (percent)
Stratigraphy
NATURAL
0
5
10 152025
0
30
2
4?1-lit!
O
DEPOSITS
Mean Particle Size (phi)
Magnetic Susceptibility
Sample Numbers
Zone
FROM
SEDIMENTS
6
4
8
407 Sorting (phi)
0
10
12
3
4 5 6
4?I?I?hH?I
-I-(-1-1-f
a 5 G
1
1
Gravels (percent)
Sand (percent)
0 1020 3040 50
0 10 20 30 40 50 0
Figure
L.l.
Analytical
data
for agri
0
4?,?,?I?,
\?I?I?I?I?I
The
cultural terraceAF 22b
Silt (percent) 40
60
80
0
10 20 3040
though
50
4-1-1-1-1
H-1-1-j
evidence,
archaeological
20
Clay (percent)
scarce,
also
favors
an
anthropo
genic interpretation for the sequence. The excavation of the terrace started at the depth of 108.82 masl and was terminated at a depth of 106.86 masl. At the depth of 107.75 masl (excavation unit XD-1-9), which corresponds to Zone 2/S 4 excavation of the the discovered ample stratigraphie column, a
an body fragment from unpainted closed vessel (App. J, J-4). It is from the Venetian or Ottoman period. In the next lower stratum (XD-1-10), a base from a was found plate dating to the (App. J, J-7). It is Ottoman, use cannot be excluded, 18 th century. Although the possibility ofMinoan in the absence of any relevant archaeological evidence, the Venetian to Ot toman finds afford a better date for the construction and use of the terrace.
This means construction
that all the inputs and disturbances of
the
terrace
were
Venetian-Ottoman
of the natural or
soil for the
later.
The boundary between Zone 2/Sample 5 and Zone 3/Samples 6 and 7 marks a considerable change in the nature and properties of the deposit. strata constitute the soil formed in situ from the weathered These bed rock. This
level consists
organic matter
of silty and well-sorted phyllitic material. Little are is present, and the values of magnetic susceptibility
APPENDIX
4o8 low. Little
is present,
gravel
but the amount
of clay is higher
L
than in the
strata.
other
lowest stratum (Zone 4/Sample 8) consists of partially weathered veins of calcite. It constitutes the base on which
The phyllite
and intercalating
activity took place, and it is close to bedrock. This iswhy anthropogenic there is an increase in the content of gravelly material at the expense of sand and silt. The sorting is extremely poor, and the mean particle size is that of coarse sand (Mz = 0.96 phi).
THE ROAD EXPOSURE Between
Ambeliou and the top of the hill where the Minoan is located, the landscape is dominated reddish sediment by over dolomite bedrock (Fig. L.2). The bed is relatively solid (terra rossa) Lakkos
farmhouse in some
parts
and more
to examine
weathered
in others.
the characteristics
An
of
exposure
sediment
was
and to provide from the Minoan
of this sediment
sampled sediments comparative material for the archaeological farmhouse (Figs. L.3, L.4). The upper zone (Zone 1,0-0.24 m below surface) consists of an A hori zon that includes amount
(such as roots) and a fair expected, the analyses show high and magnetic susceptibility, while the particle
remains of modern
of coarse
lithic material.
vegetation
As
values for organic content size distribution indicates extremely poorly sorted sediment with a mean = 2.90 size of sand, and very fine to fine sand (Mz particle phi). Gravels, silt
share
almost
the
same
percentage,
whereas
clays
are
present
in a smaller
percentage.
The second zone (Zone 2, ca. 0.24-0.53 m below surface) was divided into two parts that were sampled separately because field observations indi cated an area of different soil color. The first sample (Zone 2a) has a dark red color, a low content in organic material, and a low value of magnetic susceptibility. The hydrometer analysis shows that the sample consists of
Figure Lakkos
L.2.
The
sediment
Ambeliou
the habitation
(terra site
at
deposit rossa),
in the distance
with
SOILS
AND
SEDIMENTS
m
0123456789
NATURAL
Magnetic Susceptibility
Loss-on-ignition Zones
FROM
10 0
100
DEPOSITS
Mean Particle Size
(phi)
409 Sorting 2
150 200
3
(phi) 4
0 ,::;.?x
Gravels (percent)
Sand (percent)
Silt (percent) 30 20 )
Types of Soils Dark red hard I Stones
Brown hard ?^
o
Bedrock
Figure L.3. Analytical road
data for the
exposure
THEAGRICULTURA^TERREE
L.4.
Figure
Locations
of the
two
sets
of analyzed soil samples. Aerial photo graph 1988.
taken ?
at 6:52
1999 Aerial
SovInformSputnik
a.m. Images,
on
June
5,
Inc., and 1999
THE ROAD CUT
Clay (percent)
5
APPENDIX
4io
an
a mean extremely poorly sorted sediment with particle = coarse to fine sand silt (Mz 4.06 phi). The percentage of particles is lower in this part of the exposure, while sand-sized Silt-sized and clay-sized particles share similar predominant.
L
size of very gravel-sized are particles values.
part of the zone (Zone 2b) has a yellowish brown color and higher values of organic content and magnetic susceptibility. The examination of particle size distribution shows that the sample is very The
differentiated
sorted, with amean particle size in the fine sand-sized range. The percentage of gravels varies up to 40%, while sand, silt, and clay fractions vary up to 23%, 17%, and 20% respectively. poorly
Zone 2 lies the partly weathered bedrock. Sample 2a may is the products of weathering. 2b related to the Bt horizon, Sample explains its higher values.
Beneath contain which
THE RED ALLUVIUM a Vertisol, alluvial deposit at Lakkos Ambeliou (Fig. L.2) constitutes and its properties have been discussed in detail by Morris.13 The present
The
was undertaken to compare the properties of this natural deposit with study those of a thick deposit of earth excavated in one of the trenches of the Minoan farmhouse (XB-9). The red color and the clayey texture ofthat deposit contrasted markedly with the white phyllitic sediments found in the other trenches. The aim of the analysis was to elicit information about its provenance and function. The alluvium at Lakkos Ambeliou
was
the most
obvious
source to
since it displays the same macroscopic the red characteristics, to texture. and Due the textural of the the color, fine, clayey homogeneity alluvial deposit, a single sample was taken. The analysis shows high values of magnetic and organic content, very poor sorting, and a susceptibility
be tested
mean
near the boundary between very fine silt and coarse particle size clay = 8.03 The different size classes are dominated (Mz phi). by clay-sized an aeolian source. to particles, which excludes According Pye,14 soils that are not are silty, containing predominantly deposited by aeolian action
sand and up to 40% clay, which approximates the case for the water content at of the Lakkos Ambeliou. The deposit high clay particles makes them too heavy to have been carried in large quantity by the wind. 10%-25%
analysis indicates that the properties of the clayey alluvium from Lak are similar to those of the sediment of the kos Ambeliou archaeological Minoan farmhouse. The concentration of this red soil in the archaeological The
context has been
interpreted
as a
collapsed mudbrick
wall.15
COMMENTS study of the natural deposits from Chrysokamino tion of macroscopic observations and low-technology on the properties analysis offers important information
The
deposits.
By comparing
the values
using
a combina
sedimentological of various natural
of these samples with
those from the
13. Morris
2002.
14. Pye 1992. 15. Nodarou
1998.
AND
SOILS
SEDIMENTS
FROM
NATURAL
DEPOSITS
4II
sediments excavated at theMinoan farmhouse, it has been archaeological to differentiate between natural and anthropogenic deposits and possible to elucidate
the provenance of the latter. case In the of the agricultural terrace, the analysis permits the distinc tion between natural deposits and levels affected by human activity. The a presence of a pottery fragment of the Venetian/Ottoman period provides indication for the construction of the terrace. The analysis is chronological informative regarding the provenance of the archaeological material, since the gray white earth excavated from most areas at the Minoan farmhouse shares similar properties
with
the phyllitic
sediments
of the agricultural
terrace.16
The analysis of two red deposits, the red alluvium from the road expo sure and the Vertisol at Lakkos Ambeliou, had a twofold aim: to examine the natural properties of those deposits and to compare them with the red at theMinoan
earth excavated
farmhouse. The
former has been
shown to
be a natural deposit, devoid of human interference and somewhat different from the clayey deposit at Lakkos Ambeliou. Another study has indicated an that the latter contains anthropogenic component,17 but the present to its connection demonstrates the Minoan It appears farmhouse. study to have provided the raw material for the construction of amudbrick wall that collapsed and disintegrated when occupation ceased.18 The use of basic sedimentological analytical techniques has proved to be an efficient
tool in the combined
and comparative study of natural and on the provenance This archaeological deposits. approach provides insights of the archaeological sediments, the use of space in archaeological contexts, and the interference of the human agent in natural deposits.
CATALOGUE OF SAMPLES are listed in the Samples catalogue by zones, with Zone are first. Colors recorded first as dry, then moist.
Agricultural Zone
Terrace
1 Depth:
m.
0-0.33
Munsell
colors: 5Y 7/3 (pale yellow); 5Y 5/3 (olive).
Texture:
silt-loam.
slightly hard.
Consistency: Lower
boundary: Structure: medium
Roots: Horizon:
few
fine,
clear
smooth.
coarse, common
subangular
blocky,
moderate.
large.
Ap.
Comments:
35%-40% coarse fragments (<2mm).
Zone 2 16. Nodarou 17. Morris 18. Nodarou
1998. 2002. 1998.
Depth:
Munsell Texture:
0.33-0.85
m.
colors: 5Y 7/3 (pale yellow); 5Y 5/3 (olive). gravelly
silt-loam.
1 (the upper zone)
APPENDIX
412
slightly hard to hard.
Consistency: Lower
boundary:
Structure:
L
abrupt.
medium
coarse,
subangular
blocky,
moderate.
Roots: few fine, few very fine. Comments:
coarse
50%
fragments
(<2 mm).
Zone 3 m.
0.85-1.3
Depth:
Munsell
colors: 5Y 8/3 (pale yellow); 5Y 6/3 (pale olive).
Texture:
silt-loam.
slightly hard.
Consistency: Lower
platy common
Roots:
the
fine.
<1% coarse fragments (<2mm); bedding; in situweathered phyl
Comments: lite,
abrupt, wavy. coarse to very coarse.
boundary:
Structure:
structure
breaking
along
phyllite
formation
planes.
Zone 4 m.
1.3-1.7
Depth:
Munsell
colors: 5Y 7/3 (pale yellow); 5Y 5/3 (olive).
Lower
boundary: none. Structure:
Comments: is visible;
Road Zone
bedrock.
none.
Roots:
tion
approaching
Saprolite, integral phyllite weathered product. The phyllite folia
there
are zones/veins
of calcite
and
large
aggregates.
Cut 1 m.
0-0.24
Depth:
Munsell
colors: 7.5YR 4/4 (brown); 7.5YR 3/4 (dark brown).
Texture:
silt to
clay.
hard. Consistency: clear. Lower boundary: Structure: grains. Roots:
medium
moderate
subangular
blocky
to smaller
breaking
granular
common. A.
Horizon: Comments:
40%-50%
coarse
fragments.
Zone 2 m.
0.24-0.53
Depth:
colors: Sample a, 2.5YR 4/6 (dusky to dark red), 2.5YR 3/6 (dark red); Sample b, 5YR 4/6 (yellowish red), 5YR 3/4 (dark reddish brown). Munsell Texture:
clay. hard.
Consistency: Lower
boundary:
Structure: Roots:
very few,
Horizon: Comments:
abrupt, fine
fine,
wavy. subangular
blocky,
moderate,
strong.
fine.
Bt. 25%-35%
coarse
fragments;
some
parts
are
rocky
up
to 70%.
Residue
Organic of
Pottery
Analysis
Sherds
from
Chrysokamino byRuth F. BeestonyJoe Palatinus, Curt Beck, and Edith C. Stout
We from
report on the results of organic residue analysis of twelve pottery sherds the Early Minoan Ill-Middle Minoan IA site of Chrysokamino. sherds were
These
excavated
from in and near a small structure located
in
close proximity to copper smelting furnaces where, according to evidence described elsewhere in this volume, arsenical copper was produced. Ves sel types represented in this group of sherds include jars, shallow bowls, a rounded cup, and ajar or bellows. residue analysis is a destructive method in which pottery Organic sherds are ground and samples for analysis are extracted with solvents capable of dissolving molecules that were porous matrix The technique
a wide
range of organic Organic compounds. and protected from degradation by the of the ceramic material are thereby released into solution. absorbed
of gas chromatography-mass is (GC-MS) spectrometry for the separation, detection, and identification of the minute quantities of often numerous organic compounds present in serves to separate the the sherd extracts. Gas chromatography complex
an effective method
mixture
of chemicals
stream of helium time
to traverse
by passing gas. Different
the column
it through
compounds and therefore
a heated
in a flowing require different lengths of at emerge and are detected column
as retention times). A plot of signal versus or TIC) time (the total ion chromatogram, is generated. As they emerge are from the column, molecules into in the mass spectrometer, passed are which ionized and broken collisions with apart by they high-energy characteristic
times
(known
electrons. A collection of fragment ions is produced, and their masses are amass spectrum, structure displayed in giving clues about the molecular to spectra of of the compound. The mass spectrum can be compared thousands of reference compounds using a computer-searchable database. In some cases, an exact determination of the identity of a compound can a be made based on pattern of peaks in the mass spectrum. matching In other cases, one can readily determine the class of organic molecules a to which acid ester, straight chain alkane, compound belongs (fatty methyl ketone, etc.), and that information, along with the retention time, a certain times of known compounds provides identity. The retention can be measured same conditions under in order to the independently a a for the identity of If peak cannot provide confirmation compound. be assigned to a particular compound, its mass spectrum is still recorded
M
APPENDIX
414 in the hopes
that additional
information
allow an assignment
will
in the
future.
in pottery sherd extracts found by GC-MS compounds to three sources. The first source, and the one of primary that came in contact with the pottery vessel interest, are those molecules use in ancient times; these were absorbed into the during its compounds The
organic can be attributed
surface and interior of the porous ceramic material where they remained careful interpreta preserved and protected from light and oxygen. With tion, these compounds provide clues about the original contents and use of the vessel. Unfortunately, human contact during excavation, cleaning, and storage of the sherd can contaminate the sample by intro handling, a second source of These include organic compounds. ducing compounds (from contact with plastic buckets, tools, and bags), chemical cosmetic products, and cleaners, all of which can contribute to
plasticizers sunscreens, the mixture
of molecules
the laboratory
detected
during organic residue analysis. Finally, in preparation involved of the sample extract procedures source of contaminants. introduce an additional Although
unavoidably in most cases these contaminants
are
and discounted, readily recognized their presence complicates the analysis, and it could mask the presence of molecules of archaeological significance. to be present From the list of organic compounds revealed by GC-MS in a sherd, the chemist can attempt to draw conclusions about the nature of
the original vessel contents. This difficult step involves examining known and combinations of botanical (and other) sources of specific compounds much is known about the chemical composition compounds. Although substances (wine, olive oil, plant extracts, etc.), not all botani cal species have been analyzed, and the nature of long-term changes in one must is still poorly understood. Therefore, be cautious composition residue analysis can the chemical results. Organic about overinterpreting
of various
on the use of certain "ingredients" based provide evidence for the likely the absence of that have been detected. However, collection of molecules for
evidence
factors, of
a
a
specific
including
compound
extremely
does
not
rule
low concentrations,
out
its presence;
can prevent
various
the detection
compound.
In an effort residue
to assess
analysis, sherds in this study were analyzed ratories equipped with different GC-MS three
sections,
subsequent showed
some
of organic the information obtained, in separate labo in duplicate
the reproducibility to enhance and ultimately
the collection
and limitations
instruments.
of molecules
As
confirmed
discussed
in
to be present
variation.
EXPERIMENTAL PROCEDURES Sample
Preparation
A 3-5 gram sample of each pottery sherd was obtained. Table M.l provides of ceramic material, and the the sherd number, vessel type, description some mass of sample for each of the 12 sherds in this In study. analyzed cases the entire sherd was used as provided;
for sherds weighing
>5 g, an
TABLE M.l.
OF
ANALYSIS
RESIDUE
ORGANIC
OF SHERDS ANALYZED
DESCRIPTIONS
POTTERY
SHERDS
FOR ORGANIC
415
RESIDUES Wt.
Vessel
EUMNo.
bucket 521 522
jar 523
shallow524 or jar 525
reddish
jar
red on outside,
brownish
jar
side, black
inner
brown
red, darker
side
layer 4.11
layer; white
2.82
side
on other
reddish
grainy side, red on other
on one
red, darker
527 jar 528
(ifknown)
with
brown,
pieces; brown on one
basin
on one
and white
two
bowl
(or bellows?) jar 526
bucket
Appearance
of Sherd
brown, grainy3-5 g thick, light brown with thin light layer on one side 3-5 g
jar
bucket
of
Description
Type
Ceramic
on one
3.08 one
g
side
3-5
g
g
and black
particles
3.10
g
g side
3.95
g
547 jar redwith gray sections 3.98 g 548 550
rounded cup 3-5 g 549 bowl shallow gray inmiddle, light red on one side 4.21 g a 3-5 g jar,probably bridge-spouted jar was obtained by breaking the sherd. To prevent appropriately sized sample were were in sherds handled with contamination, forceps and wrapped paper during breakage. Each sample was ground for five minutes
in a stainless steel mill, and the a teflon-lined cap. an in vial unused placed glass powder equipped with To the powder, 5 ml of dichloromethane (Aldrich 99.9+%, PRA grade) and 5 ml of diethyl ether (Aldrich anhydrous 99+%, ACS reagent grade) were was
in the vial was sonicated in an extraction, the mixture bath for 10-15 minutes at intervals during a two-day period. The
added. To facilitate ultrasonic
bath was kept below 40?C. The transferred to a clean glass centrifuge tube and centrifuged for 3-5 minutes. The clear liquid extract was removed with a glass disposable a new vial. The volume was reduced to about 1 ml pipette and placed in the vial in a 30-35?C water bath and directing a by partly immersing
temperature mixture was
stream
of
of the water
nitrogen
treated with
gas
in the ultrasonic
onto
the
surface
of
the
extract.
an ether solution of diazomethane
The
extracts
were
from Diazald
generated containing treated extracts were loosely capped and kept in a ventilated hood for 24 hours. The volume was again reduced under a stream of nitrogen gas until approximately 0.1 ml remained to produce a
and KOH. Vials
sufficiently
concentrated
Instrumental
sample for GC-MS
analysis.
Analysis
12 sherds were
analyzed atDavidson College; three of these (EUM 521, were and also analyzed at Vassar College. Table M.2 shows the 524, 526) instrument parameters in both laboratories.
All
were identified by mass College, peaks comparison of the mass to in those the NI ST contained database spectrum using the spectral library search capabilities of the SatView software. In addition, authentic saturated methyl esters, aldehydes, al samples of normal hydrocarbons, At Davidson
ketones, and others were injected under the same conditions for mass spectra. These standard comparison of retention times and compound cohols,
spectra were added to the searchable library.We as contaminants plasticizers, (including recognized
mass
do not report peaks modern synthetic
APPENDIX
4i6
M
some chemicals, and impurities introduced in the laboratory). However, are unusual molecules likely to have been introduced through handling mentioned.
At Vassar College, of Mass Spectral Data, (Palisade Corporation), standards of authentic
identification
was made
using
theWiley
Registry 6th ed., with the search system Benchtop PBM as well as an in-house MS DataBase listing samples and spectra from the literature. The re
ports of the Vassar analyses include some unusual extraneous compounds from plastic bags and from labora (but not the ubiquitous contaminants in whose identification chemicals) tory may be helpful to other workers the field. Because
the instruments
at Davidson
and Vassar
are
equipped with mass of retention times types analyzers, of individual compounds differ, as do some features of their mass spectra. in the three sherds analyzed in both laboratories were Some compounds detected on both systems, while other compounds were detected and iden tified on only one of the instruments. It appears that more slowly eluting such as long chain fatty acid esters and higher alkanes, were compounds, more on the instrument at Vassar. a detected readily Clearly, if compound different
columns
and different
on both
systems, that substance is certain to be present in the the comparative results between our laboratories indicate that in one laboratory should not be failure to detect a particular compound as an indication that the sherd did not contain that interpreted compound. is detected
sherd. But
that different portions of the same sherd, even when ana same the instrument and identical conditions, may differ quite lyzed using in the organic residue components that can be detected. We dramatically found in either laboratory are believe, therefore, that all the constituents
We
have found
actually present and
in the three sherds that were
analyzed
both
at Davidson
at Vassar.
RESULTS spectrometry allows Organic residue analysis by gaschromatography-mass the detection and identification of compounds that are soluble in the non polar extraction to pass through and nonvolatile,
solvent (ether/dichloromethane) and sufficiently volatile the gas Chromatograph. Polar, water-soluble compounds molecular molecules (for weight organic example, high are not detected. In this and other macromolecules) salts, carbohydrates, section we provide a summary of the findings for each of the 12 sherds from
Data including retention time and mass spectra (molecular Chrysokamino. ion, base peak, fragment ions) will be included in a later publication.1
EUM 521.Washed sherd from a bucket jar,100 (X 2) Seven compounds were identified in the extract of sherd EUM 521, includ and triacetin. A ing three alkanes, camphor and two related compounds, is evidence that this sherd contained, or was exposed large camphor peak in modern
times,
to a medicinal
preparation. Well
over 100 occurrences
1. Beeston
et al. forthcoming.
RESIDUE
ORGANIC
TABLE M.2. GC-MS
INSTRUMENT Davidson
GC-MS
ANALYSIS
OF
SHERDS
Vassar
College
College
ion trap
Spectrometer
GC Column
6890
Hewlett-Packard
5973 MSD MSD
x 0.25 mm
0.25
Injection
Injector Carrier
Helium;
Temperature
Program
flow
electron 2.5 min.
Base-Line
Recorded Correction
Scans Averaged
Helium;
for 19 min.
held
flow
rate 1.2 ml/min.
initial 50?C; immediately ramped to 250?C
at 5?/min.
40 min.
60 min.
Ionization
Masses
rate 1.2 ml/min.
initial 50?C; held for 1min.; ramped to 250?C
Filament Delay
poly(dimethylsiloxane), 0.25 \i 1:10 and splitless luL 250?C
at 5?/min.;
Total Run Time
x 0.25 mm
Lt
300?C
Temperature Gas
Column
15 m
1:10 luL
SplitMode Sample
Hewlett Packard HP-1 MS
ZB-5
poly(5% diphenyl; 95% dimethyl-siloxane),
Phase
Stationary
ChemStation
quadrupole
Phenomenex 30 m
GC
Hewlett-Packard
Hewlett-Packard Mass
417
PARAMETERS
Varian Saturn 2000 GC/MS/MS Varian 3800 GC
System
POTTERY
impact;
70 eV
electron
impact;
70 eV
1.5 min.
35-500
40-550
yes
yes
3 to 5
3 to 5
of camphor are reported by Duke,2 and this list contains many herbs, in cluding varieties of rosemary, savory, thyme, lavender, basil, hyssop, sage, Index lists several modern industrial uses licorice, and mint. The Merck of camphor, as well as its use as a topical anti-infective and antipruritic. Smaller peaks were identified as the related compounds, campholenal and in has been reported endo-isocamphonone. Campholenal Thymus funkii annuus (sunflower), a native of North America, (thyme) and Helianthus are listed3 or revealed a but no occurrences of endo-isocamphonone by Chemical Abstracts
search.
can be based on the presence of the three alkanes, tet radecane (C14), heptadecane (C18). Plant sources (C17), and octadecane are of these hydrocarbons known,4 but these compounds might also have been introduced by contact with a mineral oil or other petroleum-based No
lotion
conclusions
or ointment.
in this sample is likely to be due to con source reported for triacetin is the fruit of does not occur in theMediterranean region. It is an
presence of triacetin tamination. The only botanical The
Carica papaya, which as Enzactin it and Fungacetin). Therefore, antifungal agent (also known in EUM 521 was introduced through is a possibility that this constituent handling. As these results
2. Duke 2002. 3. Duke 2002. 4. Duke 2002.
illustrate, a common problem arising in the inter of residue about a organic pretation analysis is the lack of information com sherd's recent history. While plasticizers and other modern synthetic can be pounds easily recognized and ignored, natural ingredients introduced
via lotions, perfumes,
insect repellents,
and sunscreens
cannot
always be
APPENDIX
4i8 from compounds distinguished minimal the need for handling
M
arising from ancient sources. This points to of sherds to be analyzed by archaeologists, and for avoidance of products that might
and illustrators conservators, introduce contaminants through
contact with
sherds.
EUM 522. Sherd from a bucket jar,101 (X 169) In this sherd, eight components were identified, including camphor, two alkanes, four aldehydes, and a 2-ketone. No fatty acid methyl esters were It is possible that incomplete detected in the sample analyzed atDavidson. as the Vassar re occurred during the methylation procedure, sults (described below) revealed that fatty acids were present. As in EUM 521, was detected, but in much lower occurs in quantities. Camphor camphor cannot to aromatic its medicinal and be used herbs; many presence pinpoint esterification
a certain decanal
source. The plant aldehydes nonanal, decanal, undecanal, and do can each be attributed to numerous sources (28,23,5, and 9 plant
occurrences
are listed by Duke).5 Several plants, most notably respectively Coriandrum sativum (coriander) and several species of Citrus are reported to contain at least three of the four aldehydes observed in EUM 522. Since
citrus fruits were
not
introduced
in the Mediterranean
until
the
these can be ruled out; coriander was known and used as Ages, a flavor agent undecane during the Bronze Age.6 The two hydrocarbons, and dodecane, are common to Glycyrrhiza glabra (licorice root), Pimenta dioica (allspice, a native only of central America and theWest Indies), and
Middle
has ten known (Skhabar).The ketone, 2-undecanone, Cymbopogonparkeri rue and or?gano. exact botanical sources Although plant sources, including cannot be pinpointed, these results are consistent with the use of aromatic in the preparation detected at Davidson.
herbs
Sherd EUM
of flavored wine.
522 was
nents,
16 could be identified
nants,
and
3 remain
Pine
resin acid esters were
not
also analyzed at Vassar College. Of 24 compo as ancient constituents, 5 asmodern contami
unassigned.
is a group of 12 largest group of ancient constituents nine acids include the saturated fatty caprylic acid (C8), They acid (C9), capric acid (C10), undecanoic acid (Cll), tridecanoic acid (C14), pentadecanoic acid (C15), palmitic acid myristic The
fatty acids. pelargonic acid (C13), (C16), and
stearic acid (C18).The shorter, and especially the odd-numbered, members of this series are likely to be degradation products of the larger ones. More significant is the presence of the three unsaturated fatty acids, palmitoleic acid (C16:l), oleic acid (C18:l eis), and elaidic acid (C18:l trans). They are a certain indication of but plant oils. Olive oil has this composition, other plant oils cannot be excluded. The presence of two diterpene resin acid esters, methyl dehydroabi etate and its 7-keto-derivative, is a certain indication of pine resin. Its only known use is as an additive to wine to produce retsina. trace of borneol, identified with probability but not certainty, is a to assign amore specific origin. Duke plant product that is too ubiquitous lists no fewer than 141 plants containing this compound, including many A
conifers, but also herbs, e.g., or?gano.7 Biers and colleagues vases they studied.8 in two of the Corinthian "plastic"
found borneol
5. Duke 2002. 6. Mabberley
1997,
p. 146.
7. Duke 2002. 8. Biers, 1994,
p. 26.
Gerhardt,
and Braniff
ORGANIC
RESIDUE
ANALYSIS
OF
POTTERY
SHERDS
419
certain identification of acetanilide poses a puzzle. This compound or listed as a natural plant product in the compilations of Duke Karrer.9 A complete Chemical Abstracts search yields only one animal source (the sea urchin Temnopleuros toreumaticus) and one plant source (Peganum and Asia; it contains harmala). The latter is native to the Mediterranean an as alkaloids10 and has been used intoxicant possibly since hallucinogenic The
is not
to treat b.c.; it also has a long history in medicine and Parkinsons disease.11 acetanilide However, eye diseases, rheumatism, has also been reported in numerous analyses of modern waste water, into the 5th millennium
it is probably leached by the biod?gradation of a number of modern herbicides.12 Since the presence o? Peganum alkaloids cannot be confirmed our method of analysis, it remains uncertain whether acetanilide is an by
which
ancient
or a contaminant. We
constituent
have found
it previously
in a
tripod cooking pot from Chania, Crete. Of five certain and uncommon contaminants,
three are degradation a of structure. with plasticizers products 2,2,4-trimethl-l,4-pentanediol a is known ingredient of suntan lotions, and ditolyl 2-Phenoxyethanol ether is certainly amodern synthetic compound, albeit of unknown origin. suggest a resinated wine with aromatic or was ingredients that protected from air by a layer of oil (probably olive oil) to prevent its oxidation to vinegar.
Together, medicinal
these constituents
EUM 523. Sherd from ajar, 103 (X 211) The
most
the
alkanes
constituent found in the extract of EUM 523 is prominent As numer described this medicinal has camphor. previously, compound ous plant sources, but may also arise from contact with a modern topical preparation. Other organic compounds found in smaller amounts include undecane,
dodecane,
tetradecane,
pentadecane,
and
octadecane.
saturated hydrocarbons provide no relatively weight information. diagnostic Glycyrrhiza glabra (licorice) and Pimenta dioica are the (allspice) only plants inwhich all of these hydrocarbons occur,13 but
These
low molecular
is not indigenous to Crete. Other the latter possibility possible origins for the alkanes include contact with plastic or a petroleum product (mineral oil in skin lotion). Two aldehydes and a ketone were also found to be present. Nonanal, decanal, and 2-undecanone (all of which were also detected in EUM 522) each have numerous plant sources, including citrus fruits and herbs. Citrus can be ruled out based on its much fragrant and medicinal later introduction
9. Duke 2002; Karrer 1958-1981. 10. Harborne,
Baxter,
and Moss
1999, pp. 204,213. ll.Mabberleyl997,p.437. 12. andTuorinen Stampert
1998.
13.Duke 2002. 14.Duke 2002. 15. Beck coming.
et al. 2001;
Beck
forth
into the region.
EUM
524. Sherd from a shallow bowl, 94 (X 270)
EUM
524 contained
compounds,
not
a rich collection
of organic molecules. A total of 19 known contaminants, were identified. Many of including the alkanes tetradecanae and octadecane, and camphor,
these, including the aldehydes nonanal and decanal, have been discussed previously. The esters of acid hexanoic octanoic acid (caprylic methyl (caproic acid, C6), were and nonanoic acid identified. These acid, C8) (pelargonic acid, C9) are a occur acids in licorice root, hot pep present in variety of plants (all per, and cinnamon),14 and the C6 and C8 acids occur in the fat and milk of sheep and goats.15 Nonanoic acid may arise from the decomposition
M
APPENDIX
420
of oleic acid, an important constituent of olive oil, but this is an unlikely were not de source in this case, since higher molecular weight fatty acids are those of benzoic tected. Other methyl esters identified in EUM 524 acid is sometimes found in our acid. Benzoic acid and 2-ethylhexanoic in "blank" samples, indicating that this may be a laboratory contaminant a case. of sources16 has it number and this also has However, plant large been previously noted in pottery sherds as amarker for Aleppo pine,17 used to flavor retsina. 2-Ethylhexanoic acid has a number of possible sources, wine. and including fruits, herbs, 524. of interest were identified in EUM Several other compounds source listed by Duke is and its identity was confirmed by a an authentic study of saffron extracts, analysis of isophorone sample. In was found to be the second most abundant volatile component isophorone this spice was it cannot be determined whether after safranal.19 Although or a at colorant used as a flavor agent, a medicinal agent, Chrysokamino,
for which the only known Isophorone, Crocus sativus (saffron),18 was detected,
botanical
the presence of saffron in this vessel is very likely. Another compound of a known in this sherd is verbenone interest detected (2-pinene-4-one), constituent of 28 plants, including many varieties of rosemary, hyssop, mint, in oil of verbena, from Verbena germander, and sage.20 It is also present Verbena officinalis?2 The latter variety, also called vervain, and triphylla,21 was used for a variety of medicinal purposes in ancient Greece and is still used today for treatment Two
lactones,
of liver ailments.23
gamma-octalactone
and
gamma-nonalactone,
were
of each are listed;24 licorice identified with certainty. Four occurrences root is the only plant reported on both lists. Other possible sources are dis or cussed below. Another peak was identified as either 1,3-diacetylbenzene both of which are present in tea leaves.25 This com 1,4-diacetylbenzene, a more is likely modern contaminant. pound resin Finally, three peaks that clearly indicate the presence of pine ester of dehydroabietic were acid identified. The methyl (C21H30O2) was detected; two other peaks were identified as and C21H3602, C21H3402 with the same skeletal structure as the abietic acid, but compounds with one and no double bond, respectively. These compounds are certain in dicators of pine resin. Coupled with the observation of benzoic acid (detected as methyl benzoate) mentioned earlier, the resin ismost likely from pine. identified in this sherd reveal that the resinated The collection of molecules a herbs. variety of fragrant and medicinal was at Vassar College. Of 29 compounds also analyzed Sherd EUM 524 one is an be ancient 22 constituents, identified, may unassigned mixture, Six saturated fatty acids are unusual in and six are modern contaminants.
wine was flavored with
that they are of low molecular acid (Cll), (C10), undecanoic
acid (C9), capric acid weight: pelargonic lauric acid (C12), myristic acid (C14), and acid is acid (C15). The branched anteisopentadecanoic pentadecanoic a and hence action bacterial very likely the product of postdepositional contaminant.
The
absence of palmitic common
these are the most
striking; and plant fats.
acid (C16) and stearic acid (C18) is saturated fatty acids in both animal
16. 49 occurrences
reported
in Duke
2002. 17. Beck
et al. 2001.
18.Duke 2002. 19. Cadwallader, 1997,
Baek,
and Cai
p. 68.
20. Duke 2002. 21. Budavari
et al. 1989,
22. Duke 2002. 23.Jashemskil999,p.92.
24. Duke 2002. 25. Duke 2002.
p. 1565.
OF
ANALYSIS
RESIDUE
ORGANIC
POTTERY
SHERDS
421
Equally curious is the presence of six straight-chain, primary alcohols: 1-nonanol (C9), 1-decanol (C10), 1-dodecanol (C12), 1-tetradecanol and 1-octadecanol combination (C15) (C14), 1-pentadecanol (C18).The of straight-chain fatty acids and straight-chain primary alcohols is usu esters in epicuticular waxes, but the ally the result of the hydrolysis of the chain length of both the acids and the alcohols is here too short to allow that interpretation. The alcohols found occur in the free state in numerous so that no are assignments plants,26 possible. Two alkanes, heptadecane to invite assignment (C17) and octadecane (C18) are also too ubiquitous to a
single
source.
plant
with 8, 9, and 10 carbon atoms are known to gamma-lactones a occur fruits, according to together in wide range of Old and New World a Chemical Abstracts search. are also as They reported degradation products of plant oils (including olive oil) and animal fats, but the absence of palmitic and stearic acids in this sherd rules out these sources. Three
may be derived from Peganum harmala, or itmay be the product of modern herbicides, as discussed in the case of
Acetanilide
biod?gradation EUM 522 above.
are six occurrences of 1,4-diacetylbenzene in the literature are two in Abstracts of which found fruits {Chemical search), (peach and are found in industrial air and water the four other blackberry); pollutants. The antiquity of this compound is therefore in question. There
with
evidence that the vessel once contained wine resinated Unequivocal resin is and pine given by the presence of methyl dehydroabietate
13-ethyl-16-norpodocarpa-8,ll,13-triene.
are three the less common contaminants Among degradation products of 2,2,4-trimethyl-l,3-pentanediol from plasticizers, 2-phenoxyethanol suntan lotions, and 2(2-butoxyethoxy)-ethanol. In summary, the vessel must have contained resinated wine flavored or medicated with a range of plant materials that cannot be identified from the compounds found in the sherd. 525. Sherd from ajar or basin, 111 (X 525)
EUM Ten four
compounds alkanes
were
in the extract of EUM
identified
dodecane,
tetradecane,
and
pentadecane,
525, including octadecane.
the
These
to any number of plant sources or to contamination amodern product. As in EUM 524, both isophorone and verbenone were detected and confirmed by with authentic samples. These comparison are in saffron and verbena (aswell present respectively fragrant compounds as other aromatic herbs). another Camphor, compound of medicinal value a was derived from variety of plants, detected in EUM 525; its presence in most of the sherds from Chrysokamino suggests either a common ingredi may with
ent
be attributed
or
a common
The common 26. Karrer
1958-1981,
Duke 2002. 27. Duke 2002.
pp. 43-45;
source
aldehydes occurrences
of
contamination.
nonanal of these
and decanal two
were
also
identified.
Twelve
are
compounds reported,27 including of Citrus and the spices coriander, dill, ginger, saffiower, and lemon verbena. The only ester detected in EUM 525 was the methyl es six varieties
ter of octanoic
acid (caprylic acid), 17 occurrences
of which
are listed by
APPENDIX
422
Duke.28 The
vessel from which
amedicinal
herbal preparation,
this sherd originated most a flavored wine. perhaps
526. Sherd from ajar or bellows,
EUM
The most was
M
likely contained
63 (X 685)
significant result from the analysis of EUM 526 at Davidson the presence of a cluster of at least eight peaks for which the
College mass spectra revealed molecular
ions at 272. The
are consistent with
mass
for which
spectra of these numerous isomers
abietadiene, compounds are is related to abietic acid, an important constituent possible. Abietadiene of pine resin.When pine resin is heated (or perhaps allowed to decompose over a to can be long time) produce pine tar, the acid group of abietic acid lost through decarboxylation, resulting in compounds with the formula In addition, two peaks revealed mass spectra with molecular ions C2QH32. at 274 and 270, most likely due to related compounds with one fewer and one additional
double bond, respectively. We did not attempt to identify exact structures of these compounds, but their presence is a clear indication of pine resin or pine tar. include methyl compounds detected and identified atDavidson esters and methyl decanoate of (the methyl caprylic and capric Several peaks with spectra characteristic acids) and gamma decanolactone. of alkanes, but with retention times that do not match the unbranched Other
octanoate
alkane
reference
were
compounds,
also
noted.
Sherd EUM 526 was also analyzed at Vassar College. Of 35 compounds one is an identified, 27 are ancient constituents, unassigned mixture, and seven
are modern
contaminants.
sherd is rich in straight-chain, saturated fatty acids.The 11 members of this group identified are caproic acid (C6), enanthic acid (C7), caprylic acid (C8), pelargonic acid (C9), capric acid (C10), undecanoic acid (Cll), lauric acid (C14), pentadecanoic acid (C15), palmitic acid (C16), and stearic The
acid (C18). There are no unsaturated fatty acids, suggesting an animal fat rather than a vegetable oil as the source. The presence of anteisopentanoic acid most likely results from postdepositional microbial activity and is hence a contaminant. The branched acid has been fatty acid 2-ethylhexanoic reported
in wine;29
including wine meat and milk
a Chemical Abstracts
and Old
and New World
search yielded 135 occurrences, fruit, but it also occurs in the
of sheep and goats. The latter source is suggestive, since three of the saturated fatty acids (caproic acid, caprylic acid, and capric acid) in this sherd are named after their isolation from the genus Caper, or acid in 14 of the 24 goat. Biers and colleagues identified 2-ethylhexanoic vases "plastic" they analyzed.30 of low molecular weight, alcohol single
Corinthian A
1-nonanol
mon
(C9), is too com amounts of five
to be assigned to a particular plant source. Trace saturated hydrocarbons (alkanes) with 26, 27, 28, 29, straight-chain, and 30 carbon atoms were detected. These can be attributed either to the waxes
that coat the leaves, petals, and fruits of virtually all higher or to the insect waxes, of which beeswax is the most familiar. How plants, plant ever,
neither
wax
esters
nor
their
and fatty acids with more in this sherd.
alcohols
degradation
products,
i.e.,
long-chain
than 20 carbon atoms, have been found
28. Duke 2002. et al. 1999,
29. Danzer 30. Biers, 1994,
Gerhardt,
pp. 37-57.
pp. 26-34. and Braniff
RESIDUE
ORGANIC
A
single
natural
ANALYSIS
OF
POTTERY
SHERDS
423
(C10), has more
lactone, gamma-decanolactone
than 100
occurrences.31
The
presence
of pine resin is shown by seven diterpenoid
compounds: the hydrocarbon 13-ethyl-16-norpodocarpa-8,ll,13-triene, along with the a its 7-keto-derivative, resin acid esters methyl dehydroabietate, hydroxy and three other identified oxidation derivative, only partially products. The identification of methyl benzoate makes it possible to narrow the source of is indigenous to the the resin to the Aleppo pine, Pinus halepensis, which eastern
Mediterranean.
The
modern
2,2,4-trimethyl-l,4-pentanediol, i.e., the same contaminants and EUM
four plasticizers derived from and ditolyl ether, 2-phenoxyethanol, that have been found in sherds EUM 522
contaminants
include
524.
In summary, the ancient contents of this vessel are identified as a res inated wine with unspecifiable additions of botanicals that may have been or medicin?is. flavorings
EUM 527. Sherd from ajar, 110 (X 1658) were in EUM identified Eight compounds been discussed previously. The finds included of nonanoic
527, most
of which
have
ester camphor, two to and three In alkanes. addition acid, lactones, these, was detected. Of 17 occurrences of anisaldehyde reported in the methyl
anisaldehyde Duke, the most likely are Foeniculum vulg?re (fennel), Cuminum cyminum of these three plants (cumin), and Pimpinella anisum (anise). Cultivation in the Mediterranean
region for flavoring andMycenaean times.32 Fennel
toMinoan
and medicinal
purposes dates is still commonly used to treat
uses in ancient times, as recorded its medicinal digestive problems; by treatments include for Dioscorides, stomach, eye, and bladder problems, as well as for fever and animal bites.33 sources
Possible
detected
of
and
gamma-octalactone
gamma-nonalactone,
also
in EUM
524, include Glycyrrhiza glabra (licorice root) and several a of fruit. types Camphor may originate from any of number of botanical sources.
an oxidation nonanoate, presence of methyl product of oleic no be indicative of olive oil other acid, may although fatty acid esters were detected. The absence of peaks for other saturated and unsaturated fatty com acids may arise from a failure of our methylation procedure. The parative results reported above for sherds analyzed in both laboratories The
indicate
that the method
used at Davidson
was not as effective
at detect
ing fatty acids. EUM 527 was found to contain heptadecane, octadecane, and eicosane, saturated alkanes with 17,18, and 21 carbons, respectively. As previously these are of little diagnostic value since there are a number of mentioned, known plant sources, including the epicuticular waxes of many fruits, leaves, and flowers, aswell as modern products, that could have introduced these as contaminants. 31. Chemical
Abstracts
32.Mabberley
search.
1997, pp. 159,230,
454.
33Jashemski
1999, p. 52.
The
compound diethyltoluamide sherd. Clearly amodern contaminant, products.
in this (DEET) was also detected is present in insect repellent DEET
APPENDIX
424 The
of the organic composition of aromatic and/or medicinal
presence cannot be identified.
residue
in EUM
plants,
although
M
527
suggests the specific botanicals
EUM 528. Sherd from a bucket jar,34 (X 1850) interesting compounds were identified in EUM 528. One is anisal was also detected in EUM 527 and is discussed above. This dehyde, which use of fennel, cumin, or anise most compound likely originates from the as either a flavor agent or a medicinal extract. was also Ethyl salicylate found in this sherd. Duke lists only two occurrences for this compound,
Three
orientalis (hyacinth),34 known in the northeastern Mediter Hyacinthus to and ulmaria (meadowsweet), is indigenous which ranean, Filip?ndula as Eurasia.35 The third compound, identified is not isomethyl b-ionone, listed by Duke. The mass spectra of isomethyl b-ionone and isomethyl a-ionone ent. The
are
so either isomer could have been pres quite similar, however, a Abstracts results of Chemical search for occurrences of isomethyl is used in the perfume that this compound industry of the leaf oil of Peumus boldus,36 a tree native component and therefore not a possible source. Isomethyl a-ionone is also
b-ionone
indicate
and is aminor to Chile used
in
perfumes,
and
cosmetics,
hair
products.
Three
occurrences
are
a recent paper for this compound, listing isomethyl including as a component or ground elder,37 of Aegopodium podagraria, a a use since at least Roman times.38 plant with history of medicinal Ground elder was used for the treatment of gout, an inflamation of the reported a-ionone
ionone that the isomethyl joints of the feet and hands. It is possible found in EUM from an ancient plant product, but the 528 originated a or cannot be possibility of its introduction via modern cosmetic perfume eliminated. Other compounds identified in sherd EUM 528 include nonanal and occurrence two alkanes, dodecane and tetradecane. Due to the widespread none of these can be considered of these compounds, for a diagnostic particular
plant.
EUM 547. Sherd from ajar, 102 (X 144) sherd, like EUM 524, was found to contain a rich selection of organic molecules. A total of 22 compounds were identified in EUM 547. Finds include three alkanes (C14, C17, and C18) and four methyl esters (those of 2-ethylhexanoic acid, octanoic acid, nonanoic acid, and decanoic acid).
This
and octadecane were also detected together in Tetradecane, heptadecane, can be based on the presence of these com EUM 521. No conclusions as to a variety of plant sources or to a they might be attributed contaminant. The methyl esters of the C8, C9, and C10 acids have a are found in variety of plant sources; all Glycyrrhiza glabra, Cinnamomum aromaticum, and Capsicumfrutescens. Of these, only Glycyrrihiza glabra (lico rice) is indigenous to Crete. Other possible sources of these acids include
pounds, modern
of olive oil (C9). The fact that animal fat (C8, C10) and the degradation no were detected does not molecular acids weight fatty necessarily higher rule out the presence of oil and fat, as our experimental methods may not have enabled us to detect
these.
34. Duke 2002. 35.Mabberley 1997, pp. 227,283. 36. Bruns
and K?hler
1974.
37. Paramonov
et al. 2001.
38.
1997,
Mabberley
p. 11.
ORGANIC
RESIDUE
The
ketones
ANALYSIS
2-decanone,
OF
POTTERY
2-undecanone,
SHERDS
and
2-dodecanone
425
were
also
547; their retention times were compared with known to confirm the identifications. These compounds are almost certain samples to the medicinal plant rue (Ruta graveolens, Ruta chalepensis). ly attributable in EUM
detected
to standard by comparison samples) were the and dodecanal. Several occur corresponding aldehydes, decanal, undecanal, rences for each of these are listed but Coriandrum sativum by Duke,39 only
Also
present
(as confirmed
and two species of Citrus (lemon and petitgrain) are known to contain all three aldehydes. Citrus is ruled out based on its absence from Bronze Age Crete; coriander, however, was known very early in the Mediterranean. Additional in EUM detected 547 include camphor, compounds verbenone,
Each
gamma
anisaldehyde,
of these has been
identified
octalactone,
in other
and
gamma
nonalactone.
sherds as well. These
might have originated from aromatic herbs such as verbena, fennel, cumin, anise, and licorice root, as discussed previously for sherds EUM 524, 525, 527, and 528. Four
additional
1,2-benzisothiazole, compounds, N-methylphtha and diethyltoluamide lidimide, 3-bromothieno[3,2-c]pyridine, (DEET) were identified in EUM 547. These are almost contaminants; certainly is present
DEET compounds
inmost
insect repellents, but possible
sources of the other
are unknown.
The variety of compounds identified in EUM 547 is consistent with the presence of various herbs and medicinal plants. The absence of marker com or us from pounds for pine resin fatty acids prevents determining whether a was an or this oil infusion, flavored wine, another herbal extract. EUM
548. Sherd from a rounded
cup, 78 (X 210)
were detected and identified including compounds camphor, dodecane, octadecane, nonanal, decanal, and the methyl esters of octanoic acid and decanoic acid, all of which have been discussed previously. In this sherd, nine
to the number of plant sources known for these compounds, none offer information. The remaining two compounds found in diagnostic were EUM 548 tentatively identified as isomethyl b-ionone and isomethyl a-ionone lists four (one of which was also found in EUM 528). Duke occurrences for a-ionone under the (listed synonym a-cetone): isomethyl
Due
definitive
cuneifolia (Turkish savory), Nepeta racemosa (catmint), Origanum sipyleum, andMicromeria myrtifolia. Ground elder is another possible source, as discussed above in are used in regard to EUM 528. Both compounds the perfume industry (isomethyl a-ionone is used in soaps with scents of
Satureja
raspberry, cranberry, strawberry, and blueberry, air fresheners, perfumes, and potpourri); therefore, contact with amodern scented product cannot be ruled out as a source of these finds.
EUM 549. Sherd from a shallowbowl, 89 (X 168) of this sherd revealed a cluster of peaks, very similar to those Analysis found in EUM 526, for which the mass spectra showed amolecular ion at 272. This 39. Duke 2002.
is consistent
that these compounds abietic acid derivatives
with the formula and the spectra suggest C20H32, are isomers of abietadiene, degradation products of found in pine resin. The abietadienes are consistent
M
APPENDIX
426
the presence of pine tar (produced by heating or decomposition of was in from the vessel which this sherd obtained. pottery pine resin) In addition to the abietadienes, this sherd was found to contain many of the same compounds that are found in other sherds from Chrysokamino,
with
one ester (methyl including five alkanes (C12, C14, C15, C17, and C18), are too These and decanoate), camphor. widely distributed compounds in nature to allow any definite conclusions regarding the contents of the vessel.
were also found together in EUM 524 Isophorone and verbenone, which were use of saffron and verbena or and 525, also identified. They suggest the another aromatic herb, as verbenone is rather widely distributed. The three gamma-lactones,
and
gamma-nonalactone,
gamma-octalactone,
gamma
of these include a variety of fruits octalactone, none of which (including apricot, blueberry, papaya, pineapple, and peach, are native to theMediterranean), licorice root, and peppermint. are also present. Occurrences
Traces
of 2-decanone
occur
These
together
and Ruta graveolens Age Mediterranean.
and 2-undecanone
were
also noted
in this sherd.
tree native
to Chile) only in Peumus boldus (boldo (rue), amedicinal plant known and used in the Bronze
found in EUM 529 suggests the presence variety of compounds of pine tar (or aged resin) aswell as a variety of plant extracts. A resinated wine flavored with aromatic or medicinal botanicals is the most likely source of this collection of molecules. The
EUM
550. Sherd from jar, probably
a
jar, 82 (X 149)
bridge-spouted
in 550, we identified 25 organic compounds, 3 3 2 2 and esters, ketones, alkanes, lactones, aldehydes. cluding inwhich methyl esters of fatty This is the only sample from Chrysokamino acids longer than 10 carbons were detected atDavidson. The esters of both In the extract from EUM 8 methyl
acid (C14) and palmitic acid (C16) were identified, along with myristic decanoic those of (C7), (C10), nonanoic (C9), octanoic (C8), heptanoic and hexanoic (C6) acids. For each of these acids, several known botanical occurrences are listed; two plants contain all of these: Glycyrrhiza glabra triloba (pawpaw), a native of eastern North root) and Asimina source of these acids, Another possible particularly nonanoic, and palmitic acids, is olive oil. Oleic acid, the most prevalent myristic, was not detected. However, the nonanoic acid may fatty acid in olive oil,
(licorice America.
arise from the decomposition
of oleic acid. The
other ester found
in this
has many
occurrences, including wine, sample, methyl 2-ethylhexanoate, fruits, herbs, fish, and cheese. Dodecane (C18) were the (C12), heptadecane (C17), and octadecane are too to permit in identified EUM 550. alkanes These widespread only are sources. the assignment of specific The longer alkanes present in epi on leaves, fruits, and flower if such waxes petals. However, the source of these hydrocarbons, we would expect to find additional
cuticular waxes were alkanes The
containing lactones
nonalactone
were
more
than
20
gamma-hexalactone,
all found
carbon
atoms. gamma-octalactone,
in this sherd. Licorice
and
gamma
root is the most
likely
RESIDUE
ORGANIC
OF
ANALYSIS
source of these three lactones. The
POTTERY
combination
SHERDS
427
of the ketones 2-decanone
in EUM
550 (and also in EUM 547 and 549), is consistent with the presence of rue, amedicinal herb. Nonanal and decanal each have more than 20 occurrences; no additional diagnostic information may be obtained from the presence of these compounds. and 2-undecanone
found
Additional
compounds
identified
in this sherd
include
isophorone, 3,3,5-trimethylcyclohexanone (dihydroisophorone), is too ubiquitous (or the a isomer). Camphor methyl b-ionone
camphor, and iso in nature
is amajor constituent of provide any certain identification. Isophorone as discussed previously. The related compound dihydroisophorone saffron, is not listed in Duke, and a Chemical Abstracts search does not reveal any occurrences for this a or botanical likely compound. Isomethyl ionone (the b isomer), as noted in the cases of EUM 528 and 548, may be a modern to
or a constituent
contaminant Two most
additional
likely modern
of ground elder, catmint, or Turkish triacetin and N-methylphthalimide, compounds, contaminants.
savory. are
CONCLUSIONS have been found to contain a variety of can that synthetic compounds only have been introduced by recent contact with skin care products insect repellents, (medicinal ointments, sunscreens, etc.). This raises the possibility that some of the natural prod ucts found could either be ancient residues or modern contaminants. It is sherds from Chysokamino
The
modern
highly are
unlikely,
however,
that all of the many
natural products
identified
contaminants.
the conclusion that emerges from the numerous compounds Thus, found in the 12 Chrysokamino samples is that these vessels were not used for the preparation of ordinary food; cooked meals would have left much larger quantities of animal fats and vegetable oils. Rather, these vessels to have been used
in the making and storing of complex herbal included resinated ancient concoctions, wine, awell-known to more Greek make medicines strategy palatable. The organic residue are results from this of 12 sherds group analysis entirely consistent with the idea that the Chrysokamino hut (or the original location from which the sherds found in its soil originated) served as aworkshop for the preparation of herbal extracts from plants such as rue, saffron, coriander, fennel, anise, were and licorice root. Since the workers of Chrysokamino engaged in the ores to of arsenical make arsenical decidedly unhealthy activity smelting to it is were infer that these concoctions herbal intended copper, plausible to alleviate the symptoms of arsenic that i.e., poisoning, they were, in fact, medicinal preparations. appear
several of which
Finally, it is clear from the duplicate analyses of sherds EUM and 526 in two different laboratories that the organic compounds
522,524, detected
in two pieces of the same sherd can vary substantially. Reasons for the at results and obtained in Vassar Davidson include differences contrasting the methylation
procedure
and in the GC-MS
conditions
(which resulted
APPENDIX
428 in the detection sible introduction masked
M
of fewer fatty acid methyl esters at Davidson), the pos of different laboratory contaminants could have (which
the presence
of some marker
compounds
in each laboratory), and in different parts of a sherd.
the varying composition of organic compounds These observations indicate that negative results, the apparent absence as in an organic residue, should not be of a compound interpreted proof that the compound did not exist within the sherd. In order to obtain an list of nonpolar, volatile molecules present in a sherd, that sample have to be analyzed multiple times and under varying experimental a and is certainly conditions, costly time-consuming proposition. There a to a much information be gained from single analysis of pottery sherd; exhaustive
would
the presence of many compounds can be detected with certainty, especially to those when both the mass spectrum and the retention time are matched of an authentic sample. The list of molecules detected provides evidence for the use of various sel. However,
one
substances must
assume
(or types of substances) that
other
compounds
in the original ves are
also
present
but
due to low concentrations, peak "masking" by other compounds emerging from the column at the same time, or the to traverse the column and enter the mass inability of those compounds case in the of (as spectrometer fatty acids that have not been converted to methyl esters). Continued work in the of organic residue development undetected. This
absence maybe
and sample handling protocols will allow organic analysis methodology to an residue analysis to make further contributions of hu understanding man behavior in civilizations. early
APPENDIX
N
Petrographic
Two
Final
Neolithic
the
Chrysokamino
from
of
Analysis
Sherds
Location
Metallurgy byEleni Nodarou
were location at Chrysokamino pottery sherds from the metallurgy are both from the Final Neolithic selected for petrographic analysis. They period, and they derive from open vessels. The results of the analysis sug
Two
gest a broadly both vessels.
local provenance
DESCRIPTION
and similar manufacturing
techniques
for
OF SHERDS
Information
General
Fabric: Semicoarse
with metamorphic
rock fragments
Samples: sherds 1 (X 410) and 10 (X 611) Matrix
(Groundmass)
A. Optical properties and color some color differentiation 1.Under plane-polarized light: there is the core and the margins of the section. The margins are dark and the core is orange brown. are dark red brown 2. Under cross-polarized light: the margins and the core is dark orange brown; the micromass is optically active.
between brown
of inclusions and voids: coarse grain size and modality mm 1.9-0.1 from dimension. The fine fraction is vary long <0.1 mm and up to 60 micrometers in its longest dimension. Ratios for are ca. 35:43:8 (X410) and 15:82:3 inclusions and voids (coarse:fine:voids) (X 611). Voids range in size from 1.14 to 0.07 mm in longest dimen B. Overall
inclusions
sion.
C. Overall preferred orientation of inclusions and voids: in sample X 410, the voids display preferred orientation parallel to vessel margins; in are sample X 611, they randomly oriented. In both samples, the nonplastics are oriented. randomly
APPENDIX
43? D.
N
inclusions (under 62 micrometers) 1.Monocrystalline quartz Size range: up to ca. 62 micrometers Shape: equant, subangular to subrounded
Silt-sized
Comments:
straight extinction
2. Phyllite Size range: up to ca. 62 micrometers Shape: elongate 3. Biotite mica Size range: up to ca. 62 micrometers Shape: laths Comments: cases
Dark mica
it is also a component
is present
in the matrix, but in some and quartzite frag
of the phyllite
ments.
4.White
mica
Size range: up to ca. 62 micrometers Shape: laths mica ismost likely muscovite. It is present some cases it constitutes a component of the but in
Comments: White in the matrix,
phyllite and quartzite. 5. Polycrystalline quartz Size range: up to ca. 62 micrometers Shape: equant; subrounded Comments: (with evidence 6. Chert
In some cases, the quartz grades of metamorphism).
into quartzite
Size range: up to ca. 62 micrometers Shape: equant; subrounded. Comments:
fine-grained.
Voids A. Size range: Voids vary in size from 1.14 to 0.07 mm
in their longest
dimension.
B. Shape: Vugs are rare; the majority are mesoplanar and macroplanar are to close The in voids, vugs double-spaced. irregular shape; the planar voids
are
Inclusions
elongate.
above
Silt-Size
1.Monocrystalline quartz Size range: 0.77-0.1 mm
in longest dimension
Shape: equant; angular to subangular Comments: straight extinction 2. Chert Size range: 1.14-0.2 mm in longest dimension or Shape: equant slightly elongate; subrounded Comments: fine-grained
of
analysis
PETROGRAPHIC
fn
two
sherds
431
rock fragments 3.Metamorphic Size range: 1.9-0.76 mm in longest dimension (for the quartz (for the phyllite) ite); 0.77-0.4 mm in longest dimension to the is equant slightly elongate; angular quartzite Shape: subangular. The phyllite is elongate. constituent The main metamorphic of the grains have undergone alteration
Comments:
is quartzite.
or deforma A majority tion. In some cases, there is evidence of shearing. There are also rare fragments of phyllite, composed of biotite mica, quartz, and inclusions suggest an environment white mica. The metamorphic The scarcity and the small size of low-grade metamorphism. the metamorphic rock fragments lead us to characterize them as detrital in the fabric.
with
5.Micrite Size range: 0.5-0.2 mm in longest dimension Shape: equant; subrounded Comments:
merging
boundaries
6. Sandstone Size range: 1.14-0.38 mm in longest dimension to slightly elongate; subrounded Shape: equant Comments: there are two types; one is composed of unevenly distributed, equant quartz grains with very little clay matrix, oc (quartzarenite). The other is composed of small, equant quartz grains and biotite mica laths with more matrix (greywacke). casionally
"cemented" with
calcite
7. Alkali
feldspar Size range: ca. 0.12 mm
in longest dimension
Shape: slightly elongate Comments: simple twinning 8. Plagioclase feldspar Size range: ca. 0.15 mm
in longest dimension
Shape: elongate Comments: twinning polysynthetic 9.Mica Size range: ca. 0.08 mm in longest dimension Shape: laths Comments: white
mica,
10. Textural
mainly
biotite mica,
concentration
features
but there are some laths of
also.
Size range: 0.70
to <0.1 mm
(clay lumps) in longest dimension to subrounded
Shape: equant; subangular Comments: These features range in color from dark red to very dark brown or black. In some cases, they contain very fine quartz in others they have no inclusions. A few frag inclusions, while ments in both samples might be grog; their size ranges from 0.76 to 0.2 mm
in longest dimension; their shape is equant, angular to in and the color subangular; cross-polarized light is greenish gray. have boundaries and voids around the margins. merging They
APPENDIX
432
N
Modality Matrix
ca. 40%-50%
(groundmass): 3%-8%
Voids:
inclusions
Silt-sized
quartz: ca. 3% 1%
Monocrystalline Phyllite: under
under
1%
mica: under
1%
Biotite mica: White
Polycrystalline Chert: under
quartz: under 1%
1%
inclusions
Larger
Monocrystalline Metamorphic Sandstone: 5%
quartz: 20%-30% rocks: 5%-10%
under 2%
Micrite:
5%
Chert:
feldspar: under 2% Plagioclase feldspar: under 2%
Alkali Mica:
3%
Textural
concentration
features: 3%-7%
Discussion is a semicoarse, noncalcareous, red-firing fabric, characterized by the rock fragments. Its composi and detrital of presence quartz metamorphic seems that a red (alluvial?) deposit tion is not indicative of provenance, but it
This
of these vessels. The detrital quartzite and phyllite fragments point toward a red soil deposit, while the angular These shape of most of the grains indicates short distance transportation. area is around Chrysokamino observations, along with the fact that the dominated by the presence of the Phyllite-Quartzite series, suggest a local to not It is for this pottery. assign specific provenance, but possible origin the red alluvial deposits of the north coast are very likely to have provided has been used for the manufacture
the raw material
of this pottery. for the manufacture similar two samples examined present textural and compositional an shows similar the matrix of color The firing conditions, consisting of ity. the low similarity firing temperature. Moreover, oxidizing atmosphere and such as the in the texture of some of the plastic and nonplastic components, inclusions, lead us to suggest chert, the micrite, and the other nonplastic in terms of raw material that the two samples share the same provenance used and technology of manufacture. The
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Acheson,
Territory of Halieis
in the
JMA 10, pp. 165-190. of
Khok Phanom D, Central Thai (diss. Univ.
land"
New
of Otago,
Andreou,
"npc?toinivc?iKai xoccpoci Hpcx 7tocp? xo KavXi-KacT?XXi
k?,??od," CretChron -.
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INDEX
Abietadiene,
422,425-426
abietic acid, 420,422,425 acetanilide, 419,421 a-cetone. See isomethyl-a-ionone acid
esters,
416,418,423
Aegopodium
podagraria. 169-170
Afghanistan, or deer, agrimi
212
Agriomandra,
8-9,21,
See
ground
30-31,
elder
33, 37,
41,100,142,181,185,198,200 201,203-204,221-223,226,235, 237,239-241,243,249,251,253 255, 301 Agriospelio, 13-14 292
akermanite, Akkadian
empire,
162
Aksaray, 161 Alaca H?y?k, 170,175 aldehydes, 415, 418, 419,421,422, 425-426 cave,
Alepotrypa
157-158,165
Aleppo pine, 420,423 alkanes, allspice, almonds,
413,416-419,421-424,426 418-419 258
anthropogenic
features
AF 1,199,355,357-358 AF2,199,276,355,357-358 AF 3,199,355,358-359 AF 4,199,275,355,359-360 AF 5,199,275,355,359-361 AF 6,199,275,355,360-361 AF 7,199,275,355,361,362 AF 8,199,355,361-362,378 AF 9,39,199,274,276, 355,361, 363,368,399-402 AF 10,199,275,355,363,394,397 AF 11,199,275-276,355,363 AF 12,199,275, 355, 363-364 AF 13,199,275,355,363-364 AF 14,199,355,364
AF 15,199,355,364 AF 16,199,275,355,364-366, 397 AF 17,199,275-276, 355,365-366, 377-378,394,397 AF 18,199,275,356,366 AF 19,199,356,366 AF20,199,275-276,356,366 AF21,199, 356, 366-368, 370,378 AF 22,39,199,251,273-274,276, 356,363, 368,372,374,394, 411-412 399-402,406-408, AF23,199,259,356,368 AF 24,199,356, 369 AF 25,199,356,369 AF 26,199,356,369 AF 27,199,356, 369-370 AF28,199,276,356,370 AF29,199,259,356,361-363, 370-372,378 AF 30,199,251,253,356, 372,374 AF 31,199,251,253,356,372 AF 32,199,201,243-246,249,268, 276,356,361-362,372,378 389, 394 AF 33,199,356,373,386,389 AF 34,199,259,356,373 AF 35,199,356,373 AF 36,199,356,372,373 AF 37,199,356,373-374 AF 38,199,356, 374 AF 39,199, 356, 372, 374 AF 40,199,356, 374-375 AF 41,199,356, 365, 375 aluminum, 328, 332, 335 Alvania,
149,151
Alykomouri, 217,225,236-237 Amnissos
cave,
Amorgos,
319
amphoras, Anatolia, Anavisos,
157
73, 393-396 61 157
INDEX
458 bladelet, 108 blowpipe, 112
Andiskari, 303 Andros, 157 animal
Chania, 303-304, 319,419
anisaldehyde, 423-425
blueberry, 425,426 boldo tree, 426
anise,
borneol,
fats, 420-422,424,427
423-425,427
anorthite, 305, 307, 309 Ano
310-311
Varsamonero,
acid, 422
anteisopentanoic
apricot,
426
apsidal
structure,
main
brick making, 38
65,145-147,157,163-169,
97,381-382,415,426 Britain, 142,163 bronze
166-167,171
Arslantepe,
161-162
A?ikh H?y?k,
See pawpaw See Pyrgos.
Aspros Atomic
176 bucket jar, 79, 81,87, 93, 97,415,416, 418,424 buckle, 212
145
arsenopyrite,
Emission
Bulgaria, 157,159
Siphnos
Spectrometer,
38
See
axes,
capric
302-303,
110,153-154,184,223,233,
241,247,250,260,262,275 basil, 417 basins,
79, 93-94,391,415,422
basket
impression,
beads,
158,161-162 161
bears, Bebonas, Beer
Ora.
71
beeswax,
83-84,
351,413,415,422 420
166-167 Beycesultan, 430-432 biotite,
Bir Safadi, 142 birds, 212,254 bismuth, 172 blackberry, 421
75-76
160,162
425,427
146,175
221
cerith,
422
acid,
vessel,
176
?atal H?y?k,
cedar,
See Timna
86, 94, 96,112,
125-132,177,183-184,186-187,
benzoic
open
Cay?n? Tepesi, 160-161
227
61, 68,
slags, 285-286,
221
catmint,
8-9,197-198,200-201,
203-204,221-223,226,237,239, 243,248-249,251,253,255,272 70,216-220
Chalinomouri, 229,269-270 Chamaizi,
Chordakia,
9-10,12,14,16,203-204,
221-232,235,238-239,278,365
4,269-270
330
142,184-186,
chrysocolla,
territory,
303-304, Chrysostomos, in ravine, 204,254 church
area of, 204 310-311
See travertine
Chylopittes. Cinnamomum
aromaticum,
formation 425
419
185 282,289
coal deposit, 40 combed
149,151-152 71
decoration,
110,
furnaces,
349
conical cup, 72, 88, 97,213, 385 cooking dishes, 65, 68, 72-73,79, 84, 377, 87, 91, 93, 97,183,209,212, 380,387 65-67,
pots,
cooking
73,183,209,
377-378,381,385,387-389,419 coriander,
418,421,425,427
Coriander
sativum.
Cornwall,
143
See coriander
321-324
studies, 332-333
covellite,
Chalandriani, 165,319 chalcocite, 141, 332 chalcopyrite, 141, 300, 332
chalice,
226,229
Chondrovolakes,
corrosion
149
Cerithium, 149,151 chaff, 110,113,133-135,153-154, 180-182,184,233,241,250,262, 290-291
Chalepa,
3,5,9-10,14,47,198,200,
202-203,205-213,221-233,235, 237-239,243,251,253,255,261, 278,358,365,374
Columbella,
in
cattle, 212,234,248,271-272
bell cups, 208 bellows,
carinated
cassiterite,
146
chlorite, 144,290-292
Congolese
cup, 208,267
Caucasus,
391-392
bees,
424
carinated
carob,
discussion,
chisels, 165,172,174,189,212, 318-319 chloride, 146, 327
clinopyroxene,
caprylic acid, 418,419,421,422
290-292,331
Balomir, 159 barium, 325, 327,332
main
fragments,
109-123
clinoclase,
419,422
Capsicum frutescens, carbonate inclusions 155-160,164
84,
citms, 418,419,421,425
418,420,422
acid,
269-270
284-286,291-292,430-432
cinnamon,
acid,
caproic
142,144,183-186,
330,332
barley,
65,416^419,421,423,
campo. See Kambos
174-175,301,319
Balkans,
Theriospelio
425-427
159
101,155,159,164,170-171,
azurite,
See also
3,15.
Camphor,
Seriphos
awls, 156,159,161,189,318 axe-adzes,
cave,
79
Chrysokamino
Byblos, 170
augite, 289,292, 305,307 Avgo, 227-229,231 Avyssalos.
burial
pot",
Chomatas,
at farmstead, 213 jug discussion use, main of, 169?
bronze
145
arseniosiderite,
"cheese
Cheiromandres,
chlorine, 83, 87, 89, 94,
jar, 78,
bridge-spouted
171-177,185-186,188,300,304, 321-324,327-328,332,338,340 344,346-347,349-352,413,428
Asimina.
174
bracelet,
discussion,
221,426
chimney 78-79,
72-73,75-76,
cheese,
chert,
87,91, 93,97,209,212,216-217, 393,413,415,419,425
55-66 arsenic,
68,70,
bowls,
327-328
322,
antimony,
fields,
4,197,275-276,278,355-359, 366-367,369-370,375
acid, 420
anteisopentadecanoic
for agricultural
walls
213
Charonia,
418
boundary
212
cups,
champaign
crab, 149,152 425
cranberry, cristobalite, crucibles,
309 14,16,
63-64,113,137,158,
163,165-166,173,177,182,184, 263,300,302 cumin, Cuminum cuprite,
423-425 cyminum.
See cumin
141,144,146,282-283,287
289,292,338,344,348 cups, 65,70,72-73,77-78,87-89,97,
183,208-209,212,380,385,413, 415,425
459
INDEX
in bedrock,
cuttings
99,101,104-105,
350 70-71,
Cyclades,
79, 99,142,145-146,
Fascio
lar ia, 149,152
247,255,299,313-316,319,330 311 Cyprus, 16,175-176,188,273,
208-209,301,318 Debla, 154 decanal, 418,419,421,425,427
289,292,296-297,305,309
deep water fish, 255 dehydroabietic acid, 420 delafossite, 146,292,344,
fields
348
cultural
Fournou
farming
methods,
iron, 288-289,292 157 422
entrapped epicuticular
waxes,
140
421,423,426
epidote, 291-292 Ermioni,
316
Eskiyapar, 170 ethyl salicylate, 424 Euboia, 157,164,319 Euripides,
cave of, 157
Faience,
137
farmstead
at
3,5,
Chrysokamino-Chomatas,
7,12-13,16-17,33,181-184,
193,196-198,200,201-202,205 213,215,221-256,259,262,267 274,330,356, 369-372,375,391 393,397,408,410-411
chromatography,
hares.
See
Lepus
210-211
hearth,
horn
413-432
discussion,
22-36
Microprobe,
See licorice
road,
215
bones, 160
hyacinth, 424 orientalis.
Hyacinthus
See iron oxides/hydroxides 157
near modern
walls
Hungary, 16
420
glabra.
149,151
161
human
Electron
70, 75-76
vessel, shell,
horses, house
gold, 296,310,344 Gournes,
barley jar, 75-76
House of theTiles, 171
G?bekliTepe Ziyaret, 161 goblet, 71, 76-77 goethite.
See
horned
Giali, 158 ginger, 421 Glazed PaintedWare, 393 Glazed Ware, 397 Glycyrrhiza
acid, 419,426 See leather
horned
gehlenite, 305 main
338
arc, 23
Hordeum.
420,423,426
301
germander,
170
sites,
hieroglyphic tablets, 267 hook, 212
423 426
149,151
gastropod,
geology, Geoscan
8
Ioannis,
Hagios
Hagios Onouphrios, 168 Hallan ?emi Tepesi, 161
hides.
420,423,426 gamma-octalactone, 243-248 discussion, gardens, main
Gavdos,
70,226-227,229,
231,236
hercynite, 307, 309
421,426
gamma-nonalactone,
gas
gas bubbles,
304, 311,
417,421,423,424,426 heptadecane, herbal medicines, 65-66
162
beads,
gamma-lactones,
acid,
Antonios,
Hagios
Hellenic
133-134,136
lining,
gamma-hexalactone,
423
elemental
cycles,
Galena
165-168,171,217-218,
hedenbergite, 141,286,292, 138
gamma-decanolactone,
elaidic acid (C18:l trans), 419 Emporio, enanthic
Photia,
262,269,318 Hagia Triada, 70,166,168, 318-319
hexanoic Ware
Ebla, 169-170 Egypt, 125 eicosane,
Fournou
Myrtos
White-on-Dark
SeeWhite-on-Dark
Ware.
See farmstead
Hassek H?y?k, 167
trees, 247,258
furnace Cretan
location.
Chrysokamino-Chomatas See Kea Eireini.
Harrapan
Ftelia, 156
164
Durankulak,
See fennel
See
Korifi.
freeze/thaw fruit
at Hagia
Korifi
21
157
culture,
gypsum, 36-37, 303
for agri
See meadowsweet
vulg?re. 291
foraminifera,
dove shell, 149,151-152 drill, 174
East
walls
Final Neolithic period. SeeNeolithic period Fine GrayWare, 217 fish and fish bones, 149-151,255,426 fishhooks, 156,161,165,318 fishing for sport, 276 fish tanks, 28 flux, 143,145,183-186,330,346 Foeniculum
418,419,421,424-426
dodecane,
Filip?ndula
162
Gumilnitsa
Hagia ulmaria.
248
discussion,
discus
figs, 278
418,425
lands, main
Habitation
See boundary fields
field walls.
ditolyl ether, 419,423 Diyarbakir, 161
Dorian
main
for agriculture,
grazing
ground elder, 424,426-427
sion, 250-253
diethyltoluamide (DEET), 423-425 dihydroisophorone, 427 DikiliTash, 156 dill, 421 Dimini, 164 Dimitra, 156 diopside, 292 Dioscorides, 423
dodecanal,
used
391
Greenland,
291-292
siltstone,
graters,
250
field houses, 197,252,274-276,27%, 355-356,360-365,369,373
420,421
diacetylbenzene, 4 Diaskari,
142-143,177,180,188
ferruginous
acid, 424-426
decanoic
247-248,252,258,262,266,
271,278
feldspar, 291-292,431-432 fennel, 423-425, 427
159,163-166,170,172,189,
71, 73, 76,100,127,
181-182,215,218,228,231,256, 259,264-267,270,273 grapes,
140-141,188,282-284,286
fayalite,
Feinan, Daggers,
149
152
163,166-168,171,177,179,181,
4-5,18,
Gournia,
fatty acids, 413,416,418,420-426,428 faunal remains, main discussion,
See
hyacinth
hydrated copper chloride, 286 hydroxy-derivative,
423
hyssop, 417,420 root
Ierapetra,
4,22-23,26,28,223,226,
255 Ilipinar,
171
Indus River, 163,170 ingots, 187-188, 349, 352 Ionian
Sea,
19
374-375
INDEX
460 167
Iran,
isomethyl
a-ionone,
424,425,427
220,252,259,264,266,268,270, 316, 347 Kokkino Phroudi, 269-270 Kolonospilio, 14 Kommos, 69,125,165, 391
isomethyl
b-ionone,
424,425,427
Kondouro.
iron oxides/hydroxides,
328,
143,
330-333,341,344-346,350-352 irrigation pipe, 51
l?llingite, 347 loomweights, 65,209,213,245,271
70, 76,155-156,159,166,
Knossos,
Ireland, 142
See
Macedonia,
297,305,338,340,345,347-349 malachite, 318-319
76,160,165,168,
Koumasa,
Krasi, 170-171, 318 170
Jadeite,
301-302
Kritsa,
kylix, 212, 378 Kythera, 171-172,314
81, 83-84,
jars, 61, 65, 70, 75-79,
96-97,128,209,
86-89,93-94,
212, 382, 388,413,415,419,421 424,426 Jordan, 142-143,177,180,188 jugs, 65, 81, 87, 89,97,208,212,220
Mani, 157 Manika, 171-172, 319 of East
map marble
Kalathiana, 168, 318 kalathoi, 209 Kalo Chorio, 24, 70,220,228 Kamares
310-311
304, 9-13,
Kambos,
30,221-224,226,229
251,253-256,260,264,267,378, 408,410-411 lapis lazuli, 169-170
75
Cuka,
Kanli Kastelli, 218 kaolinite, 184,245
93
larnax, Lasaia,
157
laurel,
221
Karoumes,
269-270
lauric
acid,
lavender, 182
Lavrion,
Kastelli Phourni, 70 See Kythera See Monastiraki Katalimata.
Kastri.
Syme,
Kato
Zakros,
304,
4,125,
311
4-7,12,14,17-18,22,27,
70,179-182,197, 34,40,47,52, 205,217,236,249,254,256,258, 262,264,267,273,276,375 Kavousianos Kavousi sion,
River,
survey, main
regional 221-232
Kephala.
See Seriphos See Kea
Kephalolimnos,
9-10,198,221-224,
226,238-240,243,249,276 ketones,
Levant,
415,418,419,425-427
knives, 165,172,212
155 24-25,161-162,167,169 24-25 420,423
17,41,142,145,175,181,
methyl dehydroabietate, 418, 421,423
analysis,
304
168,175-176,
422,426
methyl
esters,
methyl
ketone,
methyl
nonanoate,
methyl
2-ethylhexaoate,
415,418,419-426,428 413 423 426
Miamou,304,311
272
430-432
mica, 310-311 70
319
Micromeria
425
myrtifolia,
milk, 419, 422 minimum
number
128
of bellows,
417,420
mint,
Mirabello
Fabric,
70-71,
73, 78-79,
425
83-84,
See Lebena
110,127-128,130,132,134,136, 181,377,380
Lepus, 42,149-150,212,254
licorice
Kea, 165,299, 314, 319 Kefala.
discus
19-20
decanoate,
304,
Lerna,
in Crete,
Mehrgarh, 161 mellite, 309 Melos, 100
methyl
171
Lesbos, 166,171,173-174,176
12
424 meadowsweet, mean temperatures
417
Ware,
Lenda.
345
balance,
benzoate,
Lebena
lemon,
65,213,235,
methyl
Lebena,
Lemnos, 33
mass
Mesopotamia,
420,422
Lefkandi, 171-172 lekane, 394, 397
33,198,200,
43,52,
metacarbonate,
isotope
leather,
391
203,222-223,229,238-239,243, 249,251,253,268 Kavousi,
313
310-319
9-10,12,16,
Katsoprinos,
310-311,
185,255,263,313,315-317 lead, 145,168,175-176,186, lead bead, 166 lead
301-302
Katharo, Kato
Katalimata furnaces
See Congolese Katanga. 70 Katharades,
resources,
245,271 Marshall Plan, 278, 365
Mesara, 304,
302,
Karanovo,
391 Karpathos, Kamm Kanesh,
34, 36,
9,12-13,17,
237-239,243-244,246,248-249,
231,234,248,250,254-256,266, 277-278, 365 Kamenska
Ambelliou,
38,42, HO, 113,184,197-198,201, 203-204,221-223,226,229,235,
157
vases,
marine
420,423,426-427
Lakkos
168, 318
169-170
Mari,
ladle, 213
266
Ware,
Kambanos,
lactones,
4
Crete,
Marathokephalo,
314
Laconia,
See sheepfold 145
manganese,
167-168,177,179-181,185,255, 263,299-301,305,313-317,319, 350
127
Kalami,
142,144,183-187,254,
301-303,311,330-332,344 Malia, 264-268,270, 304 M?ndalo, 158,164 Mandra.
17,20,41,112,142-143,145,
Kythnos,
139,282-287,289,292,296
magnetite,
Seriphos
Konya basin, 162
420,421,426-427 isophorone, 4-5 Isthmus of Ierapetra,
158,164 15
Magnesia,
167 root, 417-420,423,424-427
lime, 137,139 limekiln, 204 Limogardion, 299 limonite, 303, 310 limpet, 149-152,213 Linear B, 10,14,247,263 lions, 161
Mn
86-87,
290,292
oxides,
Mochlos,
96-97,
91,93-94,
4,26,28,
70,170,186,217
218,229,231,258-259,264,273, 318-319 modern
toponyms,
main
discussion,
8-14
Molai,
314
molds,
63-64,113,172
mollusks,
43
Monastiraki
Katalimata,
Monodonta,
149-152,213
268
81,
INDEX
186
ware.
mottled
299 Othrys Mountains, See AF 32 under oval structure.
245
montmorillonite, mortars and
461
pestles, See Vasiliki
Ware
features
pogenic
Mount Holyoke College, 17 daub
mud murex
Pacheia
62
structures, 314
shells,
176
Mushiston,
Palaikastro,
acid, 418,420,426
myristic
Fournou
Myrtos
Korifi,
171
Neolithic
62, 67
3, 8,21,42,
period,
70, 72, 79, 87,109,142,149,155 166,179,183,193,205,209,217, 225,233-234,236-238,244,248, 250,257-262,273,321,323,325, 380,429-432 racemosa.
Nepeta
111,
furnaces,
Nisyros, 158 N-methylphthalidimide, nonanal,
Pyrgos
198,237-238,270 Pyrgos Myrtos, 267
426
pepper, 420 peppermint, 426
426
acid, 419,423,424,
obsidian,
of slags, main
99-101,105,107-108,209,
octadecane,
423-426
417,419,421,
octanoic
166
Petromagoula, Peumus boldus,
oleic acid, 418,420,423, 426 olives (olive oil), 110,143,153-154, 235,241,246-248,250,252,255,
pigs,
258,260,262,276,278,365,414, 418-421,423, 424,426
pile-based
335, 338, 344 176
Oman,
421
1-decanol,
421
1-dodecanol,
1-pentadecanol, 1-tetradecanol,
421
421 425
1,2-benzisothiazole, oolitic or?gano,
structure,
resin,
pine
tar, 422,
pine
trees,
291
Royal
418,420-423,
425,426
426
halepensis.
425
See
pine
cup, 77,
Cemetery
87-89, of Ur,
97,413,425 169
rue, 65,418,425,427 See rue
Saddle-shaped
querns,
212-213,
241,271 tanks
safflower,
157
166,
422
saffron, 65,420,421,426,427 sage, 221,417,420 Salamis, 157,170 S argon 1,162
Platys River, 12, 37,229-230,255 Poliochni, 170-174,176, 319 Katsambas,
420
318
Aleppo
pithos, 378 PIXE, 321-324 Pl?tanos, 165,168, 318
Poros
417,
graveolens. rutile, 284
149,152 See fish
73
Ruta
391
Platomagoulia,
418
Origanum sipyleum, Orkos. See Kea
Pinus
piscinae.
421
rosemary, rounded
pineapple, 426
Pisania,
421,423
1-octadecanol,
62
See anise
pins, 156-158,172-174, 421
1,4-diacetylbenzene, 1-nonanol,
anisum.
419,421,423,426,428
159
Romania,
construction,
pine
125-126 wine,
ritual vessel,
212,234,271-272
Pimpinella 307,
resinated
Rethymno, 304 Rhodes, 316 ring-idols, 157,159
185
pharmacosiderite, 246 phosphorus,
Photolivos, 158 Phtiotis, 299
141,282,284-286,289,
425
Rekh-mi-re,
186,197,204,221,223,229,234
olivine,
153 171-172
raspberry,
Phaistos, 75,155,259,266-267,304
acid, 419,421,424,425,426
Rachis, Raima,
Redox Conditions, 348
426
424,
26
phacoids,
422
octanoate,
querns
discussion,
70
Petrokorio,
245
saddle-shaped
quicklime, 42,112
petrography
154
See
querns.
281-292 Oats,
331
332,344,351,430-432
4
Petras,
Mu, 268 183,284,286,290-292,
quartz,
petitgrain, 425
425,427
70,170,217-219
289,305,335,338,344 pyxis, 67, 70-73, 76,208-209 Quartier
419
harmala,
Perganum Peru, 163
9,14-15,197
140-141,188,282-283,286
pyroxene, 422
acid, 419,421-422
pentadecanoic
318
pyrite, 141, 301, 332-333
23 419,
63-66
structure,
Chrysokaminou,
Pyrgos Ware, 419-422
acid,
P?loponn?se,
418,419,421,424-425,427
nonanoic
149-152,213
pelargonic
338
apsidal
165,170,218,
157
peach, 421,426
346
cave,
Pyrgos
Patras,
pentadecane,
Nevali ?ori, 161 nickel, 186, 332, 338,340-343, 347,349-352 Nigerian
149,152
Patella,
pawpaw,
See catmint
of the
purpose
Paracentrotus,
157,164
2,245
pulses, 246-247,252,271 punch, 174, 318-319
228
Papoura,
terrace G,
Pseiran
161
papaya, 417,426
157,168,319
4, 8,18,21-22,26,28-29,
32,40,43, 70, 79,127,154,181, 215-217,231,245,251-252,258, 264-265,268,270,273,391
418
acid,
Panagia Skali, 229 panthers,
needles,
Pseira,
142,171
palmitoleic
Mishmar,
See bellows pot bellows. vessels. See jugs pouring ore 177 Precambrian deposits, in 19-20 Crete, precipitation
palmitic acid, 418,420-422,426
88,181,220,
Myrtos Pyrgos, 318
Naxos,
Porti, 168, 318
Priniatikos Pyrgos, 4, 73,265 318
4,125,155,267,
Palestine,
252,302
Nahal
7-8,17-18,
161
Pakistan,
156
Mykonos,
4-5,
Ammos,
179,181-182,233,254,258
65
hearth,
portable anthro
347
Satureja
cuneifolia. saws, 165, 318 sea level, 21,199
See Turkish
savory
INDEX
462 212-213
sealstone, sea shells. sea urchins,
Taurus
Semitic
See
289
terraces,
3-4,49,197,200,202-204,
Congolese 335
furnaces
Tharrounia
shale, 291-292
Thebes, Egypt, 125 61, 72, 78-79,
bowls,
84, 87,
91,97,413,415,419,425 and goats,
sheep
silver, 157,159,166-167,169,172, 175,304,310,314,316
403-412 319
spatula,
318
spearhead, Sphoungaras,
whorls,
spindle Sri Lanka
176
stannite, stearic
acid,
222,225-227,233,243,249,251, 253,257,260-262,276,330,356, 373
418,420,421,422
storage
discussion,
99-108
65
vessels,
67-68,
213 strawberry,
425
Strophilas, 157 sunflower,
417
416-417, decoration,
Syros, 162,165,167,169,171,
tankard,
176 171
acid,
cooking shells,
212
weasels,
234,272
wedges for drilling, 269 316
wells,
4,197,256,274-276,278,
355-358,363,374 wheat, 153,234,241,247,250,260,262
9,11,
34-37,
40,
White-on-Dark
Ware,
427
wild boars^l61 wine,
418
65, 71-72,
88-89,126,181,264-266
88
414,418-423,425-427
wollastonite,
305,
307,
309
wustite, 141, 309, 338, 345 See cooking
pots. 213
pots Xerambela,
227,229 See Lefkandi
Xeropolis.
157
Yannitsa,
Dryas,
Younger
162
127,133-134,136,172,183 Zaire.
184,187 tweezers
319
422
esters,
77-78,
tuyeres,
See pigs 167 swords,
swine.
Tajikstan,
wax
Spectrom
Dispersive 325-328
weaving,
Troy, 160,169-176 tulip shell, 149-152 tumbler, 208, 385 Turkish savory, 417,425,427
72,183,212
161-162
425
thyme, 41,391,417 Timna, 142, 335 tin, 143,163,167,169-176, top shell, 149,213
tripod triton
70,258 226
Vronda,
etry,
tridymite, 309
209
tools, main
Vrokastro,
Wavelength
stone
vases,
Vouliagmeni, 157 33,181,
4,197,252,274-276,
floors,
269
system,
278,355-356,359-360,365-366 Thriphti, 4, 70 Thriphti Argira, 228
threshing
420,421,425,426 420
vultures,
tridecanoic
stone
villa
62
triacetin,
stone
verbenone,
17
14
420,422,425-426
vervain,
3-bromothieno[3,2-c]pyridine,
trickle
71, 76-77,127,
422,427
period,
verbena,
7,11-12,22,27,
beach,
stirmp jars, 212 bowl,
dating,
oils,
vegetable Venetian
203
177
15-16,
300,304
3, 7-9,11-12,15
17,34,193,197-198,203,215-220,
cave, 165 Trapeza travertine formation,
70,215-218,258 65
furnaces,
cave,
Theriospelio
Thrace,
discussion,
Ware,
208-209,217-218,220,264-265,
229,231,233,254-255
166 main
Vasiliki
9,12,198,200,203-204,215
Tholos
See Kythnos
soap, 221 socketed spearhead, soils and sediments,
157
cave,
157
Varna,
Thessaly, 62,164,166
Sklavopoula (Sklavopoulou), 302-304, 310-311
171
Vasiliki, 4,70,181,217,258,265,268, 270
thermoluminescence
Siphnos, 179,314-317 Sitagroi, 156-159,164,171,404 Siteia, 24 Skhabar, 418
Skouries.
157,164,166
Thermi, 166,171,173-174,176
166
pendant,
418,420,422
acid,
Usatovo,
220
212
silver zoomorphic
cave,
Theopetra Therio,
212,234,248-249,
253-254,271-272,276,420,423 sheepfold, 200-201,211, 356, 370 Shiqmim, 142,177 shrew,
undecanoic
Ur, 169-170 Urfa, 161
417,419,421,424
Shahr-I-Sokhta,
shallow
418,425 418-419
undecane,
tetradecane,
140-141
minerals,
undecanal,
tenorite,
224,246,251,274-278,355,357 358,360-361,363-365,369,372 374,399-402,406-408,411-412
314,316-317 Sesklo, 164,166 Sfaki,299 Shaba.
Unaltered
89,175
Tell Brak, 170
20,142-143,179-181,299,
Seriphos,
419,425-427
Tylissos, 270
23,161,167,169
65, 73,
teapots,
See Sklavopoula loan word, 10,14
Selinou.
418,
2-undecanone,
Mountains,
170
43,149,152,254,419 302
Selakano,
171
Tarsus, resources
See marine
2-decanone,
Zakros. Zas
425-427
2-ethylhexanoic 418 2-ketone, 2-Phenoxyethanol,
acid,
420,422,424
See Congolese furnaces See Kato Zakros
cave,
zoomorphic 419,
423
157,164,168
Zoghaki. SeeKythnos morphic
pendant. pendant
See silver zoo