Chronicle of Hainaut

COH-Prelims.qxd 11/15/04 5:56 PM Page i Gilbert of Mons CHRONICLE OF HAINAUT The importance of the late twelfth-c...

Author: Gilbert of Mons and Laura Napran (Translator)

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Gilbert of Mons

CHRONICLE OF HAINAUT

The importance of the late twelfth-century Chronicle of Hainaut (Chronicon Hanoniense) as an historical record cannot be overestimated. Gilbert of Mons was an eye-witness to important events affecting Count Baldwin V of Hainaut, and provides much significant information about persons and affairs within France and the Empire, particularly Count Philip of Flanders, King Philip Augustus and Emperor Frederick Barbarossa; he had a keen interest in noble marriages, making his chronicle an unmatched source for genealogical and prosopographical material for this region. Moreover, his work is a mine of information on a great many subjects, such as the crusades, political events, noble women, the lives of saints, lord-tenant relationships, customary practices and the association of churches with lay advocates; it is particularly informative on military matters, giving detailed accounts of sieges, campaigns and tournaments. This volume presents a clear translation, accompanied by detailed annotations clarifying the text, identifying people, events and concepts, an introduction, and bibliography. LAURA NAPRAN has a Ph.D. in medieval history from University of Cambridge (Pembroke) and is an independent scholar.

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Gilbert of Mons

CHRONICLE OF HAINAUT

Translated into English by Laura Napran with introduction and notes

THE BOYDELL PRESS

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© Laura Napran 2005 All Rights Reserved. Except as permitted under current legislation no part of this work may be photocopied, stored in a retrieval system, published, performed in public, adapted, broadcast, transmitted, recorded or reproduced in any form or by any means, without the prior permission of the copyright owner The right of Laura Napran to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 First published 2005 The Boydell Press, Woodbridge ISBN 1 84383 120 1

The Boydell Press is an imprint of Boydell & Brewer Ltd PO Box 9, Woodbridge, Suffolk IP12 3DF, UK and of Boydell & Brewer Inc. 668 Mt Hope Avenue, Rochester, NY 14620, USA website: www.boydellandbrewer.com A CIP catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Gislebertus, of Mons, d. 1225. [Chronicon Hanoniense. English] Chronicle of Hainaut / by Gilbert of Mons ; translated with introduction and notes by Laura Napran. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 1–84383–120–1 (hardback : alk. paper) 1. Hainaut (Belgium)—History—Sources. 2. Hainaut (Belgium)— History—Early works to 1800. 3. Baudouin V, count of Hainaut, 1150–1195. 4. Gislebertus, of Mons, d. 1225. Chronicon Hanoniense. I. Napran, Laura, 1961– II. Title. DH801.H26G413 2005 949.3⬘4201—dc22 2004016867

This publication is printed on acid-free paper Printed in Great Britain by St Edmundsbury Press Ltd, Bury St Edmunds, Suffolk

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CONTENTS Acknowledgements

ix

Maps County of Flanders County of Hainaut and environs

x xi

Genealogies French royal house English royal house Comital house of Boulogne Comital house of Brabant/Louvain Comital house of Champagne Comital house of Flanders: house of Alsace Comital house of Hainaut Comital house of Namur Comital house of Vermandois

xii xiii xiv xv xvi xvii xviii xx xxi

Abbreviations

xxii

Introduction Gilbert of Mons The manuscripts Editions and translations Influence of Chronicon Hanoniense on medieval sources Principles of translation and annotation Historical importance of Chronicon Hanoniense Dates Places CHRONICLE OF HAINAUT

xxvii xxviii xxx xxxi xxxi xxxiii xxxvii xxxviii 1

Bibliography

183

Index

199

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For Norm Socha

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I am exceedingly grateful to Dr Elisabeth van Houts and Professor John France for their encouragement to translate and publish Gilbert of Mons’ Chronicon Hanoniense, and for their astute comments on my work. I thank Dr Leonie Hicks for her careful proofreading of the text, for her assistance with maps, and for her constant and amicable support. I am grateful for the generous financial assistance received from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada for my postdoctoral research fellowship, during which I completed this work. My research was facilitated by the assistance of the staff at the Bibliothèque Nationale de France at Paris, the Bibliothèque Royale at Brussels, the Cambridge University Library and the Library of the Pontifical Institute of Medieval Studies at Toronto. The execution of this work has benefited greatly from the support given by the institutions with which I was associated at this time. I would like to take this opportunity to express my gratitude to the Master and Fellows of Pembroke College, Cambridge, and to the Department of Classical and Medieval Studies, University of Waterloo, Canada. Caroline Palmer, editor at Boydell and Brewer, has been unfailingly patient and understanding during the completion of this work, and has provided much helpful advice. I thank Dr Greti DinkovaBruun for many fruitful discussions on the Latin language, and Dr George Rigg and Dr Virginia Brown for instruction given which provided me with the tools to accomplish this translation. Finally, I wish to thank my late husband Norman Socha for his cheerful and loving encouragement during the early months of this project.

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The county of Flanders

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The county of Hainaut and environs

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Henry (‘the young king’ of England)

x

Marguerite

William II count of Ponthieu

x

Alix

(2) Constance of Castile

x

Pierre II Courtenay

Pierre I Courtenay

Agnes

Louis VIII king of France (1223–26)

(1) Elisabeth of Hainaut

x

Philip II Augustus king of France (1180–23)

(3) Adela of Champagne (1) Agnes of Nevers (2) Yolende of Hainaut

Constance

*Here and in the other genealogies, rulers of each house are shown in bold type.

Thibaut V count of Blois

x

x

Henry I count of Champagne

Alix

Marie

(1) Eleanor of Aquitaine

Robert I count of Dreux

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x

Henry archbishop of Reims

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Louis VII king of France (1137–80)

(1) Lucienne of Rochefort (2) Adela of Savoy (Maurienne)

x

Louis VI king of France (1108–37)

FRENCH ROYAL HOUSE*

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Matilda (d. 1189) x Henry the Lion

Geoffrey Richard I Lionheart count of Brittany king of England (d. 1186) (1189–99) x Berengaria

Eleanor

Joan

John king of England (1189–1216)

Eustace IV count of Boulogne (d. 1153)

Thibaut IV count of Blois (d. 1152)

Adela (d. 1137) x Stephen III count of Blois (d. 1134) Stephen king of England (1135–54) x Mathilde of Boulogne

Henry II x Eleanor of Aquitaine king of England (1154–89)

Matilda empress x (2) Geoffrey count of Anjou

x (1) Edith-Matilda (d. 1118)

Henry I king of England (1100–35)

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(1) Henry V emperor of Germany

William Clito count of Flanders (1127–8)

Robert Curthose duke of Normandy (1087–1106, d. by 1134)

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Henry the Young King (d. 1183) x Marguerite of France

William II Rufus king of England (1087–1100)

William I the Conqueror x Matilda of Flanders

ENGLISH ROYAL HOUSE

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Baldwin I king of Jerusalem (1100–18)

x Henry I duke of Brabant (1190–1235)

Mathilde

Marie countess of Boulogne (formerly abbess of Romsey) x Matthew of Flanders, count of Boulogne (d. 1173)

Ida countess of Boulogne (d. 1216) x (1) Gérard III count of Gueldre (d. 1182) (2) Berthold IV duke of Zähringen (d. 1186) (3) Renaud I count of Dammartin (d. 1227)

William count of Boulogne (d. 1160)

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Eustace IV count of Boulogne (d. 1153) x Constance daughter of Louis VI king of France

Godfrey of Bouillon (d. 1100) defender of Holy Sepulchre

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Mathilde countess of Boulogne x Stephen king of England (1135–54)

Eustace III count of Boulogne (1088–1125)

Eustace II count of Boulogne (1047–88) x Ida

COMITAL HOUSE OF BOULOGNE

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William lord of Perwez

(2) Imaine of Looz Godfrey

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Albert bishop of Liège Henry I (d. 1192) duke of Brabant (1190–1235) x (1) Mathilde of Boulogne (2) Marie of France daughter of King Philip Augustus

Godfrey III duke of Brabant (1143–90) x (1) Marguerite of Limbourg

COMITAL HOUSE OF BRABANT/LOUVAIN

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x Isabella queen of Jerusalem

Henry II count of Champagne (d. 1197) (betrothed to Elisabeth of Hainaut) (betrothed to Yolende of Hainaut) (betrothed to Ermesinde of Namur)

x Alix daughter of Louis VII

Stephen count of Sancerre

Philip II Augustus king of France

Adela x Louis VII king of France

3 more daughters

Thibaut I count of Bar x (1) Laureta of Loos (2) Isabelle-Ermesinde of Bar-sur-Seine (3) Ermesinde of Namur

x Renaud II count of Bar-le-Duc

Agnes

Henry count of Bar

William archbishop of Reims

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Thibaut V count of Blois

Stephen king of England count of Boulogne

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Henry I count of Champagne (d. 1181) x Marie daughter of Louis VII of France

Thibaut II of Champagne [also called Thibaut IV of Blois] x Mathilde of Carinthia

Stephen III count of Blois x Adela daughter of William the Conqueror

COMITAL HOUSE OF CHAMPAGNE

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Ida x (1) Gérard count of Gueldre (2) Berthold IV duke of Zähringen (3) Renaud I of Dammartin

Mathilde x Henry I duke of Brabant

Louis VIII king of France

Philip II Augustus king of France

Elisabeth (Isabelle) x

Matthew Peter count of Boulogne (d. 1176) (d. 1173) x x Mathilde of Burgundy (1) Marie of Boulogne (2) Eleanor of Vermandois

x Pierre II Courtenay count of Nevers

Yolende (betrothed to Henry II count of Champagne)

Mathilde Marguerite x (1) Raoul I count of Vermandois (2) Baldwin V count of Hainaut [as Baldwin VIII count of Flanders] Baldwin VI count of Hainaut [as Baldwin IX count of Flanders] x Marie of Champagne

Gertrude x (1) Humbert III of Savoie (2) Hugh III of Oisy

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Philip count of Flanders (1168–91) x Elisabeth of Vermandois

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Laureta x (1) Iwan of Alost (2) Henry I of Limbourg (3) Raoul I of Vermandois (4) Henry I of Namur

Thierry of Alsace count of Flanders (1128–68) x (2) Sibylle of Anjou (1) Suanchilde

COMITAL HOUSE OF FLANDERS: HOUSE OF ALSACE

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Baldwin IV count of Hainaut (1120–71) x Alix of Namur

x Yolende of Gueldre

Gerard x ?

Henry

Gertrude x Roger of Tosny

Arnoul Louis x Beatrice of Ath

Richilde x Amaury IV of Montfort

Richilde x (1) Thierry of Avesnes (2) Évrard II castellan of Tournai

Ida x Thomas of Marle

William

Alix x Nicholas II of Rumigny

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Baldwin III count of Hainaut (1102–20)

Baldwin II x Ida of Louvain count of Hainaut (1071–98 [declared dead 1102])

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Arnoul III count of Flanders (count 1070–1, d. 1072)

Richilde countess of Hainaut and Flanders (1051–84) x (2) Baldwin VI count of Flanders (and Hainaut) (1) Hermann count of Hainaut (1067–70) (d. c.1050 or 1051)

COMITAL HOUSE OF HAINAUT

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Baldwin V count of Hainaut (1171–95) [as Baldwin VIII count of Flanders]

Yolende (betrothed to Henry II of Champagne)

Sibyl x Guichard IV of Beaujeu

Laureta x (1) Thierry of Alost (2) Bouchard V of Montmorency

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x Pierre II Courtenay count of Nevers emperor of Constantinople

Henry emperor of Constantinople

Agnes Henry Yolende x x x Jean of (1) Ivo count Raoul of Cysoing of Soissons Coucy (2) Hugh IV count of Saint-Pol

Baldwin VI Philip count of Hainaut marquis of Namur (1195–1205) (betrothed to [as Baldwin IX Mathilde of Nevers) count of Flanders] x x Marie of France Marie of daughter of King Philip Champagne II Augustus

x Marguerite of Flanders

Godfrey x Eleanor of Vermandois

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Elisabeth x Philip II Augustus king of France (1180–1223)

Baldwin

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Albert (d. young)

x (1) unknown (2) Laureta of Flanders (annulled) (3) Agnes of Gueldre

Henry the Blind count of Namur (1139–96)

Alix x Baldwin IV count of Hainaut

Philip marquis of Namur (1196–1212)

Baldwin V (d. 1195) count of Hainaut, marquis of Namur [as Baldwin VIII] count of Flanders x Marguerite of Flanders

Beatrice x Gonthier of Rethel

Baldwin VI count of Hainaut [as Baldwin IX] count of Flanders

Clemence x Conrad of Zähringen

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Ermesinde of Namur (betrothed to Henry II count of Champagne) x Thibaut I count of Bar, lord of Brie

Flandrine

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Elisabeth

Godfrey count of Namur (d. 1139) x (2) Ermesinde of Luxembourg (1) Sibylle of Porcien

COMITAL HOUSE OF NAMUR

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(2) Adelaide of Guyenne Elisabeth countess of Vermandois (d. 1182) x Philip count of Flanders and of Vermandois (1168–91)

Raoul II count of Vermandois (d. 1167)

x Marguerite of Flanders (later countess of Hainaut) (d. 1194)

Eleanor countess of Vermandois (d. 1214) x (1) Godfrey of Hainaut (d. 1167) (2) William IV of Nevers (1169–70) (3) Matthew of Boulogne (d. 1173) (4) Matthew of Beaumont (d. 1208)

(3) Laureta of Flanders

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(1) Eleanor of Champagne

Raoul I count of Vermandois (1117–52) x

COMITAL HOUSE OF VERMANDOIS

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ABBREVIATIONS AASS AASSBS ACi Actes

AHP AHR Alberic of Trois-Fontaines AMidi Amplissima collectio

Andreas of Marchiennes Annales Fuldenses

Annales Rodenses

Anonymous of Laon

ANS Aristocratic Women A-SE ASHB ASHEB BCRH BEC Benedict of Peterborough Bibliotheca sanctorum BIHR

Acta sanctorum quotquot tot orbe coluntur, 67 vols (Antwerp, 1643–1940) Acta sanctorum Belgii selecta, eds J. Ghesquière and C. Smet, 6 vols (Brussels, 1783–94) Analecta Cisterciensia Recueil des actes de Philippe Auguste roi de France, eds H.-F. Delaborde, C. Petit-Dutaillis et al., 3 vols (Paris, 1916–66) Archivum Historiae Pontificiae American Historical Review Alberic of Trois-Fontaines, Chronica, ed. P. Scheffer-Boichorst, MGH SS XXIII (Hanover, 1874), pp. 630–950 Annales du Midi Edmund Martene and Ursin Durand, eds, Veterum scriptorum et monumentorum historicum, dogmaticorum, moralium, amplissima collectio, 2 vols (Paris, 1724) Andreas of Marchiennes, Historia regum Francorum, ed. G. Waitz, MGH SS XXVI (Hanover, 1882), pp. 204–15 Annales Fuldenses, ed. F. Kurze, MGH SS rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum (Hanover, 1891); Annales Fuldenses, ed. G. H. Pertz, MGH SS I (Hanover, 1826), pp. 337–415; The Annals of Fulda, trans. Timothy Reuter, Manchester Medieval Sources (Manchester, 1992) Annales Rodenses, ed. S. P. Ernst, Histoire du Limbourg, vol. 7 (Liège, 1848); Annales Rodenses, ed. G. H. Pertz, MGH SS XVI (Hanover, 1859), pp. 698–723 Anonymous of Laon, Ex chronico universali Anonymi Laudunensis, ed. G. Waitz, MGH SS XXVI (Hanover, 1882), pp. 442–57 Anglo-Norman Studies: Proceedings of the Battle Conference Theodore Evergates, ed., Aristocratic Women in Medieval France (Philadelphia, 1999) Anglo-Saxon England Analectes pour servir à l’histoire de la Belgique Analectes pour servir à l’histoire ecclésiastique de la Belgique Bulletin de la Commission Royale d’Histoire Bibliothèque de l’École des Chartes Benedict of Peterborough, The Chronicle of the Reigns of Henry II and Richard I, ed. William Stubbs, RS 49, 2 vols (London, 1867) Bibliotheca sanctorum, 12 vols (Rome, 1961–9) Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research

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ABBREVIATIONS

BMCL BMGS BN Book of Saints BTP Butler ByZ c./cc. CChr.CM CCM Chronicon Sancti Huberti

Cîteaux CJH col. DA DOP Duvivier, Actes EEC EHR EMA

Femmes

Flandria generosa France de Philippe Auguste

Galbert of Bruges

Gerald of Wales

Gervase of Canterbury Gesta Lobbiensium

xxiii

Bulletin of Medieval Canon Law Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France Benedictine monks of St Augustine’s Abbey, Ramsgate, The Book of Saints, 6th edn (London, 1989) Biblioteca Theologiae Practicae H. J. Thurston and D. Attwater, eds and rev., Butler’s Lives of the Saints, 4 vols, 2nd edn (London, 1956) Byzantinische Zeitschrift chapter/chapters Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis Cahiers de civilisation médiévale, Xe–XIIe siècles Chronicon Sancti Huberti Andaginensis, eds L. C. Bethmann and W. Wattenbach, MGH SS VIII (Hanover, 1848), pp. 565–630; La chronique de Saint-Hubert dite Cantatorium, ed. Karl Hanquet (Brussels, 1906) Cîteaux: Commentarii Cistercienses. Revue d’histoire cistercienne Canadian Journal of History column Deutsches Archiv Dumbarton Oaks Papers Charles Duvivier, ed., Actes et Documents anciens intéressant la Belgique, 2 vols (Brussels, 1898–1903) A. Di Berardino, ed., Encyclopedia of the Early Church, trans. Adrian Walford (Cambridge, 1992) English Historical Review André Vauchez, Barrie Dobson and Michael Lapidge, eds, Encyclopedia of the Middle Ages, trans. Adrian Walford, 2 vols (Cambridge, 2000) Jean Dufournet, Michel Jezierski et al., eds, Femmes. Mariages-lignages, XIIe–XIVe siècles. Mélanges offerts à Georges Duby (Brussels, 1991) Flandria generosa, ed. L. C. Bethmann, MGH SS IX (Hanover, 1846), pp. 313–34 Robert-Henri Bautier, ed., La France de Philippe Auguste. Le temps des mutations, Actes du colloque international organisé par le C.N.R.S. (Paris, 29 septembre–4 octobre 1980) (Paris, 1982) Galbert of Bruges, De multro, traditione, et occisione gloriosi Karoli comitis Flandriarum, ed. J. Rider, CChr.CM 131 (Turnhout, 1994); Galbert of Bruges, Histoire du meurtre de Charles le Bon comte de Flandre (1127–1128), ed. H. Pirenne (Paris, 1891); Galbert of Bruges, The Murder of Charles the Good Count of Flanders, trans. J. B. Ross (New York, 1960) Gerald of Wales, De principis instructione liber, in Giraldi Cambrensis opera, ed. George F. Warner, RS 21:8 (London, 1857) Gervase of Canterbury, Opera historica, ed. William Stubbs, RS 73:1 (London, 1879) Gesta abbatum Lobbiensium, ed. W. Arndt, MGH SS XXI (Hanover, 1869), pp. 307–33

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xxiv Gilles of Orval HSJ Hemptinne, De Oorkonden

Herman of Tournai IMR Jacques of Guise

JEH JMH Josephus KB Lambert of Hersfeld Lambert of Waterlos Layettes MA MeH MGH Constitutiones MGH SS MGH SSRM MIC OMT Orderic PL Ralph of Diceto RBPH RDN REByz RHC Oc

RHF Rigord

Rodulfus Glaber

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ABBREVIATIONS

Giles of Orval, Gesta episcoporum Leodiensium, ed. J. Heller, MGH SS XXV (Hanover, 1880), pp. 1–129 The Haskins Society Journal De Oorkonden der Graven van Vlaanderen (Juli 1128–September 1191). Vol. 2: Uitgave 1: Regering von Diederik van de Elzas (Juli 1128–17 Januari 1168), eds Thérèse de Hemptinne, A. Verhulst and L. de Mey, Recueil des actes des princes Belges (Brussels, 1988) Herman of Tournai, Liber de restauratione monasterii Sancti Martini Tornacensis, MGH SS XIV (Hanover, 1883), pp. 274–317 International Medieval Research Jacques of Guise, Annales historiae illustrium principum Hanoniae, ed. Ernest Sackur, MGH SS XXX (Hanover, 1896), pp. 44–334 Journal of Ecclesiastical History Journal of Medieval History Josephus, Jewish Antiquities, trans. H. St J. Thackeray, Loeb Classical Library, 6 vols (London/Cambridge, MA, 1967) Brussels, Bibliothèque Royale (Königsbibliothek) Lambert of Hersfeld, Annales, ed. O. Holder-Egger (Berlin, n.d.); Lambert of Hersfeld, ed. G. H. Pertz (Hanover, 1866) Lambert of Waterlos, Annales Cameracenses, ed. G. H. Pertz, MGH SS XVI (Hanover, 1859), pp. 509–54 Layettes du Trésor des Chartes, ed. Alexander Teulet, 5 vols (Paris, 1863–1909) Le Moyen Âge Mediaevalia et Humanistica Constitutiones et acta publica imperatorum et regum, ed. L. Weiland, MGH Legum section IV:1 (Hanover, 1893) Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores Monumenta Germaniae Historica, SS rerum Merovingicarum Monumenta Iuris Canonici Oxford Medieval Texts Orderic Vitalis, The Ecclesiastical History of Orderic Vitalis, ed. and trans. Marjorie Chibnall, OMT, 6 vols (Oxford, 1969–80) Patrologia Latina, ed. J.-P. Migne, 221 vols (Paris, 1844–1903) Ralph of Diceto, Ymagines Historiarum, ed. William Stubbs, RS 68, 2 vols (London, 1876) Revue Belge de Philologie et d’Histoire Revue du Nord Revue des Études Byzantine Recueil des historiens des croisades, historiens occidentaux, ed. Académie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres, 5 vols (Paris, 1844–95) Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France Rigord, Gesta Philippi Augusti, in Oeuvres de Rigord et de Guillaume le Breton, ed. H. François Delaborde, vol. 1 (Paris, 1882) Rodulfus Glaber, The Five Books of the Histories, ed. and trans. John France, in Rodulfus Glaber Opera, eds J. France, N. Bulst and P. Reynolds, OMT (Oxford, 1989)

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ABBREVIATIONS

Robert of Torigny

Roger of Howden RS SCH ser. Sigebert of Gembloux Suger, ed. Molinier Suger, ed. Waquet Vanderkindere William of Andres William of Tyre

William the Breton

xxv

Robert of Torigny, Chronica, in Chronicles of the Reigns of Stephen, Henry II and Richard I, ed. R. Howlett, RS 82:4 (London, 1889); Robert of Torigny, Chronique de Robert de Torigni, abbé du Mont-Saint-Michel, ed. Léopold Delisle, 2 vols (Rouen, 1872–3) Roger of Howden, Chronica, ed. William Stubbs, RS 51, 4 vols (London, 1857–71) Rolls Series, ed. William Stubbs et al. Studies in Church History series Sigebert of Gembloux, Chronica cum continuationibus, ed. L. C. Bethmann, MGH SS VI (Hanover, 1844), pp. 268–474 Suger, Vie de Louis le Gros par Suger suivie de l’histoire du roi Louis VII, ed. Auguste Molinier (Paris, 1987) Suger, Vie de Louis le Gros, ed. Henri Waquet (Paris, 1929) Gilbert of Mons, La chronique de Gislebert de Mons, ed. Léon Vanderkindere (Brussels, 1904) William of Andres, Chronica, ed. J. Heller, MGH SS XXIV (Hanover, 1874), pp. 684–773 William, archbishop of Tyre, A History of Deeds done beyond the Sea, trans. Emily Atwater Babcock and A. C. Krey, 2 vols (New York, 1943) William the Breton, Philippidos, in Oeuvres de Rigord et de Guillaume le Breton, ed. H. François Delaborde, vol. 2 (Paris, 1882)

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INTRODUCTION Gilbert of Mons Gilbert of Mons, a cleric, was sole author of Chronicon Hanoniense. He was born between 1140 and 1150, more likely closer to the latter date.1 He was a chaplain by 1169, becoming court chaplain to Count Baldwin V of Hainaut in 1175, his second notary from 1180 to 1184, and first notary probably in 1184, when he composed a charter for the emperor’s favour to the count of Hainaut concerning the march of Namur.2 He took the office of chancellor of Hainaut for the period 1178/80 to 1195 (the year of Baldwin V’s death), and chancellor of Namur from 1192 to 1195. Gilbert himself does not hesitate to inform the reader of his own accomplishments and status within the court of Hainaut. He tells us of his ecclesiastical benefices, many of which were bestowed on him through the favour of Baldwin V: specifically, he was provost of Saint-Germain in Mons (1188– 1224), provost (1190–1223) and guardian (1192–5) of Saint-Aubain in Namur, guardian and vice-provost of Sainte-Waudru in Mons (1190/5), guardian of Saint-Pierre-au-Château in Namur (before 1195–8), secular abbot of NotreDame in Namur (1198), provost of Saint-Quentin in Mauberge (1204), provost of Sainte-Waudru (1212), and held prebends at the churches of Soignies and Condé.3 He even goes so far as to call himself the ‘protégé’ of Count Baldwin V.4 We have no information about Gilbert’s family background. There is a tantalising bit of evidence in his chronicle which invites speculation of noble lineage. When attending Count Baldwin V at an Imperial court, he acted as a judge along with a number of named nobles. It is significant that Gilbert identifies himself only as provost of Mons in this list, suggesting that his position as judge did not result from his capacity as chancellor. As it seems rather odd that a mere provost is included as a judge along with a number of distinguished nobles, his inclusion implies that he himself may have been considered a member of the nobility. As it was common for natural sons of noblemen to be placed in the Church, it is possible that Gilbert was an illegitimate child of noble blood. If this were the case, it is likely that he descends from only minor nobility as he fails to make any boast of his family. Alternatively, he may have descended from a family which had previously fallen from favour with the counts of Hainaut, and thus, Gilbert would

1

2 3

4

F. Vercauteren, ‘Note sur Gislebert de Mons, rédacteur de chartes’, Mitteilungen des Instituts für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung 62 (1954), p. 238; G. Wymans, ‘ “Per manum Gilleberti” ’, Scriptorium 33:1 (1979), p. 17. See c. 109. See cc. 149, 168, 251, 254; Léon Vanderkindere, Introduction, in Gilbert of Mons, La chronique de Gislebert de Mons, ed. L. Vanderkindere (Brussels, 1904), p. xx; www.narrative-sources.be, ID G092. See c. 251.

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not have wished to draw attention to his family relationships. While Gilbert’s lineage remains mysterious, this speculation is intriguing. Gilbert composed his chronicle during the years 1195 and 1196, after the death of his patron Count Baldwin V in 1195. There are no references to any events after 1196, nor are there any allusions to persons which would indicate that the work was completed later than that year (for example, John is never identified as king of England (1199); there is no indication of Emperor Henry VI’s death in 1197). At the accession of Baldwin VI to the county of Hainaut in 1195, Gilbert ceased his active functions in the court of Hainaut, apparently because the new count preferred his own ministers. Gilbert continued to hold ecclesiastical benefices, and his presence in Namur is noted as late as 1221. The necrology of Sainte-Waudru gives Gilbert’s death date as 1 September, although without the year. He is cited as provost of Sainte-Waudru in a charter dated July 1224, while another charter, dated 1224 without a month, identifies the provost of Sainte-Waudru as Nicholas. Therefore, Gilbert must have died on 1 September 1224.5 In addition to his chronicle, Gilbert has left his mark in the diplomatic evidence in his capacities as chancellor and notary, either as the composer of charters or as witness to them. Vercauteren cites 116 charters in which Gilbert’s name is cited in some capacity.6 Vanderkindere has identified fifty-nine witnessed by him.7 The number of charters actually written in Gilbert’s hand is contestable, but Gabriel Wymans, using palaeographical and internal evidence, has securely identified five as definitively written by Gilbert.8 The manuscripts Chronicon Hanoniense, the Chronicle of Hainaut, is extant in three manuscripts. The oldest manuscript is a fifteenth-century paper copy, Paris BN MS lat. 11105, Chronicon Hanoniense being contained in fols 1r–102v. Fols 103r–v are blank, fols 104r–124r contain Cronica Hollandie and copies of four ninth- and tenthcentury charters pertaining to that chronicle; fols 124v–132v are blank.9 There are eight folios preceding the numbered folios, marked A through H. Fol. A notes that this volume was restored in 1974, and has a note dated 22 March 1893 citing

5

6 7 8

9

Vanderkindere, Introduction, pp. xxii–xxiii; Chartes du chapitre de Sainte-Waudru de Mons, ed. L. Devillers (Brussels, 1899), I, nos 90–1, pp. 145–7. Vercauteren, ‘Note sur Gislebert’, p. 239. Vanderkindere, Introduction, pp. x–xix. Wymans,‘ “Per manum Gilleberti” ’, pp. 17–24, thus refuting the opinions of Vanderkindere, Vercauteren and Nelis that a greater number of charters are in Gilbert’s own hand. For other opinions, see Vanderkindere, Introduction, pp. viii–xix; Vercauteren, ‘Note sur Gislebert’, pp. 244–52 (Vercauteren also argues that, by analysing style, a number of charters can be identified as being composed by Gilbert, if not actually written in his hand); H. Nelis, ‘Chancelleries des comtes de Hainaut (Chartes rédigées et écrites par Gilbert de Mons)’, Album Belge de diplomatique, dir. H. Pirenne (Brussels, 1909), plates XXV and XXVI. L. Delisle, Inventaire des manuscrits latins conservés à la Bibliothèque Nationale sous les numéros 8823–18613 (Paris, 1863–71), p. 110, describes this manuscript as ‘Chronique des comtes de Hainaut, par Gilbert de Mons. XVs. Pap.’, but fails to mention the inclusion of Cronica Hollandie. Vanderkindere, Introduction, p. iii, mistakenly says the volume is on parchment.

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the number of pages in the volume. Fol. E bears the note ‘Appartenant au Chapitre de ste Waudru 406’. Fol. G is glued to fol. H, bearing notes in a modern (probably nineteenth-century) hand of a précis of contents, and notes concerning published editions of Chronica Hollandiae. A further note cites the provenance of this volume as coming from the chapter of canonesses of Sainte-Waudru at Mons. This manuscript was still in the keeping of the monastery of Sainte-Waudru as late as 1784, when du Chasteler accessed it there for his edition (see below). Page size is 14cm by 22cm, in a modern binding. An eighteenth-century paper copy is Brussels KB MS II 1554 in two volumes, the first volume containing 288 folios, the second containing 289. The first volume contains ten blank pages before the numbered folios. This copy has minor variations to the BN copy, primarily in small spelling differences (for example, ejus vs. eius, ab vs. a) and different section breaks.10 It was likely copied from Paris BN MS lat. 11105. Page size is 33cm by 21cm, in a modern binding. A second eighteenth-century paper copy is Brussels KB MS II 1555, which is the second volume of what was originally a two-volume work. This volume begins at chapter 112 in the Vanderkindere edition of the chronicle. Mysteriously, Catalogue des manuscrits de la Bibliothèque Royale de Belgique makes no mention that this is the second volume of a two-volume work, and the number of folios listed in the catalogue (388) does not correspond to the number of folios in this volume (281 including blank folios, 268 without blank folios).11 As this volume begins at fol. 212, we may extrapolate that the missing volume one contained 211 pages, and thus, the two volumes together would total 479 numbered folios. Thus, the number of 388 folios in the catalogue is unexplained. Staff at the Bibliothèque Royale had been unaware of this discrepancy and were unable to provide an explanation, but confirmed that there is only one volume under this catalogue number. This copy was made from Paris BN MS lat. 11105. Page size is 33cm by 21cm, in a modern binding.12 Léon Vanderkindere used two manuscripts for his edition of Chronicon Hanoniense (see Editions section below): Paris BN MS lat. 11105 and an eighteenth-century manuscript which was then at Vienne in the keeping of Ferdinand Mençik, librarian of the count of Harrach. The eighteenth-century manuscript was brought to Vienne in the early eighteenth century by Frédéric de Harrach, who had been governor-general of the Low Countries from 1741 to 1743. The manuscript had previously belonged to Michel Delewarde.13 It is likely that this manuscript is Brussels KB MS II 1554, as Vanderkindere seems to have adopted certain readings and spellings which correspond to this manuscript and are slightly at variance with Paris BN MS lat. 11105.

10

11 12

13

Catalogue des manuscrits de la Bibliothèque Royale de Belgique: IX, Histoire de Belgique (histoire particulière), eds J. van den Gheyn and E. Bacha (Brussels, 1909), pp. 211–12, entry no. 6413, notes that the volumes were acquired for eleven francs from M. Toeplitz at Brussels between 17 and 25 October 1893. Catalogue des manuscrits de la Bibliothèque Royale, p. 212, entry no. 6414. Catalogue des manuscrits de la Bibliothèque Royale, p. 212, notes that this volume was purchased with KB II 1554. Vanderkindere, Introduction, pp. iii–iv.

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Editions and translations The most useful edition of Chronicon Hanoniense is La chronique de Gislebert de Mons edited by Léon Vanderkindere (Brussels, 1904). Vanderkindere has produced an extremely accurate text with helpful footnotes, although these notes are now dated, particularly for secondary sources. Prior to Vanderkindere’s edition, the version by W. Arndt was the best available, but it contains considerable inaccuracies, particularly in respect to proper names and places.14 Other versions are substantially inaccurate or incomplete. The earliest edition was done by F.-G.-J. du Chasteler in 1784, based on Paris BN MS lat. 11105 (which was still in the keeping of the monastery of Sainte-Waudru in 1784). While this work is respectable as the first attempt at an edition, it contains significant errors in transcription and in expansion of abbreviations. Du Chasteler had intended to issue a second volume of notes to complement his edition, but this volume never appeared.15 Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France contains an incomplete version of the text, volume 13 containing chapters 1–5, 7–11, 20–1, part of 22, 23–93, most of 94, while volume 18 contains chapters 94–257. This version is based on the du Chasteler edition and contains similar errors in transcription and expansion of abbreviations.16 Marquis de Godefroy Ménilglaise produced an edition in 1874 based on Arndt, with reference to Paris BN MS lat. 11105 and du Chasteler’s edition. This edition is an improvement on du Chasteler and Arndt in accuracy and notes, and includes useful lists for identification of places and persons, but still contains inaccuracies. The Latin text is on even-numbered pages, with a facing-page translation in French on oddnumbered pages.17 In 1948 J. Gesler and J. F. Niermeyer issued excerpts of the chronicle, specifically chapters 1–2, 8–9, 43–4, 55, 57, 59, 66–7, 77, 140–1, 170–1, 177, 254–7.18 Chronicon Hanoniense has never previously been published in an English translation. As mentioned in the preceding paragraph, Godefroy Ménilglaise’s nineteenth-century edition includes a facing-page translation in French. A modern Spanish translation has been done by B. Garí de Aguilera in 1987 which, unfortunately, makes little attempt to identify persons in the sparse notes and lists only four secondary sources.19

14

15

16

17

18

19

Gilbert of Mons, Gisleberti Chronicon Hanoniense, ed. W. Arndt, MGH SS XXI (Hanover, 1869); also printed as MGH SS rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum 29 (Hanover, 1869), pp. 481–601. Gilbert of Mons, Gisleberti Balduini quinti Hannoniae comitis cancellarii Chronica Hannoniae, ed. F.-G.-J. du Chasteler (Brussels, 1784). Gilbert of Mons, ‘Ex Gisleberti Montensis praepositi Hannonia Chronico’, RHF, dir. L. Delisle (Paris, 1869, 1879), XIII, pp. 542–80; XVIII, pp. 363–430. Gilbert of Mons, Gisleberti Balduini V Hanoniae comitis cancellarii Chronica Hanoniae (1040–1195)/ Chronique de Hainaut rédigée par Gilbert chancelier du comte de Hainaut Bauduin V (1040–1195), ed. Marquis de Godefroy Ménilglaise, trans. D. C. Gothofridus, Mémoires de la Société historique et littéraire de Tournai 14–15 (1874), on even-numbered pages. J. Gesler and J. F. Niermeyer, ‘Uit de Kroniek van Gislebertus van Bergen (einde 12e eeuw)’, Florilegium Chronicorum Neerlandicorum. Een keuze uit de Latijnse kronieken van Noord-en Zuidnederland van de tiende tot de vijftiende eeuw (The Hague, 1948), pp. 132–48. Gilbert of Mons, Crónica de los Condes de Hainaut, Gislebert de Mons, trans. B. Garí de Aguilera, Selección de lecturas medievales 23 (Madrid, 1987).

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Influence of Chronicon Hanoniense on medieval sources The works of three medieval authors show substantial use of Chronicon Hanoniense in their own works: Jacques of Guise, Annales historiae illustrium principum Hanoniae; Gilles of Orval, Gesta episcoporum Leodiensium; and Baldwin of Avesnes, Chronicon Hanoniense quod Balduini Avennensis.20 Jacques of Guise (d. 1399) made such extensive use of direct quotations from Gilbert of Mons’ Chronicon Hanoniense that the MGH editor does not supply these passages, but simply refers the reader to Gilbert of Mons. Léon Vanderkindere believes that Jacques of Guise used an earlier manuscript of Chronicon Hanoniense than Paris BN MS lat. 11105, and suggests that Jacques of Guise and the copyist of Paris BN MS lat. 11105 had used the same manuscript.21 The mid-thirteenth-century chronicler Gilles of Orval also copied certain passages directly from Gilbert of Mons’ work. Baldwin of Avesnes’ late thirteenth-century chronicle, written in French, draws heavily on Gilbert of Mons’ work, although it does not translate passages literally. Principles of translation and annotation The purpose of this volume is to provide a readable translation of Chronicon Hanoniense which will be useful to scholars in many fields, particularly those who do not read Latin, and especially undergraduates. In spite of the considerable value of this chronicle, it has not been utilised by contemporary scholars as often as it might be. This lack of usage results primarily from the relative difficulty in accessing copies of the rare Vanderkindere edition of this chronicle, and from the fact that it has never been translated into English. It is my goal for the English reader to feel that they are reading a twelfth-century author, while still achieving a clear understanding of the content. This translation is primarily based on Vanderkindere’s excellent edition of the Latin text of Chronicon Hanoniense. Where there are significant differences between Vanderkindere’s text and the manuscript versions, these differences have been noted in the footnotes, although there are surprisingly few of these in a work of this length, attesting to Vanderkindere’s exceptional care in producing his edition. When the oldest manuscript, Paris BN MS lat. 11105, differs substantially from Vanderkindere, I have adopted the Paris BN MS lat. 11105 reading as the oldest witness, unless otherwise stated. For the purpose of ease of referral to Vanderkindere’s Latin edition, I have retained the chapter divisions made by Vanderkindere. It appears that Vanderkindere was fairly idiosyncratic in his choice of where to place chapter divisions, as the divisions do not correspond to any of the extant manuscripts, seeming rather to be a mix of Paris BN MS lat. 11105 and Brussels MS KB II 1554.

20

21

Jacques of Guise, Annales historiae illustrium principum Hanoniae, ed. Ernest Sackur, MGH SS XXX (Hanover, 1896), pp. 44–334; Gilles of Orval, Gesta episcoporum Leodiensium, ed. J. Heller, MGH SS XXV (Hanover, 1880), pp. 1–129; Baldwin of Avesnes, Chronicon Hanoniense quod Balduini Avennensis, ed. J. Heller, MGH SS XXV (Hanover, 1880), pp. 414–67. Vanderkindere, Introduction, p. iv.

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Punctuation is often a difficult consideration in translation. In his edition of the text, Vanderkindere has supplied punctuation according to his own opinion of the best reading. The oldest manuscript, Paris BN MS lat. 11105, has surprisingly useful punctuation for a medieval document. When Vanderkindere’s punctuation differs substantially from Paris BN MS lat. 11105, he tends to favour Brussels MS KB II 1554, although he also inserts punctuation of his own choosing. However, I have often adopted the punctuation of Paris BN MS lat. 11105 rather than that of Vanderkindere, as it frequently provides a clearer reading. The issue of lengthy sentences and convoluted syntax in the Latin text has, at times, necessitated a certain idiosyncratic choice of punctuation on my part in the English translation. While I believe very strongly in remaining close to the Latin text to preserve meaning and style, there is no point in producing sentences that are incomprehensible to the English reader. Accordingly, I have sparingly, and only when necessary, divided lengthy sentences into two sentences in English. In a few cases, I have also included round brackets, which do not appear in the Latin text, in order to provide clarity. The frequent use of personal pronouns in lengthy sentences is often confusing for a reader who is not entirely familiar with the context of the work, as a pronoun might often refer to more than one person earlier in the sentence. Where necessary for clarity, I have repeated the personal name in place of the pronoun, so that there may be no mistake. Gilbert, like many authors, has a fondness for the repetition of the connective word autem (‘yet’), for identifying persons as quidam (‘a certain’), and for using the word quidem (‘indeed’) incidentally. The literal translation of these words into English every time they appear would drive the modern reader to madness. As they do not substantially affect the sense of the sentences, these words have been omitted for the most part. I have sometimes added an ‘and’ in the English translation when necessary for clarity. The counts of Hainaut are identified primarily as ‘son of ’ a particular count and countess, and later referred to as the ‘aforementioned’ or ‘oftmentioned’ count. For the convenience of the reader, I have occasionally added a number to the name of the count (for example, Baldwin IV), particularly at the beginning of the chronicle when the frequent references to ‘Count Baldwin’ can be very confusing. These numbers, of course, do not appear in the Latin text. Gilbert writes in a clear and consistent narrative style, with two exceptions. When using charters as source material, his writing tends to adopt charter vocabulary. This change in style is particularly manifest in the section on the rights and privileges of the church of Sainte-Waudru, for which he is evidently using an old charter.22 I have attempted to achieve a reliable translation of this technical and legal vocabulary, while still making it clear for readers who are not diplomatics specialists. In contrast to the stiff and formal language of charters, Gilbert reveals a bit of his own personality in his descriptions of tournaments and battles. He often uses somewhat more florid language and writes as if he finds the subject matter quite exciting.

22

See c. 14.

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My annotations are designed to clarify the text, giving relevant information on people, events and concepts. I provide both past and current bibliography to lead readers to other primary and secondary sources. Although substantially accurate, Gilbert’s chronicle is not without errors and misidentifications of persons, particularly in the early sections. Thus, annotations cite other source material to supply corrective notes to the text. Historical importance of Chronicon Hanoniense The importance of Chronicon Hanoniense as a primary source cannot be underestimated. It is particularly valuable as a historical record in that Gilbert was an eye-witness at many important events affecting Count Baldwin V of Hainaut which, in many cases, furnish much significant information about other persons and affairs within France and the Empire. He accompanied Baldwin V on many visits to the Imperial court and on military expeditions, where he would have been valuable as a recorder and composer of truces and agreements.23 Gilbert acted as envoy for the count of Hainaut on several occasions to the Imperial and papal courts.24 It is clear that Gilbert was not merely a carrier of messages, but that he performed successfully as a negotiator.25 On one trip to the Imperial court in Italy, Gilbert was one of the first persons in Europe to gain knowledge of Count Philip of Flanders’ death on crusade. He communicated the report to Baldwin V before the king of France’s regents had the news, thus enabling the count of Hainaut to seize control of the county of Flanders before the regents had the opportunity to act.26 He acted as a judge on behalf of the count of Hainaut.27 We may also speculate that he was present at many events for which he does not specifically note his own attendance, particularly for cases in which he provides highly detailed information of what passed. He notes that he ‘had been present at nearly all the deeds, both in prosperity and in adversity’.28 In cases where he was not present, he certainly would have had access to reports from other eye-witnesses, and would have been privy to all news and gossip which passed through the court. Moreover, as chancellor of the count of Hainaut and holder of various ecclesiastical benefices, he would have had access to all official documents for the county and several churches, both those composed during his tenure as chancellor and those retained as records from earlier periods. Gilbert certainly had some of these documents before him when composing his chronicle, particularly when discussing the relationship between the church of Sainte-Waudru and the counts of Hainaut, the agreements made concerning the counties of Namur and Flanders, and the donations of Baldwin V before his death.29 He notes that he has 23

24 25 26 27 28 29

See cc. 142 (note that Gilbert identifies himself twice as ‘clerk’ in respect to this expedition to Namur, suggesting that his primary purpose was to act as recorder), 149. See cc. 129, 132, 148, 155–6, 168, 170–1, 175–6, 178, 181. See c. 170. See c. 175. See c. 136. See c. 254. See cc. 12–18, 33, 109, 132, 148–9, 168, 178, 227–51.

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made use of ‘the writings of a great many churches and he had mingled in these the rights of Blessed Waudru and this count of Hainaut’.30 Gilbert’s use of charters is especially important to historians studying this region, as there has been tremendous loss of charters from the areas of modern Belgium and Flanders because of the massive destruction caused to archives and libraries during the two world wars. Virtually the entire archive of medieval documents was destroyed in Mons, and the losses of documents in Arras and Ypres are staggering. Thus, the information provided by Gilbert from charters is extremely valuable, as so many of the original documents are lost to us. Chronicon Hanoniense is entirely the original work of Gilbert of Mons, in that he composes his history based on his own memory of events and reports, and on documents available to him. Although he probably used the works of Josephus and Jerome for his brief history of Jerusalem, he did not copy any material directly from these authors. Chronicon Sancti Huberti also furnished material for his chapters 6 and 8.31 Gilbert’s attention to detail and reliability as a reporter of events is noteworthy, and he very often supplies dates for particular incidents, especially during the period of Baldwin V. He was certainly not without bias, as events are consistently interpreted in a manner to cast his patron Baldwin V in a favourable light. Another type of bias is also present, that of the need for discretion. Gilbert had to tread a fine line with respect to certain other parties who are frequently mentioned in the text. The count of Hainaut eventually inherited the counties of both Flanders (in 1191) and Namur (assumed title of marquis in 1190) by the right of his wife and his mother, respectively. Prior to assuming his inheritances, the count of Hainaut endured considerable hostility over a period of years from the rulers of these principalities, Count Philip of Flanders and Count Henry of Namur. Yet, Gilbert of Mons takes care not to speak too badly of them, although one often has the feeling that he is restraining himself from speaking his mind. Gilbert hesitated to alienate the nobles of these counties who, by the time of the completion of this chronicle in 1196, had become the subjects of the count of Hainaut. Nonetheless, the chronicle remains one of our most accurate sources for the political and military history of the twelfth century. As an original work, Gilbert’s chronicle closely reflects his own interests. Aside from his evident purpose of chronicling the deeds and triumphs of his patron Baldwin V, Gilbert has attached a great deal of importance to recording the marriages of the great families of Hainaut, Flanders and the surrounding region, and he developed the genealogical element of his work to an exceptionally high degree. He also extended this interest to some of the greater marital unions outside of this area, particularly concerning the English, French and German royal houses. In total, Gilbert cites 135 marriages in his chronicle, providing an unparalleled source of prosopographical information for familial and political alliances through matrimony. He also gives details, in many cases, of the property which was used as dowries or dowers in these marriages.

30 31

See c. 254. Chronicon Sancti Huberti, c. 24.

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Gilbert is a particularly good source for information on women by identifying their relationships to their natal and marital families, but sometimes also for other incidental material. Gilbert, naturally, is fulsome concerning the merits of the women who married the counts of Hainaut. It is interesting to note that, when providing genealogical information, at times Gilbert notes that a woman had children from a man, instead of wording it in the opposite order of a man having had children from a woman. In these instances, he seems to be placing the woman in the position of primary importance in the genealogy, suggesting that the transmission of noble blood was equally valuable on both paternal and maternal sides. Gilbert identifies many heiresses, and notes what inherited property they brought to their own children. Gilbert takes a special interest in King Philip II Augustus of France because Elisabeth, eldest daughter of Baldwin V of Hainaut, was the king’s first wife and mother of the heir Louis VIII. His account of the actions of the French king mostly concentrate, not surprisingly, on matters which affected Hainaut and Flanders. Gilbert’s chronicle is particularly valuable as it provides a contrasting viewpoint to that of the English chroniclers, who generally did not favour the French king, and of the French chronicler Rigord, who was more likely to praise the king. Gilbert faced the difficult task of trying to find a middle ground in respect to Philip Augustus. On the one hand, King Philip was Baldwin V’s sonin-law, and this marital connection to the French royal house was a source of considerable prestige to the comital house of Hainaut. However, the king was guilty of harsh treatment of his wife Elisabeth and of shrewdly exploiting his connection with Hainaut for his own uses. Gilbert’s acquaintance with the affairs of the French king also provides us with exquisite details of certain events, particularly concerning the attempted annulment of his marriage to Elisabeth and her relationship with her husband the king.32 Count Baldwin V also had extensive dealings with the German rulers Frederick Barbarossa and his son Henry VI, both because he was a sub-tenant of the German emperor through the bishop of Liège for the county of Hainaut, and because he eventually held Namur and part of Flanders directly from the emperor. Over a period of years, Baldwin V repeatedly sought the emperor’s confirmation of his right to the inheritance of Namur, effectively revealing one of the emperor’s uses of his authority by obligating nobles to him in return for official and public recognition of questionable inheritances. Some hints are provided as to the division of power between Emperor Frederick Barbarossa and his son King Henry VI, as meetings were held separately or with both of them, and the emperor would specify that his son’s approval of matters was necessary. As mentioned above, Gilbert was often present at Imperial courts and is a fount of valuable details concerning them. For example, he attended the Imperial court at Mainz in March 1184, a tremendous gathering of nobles of the Empire. Gilbert supplies a lengthy list of those who attended the court with the number of their retinues, and exquisite details of the gathering concerning

32

See especially cc. 108–9.

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such matters as tournaments, gifts from the emperor, agreements made and even the weather.33 Chronicon Hanoniense is a particularly valuable source for customary obligations in the twelfth century. During this period, the gradual transformation from ‘custom’ to ‘law’ was just beginning, and there was considerable regional variation in practices.34 Gilbert provides specific details of the accepted relationships between the counts of Hainaut and their tenants, both in general practice and in specific cases. Matters such as fidelity, securities, fiefs, military dues and liege homage are enumerated with precision.35 It is relevant to note that Gilbert clearly differentiates between two types of property, using the word feoda for ‘fiefs’ and the word allodia for ‘allods’. Gilbert’s attention to these matters emphasises the importance of the arrangements to the people concerned, the need for reciprocal benefits for both lord and tenants, and the difficulties faced by certain nobles who held obligations to more than one great lord. Count Baldwin V’s continuing problems with the canny Jacques of Avesnes (who held land from both the count of Hainaut and the count of Flanders) demonstrate how a tenant could use conflicting obligations to play one lord against another for his own benefit. Count Baldwin V’s own situation of landholding illustrates the multiplicity of possible connections: he held the county of Hainaut from the prince-bishop of Liège, who was himself a tenant of the German emperor; he held the Ostrevant section of Flanders directly from the emperor, but the French area of Flanders from the French king; as a prince of the Empire he held Namur from the German emperor. To complicate matters further, Baldwin V also had received a money fief from King Henry II of England.36 The customary obligations of a lay advocate to an abbey, as well as the safeguards set up on the abbey’s behalf against possible misuse of the advocacy, are demonstrated by the long exposition of the rights of the church of SainteWaudru, for which the counts of Hainaut were advocates.37 Gilbert also relates tales of what occurred when the advocacy was abused, ranging from violence by nuns against priests imposed against their will to miraculous vengeance by the long-dead St Waudru.38 Gilbert devotes many words to this patron saint of Mons, St Waudru, and to other revered saints of this region, particularly Walbert, Bertilia, Aldegonde, Vincent (Madelgaire), Landric, Dentelin, Aldetrude, Madelberte, Aya and Hidulph.39 His writing attests to the devotion extended to these saints, and to the

33 34

35 36 37 38 39

See c. 109. For detailed discussions of the situation of customary law at this time, see R. C. van Caenegem, ‘Coutumes et législation en Flandre aux XIe et XIIe siècles’, Les libertés urbaines et rurales du XIe au XIVe siècle. Vrijheden in de Stad en op het Platteland van de XIe tot de XIVe eeuw, Pro civitate collection histoire, Historische Uitgaven 19 (Brussels, 1968), pp. 245–79; J.-M. Cauchies, ‘Coutume et législation en Hainaut du XIIe au XVIe siècle’, Recueil d’études d’histoire Hainuyère: offerts à Maurice A. Arnould, eds J.-M. Cauchies and J.-M. Duvosquel (Mons, 1983), II, pp. 7–33; P. Ourliac, ‘Législation, coutumes et coutumiers au temps de Philippe Auguste’, France de Philippe Auguste, pp. 471–88. Specific cases occur throughout the chronicle, while a general statement of obligations is seen in c. 43. See c. 69. See cc. 14–18. See cc. 18–19. See c. 13.

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traditional beliefs associated with them at this time. As information for some of these saints is scarce (as, for example, St Dentelin who died at age seven), any mention of them provides a welcome glimpse of popular faith in the Low Countries. Chronicon Hanoniense is a particularly good source for information on military matters, as Gilbert gives detailed descriptions of many of Baldwin V’s military expeditions in Hainaut, Namur, Flanders and France. Baldwin V was well occupied in this respect and was noted for his military prowess. He was frequently faced with rebellions by his tenants, particularly the recalcitrant Jacques of Avesnes and certain nobles who objected to his assumption of power in Flanders at the death of Count Philip in 1191. He often came to the aid of his allies Count Philip of Flanders, Count Henry of Namur and King Philip Augustus, and the frequency of their requests reflects their good opinion of his abilities. When the interests of these three men did not coincide, Baldwin V was faced with difficult choices in bestowing his support. His erstwhile allies turned against him at times, and he was forced to battle with them. Baldwin V had longstanding strife with Duke Henry I of Brabant/Louvain, and their conflicts are enumerated carefully. Gilbert gives details of the count’s passage to places of battles, the engagements themselves, sieges of castles and equipment used in sieges, and the negotiations which brought truces of varying lengths and efficacy. Although Baldwin V did not participate in the Third Crusade, a great many nobles of Hainaut and Flanders did so, and Count Baldwin II famously disappeared on the First Crusade. Gilbert’s description of events of the Third Crusade, particularly the details of the death of Frederick Barbarossa, suggest that he had received first-hand reports from crusaders after their return to Hainaut. Moreover, Chronicon Hanoniense is a fine source for details on tournaments, as Baldwin V was especially fond of tourneying, both before and after his assumption of comital rule. Dates Gilbert often gives dates by year and by Christian feasts in his text. The footnotes provided to my translation will often convert specific dates into the modern dating system. The medieval practice of beginning a new year at Easter will sometimes mean that Gilbert cites a year which appears to be one year earlier than the year cited according to modern dating practices in the notes.40 Where Gilbert occasionally gives an incorrect date, this inaccuracy is corrected in the footnotes.

40

R. Kerckx, ‘Sur l’emploi du style de l’Annonciation dans la Chronique de Gislebert de Mons et dans la Chancellerie montoise à la fin du XIIe siècle’, Annales de la Société d’Émulation de Bruges 61 (1911), pp. 105–25, has argued that Gilbert began the year according to the style of the Annunciation, that is on 25 March. However, W. Prevenier, ‘Du style de Noël au style de Pâques dans la Chancellerie des comtes de Hainaut et dans le “Chronicon Hanoniense” de Gislebert de Mons (1171–1205)’, Miscellanea Mediaevalia in memoriam Jan Frederik Niermeyer, eds D. P. Blok, A. Bruckner et al. (Groningen, 1967), pp. 245, 251–4, while noting that medieval dating style could begin at Christmas, the Annunciation, or Easter, refutes Kerckx’s argument and demonstrates that Gilbert began the new year at Easter.

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Places Place names are translated in the text with their modern equivalents where known, while still retaining Gilbert’s manner of identifying places. For example, Gilbert writes Chauniacum, which has been translated as ‘Chauny’. However, the index at the end of this volume expands this identification to its full appellation of ‘Chauny-sur-l’Oise’. The index also includes further information to locate places by the inclusion of département, canton and arrondissement information for places in France, and of province in Belgium. Two maps show the most important places mentioned in the text.41

41

For a comprehensive map of Hainaut and environs, see the map inserted at the back of Vanderkindere’s edition of Gilbert of Mons.

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[1] Because we have proposed to speak with brevity concerning the deeds and genealogy of the lords of the county of Hainaut and of certain emperors of the Romans and of Constantinople, and of the kings of France, and of Jerusalem and Sicily and England, and also of many princes and other nobles along with the counts themselves, we wish to begin with Count Hermann, who possessed the county of Hainaut by hereditary right following several counts, along with his wife Countess Richilde, a most prudent and powerful woman.1 From there we can turn most clearly to Count Baldwin IV, an illustrious, courageous and prudent man, son of Count Baldwin III and Countess Yolende.2 Baldwin IV married Countess Alix, who is buried at Mons in the monastery of Blessed Waudru in the upper crypt of St John the Baptist.3 Indeed, Count Baldwin IV enlarged his county of Hainaut after much work, and finally he was buried at Mons in the monastery of Blessed Waudru in the upper choir. From there we can consider his son Baldwin V, first marquis of Namur, a most wise and powerful prince, who possessed Flanders for several years from the part of his wife Marguerite.4 When Baldwin V died, he was buried at Mons in the middle of the monastery of Blessed Waudru before the altar of Blessed James the apostle. From there we can discuss his successors.5 [2] Therefore it should be known that Count Hermann, who was called the count of Mons (because Mons itself was the capital, is the capital, and always will be the capital of all of Hainaut), had Countess Richilde as his wife.6 He was a prudent man and powerful in strength, who, when the count of Valenciennes had died without an heir of his own body, claimed that county as property for himself and added the county of Valenciennes to the honour of the county of Hainaut and the castle of Mons, because of hereditary right, and because of sales made with certain noblemen who protested about that inheritance.7 Hermann and Richilde had a son and daughter, but the son was said to have been lame.8 Count Hermann, their father, died when these children were still in infancy. Countess Richilde survived him as a widow and she held the whole land of the 1

2 3

4

5

6 7

8

Hermann of Hainaut (d. c.1050 or 1051), son of Régnier V of Hainaut (d. after 1039) and Mathilde of Eename. For the counts of Hainaut, see the genealogy on pp. xviii–xix above. R. Jacob, ‘La succession aux comtés de Flandre et de Hainaut en 1070’, RDN 62:244 (1980), p. 268 notes that genealogies of the late thirteenth century mistakenly identify Régnier V as Richilde’s father. Baldwin IV of Hainaut (1120–71); his father Baldwin III of Hainaut (1102–20). Alix of Namur (d. 1168), daughter of Godfrey of Namur and his second wife Ermesinde of Luxembourg. Baldwin V of Hainaut (1171–95), marquis of Namur (1190–5), count of Flanders (1191–4); his wife Marguerite (d. 1194), countess of Flanders (1191–4), daughter of Thierry (of Alsace) of Flanders and Sibylle. Although Gilbert of Mons indicates here his intention to include Baldwin V’s successors in his writing, the chronicle actually ends with Baldwin V’s death in 1195. Richilde, countess of Hainaut (1051–84). Sigebert of Gembloux, p. 394, for her death date. Arnoul of Valenciennes (c.973–1011 or 1012). For Hermann’s acquisition of Valenciennes: Jacob, ‘La succession’, pp. 267–8. The protest concerning the inheritance presumably came from descendants of Arnoul’s brothers: L. Vanderkindere, La formation territoriale des principautés Belges au Moyen Âge, 2nd edn, 2 vols (Brussels, 1902), I, pp. 86–7. Their son was Roger III, bishop of Châlons-sur-Marne (1066–93). Their daughter’s name is unknown. See also R. Nip, ‘The Political Relations between England and Flanders (1066–1128)’, ANS 21 (1999), p. 147.

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county of Hainaut because of right of dower and her custody of her children. She married the illustrious prince Baldwin VI, count of Flanders, son of Count Baldwin V and Countess Adela, daughter of King Robert of France.9 Baldwin VI was buried finally in the monastery of Hasnon, which he had rebuilt. [3] Count Baldwin VI possessed Flanders and Hainaut with great power and courage, and took care of France because of the intemperate youth of his uncle King Henry of France.10 He had two sons from his wife Richilde, namely Arnoul the eldest, and Baldwin the second son.11 These sons were disinherited of Flanders after a great many troubles in tremendous inequity, but they retained the county of Hainaut as their property. While Count Baldwin possessed Flanders and Hainaut with his wife Richilde, his astute wife Richilde detected a debility of body in the first of her sons [Roger], whom she had had from Count Hermann. Embracing the last children whom she had from Count Baldwin with even greater affection, she caused the son of her first marriage to be ordained as a clerk, and the daughter as a nun, and she caused this son to obtain the episcopate of Châlons. Countess Richilde, with the help of her husband Baldwin who mediated the purchase and whose influence prevailed over the first children, also caused herself and her husband to acquire the whole county of Hainaut as their property, both allods and fiefs, as well as jurisdictions.12 For, by the testimonies of princes and noblemen, they obtained the land situated in the county of Hainaut and Valenciennes which was an allod at that time, as well as the fiefs which were held from the emperor of the Romans, namely the abbey and advocacy of the church of Mons, and they received justice of the county through the lord emperor of the Romans. And so, Count Baldwin of Flanders with his wife Richilde possessed the county of Hainaut personally and by inheritance. [4] While the oftmentioned Baldwin possessed Flanders and Hainaut, inspired by divine admonition, he rebuilt the monastery of Hasnon and enriched it with his own properties from both Flanders and Hainaut, because the monastery had once been destroyed by the Huns, and thus the property from this church had been totally lost to foreign hands.13 After Baldwin’s death, Countess Richilde

9

10

11

12

13

Baldwin VI of Flanders (1067–70), also called Baldwin I of Hainaut, son of Baldwin V the Good of Flanders (1035–67) and Adela, daughter of King Robert II of France (996–1031). Baldwin VI and Richilde married in 1051. For Richilde of Hainaut and Baldwin VI: Galbert of Bruges, c. 68; D. Nicholas, Medieval Flanders (London/New York, 1992), pp. 51–2; Nip, ‘The Political Relations’, pp. 147, 153; Vanderkindere, La formation, I, pp. 108–11. Gilbert’s reference to Baldwin VI’s guardianship of King Henry I of France is erroneous – his father Baldwin V was guardian and regent of Henry I’s son, Philip I (1060–1108): D. Nicholas, Medieval Flanders, p. 51; E. M. Hallam and J. Everard, Capetian France 987–1328, 2nd edn (London, 2001), pp. 51, 99; Nip, ‘The Political Relations’, p. 146. Arnoul III of Flanders (July 1070–February 1071); Baldwin II of Hainaut (1071–98 [disappeared on crusade, presumed dead]). For Arnoul III: D. Nicholas, Medieval Flanders, p. 52. For Baldwin II’s death, see c. 26. ‘Purchase’ refers to the purchase of allods from nobles in order to extend Flemish territory. D. Nicholas, Medieval Flanders, p. 50, notes that the Flemish counts purchased allodial lands east of the Scheldt River to control local nobles, giving Baldwin VI’s purchase of Geraardsbergen as an example. The abbey of Hasnon, part of the Ostrevant in the twelfth century, now in France. ‘Huns’ refers to the Hungarian invasion of 954. For Hungarian raids of this region and Western Europe in the tenth

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and their son Baldwin increased these properties by granting their allod of Montignies in Brabant to this same church.14 [5] The oftmentioned illustrious and powerful prince Count Baldwin of Flanders and Hainaut had a brother, although not by the same mother, named Robert, surnamed Frisian, because he had grown up in Frisia.15 He should not have enjoyed any participation in the patrimonies by right, but through his unjust protest and cunning, great destruction happened to Flanders and Hainaut. For when Count Baldwin grew ill to death at Audenarde and was burdened with infirmity, he ordered all the bodies of the saints of all the churches of Flanders and all the relics of the saints to be brought to him, and he summoned all his faithful men to him. When these men were assembled, according to their counsel he assigned Flanders to his first son Arnoul, and Hainaut to his second son Baldwin, so that if either of them should die, the other might succeed in each county. Therefore, oaths and securities of homage were offered by all their father’s faithful men, as to just heirs, by touching the bodies and relics of the aforesaid saints, but these oaths were observed very badly by some of them. Because the aforesaid sons could not rule their lands because of the smallness of their bodies and their great youth, their oftmentioned father Baldwin entrusted the care of his firstborn Arnoul and all of Flanders to his brother Robert the Frisian with good intention. Although Robert offered homage and an oath of fidelity to Arnoul and Baldwin, Robert, forgetful of his God, broke his oath completely. The body of the deceased Baldwin, the oftmentioned prince, count of Flanders and Hainaut, was buried in the monastery of Hasnon, which he had rebuilt. Although Robert (a courageous knight, powerful in arms, but obstinate in malice and treachery) should have taken care of Flanders and his lord and nephew Arnoul, the young count, he drew to his will almost all the nobles of Flanders and men of the towns. Obtaining securities from them slyly, he was not averse to usurping the lordship of Flanders entirely for himself and to expelling his lord Arnoul from his inheritance.16 Arnoul appealed for help from his mother

14

15

16

century: Gesta pontificum Cameracensium, ed. L. C. Bethmann, MGH SS VII (Hanover, 1846), pp. 428–9; Folcuin, Gesta abbatum Lobiensium, ed. G. H. Pertz, MGH SS IV (Hanover, 1841), pp. 65–8; Annales Fuldenses, year 900; N. Berend, At the Gate of Christendom: Jews, Muslims and ‘Pagans’ in Medieval Hungary, c.1000–c.1300 (Cambridge, 2001), p. 10; L. Makkai, ‘The Hungarians’ Prehistory, their Conquest of Hungary and their Raids to the West to 955’, A History of Hungary, eds P. F. Sugar et al. (London/New York, 1990), pp. 12–14; P. Engel, The Realm of St. Stephen: A History of Medieval Hungary, 895–1526, trans. T. Pálosfalvi, ed. A. Ayton (London/New York, 2001), pp. 13–14; K. Leyser, ‘The Battle of Lech, 955. A Study in Tenth-Century Warfare’, History 50 (1965), pp. 5, 8, 11; M. Molnár, A Concise History of Hungary, trans. A. Magyar (Cambridge, 2001), pp. 16–18. For Baldwin’s VI’s rebuilding of Hasnon, see Catalogus abbatum S. Amandi Elnonensis uberior, ed. O. Holder-Egger, MGH SS XIII (Hanover, 1881), p. 387. The large property of Montignies lez-Lens (part of ancient Brabant, now in province of Hainaut) was a very generous donation, see M. Bruwier, ‘Le domaine des comtes de Hainaut du Xe au XIIIe siècle’, Revue de l’Université de Bruxelles, new ser., 22:5 (May–July 1970), p. 498. Robert I of Flanders, called ‘the Frisian’ (1071–93). Gilbert mistakenly states that Robert grew up in Frisia, he was called ‘the Frisian’ because of his marriage to Gertrude, widow of Floris I of Frisia. For his career: D. Nicholas, Medieval Flanders, pp. 51–2, 56–7; Nip, ‘The Political Relations’, pp. 147, 153–9; C. Verlinden, Robert Ier le Frison comte de Flandre (Paris, 1935), esp. pp. 40–72. For the conflict between Robert the Frisian and Richilde of Hainaut: Flandria generosa, p. 323; Gilles of Orval, p. 80; Galbert of Bruges, cc. 69–70; Hallam and Everard, Capetian France, pp. 51–2;

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Countess Richilde and his brother Baldwin and the nobles of Hainaut, and by their counsel he went to his lord and uncle King Henry of France, who ordained him as a knight even though he was quite young.17 Because of these matters, the king of France summoned the oftmentioned Robert in order to prosecute justice concerning Arnoul’s complaint. But Robert was defiant concerning his authority and scorned coming; and enduring in his iniquity, he unhesitatingly retained Flanders for himself in the face of continual war by Countess Richilde and the men of Hainaut and the threats of the king of France. The king of France bore the disinheritance of Arnoul gravely and, when he had assembled an army, came to Flanders with Arnoul and his mother Richilde and their men. But Robert was not afraid to meet them with Flemings, Frisians, and men from Holland, France, Hainaut and many other regions. And so the armed troops of each side met in the place which is called Cassel, and they fought in a harsh conflict. When the Flemish withdrew quickly, Robert was captured by the men from Hainaut.18 On the other hand, Countess Richilde, who had approached the battle in order to encourage her men, had been captured by the Flemings. The men of Hainaut were greatly moved by devotion beyond what was fitting, because of the capture of their lady. They quickly returned Robert to freedom, so that they might recover their lady to freedom. And so when Robert and Richilde had been freed, the Flemings returned to the battle, in which many Frenchmen and men from Hainaut fell. Arnoul also fell, the just heir of Flanders, killed by one of his liegemen named Gerbod.19 Therefore Robert prevailed in battle and, whereas he was quite strong before, he became even stronger afterwards. Countess Richilde, mourning her son’s death, returned to Hainaut with her men, and bearing the disinheritance of Flanders gravely with her younger son, she stirred up whatever hostilities and insults she could against Robert. [6] Concerning Gerbod, who killed his lord Arnoul with his own hands, it should not be overlooked that he was overcome by repentance, and going to Rome he prostrated himself at the feet of the pope, confessing the sin of such a great wickedness.20 Thus, the pope announced openly to one of his cooks that he

17

18

19

20

D. C. Douglas, William the Conqueror: The Norman Impact upon England (London, 1964), pp. 224–5; W. Mohr, ‘Richilde vom Hennegau und Robert der Friese. Thesen zu einer Neubewertung der Quellen’, RBPH 58:4 (1980), 59:2 (1981). Gilbert has mistakenly identified the king of France as Henry – Philip I (Henry I’s son) was king at this time. Robert the Frisian was captured by Eustace II of Boulogne and placed in the custody of Wulfric Rabel, castellan of Saint-Omer. Verlinden, Robert Ier le Frison, pp. 68–9 suggests that Eustace II may been instrumental in the settlement between Robert and King Philip I of France, but H. J. Tanner, ‘The Expansion of the Power and Influence of the Counts of Boulogne under Eustace II’, ANS 14 (1992), pp. 274–5, calls this situation improbable, as Eustace II continued to be hostile to Robert the Frisian after 1071. Battle of Cassel, 22 February 1071. Verlinden, Robert Ier le Frison, pp. 65–70, notes that the events of this battle cannot be recovered with any great certainty, as there is considerable variation on the subject in primary sources. See also J. France, Western Warfare in the Age of the Crusades, 1000–1300 (London, 1999), pp. 8–9; D. Nicholas, Medieval Flanders, p. 52; Nip, ‘The Political Relations’, pp. 154–5; E. Warlop, The Flemish Nobility before 1300, 4 vols (Courtrai, 1975–6), I:1, p. 128. Gerbod of Oosterzele (‘the Fleming’), Earl of Chester (1067–71): Chronicon Sancti Huberti, c. 24; Orderic, II, p. 260; E. van Houts, ‘Hereward and Flanders’, A-SE 28 (1999), p. 219; C. P. Lewis,

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should lead Gerbod outside, and cut off the hands which had killed his lord. Yet he commanded the cook secretly that if Gerbod’s hands should tremble when extended for the blow, he should cut them off immediately. But if his hands did not tremble, he should lead him back to him whole. Indeed, when Gerbod was led to the punishment, he stood with unmoving hands which did not tremble at all. Seeing this, the cook returned him to the lord pope. The lord pope commanded him in the name of repentance to return to the abbot of Cluny and obey his commands. The abbot perceived Gerbod’s good intention and ordained him as a monk; he afterwards became distinguished for his good works and religion in the church of Cluny. [7] In those days, when Gothelon duke of Lotharingia had died (who was called the duke of the castle of Bouillon, because that castle was his allod), I say that man Gothelon, who defeated Odo of Champagne in war with his great army and had killed Odo himself, Gothelon’s only son Godfrey, a young knight, succeeded him in all his properties.21 Gothelon had also had two daughters: namely, the eldest, Raelende who was married as countess of Namur to Count Albert, and the second daughter Ida who was given in marriage to the count of Boulogne.22 Ida had three sons, namely, Baldwin who later obtained the kingdom of Jerusalem manfully; Godfrey duke of Bouillon, who possessed this same kingdom before Baldwin, but never wished to wear the royal crown in the kingdom of Jesus Christ, where Christ himself had worn his own crown; and Eustace count of Boulogne, a most virtuous knight.23 Yet the aforesaid Godfrey, son of Gothelon,

21

22

23

‘The Formation of the Honor of Chester, 1066–1100’, The Earldom of Chester and its Charters: A Tribute to Geoffrey Barraclough, ed. A. T. Thatcher, Journal of the Chester Archaeological Society 71 (1991), pp. 38–40; Warlop, Flemish Nobility, II:2, p. 1024; Nip, ‘The Political Relations’, p. 152. Gothelon I of Lower Lotharingia (Lorraine) (1023–44). Odo II of Champagne died 15 November 1037 at the Battle of Bar, see Rodulfus Glaber, c. 39. Gilbert has conflated Gothelon I’s son Godfrey the Bearded (d. 1069) with Godfrey the Bearded’s son Godfrey the Hunchback (d. 1076). As Godfrey the Hunchback died without issue, the duchy passed to his nephew Godfrey of Bouillon. See A. Matthys, ‘Les châteaux de Mirwart et de Sugny, centres de pouvoirs aux Xe et XIe siècles’, Villes et campagnes au Moyen Âge: mélanges Georges Duby, eds J.-M. Duvosquel and A. Dierkens (Liège, 1991), pp. 466–7; J. Baudhuin, ‘Les relations entre le comte de Namur Albert III et l’abbaye de Saint-Hubert en Ardenne’, Études d’histoire et d’archéologie Namuroises dédiées à Ferdinand Courtoy (Namur, 1952), p. 328. Raelende’s husband was Albert II of Namur (d. c.1064); Ida’s husband was Eustace II of Boulogne (1047–88). For Albert II: J.-L. Kupper, ‘Une “conventio” inédite entre l’évêque de Liège Théoduin et le comte Albert II de Namur (1056–1064)’, BCRH 145 (1979), pp. 1–24. For Countess Ida of Boulogne (saint): R. Nip, ‘Godelieve of Gistel and Ida of Boulogne’, Sanctity and Motherhood: Essays on Holy Mothers in the Middle Ages, ed. A. B. Mulder-Bakker (New York/London, 1995), pp. 191, 209–19; G. Duby, ‘The Matron and the Mis-Married Woman: Perspectives of Marriage in Northern France circa 1100’, Social Relations and Ideas: Essays in Honour of R. H. Hilton, eds T. H. Aston, P. R. Coss et al. (Cambridge 1983), p. 91; N.-N. Huyghebaert, ‘La mère de Godefroid de Bouillon: la comtesse Ide de Boulogne’, Publications de la section historique de l’institut Grand-Ducal de Luxembourg 95 (1981), pp. 43–63; AASS April, II; Bibliotheca sanctorum, cols 636–7. For Eustace II: H. J. Tanner, ‘The Expansion of the Power’, pp. 251–86. Ida’s sons: Baldwin I king of Jerusalem (1100 to 2 April 1118); Godfrey of Bouillon, duke of Lower Lotharingia, defender of the Holy Sepulchre (d. 1100); Count Eustace III of Boulogne (1088–1125). For Baldwin I and Godfrey: J. C. Andressohn, The Ancestry and Life of Godfrey of Bouillon (Bloomington, 1947); H. E. Mayer, The Crusades, trans. J. Gillingham, 2nd edn (Oxford, 1988), esp. pp. 41–72; J. France, ‘The Election and Title of Godfrey of Bouillon’, CJH 18:3 (1983), pp. 321–9; J. Riley-Smith, ‘The Title of Godfrey of Bouillon’, BIHR 52 (1979), pp. 83–6; A. V. Murray, ‘The Army of

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died without an heir of his body. When he had died, contention arose among his sisters, namely Countess Raelende of Namur and Countess Ida of Boulogne, concerning the allods and fiefs. When Countess Raelende, the eldest, made a claim on the castle of Bouillon and the greater part of the properties, the lord bishop of Liège, who presided over the see of Liège at that time, feared that the count of Namur, who was very close to him in both proximity and homage, would become more powerful against him.24 The bishop was also corrupted with gifts of money and promises, and was hostile to Count Albert of Namur and his wife in their right. He offered his help to Countess Ida of Boulogne in every way, concerning both the allods and fiefs.25 Although the crossings from Namur to Bouillon were difficult, nevertheless the bishop himself built a castle in the middle of the crossing, which was called Mirwart, in order to impede the transit of the count of Namur.26 And so the count of Namur was not able to prevail in his right, and Godfrey son of Ida of Boulogne obtained the ducal honour and the castle of Bouillon. [8] After this digression, we should return to Countess Richilde, who had built the castle of Beaumont, namely the tower and all the fortifications, and she established a chapel in this place in honour of St Venant, which she endowed with very suitable properties.27 This countess also established, with her son Baldwin, hereditary offices in their court, namely the offices of steward and butler, baker and cook, chamberlain and hostler. She put men from Hainaut in those offices, and with them certain Flemings who, having left their properties in Flanders, had come as exiles to Hainaut with their lady Richilde and her son Baldwin. The countess and her son also enriched with respectable benefices many other men of noble and servile condition who had left Flanders and who lived with the aforesaid countess and her son in Hainaut, while mourning the disinheritance of their lord.28 Countess Richilde grieved for the death of her son Arnoul greatly, and bore the disinheritance of her surviving son gravely. Therefore, she offered to give all of their allods situated in Hainaut to Théoduin bishop of Liège, a powerful prince who was quite close to them, so that he would help them in vengeance against the oftmentioned Robert and, with the money

24

25

26

27 28

Godfrey of Bouillon, 1096–1099: Structure and Dynamics of a Contingent on the First Crusade’, RBPH 70 (1992), pp. 301–29; P. Aubé, Godefroy de Bouillon (Paris, 1985); EMA, I, pp. 142, 617–18. For Eustace III, see J. Riley-Smith, The First Crusaders, 1095–1131 (Cambridge, 1997), pp. 91, 174, 205; F. Barlow, William Rufus (London, 1983), pp. 77, 90–1. Henry of Verdun, bishop of Liège (1075 or 1076–91): Chronicon Sancti Huberti, c. 43; Matthys, ‘Les châteaux de Mirwart’, p. 467; Baudhuin, ‘Les relations entre le comte’, p. 329. Albert III of Namur (1064–1102). Gilbert of Mons has mistaken Albert III’s familial relationship: he was the son of Countess Raelende, not her husband (Albert was married to Ida of Saxony): Baudhuin, ‘Les relations entre le comte’, pp. 327–34. Mirwart is on the River Lomme in the province of Namur between Rochefort and Saint-Hubert. Bishop Henry of Liège refortified the castle sometime between 1077 and 1082, but the abbey of SaintHubert objected, and it was destroyed in 1084: Chronicon Sancti Huberti, c. 48; Matthys, ‘Les châteaux de Mirwart’, pp. 467–8; Baudhuin, ‘Les relations entre le comte’, p. 331–2. BN MS lat. 11105, fol. 3v: dotavit; Vanderkindere: ditavit, after Brussels, KB II 1554, fol. 15r. ‘Servile’ refers to dependant tenants of unfree status, sometimes identified in secondary sources by the modern word ‘serf ’. See C. B. Bouchard, ‘Strong of Body, Brave and Noble’: Chivalry and Society in Medieval France (Ithaca, NY/London, 1998), pp. 53–8 for an outline concerning servile status.

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received from him, she would hire mercenaries against Robert.29 After Bishop Théoduin had held a council of his faithful nobles and ministers at the church of Liège, he gladly received such great and distinguished allods with so much honour, and he conceded them to Richilde and her son Baldwin to hold as liege fiefs, and accordingly offered them a very great amount of money.30 This purchase gravely afflicted all the conventual churches of the bishopric of Liège regarding their treasures of gold and silver.31 All these matters were arranged at Fosse under the testimony of Duke Godfrey of Bouillon, Count Albert of Namur, the count of Louvain, the count of Chiny, the count of Montaigu in Ardennes, and a great many other faithful men of noble and servile condition of the church of Liège.32 Because of these matters, Théoduin, lord bishop of Liège, a prudent and powerful man, who had great influence before the lord emperor of the Romans at that time by favour and familiarity, by giving service and gifts before the emperor, caused the emperor to confer on the church of Liège all the fiefs which the count of Hainaut held from him (namely the abbey and advocacy of the church of Mons and the justice of the county of Hainaut), with the consent and approval of the aforesaid nobles, namely Richilde and her son Baldwin.33 He did this so that the oftmentioned Richilde and her son Baldwin would receive all their allods, family properties and fiefs under one hand and one liege homage from the bishop of Liège, which their successors also do in this same manner, excepting all the allodial belongings of the church of Blessed Waudru, namely in Mons, both in the castle and town, and in the towns of Quaregnon and Jemappes, Frameries and Quévy, Braine-le-Comte and Brainele-Château, Hal, Castres, and Hérinnes. Blessed Waudru retained possession of all these properties in its days, except its duchy of Lotharingia, and he established

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Théoduin, bishop of Liège (1048–75): F. L. Ganshof, Feudalism, trans. P. Grierson, 3rd edn (New York, 1964), p. 122; J.-L. Kupper, ‘Une “conventio” inédite’, pp. 1–24. This agreement between Richilde and Bishop Théoduin was made in 1071. Gilbert of Mons’ account of this matter is significant, as no extant charter containing the details of their agreement survives. It is extremely likely that Gilbert obtained the details from charters which were still held by the counts of Hainaut at the time he wrote this chronicle. A 1071 charter of King Henry IV of Germany provides corroborative evidence of the agreement, in that Théoduin held lands in Hainaut from King Henry, including the abbeys of Ste Waudru and Ste Aldegonde: Cartulaire de l’église Saint-Lambert de Liège, eds S. Bormans and E. Schoolmeesters (Brussels, 1893), I, no. 25; Chartes du chapitre de Sainte-Waudru de Mons, ed. L. Devillers (Brussels, 1899), I, no. 3, p. 5. See also Chronicon Sancti Huberti, c. 24; Gesta Lobbiensium, p. 318; Lambert of Hersfeld, ed. Pertz, pp. 88–9; Lambert of Hersfeld, ed. Holder-Egger, p. 142. Gilles of Orval, p. 80, although most of his text for this incident is taken verbatim from Gilbert of Mons, gives additional details of the losses incurred by the greater church of Liège: 100 pounds of gold, and a great gold chalice with a paten, a gold crucifix, a gold necklace, a gold crest, two gold bracelets, silver chalices with patens, ewers, candelabra, a silver table, and about 175 marks of other silver. Godfrey of Bouillon ‘the Hunchback’; Albert III of Namur; Henry II of Louvain (1062–c.1079); Arnoul II of Chiny (also called Arnoul I, d. 1106); Conon of Montaigu (1064–1106). See also Gilles of Orval, p. 80. For Arnoul II of Chiny: A. Laret-Kayser, Entre Bar et Luxembourg: le comté de Chiny des origines à 1300, Crédit Communal, Collection Histoire, série in-8o, 72 (Brussels, 1986), pp. 60–70. Alberic of Trois-Fontaines, p. 815, mentions Conan of Montaigu and his son Count Lambert of Clermont as crusaders. See also Riley-Smith, The First Crusaders, pp. 148, 203. Henry IV’s May 1071 charter: MGH Constitutiones, I, no. 441, pp. 649–50. See also charter of 11 May 1071, Cartulaire de l’église Saint-Lambert de Liège, I, no. 25; Chartes du chapitre de Sainte-Waudru, I, no. 4, pp. 6–7; Gilles of Orval, p. 81.

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those things of its church, which is in Mons (which is called Châteaulieu), and he assigned these things to be held perpetually, except for Cuesmes, Nimy, Ville-sur-Haine and several other properties, which were assigned to the church afterwards.34 [9] When the assignment of liege homage had been made concerning so many great allods and aforesaid fiefs of the church of Liège and of such a great man, namely the count of Hainaut, it was established that the count of Hainaut owed service and aid to his lord the bishop of Liège in all matters and against all men with all the resources of his own men, whether mounted men or footsoldiers, at the expense of the bishop, whenever the count would leave the county of Hainaut.35 If the lord count went to the lord bishop to recover his land, the lord bishop owed expenses to him, whenever he departed from the county of Hainaut. If the lord bishop should invite the count of Hainaut to his court or to any meeting, similarly he owed expenses to him. If the lord emperor of the Romans should invite the count of Hainaut to his own court for any reason, the bishop of Liège owed him at his own expense for going to and returning from that court safely, and because of this he ought to attend and respond in court by right. Moreover if anyone should attack the land of Hainaut in order to do evil, the bishop of Liège owed to the count of Hainaut an army at the expense of the bishop against that army. If the count of Hainaut should besiege any castle which belonged to his honour, or a castle was besieged against him, the bishop should come and help him at his own expense with 500 knights, and the count should supply him with a just price for food. If grass was available in the fields, or other necessary fodder for horses was accessible, the bishop could take this for his own men according to his wishes. The bishop of Liège owed help to the count of Hainaut three times a year in whatever manner, namely for forty days. Along with the count of Hainaut, three castellans of Hainaut, namely the castellans of Mons, Beaumont and Valenciennes, gave homage to the bishop of Liège. At Christmas, the bishop of Liège owed to the count of Hainaut three pairs of garments, each of which must be worth six marks of silver by the weight of Liège, and also garments to each of the named castellans, each of which also must be worth six marks. If any allod in the whole county is given to the count of Hainaut, and afterwards is received by him in fief, or if he acquires any allod within the boundaries of his county, or servants or maidservants into his possession, he will immediately hold them from the bishop of Liège with his other fief. And although many princes, namely dukes, barons, counts, and other nobles and their men, must answer to and satisfy the justice of the peace of Liège, the counts of Hainaut or their men do not by any means have to answer to the justice of this same peace. [10] Countess Richilde and her son Baldwin, with the money they had received from the bishop of Liège, assembled whatever helpers and mercenaries of many 34 35

See also Chartes du chapitre de Sainte-Waudru, I, no. 3, p. 5. Gilbert of Mons’ record of this agreement between the bishop of Liège and the count of Hainaut, likely taken from a charter no longer extant, is extremely valuable, as it provides an important example of relations between a lord and tenant in the late eleventh century.

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regions they could against the abovementioned Robert [the Frisian], who held Flanders by violence. Specifically, they assembled the duke of Bouillon, the count of Namur, the count of Louvain, the count of Montaigu, the count of Chiny, the count of Hautmont, and many others, and she made what attacks she could against Robert, but accomplished nothing.36 Then Robert, who sustained continuous assaults from the men from Hainaut, thought little of their strength and, when he had assembled an army, came into the county of Hainaut. The men of Hainaut attacked him in Brabant, in the territory which is called Broqueroie, near Mons. The men of Hainaut, who were few in number, fought in a serious battle for their defence and many fell, and therefore that place was called the Forest of Mortality [Mortalis Haya]. Robert was inflamed with wickedness and arrogance, and crossed the river Haine near Mons, at the place which is called Dura.37 And so he went through Hainaut in his strength, passing by Valenciennes, and proposed to remain in the place which is called Wavrechain on the river Scheldt. When he had made a fortification with ditches and wood there, he departed into Flanders leaving 300 knights behind there, who attacked Hainaut continually in their strength. Young Baldwin [II], the count of Hainaut, seeking support against his enemies because of such a great disaster, went to the regions of the people of the Low Regions, and with the help of his lord the bishop of Liège and some of his men, he came unexpectedly with a multitude of knights upon such of his aforesaid enemies who remained at Wavrechain, and he killed some of them, and held others as captives, so that almost no one escaped, and their fortification was thrown down.38 [11] Thus, the oftmentioned Richilde and her son Baldwin remained unjustly expelled from Flanders completely. They devoted themselves to good works and alms, and constructed on their own allod the church of Saint-Denis in Broqueroie, in which they established monks to serve God. They granted to this same church the town and cultivated and uncultivated lands in many places, and forests, meadows, waters, servants and maidservants, and they honoured this church by what freedom they could. [12] In those days, there were canons in the church of Saint-Pierre at Mons, whose prebends belonged to the donation of the chapter of Saint-Germain. Therefore, the oftmentioned Countess Richilde and her son Baldwin converted those prebends to the use of the monks of Saint-Denis.39 And although all the offerings of the altars of the monasteries and chapels of Mons belonged to the chaplains of Blessed Waudru, namely to the canons of Saint-Germain 36

37 38

39

Vanderkindere, in his edition of Gilbert of Mons, p. 15 n. 1, suggests that Altimontis may be an error for Clarimontis – Clermont. Dura has not been positively identified. Vanderkindere, in his edition of Gilbert of Mons, p. 16 n. 1, notes that ‘Low Regions’, Advallenses, refers to people of unspecified low-lying regions, but seems most often to refer to the area of Gueldre. BN MS lat. 11105, fol. 5r: in tantis; Vanderkindere: incautis, after Brussels, KB II 1554, fol. 25r. Charter of 1084 for Saint-Denis of Broqueroie, Chartes du chapitre de Sainte-Waudru, I, no. 5, pp. 7–8. Baldwin III confirmed this donation in 1117, Chartes du chapitre de Sainte-Waudru, I, no. 6, pp. 8–10.

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(with the exception of the monastery of Saint-Pierre), it was later arranged and confirmed that the church of Saint-Germain should receive to hold perpetually the monastery of Saint-Pierre from the church of Saint-Denis for an annual rent of six pennies, to be paid on the feast of St Denis in the church of Saint-Denis. [13] This should be told among other things concerning the church of Blessed Waudru, which is the principal church of all Hainaut.40 For it is an established fact that St Walbert was duke of Lotharingia, whose duchy extended through Cambrai, Hainaut, Brabant, Hesbaye and Ardennes up to the Rhine, and whose wife was St Bertilia.41 Among many other properties which he had, he was enriched by many of his own allods, both in Hainaut and in Brabant. He had from his aforesaid wife St Bertilia two most holy daughters, namely Blessed Waudru and Blessed Aldegonde.42 When St Walbert had died, because he had no sons, his firstborn daughter, namely Blessed Waudru, succeeded him in the

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Gilbert of Mons’ record of the early history of Sainte-Waudru is particularly important because no charters concerning the establishment or early history of this religious institution are extant. It is highly likely that Gilbert had access to such early charters, as he gives extremely detailed information concerning this church and its relations with the counts of Hainaut. For the lack of extant early charters, see Chartes du chapitre de Sainte-Waudru, no. 1, p. 1 n. 1. A. G. Hornaday, ‘Les saints du “Cycle du Mauberge” et la conscience aristocratique dans le Hainaut médiéval’, RDN 73:293 (1991), pp. 587–95, argues convincingly that Gilbert has interjected this digression on the saintly ancestors of the counts of Hainaut to emphasise the legitimacy of their rule (and particularly of his own lord, Baldwin V), because of their distinguished descent. St Walbert (d. c.678) and St Bertilia combined feast day 11 May, see AASSBS, III, pp. 332–9; AASS, May, II; Bibliotheca sanctorum, VII, col. 420; M. Grisard, ‘Histoire et légende. Les saints mérovingiens de Cousolre: Aldegonde, Walbert, Bertille’, Publications de la Société d’Histoire Régionale de Rance 6 (1968), pp. 67–92. St Waudru, or Waldetrudis (d. c.688), feast day 9 April, patron saint of Mons, founded the convent of Châteaulieu at Mons: ‘La vie de Sainte Waudru, patronne de la ville de Mons, d’après un manuscrit du XIe siècle’, ed. J. Daris, ASHEB 4 (1867), pp. 218–31; AASSBS, IV, pp. 414–50; AASS, April, II; Bibliotheca sanctorum, XII, cols 881–2; J.-M. Cauchies, Sainte Waudru devant l’histoire et devant le foi. Recueil d’études publié à l’occasion du treizième centenaire de sa mort (Mons, 1989); G. Bavay, ‘Sainte Waudru: de l’hagiographie montoise à l’hagiographie sonégienne. Trace culturelle et genèse hagiographique’, Mélanges offerts à Christiane Piérard. Études d’histoire montoise et hainuyère. Annales du Cercle Archéologique de Mons 74 (1990), pp. 41–70; L. Tondreau, ‘L’ancienne chasse de Sainte Waudru à Mons’, Valenciennes et les anciens Pays-Bas: mélanges offerts à Paul Lefrancq, Publication du Cercle Archéologique et Historique de Valenciennes 9 (Valenciennes, 1976), pp. 381–6; D. Attwater, The Penguin Dictionary of Saints, 2nd edn (Harmondsworth, 1983), p. 328; Butler, II, pp. 58–9. St Aldegonde, or Aldegundis (c.635–84), feast day 30 January, virgin, founder and abbess of ‘double’ monastery of Mauberge: AASSBS, IV, pp. 291–336; AASS, January, II; Vie de sainte Aldegonde: réécrite par une moniale contemporaine (VIIIe s.), ed. M. Rouche (Mauberge, 1988); Vita Aldegundis, ed. W. Levinson, MGH SSRM VI (Hanover, 1913), pp. 79–90; Bibliotheca sanctorum, I, cols 737–9; A.-M. Helvétius, ‘Sainte Aldegonde et les origines du monastère de Mauberge’, RDN 74:295 (1992), pp. 221–37; S. F. Wemple, ‘Female Spirituality and Mysticism in Frankish Monasteries: Radegund, Balthild and Aldegund’, Medieval Religious Women. Volume Two: Peaceweavers, eds L. T. Shank and J. A. Nichols (Kalamazoo, 1987), pp. 41, 45–9; S. F. Wemple, Women in Frankish Society: Marriage and Cloister 500 to 900 (Philadelphia, 1981), pp. 152–3, 162, 185, 279 n. 15; M. Gaillard, ‘Vie quotidienne et culturelle dans les abbayes feminines au travers des recits hagiographiques’, L’art du haut Moyen Âge dans le nord-ouest de la France: actes du Colloque de St. Ricquier (22–24 septembre 1987), eds D. Poulain and M. Perrin (Griefswald, 1993), pp. 13–33; O. Dittrich, St. Aldegundis, eine Heilige der Franken – Sainte Aldegonde, une sainte des Francs (Kevelaer, 1976); J. Heuclin, Sainte Aldegonde (Mauberge, 1984); Butler, I, p. 205; C. Liétard, Les chanoinesses de Mauberge (Lille, 1930), p. 34.

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honour of the duchy, and she rejoiced in more allods on her part. For Blessed Waudru married an illustrious man, namely Madelgaire, who afterwards was called St Vincent.43 From him she had two sons, Landric and Dentelin, who are called saints deservedly by their merits, and two daughters, namely the virgins St Aldetrude and St Madelberte.44 Blessed Aldegonde scorned marriage to both kings and princes and clung to God alone. She constructed her own church on her allod, namely Mauberge, and enriched it with a part of her allods, establishing in it nuns to serve God, and she took up the religious habit for herself with them.45 Blessed Vincent scorned mundane things and was made a monk in the church of Hautmont, and he established his own church at Soignies, and placed monks in it. Yet the church was later destroyed by the Huns, then was rebuilt by benefactors, in which canons had then been established. Blessed Waudru desired to please God absolutely, and intending to benefit churches in many places by generosity with her possessions, she chose a place for herself to live on her own allod, which is called Mons, which was a thoroughly desolate place, on which there loomed a hill which had been fortified since ancient times. There she built her church, and she honoured it with her allods, both in Hainaut and Brabant, and she placed canonesses and canons in it (canonesses to serve the church devotedly, canons to provide the church with temporal goods). She prepared for all necessities and all matters required by the church. The allods which Blessed Waudru retained for herself in ownership, she also conferred on her church in perpetuity with all liberty, namely that town which is called Mons (and was called Châteaulieu by the ancients), and towns in Hainaut, namely Quaregnon, Jemappes, Frameries and Quévy, and in Brabant, the towns of Hérinnes, Castres, Hal and Braine-le-Château. Seeing that her sons and daughters

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St Madelgaire, also called Vincent of Soignies (c.615–c.677), feast day 14 July, patron saint of Soignies, founder and abbot of monastery at Hautmont, abbot of monastery at Soignies: J. Nazet, ‘La transformation d’abbayes en chapitres à la fin de l’époque carolingienne: le cas de Saint-Vincent de Soignies’, RDN 49:193 (1967), pp. 258–65; G. Bavay, ‘Les miracles de Saint Vincent au 17e siècle, une approche des mentalités populaires d’autrefois face au sacré’, Annales du Cercle Archéologique du Canton de Soignies 29 (1977–9), pp. 169–92; AASSBS, IV, pp. 3–34; AASS, July, III; Bibliotheca sanctorum, XII, cols 1177–8; Attwater, The Penguin Dictionary of Saints, p. 219; Butler, III, pp. 607–8. St Landric (d. c.690), feast day 17 April, bishop of Meaux, abbot of monasteries at Soignies and Hautmont: AASSBS, V, pp. 205–12; AASS, April, II; Bibliotheca sanctorum, VII, col. 1092. St Dentelin (seventh century), feast day 14 July, confessor, died age seven: AASSBS, IV, pp. 34–8; AASS, July, III; Bibliotheca sanctorum, IV, col. 569. St Aldetrude (d. c.696), feast day 25 February, second abbess of Mauberge: AASSBS, V, pp. 157–64; AASS, February, III; Bibliotheca sanctorum, I, cols 750–1; Liétard, Les chanoinesses de Mauberge, pp. 35–6. St Madelberte (d. c.705 or 706), feast day 7 September, third abbess of Mauberge: AASSBS, V, pp. 490–503; AASS, September, III; Bibliotheca sanctorum, VIII, cols 473–4; Liétard, Les chanoinesses de Mauberge, pp. 21, 36; P. Bonenfant, ‘Note critique sur le prétendu testament de Sainte Aldegonde’, BCRH 98 (1934), pp. 219–38; ‘La vie de Sainte Madelberte de Mauberge: édition du texte (BHL 5129) et traduction française’, ed. P. Bertrand, Analecta Bollandiana 115 (1997), pp. 39–76. ‘Double’ monastery at Mauberge. ‘Double’ monastery is a modern term describing an institution comprising monastic men and women, generally under the rule of an abbess. For the phenomenon of ‘double’ monasteries in Western Europe during the seventh and eighth centuries: P. D. Johnson, ‘Double Houses, Western Christian’, Encyclopedia of Monasticism, ed. W. M. Johnson (Chicago/London, 2000), pp. 416–19; P. D. Johnson, Equal in Monastic Profession: Religious Women in Medieval France (Chicago/London, 1991), p. 7; B. Mitchell, ‘Anglo-Saxon Double Monasteries’, History Today 45:20 (1995), pp. 33–9; J. Nicholson, ‘Feminae gloriosae: Women in the Age of Bede’, Medieval Women, ed. D. Baker (Oxford, 1978), pp. 18–20.

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completely scorned earthly things and were eager for heavenly things, she, who had come to the rule by paternal right, left the rule of the duchy to her relative, namely Aya.46 Aya married a nobleman, a vigorous knight namely Hidulph, whose holy body lies in the church of Lobbes.47 St Aya gave her own allods freely to the church of Blessed Waudru, namely Cuesmes, Nimy and Villesur-Haine, and thus, a glorious miracle, which was later reported to have happened, should not be passed by in silence. When St Aya had died, whose body rests honourably in the church of Mons, when many years had passed after her death, evildoers presumed to usurp for themselves allods which St Aya had conferred on the church of Blessed Waudru, saying that they belonged to them by right. After a long dispute between the church and those evildoers, because the convent of the church was not lacking right and had placed all of their hope in the Lord, the convent entrusted these matters to the testimony of St Aya, who had laid buried there for many years. She, from her grave, heard each side, and witnessed that those allods were property belonging freely to Blessed Waudru from right. And so all those allods remained with the church of Blessed Waudru, until the larger part from Braine-le-Comte later came by exchange to the county of Hainaut. [14] Therefore it is sufficiently clear that Mons, which is also called Châteaulieu, should be the capital of all of Hainaut by right, because the Blessed Waudru, duchess of all Lotharingia, chose to reside in this place when both living and dead in this world; because the count of Hainaut has been elevated to the dignity of abbot and advocate of that church from ancient times; because he and his vassals are enriched with many properties both in Hainaut and in Brabant; and because he was ordained to rule the church in the initial installation of an abbess of that church, whose election properly belongs to the chapter of that place (although we are uncertain how the dignity of abbot of that church came into the possession and inheritance of its advocates, the counts of Hainaut).48 It was established that a third part of the aforesaid allods of Sainte-Waudru properly belong to the dignity of abbot, and through that part, the other two parts proceeded in better profit for the church, and these allods are saved for better use, namely in Quaregnon, Jemappes, Frameries, Quévy and Hérinnes. Because he had been ordained to rule that church in the first election of an abbess, many abbesses succeeded to that dignity throughout many years. The election of an abbess belongs to the chapter, and the elected woman was presented to the lord emperor of the Romans, by whom she received the regalia for ruling the church. Yet it happened that, when a certain abbess returned often to the lord emperor of the Romans concerning affairs of the church, a particular count of Mons 46

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St Aya (d. between 691 and 709), feast day 18 April: AASSBS, V, pp. 538–44; AASS, April, II; Bibliotheca sanctorum, I, cols 622–3; F. Hachez, ‘Du culte de S. Aye’, Annales du Cercle Archéologique de Mons 7 (1867), pp. 357–65; Book of Saints, p. 14. St Hidulph (d. c.707), feast day 23 June, count of Hainaut: AASSBS, V, pp. 533–8; Bibliotheca sanctorum, VII, col. 645; Book of Saints, p. 269. Hornaday, ‘Les saints’, p. 592 n. 34 notes that the following section on the rights of the counts of Hainaut over the church of Sainte-Waudru represents Gilbert’s justification for the counts’ control of the rich properties of this church.

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eagerly pursued the dignity of abbot, because he was sufficiently capable by favour and consanguinity to a certain lord emperor. He demanded that the emperor concede to him the rule of the dignity of abbot, so that after election, the abbess would receive the property of this dignity from the hand of that count and his successors.49 For that lord count claimed and suggested to the lord emperor that the properties of the abbey were by no means profitable. Indeed the lord emperor conferred the rule of the abbey to him, but not with the consent of the church. And so a little later that abbess of Mons died. When she had died, that count occupied the abbey, saying that it was his property, contradicting the election of the chapter. But the chapter wished to remain in its customary liberty, and sent canons and canonesses from the sensible part of the chapter to the lord emperor to reveal to him the injury inflicted on it concerning the election. There, by the favour and consent of the lord emperor, they elected in his presence a lady named Oda as abbess, who, when she returned to the church, could not have any peace from the oftmentioned count. Yet the church did not wish to sustain offence to the count, and they were not able to follow the lord emperor by great effort and expenses in far-off regions, so they acquiesced to the will of the lord count as their advocate. Yet when that abbess yielded, the lord count of Hainaut remained both abbot and advocate, and thus the dignity of abbot succeeded in heredity of the counts, who enfeoffed men from the properties which belonged to the part of the abbey in many places. It had been established that a third part of the allods of Sainte-Waudru belonged to the abbey properly, and are well saved for the use of the church, and through that part of the abbey, the church was freed by the abbot from these things which are undertaken by the lord pope and are required by his legate and the lord of Reims and the lord of Cambrai and their officials at any time (those things which are vulgarly called hospitality and right to fodder).50 Yet the properties which the abbot shares with the chapter are in the towns of Quaregnon, Jemappes, Frameries, Quévy, Hérinnes, Castres, Hal and Braine-le-Château. Yet the church of Blessed Waudru retained in ownership the town of Mons, so that nothing concerning the dignity of abbot was established concerning the tithes or rents of the town. The toll-house and right to forage of that town belonged to the dignity of the abbot; all manors of that town owed rent to Blessed Waudru, thus the canons of Saint-Germain, who are the chaplains of Blessed Waudru, have a third part in those named rents, which are paid on the feast of the Lord. The aforesaid canons also have from the church of Blessed Waudru the tithes of grain and meadows in the whole parish of Mons, and all the small tithes and offerings of altars. The count of Hainaut holds from the church of Mons the site of his castle under an annual rent of five shillings payable on Maundy Thursday, excepting other manors held by the lord count in this town, for which the rent is owed to that church on Maundy Thursday and Christmas. The count can have no manor in that town or construct any building without the consent of the church and for 49

50

Vanderkindere, in his notes for his edition of Gilbert of Mons, p. 22 n. 1, suggests Régnier I as the particular count of Hainaut (d. 915). BN MS lat. 11105, fol. 7r: a domino papa incipitur et ejus legatis; Brussels, KB II 1554, fol. 36r: domino papa in capite et ejus legatis; Vanderkindere: a domino papa et ejus legatis.

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which the church may have rent. It is lawful for the church concerning its rents, if they have not been paid on the just and determined day, to receive securities, without the involvement of the villein or échevins concerning those manors for the rent and for penalties of two shillings.51 It is lawful for any man to give his manor in Mons in alms to Blessed Waudru without the approval of the villein or the witness of échevins, so that Saint-Germain will not share in it. Similarly Saint-Germain has permission from Blessed Waudru that it is lawful for any man to give his manor in alms to Saint-Germain without the approval of the villein or the witness of échevins, so that Blessed Waudru will not share in it. There are four free manors in Mons which do not owe tallage or exaction or forced service or any military service to the count, nor should those who live in these manors be judged by the villein or échevins, namely the site of the brewery of Blessed Waudru, the site of the brewery of Blessed Germain and the two manors of the advocates. The church of Blessed Waudru can always have four free servants in Mons, who do not owe to the count tallage or tax or army or any toll, nor should they be judged by the villein or échevins, but they should be judged by the chapter of Blessed Waudru. The church itself has the villeins and échevins of all its aforesaid towns, both those which were from the proper allod of Blessed Waudru and those others which came to the church from alms, and the church has the rule and authority and entire justice before the count and advocate of that abbey and other vassals of the lord count. On the other hand, the lord count has the villein of Mons and échevins from his authority of the dignity of abbot, in which the church of Mons also retains for itself properly what the villein of Mons with all the échevins of the church has cited as testimonies and judgements; yet the échevins of Mons with other échevins of the church should both testify and judge.52 Yet the lord count as abbot has the homages and revenues of certain villeins at Christmas, namely of Quaregnon, Jemappes, Frameries, Quévy, Cuesmes and Nimy and one villein of Ville-surHaine, Hérinnes, Castres, Hal, Braine-le-Château and Braine-le-Comte, and the lord count cannot draw those villeins into a cause, except in the church of Mons, who are drawn there by the chapter and their peers. If anyone of those villeins wishes to advance through hereditary succession to a villeinage, if his villeinage is in the towns of Hainaut, he owes forty shillings of the money of Hainaut to the church of Blessed Waudru for relief of his villeinage. Yet any villein from the towns of Brabant who does homage to the count as abbot owes sixty shillings of the money of Nivelles to the church for relief.53 When he has asked for the villeinage from the church, has paid the relief and has given fidelity to the church, by giving faith and touching relics, the lord count as abbot should accept that man’s homage for presentation to the church without contradiction. Yet concerning other villeinages which do not owe homage to the count, their requests are at the mercy of the church, namely Maffle, Bouvignies, Hamme, Hofstade, Raismes and Boussu and one villeinage from Ville-sur-Haine. If it

51 52 53

Échevins were aldermen who exercised urban magistracies: D. Nicholas, Medieval Flanders, pp. 120–3. BN MS lat. 11105, fol. 7v, and Brussels, KB II 1554, fol. 40r: testificari; Vanderkindere: testificare. Brussels, KB II 1554, fol. 40r lacks this line.

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should happen that any villeinage of all the towns of Blessed Waudru is sold or pledged, this should be done through the chapter.54 [15] In the initial establishment of the church, a female provost for ruling temporal affairs and a deaconess for ruling spiritual affairs had been appointed, and a female warden for the custody of sacred objects and treasure and other ornaments of the church and for the protection of servants and maidservants and for filling lamps and ringing bells and many other things which were owed to the church according to that custody under the abbess. At some times, certain lord counts (to whom the donation of provost and warden and prebends belonged according to the authority of the office of abbot) conferred minor dignities to clerks, namely the dignities of provost and warden, because it seemed better for someone to be able to work for the affairs of such a great church according to all its comings and goings. [16] Prebends had been established according to the title of Saint-Germain by the church of Blessed Waudru, in this manner: the canons might remain as chaplains of Sainte-Waudru and serve her monastery devotedly in divine services.55 Therefore, on various days those canons in that monastery are expected to fulfil the greater mass through a canonical priest and through a deacon and subdeacon, and they should be present in the processions on Sundays and on Rogation days and on the Ascension of the Lord. Those canons of Saint-Germain are expected to serve with the canonesses during the four days of Christmas, on the Circumcision and Epiphany of the Lord, the Ascension of the Lord, during the four days of Pentecost, on the Assumption and Nativity of Blessed Mary, the feast of All Saints, the feast days of Blessed Waudru and the dedication of the church of Blessed Waudru in divine offices, namely vespers, matins and high mass; and they should be present at the masses on Maundy Thursday, the Easter vigil and the Pentecost vigil. It should also be known that, in any year, the canons of SaintGermain have from the greater church ten pecks of oats and four pecks of winter wheat for the mass which they have celebrated on any days at the altar of SainteWaudru, namely on the lesser altar which is called ‘Near the Choir’. [17] Of all the things which Blessed Waudru is offered or given, Saint-Germain has a third part, with the exceptions of altar cloths, land, gold and silk cloth. On the other hand, of all the things which Saint-Germain is given as alms, Blessed Waudru has two parts, with the same exceptions of land, gold and silk cloth. All things which are offered at the greater altars of the monastery, if they have come to the hand of a priest under vestment, belong to the custody of Blessed Waudru, if it was not land or gold or silk cloth.56 If something has been offered at the altars

54

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For details of the properties and revenues of Sainte-Waudru by the end of the twelfth century, see M. Bruwier and M. Gysseling, ‘Les revenus, les biens et les droits de Sainte-Waudru de Mons à la fin du XIIe siècle’, BCRH 121 (1956), pp. 278–317. For chapters of canonesses attached to groups of canons: EMA, I, p. 230. BN MS lat. 11105, fol. 8v: non venerint ad custodem; Vanderkindere: non venerint hoc quidem ad custodem, following Brussels, KB II 1554, fol. 45r.

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in all other monasteries and chapels of the town of Mons, and it has not come to the hand of a priest under vestment, this belongs to the provost of SaintGermain, even if it was land or gold or silk cloth. All candles for the day of the Purification of Blessed Mary in all monasteries and chapels, howsoever they came to them, belong properly to the custody of Blessed Waudru. As well, all the offerings of these same monasteries and chapels on Good Friday belong properly to this same custody. [18] The spiritual care of all the clerks residing in the town of Mons and the canons of Saint-Germain, their chaplains and household canons, the clerical scholasts and four servants of Blessed Waudru, the maltsters of Saint-Germain, the hereditary servants of the lord count, and even the lord count and countess, while they are in Mons, belongs totally to the canons of Saint-Germain, and ecclesiastical last rites are rendered to all those people by the canonical priest of Saint-Germain in the monastery of Blessed Waudru, both in life and in death. The canons of Saint-Germain of the church of Blessed Waudru are expected to take care of the great mass through a priest, a deacon and a subdeacon without interruption, and they ought to meet at that same church on major solemnities of the year; they cannot be compelled to the great mass and parochial hours in the monastery of Saint-Germain. For the other part, they should celebrate vespers and matins with the clerks in the monastery of Saint-Germain on every feast day and on any day in the Advent of the Lord and Lent, with the exception of those days of solemnity on which, as has been told previously, they should celebrate these services in the greater monastery. The oftmentioned canons should assemble on any day for mass and parochial hours in the monastery of SaintGermain. The lord count of Hainaut, by right of the goods which he has from the office of abbot, should totally release the church of Blessed Waudru from certain exactions, and ought to pay those exactions on behalf of the church, which are vulgarly called hospitality and right to fodder, which are required by the lord pope, his cardinals and legates, and by the lord of Reims and his officials at any time.57 In this way, both the canons of Saint-Germain and the chaplains of Blessed Waudru are released from these exactions. If the lord count of Hainaut or anyone inflicts any violence or injury to the church of Blessed Waudru, it is fitting for the convent to cease ecclesiastical duties, and moreover, to bury the body of Blessed Waudru in the earth as a protest, until it has been satisfied for the injuries inflicted on that church. Concerning the burial of the body of most holy Waudru, many swift torments have happened often to evildoers from divine vengeance, so that nothing remains unpunished in this age. So that the lord count may not think to reclaim anything in the forests of Blessed Waudru because of his advocacy, the forest of Mons was assigned to him in ownership. The donation of office of provost of Saint-Germain belongs to the lord count by right of the office of abbot, so that this provost holds the office of abbot (that is

57

BN MS lat. 11105, fol. 9r Brussels, KB II 1554, fol. 48r: et a domino Remensi et ejus officialibus quandoque requiruntur; Vanderkindere: et a domino Remensi et ejus officialibus et a domino Cameracensi et ejus officialibus quandoque requiruntur.

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the gift of prebends) and the office of provost and the custody and advocacy of the lands and men under one hand and one homage from the lord count. Justice belongs to the provost of Saint-Germain of all the clerks of whatever order who remain in Mons, with the exception of the canons of Blessed Waudru who should be judged through the provost of Blessed Waudru and its chapter.58 The provost of Saint-Germain and the provost or female provost of Blessed Waudru, and the warden or female warden of Blessed Waudru, should render homage and fidelity to the lord count, just as to an abbot. Thus, they can produce judgements and testimonies in his court along with noble men. Many other things come under the rights of Blessed Waudru, but I cannot tell every single one here.59 Yet, I should not be silent about what happened to those men who tried to change the order of canonesses of Blessed Waudru into another order. [19] It once happened that the count of Mons, after considering harsh advice against the female canons of Blessed Waudru, was enflamed with rage and suddenly commanded that on the very next day he would expel the female canons from the church and would establish clerks.60 When this matter was told to the nuns by a secretary of the lord count, they, prostrate on the ground before the body of Blessed Waudru, made a proclamation to the Lord, praying that He would deliver them from such unjust oppression. God, discerning their vows from on high, willed that they should remain in their accustomed order and ancient freedom. So that count was forestalled on the following night by sudden death, and departed from this life quickly, and so that thing, which he had thought to do evilly, remained undone. Then it happened that a count named Régnier, a most religious and learned man, who devotedly frequented the church of Blessed Waudru during ecclesiastical hours, both matins and other hours, at the suggestion of worthless men who said that clerks could do more good in that church than nuns, unexpectedly planned to thrust in clerks and thrust out the nuns.61 Therefore, on a particular night during the feast of St Vincent the martyr, while the nuns were still sleeping in their dormitory, the count came to the monastery with clerks in order to occupy the prebends with willing men chosen by himself. Although the hour was inappropriate for matins, the doors were closed and locked against the nuns, and the count wished matins to be begun and celebrated solemnly by the intrusive clerks.62 And so when the clerks had begun in loud voices, the nuns woke from their sleep and hurried to the monastery, but could not enter by any means. The clerks said the common invitatory, namely

58

59

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61 62

BN MS lat. 11105, fol. 9r and Brussels, KB II 1554, fol. 49r: Ad prepositum Sancti Germani et omnium clericorum; Vanderkindere: Ad prepositum Sancti Germani canonicorum Sancti Germani et omnium clericorum. BN MS lat. 11105, fol. 9r: Multa quidem et alia sub Beate Waldetrudis jura; Vanderkindere: Multa quidem et alia sunt Beate Waldetrudis jura, following Brussels, KB II 1554, fol. 50r. The identity of this count remains unknown. BN MS lat. 11105, fol. 9r, and Brussels, KB II 1554, fol. 51r: et clericos institueret; Vanderkindere: et clericos in eadem ecclesia institueret. Jacques of Guise, index, p. 1589 identifies this count as Régnier V. St Vincent of Saragossa (d. 304), proto-martyr of Spain, feast day 22 January: D. H. Farmer, The Oxford Dictionary of Saints (Oxford, 1983), p. 391; Attwater, The Penguin Dictionary of Saints, p. 325; Bibliotheca sanctorum, cols 1149–55; AASS January II.

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‘The Just Man will Prosper’.63 The female canons were standing in the cloister at the doors of the monastery, suffering this hostility carried out against them, and they began matins profoundly and decently, just as they had learned well enough, with the proper invitatory, namely ‘The One Conquering the World’.64 Hearing this, the aforesaid count ordered the doors to be opened and the nuns to be admitted, saying to the clerks whom he had brought in: ‘Depart from here; indeed these women are instructed and learned in ecclesiastical office, yet you are unlearned’. Afterwards, when a particular canoness had died, Count Baldwin IV, who was buried before the greater altar of Blessed Waudru, gave the vacant prebend to a clerk named Gérard, whom the assembly of the canonry refused to accept as a canon, as the assembly felt the oppression of the lord count heavily. But that count did not wish to hear the complaint of the church, having given that prebend against the accustomed and just order. He immediately withdrew to Binche and, coming there, he was suddenly detained by such a great illness that he could not stand or sit or lie down. According to the advice of a man of his household, who was a most prudent man, he returned on the same night to the church of Blessed Waudru, although suffering from the injury of his body, and when he had done penance concerning his evil deed of having given the prebend, he begged for mercy from Blessed Waudru and the chapter with all humility, and he restored their prebend to the nuns. When this was done, the count suddenly recovered his health. Afterwards at the suggestion and petition of treacherous men, namely of many clerks, and according to the intercession of this same count’s wife, namely Countess Alix (whose body was buried in that same church in the upper crypt), a cardinal and legate of the apostolic see, named Gérard, who was born in the county of Namur, had come into Hainaut by crossing through the Low Regions, and escorted by the countess, came to the church of Blessed Waudru.65 Because certain prebends in this church were vacant, that cardinal tried to confer these on the aforementioned Gérard and other clerks. Indeed, when that cardinal was sitting in the choir of Blessed Waudru with the aforesaid countess and was conferring prebends on clerks, not ceasing in spite of the cries of disapproval from the nuns who demanded justice and judgement, the nuns

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Justus ut palma florebit: sicut cedrus Libani multiplicabitur in domo Domini: ‘the just man will flourish like the palm, just as the cedar of Lebanon he will be multiplied in the house of the Lord’, Roman Missal (Dublin, 1950), p. 771. Vincentem mundum adoremus: ‘let us adore the one conquering the world’ was the correct invitatory antiphon for the feast of St Vincent at this time. This invitatory is preserved in a manuscript of antiphons at the abbey of Saint-Denis in France, to which many of St Vincent’s relics were translated. See A. W. Robertson, The Service-Books of the Royal Abbey of Saint-Denis: Images of Ritual and Music in the Middle Ages (Oxford, 1991), pp. 119, 123. The opportunity for alliterative word-play with the saint’s Latin name, Vincentius, and the Latin word vincere, ‘to conquer’, proved irresistible to early theologians, as seen in the invitatory (Vincentem ‘conquering’), and was also favoured by St Augustine in some of his sermons. See EEC, II, p. 870. Gérard, cardinal of S. Maria in Via Lata and apostolic legate, had been a scholast with the canons of Liège before his promotion to cardinal. The abbey of Sainte-Waudru was not the only place where the unpopular Gérard attempted to control affairs – Gesta Lobbiensium, p. 332, suggests that he was eager to demonstrate his new power as cardinal and legate by deposing two abbots of the bishop of Liège. According to Annales Sancti Iacobi Leodiensis, ed. G. H. Pertz, MGH SS XVI (Hanover, 1859), p. 641, Abbot Stephen of Saint-Jacques of Liège was deposed ‘by the insolence of Cardinal Gérard’.

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rushed upon the clerks and drove them from the church. The lord cardinal departed confused enough; but the nuns, who held the benevolence of their lord count, remained in peace. [20] From there let us return to Countess Richilde and her son Baldwin, who brought many continuous attacks of war against Robert (surnamed the Frisian) and his Flemings. Count Baldwin of Hainaut was truly a young knight, virtuous in arms, and when he had entered into peace with the Flemings, promised and swore to marry a granddaughter of Count Robert, whom he had not yet seen, nor had he heard anything about her very great deformity. For this reason Robert, who was an astute man, had the castle of Douai (which had belonged to the count of Hainaut) pledged to him, so that Baldwin could not change his mind, and guarantors were received who would guard that castle, and if the count of Hainaut should withdraw from the sworn wedding, these guarantors would hand over that castle to Robert for a great sum of money. When Baldwin had seen that woman, he scorned the sight of her, unbecoming with tremendous ugliness, and he withdrew from the nuptial agreement, and married Ida, Count Lambert of Louvain’s sister, a woman adorned with religion and honesty of character.66 For this reason Douai came into the hands of Robert the Frisian and his many successors, the counts of Flanders, and it could not be recovered by the men of Hainaut by a payment of money or by justice.67 Count Baldwin had two sons from his wife Ida, namely Baldwin the eldest, who succeeded him in the county of Hainaut, and Arnoul the second son, and two daughters.68

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Gilbert has misidentified Ida’s family connections: she was the daughter of Henry II of Louvain (d. 1079), and granddaughter (not sister) of Lambert II (d. c.1063). Baldwin II and Ida were married in 1084: Sigebert of Gembloux, p. 394. Alberic of Trois-Fontaines, p. 800, notes this marriage, identifying Ida as the daughter of Henry of Louvain. BN MS lat. 11105, fol. 10v, and Brussels, KB II 1554, fol. 57r: sprevit et a pacto; Vanderkindere: sprevit et despexit et a pacto. This story of the truncated betrothal is unlikely to be true, as it would have been a marriage of first cousins once removed, and therefore within the second degree of consanguinity. Although canonical rules concerning consanguinity were often sacrificed to expediency in noble marriages, a marriage within the second degree would be quite exceptional. However, Baldwin III did break an engagement before his marriage to Yolende of Wassenberg-Gueldre (see note on Yolende in c. 28), and Gilbert may have erroneously attributed this incident to Baldwin II. It is also possible that Gilbert deliberately shifted the story of broken betrothal to Baldwin II in order to fabricate a history suggesting that the counts of Hainaut had been unjustly deprived of Douai. In this way, Gilbert could justify an attempt by Baldwin IV to recover Douai through military means in 1147. Gilbert may have been embarrassed by this abortive assault on Douai, as it was done when Thierry of Flanders was absent on crusade, and was repelled by forces led by a woman, Countess Sibylle of Flanders. It is noteworthy that Gilbert fails to mention this event in his chronicle, although he gives passing mention to wars with Thierry of Flanders and his wife Sibylle in c. 33. For Baldwin IV’s assault on Douai: Lambert of Waterlos, p. 516; K. S. Nicholas, ‘Countesses as Rulers in Flanders’, Aristocratic Women, p. 123. Note that Robert II, son of Robert the Frisian, probably used Douai later as a dower endowment for his wife Clemence: P. Adair, ‘Countess Clemence: Her Power and its Foundation’, Queens, Regents and Potentates, ed. T. M. Vann (Dallas, 1993), p. 71. Baldwin II and Ida had five sons and three daughters: Baldwin, Arnoul, Louis, Henry, William, Ida, Richilde and Alix. Louis and Henry are cited in an 1096 charter of Bishop Osbert of Liège, Cartulaire d’église Saint-Lambert de Liège, I, p. 47, no. 29, while William is identified as brother of Baldwin III in an 1117 charter of Bishop Burchard of Cambrai, Duvivier, Actes, II, no. 9, p. 25. In c. 28, Gilbert notes all three daughters.

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[21] Therefore while Baldwin was ruling in Hainaut, there was a nobleman named Goswin, who originated from a town in Cambrai which is called Oisy, a peer of the castle of Mons, to whom the count himself had conferred great properties in the territory of Avesnes and many other places in Hainaut. Therefore, he had done liege homage to him and owed continuous garrison service over the castle of Mons for all the things which he possessed.69 He went against the fidelity which he had made, and began to oppose his liege lord the count of Hainaut in authority and to construct a tower in Avesnes against his will and prohibition.70 And when he disdained to appear for justice in his court according to the admonition of his lord, the count rose against him, and undertook to meet him near the Sambre River with as many troops as he could have. When they had fought fiercely there for two days, on the third day the count secured victory for his authority, and led the aforesaid Goswin as a captive with him to Mons, whom finally, according to the petitions of his faithful noblemen, he allowed to depart with a shorn beard. Later, Goswin, having gained the favour of his lord, completed the tower in Avesnes, and afterwards the strength of this tower was sometimes to the detriment of the counts of Hainaut. [22] In those days the holy city of Jerusalem, and Armenia, Syria and part of Greece were being held by heathens, occupied nearly all the way to the Bosporus.71 For this reason a great many men of the Roman Empire and the kingdom of France were inspired to go to the aid of the eastern churches. Baldwin the oftmentioned count of Hainaut, attentive to good works, a powerful knight in arms, an excellent giver of alms, decided that he would join their fellowship. Yet the answer to a question of many men should also be made known, that is, who was the first man who built Jerusalem. In Genesis one reads that Melchizedek king of Salem brought out bread and wine, for he was the priest of God most high, and he blessed Abram.72 In the book of Joshua one also reads that, when the promised land was divided by lot among the twelve tribes, Salem itself was Jerusalem.73 Therefore because Melchizedek is said to have been king of Salem, many men assert that it is hinted secretly that he must have built it. Yet Hebrews says that Melchizedek himself, as Jerome witnesses, was Shem, son of Noah, and

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Goswin lord of Avesnes, son of Ida of Avesnes and Fastré I advocate of Tournai. Garrison service (stagium), that is guarding a lord’s castles, was a form of customary military service sometimes owed by tenants to their suzerains: Ganshof, Feudalism, p. 89 and n. 3. Ganshof notes extant lists from the twelfth and thirteenth centuries of tenants owing castle-guard to the king of France and the count of Champagne. This incident more likely took place during the reign of Baldwin III, rather than Baldwin II, as Goswin did not succeed to the lordship of Avesnes until the death of his uncle Thierry (c.1106): K. S. Nicholas, ‘When Feudal Ideals Failed: Conflicts between Lords and Vassals in the Low Countries, 1127–1296’, The Rusted Hauberk: Feudal Ideals of Order and their Decline, eds L. O. Purdon and C. L. Vitto (Gainesville, 1994), p. 209. Bosporus – literally ‘Arm of Saint George’. Genesis 14:18–19. For a thorough discussion of Melchizedek in Christian tradition: F. L. Horton, The Melchizedek Tradition. A Critical Examination of the Sources to the Fifth Century A.D. and in the Epistle to the Hebrews (London, 1976); and Y. Dohi, ‘Melchisedech in Late Medieval Religious Drama’, Early Drama, Art, and Music Review 16:2 (1994), pp. 77–95; EEC, I, p. 550. Joshua 15:8, 63; 18:28 in which Jerusalem is identified as Jebus, home of the Jebusites. For a brief commentary on the Jebusites: R. E. Brown et al., eds, The Jerome Biblical Commentary (London, 1968), p. 221.

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that this city had been established by him after the flood, and he reigned in it with his offspring.74 From this it is also said that he had been a priest, because all the firstborn sons were priests before the law of Moses, and Shem himself was firstborn. These are the birthrights which Jacob longed for, when he said to Esau his firstborn brother: ‘Sell me your birthrights’, that is, the honour of priesthood.75 Therefore they afterwards called the city of Salem ‘Jebus’ taken from the name of ‘Jebusite’, just as it is found in the book of Judges.76 Afterwards the letter ‘B’ changed into ‘R’ for Jebus and Salem, and it was called Jerusalem. In this city the first king David placed his throne and the capital of the Israelite kingdom, in which Solomon built the Temple, and from his name it is called Jherosolimam, as if it was ‘Jerusolomon’, as Isidore says.77 Nebuchadnezzar the first king of Babylon destroyed it and burned the Temple, and brought its inhabitants back to Babylon as captives.78 But after seventy years Cyrus king of Persia ordered the Jews to return and Jerusalem, with the Temple, to be rebuilt.79 After some years King Antiochus, just as one reads in the book of Maccabees, entered it with a great army, destroyed the walls in great part, wished to convert the Jews to the rite of the heathens, and constructed a fortress in that city in which he put heathens.80 Judas Maccabee drove the heathens from there by many battles, and fortified it again; yet he could not capture the fortress, not he, nor his brother Jonathan after him. However Simon, the brother of them both and successor to the principality, took the fortress and fortified the whole city after he had expelled the heathens, and possessed it with his sons until his descendants squabbled among themselves concerning the kingdom and the priesthood, as Josephus relates.81 Pompey Caesar came to Jerusalem, asked by one of them, and then Jerusalem was first subdued by the Romans, and when he had driven away one of the

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Saint Jerome writes that Melchizedek was identified with Shem in Hebrew tradition: C. T. R. Hayward, ed. and trans., Saint Jerome’s Hebrew Questions on Genesis (Oxford, 1995), pp. 13, 47; Horton, The Melchizedek Tradition, pp. 88, 109–10. Genesis 25:31. Judges 1:21. Isidore of Seville, Etymologiarum, PL 82, (Paris, 1850), col. 527 (book 15, c. 1, section 5). II Kings 25:1–21. Nebuchadnezzar (605–561 BC). Ezra 1:1–4. In 538 BC Cyrus the Great gave some Jews permission to return to Jerusalem: D. J. Harrington, The Maccabean Revolt: Anatomy of a Biblical Revolution (Wilmington, Delaware, 1988), p. 14. I Maccabees 1:20–64. Antiochus IV Epiphanes, Seleucid emperor (175–163 BC), plundered the Temple in Jerusalem and built a fortress called ‘the Akra’ between 169 and 165 BC: Harrington, The Maccabean Revolt, p. 15; O. Mørkholm, Antiochus IV of Syria (Copenhagen, 1966); J. A. Goldstein, I Maccabees: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary, Anchor Bible 41 (Garden City, NY, 1976), pp. 205–28. Judas Maccabee (d. 160 BC) began the revolt in 165 BC; Jonathan (d. 142 BC); Simon (d. 134 BC) successfully conquered the citadel in 141 BC: Josephus, book XII, lines 285–434 (Judas), book XIII, lines 5–196 (Jonathan), book XIII, lines 196–228 (Simon); I Maccabees 3:1–9:22, II Maccabees 8:1–15:36 (Judas), I Maccabees 9:23–12:53 (Jonathan); I Maccabees 13:1–16:24 (Simon). For analyses on the Maccabean rebellion: E. Bickerman, The God of the Maccabees: Studies on the Meaning and Origin of the Maccabean Revolt (Leiden, 1979); Harrington, The Maccabean Revolt. For text of the Books of Maccabees: Goldstein, I Maccabees and II Maccabees: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary, Anchor Bible 41A (Garden City, NY, 1983), a two-volume translation and commentary of the texts; J. R. Bartlett, The First and Second Books of Maccabees (Cambridge 1973); J. C. Dancy, A Commentary on I Maccabees (Oxford, 1954).

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descendants, he gave the principality to the other.82 Herod also came to this city with the permission of Caesar, in whose time Christ was born, who glorified the city with his speech, his miracles, his passion and tomb, so that the evangelist Matthew does not hesitate to name it the ‘Holy City’.83 After the passion of the Lord, Vespasian, with his son Titus, destroyed it, so that, just as the lord had predicted in the Gospel: ‘a stone will not be left on another stone in this place’, and so it was done.84 Yet Hadrian (Aelius) the heathen emperor built it again, and called it Helia from his name.85 When the august Constantine had been baptised by St Silvester, his mother Helena Augusta found the Cross of the Lord in Jerusalem, which she had diligently sought. She split it down the middle, leaving one part there, and brought the other part back to Constantinople, which was formerly called Byzantium, but at that time, because it had been built loftily and regally by Constantine, it was called by his name ‘Constantinople’.86 After many years the heathen Chosroës king of Persia captured Jerusalem, carried away into Persia the half of the Lord’s Cross which he had found, put it in a shrine which he had built for it, handed over the kingdom to his son on the throne of this same shrine, and invaded the Christian kingdom with an army of heathens. But Heraclius, Christian emperor of Constantinople, met him with a Christian expedition, and defeated him at the bridge of a river and beheaded him, thus recovering by victory the land which his father had subtracted from the kingdom. Therefore when he had subjugated the heathens, he went to Persia with a Christian army, came all the way to the shrine on which the treacherous Chrosroës was waiting, and discovered him sitting on the golden throne. Heraclius advised him to become a Christian so that he might receive the kingdom of Persia from his hand. But he did not wish to be converted, and immediately Heraclius drew his sword and cut off his head and caused his son, a child, to be baptised, received him from the sacred 82

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Pompey the Great (d. 48 BC) was assisted in his capture of Jerusalem and deposition of Aristobulus chief of the Sadducees by John Hyrcanus of the Pharisees (134–104 BC). Hyrcanus was rewarded with the high priesthood: Josephus, book XIV, lines 58–76. Octavian Augustus Caesar (27 BC–AD 14). Herod the Great, king of Judea (37–4 BC), having gained the favour of Octavian Augustus, was declared king by the Roman Senate in 40 BC and conquered Judea three years later with the aid of Roman troops: Brown et al., The Jerome Biblical Commentary, pp. 693, 695–6; Josephus, book XIV, line 158. Note that the dates of Herod’s reign do not correspond to the beginning of AD dating as the traditionally accepted time of the birth of Christ. For Jerusalem as ‘Holy City’: Matthew 4:5, 27:53. Vespasian (AD 9–79); Titus (AD 39–81). The Temple of Jerusalem was destroyed on 10 Aug AD 70: Brown et al., The Jerome Biblical Commentary, p. 701. The Gospel reference is Matthew 24:2. Publius Aelius Hadrian (Roman emperor AD 117–38). For Jerusalem as Aelia or Helia: Isidore of Seville, Etymologiarum, col. 527. Christian tradition credits Helena with discovering the True Cross on Golgotha, although the piece of cross which she brought back was enshrined in Santa Croce in Gerusalemme in Rome, rather than Constantinople. See S. Borgehammar, How the Holy Cross was Found. From Event to Medieval Legend, BTP 47 (Stockholm, 1991) for a detailed discussion of the discovery of the Holy Cross, manuscript sources, and its importance in Christian tradition. See also EEC, I, p. 371; J. W. Drijvers, Helena Augusta. The Mother of Constantine the Great and the Legend of her Finding of the True Cross, Brill’s Studies in Intellectual History 27 (Leiden, 1992). Constantine (306–37) was baptised by Eusebius of Nicomedia (d. 341 or 342) on 22 May 337, not by St Silvester as Gilbert of Mons states: Eusebius, Life of Constantine, trans. and comm. A. Cameron and S. G. Hall (Oxford, 1999), pp. 177–9, 341; T. G. Elliott, The Christianity of Constantine the Great (Scranton, 1996), p. 325; J. Stevenson and W. H. C. Frend, A New Eusebius (London, 1987), pp. 372 n. 62, 376.

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font and conceded the kingdom of Persia to him, having received hostages from him so he would be further subject to him.87 Heraclius brought back to Jerusalem the Lord’s Cross which Chosroës had carried away, and put it back in the Lord’s sepulchre, as it is read publicly in the exaltation of the Holy Cross throughout churches.88 And so for a long time the kingdom of Persia was subject to the power of Constantinople, and the religion of Christian faith flourished in Jerusalem and many Eastern cities, until God was offended by the sins of Christians, and the error of the heathen grew strong again, and the heathens left their territories and came to Jerusalem to the Lord’s sepulchre, and took Armenia, Syria and part of Greece almost all the way to that sea which is called the Bosporus. [23] At last an emperor of Constantinople, named Alexius, was trembling at the constant incursions of the heathens and at the diminishment of his kingdom in great part, and he sent envoys to France with letters to stir up the princes, so that they would come to the aid of desolate Jerusalem and imperilled Greece.89 Therefore, he wrote confidentially to Robert the elder count of Flanders.90 Robert was the brother of Count Baldwin of Flanders and Hainaut, as we have said enough previously, who also had a sister, namely Matilda, wife of William count of the Normans, who afterwards was king of England.91 King William had three

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Chosroës II Abharvez (590–627 or 628), captured Jerusalem in 614, but it was recovered by Heraclius (610–41). The celebrated battle at Nineveh occurred in 627. Gilbert’s account of Heraclius’ campaign against Chosroës is confused, suggesting that Chosroës was killed by Heraclius twice. In fact, after the defeat of the Persian armies by Heraclius, Chosroës was killed in a palace coup and his son was declared ruler: J. Herrin, The Formation of Christendom (Oxford, 1987), pp. 195–8; EEC, I, pp. 162–3, 375. Further reading on Chosroës: J. D. Frendo, ‘The Territorial Ambitions of Chosroes II, an Armenia View?’, Florilegium 7 (1985), pp. 30–9; and on Heraclius, see W. E. Kaegi, ‘New Evidence on the Early Years of the Reign of Heraclius’, ByZ 66 (1973), pp. 308–30; N. Thierry, ‘Héraclius et la Vraie Crois en Arménie’, Byzantium to Iran: Armenian Studies in Honour of Nina G. Garsoïan, eds J.-P. Mahé and R. W. Thomson (Atlanta, 1997), pp. 165–86. The Exaltation of the Cross on 14 September originally commemorated the dedication in 335 AD of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem, on the site of Christ’s tomb. By the sixth century this feast became associated with the finding of the True Cross: G. Podhradsky, New Dictionary of Liturgy (London, 1967), p. 73. Alexius I Comnenus, Byzantine emperor (1081–1118): Anna Comnena, The Alexiad of Anna Comnena, trans. E. R. A. Sewter (Harmondsworth, 1969); M. E. Mullett and D. Smythe, eds, Alexios I Komnenos: Papers on the Second Belfast Byzantine International Colloquium, 14–16 April 1989 (Belfast, 1996); J. Shepard, ‘Alexius Comnenus and the First Crusade’, The First Crusade – Origins and Impact, ed. J. P. Phillips (Manchester, 1997), pp. 107–29; Mayer, The Crusades, pp. 3, 6–7, 44–6. Alexius I had met Robert the Frisian when he was on pilgrimage: Mayer, The Crusades, p. 7. The letter to Robert may have been a forgery, or at least retouched: Riley-Smith, The First Crusaders, p. 79 and n. 160; E. Joranson, ‘The Problem of the Spurious Letter of Emperor Alexius to the Count of Flanders’, AHR 55 (1949–50), pp. 811–32; M. de Waha, ‘La lettre d’Alexis Comnène à Robert I le Frison’, Byzantion 47 (1977), pp. 113–25; H. Hagenmeyer, ed., Die Kreuzzugsbriefe aus den Jahren 1088–1100 (Innsbruck, 1901), pp. 10–44, 129–36, 185–209. Matilda (d. 2 Nov 1083), sister of Robert the Frisian and Baldwin VI of Flanders, married William the Conqueror, duke of Normandy (1035–87), king of England (1066–87) in 1050 or 1051: D. Bates, William the Conqueror (London, 1989), pp. 31–2, 96, 100–2, 169; E. van Houts, Memory and Gender in Medieval Europe 900–1200, Explorations in Medieval Culture and Society (Basingstoke, 1999), pp. 73, 115; E. van Houts, ed. and trans., The Normans in Europe, Manchester Medieval Sources (Manchester/New York, 2000), pp. 75–6, 197–9; Douglas, William the Conqueror, pp. 76–80, 391–5.

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sons from Matilda, namely William,92 Robert93 and Henry,94 and a daughter Adela, wife of Stephen count of Blois.95 Stephen had from her a son, the most powerful Count Thibaut, who increased his properties in the kingdom of France greatly.96 Thibaut also had sons: Henry count of Troyes,97 and Thibaut count of Blois,98 and Count Stephen,99 and William archbishop of Reims,100 and daughters, namely Adela queen of France and mother of Philip the most powerful king of France,101 and the duchess of Burgundy, the countess of Bar and the countess of Perche.102

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William II Rufus, king of England (1087–1100): Barlow, William Rufus; R. Bartlett, England under the Norman and Angevin Kings 1075–1225 (Oxford, 2000), pp. 8–9, 52–4, 58, 407–8, 595–6; T. Callahan Jr., ‘The Making of a Monster: The Historical Image of William Rufus’, JMH 7 (1981), pp. 175–85; E. Mason, ‘William Rufus and the Historians’, Medieval History 1:1 (1991), pp. 6–22. Robert Curthose, duke of Normandy (1087–1106, d. by 1134): Bartlett, England under the Norman and Angevin Kings, pp. 4–6, 8–9, 19–20, 52–4; C. W. Hollister, Henry I, ed. A. C. Frost (New Haven/London, 2001), pp. 38–9, 65–85, 134–48, 153–4, 180–6, 199–201; C. W. David, Robert Curthose, Duke of Normandy (Cambridge, MA, 1920); J. A. Green, ‘Robert Curthose Reassessed’, ANS 22 (1999), pp. 95–116. Henry I, king of England (1100–35), duke of Normandy (1106–35): Hollister, Henry I; J. A. Green, The Government of England under Henry I (Cambridge, 1986); J. A. Green, ‘King Henry I and the Aristocracy of Normandy’, Actes du 111e congrès national des sociétés savantes, section d’histoire et de philologie, I (Paris, 1988), pp. 161–73; van Houts, The Normans in Europe, pp. 186–7, 200–6, 220–2. Adela (d. 1137), wife of Count Stephen III of Blois (d. 1102), was a strong and capable woman who ruled as regent during her husband’s absences on crusade: see articles by K. A. LoPrete including ‘Adela of Blois and Ivo of Chartres: Piety, Politics and the Peace in the Diocese of Chartres’, ANS 14 (1992), pp. 131–52,‘Adela of Blois as Mother and Countess’, Medieval Mothering, eds J. C. Parsons and B. Wheeler (New York/London,1996), pp. 313–33, ‘Adela of Blois: Familial Alliances and Female Lordship’, Aristocratic Women, pp. 7–43. See also Riley-Smith, The First Crusaders, pp. 98, 110, 138; van Houts, Memory and Gender, pp. 101–2; van Houts, The Normans in Europe, pp. 125–8. Thibaut IV count of Blois (1102–52), also called Thibaut II count of Champagne (1125–52), married Mathilde of Carinthia: T. Evergates, ‘Louis VII and the Counts of Champagne’, The Second Crusade and the Cistercians, ed. M. Gervers (New York, 1992), pp. 109–13; LoPrete, ‘Adela of Blois: Familial Alliance’, pp. 25–6, 35–42; LoPrete, ‘Adela of Blois as Mother’, pp. 322–4; J. A. Truax, ‘Politics makes Uneasy Bedfellows: Henry I and Theobald of Blois’, On the Social Origins of Medieval Institutions, eds D. J. Kagay and T. M. Vann (Leiden/Boston/Cologne, 1998), pp. 273–304; M. Bur, La formation du comté de Champagne v.950–v.1150 (Nancy, 1977), esp. pp. 281–2, 297–306. Henry I the Liberal, count of Champagne (Troyes) (1152–81): Evergates, ‘Louis VII’, pp. 112–14; T. Evergates, Feudal Society in the Bailliage of Troyes under the Counts of Champagne, 1152–1284 (Baltimore/London, 1975), pp. 2, 6, 24–5, 129; Hallam and Everard, Capetian France, pp. 50–1. Thibaut V the Good, count of Blois (1152–91). Stephen, count of Sancerre (d. 1191). William archbishop of Reims (1176–1202), formerly bishop of Chartres (1165–8) and archbishop of Sens (1168–76): J. Baldwin, The Government of Philip Augustus: Foundations of French Royal Power in the Middle Ages (Berkeley, 1986), pp. 15, 32–3, 102. Adela, queen of France (d. 1206), third wife of Louis VII (1137–80), mother of Philip II Augustus (1180–1223): Baldwin, Government of Philip Augustus, pp. 15–17, 102; M. Bur, ‘Rôle et place de la Champagne dans le royaume de France au temps de Philippe Auguste’, France de Philippe Auguste, pp. 247, 249–50; M. F. Facinger, ‘A Study of Medieval Queenship: Capetian France, 987–1237’, Studies in Medieval and Renaissance History 5 (1968), pp. 8–9; M. Pacaut, Louis VII et son royaume (Paris, 1964), pp. 112, 128–9, 189, 202, 217. Marie, duchess of Burgundy, wife of Odo II (1143–62): C. B. Bouchard, Sword, Miter, and Cloister: Nobility and the Church in Burgundy, 980–1198 (Ithaca, NY/London, 1987), p. 260. Agnes, countess of Bar-le-Duc (d. 7 Aug 1207), wife of Renaud II (1135–70, sometimes called Renaud I): M. Grosdidier de Matons, Le comté de Bar des origines au Traité de Bruges (vers 950–1301) (Bar-le-Duc, 1922), pp. 62, 183–6, 195–6, 650–1. Mathilde, countess of Perche, wife of Rotrou III: K. H. Thompson, ‘Family Tradition and the Crusading Impulse: The Rotrou Counts of Perche’, Medieval Prosopography 19 (1998), pp. 19–23. Thibaut II of Champagne had two more daughters, not mentioned by Gilbert: Elisabeth, wife of Roger duke of Apulia/Sicily (d. 1148 or 1149), in the late 1140s she remarried to William, lord of Perche-Gouet (d. late 1160s), in 1180 she entered Fontevrault: K. Thompson,

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Of the first of King William of England’s sons, William the eldest son succeeded to the kingdom when his father died. Robert was made count of Normandy, but when, after a few years, King William, who had gone hunting in the forest, was killed by one of his knights, his brother Henry succeeded him in the kingdom. His nephew Stephen succeeded to Henry, and Stephen was the brother of Count Thibaut of Blois, who also had as wife the daughter of Eustace count of Boulogne, who was the brother, I say, of Duke Godfrey and Baldwin, who afterwards obtained the kingdom of Jerusalem.103 [24] Moreover Alexius the emperor of Constantinople requested help and advice from Urban, the lord pope of Rome, concerning the incursions of the heathens. And Urban, who had been called Odo before the papacy, originated from a distinguished line of Franks, had been made a monk from a clerk, and as prior of Cluny had directed office. Thus, advancing by merit, he was called to the bishopric of Ostia, and at last was called to the highest pontificate, and was called Urban.104 And so, because of the pleas of the esteemed Emperor Alexius, but also urged most readily by the great general danger to Christianity, this exceptional man came into the kingdom of France into the city which is called Clermont in Auvergne, and established his council concerning these matters, inviting a great many men from France and Germany to it, both clerks and laymen, whom the lord pope himself exhorted by a devout sermon to come to the aid of the holy city of Jerusalem and the eastern churches.105 Because of his sweet and agreeable preaching, many great men took up the sign of the Cross of the Lord and took the road quickly. In this council, Pope Urban II flourished again, so that he even excommunicated with great firmness King Philip of France, who had forsaken his proper wife Bertha, and had joined to himself Bertrade the wife of the count of Anjou.106 Urban did this with such great firmness that he scorned the intercessions of distinguished persons and the offers of multiple gifts, and did not fear to

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‘The Formation of the County of Perche: The Rise and Fall of the House of Gouet’, Family Trees and the Roots of Politics: The Prosopography of Britain and France from the Tenth to the Twelfth Century, ed. K. S. B. Keats-Rohan (Woodbridge, 1997), pp. 302, 306–7, 308 n. 43; and Marguerite, nun at Fontevrault. King Stephen (1135–54) married Matilda (d. 1152), daughter and heiress of Eustace III of Boulogne. For King Stephen: R. H. C. Davis, King Stephen, 3rd edn (London/New York, 1990); E. King, ed., The Anarchy of King Stephen’s Reign (Oxford, 1994); J. Bradbury, Stephen and Matilda. The Civil War of 1139–1153 (Stroud, 1996). Pope Urban II (1088–99), born Odo of Châtillon, prior of Cluny (1074–9), cardinal-bishop of Ostia (1079–82): EMA, II, p. 1488; R. Somerville and S. Kuttner, Pope Urban II, the Collection Britannica and the Council of Melfi (1089) (Oxford, 1996); A. Becker, Papst Urban II, 2 vols (Stuttgart, 1964–8); France, Western Warfare, pp. 204–7; Riley-Smith, The First Crusaders, pp. 54–78; H. E. J. Cowdrey, ‘Pope Urban II and the Idea of Crusade’, Studi medievali ser. 3, 36:2 (1995), pp. 721–42. The Council of Clermont, 18–28 November 1095: H. E. J. Cowdrey, ‘Pope Urban II’s Preaching of the First Crusade’, History 55 (1970), pp. 177–88; Riley-Smith, The First Crusaders, pp. 54–6, 62–4; Mayer, The Crusades, pp. 7–10, 27–34; R. Somerville, ‘The Council of Clermont (1095) and Latin Christian Society’, AHP 12 (1974), pp. 55–90. Philip I (1060–1108), married Bertha (d. 1094), daughter of Count Florent I of Holland. He created a scandal by divorcing her and marrying Bertrade de Montfort, wife of Fulk IV le Réchin, count of Anjou: A. Fliche, Le règne de Philippe Ier, roi de France (1060–1108) (Paris, 1912), pp. 40–77; M.-B. Bruguière, ‘Canon Law and Royal Weddings, Theory and Practice: The French Example, 987–1215’, Proceedings of the Eighth International Congress of Medieval Canon Law, ed. S. Chodorow, MIC, Series C, Subsidia 9 (Vatican City, 1992), pp. 482–4, 495; Hallam and Everard, Capetian France, pp. 100–1.

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linger amidst the knights of his kingdom.107 Yet in this council the lord pope gave a sign of the cry of Christ to the faithful, so that when there was battle, they would cry with one voice: ‘God wills, God wills’. And thus was it done. Therefore, when the council had been celebrated in the year of the Lord’s incarnation 1095, when many princes rushed to the aid of the Lord, namely Bohemond, Tancred, Raymond count of Saint-Gilles, the bishop of Puy, Hugh the Great (brother of King Philip of France), Robert count of Normandy, Robert the young count of Flanders (son of the oftmentioned Count Robert), and Godfrey duke of Bouillon with his brothers, namely Baldwin and Eustace, Baldwin the oftmentioned count of Hainaut (son of Richilde) allied with Duke Godfrey and his brothers for the aid of the Lord and his honour.108 [25] It should be known that when Duke Godfrey proposed to take the road of the Lord, he assigned his own allod of Bouillon to the church of Liège for a sum of money, with this condition imposed, that if, God willing, he should die in overseas regions, it would remain in the ownership of the church of Liège. If, however, God would permit him to return from there, he could redeem it for the sum of money which he had received. And because he obtained the kingdom of Jerusalem, he never returned from there, and he ceded the castle of Bouillon with its properties to the church of Liège in ownership.109 However, the justice of the duchy of Lotharingia and the fiefs belonging to the duchy devolved to the hand of the emperor of the Romans. And so he conferred the duchy with its belongings to a nobleman, named Henry of Limbourg, and thus, he and one of his sons

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BN MS lat. 11105, fol. 12v: intra regni sui milites; Vanderkindere: intra regni sui limites, after Brussels, KB II 1554, fol. 70r. Bohemond I of Taranto, ruler of Antioch (d. 1111), son of Robert Guiscard duke of Apulia: K. B. Wolf, ‘Crusade and Narrative: Bohemond and the Gesta Francorum’, JEH 17:3 (1991), pp. 207–16; G. Rice, ‘A Note on the Battle of Antioch, 28 June 1098: Bohemund as Tactical Innovator’, Parergon 25 (1979), pp. 3–8; R. B. Yewdale, Bohemond I, Prince of Antioch (Princeton, 1924); Riley-Smith, The First Crusaders, pp. 9, 17–18, 78–9; Mayer, The Crusades, pp. 43, 45–7, 50–4, 60–8. Tancred Marchisus, regent of Antioch and Edessa (d. 1112): Ralph of Caen, ‘Gesta Tancredi’, RHC Oc (Paris, 1866), III, pp. 605–716; R. L. Nicholson, Tancred (Chicago, 1940); Riley-Smith, The First Crusaders, pp. 70, 133; Mayer, The Crusades, pp. 43, 65–8, 70. Count Raymond IV of Toulouse (also called count of Saint-Gilles) (d. 1105): J. H. Hill and L. L. Hill, Raymond IV de Saint-Gilles (Toulouse, 1959); Riley-Smith, The First Crusaders, pp. 55–6, 106–7; J. Riley-Smith, ‘Raymond IV of St. Gilles, Achard of Arles and the Conquest of Lebanon’, The Crusades and their Sources, eds J. France and W. G. Zajac (Aldershot, 1998), pp. 1–8. Adhémar of Monteil, bishop of Puy (d. 1 August 1098): J. H. Hill and L. L. Hill, ‘Contemporary Accounts and the Later Reputation of Adhemar, Bishop of Puy’, MeH 9 (1955), pp. 30–8; J. Brundage, ‘Adhémar de Puy: The Bishop and his Critics’, Speculum 34 (1959), pp. 201–12; Riley-Smith, The First Crusaders, pp. 59, 89, 106–8; L. Bréhier, Adhémar de Monteil: un évêque à la première croisade (Le Puy, 1923). Hugh the Great, count of Vermandois, son of Henry I of France: Riley-Smith, The First Crusaders, pp. 88–9, 108–9. Count Robert Curthose of Normandy; Count Robert II of Flanders (1093–1141): M. M. Knappen, ‘Robert II of Flanders in the First Crusade’, The Crusades and other Historical Essays presented to Dana C. Munro, ed. L. J. Paetow (New York, 1928), pp. 79–100; RileySmith, The First Crusaders, pp. 61–4, 85–7, 140–2. Baldwin of Hainaut’s attachment to Godfrey of Bouillon’s camp is confirmed by William of Tyre, I, p. 116. Alberic of Trois-Fontaines, p. 804, says that the castle of Bouillon was sold to Bishop Osbert of Liège for 1,500 silver marks. Gilles of Orval, p. 91, relates: ‘divine mercy was present and moved the duke so that he offered the aforesaid castle to the Blessed Virgin and the pious martyr for the memory of the souls of his predecessors, with this condition interposed, that if, within the appointed time which he had prescribed, it was not redeemed by himself or his three successors, then the possession, along with the castle, would be assigned for all time to the church, just as it had been arranged’.

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held that duchy.110 Afterwards, for this reason many lords of Limbourg, although they were not dukes, were nevertheless called dukes. But a count of Louvain, namely Lambert, the father of a powerful prince, I say, Duke Godfrey who was called ‘the Bearded Duke’, caused the dignity of this duchy to be conceded to him before the lord emperor.111 And thus the duchy devolved to the counts of Louvain, but they never exercised justice from that duchy outside the boundaries of their own land. [26] The armies of Christians, after doing many great labours while crossing through Hungary, Bulgaria, Greece and Constantinople, and after subjugating many cities to themselves, approached Antioch.112 Emperor Alexis had made an oath to them to come to their aid with his forces if necessity pressed them, and then he sent his steward Tatin to augment their forces with three thousand armed men.113 Our Christians had sworn to the emperor himself that if he would be a faithful supporter to them, they would render the entire land from Constantinople to Antioch, and Antioch itself, to his authority. On the day on which they approached Antioch and fixed their tents for the siege of the city, Count Baldwin of Hainaut had been established as the rearguard of the army.114 Yet, after the tents had been set up and the princes arranged in places around the city, there was no apparent place for Count Baldwin of Hainaut to set up his own tents. Baldwin disparaged the forces of Tatin sent by the emperor, and wary of Tatin’s treachery against the Christians, he was not afraid to set up his own tents among Tatin’s tents and community. For this reason he suffered serious insults constantly from the Turks. The fame of his name spread through the whole Christian army because of such great boldness. When the city of Antioch had been captured,

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Henry I, count of Limbourg (d. 1119), duke of Lower Lotharingia (1101-deposed 1106); his son Waleran II Payen, count of Limbourg (1119–39), duke of Lower Lotharingia (1128–39): S. P. Ernst, Histoire du Limbourg, 7 vols (Liège, 1837–48), II, pp. 145–282, III, pp. 1–82. Godfrey I, second son of Henry II (1106–25 Jan 1139). Gilbert misidentifies Lambert II as Godfrey’s father. The devolution of Lower Lotharingia followed a tortuous path: in 1106, Emperor Henry V deposed Henry I of Limbourg, conferring the ducal title for Lotharingia on Godfrey; in 1128 Emperor Lothar conferred it on Waleran II of Limbourg, but Emperor Conrad III returned it to Godfrey II of Louvain in 1139. As the dukes of Limbourg refused to renounce the title of duke of Lower Lotharingia, it is difficult to ascertain the composition of ducal authority for Lotharingia even at the end of twelfth century: Vanderkindere, La formation, II, pp. 35, 42 (but note that dates of 1028–39 are given erroneously on p. 35 for Waleran, instead of 1128–39). The various armies of the crusaders arrived separately in Constantinople in the spring of 1097: Mayer, The First Crusaders, pp. 43–4. For the crusaders’ oaths to Alexius: Anna Comnena, The Alexiad, pp. 322–8, 340–1; J. France, Victory in the East: A Military History of the First Crusade (Cambridge, 1994), pp. 111–21; J. H. Pryor, ‘The Oaths of the Leaders of the First Crusade to Emperor Alexius I Comnenus: Fealty, Homage’, Parergon new ser. 2 (1984), pp. 111–41; J. Richard, The Crusades, c.1071–c.1291, trans. J. Birrell (Cambridge, 1999), pp. 45–7; J. H. Hill and L. L. Hill, ‘The Convention of Alexius Comnenus and Raymond of St.-Gilles’, AHR 58 (1953), pp. 322–7. Tatin (Tatikios) a Hellenized Turk, called ‘Tatin with the cut-off nose’, was one of Alexius’ most experienced generals. He remained with the crusading army until February 1098, but was treated with suspicion by the crusaders: William of Tyre, I, pp. 150, 165–6, 218–19; R. Hill, ed. and trans., The Deeds of the Franks and the other Pilgrims to Jerusalem (London, 1962), pp. 34–5; Anna Comnena, The Alexiad, pp. 341, 343; Richard, The Crusades, pp. 48, 51, 55, 168; J. France, ‘The Departure of Tatikios from the Army of the First Crusade’, BIHR 44 (1971), pp. 131–47; France, Victory in the East, pp. 22, 111, 117, 122, 144, 165, 175, 220, 226, 243–4. The crusading forces arrived at Antioch on 21 October 1097: Mayer, The Crusades, p. 50.

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the princes of the army wished to observe the pact confirmed with the emperor of Constantinople, and they directed envoys to him, namely Hugh the Great, brother of King Philip of France, and Baldwin count of Hainaut, with a great troop of knights, to receive the city, and to fulfil those things which he had settled with them.115 While these men were leaving, ambushes were put in front of them by the Turks, and many of them were killed, while others were captured, and some escaped by flight. In this conflict, Count Baldwin of Hainaut perished, but it is still not known to what misfortune he succumbed.116 [27] Therefore, it also ought not to be passed by in silence that Countess Ida heard about the death of her lord and, as she was uncertain if he had been killed or was being held captive, esteeming God and her husband, she unhesitatingly went to those regions with great effort and heavy expenses. Because of this, she, previously unsure about her husband, returned even more uncertain.117 This pious wife went often to Rome for the sake of prayer. Accordingly, when she was returning through Ardennes from a pilgrimage, where she had allods near the church of Saint-Hubert, the count of Chiny attacked her violently, wishing to capture her. She fled to the church of Saint-Hubert where she remained for some time until she could cross safely from there into Hainaut.118 Because of the favour and familiarity which she had with that church, she conferred on the church in ownership her allods which she had in those parts and which were near enough to this church, from which previously Countess Richilde had conferred a part freely to this church (she had conceded a part to be held in pledge).119 Yet in the bringing together of those properties, it had been established between that church and whatever lord counts of Hainaut that any abbot of Saint-Hubert would remain as the chaplain of the count of Hainaut, so that he would come to the count in Hainaut at the request of the count three times a year for the celebration of divine offices in great solemnities, namely at Christmas, Easter and Pentecost, and he should bring two vessels filled with the wine of Lieser, which vessels are vulgarly called barrels.

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For the siege of Antioch: France, Victory in the East, pp. 197–296; T. Asbridge, ‘The Principality of Antioch and the Jabal as-Summaq’, The First Crusade: Origins and Impact, ed. J. Phillips (Manchester, 1997), pp. 142–4; Mayer, The Crusades, pp. 50–2. Antioch was surrendered to Bohemond I of Taranto by a Muslim captain, Firouz, on 3 June 1098. William of Tyre, I, p. 298, indicates that Baldwin’s fate remained unknown – he may have been killed, or taken prisoner and carried away in chains. Herman of Tournai, p. 286: ‘whether he had been killed or captured, it is not possible to know to this day’. See France, Victory in the East, pp. 56, 134, 210; Richard, The Crusades, pp. 56–7. For Ida’s journey to the Holy Land: J. Riley-Smith, The First Crusade and the Idea of Crusading (London, 1986), p. 124. Ida was a courageous and exceptional woman to make this difficult and perilous journey. This instance demonstrates that, although noble marriages were arranged primarily for political and economic benefits, love and devotion did grow between spouses. Gilbert has attributed this story to Ida, but according to Chronicon Sancti Huberti, c. 49, this incident happened to Richilde of Hainaut. The count of Chiny in question was Arnoul II (also called Arnoul I). Ida and Baldwin II ceded their holdings at Chevigny to the abbey in 1088, although there is no indication that this grant relates to attempted abductions of either Richilde or Ida: Chartes de l’abbaye de Saint-Hubert en Ardenne, ed. G. Kurth (Brussels, 1903), I, p. 77–8, no. 60. BN MS lat. 11105, fol. 13v, and Brussels, KB II 1554, fol. 76r: antea; Vanderkindere: avia.

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[28] His young firstborn son Baldwin succeeded in the county of Hainaut to the oftmentioned Count Baldwin of Hainaut, son of Count Baldwin of Flanders and Hainaut and Countess Richilde.120 His second son was Arnoul father of Eustace the elder of Le Roeulx. He also had three daughters, one of whom, named Ida, was married to a noble and warlike man Thomas, namely of Marle.121 Another, named Richilde, was married to the count of Montfort in France, and afterwards, when widowed by her husband, she lived honourably as a nun in the church of Mauberge for a long time.122 Another daughter, named Alix, was married to the nobleman Hugh of Rumigny.123 Count Baldwin of Hainaut as a very young man wed the most noble Yolende, daughter of the noble and powerful count of Gueldre.124 Duke Henry of Limbourg had another daughter of this same count as wife, and from her part the castle of Wassenberg devolved in ownership to his heirs, the lords of Limbourg, as part of their allods.125 Count Baldwin of Hainaut had sons from his wife Yolende, the eldest Baldwin, the second Gérard, and two

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Baldwin III succeeded to the county in 1102. Thomas of Marle was a particularly unpleasant individual who engaged in constant warfare with his father Enguerrand, cut the throat of his relative Walter, archdeacon of Laon, and enjoyed torturing people. Suger, ed. Molinier, pp. 15, 81, 114; Suger, ed. Waquet, pp. 30–1, 174–5, 250–1, calls Thomas a most degenerate man, harmful to God and men, and a monstrous wolf. Guibert of Nogent, Autobiographie, ed. E.-R. Labande (Paris, 1981), pp. 328–9, 362–3, 396–417, gives a detailed description of Thomas’ wars and atrocities, saying that Thomas’ cruelty was unheard of in that time, and that he tortured people to death with the most horrendous torments, including hanging them by their testicles. See also Orderic, VI, pp. 258–9, 290–1; Hallam and Everard, Capetian France, pp. 150–1. In 1117 or 1118, Thomas of Marle repudiated Ida and married Mélisende of Crécy, daughter of a knight of the Amienois: D. Barthélemy, Les deux âges de la seigneurie banale, pouvoir et société dans la terre des sires de Coucy (milieu XIe-milieu XIIIe siècle) (Paris, 1984), pp. 71, 75; T. Evergates, ‘Nobles and Knights in Twelfth-Century France’, Cultures of Power: Lordship, Status, and Process in Twelfth-Century Europe, ed. T. N. Bisson (Philadelphia, 1995), p. 34. Richilde and Amaury IV of l’Amaury-Montfort and Évreux (d. 1137) were married no later than 1106, Richilde being cited as Amaury’s wife in that year by Orderic, III, p. 188. For Amaury IV and his conflicts with Henry I of England: Suger, ed. Molinier, pp. 57, 105–6; Suger, ed. Waquet, pp. 122–3, 230–1; Orderic, VI, pp. 148–9, 176–7, 188–9, 196–9, 204–5, 210–11, 220–1, 230–3, 242–5, 260–1, 278–9, 330–3, 344–53, 358–9; J. A. Green, ‘Lords of the Norman Vexin’, War and Government in the Middle Ages: Essays in Honour of J. O. Prestwich, eds J. Gillingham and J. C. Holt (Woodbridge, 1984), p. 53; L. Grant, Abbot Suger of St.-Denis: Church and State in Early Twelfth-Century France (London/New York, 1998), pp. 54, 94–5, 113. Gilbert is in error, Alix married Nicholas II of Rumigny (d. c.1163), not Hugh, no later than 1132. Alix was Nicholas’ second wife, he had previously been married to Ida of Chièvres: van Houts, Memory and Gender, p. 89; C.-G. Roland, Histoire généalogique de la maison de Rumigny-Florennes (Brussels, 1891, rpt 1982), pp. 127, 129–30, 134–7. Yolende, daughter of Gérard III of Wassenberg-Gueldre. Herman of Tournai, pp. 286–7, writing in the early twelfth century, relates that Baldwin III was betrothed to Adelaide of Maurienne, niece of Countess Clemence of Flanders (c.1065–c.1133, wife of Robert II), at the time that he married Yolende. This broken betrothal created a major scandal, as Clemence, ‘gnashing her teeth’, complained to her brother Pope Calixtus II (1119–24) about this ‘contemptible’ act committed by ‘so small a count’. Baldwin, called to a convocation of ecclesiastics, did not deny the betrothal, but argued that he had now married another woman. The question was deferred to the pope who ruled that Baldwin’s marriage to Yolende could not be dissolved, as his betrothal to Adelaide had been a sworn promise only, while his marriage to Yolende had been solemnly celebrated, blessed by a priest and consummated. Adelaide was most grieved, but soon married King Louis VI and ‘rejoiced immensely’ that she was queen of France rather than countess of Hainaut. Yolende’s sister Judith (Iutta) (d. 1151) was not married to Henry I of Limbourg, but to his son Waleran II Payen (1117–39): Ernst, Histoire du Limbourg, pp. 54–7. See also Annales Rodenses, ed. Pertz, p. 721; Annales Rodenses, ed. Ernst, p. 63, for a donation to a church made by Judith wife of Waleran of Limbourg.

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daughters, one of whom was married to the lord of Tosny, the other to the castellan of Tournai.126 And because the entire land of Hainaut had been assigned to the church of Liège and was held in fief from the bishop of Liège, the whole land devolved to the firstborn son. And so the brothers and sister by no means shared in that inheritance. Therefore Arnoul, brother of this same count, had a son Eustace of Le Roeulx, who was called the elder, a vigorous and powerful man in Hainaut, who wed the daughter of a nobleman and peer of the castle of Mons, named John.127 Eustace possessed land on the part of his wife, for which he was made a peer of the castle of Mons, and he established towns in their lands, namely Le Roeulx and Morlanwelz, where he also constructed a fortification. He had from his wife Marie two sons, namely Nicholas the eldest and Eustace the second son, and daughters, Beatrice, Alix and Ada. The eldest son Nicholas was encouraged to literacy by the will of his mother, and when he achieved his majority, he did not want to depart from learning, but wished to remain as a clerk and to cede the entire inheritance to his brother. Indeed, Nicholas was sufficiently learned and graced with an honest character, and remained as a clerk, enriched with ecclesiastical properties.128 Eustace became a most virtuous knight and a man of great name, a most powerful man in both the court of Hainaut and the councils of noblemen. From his wife Bertha, daughter of Rasso of Gavre and Damison of Chièvres, he had a son Eustace and a daughter Beatrice.129 Their Beatrice [that is, sister of Eustace and Nicholas] was married to Walter of Lens, a nobleman, peer of the castle of Mons. She had a son Eustace and daughters Ida and Marie. Another sister, Alix, was betrothed to a nobleman, and when he died without an heir of his body, she withdrew to works of sanctity in the abbey of Saint-Feuillien, having assumed religious habit.130 Ada married a nobleman, Nicholas of Boulaere, from whom she had a daughter, to whom the inheritance of her father devolved. When he had died, she married a nobleman, Drogo of Bousies, from whom she had sons. When Drogo had died, Ada married a Flemish knight named Goswin.131

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The eldest son inherited Hainaut as Baldwin IV. Daughter Gertrude married Roger of Tosny. K. H. Thompson, ‘Dowry and Inheritance Patterns: Some Examples from the Descendants of King Henry I of England’, Medieval Prosopography 17:2 (1996), pp. 51–2, notes that the Norman Tosny family held land on the Seine and Eure rivers south of Rouen and in the forest of Conches to the west of Évreux and possessed property in Hertfordshire in England. For the Tosnys: A. Wareham, ‘Two Models of Marriage: Kinship and the Social Order in England and Normandy’, Negotiating Secular and Ecclesiastical Power: Western Europe in the Central Middle Ages, ed. A.-J. A. Bijsterveld et al., IMR 6 (Turnhout, 1999), pp. 116–27. Daughter Richilde (d. after 1144) married Évrard, castellan of Tournai (c.1140–60): A. d’Herbomez, Histoire des châtelains de Tournai de la maison de Mortagne (Tournai, 1895), I, pp. 53–4. Arnoul married Beatrice, daughter of Gautier and Ada of Ath. Arnoul also had a daughter, Ada (d. by 1176), abbess of Nivelles. See Duvivier, Actes, II, no. 45, p. 88, where Ada is identified as sister of Eustace of Le Roeulx. Nicholas was provost of Sainte-Waudru (1171–96), archdeacon of Cambrai (1186–96), provost of Nivelles (1188–93), bishop of Cambrai (1197). Rasso III of Gavre, a Flemish knight, was killed in 1149 (see c. 39). Damison (also called Eve) of Chièvres, daughter of Gilles of Saint-Aubert and Mathilde of Berlaimont, was previously married to Gilles of Chin (killed in 1137), and later married Nicholas III of Rumigny (d. 1170). Alix entered the convent of Saint-Feuillien du Roeulx. The identity of her husband remains unknown. Goswin of Wavrin, brother of Hellin of Wavrin, steward of Flanders, married Ada in 1185. Goswin was still alive in 1204: Warlop, Flemish Nobility, II:2, p. 1197.

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[29] One of the sisters of the oftmentioned son of Baldwin and Ida, that is Count Baldwin III of Hainaut, namely Alix, married a noble of Rumigny, and had a son Nicholas who possessed the castles of Rumigny and Florennes, and daughters Beatrice, Alix and Richilde, and three whose names I do not know.132 Nicholas increased the properties of his land greatly, and had from his wife Damison of Chièvres sons who were virtuous knights, namely Nicholas who possessed Rumigny after his father, a virtuous and prudent knight whose good reputation spread far and wide, and Hugh who held the castle of Florennes, and daughter Juliana who married a most noble man Renaud of Rozoy.133 From him she had a son Roger, and Clemence who married Gérard of Ophasselt, and Yolende who married Henry of Hierges advocate of Hesbaye and at Scheldewindeke in Flanders.134 One of the sisters of the aforesaid Nicholas (III), that is Richilde, wedded the lord of Cons, and she had a son Gilles, and the other sister Beatrice wed the nobleman Goswin of Mons, a most noble man who was enriched by claiming sufficiently great possessions in Hainaut.135 Thus, he owed continuous garrison service at Mons, Valenciennes, and Beaumont, with the exception that while he did garrison service at Valenciennes, he did not have to do it at Beaumont, and while he did it at Beaumont, he could not be forced to do it at Valenciennes. He was a peer of two peerages of Mons.136 Goswin also had a brother who was a clerk of good remembrance, lord Nicholas bishop of Cambrai, attributed with every strength, who held his episcopate powerfully and procured it honestly, and was loved very much by the people of Hainaut.137 Goswin had from his wife a single son Goswin, and daughters, that is Ida who married noblemen, namely Sohier of Enghien, and afterwards Régnier of Jauche, and finally Baldwin nicknamed Caron, and Mathilde who married Walter of Ligne, then Walter of Fontaine, and Alix who married Roger of Condé, and Rixa who married Stephen of Denain, and Beatrice who married Baldric of Roisin, and Agnes

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Alix married Nicholas II of Rumigny (d. between 1161 and 1163) before 1120. He and their son Nicholas III participated in the Second Crusade: Roland, Histoire généalogique, pp. 77–8, 127, 129. Nicholas III of Rumigny (d. by 1179, probably 1175) married Damison of Chièvres (her third husband) in 1148 or later: Roland, Histoire généalogique, pp. 150–3, who notes that Nicholas entered the high nobility of Hainaut through this marriage. Their son Nicholas IV succeeded as heir to Rumigny. For Hugh I of Florennes: Roland, Histoire généalogique, pp. 189–94. Juliana married Renaud of Rozoy (d. by 1211), son of Clarembaud and Elisabeth of Rozoy, by 1171: Roland, Histoire généalogique, pp. 154–5. Roger married Alix, daughter of Jacques and Adelvie of Avesnes. Roland, Histoire généalogique, p. 155, erroneously identifies Clemence and Yolende as the daughters of Nicholas III, rather than daughters of Juliana and Renaud. Henry of Hierges had died by 1219, Yolende was still living in 1235. Richilde married Walter of Cons la Granville. Roland, Histoire généalogique, p. 140, notes that their son Gilles appears frequently in the charters of the counts of Chiny and in Cartulaire de l’abbaye d’Orval, depuis l’origine de ce monastère jusqu’à à l’année 1365 inclusivement, époque de la réunion du comté de Chiny au duché de Luxembourg, ed. H. Goffinet (Brussels, 1879). Beatrice married Goswin III of Mons (d. by 1177), and had a dower of Boussu-les-Mons (she is sometimes called Beatrice of Boussu). She suffered excommunication in 1188: Roland, Histoire généalogique, p. 140. Goswin’s two peerages: Baudour and La Longueville. Vanderkindere, in his notes for his edition of Gilbert of Mons, p. 53 n. 1, identifies ten other peerages for Mons: Avesnes, Barbençon, Chimay, Lens, Le Roeulx, Quévy, Walincourt, Silly, Chièvres, Rebaix. Nicholas I, bishop of Cambrai (1137–67). BN MS lat. 11105, fol. 14v: dominum Nicholaum Cameracensem episcopum omni valore refertum; Vanderkindere: Nicholaum Cameracensem episcopum omni volore refertum, after Brussels, KB II 1554, fol. 83r.

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who married Hugh lord of Espinoy and Antoing.138 Goswin the younger died before he had become a knight. And so the greater part of the possessions of the abovementioned Goswin, that is of garrison services and other properties, devolved to Ida of Jauche and to her husband Régnier, and to their son Gérard. One of the sisters of the abovementioned Nicholas (III), that is Alix, wed the lord of Le Thour, another sister wed the lord of Chéry near Rethel. Then this same sister wed the lord of Donchery.139 One sister wed the lord of Balham, and one wed Isaac of Barbençon, a peer of the castle of Mons, and she had a son Nicholas, a virtuous and outstanding knight, influential in the councils of the court of Hainaut.140 [30] Another sister of the oftmentioned count of Hainaut wed a nobleman, powerful and warlike in France, Thomas of Marle, from whom she had a daughter named Ida.141 Ida wed the nobleman Alard of Chimay, nicknamed ‘Poultry Seller’, a peer of the castle of Mons, from whom she had a son Gilles.142 When Alard had died, Ida married Bernard of Orbais, from whom she had a son Ingelran. [31] The oftmentioned Baldwin III count of Hainaut, son of Count Baldwin and Countess Ida, had as wife, as we have previously said, Yolende, daughter of Count Gérard of Gueldre, from whom Baldwin had sons: the eldest, Baldwin, who is buried at Mons in the upper choir before the greater altar, and the second, Gérard, and two daughters, one of whom was married to the lord of Tosny, and the other to the castellan of Tournai.143 Therefore it should be known that the daughter who was married to the lord of Tosny had three sons who were distinguished knights of great name: the first was Raoul, the second was Roger and the third was Baldwin, and the fourth son Geoffrey was a pious

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Sohier (Siger), son of Hugh of Enghien. Régnier of Jauche (d. 1184). Walter of Fontaine became infamous because of his adultery with Elisabeth of Vermandois, wife of Count Philip of Flanders. On 12 Aug 1175 Count Philip caught them in the act, whereupon he punished Walter by tying him hand and foot, wounding him with swords and clubs, and finally suspending him by his feet in a latrine hole until he was dead: Benedict of Peterborough, I, pp. 99–101; Ralph of Diceto, I, p. 402; Roger of Howden, II, p. 83. Stephen of Denain, like his brother Gérard, was nicknamed ‘the sorcerer’ (makerellus), although the reason for this name remains obscure. Roland, Histoire généalogique, pp. 141 and n. 1, 142, used manuscript charter evidence to suggest that Gilbert switched the identities of Alix and the unnamed ‘another’ sister. He argues that the name of the lord of Le Thour’s wife is unknown, while it was Alix who married the lords of Chéry and Donchery. Roland identifies the lord of Chéry as Guy, and the lord of Donchery as Hugh, castellan of Mézières, advocate of Donchery. A charter of 1155 refers to Guy of Ciris and his wife Aelidis, while a charter of 1156 cites Adelaidis wife of Hugh of Mézières who gives a donation to the abbey of Signy for the soul of her husband Guy. ‘Aelidis’ and ‘Adelaidis’ may both be translated as ‘Alix’, although I note the possibility that the two sisters were named Alix and Adelaide respectively. The similar spellings of these two names in Latin texts create much frustration for prosopographers. Roland, Histoire généalogique, p. 144, identifies the lord of Balham as Geoffrey, who later married Alix, daughter of Gervais of Bazoches, in 1163. See c. 28. For the castellany of Chimay: C. Billen, ‘Terre, pouvoir, revenus. La formation de la châtellenie de Chimay, XIe-XIIIe siècles’, Recueil d’études d’histoire. Hainuyère offertes à Maurice A. Arnould, eds J.-M. Cauchies, J.-M. Duvosquel (Mons, 1983), II, pp. 59–74. Their son Baldwin IV (1120–71). See c. 28.

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clerk, honest and sufficiently learned. Baldwin was raised in Hainaut and was made a knight by his uncle Count Baldwin, and always lived in Hainaut with his uncle. His goodness assumed a marvellous increase from day to day, and he bore all gentleness in his heart. He delighted in the lavish giving of gifts. When he had gone to Soissons to pray, he departed from this life on his return.144 His death gravely disturbed his uncle and men of every situation in Hainaut, and his body was brought to Valenciennes and buried there in the monastery of Saint-Jean. The clerk Geoffrey, who sometimes lived in Hainaut with his uncle and brother, was burdened by illness at Le Quesnoy and died. He was buried honourably at Valenciennes near his brother.145 The firstborn Raoul, their brother, had a son Roger who succeeded him in his properties. The other sister of the aforesaid Count Baldwin and Countess Yolende, who had married the castellan of Tournai, had a son, the very virtuous and famous knight Évrard, surnamed Radou, who possessed the town of Feignies near Mauberge from his mother’s part.146 He had from his first wife, the sister of Robert of Béthune advocate of Arras, a daughter Richilde who wed the nobleman Gilbert of Audenarde, and afterwards wed the virtuous knight Walter of Sottegem.147 Yet Évrard, while his wife was still living, married another woman, the mother of Conon and John and Raoul, who possessed the county of Soissons and the lordship of Nesle and the castellany of Bruges, and he had from her a son Baldwin.148 [32] Count Baldwin III of Hainaut, son of Count Baldwin and Countess Ida, died as a young enough knight.149 His body was buried in the church at Mons before the inner choir. Of his young sons remaining, the eldest son Baldwin obtained the county of Hainaut, the younger son Gérard had the allods in the area of the Low Regions which were possessions on the part of his mother Countess Yolende, namely the county of Dodewaard and the county of Dalen. He had a son Count Henry, a virtuous knight. The widowed Countess Yolende held Hainaut for a long time by right of dower as well as because of the youth of her

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Baldwin of Tosny died in 1170, see c. 61. The fragmentary epitaph for these brothers is recorded in S. Le Boucq, Histoire ecclésiastique de la ville et comté de Valentienne, eds A. Prignet and A. Dinaux (Valenciennes, 1844), p. 39. Évrard III Radou (1160–89), d’Herbomez, Histoire des châtelains, pp. 55–66. Évrard’s first wife was Mathilde, daughter of William I lord of Béthune and advocate of Arras (d. c.1144) and of Clemence of Oisy: d’Herbomez, Histoire des châtelains, pp. 64–5. She was sister of Robert V le Roux (d. 1191at Acre). See Cartulaire de l’abbaye d’Eename, ed. C. Piot (Bruges, 1881), where Richilde appears as lady of Audenarde in no. 83, is cited with her husband Walter of Sottegem in no. 107, and in Duvivier, Actes, II, no. 81, p. 166 and no. 83, p. 170. Évrard’s second wife was Gertrude, daughter of Lambert of Liège, who had previously been married to Raoul II of Nesle, castellan of Bruges (d. c.1160): Herman of Tournai, p. 287; d’Herbomez, Histoire des châtelains, p. 65. Conon (d. 1180 before 29 April) also became the count of Soissons in 1178 at the death of his paternal uncle Ivo. Conon was succeeded by his brother Raoul (d. 4 January 1235) in Soissons, and by his brother John (d. 14 July, between 1197 and 1200) in the castellany of Bruges and the lordship of Nesle: Q. Griffiths, ‘Royal Counselors and Trouvères in the Houses of Nesle and Soissons’, Medieval Prosopography 18 (1997), pp. 128–30; W. M. Newman, Les seigneurs de Nesle en Picardie (XIIe–XIIIe siècle), 2 vols (Philadelphia, 1971), I, pp. 33–5, 63–4. Baldwin III was born in 1087 or 1088, and would have been no more than thirty-three when he died in 1120.

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son Baldwin.150 She married one of her faithful men, the nobleman Godfrey of Bouchain castellan of Valenciennes, who held Ostrevant by right of castellany.151 He also possessed Ribemont, Origny and Château-Porcien. He had from Countess Yolende a son Godfrey and a daughter Bertha, from whom, that is from Godfrey and Bertha, their brother Count Baldwin IV of Hainaut acquired the castellany of Valenciennes and all of their inheritance in both Ostrevant and Cambrai by a suitable purchase. Godfrey died without an heir of his body. Bertha wed the count of Duras.152 Then she married Gilles of Saint-Aubert, from whom she had a son Gérard and a daughter who was given in matrimony to the aforesaid Nicholas of Barbençon.153 While he lived, the reputation of Gilles, steward of the highest court of Hainaut by hereditary right, glorious of name, incomparable of virtue and generosity, was exalted before others among all knights travelling in both the kingdom of France and in the Empire of the Germans. When Bertha had died, Gilles married Mathilde of Berlaimont, daughter of Gilles of Chin and Damison of Chièvres. Mathilde held Berlaimont and the highest office of chamberlain of the court of Hainaut by inheritance from the part of her father. Gilles of Chin, while he lived, was called the most virtuous in arms of all knights living in this world. In regions across the sea, struggling alone with a most fierce lion, he overcame and killed it, not with arrow and bow, but with sword and spear. He possessed the castle of Chièvres from the part of his wife Damison of Chièvres, was the count of Hainaut’s household knight, and in a war which the count of Namur had with the duke of Louvain, Gilles was killed and was buried at SaintGhislain.154 Gilles of Saint-Aubert was steward of the highest court of Hainaut by his inheritance and was highest chamberlain from the part of his wife Mathilde.155 He had from his wife a son Gilles, and he established the town of Busigny where

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Baldwin IV would have been about age eleven when his father died. His mother Yolende ruled Hainaut as regent until her son’s majority. Yolende did not wait for her son’s majority before her second marriage in 1122, as Godfrey II of Bouchain is called ‘the count of Mons’ in an undated charter, indicating that Baldwin IV had not yet come of age: C. Duvivier, Recherches sur le Hainaut ancien (Pagus Hainonensis) du VIIe au XIIe siècle (Brussels, 1865), pp. 534–5. It was an unusual situation for a woman to marry while acting as regent, as a new husband might endanger the succession by attempting to seize power for himself. For the succession of Ostrevant: Vanderkindere, La formation, I, pp. 133–8. Bertha’s first husband was Otto of Duras (d. 1147). In 1152, Bertha (d. 1155) married Gilles of Saint-Aubert. Their daughter married Nicholas, son of Isaac of Barbençon (see c. 29). Gilles of Chin died in 1137 in a battle between Godfrey I of Brabant and Godfrey of Namur. He was immortalised as a legendary hero in a poem by Gautier of Tournai written 1230–40, and in a prose version of this poem written in the late fifteenth century: L’histoire de Gille de Chyn by Gautier de Tournay, ed. E. B. Place (Evanston/Chicago, 1941); C. C. Willard, ‘Gilles de Chin in History, Literature and Folklore’, The Medieval Opus: Imitation, Rewriting, and Transmission in the French Tradition, ed. D. Kelly (Amsterdam, 1996), pp. 357–66; E. Gaucher, ‘La mise en prose: Gilles de Chin ou la modernisation d’une biographie chevaleresque au XVe siècle’, Écriture et modes de pensée au Moyen Âge (VIIIe–XVe siècles), eds D. Boutet and L. Harf-Lancner (Paris, 1993), pp. 195–207; D. Quéruel, ‘Des mises en proses aux romans de chevalerie dans les collections bourguignonnes’, Rhétorique et mise en prose au XVe siècle (Milan, 1991), pp. 174–84. Mathilde of Berlaimont and Gilles of Saint-Aubert had two sons, Gérard (not mentioned by Gilbert) and Gilles who became high chamberlain of Hainaut after his father: E. A. Escallier, L’abbaye d’Anchin 1079–1792 (Lille, 1852), pp. 132–3; Duvivier, Actes, I, pp. 72–3, no. 37; G. Alquier, ‘Les grandes charges du Hainaut’, RDN 21 (1935), p. 22.

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he constructed a tower which he received in liege homage from Count Baldwin V, son of Count Baldwin and Countess Alix. He also first established the town of Bohain. [33] Count Baldwin IV of Hainaut, son of Count Baldwin and Countess Yolende, suffered many troubles and attacks in wars everywhere with his neighbours and with nearly all his more powerful men and especially with Count Thierry of Flanders and his wife Sibylle, daughter of the count of Anjou. In these wars, with the help of God, he lost none of his inheritance or honour, and he married the most noble Alix, who was graceful with a most elegant body and appearance, filled with honesty of character, attentive in good works and alms, daughter of Count Godfrey of Namur and Countess Ermesinde, sister of Count Henry of Namur and Luxembourg. Because a portion of allods had been assigned to Alix’s other married sisters, that is the duchess of Zähringen and the countess of Rethel, and at that time the sisters held these portions in regions near to them, it was conceded in the matrimonial arrangements that whenever Count Henry of Namur should die, all of his allods and fiefs and lands subject to rent would devolve upon Count Baldwin of Hainaut and his wife Alix and their heirs.156 Then when many years had passed, Count Baldwin and his wife Alix acquired the portions of allods from two of Alix’s sisters, one of whom was married to the lord of Rozoy, the other to the lord of Espinoy.157 Therefore, although Count Baldwin of Hainaut and his wife Alix should have possessed at least three parts of the allods, even while Count Henry was living, it was arranged for the sake of peace that Count Henry of Namur and Laroche and Luxembourg would hold these allods while he lived, and after his death all the allods with fiefs and other lands would devolve to Count Baldwin and Countess Alix without dispute. For this reason the oftmentioned Henry caused his men to render fidelities and securities to Baldwin and Alix, giving faith and oaths, not just once but many times, by noble knights as well as household servants and burgesses, from the land of Namur as well as Durbuy, Laroche and Luxembourg.158 Count Henry of Namur, after the death of his uncle Count William of Luxembourg, had acquired the county of Luxembourg, half of which allods he had acquired from the part of his mother Countess Ermesinde by right of inheritance. He obtained the fiefs fully, that is the dignity of the county, Thionville, and the advocacies of Saint-Maximin in Trier and Saint-Willebrord in Echternach, through the favour of the lord emperor of the Romans, because his uncle had died without masculine heir of his body, in spite of his cousin, Count William’s daughter, who had shared in the

156

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158

Alix, Clemence and Beatrice were full sisters, daughters of Godfrey of Namur and his second wife Ermesinde of Luxembourg. Clemence married Conrad duke of Zähringen (d. 1152); Beatrice married Gonthier count of Rethel (d. 1158). They would have received these allods as their dowries and, accordingly, would not receive a further share in the inheritance from their father. Henry of Namur, called ‘the Blind’ (1139–96). Through her father’s first wife Sibylle of Porcien, Alix also had two half-sisters: Elisabeth who married the lord of Rozoy-sur-Serre and Flandrine who married Hugh of Espinoy. This agreement concerning Henry’s lands, and the oaths sworn to Baldwin and his family, are contained in the 1163 Act of Heppignies: Baron de Reiffenberg, ed., Monuments pour servir à l’histoire des provinces de Namur, de Hainaut et de Luxembourg (Brussels, 1844), I, pp. 127–9.

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allods with Count Henry of Namur.159 The count of Grandpré married her and had from her a son Henry, a virtuous knight, nicknamed ‘the Devourer’.160 It should be known that Count Godfrey of Namur, a noble and powerful man, the father of the oftmentioned Count Henry, had two wives. From the first wife he had two daughters, one of whom married Roger of Rozoy.161 The other wedded a noble at Espinoy in the Artois.162 From the second wife, named Ermesinde, he had two sons, that is the oftmentioned Count Henry and Albert, who died young, and three daughters, that is the duchess of Zähringen, the countess of Rethel and the oftmentioned Countess Alix of Hainaut. The daughter who married the lord of Rozoy had a son, that is Renaud, a virtuous and outstanding knight, who populated and enriched his land very much with newly established towns, and had from his wife Juliana, daughter of Nicholas of Rumigny, as we have said previously, a son Roger.163 The lady of Rozoy, mother of Renaud, had another son, the full brother of Renaud, Roger bishop of Laon, and daughters, that is Alix who married the abovementioned Gilles of Chimay, and Annchelisa who married a nobleman in the county of Namur, namely Philip of Atrives.164 The daughter who had married at Espinoy, as we have said above, had sons and daughters, one of whom was the wife of Thierry of Anvaing. The duchess of Zähringen had three sons, Duke Berthold of Zähringen, a most powerful prince, and Raoul bishop of Liège, who previously had been elected to the archbishopric of Mainz, and Count Hugh.165 Raoul constructed a great and beautiful palace in Liège. The duchess also had a daughter, whom Duke Henry of Saxony, the most

159

160

161

162

163 164

165

When William of Luxembourg died in 1128 or 1129, the county passed to his son Conrad II (d. 1136), and then the fiefs and half of the allods passed to Henry of Namur: J. Newcomer, The Grand Duchy of Luxembourg: The Evolution of Nationhood (Lanham/New York/London, 1984), p. 64. The other half of the allods went to Liutgarde of Grandpré, Conrad’s sister. Liutgarde could not inherit the entire county because feminine succession was not recognised for this Imperial county: M. Margue, ‘Ermesinde’, Nouvelle biographie nationale (Brussels, 1990), II, p. 147. Nonetheless, she could inherit ‘free’ allods, as opposed to fiefs. C. Funck, ‘Les rapports entre l’Empire et le comté de Luxembourg aux XIIe et XIIIe siècles’, Hémacht: Zeitschrift für Luxemburger Geschichte/Revue d’histoire Luxembourgeoise 44:4 (1992), p. 511, indicates that the situation concerning Luxembourg was complicated at this time: some of the Luxembourg lands were allods, but the ‘honour’ of the county was a ‘fief ’ of the Empire (that is, an oath of fidelity was required to be given to the emperor). It is relevant to note that Gilbert clearly differentiates between the two types of property, using feoda for ‘fiefs’ and allodia for ‘allods’. Liutgarde (d. before 1170), daughter of William of Luxembourg, married Henry II of Grandpré (d. between 1188 and 1190). Henry was called Wafflart, from the Old French waffler ‘to devour’: A. Hindley et al., Old French-English Dictionary (Cambridge, 2000), p. 618. According to Alberic of Trois-Fontaines, p. 822, Elisabeth (called Ysabella by Alberic) married Clarembaud of Rozoy, not Roger. Flandrine married beneath her rank, according to Alberic of Trois-Fontaines, p. 851, and F. Rousseau, ed., Actes des comtes de Namur de la première race 946–1196 (Brussels, 1936), p. ci. See c. 29 for Roger. Roger, bishop of Laon (1174–1201): M. Pacaut, Louis VII et les élections épiscopales dans le royaume de France (Paris, 1957), pp. 142, 149. Gilles of Chimay, see c. 30. When Gilles was in Jerusalem, Renaud of Rozoy violently seized the dowry of his sister Alix. When Gilles complained to Pope Alexander III, the archbishop of Reims and the bishop of Laon pressured Renaud to return the property: Amplissima collectio, II, cols 767–8. Berthold IV of Zähringen (d. 1186). Raoul, bishop of Liège (1167–91), was elected archbishop of Mainz in 1161, but his election was not confirmed by the emperor. Hugh possessed the city of Ullenburg. In addition to the three sons and one daughter whom Gilbert lists, Clemence and Conrad of Zähringen also had a son Conrad who died young, and a son Adalbert.

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powerful of all dukes, married. Frederick emperor of the Romans feared the strength of the duke of Saxony and the duke of Zähringen, and, so that they would not be able to oppose him through this matrimonial alliance, he sought and caused a divorce of this marriage, and to diminish the strength of these men, the emperor removed the aforesaid Raoul, elect of the see of Mainz, from that estate. Raoul attained the dignity of the episcopate of Liège with the help of his uncle Count Henry of Namur and Luxembourg.166 The Countess of Rethel had sons: Manasses count of Rethel, the knights Henry and Baldwin, and the clerk Albert, greater provost and archdeacon of the church of Liège, and daughters, one of whom the most powerful King Roger of Sicily had as his second wife.167 Roger had from his first wife a son William who succeeded him in the kingdom of Sicily and the duchy of Apulia and the principality of Capua.168 Roger had from his second wife a daughter Constance.169 King William, brother of Constance, gave her in marriage to Henry emperor of the Romans, son of Emperor Frederick, along with an immense abundance of gold, with the expectation that his kingdom would devolve to Constance. For this reason Henry, when William had died without an heir of his body, acquired the kingdom of Sicily, the duchy of Apulia and the principality of Capua from the part of Empress Constance his wife powerfully and with immense trouble by the time of their deaths.170 The countess of Rethel had another daughter who wed the nobleman Hugh of Pierrepont, and from her Hugh had sons who were knights, one of whom was Robert, a virtuous knight of great name, and Hugh the clerk, sufficiently learned and outstanding, greater provost of the church of Liège, archdeacon, abbot and afterwards bishop.171

166

167

168 169 170

171

See A. Haverkamp, Medieval Germany 1056–1273, trans. H. Brown and R. Mortimer (Oxford, 1992), p. 227. After the annulment of her marriage to Henry the Lion, duke of Saxony and Bavaria (d. 1195), Clemence married Humbert III of Savoie shortly after 1162. Count Manasses III of Rethel (d. c.1200); Henry castellan of Vitry; Baldwin lord of Chémery; Albert, canon, provost and archdeacon of Saint-Lambert. He appears in a number of acts concerning SaintLambert between 1182–90, Cartulaire d’église Saint-Lambert de Liège, I, nos 59, 62–5, 70–2, pp. 100, 104, 106–8, 115–17. In 1151, Beatrice married Roger II king of Sicily (d. 1154). Roger had had two previous wives, Albérie, sister of antipope Anacletus (1130–8), and Sibylle, daughter of Hugh II of Burgundy. For Roger: D. S. H. Abulafia, ‘The Crown and the Economy under Roger II and his Successors’, DOP 37 (1984), pp. 1–14; H. Wieruszowski, ‘Roger II of Sicily, rex-tyrannus, in Twelfth-Century Political Thought’, Speculum 38 (1963), pp. 46–78. William, king of Sicily, duke of Apulia (d. 15 May 1166). Constance was born in 1154 after the death of her father Roger II. Constance’s succession to the kingdom of Sicily was contingent, not on the death of her brother without heirs, but on the death of her nephew, William II king of Sicily, son of William I. He died without issue in 1189, and Constance inherited the kingdom. Both Constance and Emperor Henry died in 1197: W. Fröhlich, ‘The Marriage of Henry VI and Constance of Sicily: Prelude and Consequences’, ANS 15 (1993), pp. 99–115. Clemence married Hugh of Pierrepont (d. c.1187), son of Hugh of Pierrepont and Gila de Mouchy. Their son Hugh (born about 1165) was bishop of Liège (1200–29): M.-A. Dimier, ‘Trois évêques de Liège originaires de France, Grands amis des Cisterciens’, Cîteaux 23:3–4 (1972), pp. 316–18; Actes des princes-évêques de Liège: Hugues de Pierrepont 1200–1229, ed. E. Poncelet, Recueil des actes princes Belges (Brussels, 1941). Clemence received the castle of Pierrepont and its appurtenances as her dower, as evidenced in an 1190 charter of donation to the abbey of Saint-Martin in which she claims this property ‘by right of dower’: A. d’Herbomez, ed., Chartes de l’abbaye de Saint-Martin de Tournai (Brussels, 1898), I, pp. 159–61, no. 152. This charter shows that Robert succeeded his father as lord of Pierrepont.

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[34] The oftmentioned Countess Alix of Hainaut, with her husband Count Baldwin, had firstly Baldwin, secondly Godfrey, thirdly Baldwin, fourthly Henry, and daughters who were adorned with every beauty and all respectability of character, Yolende, Agnes, Laureta. The first Baldwin died young enough, he was buried in Binche in the monastery of Sainte-Marie.172 Godfrey, who then remained as the eldest son after him, was handsome, gentle and esteemed greatly by everyone, he married the most noble Eleanor, daughter of Count Raoul of Vermandois.173 When Godfrey was about sixteen years old, and the time of his knighthood approached, he grew ill to death at Mons. And there he died, he was buried in the monastery of Blessed Waudru in the choir of the nuns. Therefore two sons of Count Baldwin and Countess Alix survived, namely Baldwin (who at first held Hainaut powerfully, and then Hainaut and Namur, and later Flanders and Hainaut and Namur), and Henry the younger son, to whom his father assigned in his lifetime the properties which he had acquired, namely the towns of Sebourg and Fayt, part of the town of Angre, a fourth part in the whole allod of Gosselies and the advocacies in those regions near Gosselies, in certain towns of Saint-Pierre of Lobbes, with the assent of Baldwin, his eldest son at that time. For all these properties Henry rendered liege homage to his brother Baldwin. [35] Count Baldwin IV of Hainaut, son of Count Baldwin and Countess Yolende, had a certain favour among others from the Lord. Although, from the times of many counts of Hainaut it had been unheard of that any of those counts had seen any of their sons as a knight, or had seen a daughter married to one, that count, while living and powerful, married his three daughters to three noble and powerful men. The first of whom was the very beautiful Yolende, attentive to alms and divine offices, she married Ivo the elder, the noble count of Soissons and the lord of Nesle, a venerable and powerful man, generous in gifts and the most wise of all the barons of France.174 When Yolende had not had any children from this Ivo, and Ivo had died, she wed Hugh of Saint-Pol, a virtuous knight, and she had from him daughters Elisabeth and Eustachia.175 The noble, powerful and wealthy man Raoul of Coucy, who possessed Coucy, Marle, Vervins and La Fère, married the second daughter of Count Baldwin and Countess Alix, Agnes who was adorned with beauty, sweetness and imbued with respectability of all character, but was a little lame.176 Yet Agnes, although the men in that land were found to be savage and arrogant, was esteemed by everyone before other ladies whom they had had. She had three daughters, that is Yolende, who married Count Robert of 172 173

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Baldwin died between 1147 and 1149. Godfrey (1147–7 April 1163) was the first husband of Eleanor (d. 1214), daughter of Raoul I of Vermandois (1117–52). For Godfrey’s death: Lambert of Waterlos, p. 535. Ivo II the elder, count of Soissons, lord of Nesle (1146–78) had also been childless in his marriage to his first wife Isabeau. He was regent of Vermandois during the minority of Raoul II (see c. 49): Griffiths, ‘Royal Counselors’, p. 128; Warlop, Flemish Nobility, II:1, p. 719; Newman, Les seigneurs de Nesle, I, pp. 26–33, 61–2. Ivo gave a generous dowry of half of the seigneury of Nesle and its appurtenances (with a few exceptions) to Yolende, as cited in his testament of 1157 or 1158: Newman, Les seigneurs de Nesle, II, pp. 84–6, no. 30. Count Hugh IV of Saint-Pol (1174–1215): Vanderkindere, La formation, I, p. 332; P. Feuchère, ‘Les origines du comté de Saint-Pol (Xe siècle-1205)’, RDN 35 (1953), pp. 137–9. Raoul of Coucy-le Château (c.1148–91), grandson of Thomas of Marle (see c. 28).

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Dreux and Braisne, a virtuous knight and son of Count Robert, brother of King Louis of France.177 Another daughter, Agnes, wed Count Raoul of Roucy.178 When he had died without an heir of his body, she wed the count of Grandpré, without considering the abovementioned offspring of Luxembourg.179 The third daughter, named Ada, married a nobleman in Flanders, Thierry of Beveren, castellan of Dixmude.180 In the marriage of Agnes who, as we have said, married Raoul of Coucy, it was conceded to her and her heirs that they would have eighty pounds of money in Mons, in the assize of the town which is made on the feast of St Remigius, and forty pounds in Binche in the same period, to which Baldwin, brother of Agnes, added (when he succeeded to the county of Hainaut when their father had died) sixty pounds in Valenciennes in the same period. The nobleman Thierry of Alost, a young knight, son of Iwan of Ghent and Laureta, married the third daughter of Count Baldwin and Countess Alix, Laureta.181 Count Thierry of Flanders had, from his first wife, as daughter this same Laureta, who had married Iwan of Ghent, and when widowed, married Count Raoul of Vermandois, and afterwards Duke Henry of Limbourg, and then Count Henry of Namur.182 When she had left behind each of these men, at last she assumed religious habit. [36] It should not be overlooked how the oftmentioned Count Baldwin and his wife Countess Alix and their heirs were considered to have the right to the properties of Count Henry of Namur and Luxembourg, both by contemporaries and by predecessors from earlier times. Although the oftmentioned Count Henry of Namur and Luxembourg wished to marry the aforesaid Laureta, he could not contract matrimony except by the consent and approval of Count Baldwin of Hainaut, Countess Alix and their son Baldwin. This approval was made at Heppignies, under the witness of many nobles and ministers, where securities, which had been made previously to the oftmentioned Baldwin and Alix and

177

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180 181 182

Count Robert II of Dreux (1184–8), son of Robert I (brother of Louis VII) and Agnes of Braisne. Yolende of Coucy died 18 March 1224. Raoul of Roucy (c.1180–96), son of Robert Guiscard. It was Agnes’ daughter Isabelle, not Agnes herself, who married Henry III of Grandpré. ‘Offspring of Luxembourg’ refers to the fact that Isabelle and Henry III were second cousins once removed (through Conrad I of Luxembourg), therefore related in the third degree of consanguinity. For Thierry of Beveren: Vanderkindere, La formation, I, pp. 159–62. Thierry of Alost (1145–1165 or 1166). Thierry of Flanders’ (1128–68) first wife was Suanchilde (d. 1133). Vanderkindere, La formation, I, pp. 307–8, used charters to determine the correct order of Laureta’s husbands as: (1) Iwan of Alost, (2) Henry II of Limbourg, (3) Raoul I of Vermandois, (4) Henry the Blind of Namur. Gilbert of Mons was not alone in confusion about her husbands, as Flandria generosa, p. 324, incorrectly gives Henry of Limbourg as her first husband and Iwan of Alost as her second husband. Three of Laureta’s husbands (Iwan, Raoul, Henry of Namur) are mentioned in her psalter. It is not surprising that Henry of Limbourg was omitted from her psalter, as their marriage was annulled: The Twelfth-Century Psalter Commentary in French for Laurette d’Alsace, an Edition of Psalms I-L, ed. S. Gregory (London, 1990), II, p. 397; S. Gregory, ‘The Twelfth Century Psalter Commentary in French for Laurette d’Alsace’, The Bible and Medieval Culture, eds W. Lourdaux and D. Verhelst (Louvain, 1979), p. 123 and n. 69. Iwan of Alost, murdered in 1145, was one of Count Thierry of Flanders’ staunchest allies during the succession battles of 1127–8: Galbert of Bruges, cc. 95, 99–102, 113, 118; J. Phillips, ‘The Murder of Charles the Good and the Second Crusade: Household, Nobility, and Traditions of Crusading in Medieval Flanders’, Medieval Prosopography 19 (1998), pp. 68–9; Warlop, Flemish Nobility, I:1, p. 224, I:2, pp. 46, 76, 80, 83, 430 n. 22.

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their son Baldwin by the men of the count of Namur and Luxembourg concerning allods and fiefs, were solemnly renewed and committed to authoritative writings.183 [37] Thierry of Alost soon died as a young enough knight, and his wife Laureta, daughter of Count Baldwin and Countess Alix, remained a widow for several years. Thierry had held land, both Alost and Waes, which devolved to the most powerful Count Philip of Flanders and Vermandois.184 After the death of Count Baldwin and Countess Alix his wife, their son Baldwin, the new count of Hainaut, gave the widow Laureta, his sister, as wife to a most noble man in France, Bouchard of Montmorency, who had from her a son, Matthew.185 His uncle, Count Baldwin of Hainaut, rushed to ordain him as a knight, so that he might be able to obtain lordship of his land. [38] The oftmentioned Count Baldwin of Hainaut heard that his sister, who had married at Tosny, had been gravely oppressed by some of her neighbours who were powerful men. He was not afraid to go to her aid with 300 knights, crossing through France safely without seeking permission or safe conduct, he brought most heavy vengeance on the enemies of his sister, and returned her to her properties, leaving her in good peace and good status.186 [39] The oftmentioned Count Baldwin of Hainaut, son of Count Baldwin and Countess Yolende, who had as wife the oftmentioned Alix, possessed the county of Hainaut powerfully and resisted Count Thierry of Flanders with constancy of great valour, from whom he suffered continual assaults of war, and he could not be injured by him in his authority and his lordship, with this exception only: Thierry besieged a fortress near Douai, namely Roucort, which had formerly been held by the count of Hainaut, and after it had been besieged for a long time through many fierce attacks, he overthrew it. In this siege a virtuous knight, Rasso of Gavre, was killed in an attack. He had married Damison of Chièvres after the death of Gilles of Chin, and had from her a son Rasso, a powerful and vigorous knight, and Bertha wife of Eustace of Le Roeulx, a quite virtuous

183 184

185

186

See c. 33. As Thierry and Laureta were childless, Alost reverted to the count of Flanders as suzerain: Warlop, Flemish Nobility, I:2, p. 437 n. 144; Vanderkindere, La formation, I, p. 158. Bouchard V of Montmorency (d. 1189). Laureta predeceased him on 9 August 1181. Their son Matthew II (d. 24 November 1230) married Gertrude. Two copies of their marriage contract were extant in 1912 (Lille AD Nord, B 393, Trésor des Chartes, no. 190, and AD Nord, B 1551, Trésor des Chartes, no. 190), but have since disappeared: D.-J. Godefroy, Inventaire chronologique et détaillé des chartes de la Chambre des Comptes à Lille (Paris, 1865), p. 83, no. 190; J. de Saint-Genois, Inventaire analytique des chartes des comtes de Flandre (Ghent, 1843–6), p. 3, no. 5; A. Duchesne, Histoire généalogique de la maison de Montmorency et de Laval (Paris, 1624), pp. 126–7; A. Wauters, Table chronologique des chartes et diplômes imprimés concernant l’histoire de la Belgique (Brussels, 1871), III, pp. 27–8. Gilbert may have exaggerated the number of knights with Baldwin, as Orderic, VI, pp. 524–5, notes that, on 7 September 1138, the count of Hainaut with eighty knights assisted Roger of Tosny in an attack on Breteuil against Robert earl of Leicester. The town was taken by surprise while grain was being threshed in the streets. The straw and chaff provided excellent tinder, and the town was burned quickly.

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knight, son of Eustace the Elder of Le Roeulx, from whom as it has been said above, he had a son Eustace.187 [40] The oftmentioned Count Baldwin of Hainaut, son of Count Baldwin and Countess Yolende, enclosed the town of Binche (which his mother Yolende had established) with a wall. He enclosed the castle of Mons with a wall, which his son improved. He established the town of Le Quesnoy, built a castle in it, and enclosed it with ditches and walls. His son improved these walls. He encircled Bouchain with a wall and built a tower there, which his son finished. In Valenciennes he built a stone house as a decent and suitable dwelling above the Scheldt River. He established the town of Raismes, where he built a tower to restrain the bandits of Vicogne and to maintain the crossings against the Flemings, who always strove to devastate Hainaut. His son finished that tower. He acquired Ath, a town in Brabant, by purchase from the nobleman Gilles of Trazegnies, a virtuous and vigorous knight, peer of the castle of Mons, the father, I say, of a most virtuous knight, that is Otto of glorious name and distinguished reputation. When he began to establish a new town and to construct a castle there, Rasso of Gavre, son of Rasso and Damison of Chièvres, presumed to oppose him with the consent and counsel of Count Philip of Flanders and Vermandois, coming into Chièvres, and remaining there with a force of many knights while his mother was still living (whom Nicholas of Rumigny, the aforesaid relative of this same count, had married).188 After he had assembled his army at Blicquy, the count built a castle at Ath in his strength, while Rasso of Gavre was hesitant and could not prevail. He acquired Braine-le-Comte from the church of Mons by exchange, where he built a tower which his son finished.189 In this acquisition it was arranged between the count of Hainaut and the church of Mons that the church of Mons retain for itself the tithes of rents, the tithes of offerings, the land which had belonged to Henry the Elder of Braine, which had devolved to this church through alms, the tithes from the altar of this town with small tithes and endowments and all things which belong to the altar, their own free courtyard, the wood in the forest of that allod which was necessary for fire and for building a courtyard without the need for anyone’s permission, the servants and maidservants remaining in their former liberty, and a third part of the tithe. The lord count retained for himself two parts of the tithe under an annual rent of twelve pennies. [41] Thus, he acquired for himself Chimay and the whole allod belonging to it, because the lord of the castle, who owed continual garrison service for certain fiefs in Mons, added Chimay and the whole allod belonging to it to the garrison service of the castle of Mons. Thus, it was arranged and confirmed perpetually

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189

See c. 28. See c. 29. As Gilles of Trazegnies died in 1162 or 1163, this incident must have taken place before Philip had succeeded his father as count of Flanders in 1168, probably between 1157 and 1159, when Philip was acting as regent in his father’s absence in the Holy Land. Gilbert may be thinking of Philip in his capacity as ‘young count’. Braine-le-Comte. Charter of 1150: Chartes du chapitre de Sainte-Waudru, I, no. 9, pp. 13–15.

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that the knights and feudal tenants of this entire allod, and even all the men remaining in Chimay who were fifteen years old, should demonstrate fidelity to the count of Hainaut by touching sacred relics. If the lord of the castle should not wish to return his castle to him at his demand, or should oppose him in any way, those knights and feudal tenants and men of Chimay owed help by every means to the count of Hainaut against the lord of the castle. [42] Because of this same Count Baldwin of Hainaut, son of Countess Yolende, his faithful man Adam of Walincourt, a virtuous, wise and vigorous knight, great in body, augmented the properties of his land and remained powerful among his relatives and neighbours, held Walincourt and other properties in liege fief from the count of Hainaut, and received his castle of Prémont, which he had newly constructed, in liege fief.190 [43] It should be related by what authority the count of Hainaut held fidelities and securities of all castles and fortresses in the entire county and lordship of Hainaut. Whoever in the entire county and lordship of Hainaut (in Hainaut, Brabant and Ostrevant) would newly construct a castle or fortress, or had held one from earlier times, by right he should give foremost fidelity and security with homage for it to the count of Hainaut before other men, over and above the fief or allod of any man, even if the site of that fortress was in the fief or allod of another man. Thus, he should return his castle or fortress to the count of Hainaut or to his trustworthy envoy at all his demands, whether through the count’s need or through his wish. Just as the count finds the fortress in good condition, so he must return it in good condition with all things which were found in it, when he has completed his business. Thus, during the time of this count, it happened that a controversy occurred in his court concerning these matters. It was established that Walter lord of Avesnes, surnamed Pelukels, should appear in the presence of the count before many of his peers and nobles and men of servile condition, because a judgement was against him in these matters, but he was prevented as he succumbed to sudden death.191 His son Nicholas, a peaceful and outstanding man, succeeded the aforesaid Walter, and although his ancestors had most often been opponents and rebels of the counts of Hainaut, this man never presumed to oppose his lord.192 He increased the goods of his land greatly, and populated and enriched it by establishing many new towns. He constructed the castle of Landrecies and the castle of Condé. Afterwards Count Baldwin of

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Walincourt was one of the peerages of Mons. Adam of Walincourt appears as witness in an 1158 charter of Baldwin IV and in two charters of 1173 and 1174 of Gilles of Saint-Aubert: Duvivier, Actes, I, p. 303, II, nos 37, 38, pp. 73, 75. BN MS lat. 11105, fol. 20r: proferre deberet; Vanderkindere: proferri deberet, after Brussels, KB II 1554, fol. 113r. Walter I of Avesnes (d. between 1147 and 1149) also had a son Thierry, who died young: Warlop, Flemish Nobility, II:2, pp. 1167–8. Herman of Tournai, p. 300, notes that Thierry was a wild (indomitus) knight who raided his neighbours and other lands, and was eventually killed in an ambush. He says that Thierry married a sister of Baldwin IV, most likely Richilde, who later married Évrard of Tournai (see c. 28). Gilbert does not mention this marriage, possibly because Thierry was an unsavoury character. Nicholas of Avesnes (d. c.1170).

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Hainaut, son of Count Baldwin and Alix, tore down that castle of Condé because of the presumption and excess of Jacques, Nicholas’ son.193 Nicholas had as wife Mathilde, daughter of Count Henry of Laroche in Ardenne, the uncle of the oftmentioned Count Henry of Namur and of Countess Alix of Hainaut. From the part of his uncle Henry, Count Henry of Namur obtained the land and county of Laroche and the advocacies of the church of Stavelot, both from the share of his allods and from the grace of the lord emperor.194 Mathilde had from her first husband a son, Wéry of Walcourt, a virtuous, vigorous, astute and wealthy knight, and many daughters.195 From her second husband Nicholas of Avesnes, she had Jacques, and a daughter who married William, an excellent and honest knight, castellan of Saint-Omer.196 Jacques was very virtuous in arms, vigorous in all things, outstanding and very powerful, but he opposed his lord the count of Hainaut sometimes. He had as wife Adelvia, daughter of Bouchard of Guise, from whose part Jacques possessed Guise and Lesquielles. He had sons from her, the first of whom, namely Walter, succeeded him in the land of Avesnes and in the land of Brabant, and daughters, one of whom was married to Nicholas, the abovementioned most noble and virtuous knight, son of Nicholas of Rumigny and Damison of Chièvres.197 Jacques, after many of his deeds, about which we will subsequently tell, at last succumbed to a glorious death in overseas regions. [44] In order to say something about the institution of the law of Valenciennes, which is called the Peace, we must return to Count Baldwin III, son of Count Baldwin and Countess Ida. He saw that Valenciennes, a good town populated by many men, was subject to almost no law, and therefore the town enjoyed the least possible peace. When he had obtained the counsel and consent of his men, he established a law which is called the Peace.198 In this establishment of law, knights of that land placed their servants and maidservants who remained in that town under this same law, so that they would enjoy this Peace, and, with the exception

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This castle was destroyed in 1176, see c. 80. Count Henry of Laroche, advocate of Stavelot, son of Albert III of Namur, and therefore paternal uncle of Henry of Namur. Mathilde of Laroche and her first husband, Thierry II of Walcourt (d. before 1152), had a son Wéry III. Ida of Avesnes (d. 1205 or later) married as her second husband William IV, castellan of Saint-Omer (1178–91), no later than 1171 (they had a son at least fifteen years old in 1186): A. Giry, ‘Les châtelains de Saint-Omer (1042–1386)’, BEC 35 (1874), p. 332; Hemptinne, De Oorkonden, no. 202, pp. 314–15 and n. 3. She had previously married Ingelran of Saint-Pol, the dower contract is extant: L. Napran, ‘The Woman who was not There: Application of Prosopography to the Study of Marriage Contracts’, Resourcing Sources, ed. K. S. B. Keats-Rohan (Oxford, 2002), pp. 76–85; Hemptinne, De Oorkonden, no. 202. For Ida as Ingelran’s wife: B.-M. Tock, ed., Les chartes des évêques d’Arras (1093–1203), Collection de documents inédits sur l’histoire de France 20 (Paris, 1991), no. 115; Feuchère, ‘Les origines du comté de Saint-Pol’, p. 136. Walter II (d. 1245 or 1246); Mathilde’s first husband was Nicholas IV of Rumigny (d. 1206) (see c. 29): Roland, Histoire généalogique, p. 179; her second husband Louis IV of Chiny (1189–1226): LaretKayser, Entre Bar et Luxembourg, p. 105. The Peace of Valenciennes (1114): ‘Charta pacis Valencenensis’, ed. W. Arndt, MGH SS XXI (Hanover, 1869), pp. 605–10; A. Saint-Denis, ‘La violence dans les villes du Nord de la France, 1050–1150’, Histoire et criminalité de l’Antiquité au XXe siècle: nouvelles approches, eds B. Garnot, R. Fry (Dijon, 1992), pp. 262–3; P. Godding, ‘Le Paix de Valenciennes date-t-elle bien de 1114?’, RDN 64:252 (1982), pp. 228–9.

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of clerks and knights, the lord count could receive mortmain from them and all other men of this town at their deaths. But the count acted mercifully with them and spared them, and because he lived only a few days after the law was established, he received few mortmains. It was determined that, concerning all things which the count of Hainaut had never held in ownership in his belongings in Valenciennes, he was not allowed to give anything in fief, tax or pledge, or to alienate it from his hands in any way. Count Baldwin IV, son of this same Count Baldwin and Countess Yolende, was greatly angered at an excess which the men of Valenciennes had perpetrated against him in his youth. So he subdued them to his will, so that he received mortmains fully from everyone, from their common judgement, while he lived. His son Baldwin V also did this after him for some years. Then he absolved them of these things. Afterwards he reassigned those mortmains to them from their common judgement, as will be found fully in the subsequent deeds of this count through the present writing.199 [45] The oftmentioned Count Baldwin, son of Countess Yolende, and his wife Countess Alix, a most religious woman, constructed chapels in some of their manors, namely in Mons, Binche and Le Quesnoy, but they assigned no definite revenues to them. So their son Baldwin honoured them with definite revenues: to the chapel at Mons constructed in honour of St Servais, he assigned a tithe in the place which is called Le Tronquoy and other properties, for which tithe the count of Hainaut owed five shillings annually in rent to the church of Blessed Waudru; to the chapel at Binche constructed in honour of St Servais, he assigned a part of a tithe at Estinnes-au-Mont; to the chapel at Le Quesnoy constructed in honour of St John the Evangelist, he assigned the tithe in the place which is called Morteruels.200 [46] The household knights and counsellors of the oftmentioned count, son of Baldwin and Countess Yolende, were virtuous and outstanding men of great name, specifically Gilles of Chin, Goswin of Mons, Eustace the elder of Le Rouelx, Hoel of Quiévrain, the brothers Louis and Charles of Fresnes, Thierry of Ligne, Iwan of Wattripont, the brothers Henry and William of Braine, Robert of Aisonville, Isaac castellan of Mons, William of Bierbeek.201 [47] In the days of this count, when the fondly remembered lord Nicholas bishop of Cambrai had died, lord Peter the clerk succeeded him, brother of Count Philip of Flanders and Vermandois.202 Peter was elected, but was never

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Mortmain applied to persons of servile condition, in which a person left a considerable portion of his movable goods to his lord, in return for the succession of his heirs to the remaining property: EMA, II, pp. 987–8. Saint Servais, bishop of Tongres (d. 384), feast day 13 May, was an important saint in the Low Countries, his relics are preserved at Maestricht: Jocondus: biographe de Saint Servais, ed. P. C. Boeren (The Hague, 1972); Butler, II, pp. 297–8; Biblioteca sanctorum, pp. 890–1; AASS, May, III; AASSBS, I, pp. 192–7. William of Bierbeek was a tenant of the count of Hainaut for the castle of Gosselies. Nicholas I, bishop of Cambrai (d. 1 July 1167), was described by Lambert of Waterlos, p. 539, as ‘the flower of bishops, distinguished by a multitude of ancestors, strong, affable in conversation, marvellous

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honoured with sacred ordinations, and he did not oppress churches, nor adorn priests, and he governed the episcopate of Cambrai peacefully for several years.203 Finally, at the counsel and suggestion of his brother the count of Flanders and Vermandois, Peter assumed knightly office, setting aside the dignity of the episcopate. His brother assigned land to him in ownership in Flanders, namely Lillers and Saint-Venant.204 He married a widowed countess of Nevers, by whom he had a daughter.205 After living only a little time with his wife, he died and was buried at Issoudun. His daughter wed a virtuous knight in Flanders, namely Robert of Wavrin, and she held the properties which had been assigned to her father, namely Lillers and Saint-Venant. [48] In the days of the oftmentioned Count Baldwin, son of Countess Yolende, Count Charles of Flanders was killed treacherously by his liegemen in his own home. He had originated in Denmark, and after the death of the count of Flanders, had come to the county of Flanders by hereditary right.206 Through the election and just consideration of the men of Flanders, Thierry, a most noble man of Bitche in Alsace, brother of the duke of Nancy, succeeded him in the county of Flanders.207 Thierry had from his first wife, as we have said earlier, a daughter Laureta, and he had a second wife Sibylle, daughter of Count Fulk of Anjou. Fulk had from his first wife a son Geoffrey and a daughter Sibylle, who married Count Thierry of Flanders.208 Fulk, after his first wife had died, went to

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in charity, sumptuous in meals, amicable to his familiars, formidable to his enemies, protector of his country, nourisher of citizens, helper of all good men’. See also Gesta episcoporum Cameracensium, continuatio Andreana, ed. L. C. Bethmann, MGH SS VII (Hanover, 1846), p. 525. Peter provost of Bruges and Saint-Omer, elected to Cambrai in 1167: Vanderkindere, La formation, I, p. 310. BN MS lat. 11105, fol. 21r, and Brussels, KB II 1554, fol. 120r: non decorans sacerdotes; Vanderkindere: non devorans sacerdotes. Count Philip used properties he had purchased from Walter II of Eine to endow his brother Peter: Warlop, Flemish Nobility, I:1, pp. 152, 172. Roger of Howden, II, p. 49, incorrectly states that Peter succeeded to the county of Boulogne. In 1174 or 1175 Peter married Mathilde, daughter of Raymond of Burgundy, widow of Guy of Nevers (d. 1175) who was her second husband. Her first husband was Odo II of Issoudun, her third husband Robert II of Dreux. Count Philip arranged this marriage in the fruitless hope that Peter would produce a son to inherit Flanders, as Philip himself was childless, and their brother Matthew (d. 1173) had only had daughters. Peter’s and Mathilde’s daughter Sibylle married Robert I of Wavrin steward of Flanders (d. by 1197): Roger of Howden, II, pp. 99–100 (who mistakenly says that Peter died childless); Robert of Torigny, ed. Howlett, p. 272, ed. Delisle, II, pp. 64–5; T. de Hemptinne, ‘Aspects des relations de Philippe Auguste avec la Flandre au temps de Philippe d’Alsace’, France de Philippe Auguste, p. 256; Warlop, Flemish Nobility, II:2, p. 1198. ‘After the death of the count of Flanders’ refers to Baldwin VII (1111–19). Charles the Good was assassinated in 1127, causing a succession crisis, as he died without an heir. For the murder of Charles: Galbert of Bruges. c. 12; Robert of Torigny, ed. Howlett, p. 112, ed. Delisle, I, p. 173; Nicholas, Medieval Flanders, pp. 62–6; Nip, ‘The Political Relations’, p. 164; Hallam and Everard, Capetian France, p. 154. Other claimants included William of Ypres, King Henry I of England, Godfrey I duke of Brabant, Thierry VI count of Holland, and Arnold of Denmark. William Clito, second cousin of Charles, briefly obtained the county (1127–8), but was killed in battle by Thierry of Alsace (first cousin of Charles), who became count of Flanders. Thierry was Duke Simon of Nancy’s brother: Galbert of Bruges, esp. cc. 47–52, 94; R. C. van Caenegem, ‘Law and Power in Twelfth-Century Flanders’, Cultures of Power: Lordship, Status, and Process in Twelfth-Century Europe, ed. T. N. Bisson (Philadelphia, 1995), p. 169; Nip, ‘The Political Relations’, pp. 164–5. Sibylle (d. 1165), daughter of Fulk V and Ermentrude of Anjou, married Thierry in 1134. Her previous marriage to William Clito was annulled. Sibylle acted as regent when Thierry was in the Holy Land

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Jerusalem where he married the queen of that land, and the kingdom of that land belonged to her by hereditary right.209 He had from her a son Fulk, who succeeded him in the kingdom of Jerusalem.210 His son Geoffrey, who succeeded him in the county of Anjou, had sons.211 One of them was the aforesaid Henry, who at first acquired the duchy of Normandy, then acquired the kingdom of England through great effort, which his uncle, the glorious and powerful King Henry I, had obtained. Henry, son of Geoffrey of Anjou, king of England, duke of Normandy and count of Anjou, married the duchess of Aquitaine, the forsaken wife of King Louis of France, against the prohibition of that same king of France.212 She had from that king of France two daughters, namely the countess of Champagne and the countess of Blois, and she possessed the duchy of Aquitaine on her own behalf.213 And so Henry held Normandy, Aquitaine, Brittany and Anjou in fief from the king of France. From his wife, he had four sons and two daughters, namely King Henry, a most virtuous, generous and handsome youth, who retained for himself any number of virtuous knights from everywhere as household knights.214 While still living, his father caused him to be crowned as king, which afterwards was turned to his own disadvantage. Another son was Richard, a most fierce knight, to whom his father (while still living) gave the duchy of Aquitaine for his possession. Accordingly, Richard was called the count of Poitiers.215 The third son was Geoffrey, a virtuous and

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(1138–9, 1147–9). She was known for her piety, retiring to the convent of Bethany in Jerusalem about 1157: Nicholas, ‘Countesses as Rulers in Flanders’, pp. 121–3; Phillips, ‘The Murder of Charles the Good’, pp. 60, 72–3; J. Riley-Smith, The Crusades: A Short History (London, 1987), p. 108; Richard, The Crusades, pp. 176–7. Fulk (d. 1143) married Mélisende, daughter of King Baldwin II of Jerusalem (d. 1131), succeeding as king: J. Riley-Smith, ‘King Fulk of Jerusalem and the “Sultan of Babylon” ’, Montjoie: Studies in Crusade History in Honour of Hans Eberhard Mayer, ed. B. Z. Kedar et al. (Aldershot, 1997), pp. 55–7, 64; H. E. Mayer, ‘The Wheel of Fortune: Seignorial Vicissitudes under Kings Fulk and Baldwin III of Jerusalem’, Speculum 65:4 (1990), pp. 860–77; S. Lambert, ‘Queen or Consort: Rulership and Politics in the Latin East, 1118–1228’, Queens and Queenship in Medieval Europe, ed. A. J. Duggan (Woodbridge, 1997), pp. 155–9; H. E. Mayer, ‘Studies in the History of Queen Melisende of Jerusalem’, DOP 26 (1972), pp. 95–182; Richard, The Crusades, p. 80; Riley-Smith, The Crusades, p. 74; Mayer, The Crusades, p. 82. Gilbert has identified the son’s name erroneously. Fulk’s sons were Baldwin (who succeeded as King Baldwin III) and Amalric (who succeeded his brother as king in 1163): Riley-Smith, The Crusades, pp. 74–5; Richard, The Crusades, p. 80; Mayer, The Crusades, pp. 91–2, 116. Geoffrey le Bel Plantagenet, count of Anjou (1128–51), married (Empress) Matilda, daughter of King Henry I of England, their sons were Henry, Geoffrey and William: Hallam and Everard, Capetian France, pp. 67, 153–4; J. Gillingham, The Angevin Empire, 2nd edn (London/New York, 2001), pp. x, 8–18; R. Helmerichs, ‘Norman Institutions or Norman Legal Practices? Geoffrey le Bel and the Development of the Jury of Recognition’, HSJ 10 (2001), pp. 81–94. King Henry II of England (1154–89), duke of Normandy (1150–89), count of Anjou (1151–89), in 1152 married Eleanor of Aquitaine, who was divorced from King Louis VII of France. Gilbert mistakenly identifies Henry II’s grandfather Henry I as his uncle. For a selection of the vast literature on Henry II: W. L. Warren, Henry II (Berkeley/Los Angeles, 1973); E. Amt, The Accession of Henry II in England: Royal Government Restored, 1149–1159 (Woodbridge, 1993); Gillingham, The Angevin Empire, pp. 17–40; EMA, I, pp. 663–4. For Eleanor of Aquitaine: B. Wheeler and J. C. Parsons, eds, Eleanor of Aquitaine: Lord and Lady (Basingstoke/New York, 2002); J. Martindale, ‘Eleanor of Aquitaine: The Last Years’, King John: New Interpretations, ed. S. D. Church (Woodbridge, 1999), pp. 137–64; J. Martindale, ‘Eleanor of Aquitaine’, Richard Coeur de Lion in History and Myth, ed. J. L. Nelson (London, 1992), pp. 17–50; EMA, I, pp. 474–5. Their daughters were Marie and Alix, see c. 50. Henry ‘the young king’ (d. 1183). King Richard I Lionheart (1189–99): J. Gillingham, Richard I (New Haven, 1999); R. V. Turner, ‘Good or Bad Kingship? The Case of Richard Lionheart’, HSJ 8 (1999), pp. 63–78; J. Gillingham, Richard

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generous knight, a gentle man, who obtained Brittany through marriage, and for this reason he was named the count of Brittany.216 The fourth son was John, who was called ‘Lackland’.217 One of the daughters was married to the king of Spain.218 Another was married to Henry duke of Saxony, the most powerful of all dukes, and almost the most proud and cruel of all men.219 He had from her a virtuous and vigorous son, Henry. Frederick, emperor of the Romans, completely disinherited this Henry, who was a very powerful and wealthy duke and was a relative of the king of England. He took away his land with its honour, leaving only certain allods to him, namely Brunswick and Althaldensleben, and a land which is called New Land. Two sons of the king of England, named Henry the young king and Richard, had two daughters of King Louis of France, whom he had had from Constance of Spain. Henry wed and crowned his fiancée, but Richard only pledged his fiancée, and kept her honourably, but never married her.220 When his father King Henry of England and his brother Henry the young king had died, Richard, who succeeded his father in the kingdom, was not afraid to return his pledged fiancée to her brother King Philip of France, and he married another woman.221 King Henry of England gravely oppressed all the conventual churches in his land, going against God and justice. For, when bishops or abbots had died, he held the bishoprics or abbeys for many years according to his will, he would not allow canons or monks to celebrate an election except by his will, nor would he allow them to choose someone unless the king himself

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Coeur de Lion: Kingship, Chivalry and War in the Twelfth Century (London, 1994); J. L. Nelson, ed., Richard Coeur de Lion in History and Myth (London, 1992); EMA, II, pp. 1236–7. Geoffrey, duke of Brittany (1166–86) through his marriage in 1166 to Constance, heiress to the duchy (d. 1201): J. A. Everard, Brittany and the Angevins: Province and Empire 1158–1203 (Cambridge, 2000), pp. 42–3, 93–45; J. Everard, ‘The “Assize of Count Geoffroy” (1185): Law and Politics in Angevin Brittany’, Expectations of the Law in the Middle Ages, ed. A. Musson (Woodbridge, 2001), pp. 53–65; G. Gouiran, ‘Bertran de Born et le comte Geoffrey de Bretagne’, Actes du premier congrès international de l’association internationale d’études occitanes, ed. P. T. Ricketts (London, 1987), pp. 229–41. John, king of England (1199–1216): S. D. Church, ed., King John; R. V. Turner, King John (London, 1994); J. C. Holt, Magna Carta, 2nd edn (Cambridge, 1992); W. L. Warren, King John (New Haven/ London, 1997); EMA, I, p. 772. Eleanor (1162–1214) married King Alphonso VIII of Castile. Matilda (1156–89) married Henry the Lion, duke of Saxony. There was also a third daughter, Joan (1165–99), who married firstly King William of Sicily, and secondly Count Raymond VI of Toulouse. Henry the young king married Marguerite in 1160, when he was five years old and she two years old. Her dowry was the vital and much disputed territory of the Vexin: Robert of Torigny, ed. Howlett, p. 208, ed. Delisle, I, p. 329; T. M. Jones, ‘The Generation Gap of 1173–74: The War between the Two Henrys’, Albion 5:1 (1973), p. 32. Richard was betrothed to Alix. The story of Alix is an odd one. She had been held at the English court from January 1169 to 1195, but Richard refused to marry her, apparently because his father had had sexual relations with her. Roger of Howden, III, p. 99, states that Alix had borne a son to Henry II. William the Breton, p. 89, relates that Henry II had imprisoned Alix in a tower and was suspected of having defiled her. Andreas of Marchiennes, p. 211, alludes to impropriety concerning Henry II and Alix, but considers it ‘unworthy to write words which are dubious and full of wind in a true history’. Gerald of Wales, p. 232, suggests that Henry II actually intended to divorce Eleanor of Aquitaine in order to marry Alix. The early fifteenth-century chronicler Thomas of Burton, Chronica monasterii de Melsa, ed. E. A. Bond, RS 43 (London, 1866), I, pp. 255–6, says that Alix had a stillborn daughter by Henry II. See also Warren, Henry II, pp. 119 n. 2, 611; Gillingham, Richard I, pp. 5, 82 and n. 24, 142. Richard married Berengaria, daughter of King Sancho VI of Navarre on 12 May 1191: Gillingham, Richard Coeur de Lion, pp. 119–39.

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had presented the man to them. When the counts or noblemen of his land died, the king possessed their lands, until young boys had been made knights through his favour and returned to their possessions. No nobleman was even allowed to exercise justice in his own land, except according to the will of the king. The king made many assaults of war on King Louis of France and his son Philip. St Thomas the glorious martyr, archbishop of Canterbury, opposed this king concerning the liberty of the Church. Therefore, the king possessed such great anger against him that, when the king was at Canterbury on a certain day, and the king was before all his own men, he made so much complaint against his mortal enemy, that some of the king’s dependant knights took up their arms, entered the monastery, and killed Thomas who was adorned with divine arms, while he was praying before an altar. God has done many glorious miracles on account of his merit.222 [49] In the time of Count Baldwin IV, son of Countess Yolende, the powerful and wealthy Count Raoul was in Vermandois, who assembled a great treasure in his days.223 He had a son, the young Raoul, and two daughters, namely Elisabeth and Eleanor. Philip, the most powerful, good and righteous count of Flanders, vigorous rector of churches, son of the glorious Count Thierry of Flanders and Countess Sibylle, daughter of the count of Anjou, married Elisabeth.224 As has been told above, Godfrey son of the oftmentioned count of Hainaut married Eleanor; and after Godfrey had died, she wed William count of Nevers; when William had died, she wed a virtuous and handsome knight, Matthew count of Boulogne, brother of the already mentioned Count Philip of Flanders.225 After Matthew had died, she wed Matthew count of Beaumont in France.226 When Raoul

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For a selection of the vast literature on Thomas Becket: F. Barlow, Thomas Becket (Berkeley, 1986); T. K. Keefe, ‘Shrine Time: King Henry II’s Visits to Thomas Becket’s Tomb’, HSJ 11 (1998), pp. 115–22; M. Staunton, ‘Thomas Becket’s Conversion’, ANS 21 (1998), pp. 193–211; A. Duggan, ‘John of Salisbury and Thomas Becket’, The World of John of Salisbury, ed. M. Wilks, SCH, Subsidia 3 (Oxford, 1984), pp. 427–38; The Correspondence of Thomas Becket, Archbishop of Canterbury, ed. A. J. Duggan, 2 vols (Oxford, 2000); C. Duggan, Canon Law in Medieval England: The Becket Dispute and Decretal Collections (London, 1982); EMA, II, pp. 1436–7. Count Raoul I of Vermandois (1117–52) was married firstly to Eleanor of Champagne (annulled), secondly to Petronilla (Alix), sister of Eleanor of Aquitaine (annulled), and thirdly to Laureta, daughter of Count Thierry of Flanders: M. Pacaut,‘Sur quelques données du droit matrimonial dans la seconde moitié du XIIe siècle,’ Histoire et société: mélanges offerts à Georges Duby (Aix-en-Provence, 1992), I, pp. 31–2; J. Dunbabin, France in the Making 843–1180, 2nd edn (Oxford, 2000), p. 218; L. Duval-Arnould, ‘Les aumônes d’Aliénor dernière comtesse de Vermandois et dame de Valois (+1213)’, Revue Mabillon 60:295–6 (Jan–June 1984), p. 397; Bur, La formation du comté du Champagne, p. 472; Grant, Abbot Suger of St.-Denis, pp. 149–50; Evergates, ‘Louis VII and the Counts of Champagne’, pp. 110–11; Hallam and Everard, Capetian France, pp. 157–8. Robert of Torigny, ed. Howlett, p. 220, ed. Delisle, I, pp. 348–9; G. M. Spiegel, Romancing the Past: The Rise of Vernacular Prose Historiography in Thirteenth-Century France (Berkeley, 1993), pp. 31–6. Dunbabin, France in the Making, p. 354, notes that the marriage of Count Philip to Elisabeth of Vermandois was a serious threat to the interests of the French royal house in the North of France. Their marriage contract: de Hemptinne, De Oorkonden, no. 182; Amplissima collectio, I, col. 851. Vanderkindere, La formation, I, p. 310, sets the date of Matthew of Boulogne’s and Eleanor’s marriage as about 1172, but Robert of Torigny, ed. Howlett, p. 246, ed. Delisle, II, p. 20, dates it to 1170. The marriage is mentioned in Flandria generosa, p. 327. Matthew III of Beaumont-sur-Oise (d. 1208) was grand chamberlain of France: R. Fawtier, The Capetian Kings of France: Monarchy and Nation (987–1328), trans. L. Butler and R. J. Adam (London,

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the most wealthy count of Vermandois had died, his small young son succeeded him in the county. Therefore, because of his youth and smallness, the custody of the land of Vermandois, along with its treasure gathered by his father, was entrusted to his faithful man, a venerable, vigorous and wise man, Ivo the abovementioned count of Soissons and lord of Nesle. When assaults of war were brought to that land from surrounding regions and by men of that county, Ivo manfully defended his lord’s land and did not convert the treasure entrusted to him to his own uses, but expended it only for the defence of his lord’s honour and inheritance.227 Raoul the young count of Vermandois began to grow ill and died young.228 After Raoul the young count of Vermandois had died, Count Philip of Flanders, who had the firstborn sister Elisabeth as his wife, obtained all of Vermandois and Valois. These possessions were: Saint-Quentin, Ribemont, Roupy, Boucly, Péronne, Athies, Cléry, Cappy, Roye, Chauny, Thourotte, Choisy, Ressons, Lassigny, Montdidier, the county of Amiens, Beauquesne (Philip was the first to build that castle); the homages of Guise, Lesquielles, Beauvoir, Gouy, Ham, Nesle, Bray, Ancre, Marchais, Villers (which is called ‘sandy’), Hangest, Pierrepont, Boves, Moreuil, Picquigny, Breteuil (which Raoul count of Clermont possessed), Bulles (which the most virtuous knight William of Merlo, a noble man and vigorous undertenant, possessed), Poix, Milly, Marle and Vervins (and although these allods belonged to the nobleman Raoul, the aforesaid lord of Coucy, who hated Count Philip, the aid and justice of the king of France failed him and he received those lands in fief from the count). Count Philip had many other fiefs from the honour of Vermandois on the part of his wife Elisabeth: the land called Valois, namely Crépy, Morienval, Villers-Cotterets, Viviers, La FertéMilon, and many other good properties and homages. [50] In the time of the oftmentioned Count Baldwin, son of Countess Yolende, King Louis of France VII was reigning.229 He had as wife the duchess of Aquitaine, from whose part he had Aquitaine by hereditary right.230 He had two daughters from her, who were married to two of the most powerful brothers in France, namely Count Henry I of Champagne and Count Thibaut V of Blois.231

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1960), p. 112; Baldwin, Government of Philip Augustus, pp. 25, 32; Duval-Arnould, ‘Les aumônes d’Aliénor’, p. 402. BN MS lat. 11105, fol. 22v, and Brussels, KB II 1554, fol. 129r: insultus ipsi terre; Vanderkindere: insultus ipse terre. Raoul II of Vermandois (d. 1167) was a leper: Flandria generosa, p. 325; L. Duval-Arnould, ‘Les dernières années du comte lépreux Raoul de Vermandois (v. 1147–1167 . . .) et la dévolution de ses provinces à Philippe d’Alsace’, BEC 142 (1984), pp. 81–2. Louis VII (1137–80). BN MS lat. 11105, fol. 23r, and Brussels, KB II 1554, fol. 130r: comitis Balduini; Vanderkindere: comites Balduini. Louis married Eleanor of Aquitaine (d. 1204) on 25 July 1137: M. Hivergneaux, ‘Queen Eleanor and Aquitaine, 1137–1189’, Eleanor of Aquitaine, eds B. Wheeler, J. C. Parsons, pp. 55–6. Marie married Henry I the Liberal, count of Champagne (1152–81); Alix (also called Adelaide) married Thibaut V the Good, count of Blois (1152–91): P. Bourgain, ‘Aliénor d’Aquitaine et Marie de Champagne mises en cause par André le Chapelain’, CCM 29:1–2 (1986), pp. 29–36; T. Evergates, ‘Aristocratic Women in the County of Champagne’, Aristocratic Women, pp. 76–9; J. H. M. McCash, ‘Marie de Champagne and Eleanor of Aquitaine: A Relationship Reexamined’, Speculum 54 (1979), pp. 698–711; E.-R. Labande, ‘Les filles d’Aliénor d’Aquitaine: étude comparative’, CCM 29:1–2 (1986), pp. 101–5.

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Because of suggestions by treacherous and perfidious men, who did not wish their lord king of France to be so powerful (because he had obtained both France and Gascony), a divorce was made between them.232 King Louis married Constance, daughter of the king of Spain, a woman filled with every goodness. He had from her two daughters.233 When Constance died, for whom there was great mourning in France, King Louis married Adela (Alix), sister of the aforementioned counts, namely of Count Henry of Champagne and Count Thibaut of Blois, who had his daughters as wives.234 She was also the sister of Count Stephen and lord William (who was at first bishop of Chartres, then archbishop of Sens, and afterwards archbishop of Reims), and sister of the duchess of Burgundy, the countess of Bar-le-Duc and the countess of Perche. And so King Louis had a son Philip from Queen Adela, and a daughter who was married to an emperor of Constantinople.235 Philip, a most powerful king, had as wife Elisabeth, daughter of Count Baldwin V of Hainaut, the son, I say, of Count Baldwin and Countess Alix, as we will subsequently reveal more fully. [51] Count Thierry of Flanders had from his wife Sibylle sons and daughters, one of whom was Philip the most powerful count of Flanders and Vermandois, another was Count Matthew of Boulogne, who acquired the county of Boulogne from the part of his wife. For when the county of Boulogne was vacant, because there appeared to be no heir for it, it was arranged through the consideration of the men of that land that a certain lady, who had assumed the habit of religion, was called to take up the dignity of the county, since she seemed to be the closest heir.236 Matthew married her and possessed the county of Boulogne from her part, and had two daughters from her, namely Ida, who held the county of Boulogne after her father, and at first wed Gérard count of Gueldre, then Duke Berthold of Zähringen, and afterwards Renaud count of Dammartin in France, and Mathilde whom Duke Henry of Louvain had as wife.237 And when Matthew had received these two daughters from his wife, it

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Their divorce was pronounced by a council at Beaugency on 21 March 1152: Hivergneaux, ‘Queen Eleanor’, p. 62. Louis wed Constance (d. 1160), daughter of King Alphonso VII of Castile, in 1154. Their daughters were Marguerite and Alix. It is curious that Louis apparently had two living daughters named Alix, by different wives. However, the first Alix, by Eleanor of Aquitaine, may have been called Adelaide. After the death of Constance, Louis very quickly wed Adela of Champagne (d. 1206) in the same year, as he was desperate to produce a male heir. It is interesting to note how blatantly the marriages of Louis’ daughters violated canonical rules of affinity, as his marriage to Adela created close affinity between Marie and Alix and Adela’s brothers, Henry I and Thibaut V. Agnes married in 1180 firstly Emperor Alexius II Comnenus of Constantinople (1180–3), secondly Emperor Andronicus I Comnenus (1183–5), thirdly Theodore Branas. In 1159 or 1160, the county of Boulogne experienced a succession crisis when Count William Longsword died without heir. His closest relative, his sister Marie, was a professed nun and abbess of Romsey in Hampshire in England. A great scandal occurred when she left (or was taken from) the abbey to marry Matthew of Flanders: L. Napran, ‘Marriage and Excommunication: The Comital House of Flanders’, Exile in the Middle Ages, eds L. Napran and E. van Houts (Turnhout, 2004), pp. 74–6. Ida (d. 1216) married firstly Count Gérard III of Gueldre (d. 1182), secondly in 1183 Duke Berthold IV of Zähringen (d. 1186), thirdly in 1190 Count Renaud of Dammartin-en-Goële (count of Dammartin 1201–12, count of Boulogne 1191–1212, d. 1227) against the wishes of her uncle Count Philip of Flanders: Ralph of Coggeshall, Chronicon anglicanum, ed. J. Stevenson, RS 66 (London, 1875), p. 10; H. Malo, Un grand feudataire Renaud de Dammartin et la coalition de

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pleased this lady, who had made a vow to God, to return to her church absolutely. Matthew, who possessed that county because of the smallness of his daughters, married another wife, namely Eleanor, daughter of Count Raoul of Vermandois, sister of Countess Elisabeth of Flanders. Matthew was mortally wounded in a war between the king of France and the king of England, in the siege of the castle of Driencourt.238 His widowed wife Eleanor wed Matthew count of Beaumont. Eventually, after suffering many injuries, she possessed the land which is called Valois and Saint-Quentin and part of Vermandois by hereditary right. Count Thierry of Flanders had a third son, namely Peter (who was at first elected to Cambrai, then was made a knight, as we have said above) and daughters, one of whom, named Gertrude, at first wed the count of Maurienne, and afterwards the noble man Hugh of Oisy, and finally, having assumed religious habit, died consecrated to God in the church of Messines.239 One of these daughters clung to God alone, choosing him as her bridegroom, and assumed the habit of religion in the monastery of Fontevrault.240 Count Baldwin V of Hainaut, son of Count Baldwin and Countess Alix, had as wife a third daughter, namely Marguerite, who was enriched with knowledge and all honesty of character, from whom he had sons and daughters, as subsequently it will be sufficiently declared concerning their grandness, through the knowledge of the present writings. [52] In the days of the oftmentioned Count Baldwin, son of Countess Yolende, a nobleman in Brabant, his faithful man, Hugh of Enghien, a powerful undertenant, father of Goswin, Engelbert, Sohier and Boniface, constructed a castle with ditch, wall and tower in the town of Enghien, which he held from the count of Hainaut as liegeman. Against his fidelity, he received this castle in fief from the duke of Louvain. Therefore, because of this castle, many losses happened to the count’s land in the wars which the count had against the duke. Yet Baldwin V son of that Count Baldwin, count of Flanders and Hainaut and marquis of Namur, later knocked down that castle.241

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Bouvines: contribution à l’étude du règne de Philippe Auguste (Paris, 1898), pp. 33–7; E. Belot, ‘Histoire des comtes de Boulogne (XI-XIIIe s.): 3-Renaud de Dammartin, le “félon” magnifique’, Les Cahiers du Vieux Boulogne 40 (1997), pp. 16–18; Baldwin, Government of Philip Augustus, pp. 81, 200–1; J. L. Kupper, ‘La politique des ducs de Zähringen entre la Moselle et la mer du Nord dans la seconde moitié du XII siècle’, MA, 4th ser., 27:3–4 (1972), p. 450, notes that Ida’s second husband has sometimes been misidentified at Berthold V. Mathilde (d. by 1213) married Duke Henry I of Brabant (1190–1235): J.-L. Kupper, ‘Mathilde de Boulogne, duchesse de Brabant (+1210)’, Femmes, pp. 233–55; their marriage contract: A. Wauters, ed., ‘Analectes de diplomatique’, BCRH, 4th ser., 7 (1880), pp. 135–7; A. Miraeus and J. F. Foppens, eds, Opera diplomatica et historica, 2nd edn (Brussels, 1723), I, pp. 106–7. Matthew was Eleanor’s third husband, see c. 49. She was previously married to Godfrey of Hainaut (see c. 34) and William IV of Nevers. Matthew was killed by a crossbow bolt while supporting Henry the young king’s rebellion against his father Henry II of England: Ralph of Diceto, I, p. 373; Gervase of Canterbury, p. 246; Roger of Howden, II, p. 49; Warren, Henry II, p. 127. See also c. 73. Gertrude married firstly Humbert III of Maurienne (Savoie) shortly after 1153, but was repudiated and held captive by him. She obtained freedom through the intervention of Robert provost of Aire: Anonymous of Laon, p. 448. Her second marriage to Hugh III of Oisy after 1158 was annulled, and she entered the abbey of Messines: Napran, ‘Marriage and Excommunication’, p. 73. Mathilde. See c. 178.

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[53] In the days of the oftnamed Count Baldwin, son of Countess Yolende, it pleased many kings, archbishops and bishops, dukes and counts, other nobles of whatever status and many men, to take up the sign of the Cross of the Lord, and to take the road to Jerusalem to weaken the heathens’ strength and to augment the Christians’ strength. At that same time and in that same county Conrad king of the Romans travelled to Constantinople and the Bosporus with Louis the aforesaid king of France and with many princes of Germany and France.242 But because they had many of their wives with them and women of every status in their county came along, they did not advance in a sensible or regular order and did no good.243 In that county, Frederick duke of Swabia, a young knight, is said to have prevailed in arms before all others in front of Damascus. [54] Also in the days of the oftnamed count, after Conrad king of the Romans had died, the princes of Germany assembled to elect a new emperor for themselves, as it is the law and custom, in a town above the river Main which is called Frankfurt. Yet, because so many great princes disagreed about the election of such a great honour, by common consent and counsel they appointed four very powerful princes concerning this election. One of them was Frederick, the aforesaid duke of Swabia, nephew of the abovementioned King Conrad. Frederick flourished above others in war and in courage. All four of these men, to whose disposition the imperial election had been entrusted, yearned for the height of this majesty. Frederick was astute and vigorous, and speaking secretly to each of his companions, caused each of them to strive for the Empire, promising the Empire to each of them if these three would entrust the whole election to him alone. Therefore, the three placed the entire election on the fourth man, Frederick duke of Swabia, after he had given securities by faith and oath. When all the other princes had been summoned (who had appointed and had, accordingly, given faith), the three declared that they had yielded the entire election to the duke of Swabia alone. With everyone listening and not contradicting, Frederick said that he was born of the blood of emperors and that he knew no one better to rule the Empire, and therefore he chose himself for the height of such great majesty. Therefore, many who had esteemed him rejoiced with greater joy. Certain men grieved because of envy and avarice, but they could not oppose the election by any means. Frederick, who had come with foresight to the assembly of the election with 3,000 armed knights, went to the city of Speyer with

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The Second Crusade (1145–9). King Conrad III of Germany (1138–52): R. Hiestand, ‘ “Kaiser” Konrad III, der zweite Kreuzzug und ein verlorenes Diplom für den Berg Thabor’, Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters 35:1 (1979), pp. 82–126; J. P. Phillips, ‘Papacy, Empire and the Second Crusade’, Medieval History new ser. 1:1 (2002), pp. 21–9; R. Hiestand, ‘Kingship and Crusade in Germany’, England and Germany in the High Middle Ages, eds A. Haverkamp and H. Vollrath (Oxford, 1996), pp. 235–65. The presence of women on this crusade was considered detrimental, particularly because of rumours that King Louis’ wife Eleanor of Aquitaine had an affair with her uncle Raymond prince of Antioch: John of Salisbury, The Historia Pontificalis of John of Salisbury, ed. and trans. Marjorie Chibnall, OMT (London, 1956; rpt Oxford, 1986), pp. 52–3; William of Tyre, II, p. 180; Mayer, The Crusades, p. 102; Richard, The Crusades, p. 165; Riley-Smith, The Crusades, p. 102; P. McCracken, ‘Scandalizing Desire: Eleanor of Aquitaine and the Chroniclers’, Eleanor of Aquitaine, eds Wheeler and Parsons, pp. 247–50. BN MS lat. 11105, fol. 23v: ipsi non sano; Vanderkindere: ipse non sano.

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haste. There he caused himself to be crowned as king, so that no one could resist him further. Then, crowned, he came to the palace at Aachen, where he wore the royal crown, and a little later, when he found the time, he came to Rome and was invested with the imperial crown.244 He married a wife from Burgundy, from whose part he obtained the city of Besançon and a great part of Burgundy, and had from this wife sons, Henry emperor of the Romans and king of Sicily, Frederick duke of Swabia, Otto count palatine, Conrad duke of Rotenburg and Philip the clerk, about whose deeds we will speak in subsequent writing.245 This Frederick emperor of the Romans increased the properties of his empire very greatly and subdued rebellious cities in Italy to his will by much effort. This emperor, because he had sustained many great efforts of war and great death of his men against Italy, was very anxious and constrained and went most often to his faithful man and relative Henry so that he might have help from him, the most powerful duke of Saxony, a cruel and fierce man, about whose wealth and power all who heard were amazed. When he denied help to him, the emperor, who ought to be above this, prostrated himself at his feet. But he persisted in his wickedness, and scorned to listen to his lord or to raise the prostrate man to his feet. Because of these and other accumulated injuries, the emperor handed him over to trial and he took away his land with its honour. Although it seemed that the duke could not by any means be expelled by strength of men from such a vast and spacious land and from so many great and strong castles, he was, nevertheless, shackled by his sins, burdened by the hatred of his men and remained disinherited absolutely by the lord emperor. The lord emperor distributed his properties to many princes.246 [55] In the year of the Lord 1168 during the vigil of Easter, the oftmentioned Count Baldwin and Countess Alix were at Valenciennes with their daughters, namely Yolende countess of Soissons and lady of Nesle, Agnes lady of Coucy and the widowed Laureta, and their sons Baldwin and Henry, and they ordained their son Baldwin as a knight with honour and joy. This matter was fulfilled then 244

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Frederick I Barbarossa, duke of Swabia (1147–90), king (1152–90), emperor (1155–90): P. Munz, Frederick Barbarossa: A Study in Medieval Politics (London, 1969); W. Georgi, Friedrich Barbarossa und die auswärtigen Mächte: Studien zur Aussenplitik (1159–1180) (Frankfurt am Main, 1990); EMA, I, pp. 571–2. Frederick married firstly Adela of Vohburg (annulled 1153); secondly Beatrice, daughter of Count Renaud III of Burgundy, on 11 June 1156. Their sons: Henry VI, king (1169–97), emperor of the Romans (1190–7); Duke Frederick of Swabia (1170–91); Conrad duke of Rotenburg (1188–96), duke of Swabia (1191–6); Otto count palatine of Burgundy (1190–1200); Philip bishop elect of Würzburg (1191), duke of Spoleto (1193–1208), duke of Swabia (1196–1208), king (1198–1208). Henry the Lion, duke of Saxony (d. 1195). Frederick’s prostration before Henry took place in late January or early February 1176. K. Jordan, Henry the Lion: A Biography, trans. P. S. Falla (Oxford, 1986), pp. 160–82, notes that Henry probably denied help to Frederick because the emperor refused to enfeoff him with the wealthy city of Goslar as the price for his aid. The emperor feared Henry’s excessive power and prestige. At the diet at Würzburg in January 1180, Henry was deprived of his duchies and Imperial fiefs. The duchy of Saxony was divided into two sections, one part being given to the see of Cologne, the other to Bernard of Anhalt who became duke of Westphalia and Engern. See also Haverkamp, Medieval Germany, pp. 233–9; B. Arnold, ‘Henry the Lion and his Time: Lordship and Representation of the Welf Dynasty 1125–1235’, JMH 22:4 (1996), pp. 379–93; J. Luckhardt and F. Niehoff, eds, Heinrich der Löwe und seine Zeit: Herrschaft und Repräsentation der Welfen 1125–1235. Katalog der Ausstellung Braunschweg 1995, 3 vols (Munich, 1995).

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which the count had wished for a long time, because it had previously been unheard for many years past that any of the counts of Hainaut would have seen a son made a knight or a daughter married to one.247 Baldwin, on the second day after the eighth day of Easter, with many knights who flourished in Hainaut at that time, tourneyed at Maestricht, where the most virtuous knight Walter of Honnecourt, father of Walter, was killed. In those days of Easter, when the oftmentioned Count Baldwin made a delay at Valenciennes with his wife and his aforesaid sons and daughters, and the bedrooms of the great palace were completed, while the workmen laboured to finish the greater palace, on a Sabbath day, the oftmentioned Count Baldwin and his son Baldwin the new knight inspected the new work, with virtuous knights, namely Baldwin of Tosny and Geoffrey surnamed Tuelasne, and the prudent man Louis of Fresnes, with other knights and servants. A large thick new beam broke under their feet and it was amazing from what a height they fell. The lord count languished for a long time with a broken leg. His son Baldwin the new knight recovered quickly with a dislocated arm; but their companions, the aforesaid vigorous knights, languished with smashed limbs. While the count was languishing at Valenciennes from the wound to his limb, his wife Alix, a most religious woman, attentive to divine obedience and the giving of alms, began to grow ill there, and returned her spirit to God. Her body was carried to Mons and is buried in the monastery of Blessed Waudru in the crypt of St John the Baptist. Therefore, the lord count ordained that a priest, who would celebrate divine services for her soul, would have fifteen measures of arable land in the territory of Noirchin. [56] The oftmentioned Count Baldwin, son of Countess Yolende, changed the order of secular canons at Valenciennes of the church of St John the Baptist, whose installation belonged to him personally, to an order of regular canons and, transferring them from their institution, completed an abbey for them. Adhering to good works, they had favour and familiarity with the son of this same count and his wife Marguerite, and they increased the goods of their church by living honestly. [57] Baldwin the new knight heard that many thieves and robbers remained in Hainaut, who had the trust of many powerful men to whom they were kin by bloodline, who did not hesitate to live by evil works. Baldwin searched for them everywhere, and seized those infamous men as captives, hanging some, burning others with fire, drowning some in water, burying others alive, showing mercy to

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During the twelfth century, the social status of nobles and knights was gradually fusing together, and knighting of young noblemen became a ceremony marking the entrance to manhood: Bouchard, ‘Strong of Body’, pp. 13, 23–4; B. Bedos-Rezak, ‘Medieval Seals and the Structure of Chivalric Society’, The Study of Chivalry: Resources and Approaches, eds H. Chickering and T. H. Seiler (Kalamazoo, 1988), p. 330; J. Flori, L’essor de la chevalerie XIe-XIIe siècles (Geneva, 1986), pp. 224–8; W. H. Jackson, ‘Knighthood and Nobility in Gislebert of Mons’s “Chronicon Hanoniense” and in Twelfth-Century German Literature’, Modern Language Review 75 (1980), pp. 799–803, 807–8. Jackson, pp. 798–9, suggests that knighting of comital sons had been unheard of previously because counts of Hainaut had died before their young sons could be made knights.

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none of them on account of their lineage.248 Baldwin the new knight sought tournaments everywhere and attached himself to whatever virtuous knights and companions and household knights of great name that he could.249 Because he and his father and their men often experienced hate, rancour and threats from the most powerful count of Flanders and Vermandois and his men, among other tournaments which Baldwin sought, it happened that Count Philip of Flanders and Vermandois invited men of France to come against him at a tournament between Gournay and Ressons. Baldwin heard that the count of Flanders was coming to that tournament in great strength with many men, namely virtuous knights, mounted sergeants and footsoldiers. Although it was the custom in named tournaments for knights of Hainaut to be on the side of the Flemings and men of Vermandois, nevertheless Baldwin, as he had virtuous knights with him, crossed over to the side of the French where there were few men, because of the bitterness which he had against the count of Flanders and his men. He resisted the count of Flanders and his great strength manfully. The count of Flanders was enflamed with tremendous anger and began to attack the ranks of the men of France and Hainaut with his men, both mounted and on foot, most violently as if for the purpose of battle.250 A knight most virtuous and fierce in arms, a household knight of Baldwin, namely Geoffrey surnamed Tuelasne, perceived imminent injury to his lord Baldwin and his men. Attacking the count of Flanders with a powerful lance, with a blow which is vulgarly called ‘from the lance-buffer’, he struck him in the middle of his chest.251 His men crowded around him and held him on his horse, and he remained as if dead for a long time. In this conflict the count of Flanders, as is asserted by many men, was captured and detained, but with the permission of a virtuous knight, namely Gilles of Aulnois, it is said that he escaped. Thus Baldwin, along with the French, obtained victory against the Flemings. [58] In those days Count Henry of Namur and Luxembourg was not afraid to go against the sworn promise which he had confirmed with Baldwin the oftmentioned count of Hainaut, his wife Alix and their son Baldwin concerning his possessions, as has previously been told sufficiently, because Henry had the desire to recover Maestricht (a town on the Meuse), which his mother Countess Ermesinde and Henry himself had mortgaged to the emperor for 1,600 silver marks. As a 248

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Jacques of Guise, p. 222, puts a lengthy and dramatic speech into Baldwin’s mouth, concerning evildoers who disgrace both their lineage and the knightly order. C. Gaier, ‘À la recherche d’une escrime décisive de la lance chevaleresque: le “coup de fautre” selon Gislebert de Mons (1168)’, Femmes, pp. 180–2, notes that Baldwin V was particularly distinguished during his participation in tournaments, mostly in the North of France. For tournaments in general: J. Vale, ‘Violence and the Tournament’, Violence in Medieval Society, ed. R. W. Kaeuper (Woodbridge, 2000), pp. 143–58; R. Barber and J. Barker, Tournaments, Jousts, Chivalry and Pageants in the Middle Ages (Woodbridge, 1989); M. Parisse, ‘Le tournai en France, des origines à la fin du XIIIe siècle’, Das Ritterliche Turnier im Mittelalter. Beiträge zu einer vergleich enden Formen- und Verhaltensgeschichte des Rittertums, ed. J. Fleckenstein (Göttingen, 1985), pp. 175–211. BN MS lat. 11105, fol. 26r, and Brussels, KB II 1554, fol. 147r: quasi ad bellum; Vanderkindere quasi ab bellum. Gaier, ‘À la recherche d’une escrime’, pp. 192–6, discusses the nature of a blow from the feltrum at length, concluding that Geoffrey did not couch the lance under his arm, but pressed it against the buffer at the front of the saddle, which would normally be used to couch the lance in a vertical position before battle.

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very old man he married Agnes, daughter of Henry the most noble count of Gueldre, a relative of the oftnamed Count Baldwin of Hainaut, because it had been granted in the matrimonial agreement and promised to Count Henry of Namur that the count of Gueldre would cause the emperor to restore Maestricht freely, by means of money paid to the emperor (although this agreement was never observed).252 The count of Namur had Agnes for four years, but never united with her in bed, and sent her back to her father. Afterwards, as we will tell subsequently, he received her again, which resulted in infinite troubles. [59] After the first year of Baldwin’s knighthood had passed, son of Count Baldwin and Countess Alix, with the counsel and harmonious consent of the men of Flanders and Hainaut, at the time of Easter in the month of April in the year of the Lord 1169, Baldwin married the most noble Marguerite, who was quite beautiful and adorned with every grace and goodness, sister of Count Philip of Flanders and Vermandois, Count Matthew of Boulogne and lord Peter the elect of Cambrai.253 Because his father Baldwin had previously had 200 pounds of money from the count of Flanders annually for an agreement concerning the castle of Douai (which Baldwin claimed), 300 pounds were added for that marriage, 500 pounds of money being assigned annually to Baldwin for the vineyard of Bapaume. An alliance was confirmed between the count of Flanders and the count of Hainaut by giving faith and touching sacred relics.254 Thus, the count of Flanders would help the count of Hainaut according to all his needs against all men, with the exception of his liege lord the king of France. The count of Hainaut would help the count of Flanders against all men, with the exception of his liege lord the bishop of Liège. O what a glorious contract of matrimony of such an illustrious man, a powerful and very wise prince, and such a noble matron, most graceful and prudent! God, seeing their faith from his height, has increased their properties and power greatly, and set them over all their neighbours in power and grace, and He gave them glorious offspring, namely sons and daughters, about whom we will tell much more in subsequent writing. Baldwin, after he had married Marguerite, while his father Count Baldwin of Hainaut was alive, was obedient to him so that he did not offend him in any way.255 [60] In that same year in the time of autumn, Henry the oftmentioned count of Namur and Luxembourg, engaged in war against Duke Godfrey of Louvain, a relative of the count of Hainaut, who had as wife the sister of Duke Henry of Limbourg, a relative of the count of Hainaut.256 Count Baldwin IV of Hainaut

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255 256

Henry the Blind married Agnes, daughter of Count Henry of Gueldre, in 1168. BN MS lat. 11105, fol. 26v, and Brussels, KB II 1554, fol. 149r: Marguerite is the sister of Theoderici comitis Flandrie, which must be a scribal error. and Brussels, KB II 1554 has correction of Philippi in margin by a later hand. Sigebert of Gembloux, p. 412, mentions this alliance. G. J. C. Snoek, Medieval Piety from Relics to the Eucharist: A Process of Mutual Interaction (Leiden/New York/Cologne, 1995), pp. 132–41, discusses the practice of taking oaths on relics, noting specifically that it was used in Flanders to seal promises of fidelity. Brussels, KB II 1554, fol. 149r lacks this line. Duke Godfrey III of Brabant/Louvain (1143–90) married Marguerite sister of Count Henry III of Limbourg (1170–1221).

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and his son Baldwin, as they had always done according to all his needs, offered their help to the count of Namur and remained with their assembled army at Écaussines. Although the count of Hainaut had 700 armed knights in his army, they were all from the land of Hainaut, with the exception of two mercenaries, namely Walter and Gérard of Sottegem. And so the count of Hainaut and his son Baldwin brought war and trouble to the duke of Louvain by helping the count of Namur, and led the count of Namur to an honest peace. [61] Baldwin produced a daughter by his wife Marguerite, Elisabeth of most glorious remembrance, who wed the most powerful King Philip of France, and became the most serene and religious queen of France and was most beloved by all.257 Her mother Marguerite bore her at Lille in Flanders in the month of April in the year of the Lord 1170. In this same year Baldwin of Tosny, a most virtuous knight, as we have said previously, departed from this life. [62] In that same year in the month of August, a tournament was proclaimed at Trazegnies, to which Baldwin son of the count of Hainaut came to tourney. But since Duke Godfrey of Louvain bore animosity against him, Baldwin had about 3,000 footsoldiers with him, so that he would be safer in the tournament. Duke Godfrey of Louvain came as if to battle with however many knights he could have, and with an army of armed men, about 30,000.258 Baldwin and his men, as they passed the hedged enclosure which is called Carnières, saw the tremendous strength of the duke, and retreated as quickly as they could. But since that forest was difficult to cross without the loss of many men, they prepared themselves for battle against the duke. Therefore, when the duke and his men rushed with the intent of harming Baldwin and his men, Baldwin assumed a vigorous spirit and descended from his horse above the water which is called Piéton, so that his men would not forsake him when they saw him on foot, but both knights and footsoldiers would be eager with him for battle. Baldwin with his troops manfully resisted the duke and his men who were approaching with arrogance and ferocity, and with God’s help he trounced them and put them to flight, captured many, and killed many by the strength of his few men. About 2,000 of the duke’s army were killed, about 6,000 were captured. It was as if none of Baldwin’s men were killed or captured. This victory brought joy and profit to his father Count Baldwin and to the men of Hainaut. It brought sorrow and harm to the duke of Louvain and the men of Brabant.259 [63] In the subsequent year of the Lord 1171 in the month of July, Marguerite, the wife of Baldwin, gave birth to a son at Valenciennes, namely Baldwin, who

257 258

259

See c. 94. BN MS lat. 11105, fol. 27r, and Brussels, KB II 1554, fol. 154r: Godfrey had tria milia men; Vanderkindere: triginta milia. 30,000 must be the correct figure because, a few lines later, Gilbert tells that 2,000 of the duke’s men were killed and 6,000 captured – impossible figures if he only started with 3,000 men. Lambert of Waterlos, p. 554, notes that the duke of Louvain was greatly dishonoured in this encounter, and that Gilles of Saint-Aubert distinguished himself particularly in the battle.

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held the counties of Flanders and Hainaut after his father and mother. While Marguerite was lying in Valenciennes giving birth, that town of Valenciennes was burned in its greater and better part by a particular fire, and thus about 4,000 homes were burned. [64] At that time Count Philip of Flanders had discussion and agreement with the illustrious Count Henry of Champagne (Henry had as wife the daughter of King Louis of France by his first wife, and the king had his sister as his third wife), and confirmed contracts of matrimony with him, so that Henry, the eldest son of this Henry, would have as wife Elisabeth, daughter of Baldwin and Marguerite of Hainaut, then an infant.260 Baldwin, the infant son of Baldwin and Marguerite, would have as wife Marie, daughter of Count Henry, when each would achieve marriageable age.261 If either of the sons should die before marriageable age, another surviving eldest son would succeed to the marriage. If either of the named daughters should die meanwhile, another surviving daughter would succeed to the marriage. After many oaths, these contracts were partly observed, but partly not, just as will be told in subsequent writing.262 [65] In that year in the time of autumn, Count Henry of Namur and Luxembourg was detained by his own liege men and neighbours, and was confined by the oppression of wars in the land of Luxembourg because he feared to leave the castle of Luxembourg in case the castle would be snatched from him by some treachery. His nephew Baldwin, son of the count of Hainaut, came at his own expense with 300 knights and as many mounted sergeants, and restored his land to his will. He besieged the castle of Bertringen, and he seized the besieged and gravely oppressed castle with siege engines set before it by the strength of his men, knocked it down, and devastated the lands of those who had opposed his uncle all the way to the city of Metz, taking booty and setting fire. In the army with Baldwin, there were most virtuous knights of great name, namely Jacques of Avesnes, Gilles of Saint-Aubert, Rasso of Gavre, and many other vigorous knights who flourished in Hainaut at that time. Then, rejoicing and unharmed, Baldwin returned to his father. [66] In that time and year, Baldwin the oftmentioned glorious count of Hainaut, son of Countess Yolende, was burdened with illness at Mons and, fearing his death was imminent and wishing to provide for the salvation of his soul, ordained that certain customs which he had in Mons and Valenciennes by his own right, which had become an oppression to all men living in those towns, should be abolished from oppression and changed into better customs. For in Valenciennes and in Mons, it had been the right and custom of the counts of Hainaut that, while they stayed in these towns on any visit, they would receive mattresses and necessary dishes of cooked food from the houses, which would be 260

261 262

Elisabeth was betrothed to the future Henry II of Champagne (1181–97). BN MS lat. 11105, fol. 27v: tunc parvulam; Vanderkindere after Brussels, KB II 1554, fol. 155r: tunc puellam. Marie of Champagne (1174–9 August 1204). See c. 123. Elisabeth of Hainaut did not marry Henry, but King Philip of France, see c. 94.

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carried to the court for the entire use of the lord counts and their court.263 Therefore, with the common consent of those towns, the oftmentioned Count Baldwin ordained that those towns would provide to the lord count of Hainaut mattresses necessary to him and dishes of cooked food. However, in Valenciennes, bowls ought to be supplied along with other dishes to the lord count.264 But in Mons, bowls need not be supplied to him. In Mons a townsman of that town ought to provide a bucket for the well of the castle, and the castellan ought to provide the rope. In Mons the houses of clerks, nuns and knights were exempted from the payment of mattresses and dishes of food, as well as the malthouse of Sainte-Waudru and the chamber of Saint-Germain, and of the two manors of the advocates, and of the house near the ditch running from the gate near SaintGermain to the gate which is called the Gate of the Forum. The houses of the sergeants who hold hereditary offices in the lord count’s court were also exempted. Thus, in Valenciennes the houses of clerks, knights and hereditary sergeants of the count were also exempted, and the manors in the place which is called the Château. While the count was detained by this same infirmity, he completely remitted certain vineyards at Marchipont and Denain. Burdened very much by this illness, he departed from this world. His body was buried in the monastery of Blessed Waudru before the greater altar with great wailing and lamentation by his men on the seventh day from the feast of All Saints in the year of the Lord 1171.265 [67] Baldwin V, son of the oftmentioned count, succeeded to the county of Hainaut with his wife Marguerite. The new count Baldwin, according to the counsel of his nobles and wise men, brought reconciliation for battles and mortal hatreds which had endured throughout many years between powerful men, namely those of Trith and those of Aulnois, although these men were unwilling. Concerning this matter, the new Count Baldwin, by the common consent and counsel of his men, ordained a peace in Hainaut and confirmed the holding of this peace both by his own oath and the oath of his greater men. In this peace it was declared that a man should be killed for a having killed a man, that is for

263

264

265

BN MS lat. 11105, fol. 28r, and Brussels, KB II 1554, fol. 158r: a domibus accipiebantur; Vanderkindere: a domibus burgensium et aliorum accipiebantur indifferenter. BN MS lat. 11105, fol. 28v, and Brussels, KB II 1554, fol. 158r: omits sed reliquie mensarum pauperibus ville provide sunt distribuende (‘but the remains of the meals ought to be provided for distribution to the paupers of the town’) which appears in Vanderkindere. The epitaph of Baldwin IV, now lost but preserved in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century manuscripts, is believed by Vercauteren to have been written by Gilbert, F. Vercauteren, ‘Gislebert de Mons, auteur des épitaphes des comtes de Hainaut Baudouin IV et Baudouin V’, BCRH 125 (1959), pp. 380, 388–95, 400–2: ‘Here rests Baldwin count of Hainaut whose ancestor was Baldwin of Hainaut who begot Baldwin of Jerusalem from Richilde. This Baldwin begot Baldwin, who was buried in this church before the choir, from Alix sister of Godfrey duke of Louvain. He begot from Yolende this Baldwin, a courageous and strong man, lover of justice and peace, humble towards the subdued, rebellious against enemies. He rebuilt this church of Sainte-Waudru burned for the third time, and also built the house of St Vincent of Soignies with lead, and encircled Mons with a wall and built the basilica of St Servais above the gate. In Valenciennes he erected a palace and walls around the town. In Beaumont he constructed walls around the tower, he built Binche, Le Quesnoy, Bouchain castle, Raismes, Ath from foundations and strengthened the towers and buildings. He died in the year of the Lord’s incarnation 1171, at the age of sixty-two, on the seventh of November. May he rest in peace, amen.’

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homicide; a limb should be cut off from the one who had cut off another’s limb. All these matters should be conducted not through law, but through truth.266 If anyone would absent himself concerning his evil deeds and did not wish to entrust himself to the virtue of this ordained peace, the defendant accused of evildoing ought to be judged, and he cannot acquire mercy anymore, except by the common consent of the lord count and the close relatives of the person against whom the evil deed was perpetrated. If any noble has killed any peasant or cut off a limb, the lord count can pardon him in paying by life or limbs. But he cannot have the peace of the lord count except by the consent of the close relatives of the person against whom the evil deed was perpetrated. Likewise, concerning fugitives who do not wish to come to the establishment of peace and act according to it, from presumption or fear, the relatives of these men ought to renounce them from their family, and so these relatives may remain in peace separate from the hatreds of the fugitives. Many other matters were arranged in the institution of this peace. [68] Count Baldwin, namely son of Count Baldwin and Countess Alix, accepted fidelities from his men, both noble and of servile condition. He esteemed peace and justice, and held the county of Hainaut manfully and with honour by many efforts and great expenses. God, giving him an abundance of grace, exalted him in a wonderful way in his acts and especially in increasing his goods. This count was always lavish in the giving of feasts and always provided his house with respectable and splendid foods. He fully recognised and restored hereditary offices to his hereditary servants, esteemed them and, whenever he had settled in any place, kept them with him freely. One should not be silent concerning his grand expenses, both in the celebration of great courts and in military exercises in battles and tournaments, and concerning the benefits conferred on virtuous knights, and that he always addressed his knights with soft and fitting words, and even when provoked by any anger, did not undertake any base or improper word against them. Although given to secular pleasures, he was also attentive to divine offices, namely by listening to masses and ecclesiastical hours. He was compassionate to the need of paupers and bestowed most generous alms on them from his own food. This new count first celebrated the solemnity of Christmas joyfully at Valenciennes with his wife Marguerite. There were 500 knights in his court, where the oftmentioned Gilles of Saint-Aubert, a man of great honesty and great reputation everywhere in the land, as the highest steward of Hainaut, arranged feasts and, along with him, knights and servants who held hereditary right in this office. When Gilles of Aulnois the highest butler of Hainaut had died, Arnoul, a nobleman from Landas, had married his wife and served wine as if he were the highest butler, and along with him, knights and servants who held hereditary right in this office. After this Christmas, Count Baldwin tourneyed with eighty knights between the castle of Bussy and the city of Châlons, and from there into the land of Brie in the place which is called Lizy-sur-l’Ourcq, and going there and returning with so many knights at his own expense, the count led them in the

266

That is, not by formal judicial procedure, but by inquest with testimony.

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space of one month. On the following Lent, the count went to Liège and did homage owed for Hainaut to the lord Raoul, bishop of Liège, his cousin.267 [69] After Easter in the year of the Lord 1172, the count continued to attend tournaments in Burgundy between Montbard and Rougemont with about 100 knights at his own expense. But the count of Nevers, in whose domain the castle of Rougemont was, had made a prohibition against tourneying for all those who were coming, and refused to provide hospitality to the count of Hainaut in his castle of Rougemont.268 Nevertheless, the count of Hainaut received hospitality in that castle despite the prohibition of the count of Nevers. On the next day the count of Hainaut had with him on his side five knights of his land, and on the opposite side a great many knights came with Henry duke of Burgundy in excessive arrogance, crowded about with footsoldiers.269 The count of Hainaut assumed a vigorous and prudent spirit, he arranged his squires and grooms as foot sergeants, furnishing those whom he could with arms for defence against many men. Thus, he resisted manfully the many knights assembled from the other side and defeated them. On his return he tourneyed at Rethel. And so he made a delay for five weeks coming and going at his own expense with about 100 knights. On the feast of Pentecost in that same year, Count Baldwin of Hainaut met Henry, lord king of England, who was also duke of Normandy and Aquitaine and count of Anjou, and did homage to him in return for having 100 marks sterling in great weight annually. Just as his father had been enfeoffed by that king and by his uncle King Henry of England, his fiefs to his men in Hainaut were acknowledged and reassigned by that king, namely: Eustace of Roeulx fifteen marks, Walter of Ligne ten marks, Amand of Prouvy ten marks, Henry of Braine ten marks, Robert of Carnières ten marks.270 Jacques of Avesnes was enfeoffed there by that king for thirty marks, through the intercession of the count of Hainaut. [70] In those days, this same King Henry of England, duke of Aquitaine and Normandy and count of Anjou, embraced his sons with great esteem and raised them to their own properties with all honour and placed them in charge by themselves. For he put aside the royal crown and caused his son Henry to be crowned, a most virtuous knight, most generous in faultless gifts, who attracted to his company whatever virtuous knights he could from any lands, and had as wife the daughter of King Louis of France.271 Of the entire land, King Henry II retained for himself the fruits and profits belonging to that kingdom, and kept for himself the administration of his son the new king. Afterwards his son was

267 268 269 270

271

Raoul of Zähringen, bishop of Liège (1167–91), was nephew of Baldwin V’s mother Alix. Count Guy of Nevers (1168–75). The duke of Burgundy was not Henry, but Hugh III (1162–92). These were ‘money fiefs’: Ganshof, Feudalism, pp. 114–15. P. Spufford, Money and its Uses in Medieval Europe (Cambridge, 1988), pp. 247–8, notes that money fiefs became quite common in the Low Countries in the late twelfth century. Gilbert mistakenly identifies Henry I of England as Henry II’s uncle, instead of his grandfather. Henry II did not actually set aside the crown, but rather caused his son Henry to be associated with him in government as young king: Warren, Henry II, pp. 110–11. See c. 48.

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not averse to rising up against his father, with the help of King Louis of France, wishing to drive his father from the kingdom. He had no success against his father, by his own efforts or those of his helpers, not because of the pressing merits of the father, but because of the impeding sins of the son. The aforesaid King Henry also assigned the duchy of Aquitaine to his second son Richard, who also set himself against his father at some time. He acquired the county of Brittany through marriage for his third son Geoffrey.272 [71] In the time of the following autumn in the year of the Lord 1172, Duke Henry of Limbourg, a relative of the count of Hainaut, by looting, pillaging and burning, had done evils against the uncle of the count, Count Henry of Namur and Luxembourg, and the duke usurped for himself, to the detriment of the count, the homages of certain castles belonging by right to Count Henry.273 The count of Namur desperately asked for the help of his nephew, the count of Hainaut, as he had been accustomed to do. The count of Hainaut brought immediate help to him of 340 knights and just as many mounted sergeants with chain mail and 1,500 chosen foot sergeants. With his uncle, he besieged the main castle of the duke of Limbourg, which is called Arlon, and devastated the land surrounding the duke by plundering and setting fires. The duke was not able to bear these forces, although they had already endured ten days of the siege of that castle with an abundance of bread, wine, meat and fish. He restored damages to the count of Namur and, freely and quietly, released absolutely those things which the count reclaimed from him. During that siege the count of Namur caused his noblemen and men of servile condition to renew the faiths and securities to the count of Hainaut, who was then his most beloved nephew, concerning his possessions to which he hoped to succeed, and oaths were given. Then the count of Hainaut, who had remained for the period of one month in these foreign regions at his own expense with the great many knights previously mentioned, and mounted and foot sergeants, returned to his own lands. There were in this army vigorous knights, namely: Jacques of Avesnes, Gilles of Saint-Aubert, Rasso of Gavre, Évrard Radou castellan of Tournai, Eustace the elder of Roeulx and Eustace his son, Charles of Fresnes and his son Gilles, John of Monchecourt, Amand of Prouvy, Pol of Villers, Walter of Lens and his son Eustace, Gilles of Chimay, Nicholas of Barbençon, Walter of Fontaine, Walter of Ligne, William of Haussy, Baldwin and Matthew sons of Adam of Walincourt, Gérard of Wattripont, Goswin of Enghien, Engelbert and Boniface his brothers, Hoel of Quiévrain, Baldwin of Strépy, Arnoul and Gérard of Landas, Régnier of Trith, Stephan of Denain nicknamed ‘the Sorcerer’, Geoffrey Tuelasne, William and Gérard brothers of the count (but not by the same mother), Nicholas of Péruwelz, Gérard of Bruyelle a most virtuous knight having only one hand, Hugh and Walter of Croix, and many other virtuous knights.

272

273

Henry II’s conflicts with his sons are well documented: Warren, Henry II, pp. 117–37, 583–98, 623–6; Everard, Brittany and the Angevins, pp. 132–42; Bartlett, England under the Norman and Angevin Kings, pp. 54–7; Gillingham, The Angevin Empire, pp. 34–40. See also c. 73. Henry III of Limbourg (1167–1221).

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[72] In that same year after the eighth day of Epiphany, Count Baldwin of Hainaut married his widowed sister Laureta (who was very beautiful and respected, and whom the nobleman Thierry of Alost had had as wife) to the nobleman Bouchard of Montmorency in France. Bouchard had from her a son Matthew and a daughter.274 [73] In the year 1173 following the Lord’s incarnation, Henry the aforesaid young king of England made war and serious hostility against his father with the help of King Louis of France. While the king of France brought his armies from the region of France against Normandy, Count Philip of Flanders and Vermandois, to help his lord the young king of England, rose up in great strength against his first cousin the elder king of England, entering Normandy and oppressing it heavily, he captured the castle of Aumale.275 Then he besieged the castle of Driencourt. In this siege his brother Count Matthew of Boulogne, a very handsome and virtuous knight who was most generous in giving gifts, received a lethal wound. He lived for a few days after receiving the wound, then he departed from the world.276 His death was blamed on the sins of his brother the count of Flanders, because the most powerful count of Flanders and Vermandois could have had great influence in arranging peace during the commotion of those wars. Then King Louis of France and Count Philip of Flanders besieged the city of Rouen with their forces, but had no success against Henry the elder king of England, who was an astute and vigorous man and capable with tremendous valour. When a peace had been confirmed between them, they released all his possessions to him freely and quietly, and they reconciled the son with the father.277 [74] The count of Hainaut wished to bring help during that war to his lord the king of England, from who he had ten marks annually in fief, because he was not in any way obligated in homage or affection to the king of France. He planned to cross secretly through the land of his brother-in-law the count of Flanders and Vermandois, and therefore took the road with his knights and arms, but they were challenged by an ambush in the territory of Bapaume by some Flemings, namely Hellin of Wavrin and others. Thus the count of Hainaut could not cross by any means. Before going on that journey, the count had begun to build a fortress in the town which is called Kivinia, which afterwards was named Beaufort, which was to the detriment of Jacques of Avesnes, but was not against his authority. Because Jacques knew that the count had gone on that journey, he thought that he would be delayed for a long time in foreign regions, and he demanded from the Countess Marguerite of Hainaut concerning this matter, to stop the

274

275 276 277

Bouchard V of Montmorency (d. 1189) and Laureta (d. 9 Aug 1181) married in 1173. Their son Matthew II died 24 Nov 1230; their daughter Alix married Simon of Montfort. For Laureta’s marriage to Thierry, see c. 35. See also c. 70. Philip of Flanders’ mother Sibylle was Henry II’s aunt. See c. 51. The siege of Rouen lasted from 22 July to 14 August 1174, peace was made on 30 September: Ralph of Diceto, pp. 385–7; Robert of Torigny, ed. Howlett, p. 265, ed. Delisle, II, p. 53; Gervase of Canterbury, pp. 249–50; Roger of Howden, II, pp. 65–7 (including text of peace between Henry II and his sons); Benedict of Peterborough, pp. 73–9 (also includes text of peace); Warren, Henry II, pp. 135–8.

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work which had begun, saying that it had been done absolutely against his authority. Yet the countess did not fail concerning the authority of the lord count, saying that the work had been undertaken according to the authority of her lord, who was absent, and she would complete it as best she could. Jacques departed from her and presumed to defy her. The countess summoned an army throughout Hainaut and came to Mauberge. The count of Hainaut, who could not cross to the king of England because of the ambushes and attacks of Flanders, returned to his own lands and came to Mauberge, where he found his wife the countess and her knights prepared in arms against Jacques.278 Jacques feared to come against the authority of his liege lord the count of Hainaut and his forces, and made peace with him. And so the count constructed a tower in the aforesaid place according to his authority, and named that place Beaufort, in the year of the Lord 1173. [75] In that same year in wintertime, Gilles of Saint-Aubert, a knight distinguished in both virtue and name, grew ill in his castle of Busigny. When his lord Count Baldwin of Hainaut visited him out of favour and affection, he received from the count the castle of Busigny in fief, which he had constructed and held from no one, with the consent of his eldest son Gérard, whom he had had from his first wife, the abovementioned Bertha, aunt of the count, and with the consent of his second son Gilles, whom he had had with his second wife Mathilde of Berlaimont.279 He gave this because he and his son Gilles made liege homage for this castle to the lord count at the same time, adding that fief of Berlaimont and the fief of the highest office of treasurer of Hainaut. In his illness, Gilles took upon himself the sign of the Cross of the Lord and with him, his son Gérard, and many virtuous knights who were companions of Gilles. [76] In the year of the Lord 1174 at Eastertime, lord Peter the abovementioned elect of Cambrai, at the wish and suggestion of his brother Count Philip of Flanders and Vermandois, put aside the bishopric and clerical order, and was made a knight. Afterwards he had as wife the widowed countess in the land of Nevers, as we have previously said, from whom he had a daughter, who later married Robert of Wavrin, the highest steward of Flanders, a virtuous knight.280 A prudent, powerful and vigorous man named Robert, born in the city of Chartres, succeeded to the episcopate.281 From a poor clerk, Count Philip of Flanders had made him very wealthy and powerful in Flanders and Vermandois. Although he obtained the provostships of nearly all of the churches in Flanders, yet he always had the name of provost of Aire. Robert was elected by the church of Cambrai, took the regalia from the lord Emperor Frederick of the Romans, and diligently began to examine the properties of the episcopate, concerning which a controversy had been raised between himself and Jacques of Avesnes. When he had been elected to the estate of the episcopate in the autumntime in Brabant, he wished 278 279 280 281

Nicholas, ‘Countesses as Rulers of Flanders’, pp. 113, 126. See c. 32. See c. 47. Robert died 1174 or 1175: Anonymous of Laon, p. 448; Nicholas, Medieval Flanders, p. 71.

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to cross Meslin, but because he was hesitant due to Jacques’s threats brought against him, he asked for safe conduct from the lord count of Hainaut. The lord count offered the nobleman Louis of Fresnes as an escort. While the elected man was crossing without any fear by Jacques’ castle Condé, servants of Jacques made an ambush against him, and he was foully killed by them on the descent of a bridge. When he heard this, the lord count of Hainaut, because it was to his dishonour and had been perpetrated in spite of his safe conduct and against the justice of his land, burned the town of Condé with fire, and besieged the castle, which had a very strong tower and walls at that time. At last it was surrendered into his hand according to his will. However, Jacques’ castles which belonged to the honour of Vermandois, namely Lesquielles and Guise, were returned to the count of Flanders because of the killing of his clerk, esteemed protégé and dependant. Yet Jacques had a swifter and milder peace from the count of Flanders than from the count of Hainaut.282 Lord Alard, archdeacon of the church of Cambrai in Hainaut, a mature and honest man, succeeded Lord Robert elect of Cambrai in the episcopate.283 In the same year at Christmas, the lord count of Hainaut summoned his court with his greater men at Mons. He had with him there a great many virtuous knights, about 350. There, although Gilles of Saint-Aubert had taken the sign of the Cross, as highest steward he administered feasts to the lord count. After he had accepted a handsome gift from the count to supplement his journey, he received permission for the pilgrimage from the count and everyone in the court. There Jacques received his castle of Condé from the lord count, with the condition imposed that it would be returned to the count according to his every wish. Gilles of Saint-Aubert died at sea on his pilgrimage. When Gérard his son, first cousin of the count of Hainaut, had completed his own pilgrimage, he returned and succeeded to the greater properties of his father.284 [77] Then in the year of the Lord 1175 in the month of August, a tournament between the city of Soissons and the castle of Braisne was proclaimed out of pride and arrogance against Count Baldwin of Hainaut, namely by the distinguished and most virtuous knights of Champagne and many from France.285 The count of Hainaut came to it with 200 knights and 1,200 chosen footsoldiers, and had on his side his two brothers-in-law, namely Raoul of Coucy and Bouchard of Montmorency, and with them Count Raoul of Clermont, a most virtuous knight. While the men of Champagne and France at Braisne, who were many in number and great in name, were disdainful and hesitant to depart, the count of Hainaut rode to the hill and vineyards of Braisne in an armed company and stayed there until the evening. Yet as the evening was approaching, everyone began to urge the count to withdraw from there, because no one could guess who might wish to oppose him. But he had confirmed his intention to remain there 282

283

284 285

Anonymous of Laon, pp. 448–9, notes that Count Philip besieged and utterly threw down the castle of Guise in revenge for the killing of Robert. Sigebert of Gembloux, p. 415, states that Jacques cleared himself of the death by an oath in court. Alard bishop of Cambrai (1175–8), was a man of advanced years when he took up the office: Anonymous of Laon, p. 449; Sigebert of Gembloux, p. 417. Gérard’s mother Bertha was the aunt of Baldwin V. Jacques of Guise, p. 228.

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all day and would keep the confirmed agreement to tourney. When evening was done and a great part of the knights had departed from the side of the count of Hainaut and had already come to Soissons, and the footsoldiers had already withdrawn and were in the middle of road and night had arrived, so that the count of Hainaut had taken the road to depart, the men of Champagne and France who were assembled on the side of Braisne began to go and follow the count of Hainaut. The count of Hainaut with the count of Clermont and a few armed men resisted many men, and when he had recalled his footsoldiers, with their strength he turned his adversaries to flight through valleys and vineyards, and defeated them gravely. Many of his adversaries and their footsoldiers were killed at the entrance of the town of Braisne and many were drowned in the water, and some of them were captured. And so the lord count of Hainaut had seized victory by night, for whom the clarity of the moon was quite useful, and he rejoiced and returned from there unharmed. [78] In those days Henry, brother of King Louis of France and of Count Robert of Braisne and Pierre of Courtenay, ruled as archbishop of Reims.286 He increased the properties of the church in many places. He constructed the castles of Septsaulx and Cormicy and the well-fortified house in Reims in the place which is called the Gate of Mars. He died in that same previously mentioned year. William archbishop of Sens succeeded him in the archbishopric of Reims, who was ruling both the archbishopric of Sens and the bishopric of Chartres, the brother, I say, of Queen Adela of France and of Count Henry of Champagne and Count Thibaut of Blois and Count Stephen. [79] In that same year Walter bishop of Laon renounced his episcopate because of debility of body.287 One of his nephews, Walter the treasurer of the church of Laon, was elected by a part of the chapter and was confirmed and consecrated by the highest pontiff, but died on his return from the Roman court. Because of this, lord Roger, brother of Renaud of Rozoy, first cousin of the oftmentioned count of Hainaut, was promoted through the intercession, great industry and effort of the count of Hainaut to that episcopate. Roger was ejected from this episcopate after his election and consecration and his relatives would have incurred great injuries except that the wisdom of the count of Hainaut was useful to them and his forces aided them greatly against King Louis of France, as will be told more fully its place in subsequent chapters.288 [80] In that same year conflicts had arisen between the count of Hainaut and his liegeman and relative Jacques of Avesnes concerning injuries which Jacques

286

287

288

Henry, archbishop of Reims (1161–75), son of King Louis VI of France: J. P. Phillips, ‘Archbishop Henry of Reims and the Militarization of the Hospitallers’, The Military Orders, 2: Welfare and Warfare, ed. H. Nicholson (Aldershot, 1998), pp. 83–8; T. R. Greene, ‘Henry of Rheims and Becket’s Exile’, ACi 30:1 (1974), pp. 54–65. Walter of Mortagne, bishop of Laon (1155–74). Gilbert erroneously says that he renounced the see, such a renunciation had been done by Bishop Barthélemy (1113–50). Roger of Rozoy, bishop of Laon (1174–1201, d. 1207), see c. 84.

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seemed to attribute to the lord count. Therefore, summoning Jacques to his authority, the lord count required him to return the castle of Condé to him just as he had agreed. Jacques devised many deceitful pretexts and empty subterfuges concerning this, at last he refused outright to return that castle to him. The lord count entrusted what ought to be done to the judgement of his faithful men, namely Jacques’ peers and other nobles. Thus it was judged that Jacques held no further authority in his castle, unless he could obtain it by the lord count’s favour and will. After many truces arranged by Count Philip of Flanders, who very often solicited the count of Hainaut with pleas on Jacques’ behalf, the count of Hainaut summoned an army at the end of Easter in the year of the Lord 1176, not against the aforesaid castle, but against the greater and better part of Jacques’ land, namely against Avesnes, and began to attack Jacques severely. So that his army could more easily cross the forest which was called Hay of Avesnes, he cut it by the strength of his men so that 100 men at the front could cross without hindrance. Jacques was on the opposite side with his forces, assembled of many knights from France and from his own land and many places, as well as other mounted and footsoldiers, and he saw this and did not dare to engage with the lord count of Hainaut. Because Jacques could not hold back the forces of his lord count, he asked for his mercy, falling prostrate at the feet of the armed count, and returned the castle of Condé to his will. The merciful lord count received that castle from his man and knocked it down, but restored to him the town and granted peace.289 His uncle Count Henry of Namur and Count Raoul of Clermont in France were in this army with the count of Hainaut. [81] In that same year in the time of autumn, quarrels began between Jacques of Avesnes and the most powerful Count Philip of Flanders and Vermandois, and Count Philip demanded that Jacques should return to him castles belonging to the county of Vermandois, which Jacques held from him, namely Guise and Lesquielles. And when he refused to return those castles to him, the count of Flanders and Vermandois besieged the castle of Guise with his forces. The count of Hainaut, as it has been said previously, was allied with the count of Flanders and Vermandois and, in his aid, he besieged the castle of Lesquielles with his army. Jacques acted very cleverly concerning the custody of his other castles which he held from the count of Hainaut, namely Avesnes and Landrecies and Leuze: he entrusted their custody to the count of Hainaut, as if they were his liege fiefs. The count of Hainaut received these castles, and preserved them faithfully until he restored them to Jacques according to Jacques’ wish. The count came to the aid of the count of Flanders with his forces and siege engines, and seized the castle of Lesquielles and, by the wish of the count of Flanders, knocked down its great tower built on the higher motte. Finally the castle of Guise, which had been besieged by the count of Flanders for a long time, was restored to him, which afterwards the count of Flanders returned intact to Jacques.290

289 290

Sigebert of Gembloux, p. 415. Sigebert of Gembloux, p. 415.

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[82] In the year of the Lord 1177 Count Philip of Flanders and Vermandois took the sign of the Lord’s Cross and, when he had assembled his barons at Lille, caused his men of Flanders to give faith and securities concerning the possession of the inheritance of Flanders to Count Baldwin of Hainaut and his wife Countess Marguerite as rightful and closest heirs, because he lacked a heir of his body, and his brothers Matthew and Peter had died. His sister granted it also, a nun in the church of Messines, whom the count of Savoie had as wife first, and the nobleman Hugh of Oisy had afterwards. When these securities had been completed, the count of Flanders, having set his land in order and handed over custody of his faithful men, departed to Jerusalem with many virtuous men.291 [83] In that same year, when lord Alard bishop of Cambrai had died, dissent arose in the church of Cambrai concerning the episcopal election. The lord count of Hainaut worked skilfully for his first cousin Geoffrey of Tosny, an honest and quite learned man, to have him promoted to that episcopate.292 On the other hand, a nobleman who was powerful in the region of Cambrai, Hugh of Oisy, who held from the count of Hainaut two castles belonging in liege fief to the count of Hainaut, namely Crèvecoeur and Arleux, directed his efforts by whatever means he could on behalf of his brother Peter, archdeacon of this same great church, so that he might acquire this dignity. In this conflict, lord Roger of Wavrin acquired the help of the count of Hainaut for himself, and was elected and consecrated in the episcopate of Cambrai. Afterwards he died in the aid of the Lord’s tomb in overseas regions.293 [84] In that same year lord Roger bishop of Laon, with what army he could assemble, and with his friends summoned to arms, attacked his own land which is called Laon against the men of this same land who had made a commune supported by royal power against the church of Laon. There he found the men of that land prepared for defence against him with some men of the lord king of France, namely the communes of Soissons and Vailly and the men of SaintMédard. He attacked them manfully and defeated them quickly, capturing many and killing many. Therefore the bishop incurred the offence of King Louis of France, although he had worked for the justice and liberty of his church. Because of this, the lord king was enflamed with fiery anger, and summoning an army, he occupied the properties of the bishop of Laon and, crossing Laon, planned to devastate the land of Hugh of Pierrepont and Renaud of Rozoy, brother of the

291

292 293

M. R. Tessera, ‘Philip Count of Flanders and Hildegard of Bingen: Crusading against the Saracens or Crusading against Deadly Sin?’, Gendering the Crusades, eds S. B. Edgington and S. Lambert (Cardiff, 2001), p. 79, notes that Count Philip had actually taken the cross on 11 April 1175, but delayed his departure until 1177 due to internal troubles in Flanders, and possibly because of interference from Henry II of England. See also Sigebert of Gembloux, p. 415. During Count Philip’s pilgrimage to Jerusalem in 1177, he refused both to lead an expedition to Egypt and to act as regent for King Baldwin IV: Richard, The Crusades, pp. 190, 193, 200. For Philip’s sister Gertrude, see c. 51. Geoffrey was son of Baldwin V’s aunt Gertrude. Roger of Wavrin, archdeacon of Cambrai (to 1179), bishop of Cambrai (1179–91), died at Acre on the Third Crusade. He is known for having edited a series of synodal precepts for use in arbitration of conflicts: J. Avril, ‘Les “Precepta synodalia” de Roger de Cambrai’, BMCL, new ser. 2 (1972), pp. 7–15.

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bishop, and of Jacques of Avesnes, who had come to the aid of the bishop in the assault of those men. Therefore Renaud, first cousin of the lord count, and Jacques of Avesnes, who was also a relative of the count and his liege man, and Hugh of Pierrepont, who also had the count’s first cousin as wife, demanded help and counsel from the lord count of Hainaut as their greatest protector. The count assembled an army of 700 knights and 60,000 armed men and came to Étréaupont to his friends’ aid against the king of France, who had already come to the castle of Nizy to destroy the lands of the aforesaid noblemen. When the lord king heard this, he withdrew, leaving those lands in peace. He occupied the properties of the episcopate according to his will while it pleased him, but afterwards he restored them to this bishop by apostolic command and the intercession of the lord count of Hainaut. [85] In that same year the lord count of Hainaut tourneyed between Vendeuil and La Fère. There, although he did not have as many knights on his side as the other side had against him, yet he prevailed and captured the lord of the castle of La Fère, namely Raoul, his brother-in-law.294 He also captured virtuous knights, namely Count Raoul of Clermont and his brother Simon, and Count Matthew of Beaumont and many knights with them, and released them all freely. [86] In the year of the Lord 1178, Ivo of good memory, count of Soissons and lord of Nesle, departed from this world at the beginning of the month of August. He had as wife Yolende, sister of the count of Hainaut, and since he lacked an heir of his body, his nephew Conon, castellan of Bruges who possessed the castle of Pierrefonds from the part of his wife Agatha, succeeded him in all his properties.295 He caused a great many injuries and losses to the count of Hainaut, with the strength of the count of Flanders, whose man and relative he was, concerning the dower of Countess Yolende, which was half of the whole honour of Nesle, and Falvy too. [87] In that same year when the oftmentioned Count Philip of Flanders and Vermandois had returned from Jerusalem, the widow Yolende, sister of the count of Hainaut, married Count Hugh of Saint-Pol, a noble and young knight.296 Although she had never had any children and was already aged forty-seven years, she later had two daughters, namely Elisabeth and Eustachia. [88] In those days in the Roman Church a schism had lasted for a very long time concerning the election of the highest pontiffs, in which Emperor Frederick of the Romans favoured one side against God and justice. He obeyed three men who were elected and consecrated in spite of the sentence of excommunication brought against them, although lord Alexander was elected and consecrated by

294 295

296

Raoul of Coucy was married to Baldwin’s sister Agnes. Conon (see c. 31) married Agatha, daughter of Dreux II of Pierrefonds. Vanderkindere, in his edition of Gilbert of Mons, p. 124 n. 4, identifies the castle as Pierrefonds in Compiègne, noting that, in c. 90, BN MS lat. 11105, fol. 35v mistakenly has Petrepontis. Hugh IV of Saint-Pol (1174–1215), see c. 35.

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justice as pope to the honour of God.297 King Louis of France and all Christians who doubted the threats of Emperor Frederick obeyed Alexander completely. Frederick caused the Romans, Tuscans and Germans to obey his apostolics. Yet the Lombards, Venetians and Pisans supported Alexander and obeyed him. At last Emperor Frederick, by God’s will, withdrew from his evil proposition, renounced his oath to the apostolic named Victor and, prostrate at the feet of Pope Alexander, begged for mercy. Therefore when the peace and unity of the universal Church had been restored at Venice, a council was announced to all the prelates of churches in Rome in this same year, namely the year of the Lord 1178, and celebrated at the Lateran on the Sunday of the feast of Jerusalem. A sufficiently clear miracle happened to this Alexander, a prudent and vigorous man, quite learned, kind and gentle to all in their entreaties and just petitions, and a careful rector of the Church. For, although after Blessed Peter, no one had lived so long in the papacy as that Blessed Peter, Alexander lived longer than him by several years in order that he might prevail against schismatics, and the holy Church might return to unity through him. [89] In the year of the Lord 1179, the oftmentioned count of Hainaut, on the Sunday after the Ascension of the Lord, recognised and swore in the city of Troyes with Henry count palatine of that city, the contracts of matrimony which the count of Flanders had confirmed with him previously, namely concerning Elisabeth the count of Hainaut’s daughter and Henry son of the count of Troyes (who is commonly called the count of Champagne), and concerning Marie daughter of Count Henry and Baldwin the count of Hainaut’s son. On that same day Marie, wife of Count Henry, gave birth to a son Thibaut at that same place.298 [90] In that same year in the time of autumn, Gérard, brother of the count of Hainaut (but not by the same mother), a virtuous and spirited knight, an honest man, quite pious and kind, was oppressed by an illness at Mons and departed from the world. His body was buried in the monastery of Blessed Waudru. [91] In that same year Conon, count of Soissons, lord of Nesle and Pierrefonds and castellan of Bruges, departed from the world. His brother John succeeded him in the seigneury of Nesle and castellany of Bruges, his other brother Raoul succeeded him in the county of Soissons.299 However, the seigneury of the castle of Pierrefonds devolved properly to Agatha the count’s wife, as her inheritance. Afterwards, because she did not live prudently or honestly enough, she sold that castle and most of her properties to King Philip of France.

297

298 299

Alexander III (pope 1159–81), born Rolando, was elected pope in 1159, but initially refused the office. A few cardinals elected Victor IV instead, but Alexander then assumed office. This situation created an eighteen-year schism, in which Emperor Frederick Barbarossa supported Victor, and later Paschal III in 1164 and Calixtus III from 1168 to 1177. The conflict was resolved on 24 July 1177 when he accepted Alexander as pope and kissed his feet: Jordan, Henry the Lion, pp. 164–5; EMA, I, p. 36; Haverkamp, Medieval Germany, pp. 230–5; I. S. Robinson, The Papacy 1073–1198 (Cambridge, 1990), pp. 28, 473–96. Count Thibaut III of Champagne (1197–1201). For the marriage contracts, see c. 64. See c. 31.

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[92] In that same year of the Lord 1179, Louis the oftmentioned king of France, burdened by old age and debility of body, caused his only son Philip, whom he had by his third wife Adela, sister of Archbishop William of Reims and Counts Henry and Thibaut and Stephen, to be crowned at Reims on the feast of All Saints.300 Although all the princes of France came to this coronation and edict of the king, Philip, most powerful count of Flanders and Vermandois, who claimed the right of bearing the royal sword, came with arms and many knights. At the request of this count, the count of Hainaut, who was in no way tied to the king of France, as this same king did not hold him in homage, alliance or familiarity, came with eighty knights and arms to that coronation at his own expense. And so Philip was anointed with utmost veneration and reverence. And there the count of Flanders bore the royal sword. From there the count of Hainaut came to a tournament between Rethel and Châtillon, where he captured Count Henry of Bar, first cousin of Philip the new king, a most virtuous knight, closely accompanied by an abundance of virtuous knights, and the count of Hainaut brought him to Valenciennes and released him freely.301 [93] In that same year when the oftmentioned lord Roger, bishop of Laon, first cousin of the count of Hainaut, was attacked by King Louis of France, he had been accused before the lord pope Alexander concerning the killing of the men of Laon, and the compurgation of his innocence was entrusted to delegated judges in France. If the bishop of Laon could demonstrate by his oath and that of three bishops that he had killed no man with his own hands, and what had happened in the loss of men had been done for the liberty of the Church, he might remain freely and completely undisturbed as bishop of Laon. Although it was right that these things should be done soberly and peacefully through the grace of King Louis of France, and therefore the day of compurgation was arranged at the city of Meaux after the eighth day after Christmas, the bishop of Laon asked for the aid of the count of Hainaut, so that he might deserve to obtain favour through his intercession with the lord king of France (even though the count of Hainaut was not his faithful man or familiar). The count went to the lord king. The lord king and his wife Queen Adela received him kindly, and granted that the bishop of Laon would do the arranged compurgation to them. Because they had done this, they should have the good and welcome counsel of the count of Hainaut. The count, while celebrating the feast of Christmas in the borough of Saint-Denis, made arrangements with the abbey and church there concerning a waste allod of Saint-Denis, in which a new town which is called Forest should be built. These agreements were confirmed in writing and by the seal of the church of Saint-Denis and the seal of the count, and the town named Forest was built, which could not come to any heir of the count, except to him who holds the county of Hainaut. From there they came to the city of Meaux,

300

301

Philip Augustus was crowned 1 Nov 1179: Rigord, pp. 12–13; Roger of Howden, II, pp. 193–4; Ralph of Diceto, I, p. 438; Baldwin, Government of Philip Augustus, p. 3. Louis VII had apparently suffered a recent stroke resulting in paralysis. Count Henry of Bar (1170–91), his mother was Agnes, Philip Augustus’ maternal aunt: G. Poull, La maison souveraine et ducale de Bar (Nancy, 1994), pp. 119–27.

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where the bishop of Laon completed the expiation granted to him, with the help of the bishops of Cambrai, Noyon and Arras.302 After the compurgation had been performed, the lord returned to Paris with the bishop, where they petitioned the lord king so that he restored all his properties to the bishop, and granted his peace and favour to him. [94] In that same year, through familiar men and counsellors of the elder King Louis of France and his son the new king Philip, discussion was begun concerning the marriage of Philip, the new king of France, who was quite young, and Elisabeth daughter of the count of Hainaut, a quite young girl, very beautiful and respected.303 Yet these words were transacted with Count Philip of Flanders more than with the count of Hainaut. Therefore, the discussion was advanced because the count of Flanders, Count Raoul of Clermont and other distinguished familiars and counsellors of the king of France sought out the count of Hainaut and his wife Marguerite at Mons at the end of Lent, and there they stayed for three days. The count of Hainaut, although it was apparent that his daughter could be promoted to the pinnacle of such great honour, wished to observe the contracts of matrimony which he had confirmed with Count Henry of Champagne, and he stood firm against the petitions of those men on account of preserving his oath. Yet the wish of the count of Flanders took the lead, and he was brought around to this idea, although he regretted that he offered his daughter to the will of the count of Flanders. The count of Flanders immediately took her with him from there into Flanders. The count of Hainaut was sorry that a part of Flanders would devolve to the king of France because of that marriage after the death of the count of Flanders. For it had been arranged that the city of Arras, SaintOmer, Aire and Hesdin, namely the land outside the Fossé, would devolve to the king of France.304 All the other possessions of the count of Flanders would devolve to the count of Hainaut and his wife Marguerite and their heirs. It was established that if the count of Hainaut’s daughter, after wedding King Philip, should die without an heir of her body, the aforesaid possessions would return to the count of Hainaut and his heirs. Also, if Elisabeth had an heir of her body, but this heir died without an heir of his body, all the aforesaid properties would no less return to the count of Hainaut and his heirs, and would by no means be added to the kingdom. King Philip married Elisabeth in the castle of the count of Flanders at Bapaume on the Monday after the eighth day of Easter in the year of the Lord 1180.305 On the next day on the feast of the Ascension of the Lord, 302 303 304

305

Bishop Roger of Cambrai; Bishop Renaud of Noyon (1175–88); Bishop Eremaud of Arras (1174–83). Philip was fifteen years old, Elisabeth only ten. These dowry properties (known as the Artois) substantially increased the territories of the royal domain and occupied an important strategic position close to the border of Normandy and the English Channel, thus providing King Philip with a base against the English king (he later used this base in his wars with King John: Warren, King John, p. 53). These lands were quite prosperous economically and allowed Philip to exercise his position as suzerain of Flanders more effectively than his father Louis VII had done. Anonymous of Laon, p. 450, rather vaguely describes the lands as being ‘on this side of the River Lys’, but confirms Count Philip’s lifetime use, and the return of the lands to the counts of Hainaut if Elisabeth should die without issue. 28 April 1180. Rigord, pp. 20–2; Ralph of Diceto, II, p. 5; Gervase of Canterbury, p. 294 (who thought it a poor match for Philip, calling Elisabeth ‘humble progeny’); Flandria generosa, p. 329; Baldwin,

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the king caused her to be anointed at Saint-Denis in France and invested with the royal crown with due veneration. There, for the honour of his new bride and queen, he wore the royal crown along with her, in the presence of Count Baldwin of Hainaut, the queen’s father, with Count Philip of Flanders and Vermandois, the queen’s uncle, standing nearby and bearing the royal sword at the same time. In that same year Louis the elder king of France, father of the oftmentioned King Philip, departed from the world.306 In that same year Philip the new king of France banished and utterly eliminated all Jews from his own cities and castles, for whose expulsion he received an immense amount of money from the Christians of France.307 [95] In that same year the lord king Philip of France keenly wished to cross to Auvergne according to his acquired rights, and asked the count of Hainaut to provide footsoldiers to escort him, since the most select and courageous men were known to be in Hainaut at this time. The lord count wished to satisfy him, and sent 3,000 chosen and well armed footsoldiers at his own expense. When they came to Paris, the lord king postponed his journey, and sent them back to the count with measures of thanks. Also, in that same year King Philip of France had many disagreements with Henry the elder king of England. Therefore they made peace after many meetings were often held between them.308 The count of Hainaut always took part in these meetings with the king of France and the count of Flanders at their request at his own great expense.309 [96] In that same year Count Philip of Flanders and Vermandois, because of certain disagreements, considered Raoul of Coucy an enemy, who was the most esteemed brother-in-law of the count of Hainaut, and he made war against him in the time of autumn. Therefore the count of Flanders asked the count of Hainaut for help as he was allied with him. Thus, for ten days the count of Hainaut kept 100 knights and as many mounted men-at-arms in aid of the count of Flanders at his own expense at Ribemont. And since the count of Flanders conceived then an antagonism against the king of France, and the king against the count, truces were established frequently by the mediation of the count of Hainaut between the king and the count of Flanders and Raoul of Coucy. Sometimes the disagreements of these men came to a good end, at other times a bad end, as will be shown more fully in subsequent chapters.

306 307

308

309

Government of Philip Augustus, pp. 15, 25, 81; T. de Hemptinne, ‘Aspects des relations’, p. 257; Hallam and Everard, Capetian France, pp. 165–6; J. Bradbury, Philip Augustus King of France 1180–1223 (London/New York, 1998), p. 56. 19 Sept 1180. Rigord, pp. 24–5, notes that Philip Augustus released all Christians in his kingdom from debts to Jews, in return for payment to himself of a fifth of the debts. Ralph of Diceto, II, p. 4, says that the Jews paid 15,000 marks to release Jews from custody. See Baldwin, Government of Philip Augustus, pp. 51–2. Treaty made at Gisors, June 1180, a renewal of Treaty of Ivry made between Henry II and Louis VII in 1177: Actes, I, no. 7; Ralph of Diceto, II, p. 6; Baldwin, Government of Philip Augustus, pp. 16–17; Warren, Henry II, pp. 147–8. BN MS lat. 11105, fol. 37v, and Brussels, KB II 1554, fol. 208r: in magnis propriis expensis; Vanderkindere: in magnis et arduis propriis expensis.

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[97] In the following year of the Lord 1181, after Henry the oftmentioned count palatine of Troyes had died, his wife the widowed Countess Marie and Henry’s brothers, namely Archbishop William of Reims and Counts Thibaut and Stephen, renewed through mediators the contracts of marriage which had been sworn previously with the oftmentioned count of Hainaut and Count Philip of Flanders, interposing many oaths, since these were seen to be partly damaged by the marriage of Queen Elisabeth of France.310 Therefore the count of Hainaut came with the count of Flanders in that same year on the day of the Lord’s Ascension to Provins, the most wealthy castle of the count of Champagne, and renewed those pacts solemnly. Thus, on the side of the count of Hainaut, there swore the count of Hainaut, the count of Flanders, the nobleman Raoul of Coucy and vigorous knights of the count of Hainaut, faithful men and household knights, namely Eustace the younger of Le Roeulx, Otto of Trazegnies, Walter of Fontaine, Amand of Prouvy, Walter of Wavrin. On the side of Champagne, there swore the widowed Countess Marie, the widowed Queen Adela of France, mother of King Philip and sister of the aforesaid Count Henry, Counts Thibaut of Blois and Stephen, brothers of Henry, Duke Henry of Burgundy and Count Henry of Bar, their nephews, and many other nobles.311 Moreover lord William archbishop of Reims placed himself as a guarantor concerning these pacts on either side. It was further established that Henry the eldest son of the count of Champagne would have as wife Yolende daughter of Count Baldwin of Hainaut, and Baldwin eldest son of the count of Hainaut would have as wife Marie daughter of the count of Champagne.312 However, if either of those sons should die before the marriage was contracted, the surviving eldest son would succeed to the marriage. In this same way it was also done concerning the daughters. [98] In that same year Gérard provost of Douai, a wealthy and powerful knight, thronged about with great kin both in Hainaut and Flanders, who had many properties in liege fief from both the count of Flanders and the count of Hainaut, wounded Bernard of Roucourt, his first cousin, concerning certain controversies.313 When the count of Hainaut, who was returning from a tournament at Blangy, perceived this, since it had been perpetrated against the justice and peace of his land, the count burned the houses of the provost at Émerchicourt in Ostrevant and razed his fortress in that same town, and during the time of autumn completely occupied his properties which he held under the rule of Hainaut. Because of this, the provost’s nephew, William knight of Roeulx, brother of Hugh, was moved to anger, and at the end of Easter he killed a servant of the count of Hainaut by surprise to the offence and detriment of the count in the town which is called Dechy. The count of Hainaut came to Ostrevant hastily 310

311

312 313

BN MS lat. 11105, fol. 37v, and Brussels, KB II 1554, fol. 210r: quia per matrimonium; Vanderkindere: qui per matrimonium. Once again, Gilbert misnames Duke Hugh III of Burgundy (see c. 69). BN MS lat. 11105 fol. 38r, and Brussels, KB II 1554, fol. 211r: Adela francorum regina vidua is lacking in Vanderkindere. Baldwin, Government of Philip Augustus, p. 17. BN MS lat. 11105 fol. 38r, and Brussels, KB II 1554, fol. 213r: Renerum de Rocurt; but Vanderkindere, p. 133 n. 4, notes that this must be an error for Bernerum, as the name Bernard appears in charters of this period.

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and burned the town of Roeulx with fire and, in order to exercise greater vengeance, set fire to the houses and towns of all the relatives of the provost in the Ostrevant, although they were innocent of this guilt. Then he caused the provost’s neighbours and friends to renounce him completely with no terms imposed. [99] In the year of the Lord 1182, Count Philip of Flanders and Vermandois, because of controversies which were happening between him and his lord the king of France, secretly seizing an opportunity, brought an army against Raoul of Coucy in the month of July.314 He demanded the aid of the count of Hainaut in this, as he had been accustomed. The count of Hainaut, remembering the affection and respect of their sworn alliance, came to his aid with an army of 400 knights and 60,000 men, both mounted and on foot, across the river which is called Oise between Origny and Macquigny, where the count of Flanders had assembled his army (the army of the count of Flanders was estimated at 1,000 knights and 200,000 men, both mounted and on foot). When these armies were assembled and prepared to harm Raoul of Coucy, truces were confirmed by the envoys of the king of France and through the intercession of the count of Hainaut. The count of Hainaut returned from this expedition, and immediately hurried with his army, both mounted and on foot, to the aid of his uncle the count of Namur concerning a war and he besieged the castle of Rochefort with his uncle. When his uncle had obtained an honest peace for himself through tremendous victories, the count of Hainaut, who had made a delay in the expedition of the count of Flanders and the expedition of his uncle at his own expense, returned to his own lands.315 Then, by the Devil’s incitement, huge disagreements arose between Count Philip of Flanders and Vermandois and his lord King Philip of France. Count Raoul of Clermont, who was very powerful in the counsels of the king, is said to have exerted himself in this disagreement, because the king did not bring injury to the count concerning any honour or inheritance, and the count was not against the king in any honour or inheritance.316 But each was confident in his fierceness and very great power, and hurried to engage in war. Therefore the count seized the opportunity and demanded that Count Raoul of Clermont return his castle of Breteuil which Raoul held from him. Raoul was supported by the help of the lord king of France and refused to return his castle to the lord count. Therefore the count was enflamed with anger against the king, assembled an army and rose up against the lord king.317 The count of Hainaut, allied and sworn to him, came to the aid of the count, with 220 knights and 110 mounted men-at-arms, although the war against the king of France, his

314

315

316 317

The year 1182 may be a scribal error for 1181, as Ralph of Diceto, II, pp. 8–10, places the conflict, including the burning of Noyon, in 1181, while Gervase of Canterbury, p. 297, notes that King Henry II’s sons went to the assistance of King Philip in November 1181 in his conflict with the count of Flanders (corresponding to the second outbreak of hostilities mentioned by Gilbert in this chapter). See also de Hemptinne, ‘Aspects des relations’, p. 257. BN MS lat. 11105, fol. 38v, and Brussels, KB II 1554, fol. 215r: per tantas victorias; Vanderkindere, per tantas vires. Raoul of Clermont had been constable of France since 1164. Bradbury, Philip Augustus, p. 56.

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son-in-law, displeased him greatly. The count of Flanders carried the first assaults of the war to the king of France, and burned the city of Noyon with fire on the Friday before the Advent of the Lord. From there he went with the count of Hainaut to Montdidier. Because the war lasted a long time, the count of Hainaut sent 120 knights back to Hainaut to his own lands by the wish of the count of Flanders. Yet he retained 100 chosen knights and as many mounted men-at-arms with him at his own expense. The count of Flanders heard that the lord king, who had arranged knights and mounted sergeants and footsoldiers everywhere in his cities and castles in the marches against the count of Flanders, had assembled his army at the city of Senlis and planned to invade the land of the count, namely Valois. However, knights remaining at Crépy, namely Hellin of Wavrin, steward of Flanders, and others had devastated the neighbouring land of the king by fire and pillaging. And so they entered Dammartin-en-Goële and burned it with fire, where they captured many knights and footsoldiers. The assault of these men brought fear to the French all the way to Paris. The count of Flanders left the count of Hainaut at Montdidier with knights and mounted sergeants to guard that land. The count of Flanders with many knights and chosen mounted sergeants went past the castle of Choisy and the castle of Pierrefonds, which was then aiding him because of the goodwill of Hugh of Oisy, the lord of that castle at that time, and he came to his noble castle at Crépy. The count of Hainaut, who remained at Montdidier, burned the land of Saint-Just, the castle of the bishop of Beauvais, and the whole land of Breteuil outside the castle, and on behalf of the count of Flanders he made war against his enemies manfully and faithfully. The lord king Philip of France, who had Henry the young king of England with 600 knights with him, rushed to battle against the count of Flanders.318 From everywhere the count of Flanders called against him his men settled in the marches. He commanded the count of Hainaut to come to him with haste. Because of this, the count of Hainaut hurried to the castle of Thourotte, but scarcely crossed because of a huge flood of water. Yet he crossed with great effort and spent the night at Choisy. On the next day he came to Crépy. The count generously and abundantly granted to him (for billeting and having fodder for the horses) the town filled with hay, wine, grain, oats and other fodder. The hostilities between the lord king of France and the count of Flanders grew stronger, and on either side they had been armed for battle for two days. The count of Flanders entrusted the first battle there to the count of Hainaut. The armed count of Hainaut committed his standard, which is called a banner, to a household knight and faithful man, Hugh of Croix, to carry to this battle, a strong and great man, vigorous and wise. And so with the lord king of France armed for battle on one side and the count of Flanders on the other, they came to battle (but not by God’s will). When the count of Hainaut had made a delay in the land of Valois, the count of Flanders sent back the lord count of Hainaut at Montdidier to guard that land. But there, in the absence of the count of Hainaut, young Henry, son of Duke Godfrey of Louvain, not yet a knight, came with thirty knights and as many mounted sergeants, and was in that army at the

318

Brussels, KB II 1554, fol. 219r: 700 knights.

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count of Flanders’ expense. As Christmas approached, truces were confirmed between the lord king of France and the count of Flanders up to the eighth day of Epiphany.319 The count of Hainaut, who was always in that war at his own expense, returned to his own lands. Henry, son of the duke of Louvain, who had been in the expense of the count of Flanders, obtained favour above others before the count of Flanders. The period of the count of Hainaut going to war, staying there and returning, consisted of the space of five weeks. The expense of the count of Hainaut was 1,850 marks of silver in great weight.320 After the eighth day of Epiphany in the same time and year, the lord king of France and the count of Flanders returned to war again. Therefore the count of Flanders summoned the count of Hainaut, who had always been prepared for all his needs, to this same war in aid as his ally and sworn man. The count of Hainaut came according to the arrangement of the count of Flanders with eighty knights and as many mounted men-at-arms to his aid at Montdidier, and was billeted in the town which is called Faverolles near Montdidier. While the count of Flanders rested for some time at Montdidier, the count of Hainaut rode with his men and with certain Flemings during a cold and rainy season. On that ride through those marches, the count of Hainaut devastated with fire and looting the land of the king to Compiègne and to the Beauvaisis region. He burned La Neuville-Roy in Beauvaisis in that blaze, sustaining many great efforts. When the time of Lent was approaching, treaties were confirmed on each side, and the count of Hainaut, who had spent six weeks at his own expense going to war, staying there and returning, returned to his own lands. The expense of the count of Hainaut was 1,600 marks of silver in great weight. Henry son of the duke of Louvain, who had as wife Mathilde daughter of the count of Boulogne, niece of the count of Flanders, came to that army with forty knights and as many mounted sergeants and ten crossbowmen, and was completely at the expense of the count of Flanders. But still he received favour above others before him. In the army of the count of Hainaut before and after Christmas, there were vigorous knights, distinguished in their reputation of virtue and knowledge: Évrard Radou, Eustace the younger of Le Roeulx, William brother of the count, Eustace of Lens, Nicholas of Barbençon, Otto of Trazegnies, Walter of Wargnies, Roger of Condé, Walter of Blandain and his brother Gérard of Wattripont, Amand of Prouvy, Pol of Villers, Nicholas of Péruwelz, his son Baldwin, Hugh of Croix, Walter of Fontaine, Guy and Fulk his brothers, Walter and Arnoul of Gouy their nephews, Helluin of La Tour, William of Anzin, Walter of Bierbeek, small in body but great in spirit, Gilles of Bermerain, Bover his brother, Richard of Orcq, William Flaons, Baldric of Roisin, Gérard of Monchecourt, Nicholas surnamed Monk, John Cornutus, Régnier of Trith, Baldwin and Régnier of Strépy and many others, both great and lesser.

319

320

Ralph of Diceto, II, pp. 8–9, tells a rather different story of this conflict, saying that the count of Flanders was forced to retreat before the two kings (Philip and Young Henry), shutting himself in the castle of Crépy, which he was soon forced to surrender because of lack of food. A mark ‘in great weight’ (magno pondo) refers to the mark of Troyes, as opposed to the ‘small mark’ of Flanders: C. Wyffels, ‘Note sur les marcs monétaires utilisés en Flandre et en Artois avant 1300’, Annales de la Société d’Émulation de Bruges 104 (1967), p. 69.

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[100] In the year of the Lord 1182, when the lord count of Hainaut was at a tournament in the time of autumn at Assche in the area of the Low Regions (the men of Hainaut against the Flemings, as was the custom), and Henry the son of the duke of Louvain was in that tournament, not yet a knight, the men of the duke, instructed by evil advice, seized the count of Hainaut’s harness while he and his men were watching the tournament, namely garments, palfreys, nags and things of this type.321 When he heard this, the count demanded that Henry, son of Duke Godfrey, return his harness which his men had seized and carried off into their land. Henry, son of the duke, and his father restored half, promising to return the other half at a determined time.322 While the other part still needed to be returned, around the feast of St Martin, Henry violently occupied a fortress which was held by the count of Hainaut in Brabant, namely Hoesnaken, taking the count by surprise (the holder of this fortress had not anticipated it), and Henry fortified it with men and arms. The count heard of this and called his friends from everywhere to his aid, summoning his army with a few knights, he came to Braine-le-Comte, and there occupied the fortress of Tubize, which was held by the duke of Louvain, and strengthening it with men and arms and food, he fortified it with new ditches and siege towers. He assembled a great army in which he had with him Count Hugh of Saint-Pol, his brother-in-law, Raoul of Coucy, who also had as wife his sister Agnes, Count Manasses of Rethel his first cousin, the bishop of Laon and his brother Renaud of Rozoy, his first cousins, Robert of Pierrepont his relative, Raoul of Thour, Geoffrey of Balham, Guy of Séry and his brothers Renaud and Baldwin of Donchery, his relatives, Count Raoul of Soissons and his brother John lord of Nesle, his friends, relatives of his children, and many Flemish nobles and his men of Hainaut, Jacques of Avesnes, Hugh of Oisy, Rasso of Gavre, Gérard of Saint-Aubert, Évrard Radou, Nicholas and Hugh of Rumigny, Nicholas of Barbençon, Eustace the elder of Le Roeulx and his son Eustace, Otto of Trazignies, Walter of Wargnies, Baldwin and Matthew of Walincourt, Régnier of Trith, William the count’s brother, Amand of Prouvy, Gérard of Wattripont, Walter of Fontaine and his brother, Gilles of Chimay, Nicholas of Péruwelz and his son Baldwin, Walter of Lens and his son Eustace, Goswin of Enghien, Walter of Honnecourt, Bernard of Saint-Valéry, a most powerful man, the castellan of Beaumetz, Hugh of Roeulx, Hoel of Quiévrain, Charles the old of Fresnes, Pol of Villers, Baldwin of Strépy, Roger of Condé, Hugh of Croix, Baldwin of Mons, Henry of Binche, Ghislain of Beaumont, castellans, John Cornutus, Baldric of Roisin, Gérard ‘the Sorcerer’ the elder of Denain, Gérard of Monchecourt, William of Haussy, Simon of Aulnois, Fulk the elder of Sémeries and many others, and many knights from the land of his uncle the count of Namur.323 The lord count of Hainaut planned to fortify the town of

321 322

323

Ascam may be either Assche or Asch. BN MS lat. 11105, fol. 40v, and Brussels, KB II 1554, fol. 226r: lacks mediam partem aliam promittentes reddere in termino constituto. This phrase must have been omitted in error, as it is necessary to a clear reading. Hugh of Saint-Pol married Baldwin’s sister Yolende; Manasses III of Rethel (d. about 1200), Roger bishop of Laon and Renaud of Rozoy were sons of Baldwin’s maternal aunt Elisabeth; Robert of Pierrepont and Baldwin were second cousins.

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Lembecq in Brabant, situated in the county of Hainaut, which he had recently received in pledge from his faithful man Goswin of Enghien, which town Goswin held in fief from Walter of Lens and Walter held this same town from the count of Hainaut by reason of garrison service at the castle of Mons. Since SainteGertrude of Nivelles had in its power those particular properties, however few (the duke of Louvain claimed that he was advocate of this saint), Duke Godfrey of Louvain and his son Henry refused to allow it to be made into a fortress and brought their army against him. The lord count requested the aid of the lord count of Flanders concerning this, because they were allies and sworn men, and as he had served him in all things according to his wish, yet he expected that, if the count of Flanders would not bring him help, at least he would not harm him. The count of Flanders came to that place with his assembled army around the Advent of the Lord. Although the count of Hainaut had sufficient forces to make that fortress, even though the duke was unwilling, he received counsels here and there. The count of Flanders urged the count of Hainaut by entreaties and flatteries, so that the count of Hainaut agreed to confirm treaties and truces of war with the duke until the following eighth day of Epiphany. The lord count of Flanders promised the count of Hainaut that, when the truth concerning the authority was revealed in the meantime, he would help him diligently and faithfully in both these and other matters, advising him that he would provide him with however many men he could have, both mounted and footsoldiers, no less than for a war. [101] Meanwhile the lord count of Hainaut had a meeting at the town which is called Vigneux with his aforementioned friends, namely the count of Rethel, the bishop of Laon and his brother Renaud, Raoul of Coucy, Nicholas of Rumigny, Guy of Séry, Geoffrey and Ernold of Balham, Robert of Pierrepont and many others, concerning the aid owed to him for retaining his inheritance. All of them came to his aid with all the chosen knights they had. Meanwhile the lord count went without arms to a tournament between Braisne and Soissons, and on each side attracted as many knights as he could to his aid by pleas and promises. On the eighth day of Epiphany, when many knights with their arms were assembled at Mons, the count of Flanders came there to the count of Hainaut and his sister Countess Marguerite and their sons (who were quite small at the time), and promised them utmost aid and counsel in these and other matters. The next day he went with the count of Hainaut to the town of Lembecq, where the lord count had brought together his entire army, having all his aforesaid friends and many others both from the Empire and the kingdom of France and his men of Hainaut, already named. The count of Flanders saw the count of Hainaut’s huge forces against the duke of Louvain and, by a great many pleas mingled with flatteries, requested truces from the count of Hainaut until Duke Godfrey’s return from Jerusalem, who had taken the sign of the Lord’s Cross at that time. The count of Hainaut, confident in his forces and his right, remained quite opposed to giving these truces. The most powerful Count Philip of Flanders, preferring his affection for the duke of Louvain and his son Henry, delayed the help he owed to the count of Hainaut, saying and asserting openly that he would by no means permit a fortress to be built there, and if the count of Hainaut would not yield to

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his pleas concerning this, he would help the duke of Louvain. The count of Hainaut did not wish to lose the favours of the services given by the count of Flanders. Still hoping that he might deserve to obtain his favour sometime, and with the counsel of his men and friends (although sorry to do it), he granted truces until Duke Godfrey’s return from Jerusalem.324 O evil Lembecq, through which a great many hostilities were aroused throughout the Empire and the kingdom of France, from which the county of Hainaut was burned with fire in greater part far and wide by armies arriving there! O evil Lembecq, through which the land of the duke of Louvain was often devastated by looting and fire! O evil Lembecq, through which Count Henry of Namur lost his castle of Namur and his demesne, and Count Henry of Champagne, making great expense, incited great armies, but did not succeed! O evil Lembecq, through which Jacques of Avesnes’ land was devastated in greater part by much looting and great deeds and fire! O evil Lembecq, through which the oftmentioned most powerful Count Philip of Flanders lost one city and sixty-five castles in one day, as will be made fully clear in subsequent writings concerning the aforesaid incidents. [102] In that same wintertime in the abovementioned year, namely of the Lord 1182, Count Henry of Namur and Luxembourg grew ill at Luxembourg. Although he had two eyes, the light of one of them had died for many years, and he lost the light of the other by God’s will. And so, with all light of his eyes lost, he was blind. When he heard this, his nephew the count of Hainaut hurried to visit him. The count of Namur caused the nobles of his land and familiar men and burgesses of Luxembourg to give new securities to him.325 These knights gave these securities and homages to the count of Hainaut: Wéry of Walcourt, Arnulf of Luxembourg and his son John, Walter of Wiltz and his sons Richard and Walter, Wéry of Luxembourg, his wife Elisabeth and their son Arnulf, Hessel of Bertringen advocate of Luxembourg and his brother Robert, Conon of Ouren, his sons Arnulf, Conon and Gilles, Arnulf of Larochette, his brother Conon, John of Burscheid, Helbran of Falkenstein, his brothers Raoul, Anselm, Henry, and Frederick of Kahler, Nicholas of Bettingen, Roger and his son Menis of Useldingen, Hermann of Neumagen, Walter of Meisenburg, Matthew of Reckingen, Thierry of Reuland, Steppo and Henry of Arloncourt, Bartholomew of Esch, his sons Godfrey, Henry, and William, and with them other knights, sergeants and burgesses. [103] In the year of the Lord 1182 at the time of Lent, during the penitential week before the Lord’s Easter, most noble Elisabeth, countess of Flanders and Vermandois, wife of Count Philip, esteemed greatly by people of Flanders and Vermandois, departed from the world. Because of her death, Count Philip of Flanders was greatly grieved, fearing to lose the land of Vermandois. He indicated

324

325

This truce was arranged with the aid of Archbishop Philip of Cologne: A. Wauters, ‘Fragments inédits concernant l’ancienne abbaye de Gembloux’, BCRH, 4th ser., 2 (1875), no. 5, pp. 278–82. See c. 33.

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this to the count of Hainaut and ordered him to come to him to give counsel. The lord king of France, along with Countess Eleanor of Beaumont, Elisabeth’s sister, prepared to seize Vermandois and Valois.326 When the count of Hainaut had come to the count of Flanders at his new castle of Beauquesne at the end of Easter, the count of Flanders asked for both counsel and aid. The count of Hainaut, who had never failed him concerning his right or any injury, recommended him to direct his summoned army of Flanders towards Saint-Quentin and Chauny, where access was already denied to the count of Flanders’ men. The count sent envoys with haste to Hainaut, commanding all his men, both mounted and on foot, to hurry there. While the men of Hainaut rushed to the aid of the count of Flanders, the count of Flanders and the count of Hainaut had a meeting with the lord king of England, the elder Henry, and his son Henry the young king of England at Gerberoy. Through the king of England and mediators of the king of France, a meeting was designated between Philip, lord king of France, and Count Philip of Flanders between the king’s city Senlis and the count’s castle Crépy, in the place which is called La Grange-Saint-Arnoul, in the year of the Lord 1183 at the time of Easter. Thus, hoping for future peace, both the count of Flanders and the count of Hainaut countermanded their armies. In that meeting, mediated by Henry the elder king of England his son Henry the young king, William archbishop of Reims, Count Thibaut, Count Stephen, the duke of Burgundy and the count of Hainaut, who desired both the king’s peace and the count of Flanders’ peace, a peace was established between the count of Flanders and the lord king of France and the countess of Beaumont. The count of Flanders retained the entire land of Vermandois and Valois by a pledge of 14,000 pounds of money of Châlons. Yet the count, while he could, would not permit anyone wishing to redeem this to redeem it. This pledge was arranged as a sort of pretence, so he would not appear to be entirely disinherited, which the count of Flanders accomplished through his great strength, although Count Philip kept both Vermandois and Valois according to his wish in that year. Yet relying on kindness and reason, he freely returned Valois to Countess Eleanor of Beaumont, with this condition imposed, that he would possess all of Vermandois, as Count Raoul had possessed it, while he lived.327

326

327

Benedict of Peterborough, p. 309, suggests that King Philip was acting in his own interest only, apparently unaware of Eleanor of Beaumont’s legitimate claim. Later, p. 312, he has King Philip say that Vermandois had been promised as his wife Elisabeth of Hainaut’s dowry, if Count Philip should not have a child by his wife Elisabeth of Vermandois. Elisabeth, Count Philip’s wife, had been heiress to her father’s properties of Vermandois and Valois. As she died childless, the property should have passed by right to her only sister Eleanor of Beaumont. King Philip was acting in his regal capacity as protector of widows by defending Eleanor’s rights, although it is clear that he took advantage of the opportunity to reduce the count of Flanders’ power. The terms of the 1182 Treaty of La Grange-Saint Arnoul were renegotiated and confirmed in the Treaty of Boves (Amiens) in 1185: Alberic of Trois-Fontaines, p. 858; Vanderkindere, La formation, I, pp. 173–6; Baldwin, Government of Philip Augustus, pp. 25–6; Duval-Arnould, ‘Les aumônes d’Aliénor’, p. 399; de Hemptinne, ‘Aspects des relations’, p. 258. Later, between 26 December 1191 and 4 April 1192, King Philip received a substantial portion of Eleanor of Beaumont’s properties and a sum of money as a relief payment, and Eleanor agreed that all her property should go to the king if she died childless, as was the case at her death in 1213: Actes de Philippe Auguste, I, no. 399; Duval-Arnould, ‘Les aumônes d’Aliénor’, pp. 400–1; Nicholas, Medieval Flanders, p. 73.

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[104] At that time, Henry the young king of England, a virtuous knight, kept household knights for himself, virtuous knights from wherever he could have them, and spent as liberally as he could on them. Because he possessed nothing by inheritance from his father or mother, and his brother Richard possessed the entire land of their mother, namely Poitou and Gascony, he rose up against his brother to reclaim that land. Their father King Henry of England, duke of Normandy, count of Anjou brought help to Richard. Although the young king had taken many castles and good towns from his brother, and had attracted many powerful men to his side (because Richard was loved by few), yet that young king was surprised by an illness, and departed from the world in the borough which is called Martel.328 [105] In that same year in the month of August, lady Marguerite, countess of Hainaut, went on a journey of pilgrimage to Saint-Gilles, going favourably and returning on the next day of St Luke to Mons from where she had gone, coming back safe and unharmed.329 [106] In that same year Walter of Fontaine, a virtuous knight, handsome and wise, esteemed counsellor and household knight of the count of Hainaut, growing ill at Mons, assumed the religious habit and order of Alne, was made a monk, and soon died. [107] In that same year, because the lord count of Hainaut wished to use every means to gain the favour of the lord emperor of the Romans concerning his uncle the count of Namur and Luxembourg’s land, he sent two envoys to the emperor, namely the knights Goswin of Thulin, a most outstanding and eloquent man, and Walter of Steenkerque, a virtuous knight. Meanwhile, Jacques of Avesnes, who had gone to the lord emperor Frederick, worked on behalf of his brother Wéry of Walcourt and for himself concerning the county of Laroche, but he had no success.330 The lord emperor, responding kindly to the lord count of Hainaut’s envoys, commanded the count of Hainaut to come to him in person. The count, taking with him virtuous and outstanding men, namely Régnier of Jauche, Eustace the elder of Le Roeulx and his son Eustace, Otto of Trazignies, Nicholas of Barbençon, Amand of Prouvy, Régnier of Trith, Hugh of Croix, Goswin of Thulin, Walter of Steenkerque, John Cornutus, and Nicholas the Monk, came to the lord emperor at Haguenau in Alsace on the Sunday of midLent. He crossed through Namur, where his uncle the count of Namur granted letters of recommendation to the lord emperor, and through Durbuy, Laroche, Luxembourg, Trier, Tholey, Hornbach (where the nobleman Régnier of Jauche

328

329

330

Jones, ‘The Generation Gap’, pp. 37–9, notes that the young Henry’s failure in this rebellion stemmed from his reliance on the support of discontented barons, rather than mass support. In contrast, his father Henry II was favoured by the towns, and made shrewd use of mercenary troops. Marguerite went to the renowned pilgrimage centre of Saint-Gilles-du-Gard (diocese of Nîmes in southern France), presumably for 1 September, the feast day of St Gilles. Day of St Luke: 18 October. For Saint-Gilles-du-Gard: EMA, II, pp. 1279–80. Wéry of Walcourt, half-brother of Jacques, was Mathilde of Laroche’s son.

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grew ill and died there, while the count was at court, and was buried in that same place in the greater monastery, that is the abbey of the monks), Bitche and Weissenburg. The lord emperor and his sons, namely King Henry (not yet a knight) and Duke Frederick of Swabia, received the count of Hainaut kindly, granting him their favour concerning all the count of Namur’s possessions, as his request was made sensibly and fully. They set a day for him in the feast of Pentecost at the city of Mainz, where the sons of the lord emperor were to be ordained as new knights. They planned to tourney at Ingelheim on the next day (eighth day of Pentecost), and asked the count especially for their honour. The count attentively agreed that he would come to both the court and tournament. His return from Haguenau was through the abbey of Seltz, Speyer, Worms, Sponheim, Kirchberg (land of his relatives the sons of Count Raoul, namely the knights Henry, Simon, and Louis, and the clerks Albert, Godfrey and Frederick), Trier and Luxembourg. The count of Hainaut’s escort to the court on the part of the lord emperor from Trier to the court, and returning to Trier, was the count’s relative Simon of Sponheim, a most virtuous knight. [108] In that same year of the Lord 1183, because the count of Hainaut brought due aid to the count of Flanders against the king of France, Queen Elisabeth of France was unjustly hated by the French. Therefore, when evil plans were formed against her to make a divorce between her and the king, a council of ill-intentioned men was held at Senlis, taking the queen by surprise, with not even her father the count of Hainaut and the count of Flanders knowing about it.331 Very powerful men, namely William archbishop of Reims, Count Thibaut and Count Stephen (uncles of the king of France), Duke Henry of Burgundy, and Count Raoul of Clermont and all the king of France’s principal counsellors worked towards this divorce.332 On the day set for doing this divorce, the queen, putting aside her precious clothing and assuming humble garments, walked barefoot through the churches of the city, begging most high God to deliver her from the counsels of malicious men being conducted against her most severely. The lepers and all the paupers, perceiving that evil was being done to her, crowded before the queen’s palace with loud voices. The king and his men heard them, begging God to confound the queen’s adversaries and deliver her from their evil power.333

331

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Philip Augustus may never truly have intended to repudiate Elisabeth, as he would have lost her valuable dowry properties through this annulment. He probably used the threat as a weapon to force her father to withdraw his active support from his brother-in-law, Count Philip, and to shift his support to his son-in-law, King Philip. Baldwin, Government of Philip Augustus, p. 18, sees the annulment as an indirect attack on the count of Flanders. The king’s Champagne uncles were likely retaliating for Count Philip’s attempt to supplant their influence over the young Philip Augustus at the beginning of his reign. Flandria generosa, p. 328, confirms that William archbishop of Reims counselled the king to annul. Count Raoul I of Clermont, as the hapless victim of two sieges by the count of Flanders during 1181, also had motivation to urge annulment: Benedict of Peterborough, I, pp. 277, 284, 286. This tale of the barefoot queen seems a little melodramatic, but is not likely to be merely legendary. In his position as Baldwin V’s chancellor, Gilbert would have been in a position to hear details of the event directly from either Elisabeth or from her father. Moreover, Gilbert’s story is supported by Flandria generosa, p. 328, which gives a similar version of the queen’s actions. See also Baldwin, Government of Philip Augustus, p. 18.

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The omnipotent Lord, seeing his handmaiden’s humility, roused certain men to come to the queen’s aid, namely Count Robert of Braisne, the king of France’s uncle, and his sons, namely Robert count of Dreux, Philip bishop of Beauvais and Henry bishop of Orléans.334 With the intervention of their counsel, the lord king withdrew the evil proposal and held back concerning it, but he did not unite with the queen in bed and conjugal debt.335 [109] Conflicts resumed between the lord king of France and Count Philip of Flanders. Therefore in the year of the Lord 1184 at the time of Easter, there was a meeting near the city of Rouen in a particular forest in the manses of brothers of the order of Grandmont, between the elder king of England and the count of Flanders.336 Count Baldwin of Hainaut came with the count to the meeting. The king of England required the count of Flanders, on the part of the king of France, to commit the castles of Thourotte and Choisy to the hands of the brothers of the Hospital, while the count of Flanders lived.337 All the other land of Vermandois would be confirmed through the princes of France for the count of Flanders to hold, while living. The count agreed to this arrangement. But at that time his principal counsellor, namely Jacques of Avesnes, spoke against it, saying that if the count of Flanders relinquished one foot of Vermandois to the king of France, he would no longer serve him, nor would he remain in his homage. And so, with no peace made, the count of Flanders returned to his own lands, and the matter remained in conflict. The count of Hainaut, working for peace, came to the castle of Béthisy where he met the lord king, but found no peace or truce. From there the lord count of Hainaut went to his daughter the queen of France at Pontoise, so he might at least see her, whom he had not seen in a long time. Elisabeth, distinguished queen of France, most holy wife, completely overcome with tears, begged her father and his household knights to pity her, and to help his lord the king (whom he had offended for a long time on account of the count of Flanders) against the cunning of the count of Flanders, so that she would be more dear to the lord her king and the French people. The count of Hainaut responded to the queen and king that he would do for them whatever he could, while preserving his faith.338 Yet certain envious and ill-intentioned men told

334

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336

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Robert, son of Robert of Dreux and Braisne, received Dreux from his father around 1184; Philip bishop of Beauvais (1175–1217); Henry bishop of Orléans (1186–98). Philip Augustus had married Elisabeth when she was only ten years old, and had apparently not yet consummated his marriage in deference to Elisabeth’s tender years. It is not difficult to imagine that he regarded her more as a younger sister than wife. He may have been eager to find a more mature wife, both from a personal standpoint, and because it was vital for the king to produce heirs of his body. R.-H. Bautier, ‘Philippe Auguste: la personnalité du roi’, France de Philippe Auguste, pp. 40–1; Baldwin, Government of Philip Augustus, p. 357; L. König, ‘Die Politik des Grafen Balduin V. von Hennegau’, BCRH 74 (1905), p. 243. Brothers of the order of Grandmont established churches in forests, as an equivalent to dwelling in a ‘desert’. EMA, I, pp. 629–30; C. Hutchison, The Hermit Monks of Grandmont (Kalamazoo, MI, 1989). Hospitallers, or Knights of Saint John of Jerusalem. Benedict of Peterborough, I, pp. 311–12. BN MS lat. 11105, fol. 44v: dum comes Flandrie veniret; but Vanderkindere, after Brussels, KB II 1554, fol. 248r, dum comes Flandrie viveret makes better sense. Once again, Gilbert would have received an account of this meeting directly from either Elisabeth of Hainaut or her father Baldwin V. Alternatively, it is probable that Gilbert himself, as chancellor of Hainaut, was actually present at the event.

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the count of Flanders that the count of Hainaut had allied with the lord king, promising help against the count of Flanders. Therefore the count of Flanders suspected and hated the count of Hainaut, who knew nothing about this. When the end of Pentecost approached, at the same time and year, the count of Hainaut planned to go to the celebration at the court of Mainz to seek his inheritance.339 Being ignorant of his suspicion, he asked the count of Flanders (who ought to send his own envoys to the court) to plead on his behalf through his envoys before the lord emperor and his relative King Henry, son of the emperor. The count of Flanders granted and promised this. Yet he intended to harm the count of Hainaut if he could, whom he had promised to help, through his envoys Gérard clerk of Messines, his seal keeper, provost of Lille, and Raoul knight of Hazebrouck.340 The count of Hainaut came to the court with decorated silk garments, with virtuous and outstanding men: Eustace the younger of Le Rouelx, Otto of Trazignies, Walter of Wargnies, Nicholas of Barbençon, Régnier of Trith, Hugh of Croix, Amand of Prouvy, Pol of Villers, Godfrey of Esch (a castle in the Ardennes), Nicholas the Monk, Walter of Steenkerque and Henry half-brother of the count, a new knight. Crossing through Namur, Liège, Aachen and Koblenz, he came on the vigil of Pentecost with great and respectable equipment, with many silver vessels and other necessary items, and with sergeants adorned respectably.341 In this court the count of Hainaut had many nobles from the land of Luxembourg with him. Because of the tremendous amount of men coming, the lord emperor ordered the tents of all men approaching to be set up in the meadows of Mainz beyond the Rhine River, where the emperor made his own necessary dwellings. There the lord count of Hainaut had many more beautiful tents than the others. When princes, archbishops, bishops, abbots, dukes, marquises, counts palatine, other counts, noblemen and ministers from the entire Empire on this side of the Alps had assembled at this court, there were in number close to a true estimation of 70,000 in that court, excepting clerks and men of lesser status. On the holy day of Pentecost, lord Frederick emperor of the Romans and his wife the empress wore the imperial crowns with great and due solemnity. King Henry their son wore the regal crown with them. Although most powerful princes claimed the right to bear the imperial sword in that crownwearing (namely the duke of Bohemia, who was at the court with 2,000 knights, Duke Leopold of Austria, a virtuous and generous knight with 500 knights, Bernard the newly-made duke of Saxony with 700 knights, Conrad count palatine of the Rhine, brother of the emperor, with 1,000 and more knights, and the landgrave of Thuringia, an active man, nephew of the emperor, who was with 1,000 and more knights), the lord emperor entrusted the sword-bearing to the count of Hainaut.342 No one contradicted him, because he was a man of great

339

340 341 342

Imperial court at Mainz, March 1184: V. H. Wolter, ‘Der Mainzer Hoftag von 1184 als politisches Fest’, Feste und Feiern im Mittelalter, eds D. Altenburg et al. (Sigmaringen, 1991), pp. 193–9. Gérard, seal keeper since 1169, provost of Saint-Pierre at Lille. Henry of Sebourg, son of Baldwin IV. Frederick duke of Bohemia (d. 1189); Leopold V duke of Austria (1177–94); Bernard of Anhalt, duke of Saxony (1180–1212); Conrad of Hohenstaufen, count palatine (1156–95); Louis III landgrave of Thuringia (1168–97).

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name everywhere in the lands, he was seen to be new in court, and in that court he had many most powerful relatives who were princes, along with other nobles. On the Monday of Pentecost, lord Henry king of the Romans and Duke Frederick of Swabia, sons of lord Frederick emperor of the Romans, were ordained as new knights. In their honour, they and all the princes and other nobles gave to wretched knights, to those signed with the Cross, and to jesters (male and female), many things, namely horses, precious garments, gold and silver. For the princes and other nobles bestowed these goods generously, not only for the their lords’ honour, namely the emperor and his sons, but also for spreading the reputation of their own names. On the Monday and Tuesday, after breakfast, the sons of the emperor began to joust. In this tournament there were, in estimate, 20,000 knights and more, yet the tournament was without arms. The knights delighted in carrying shields, spears and banners and in racing the horses without blows. In this tournament it was fitting for the lord emperor Frederick, although he was not greater or more becoming in body than the others, to carry his shield before the others. The count of Hainaut served him in this tournament, carrying his spear for him. On the Tuesday evening a strong wind rose which knocked down the lord emperor’s chapel and some newly-made houses there.343 Some men died in these ruins, the wind tore many tents and brought fear to everyone. It is sufficiently well known that, as was told above, there were 70,000 knights in that court, because the already named princes had so many knights there, namely the duke of Bohemia 2,000, the duke of Austria 500, the duke of Saxony 700, the count palatine of the Rhine 1,000 or more, the landgrave of Thuringia 1,000 or more, lord Conrad archbishop of Mainz, a relative of the emperor, 1,000, lord Philip archbishop of Cologne, a relative of the count of Hainaut, 1,700, the lord archbishop of Magdeburg 600, the lord abbot of Fulda 500, with other princes excepted, namely the archbishops of Trier, Bremen, Besançon, and Regensburg, lord Roger bishop of Cambrai, lord Raoul bishop of Liège, the bishops of Metz, Toul, and Verdun, the bishop of Utrecht, a relative of the count of Hainaut, the bishops of Worms, Speyer, Strasbourg, Basel, Constance, Chur, Würzburg, Bamberg, Münster, and Hildesheim, the abbots of Camberc, Lorsch, and Prüm, the princes Duke Otto of Bavaria, Thierry count palatine of Bavaria, brother of the duke, Welf the elder duke of Bavaria, the emperor’s uncle, the landgrave of Bavaria, Duke Berthold of Zähringen, first cousin of the count of Hainaut, the marquis of Brandenburg, the marquis of Meissen, the marquis of Styria, the duke of Nancy, Count Gérard of Vienne-sur-le-Rhône, the lord empress’ uncle, the count palatine of Tubingen, and many other archbishops, bishops, abbots, dukes, marquises, count palatines, counts who are called landgraves, and many other counts, noblemen and officials, because everyone in Bavaria, Saxony, Swabia, Franconia, Austria, Bohemia, Burgundy and Lotharingia had been invited to this event.344 A tournament at Ingelheim a town

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BN MS lat. 11105, fol. 46r, and Brussels, KB II 1554, fol. 255r: ibi factas novas prostravit; Vanderkindere: ibi noviter factas in pratis juxta Renum propter populi multitudinem. Conrad, archbishop of Mainz (1161–5, 1183–1200), son of Otto of Wittelsbach, count palatine of Bavaria; Philip of Heinsberg, archbishop of Cologne (1167–91), second cousin once removed of the count of Hainaut; Wichmann, archbishop of Magdeburg (1152–92), see M. Puhle, ed., Erzbischof

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on the Rhine, which was two miles from Mainz, nominated by the counsel of princes, was disregarded. The count of Hainaut discussed his own business with the lord emperor, wishing to make an agreement with his first cousin Duke Berthold of Zähringen (who claimed, although unjustly, in the inheritance of his uncle the count of Namur) to release everything to him. Although the duke’s mother had had two allodial castles on her part, the count of Hainaut, for the sake of greater peace, wished to give the duke 1,600 marks of pure silver of the weight of Cologne, payable within eight months. Thus, the count could be finished with difficulty and tedium. Hearing this, the lord emperor persuaded the count not to do it, because it was clear that the duke, already very unhealthy in body, could die sooner that the count of Namur. And so the count of Hainaut withdrew from that arrangement. The duke died in that same year.345 And so, by the lord emperor’s kind counsel, the count of Hainaut was enriched by such an amount of silver as he would have given to the duke. The lord emperor of the Romans granted his favour to the count of Hainaut concerning all the properties of his uncle the count of Namur, both allods and fiefs, and confirmed by his privilege, according to the counsel of his companions, both the provision of these things and the ordinance of Gilbert the count’s notary.346 In these counsels of the princes, there were Godfrey chancellor of the Imperial court, an outstanding and energetic man, who afterwards had the episcopate of Würzburg, Rudolf chief chancellor of the Imperial court, afterwards made bishop of Verdun in Saxony, Werner of Bolanden an imperial official, a most wise man, enriched by seventeen of his own castles and many towns and honoured by the homages of 1,100 knights (while he lived, he always promoted the count’s affairs, he had a son, the most powerful Philip, who died while he was across the Alps with his lord King Henry

345 346

Wichmann (1152–1192) und Magdeburg im Hohen Mittelalter (Magdeburg, 1992); Conrad II, abbot of Fulda (1177–92); Rudolf, archbishop of Trier; Siegfried of Brandenburg, archbishop of Bremen (1179); Thierry II of Montfaucon, archbishop of Besançon (1180–91); Conrad II, bishop of Regensburg; Roger of Cambrai (see c. 83); Berthold, bishop of Metz (1180–1212); Peter of Brixey, bishop of Toul (1165–92), see M. Parisse, ‘Morimond et l’évêque de Toul au temps de Pierre de Brixey’, Cahiers HautMarnais: Revue de sciences, de lettres et d’art 191:4 (1992), pp. 45–55; Henry of Blieskastel, bishop of Verdun (1181–6); Baldwin, bishop of Utrecht (1178–96), third cousin of Baldwin V; Conrad II of Sternberg, bishop of Worms (1171–92); Ulrich, bishop of Speyer (1178–87); Henry, bishop of Strasbourg (1181–90); Henry, bishop of Basel (1180–91); Hermann, bishop of Constance (1182–9); Henry II, bishop of Chur (1180–93); Reinhard of Abensberg, bishop of Würzburg (1171–84); Otto II of Andrechs, bishop of Bamberg (1177–96), see K. Müssel, ‘Bischof Otto II. von Bamberg. Ein Lebensbild zum Gedenken an seinen Todestag vor 800 Jahren’, Archiv für Geschichte von Oberfranken 76 (1996), pp. 7–42; Hermann, bishop of Münster (1174–1203); Adelog, bishop of Hildesheim (1171–90); Camberc is probably Kempten, but might also be Komburg or Kamberg; Gilbert is mistaken in identifying the duke of Bavaria as Otto (d. 11 July 1183), the current duke was Louis I; Otto did not have a brother Thierry, the dignity of palatine belonged to his brother Otto the younger (d. 1189); Welf VI was not duke of Bavaria, but duke of Spoleto and marquis of Tuscany, his sister Judith was Frederick Barbarossa’s mother; Otto II landgrave of Bavaria (1171–96); Otto I marquis of Brandenburg (d. 1184), see E. Schmidt, ‘Markgraf Otto I. von Brandenburg. Leben und Wirken’, Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte. Germanistische Abteilung 90 (1973), pp. 1–9; Otto, marquis of Meissen (1176–90); Otakar IV, marquis of Styria (1164–92); Simon II, duke of Upper Lotharingia (Nancy) (1176–1205, d. 1207); Gérard, count of Vienne-sur-le-Rhône (d. 1184) was not the empress’ uncle, but her cousin; Rudolf, count of Tubingen, palatine of Swabia. Duke Berthold actually died in 1186. ‘Gilbert the count’s notary’ is Gilbert of Mons himself. For the charter, 22 May 1184: MGH Constitutiones, I, no. 298, pp. 423–4; T. Toeche, Kaiser Heinrich VI (Leipzig, 1867), pp. 600–1.

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of the Romans, Emperor Frederick’s son), Conon of Minzenberg, an imperial official who was wealthy and wise and had many castles, properties and homages of knights, and Count Henry of Dietz, a quite wise man and the count of Hainaut’s devoted friend.347 The confirmation of the count of Namur’s properties to his nephew the count of Hainaut was made at this court, concerning the county of Namur, the county of Luxembourg and Laroche. The envoys of the count of Flanders were at that court, as he hoped to have help against the king of France from King Henry, the emperor’s son, the archbishop of Cologne and many others.348 They granted all this aid to him immediately, prepared for war hastily, and at last went out, causing evil to the count of Hainaut and burdensome harm to his land. The count of Hainaut, with the purpose of his business finished well at that court where he was honoured before other princes, having received the lord emperor’s permission, departed from the court on the Friday of Pentecost, and returned through Bingen, Trier and Luxembourg. [110] Meanwhile the lord king of France had a meeting with the count of Flanders between Compiègne and Choisy, and a truce was confirmed between them.349 Each named their helpers there, to keep them secure in that truce. The count of Flanders placed Count Stephen, the lord king’s liege man and uncle, in his truce, as he had had him as a helper against the king for a long time. On the other side, the lord king cunningly placed the lord count of Hainaut, although he knew nothing of it, in his truce, so that he might sow discord by this between the count of Flanders and the count of Hainaut, allowing him to have the count of Hainaut entirely on his side. When he heard this, the count of Flanders was enflamed with rage against the count of Hainaut. He allowed the count of Hainaut (ignorant of all this) to remain in the king of France’s treaty, which he should not have done. Rather he should have sustained the war against the lord king of France, until he had heard the count of Hainaut’s will either in person or by his faithful envoys. Therefore reports came to the lord count of Hainaut at Amberloup in Ardennes, who was returning from the court on the first Sunday after the eighth day of Pentecost. The count of Hainaut had summoned the entire army of his land in his absence, so that, when he returned, he would be prepared to help the count of Flanders, as he had been accustomed. The count of Hainaut, returning to his lands, was totally dumbfounded by these things told to him, and often asked the count of Flanders by envoys to speak with him on the marches of his land.350 Or, if it pleased the count of Flanders, the count of Hainaut would come to any location in Flanders or Vermandois. The count of Flanders

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Rudolf, bishop of Verdun (1189–1205); Werner of Kirchheimbolanden; Count Henry of Dietz went on the Third Crusade with Frederick Barbarossa. Benedict of Peterborough, I, p. 321, suggests that Count Philip promised to help the emperor subject the kingdom of France to Imperial rule. The meeting took place at the end of May 1184. Benedict of Peterborough, I, p. 312, states that King Henry II arranged this truce, extending from 24 June (feast day of John the Baptist) to the end of the following year (1185). BN MS lat. 11105, fol. 47r, and Brussels, KB II 1554, fol. 263r lack totus stupefactus de hiis que sibi referebantur.

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always refused this with other pretexts as excuses, bearing a huge rancour in his heart against him. [111] In that same time and year, Count Philip of Flanders, who lacked a wife, worked very hard to get a wife.351 Therefore he sent his envoys to Spain. The envoys, namely knights and abbots whom he had sent to seek a wife for him in a distant region, brought him Mathilde, the king of Portugal’s sister, with much gold and precious silk cloth.352 The count married her gladly, and endowed her with many properties at the wedding, namely Saint-Omer and Aire, which should fall to the part of Queen Elisabeth of France after his death. He also endowed her with Douai, L’Écluse, Orchies, Lille, Nieppe, Cassel, Furnes, Dixmude, Bergues, Bourbourg, which should come to the countess of Hainaut and her sons. Because he cherished tremendous anger against the count of Hainaut, against laws and decrees, he endowed other properties which should fall to the part of the countess of Hainaut and her sons, namely Bruges, Ghent, Waes, Alost, Grammont, Ypres, Courtrai, Audenarde.353 [112] When Duke Godfrey, father of the young duke Henry, returned from Jerusalem, and the truces concerning Lembecq were reaching their end at the beginning of August on the feast of St Peter, the lord count of Hainaut invited all his friends to his aid and assembled as many virtuous mercenary knights as he could.354 Therefore, having reasonable advice, he even proposed to ask the count of Flanders, as he had always served him in all matters with many men and great expenses. Taking with him outstanding and virtuous men, Eustace the elder of Le Roeulx and his son Eustace, Nicholas of Barbençon, Otto of Trazegnies, Walter of Wargnies, Amand of Prouvy, Régnier of Trith, Hugh of Croix, Baldwin castellan of Mons, Goswin of Thulin, John Cornutus, Baldwin of Walincourt, William of Haussy and many others, he came to the count at Arras. He found him there with many Flemish and Vermandois knights on the Sunday before the feast of St Peter

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Prior to his betrothal to Mathilde, Philip tried to marry Countess Marie of Champagne, widow of Count Henry I and King Philip’s half-sister, attempting to obtain papal dispensation, as he and Marie were related by affinity through his late wife Elisabeth of Vermandois. William of Andres, p. 715, indicates that Count Philip desired this marriage because he lacked an heir and was ambitious to acquire control of another county. Peter, abbot of Andres, was one of the envoys sent by Philip to Pope Lucius III concerning the dispensation. A. Cartellieri, Philipp II. August, König von Frankreich, 4 vols (Leipzig, 1899–1922), I, pp. 133–4, has shown that Elisabeth of Vermandois and Countess Marie were third cousins once removed through the common ancestor of King Henry I of France. I note also that Marie and Philip were fourth cousins through their common ancestor King Robert the Pious of France, descending both through Marie’s father Louis VII and her mother Eleanor of Aquitaine. Evergates, ‘Aristocratic Women’, p. 78; Bur, ‘Rôle et place de la Champagne’, p. 250; J. Johnen, ‘Philipp von Elsass, Graf von Flandern 1157 (1163)–1191’, BCRH 79 (1910), p. 448. Mathilde, also called Thérèse and Beatrice, was the sister of King Sancho I of Portugal, daughter of Alphonso I. William of Andres, p. 716; Ralph of Diceto, II, p. 28; Benedict of Peterborough, I, p. 310; Flandria generosa, p. 328; Vanderkindere, La formation, I, pp. 175, 315 (who incorrectly cites the year of their marriage as 1183); Nicholas, Medieval Flanders, p. 73. This massive dower reflected Mathilde’s status as a king’s daughter: de Hemptinne, ‘Aspects des relations’, p. 259. Count Philip’s reputation was greatly augmented by this marriage, particularly compared to King Philip’s marriage to a mere count’s daughter. Ralph of Diceto, II, p. 28, placed great emphasis on Mathilde being a king’s daughter. 1 August, feast day of Peter ad Vincula.

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on the third day. The count of Flanders presented an extremely troubled face, with everyone sitting silently because their count was disturbed. The count of Hainaut called upon the count of Flanders as his ally and sworn man to help him against the duke of Louvain because of his honour and to retain his inheritance. The count of Flanders looked for excuses, asking the count of Hainaut to give the duke of Louvain a truce, and to help him against his mortal enemy the king of France. To this, the count of Hainaut responded that he would give no truce to the duke of Louvain concerning these matters, but if the count of Flanders was making war immediately against the lord king of France, he would immediately help him against the king of France with all his forces. If, however, he did not wish to make war immediately against the king of France, the count of Hainaut wished to have his help against the duke of Louvain. And so the count of Hainaut asked for help from the count of Flanders against the duke of Louvain, while the count of Flanders demanded a truce on account of the war which he must have against the king of France, as he wished the count of Hainaut to bring him help immediately. Finally the count of Hainaut departed from him without aid. On the next day, namely the vigil of St Peter, they held a conference between them at Lewarde of Saint-Remy. In this communal speech, the count of Flanders demanded to know from the count of Hainaut if he wished to remain in the truce of the king of France against him. To these words, the count of Hainaut responded that whatever he might have done for the king of France by his own wish, he was prepared to assist the count of Flanders against the king immediately, and he did not want to speak of it more with him. And so, with the counts and their men disagreeing concerning these matters, the count of Hainaut came to Tubize on the day of the feast of St Peter, where he found his army prepared. Aiding him were lord Roger bishop of Laon, the count’s first cousin, and his brother Renaud with eighty chosen knights, Count Manasses of Rethel with 140 knights, Guy of Chéry, his brother Reginald of Donchery, Raoul of Thour, Geoffrey of Balham, the count’s relative, Robert of Pierrepont, the count of Hainaut’s relative, the brothers Geoffrey and Ludemar of Vienne (most virtuous knights), Raoul of Coucy with fifty knights. On the next day Jacques of Avesnes came to the aid of his liege lord the count of Hainaut with a few men, and he suggested to the count of Hainaut that he should give a truce. Jacques asserted that the duke of Louvain had the immediate help with him of the count of Flanders and, if he considered it necessary, he would have the entire Flemish army ready for his aid, which the count of Hainaut could scarcely believe. Nevertheless, he yielded to Jacques because of his men’s counsel so that he would talk with the duke and his men concerning the matter, until such time as he would have arranged and acquired greater forces, and would be better able to retain his right against the duke and the count of Flanders, the duke’s new helper. While Jacques went over to the duke and conferred with him concerning these matters, and the lord count of Hainaut was awaiting his return after a great delay, the duke of Louvain, who was at Hal with his army, burned down Lembecq, while the count was not yet guarding against him. Helping the duke of Louvain from the side of the count of Flanders was Hellin of Wavrin, the steward of Flanders, with 300 knights and many mounted sergeants and footsoldiers. The knights and mounted sergeants of Hainaut saw the burning of Lembecq and quickly made an attack on

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the Brabançons and moving with haste, not in a warlike order, he struck first who came to them first.355 The count came to the bridge at Tubize over the water of La Senne and permitted a few to cross and, although all of the men of France and Hainaut and Ardennes desired to cross, he did not wish to meet with the count of Flanders’ men in arms, while he could hold back, hoping some day to preserve any friendship with him whom he had always obeyed as much as he could. A very few men from the count of Hainaut’s side caused greater damages in that conflict to the duke’s side by the killing and capture of many men and the destruction of horses. In that conflict (no better in arms was ever seen or heard in such an hour) which is commonly called a mêlée, about eighty knights were killed from the count of Hainaut’s side, about 340 on the duke’s side. In that same place certain of the count of Flanders’ men and household knights were captured. On the following day, with Jacques mediating (who the men of Hainaut blamed for the burning of Lembecq because of his excessive delay), truces were confirmed for two years, but which were never observed by the duke. After he had generously acquitted pledges for both domestic and foreign knights, and had restored their plunder according to his will and had paid the mercenaries honourably, the count of Hainaut gave kind permission to all men to leave, and he offered expressions of gratitude to his friends for their help in this matter. [113] Then the lord count of Hainaut came to the lord king of France at Paris with a few men. There he made an alliance with the lord king against the count of Flanders and, since the king was also there with only a few men, the lord king established a day for him at Soissons, so that he could have there many princes and nobles of France, and the count of Hainaut could bring many virtuous and more powerful men from his own land to confirm that alliance. The lord count of Hainaut came on that fixed day to the lord king of France with 140 knights from the nobles and more powerful men of his land, where he received faith and oaths to preserve the alliance from the lord king’s men at the abbey of SaintMédard.356 On the other hand, the lord king received faiths and oaths from the count of Hainaut’s men to keep this same alliance. The count of Flanders, enflamed with immense anger concerning this, brought the entire army which he could against the count of Hainaut, sufficiently certain that the lord king of France, seduced by the counsel of treacherous men, would bring no help to the count of Hainaut, although the count of Hainaut retained hope of his aid. The count of Flanders had in his aid Jacques of Avesnes, twice the count of Hainaut’s liege man. He owed constant garrison service at Mons for the land of Avesnes and at Valenciennes for Brabant land. O Jacques’ amazing betrayal! For because the count of Hainaut had feared Jacques’ treachery in the autumntime (it previously had resulted in war), the lord count wisely summoned him by authority to guard the castle of Mons and to do continuous garrison duty there which he owed. Therefore he set a sufficiently suitable day for this for Jacques. Jacques came on

355 356

They attacked the Advallensibus, ‘men of the Low Country’, here meaning the Brabançons. Cartellieri, Phillip II., I, p. 160, has suggested this meeting occurred in September 1184 while Count Philip was in England.

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the established day to Mons, where honest counsel was held, and he recognised his garrison duty owed to the count of Hainaut in his castles, namely Mons and Valenciennes, before his peers of Mons, namely Eustace of La Roeulx, Nicholas of Barbençon, Walter of Lens, Otto of Trazignies, Rasso of Gavre, Ida of Jauche, Gilles of Chimay, William of Quévy, Gérard of La Hamaide, and before his peers of Valenciennes, namely Amand of Prouvy, Régnier of Trith, Nicholas of Caudry, Charles of Fresnes, Louis his son, Oliver of Préseau, Ida of Jauche (also a peer of Valenciennes). Although Jacques recognised his lord fully, he asked him to postpone the summoned garrison duty at that time, promising the count that whenever the count of Hainaut would have war with the count of Flanders, he would return to the count of Hainaut the castles which he held from him in aid of his war, and he would obey him in his own body with all men belonging to the count of Hainaut’s fief. He would also return the castles to the count of Flanders which he held from him, namely Guise and its appurtenances. The count of Hainaut granted this to him because of his men’s advice. Jacques swore this in the count’s chapel at Mons and departed from them courteously with the kiss of peace given and the esteem of the count and countess and their sons, Baldwin, Philip and Henry. These oaths and the kisses of peace were broken quickly. For when the count of Flanders rose up against the count of Hainaut before the forty days had passed from the promise and recognition of authority, Jacques delivered to the count of Flanders’ hands those castles which he held from the count of Hainaut, namely Avesnes, Landrecies and Leuze. Afterwards on the same day he entered his land with arms and did not shrink from denouncing him. [114] The count of Flanders had as helpers lord Philip archbishop of Cologne, the count of Hainaut’s relative, son of Goswin of Fauquemont, and Duke Godfrey of Louvain and his son Henry.357 When he had equipped and fortified the castles of his land in the march against the king of France with knights and other men, and had placed knights, mounted sergeants and footsoldiers against the count of Hainaut in Grammont, Leuze, Douai, Cateau-Cambrésis, Landrecies and Avesnes, he invaded the count of Hainaut’s land with about 500 knights and about 1,000 mounted knights with chain mail and about forty well-armed footsoldiers, coming through the Cambrai region. On the day on which he wished to enter his land, he renounced his allegiance through a certain of his knights, Lambekin of Reninghe. Jacques of Avesnes renounced his liege lord and relative twice through his faithful man John of Orcq at Le Quesnoy. Otto of Trazignies made an attack by night on the count of Flanders who was overnighting at Viesly, where he set some houses on fire, killed some of his men and captured some. The count of Flanders took some small, lowly fortifications on his approach, namely Solesmes, Saint-Python and Haussy, which the count of Hainaut, who had not had sound advice, had fortified with knights, as it was encircled by a very small, low wall. They defended themselves manfully in the low ramparts, yet about forty-five knights were captured by the count of Flanders’ forces. The count of Flanders

357

Archbishop Philip was son of Goswin II of Fauquemont and Heinsberg, distantly related to Baldwin V through the marriage of his grandfather Baldwin III with Yolende of Gueldre.

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did not wish to retain any of those fortifications for himself, considering their weakness, but he came to Le Quesnoy, burning that region. The count of Hainaut caused that town to be burned, so that they could not be housed in it while besieging the castle. He fortified that castle with many chosen knights, mounted sergeants and footsoldiers. Archbishop Philip of Cologne, a most powerful prince, crossed through the Charbonnière Forest in the count of Flanders’ aid with 1,300 knights and many mounted sergeants, and Duke Godfrey of Louvain and his son Henry the younger duke, having broken the aforesaid treaties which they had confirmed with the count of Hainaut, and not renouncing them, came with 400 knights and 60,000 men, both mounted and on foot. They burned the town of Le Roeulx and, crossing through Binche, spent the night at Estinnes, and there on a Friday when food was running low, constrained by hunger, they ate their sheep. And so, devastating that land, they approached the place which is called Moncel, one mile distant from Mons. The count of Flanders had remained before Le Quesnoy for two days in the small forest which was called Gay, filled with forest bucks and does. He crossed Bavay, and then Mauberge, with his army and came to the archbishop of Cologne’s and the duke of Louvain’s armies in that named place, and he remained at Quévy with his army. It is not amazing that the count of Hainaut had not yet encountered them, when his whole attention was engaged with saving his castles. And so the count of Hainaut intended to save his castles, he caused Valenciennes to be fortified with a ditch in that war, and strengthened it with many knights and men of that town; he strengthened the castle of Bouchain with knights, mounted sergeants and footsoldiers; he fortified the castle of Villers in Lewarde of Saint-Remy and Lallaing near Douai with knights, mounted sergeants and footsoldiers; he strengthened Raismes with mounted sergeants and footsoldiers, and Le Quesnoy too, as said above; he gave aid in knights, footsoldiers and money to Baldwin of Walincourt for strengthening his fortresses, namely Walincourt and Prémont, and to Gilles of Busigny for strengthening Busigny; he fortified Saint-Aubert also throughout several days; he strengthened Monceau, Beaufort, Beaumont and Solre with knights, mounted sergeants and footsoldiers; he fortified Binche also with about 2,000 knights and mounted sergeants and footsoldiers of Hesbaye and 300 mercenaries. Eustace the elder of Le Roeulx and his son Eustace, who could give aid to the count in the great war, if he allowed them, were sufficiently attentive in guarding their castle of Morlanwelz, and had captured some men in the crossing of the archbishop and duke, and killed some. The count strengthened Braine-le-Comte, Écaussines and Tubize (which he had taken away from the duke for taking Hoesnaken for himself) and Ath and Blaton with many knights, mounted sergeants and footsoldiers. He fortified the castle of Mons with 140 knights and crossbowmen necessary for defence, which was encircled by a small low wall, in which the lady countess Marguerite, the count of Flanders’ sister, lay weakened by childbirth. Protected everywhere by all these men, both mounted and on foot, whom the count of Hainaut had ordered for the defence of his castles against the enemies’ attacks, he provided abundantly at his own expense and gave comfort to his men, both greater and lesser, saying with a cheerful face: ‘Take comfort and be strong, because our enemies will withdraw at some time, and leave our lands to us, because they cannot take the lands with them’. In this war the count of Hainaut

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had about 300 mercenary knights, and about 3,000 mercenary sergeants too, both mounted and on foot. He also had about 300 auxiliary knights who, although they were not paid, yet were at his expense, of whom some had come from France, some from Lotharingia. [115] In those times the lord count had received Baldwin Caron as a household knight, son of Roger of Rumes, a great, handsome, strong and most virtuous knight (who had withdrawn from the count of Flanders because of a disagreement), and he gave him 600 pounds in liege fief, assigning that money to him from Querenaing, a town near Valenciennes.358 He also retained Hugh of Antoing as a household knight, a poor knight at that time, brother of Goscelin and William of Antoing, and he restored to him freely the town of Attre in Brabant, which he had held in pledge from his ancestors for 400 pounds. He also retained for himself Baldwin of Neuville, brother of Eustace, and enfeoffed him with 300 pounds, from which he assigned to him thirty pounds annually from the vineyard of Mauberge. He retained Robert of Beaurain as a household knight, a most virtuous knight of noble name, and gave him in fief land near the town of Forest, and 200 pounds with the land. He also gave to Walter of Wargnies, a virtuous knight and quite outstanding in arms and other necessary things, a pledge of 200 pounds, from which he held the town of Bellaing near Valenciennes. He gave 200 pounds to Richard of Orcq, in order to convert them into liege fief. He also enfeoffed with annual fiefs certain noble knights of great name from the kingdom of France, namely Robert of Condé, Gérard of Geri and William of Pierrepont: Robert with twenty pounds of money, Gérard with twenty pounds and William with twenty marks.359 [116] Then, it must be told how the count of Flanders, the archbishop of Cologne, and the duke of Louvain withdrew from Hainaut, and what the count of Hainaut did after their departure. While the count of Flanders, the archbishop of Cologne and the duke of Louvain were with their armies at Moncel, the count of Hainaut had a conference with the archbishop through mediators. The archbishop demanded that the count of Hainaut make peace. The count, knowing his enemies were needy and lacking food, did not respond with certainty to the archbishop, as thus he could detain him with words and prolong their famished calamity. Therefore the count, pretending to receive counsel concerning these matters, detained the archbishop for three days with calm words. The archbishop and other enemies, perceiving the count of Hainaut’s astuteness, departed from there and, crossing between Mons and Binche, came to Carnières where they made a delay of two nights in order to make a wider path for crossing through the woods. On the third day the archbishop of Cologne and the duke of Louvain crossed back, returning to their own lands. The count of Flanders passed through the woods with his men and then returned through the duke of Louvain’s land to Flanders. Then he made his retreat through the land

358 359

Baldwin Caron, lord of Rumes (d. before 1213): Warlop, Flemish Nobility, II:2, p. 1101. William of Pierrepont, son of Hugh and Clemence of Rethel, brother of Bishop Hugh of Liège.

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of Ostrevant to the count of Hainaut’s harm. Jacques had made serious attacks on the lord count of Hainaut’s fortresses, which he hated more than others, namely Beaufort and Monceau, where a few men remained, manfully resisting many assailants.360 Jacques did nothing according to his wish there, and withdrew sufficiently confounded. The count of Flanders made assaults on the castle of Villers in Lewarde of Saint-Remy for two days with knights, mounted sergeants, footsoldiers, crossbowmen and mangonels, where the guardians of the castle defended themselves manfully and courageously, and the count of Flanders withdrew confounded with great bloodshed and wounded men.361 Rasso of Gavre who, although he was the liegeman of the count of Hainaut, was nonetheless bound more to the count of Flanders by homage and fear, made continuous assaults from Grammont on the count of Flanders’ part against the count of Hainaut, burning the land in great part, capturing the small, lowly fortified house of Ghislengien, and brought away with him in his army the servants captured in it. The count of Hainaut, after the archbishop of Cologne’s and the duke of Louvain’s retreat, devastated Jacques’ land in Brabant with much looting and setting of fires, where he burned seventy-two towns, both his own and from his fief, and he seized Condé which was totally burned and there he began to reconstruct the fortress, as if to hold forever. Yet, afterwards he restored it to Jacques through the king of France’s intercession, along with the town. The lord king of France, who had assembled his army at Compiègne to help the count of Hainaut against the count of Flanders, withdrew at the suggestion of treacherous men, taking the road against Count Stephen his uncle, who had brought war against the king to help the count of Flanders. The lord king could have resisted him through any sufficiently small prince but, relying on the counsel of bad men, he brought no help to the count of Hainaut in the war, although the count of Hainaut was tied to the king through the said alliance, and the king was bound by right and mutual relations to the count of Hainaut through the same alliance to help with all due aid. And so in the count of Hainaut’s war, no entrance or exit was open from Hainaut for his men, messengers or helpers, except through the castle of Thuin or through Chimay. The count of Hainaut requested aid owed for this war from his liege lord Bishop Raoul of Liège, his first cousin, when war was imminent, but the bishop gave no help. In the war, the count of Hainaut, from fear of the count of Flanders and the archbishop of Cologne, had sent his sons, Baldwin, Philip and Henry, to the bishop of Liège’s castle of Thuin for greater and safer protection. And so while the war endured between the count of Flanders and the count of Hainaut, Jacques of Avesnes insinuated to the lord count of Hainaut through a certain man and household knight of his, namely William surnamed Pisiere, that if any knight wished to rebuke him for treason, that he might not have acted justly against the lord count of Hainaut and had not departed legitimately from his homage, he should be challenged in a particular court, namely the French king’s or English king’s

360 361

For Jacques of Avesnes and Beaufort, see also c. 74. A mangonel was a siege machine which hurled a stone out of a cup or sling: France, Western Warfare, pp. 118–19.

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court, and he would prove against that knight by a duel with his own body.362 This greatly pleased many virtuous knights from Hainaut who chose to have this duel against him. Jacques refused to fulfil this at an opportune place and time. That war endured from the feast of All Saints to the twelfth day before Christmas. Then conceded truces were confirmed through mediators between the count of Flanders and the count of Hainaut up to the eighth day of Epiphany. In these truces the count of Flanders included the duke of Louvain and Jacques of Avesnes. And so when the truces were established on both sides, the count of Hainaut most generously acquitted pledges of expenses to his helpers in the war and restored their losses to them, granted them kind permission to depart with deeds of favour, and repaid their services honourably and gratefully with all their stipends, both knights and mounted men-at-arms, and footsoldiers and crossbowmen. Then the count of Hainaut went to the lord king of France at Christmas at Laon, and he came with many virtuous knights there for a conference with the king which the king held with the count of Flanders between Compiègne and Choisy during the eight days of Christmas. During this conference Eustace the younger of Le Roeulx and Otto of Trazignies offered themselves as prepared and wishing for rivalry to provoke Jacques of Avesnes to a duel, because he had acted badly against his liege lord the count of Hainaut. But because he was in the count of Flanders’ truces, the count of Hainaut would not permit him to be provoked by anyone without the count of Flanders’ permission concerning this. Nevertheless the count of Hainaut, with everyone listening, demanded that Jacques honour his word committed and offered at Valenciennes, and to do this before the count of Flanders so that it could be agreed without damage to faith. Jacques did not wish to honour that proposition, sheltered improperly enough by the cover of the count of Flanders’ truces, and he did not wish to respond, as much as this pertained to the honour of a virtuous knight or noble man. Truces were confirmed there between the count of Flanders, the lord king of France and his helper the count of Hainaut up to the next pending feast of St John. [117] In those days the count of Hainaut acquired by making a purchase from one of his liege men, who was called castellan of Famars, properties which he held from him, namely the donation of the thirteen prebends in the church of Condé, the people of the staple at Valenciennes, a mill in Valenciennes, half of the town of Artres, twenty-five of the knights’ homages and all which he held from the count.363 In this time Goswin of Wavrin, a virtuous knight, brother of Hellin of Wavrin steward of Flanders, came to the count of Hainaut, having killed a servant of the count of Flanders, namely Lambert. The count of Hainaut retained him as a household knight, and in the same year he gave him as wife his relative the widow Ada, daughter of Eustace of Le Roeulx, firstly wife of Nicholas of Boulaere, afterwards wife of Drogo of Bousies, and the count of Hainaut assigned to Goswin allowances of land in the town of Querenaing near Valenciennes in liege

362 363

BN MS lat. 11105, fol. 52r: contra dominum comitem; Vanderkindere: contra comitem. The castellan of Famars was William.

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fief.364 And in the same year the count gave to Baldwin Caron, out of respect for this knight’s virtue, Ida of Jauche as wife, his most noble relative, a widow, firstly wife of Régnier of Jauche. [118] Then at the end of Easter in the year of the Lord 1185, although the truces between the king of France and the count of Flanders had not yet reached the end, a noble knight, the castellan from Péronne, delivered to the French king’s hand his castle of Bray, which he had held from the oftmentioned Philip count of Flanders and Vermandois for a long time in whatever manner, and he received it from the king in fief. The lord king fortified it with knights against the count of Flanders’ threats. Therefore Count Philip of Flanders and Vermandois called up an army and besieged the castle. The lord king called forth his army everywhere against the count of Flanders to come to the aid of the castle conceded to him and in which he had placed knights, and came in his strength to Boves, a town above the Somme River near the city of Amiens, and remained there. Count Philip of Flanders and Vermandois came in opposition with an army from the other side of the river. The army of the lord king Philip of France was, by estimation, 2,000 knights and 140,000 mounted and on foot.365 The lord king and the count of Flanders remained there with their armies for three weeks. The count of Flanders and Vermandois had about 400 knights and about 40,000 men, both mounted and on foot. It is not surprising that the count of Flanders had fewer knights and other men with him than usual, because he had fortified Ribemont, Saint-Quentin, Chauny, Beaulieu, Thourotte, Choisy, Ressons, Lassigny, Montdidier, Hangest, Bulles, Milly, Poix, Beauquesne, the city of Amiens and many other places with knights, mounted sergeants and footsoldiers against the lord king of France. No men settled in the march dared to come to the army because of protecting their own properties. Similarly, it was fitting for the count of Flanders to fortify the castles Cateau-Cambrésis, Douai, Wavrechain, Écluse, Audenarde, Grammont and many other places with knights, mounted sergeants and footsoldiers against the count of Hainaut. None of the men of those lands dared to leave their land because of protecting their own properties. Moreover the count of Flanders lacked the duke of Louvain’s aid and his great forces, and Jacques of Avesnes’ aid and his forces because of the war against the count of Hainaut. Besides, if he had had the count of Hainaut’s aid with his forces, as he had been accustomed, he could have resisted the lord king sufficiently. Meanwhile the count of Hainaut had summoned his army and devastated Jacques of Avesnes’ land in the greater and better part by doing much looting and setting of fire. In this devastation, he burned about 110 towns and devastated that land belonging to the lord of Avesnes, and the count remained there with his army,

364

365

Warlop, Flemish Nobility, I:1, pp. 256–7, notes that hostility between the house of Wavrin and the Flemish count dated to the count’s harsh treatment of the adulterer Walter of Fontaine, see note in c. 29. For Ada’s previous marriages, see c. 28. Vanderkindere suggests a lacuna before libratas, apparently assuming libratas to mean ‘pounds’. However, BN MS lat. 11105, fol. 53r, shows no lacuna, suggesting a correct translation of libratas as ‘allowances’. Rigord, p. 42, suggests that when the count of Flanders saw the king’s great army, ‘his spirit was utterly terrified, and the heart of his people was dissolved’.

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proposing to cross into the count of Flanders’ land towards Grammont and the duke of Louvain’s land. When he was with his army in the meadows of Boussu above the Haine River, he had messages from the king of France that he should come to him with haste, and meanwhile, to keep peace with the count of Flanders and his auxiliaries, for a meeting had been named between the lord king and the count of Flanders. The count of Hainaut, intending to exact serious revenge against his enemies, was sorry about the truce, and the named meeting displeased him. Nevertheless, because he had always been accustomed to act according to his men’s counsel, by their advice he travelled to the lord king of France through the count of Flanders’ land, having the count’s permission and safe conduct. He found him at the town of Boves with his army. On the other side of the water of the Somme, the count of Flanders sat with his army, where peace was discussed between the lord king of France and the count of Flanders.366 The form of the peace was that the count of Flanders would immediately return Chauny, Ressons and Lassigny to Countess Eleanor of Beaumont as her inheritance, and he would assign to her 200 pounds annually from the vineyard of Roye. He would give for perpetual possession to the lord king of France the county of Amiens and all its homages, Montdidier with all its appurtenances and homages, Choisy, Thourotte, and the homages of Breteuil, Poix, Milly, Bulles, Hangest, the vicelordship of Picquigny, the lordships of Boves and Moreuil and other properties in those parts, with Countess Eleanor of Beaumont’s consent, the rightful heir of that land. The count of Hainaut would return to the count of Flanders’ love, alliance and homage, namely concerning the 500 pounds which the count of Hainaut held annually in the vineyard of Bapaume for the reclamation of the inheritance of Douai and for his marriage, and with the alliance secure which the count of Hainaut had confirmed with the lord king of France. Jacques of Avesnes would have the count of Hainaut’s peace and would return to his liege homage. The arrangement of this peace pleased the lord king of France fully, and he ought to be pleased enough, because he not only gained the honours named through this peace, but also he would further hold in peace and according to his will his new city of Noyon, and Corbie, Montreuil-sur-Mer and Saint-Ricquier in Ponthieu, royal towns bound until then to the count of Flanders’ strength and surrounded by his castles.367 This did not sufficiently please the count of Hainaut, because he was very sorry about his and his men’s injuries, his great expenses and many other evils carried out by the count of Flanders and Jacques

366

367

The Treaty of Boves, July 1185: Baldwin, Government of Philip Augustus, pp. 25–6; Nicholas, Medieval Flanders, p. 73; Hallam and Everard, Capetian France, p. 212; de Hemptinne, ‘Aspects des relations’, p. 259. Rigord, pp. 42–3, cites Count Thibaut of Champagne (steward of France) and Archbishop William of Reims as intermediaries in the peace. He states that Count Philip restored to the king all the castles and towns of Vermandois which he had possessed unjustly, but retaining the castles of Saint Quentin and Péronne for his lifetime only, and swore to make up all damages which he had caused to Count Baldwin. Sigebert of Gembloux, p. 423, confirms the return of Choisy, Thourotte, Montdidier and the county of Amiens, as well as the unidentified town of Calmacus. Cartellieri, Phillip II., p. 178 n. 5, suggests that this is a corruption of Calniacus, and likely refers to Chauny. Sigebert adds the interesting detail that ‘the French scorned Count Philip in the king’s presence at Compiègne, irritating him with trifling words’. Corbie had been the dowry of Adela, daughter of King Robert I the Pious, when she married Baldwin V of Flanders.

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of Avesnes. Nevertheless, he had caused great injuries to Jacques and his entire land, both in Hainaut and Brabant, by looting, fire, capturing men and great losses by death. The lord king begged the count of Hainaut, as if with bended knees, as his father and highest helper after God, to agree to this peace for the sake of such great increase for the king. The count of Hainaut saw the tremendous increase of the lord king’s honour, his son-in-law, and the tremendous loss of the count of Flanders’ honour, which was said by everyone on either side in the conference to proceed from the count of Hainaut, and he agreed to the king’s wish and commended the making of this peace. The lord king promised many good things to him, but not following up the promises sufficiently according to greater needs. The aforesaid castles were freely returned to Countess Eleanor of Beaumont. Others, as it was said above, were handed over to the lord king and kingdom with the countess’ assent. These castles which were returned by the count of Flanders and Vermandois (both his own and fiefs) added up to sixtyfive, with one city, namely Amiens. Therefore the evils which happened because of Lembecq are evident, as it was told above, firstly against the count of Hainaut, then against Jacques of Avesnes, afterwards against the count of Flanders. The count of Hainaut returned to the count of Flanders’ homage and alliance, with the lord king’s alliance secure; Jacques returned to the count of Hainaut’s liege homage. Jacques of Avesnes, the count of Flanders’ highest counsellor, would have from the lord king a gift promised secretly for making this peace and for giving so many castles to the lord king, namely 100 pounds of land in fief.368 This was noticed by few men right up to the giving of the fief. The lord king afterwards assigned these 100 pounds of land to Jacques at Crépy-en-Laonnois. Because of this peace, Tubize was restored to the duke of Louvain and Hoesnaken to the count of Hainaut. In the conference where peace was made, Robert of Boves, a noble man of great name, who had done many marvellous things in many regions (about which things are still written), having made new homage to the lord king, said scornfully to the count of Flanders whom he hated: ‘Lord count, I was your man until now, now by God’s will I have been made your equal and I will hold judgement with you in the lord king’s court’.369 [119] In that same year the count of Hainaut caused the wall of the castle of Mons to be heightened and equipped with ramparts, he renewed the tower and caused a great ditch to be made, with many houses knocked down, for the greater protection of the town and land, as it had formerly been many years ago. He caused the wall of Binche to be renewed and heightened, the tower at Brainele-Comte to be heightened and built with a higher vaulted roof, the tower of

368

369

A ‘pound of land’ means an amount of land which would give an annual yield of one pound: J. F. Niermeyer and C. van de Kieft, Mediae latinitatis lexicon minus, 2 vols (Leiden/Boston, 2002), I, p. 796. Robert of Boves, count of Amiens (d. 1191), son of Thomas of Marle and his third wife Mélisende of Crécy. Sigebert of Gembloux tells this tale of Robert, pp. 456, 473: in 1154, he suspected his wife and one of his men of adultery. He shut them in a house and set fire to it, but they survived the conflagration unscathed, thus proving their innocence. Robert tried to kill one of them as they came out, but he was pulled back by the hair as if by some invisible presence behind him, and he and his horse fell headlong to the ground. Thereupon, Robert vowed a pilgrimage, returned his wife and his man into his favour, and changed his life for the better.

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Bouchain to be heightened and built with a vaulted roof and he renewed the walls of the town. He caused the tower of Raismes to be heightened and equipped with a higher vaulted roof. Then and afterwards, he caused a great ditch at Valenciennes to be made. He encircled Beaumont with a wall. He made an exterior wall at Ath around his manor. The count of Hainaut, a prudent and energetic man, built these things against the cunning of whatever enemies and adversaries, because he had found sound faith in the promises and debts of few men. [120] Although peace had been transacted between the king of France and the count of Flanders, Duke Godfrey of Louvain and his son Henry the younger duke, summoning an army, rose up against the count of Namur. Therefore the count of Hainaut, returning from the abovementioned place where peace had been made, had messages at Cambrai. He, summoning an army with haste, came to the land of Namur to the aid of his uncle on the third day after hearing the reports, because he did not wish to break the new peace made concerning Hainaut and Brabant.370 Coming with 300 knights and about 30,000 men, both mounted and on foot, he found his uncle with 200 knights and about 10,000 mounted men. The duke of Louvain, when he heard of the count of Hainaut’s approach, caused all the cattle of his land lingering in the march against the count of Namur’s land and all movables in the town which is called Gembloux to be gathered. And there he placed the better and stronger burgesses and sergeants and some knights for defence. With the duke staying near there with many knights and men mounted and on foot, the count of Hainaut attacked Gembloux with the count of Namur. The men put in that place, defending themselves manfully for a long time, resisted the men of Hainaut and Namur. At last that town was captured by the count of Hainaut’s forces, yet those men defended themselves in houses and the monastery for a long time after the capture of the town. But the monastery could not be a refuge of security or a protection of strength for them. The town was burned with fire, many of the duke’s men were killed there, about 3,000 were captured.371 The men of Hainaut took from there many horses and many other animals, and arms, clothing and many other movables. Then the count of Hainaut with his uncle burned the town which is called MontSaint-Guibert and many other towns, with the duke seeing this. The destruction done in Gembloux gravely afflicted the duke and his land by the damage done and the killing and capture of men. And so that evil which proceeded from Lembecq to the duke of Louvain’s detriment is clear, along with the other aforesaid injuries. Thus the count of Hainaut exacted serious vengeance against his enemies in a short time, namely against the count of Flanders in respect to the aforesaid restoration of such great castles, and against Jacques of Avesnes through the great burning and depredation of his land, and against the duke of Louvain through the destruction of Gembloux.

370

371

‘because he did not wish to break the new peace’, presumably refers to the fact that he brought his troops against the duke of Louvain to the main theatre of war in Namur, rather than attacking Brabant as a means of drawing off the duke’s troops from Namur. Sigebert of Gembloux, p. 424, notes the burning of the town of Gembloux and its church of Saint-Wibert, but gives the year as 1187.

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[121] In that same time, after he had made peace with the king of France, Count Philip of Flanders went in Germany to his lord and relative King Henry of the Romans, son of Emperor Frederick, and made a serious complaint about the lord king of France and the count of Hainaut.372 King Henry was amazed that the count had not awaited his help which had been prepared for the count against the king of France, although the king of the Romans had proposed to bring him help, both through Lotharingia (namely through Brabant and Hainaut) and through the region of Metz.373 Nevertheless King Henry promised him aid. The lord king of France summoned the count of Flanders a little later to release freely to him, according to the aforesaid agreement, the new castle which he had built for himself, namely Beauquesne, saying it belonged to the lordship of Amiens. The count of Flanders said that it was from the lordship of Arras.374 And so the lord king of France established a day concerning this for the count of Flanders, once at Compiègne and once at Paris. The count of Flanders, awaiting help from lord Henry king of the Romans, refused to come to these days. Therefore the king of the Romans came at the suggestion of the count of Flanders, the archbishop of Cologne and the duke of Louvain to Liège in the autumntime to seek help against the king of France and to oppress the count of Hainaut, so that he would be separated from love and alliance with the king of France, and also to devastate his land by the king of the Romans’ crossing. With the lord king of the Romans coming to Liège, he commanded the count of Hainaut severely to come to him there. The count of Hainaut arranged to go there, and came to Andenne with about 200 knights, but he did not wish to travel further without safe conduct, because there were princes who were most powerful men in that court who were hostile to him, namely Philip archbishop of Cologne, the count of Flanders and the duke of Louvain. The lord king sent escorts whom the count of Hainaut wished to meet, namely the archbishop of Cologne, Raoul bishop of Liège, Conrad count palatine of the Rhine, Duke Henry of Limbourg and Count Albert of Dasbourg.375 The lord king of the Romans constrained the count of Hainaut with strict summonses to help the count of Flanders against the king of France, to hand over his castles in Hainaut to the greatest help for his men from the Empire against the king of France and to allow transit through his land. The count of Hainaut responded to this that he was amazed that the count of Flanders now worked against his liege lord the king of France to his detriment, with whom he had recently made peace, and had departed from him as his man and friend, and afterwards had not renounced him. The count of Hainaut also said that he was obliged to help the count of Flanders. The count of Hainaut also said that he was not obliged to return his castles to the king of the Romans’ men, nor to allow them transit through his land, because devastation threatened his 372

373

374

375

King Henry was at Speyer on 28 August 1185. Count Philip and King Henry were first cousins once removed through their common ancestor Count Philip’s grandfather Duke Thierry II of Upper Lotharingia. Gilbert’s definition of ‘Lotharingia’ highlights the extreme flexibility of the use of this regional name during this period. Beauquesne was on the border of the Amiens and the Artois. The king’s claim was based on Count Philip’s cession of the Amiens to him in the Treaty of Boves (see c. 118). Count Albert of Dasbourg-Moha (Alsace), half-brother of Duke Godfrey III of Brabant.

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land in this matter. For he remained in the march of the Empire of the Romans and the kingdom of France, as he ought to guard his land during their wars. Moreover the count of Hainaut said that he held the entire land of Hainaut from the bishop of Liège, who was present there, whom he had never deceived. But he had always done whatever he owed, as to his liege lord. Therefore the count of Hainaut also said that if his lord the bishop of Liège thought to say anything concerning his land or his castles, he was immediately prepared to satisfy him by right through the advice of his peers. When the bishop of Liège heard this, by the counsel of his church and his men, he offered to the lord king of the Romans that, if he thought to say anything against his faithful man the count of Hainaut, he would do whatever his peers, the princes of the Empire, would judge concerning him. And so the count of Hainaut departed, undaunted by that court with the king of the Romans’ malevolence threatening him seriously, having no hope of good from the most powerful king of the Romans, but rather, expecting great injuries. The count of Hainaut guarded himself and his land against him manfully and wisely, the Lord delivered him from such great threats. Indeed, although the lord king of the Romans prepared help for the count of Flanders, and proposed to cross through his land to the count of Hainaut’s harm, the count of Flanders confirmed truces with the lord king of France, with the king of the Romans unknowing and unconsulted.376 [122] In that same autumntime, Count Henry of Namur, at the instigation of the archbishop of Cologne, the count of Flanders and the duke of Louvain (who exerted themselves for the count of Hainaut’s disinheritance), received as wife Agnes, fifteen years removed from him, Count Otto of Gueldre’s sister, related to the count of Hainaut in the second degree of consanguinity.377 She quickly conceived a daughter, who was later born in the month of July, named Ermesinde. Therefore many evils happened to the count of Namur and his entire land, as well as the count of Hainaut’s labours and his tremendous expenses and losses to the duke of Louvain. All of these things took their evil origin from Lembecq. [123] In that same year during the Lord’s Advent, because of the king of France’s command, the count of Hainaut went to him at the city of Sens, and in that same place and those regions the lord king had a conference with his sister, the countess of Champagne. The count of Hainaut, who was present at the conference, was constrained by the countess, the archbishop of Reims, Count Thibaut, Count Stephen and the duke of Burgundy to keep the contracts of matrimony confirmed for his children and the countess of Champagne’s children, with faith given and oath offered, because the count of Hainaut’s eldest son and Countess Marie of Champagne’s daughter already had sufficient years for uniting in matrimony.378 The count of Hainaut asked for delays concerning this, until his daughter Yolende would have such years that Count Henry the younger of Champagne

376 377 378

Treaty of Aumale, 7 November 1185, see Ralph of Diceto, II, p. 38. Count Otto of Gueldre (1186–c.1206). See c. 97. Evergates, ‘Aristocratic Women’, p. 78.

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could reasonably marry her. He could not have these delays, because his eldest son Baldwin and Countess Marie of Champagne’s daughter had sufficient years in this matter. These people denied delays to the count of Hainaut concerning this, promising their great help to the count of Hainaut. The count, fearing to harm the pledge of his faith, came from there to the city of Troyes and there the contracted marriage of Baldwin of Hainaut and Marie of Champagne was sworn on both sides on the eighth day following Epiphany. It was also sworn on both sides that when Yolende, the count of Hainaut’s daughter, would have sufficient years for marrying, Count Henry of Champagne would marry her without pretext or delay. Count Henry of Champagne himself swore this, having sixteen or more years.379 His mother, Countess Marie of Champagne, and many noble men also swore on his part. Therefore the lord Archbishop William of Reims, the count of Champagne’s uncle, placed himself as a pledge. The count of Hainaut and his men who were present there also swore. These oaths were afterwards poorly observed. For it wasn’t enough for them to deceive the count of Hainaut in these oaths, but they laboured greatly through seeking another marriage for his disinheritance, as will be told in subsequent chapters. Immediately after this arrangement, the count of Hainaut’s son Baldwin, thirteen years old, received as wife Marie, the count of Champagne’s sister, twelve years old, at ChâteauThierry.380 This Marie began sufficiently young to devote herself to divine obedience in prayers, vigils, fasts and alms. Her husband Baldwin, a young knight, by chaste living, scorning all other women, began to love her alone with a fervent love, which is rarely found in any man, so that he devoted himself to his sole wife only and was content with her alone. The solemn rejoicing of the wedding was celebrated at Valenciennes with an abundance of knights and ladies and men of whatever status. [124] In those days the count of Hainaut gave a town, his own allod which he had acquired from some nobles, namely Baileux near Chimay, to Gilles lord of his castle, his faithful relative, as an increase to his fief. Gilles added the town of Baileux and the town of Momignies, which he had newly established, to his guardianship of the castle of Mons. [125] In that same year in the time of Lent, namely the year 1185, because the lord king of France had held a conference between Trie and Gisors with the lord king of England and the count of Flanders about the abovementioned quarrels concerning Beauquesne, the count of Hainaut was with the lord king of France in this conference.381 They returned to the city of Amiens from there, namely the king of France, the count of Hainaut and the count of Flanders. There the count of Flanders gave Roye in Vermandois to the lord king of France for retaining the 379

380 381

Yolende (d. 1219) never married Henry, but married Count Pierre II Courtenay of Nevers: Actes, I, no. 453. Baldwin, born July 1171, was actually fourteen years old. Ralph of Diceto, II, p. 40, notes this meeting on 10 March 1186, listing other participants as the countess of Champagne and Queen Marguerite, widow of the young king Henry (and King Philip’s half-sister). Not only was peace made concerning Vermandois, but an amicable settlement was made between King Henry II of England and the widowed Marguerite concerning her dower.

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castle of Beauquesne. The king allowed the castle of Beauquesne to be added to the lordship of Arras. There the lord king of France confirmed to Mathilde, the count of Flanders’ wife (who caused herself to be called ‘queen’), the dower given to her by the count of Flanders.382 The count of Hainaut was asked then and at other times concerning this, but he did not wish to approve it. [126] At Eastertime in the year of the Lord’s incarnation 1186, the count of Hainaut diligently made an account in his castle at Mons, having the counsel of his secretaries and familiar men concerning his great debts made for expenses and payments to knights and paid sergeants with the count of Flanders against the king of France, and with the king of France at one time or another on his behalf against the count of Flanders, the duke of Louvain and Jacques of Avesnes. Those debts added up to 41,000 Valenciennes pounds. Therefore the count of Hainaut, although sad, paid the greater part and nearly all within seven months by burdening his land heavily with taxes. [127] In that same year and time in the month of July, a great storm with thunder, hail and rain flew from Lewarde of Saint-Remy through the middle of Hainaut for a long time, and not only knocked down crops in fields, but pulverised them, cut down trees, killed birds in forests, hares in fields and wild animals in woods, it also killed beasts in pastures and gravely afflicted Hainaut. In that same month and year a noble man and most fierce knight of great name, Eustace of Le Roeulx, son of the elder Eustace, died and was buried in the monastery of Saint-Feuillien du Roeulx, for which reason the count of Hainaut and his men grieved. [128] In that same year around the feast of St Martin, relics were found at Paris in the old monastery of Saint-Étienne under the altar by a monk of Clairvaux named John, to whom God had revealed them in dreams. The count of Hainaut was present at the discovery of these relics when returning from the lord king at Montlhéry. Those relics included hairs of Blessed Mary mother of God, the head of St Denis, the rib of St Laurence and the stones with which St Stephen had been stoned. For writing found with the relics indicated that a queen, wife of King Clovis of France, who was first of the French kings to receive baptism by St Remy, had caused that temple to be consecrated and the aforesaid relics to be sealed in it, because that temple had formerly been the foremost church of the city of Paris and the metropolitan see had been there, which afterwards had been moved to the see of Sens.383 From there the count of Hainaut came to Cassel, where Évrard Radou should come for a duel against John of Cysoing. He had challenged Évrard, the count of Hainaut’s first cousin, to a duel at the count of Flanders’

382

383

Mathilde assumed the title of ‘queen’ because she was the daughter of a king: Vita Alberti episcopi Leodiensis, ed. J. Heller, MGH SS XXV (Hanover, 1880), p. 140. She used this title in her own charters: Nicholas, ‘Countesses as Rulers of Flanders’, p. 125. Gilbert harps upon Mathilde’s insistence on being called ‘queen’, suggesting he regarded this title with scorn. Clovis, king of the Franks (c.466–511) and Queen Clotild, baptised by St Remy (Remigius): EMA, I, pp. 322–4.

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instigation. The count of Hainaut, seeing that the count of Flanders hated Évrard with grave hatred, and that the count of Flanders was lord and judge of the duel, advised Évrard that, if he could make peace, he should do it before the duel happened, through the justice of that man through whom, and on behalf of whom, he had been provoked to duel. And so Évrard made peace, receiving from the count of Flanders in fief his castle of Mortagne which he held in allod, situated in the county of Hainaut, which castle the count of Flanders said was from his fief, and it was added to the lordship of Flanders.384 [129] Then, with the end of Easter approaching, in the year of the Lord 1187, the count of Namur worked for the harm and disinheritance of his nephew the count of Hainaut, while he feigned an appearance of friendship to him. He confirmed matrimonial contracts for his tiny daughter Ermesinde, not yet a year old, handing her over to Count Henry through his nephew Count Manasses of Rethel, the count of Champagne’s man, secretly promising to him the inheritance of his entire land, although the count of Champagne had sworn to receive the count of Hainaut’s daughter as wife.385 When this had been communicated to the count of Hainaut, he send his envoys, namely lord Lambert, the venerable abbot of Saint-Ghislain, and his clerk Gilbert, to Frederick, lord emperor of the Romans, to notify him of these matters and to hear his will concerning it.386 The lord emperor responded to them at the city of Toul in Lotharingia during the solemnity of Pentecost, that, after the count of Namur and Luxembourg’s death, he would grant all the fiefs that were in his gift to no one, except to the count of Hainaut only, to whom he had confirmed both fiefs and allods in the court at Mainz. He would not permit anyone from the kingdom of France to succeed to the count of Namur’s allods.387 When the emperor had promised many properties to the count of Hainaut, the envoys returned to the lord count of Hainaut. [130] At that time when the most virtuous knight Otto of Trazegnies, the count of Hainaut’s man and household knight, had returned from overseas regions, the lord count gave, as an increase of his fief and guardianship of Mons, the town of Aubechies in Brabant and the part in the vineyard of Haspres which he had. [131] In that same year, namely 1187, Richard, the king of England’s son, attacked the lord king of France. Therefore the lord king of France, brought an

384 385

386

387

Warlop, Flemish Nobility, I:1, p. 256. Count Manasses III of Rethel’s mother Beatrice was Henry of Namur’s sister. Evergates, ‘Aristocratic Women’, pp. 78–9, suggests that Countess Marie of Champagne arranged her son’s engagement to Ermesinde, but there is no evidence to support this conjecture. Abbot Lambert of Saint-Ghislain (1170–91). ‘His clerk Gilbert’ is Gilbert of Mons himself, therefore this is an eye-witness report. Funck, ‘Les rapports’, p. 519, describes Henry the Blind’s action in betrothing Ermesinde to a liegeman of the French king as an astonishing presumption, noting that Baldwin V of Hainaut capitalised on this snub to the emperor. F. Rousseau, Henri l’Aveugle: comte de Namur et de Luxembourg 1136–1196, Bibliothèque de la Faculté de Philosophie et Lettres de l’Université de Liège 27 (Liège/Paris, 1921), p. 106, observes that Henry the Blind behaved as if the emperor was of negligible importance, and thus the emperor was understandably irritated. The emperor may have had a special objection to Henry II of Champagne, as he was the first cousin and nephew of King Philip II of France. For the court at Mainz, see c. 109.

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army against him, who held Poitou and Gascony, to occupy castles which were held by him and his father King Henry of England, namely Issoudun and certain others, up to the place which is called Châteauroux, and he came with his army and set up his tents half a mile from that castle. The king of England and his sons Richard, Geoffrey and John were in that castle with their army.388 The count of Hainaut came at his own expense to the king of France’s aid with 110 chosen knights and eighty mounted sergeants with chain mail, and was always at his own expense there and on his return. Because they could not assemble any mediators for peace or truces, both sides were armed for battle on the vigil of Blessed John the Baptist. Although with respect to holding the first battle, Count Philip of Flanders would have contended with Count Henry of Champagne in the king’s place, and each lay claim to this right, the lord king entrusted that first battle to the count of Hainaut by the advice of his princes.389 When everyone was armed, the count of Hainaut’s men were handsome to see, because all his men, with the sole exception of the most virtuous knight Baldwin (namely of Strépy), had horses equipped with iron armour. Among the sergeants, many were armed as knights and had horses covered with iron. Truces were established between the kings by the mediation of religious men.390 The castles which the king of France had occupied remained held by him. [132] In that same year in the month of July, Count Henry of Champagne came to Namur, and there, on behalf of himself and his men who were virtuous knights, who flourished then in Champagne, he swore that he would receive the count of Namur’s daughter as wife. He caused her (one year old) to be conveyed into his regions. There the count of Namur caused securities to be rendered from his men concerning his land, to be kept after his death, from knights, sergeants and burgesses throughout his entire land. When the count of Hainaut heard this, he came to Namur with virtuous and outstanding men simply and without arms, and he summoned his uncle the count of Namur, found in the churchyard of Saint-Aubain, and his men, burgesses and knights, to observe the securities and fidelities which had been made to his father and his mother first, later to himself, concerning his rightful inheritance. He demanded of and prohibited the count of Champagne not to usurp from him the securities or homages of his inheritance. He pointed out to him that he had sworn to receive his daughter as wife, and his men, who had been present, had sworn the same thing. The count of Namur by no means observed the pledge of faith and oath towards his nephew, and he 388

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Warren, Henry II, p. 615, notes that the area of Berry, containing the castle of Issoudun, was a sensitive border area where the rights of lordship of the French king and the duke of Aquitaine (that is, Henry II) were confused. Geoffrey could not have been present as he had died in August 1186: Everard, Brittany and the Angevins, p. 142. Warren, Henry II, pp. 616–17, argues that the kings did not view their encounter as open war, but rather, chose to make it a ‘confrontation of champions’, which was forestalled by the mediation of papal legate Octavian who wished to divert aggressive actions towards a crusade. Henry II’s son Richard was also instrumental in arranging the truce, thus beginning a friendship with the French king. Gillingham, Richard I, pp. 83–4, notes that pitched battles between kings were rare. See also Gervase of Canterbury, pp. 370–3; Rigord, pp. 78–9; Baldwin, Government of Philip Augustus, p. 21; Hallam and Everard, Capetian France, p. 166. Peace of Châteauroux, June 1187, a two-year truce: Ralph of Diceto, II, p. 49.

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scorned the marriage, sworn first, of the count of Hainaut’s daughter with the count of Champagne, and he had caused securities and homages to be given by his men, although the count of Hainaut spoke against it and claimed it. The count of Namur’s men, urged by him, gave these fidelities and homages, some having accepted money from the count of Champagne, some through fear of the count of Namur. The count of Hainaut heard that Frederick, lord emperor of the Romans, had proclaimed a court for his princes at Worms at that same time in the month of August on the Assumption of Blessed Mary, where he had established a day for lord Philip, archbishop of Cologne, whom he hated bitterly then. So he sent his envoys there, namely Goswin of Thulin, an outstanding knight, and the clerk Gilbert, his notary.391 They, in the court before the lord emperor and his princes, reclaimed the count of Hainaut’s right, which he had by hereditary right in the count of Namur’s lands and from the gift of the count himself, and had been confirmed by the count of Namur’s securities and privileges, and they showed the count of Namur’s privileges, validated by the count of Namur’s seal concerning this matter, both old and new. Everyone hearing this was amazed at the count of Namur’s treachery, that he had thus defrauded in his right his own nephew the count of Hainaut, who had been his defender against all men. The lord emperor promised the count of Hainaut every good concerning these and other matters, saying and asserting that, while he lived, neither the count of Champagne nor any other powerful French prince would succeed by any means to such properties of the count of Namur. And so those envoys withdrew from the court with the lord emperor’s favour. [133] In that same year of the Lord 1187 in the month of August, Queen Elisabeth of France, the count of Hainaut’s daughter, gave birth to a son, Louis, at Paris. His birth gave great joy to the people of France and Hainaut.392 [134] In that same year on the feast of the apostles Simon and Jude, the clerk Albert, archdeacon of Liège, son of Duke Godfrey of Louvain, brother of Henry the young duke, put aside the clerical office and went to the count of Hainaut to make him a knight.393 The count of Hainaut (although his father and brother had, for a long time, been unwilling for this to happen) received him kindly by reason of honour, and ordained him a knight honourably at Valenciennes. [135] In autumntime of that same year, reports came to Frenchmen and all men settled on this side of the Alps that Christians had been captured in overseas regions and the king of Jerusalem had been captured with many men, and the holy city of Jerusalem had been occupied by enemies of the catholic faith.394

391 392

393 394

Gilbert of Mons himself. Louis VIII (1223–6). Gilbert, curiously, errs on the date of Louis’ birth. Rigord, pp. 81–2, confirms the date as 5 Sept 1187, the day after a two-hour solar eclipse. Feast of Simon and Jude: 28 October. Guy of Lusignan, count of Jaffa-Ascalon, as husband of Queen Sibylla, was king of Jerusalem (1186–92), then lord of Cyprus (1192–4). He was taken prisoner by Saladin at the Battle of Hattin (July 1187), freed May 1188: Roger of Howden, II, pp. 308, 316, 319–21, III, pp. 20–2, 124–5, 181;

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Therefore, Pope Gregory, a most holy man, sent to Frenchmen and Germans Bishop Henry of Albano, cardinal of the holy Roman Church, legate of the apostolic see, a very outstanding and honest man, to preach to the people to come to the aid of the land of Jerusalem, because only one prince, after that war, came to those regions by God’s will, a virtuous man, a powerful prince, outstanding and energetic, Conrad from the march of Montferrat, relative of the Roman emperor and the king of France.395 He alone saved Acre and Tyre and endured continual attacks from the Saracens. When these reports were heard, immediately Duke Richard of Aquitaine, the king of England’s son, and Bishop Philip of Beauvais and his brother Count Robert of Dreux (sons of Count Robert of Braisne) and Jacques of Avesnes took up the sign of the Cross, and many others with them and after them.396 [136] During the Advent of the Lord, a conference was arranged for Emperor Frederick of the Romans and King Philip of France between Ivoy and Mouzon. The lord king of France first commanded the count of Hainaut to be present with him at this conference. The lord emperor similarly commanded the count of Hainaut to come to that conference with him. The lord count, although he was obligated to neither of them by the fidelity of homage, yet, because he was from the Empire, crossed to the lord emperor and was in that conference with him, and was the highest counsellor among the lords, namely the emperor of the Romans and the king of France. On his return from the conference, because the lord emperor spent the night in a town of Count Louis of Chiny (the count of Hainaut’s relative in the second degree), namely Virton, the count of Hainaut asked his opinion concerning those men who unjustly usurp the possessions of others and unjustly retained them for several years or a period of time.397

395

396

397

Benedict of Peterborough, I, pp. 358–9, 361, II, pp. 10, 22, 183–4; Rigord, p. 118; B. Z. Kedar, ‘The Battle of Hattin Revisited’, The Horns of Hattin, ed. B. Z. Kedar (London, 1992), pp. 190–207; Richard, The Crusades, pp. 205–7, 212, 224–5, 227–8, 230; Mayer, The Crusades, pp. 128–35, 142–6, 148; Riley-Smith, The Crusades, pp. 85–6, 113, 115, 117, 180; Lambert, ‘Queen or Consort’, pp. 161–2; P. W. Edbury, ‘Propaganda and Faction in the Kingdom of Jerusalem: The Background to Hattin’, Crusaders and Muslims in Twelfth-Century Syria, ed. M. Shatzmiller (Leiden, 1993), pp. 173–89; R. C. Smail ‘The Predicaments of Guy of Lusignan, 1183–87’, Outremer: Studies in the History of the Crusading Kingdom of Jerusalem Presented to Joshua Prawer, eds B. Z. Kedar et al. (Jerusalem, 1982), pp. 159–76. Jerusalem fell to Saladin 2 October 1187: Mayer, The Crusades, p. 135. Pope Gregory VIII (21 Oct.–17 Dec. 1187). Cardinal Henry, bishop of Albano (1179–88): Benedict of Peterborough, II, pp. 51, 55–6; Sigebert of Gembloux, p. 425; Riley-Smith, The Crusades, p. 111; Mayer, The Crusades, p. 139; Richard, p. 217. Conrad, marquis of Montferrat (1188–92), noted for his vigorous defence of Tyre. As second husband of Queen Isabella, he was king of Jerusalem for less than a month in 1192, before being killed by the Assassins: Roger of Howden, II, pp. 320–1, III, p. 181, III, pp. 70–1, 180–1; Benedict of Peterborough, II, pp. 25–6, 183–4; Richard, The Crusades, pp. 225–8; Mayer, The Crusades, pp. 142–8; Riley-Smith, The Crusades, pp. 115–17; D. Jacoby, ‘Conrad, Marquis of Montferrat and the Kingdom of Jerusalem (1187–1192)’, Trade, Commodities and Shipping in the Medieval Mediterranean, Variorum Collected Studies Series 572 (Aldershot, 1997), Essay IV, pp. 187–238. Philip of Dreux, bishop of Beauvais (1175–1217) and Count Robert II of Dreux (1184–1218) were sons of Count Robert I of Dreux and Braisne, third son of King Louis VI. For Philip of Dreux: O. Guyotjeannin, ‘Juridiction gracieuse ecclésiastique et naissance de l’officialité à Beauvais (1175–1220)’, À propos des actes d’évêques: hommage à Lucie Fossier, ed. M. Parisse (Nancy, 1991), pp. 295–310. For the taking of the Cross: Roger of Howden, II, p. 325; Benedict of Peterborough, II, p. 29; Gillingham, Richard I, p. 87. Count Louis III of Chiny (1162–91), was the count of Hainaut’s second cousin through their greatgrandfather Albert III of Namur.

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Therefore, the imperial princes and other faithful men of the lord emperor revealed their opinion to the count of Hainaut and his men, that if anyone should enter into another’s possession, and then a complaint should be made to his lord, the lord ought to establish sworn officers (who those dwelling nearby are called) concerning this. If anyone will be found from the report of those men to be unjustly in another’s possession, he ought to release his possession freely in peace to him who is in this right, and ought to restore to him costs incurred in the enquiry. Then he ought to pay for the transgression of the deed to the lord of the county by ten pounds of the money of the county. The men who were the lord emperor’s judges were John the chancellor, Bishop Raoul of Liège, the archbishop of Mainz, the bishop of Metz, the count palatine of the Rhine, Count Henry of Dietz, Werner of Bolanden, Conon of Minzenberg, the count of Leiningen, Count Gérard of Looz, Frederick of Hausen.398 The count of Hainaut’s men, to whom judgement was entrusted, were Eustace the elder of Le Roeulx, Nicholas of Barbençon, Otto of Trazignies, Hugh of Croix, Amand of Prouvy, Régnier of Trith, John Cornutus, Baldwin castellan of Mons, the clerk Gilbert provost of Mons and many others. In that conference, the count of Champagne worked to have the emperor’s favour by means of himself and his uncles, namely Archbishop William of Reims and Count Thibaut, and his first cousin the duke of Burgundy, concerning the count of Namur’s land, but he had no success.399 The lord king of France asked the emperor more for the count of Hainaut than for the count of Champagne (his nephew and first cousin), because the lord count of Hainaut wished to renew the contracts for that land with the lord emperor. The lord emperor, responding to the count, kindly said that he did not wish to ordain anything new concerning this without the consent and presence of his son King Henry of the Romans. When his son, who would return from Italy soon, came to Germany, the count of Hainaut should come to both the emperor and his son. And so the lord emperor promised him that he would entreat his own son concerning having his favour. Then the count of Hainaut returned to his own lands through Bouillon and Dinant, and he came to Binche on the Christmas eve, and remained there on holy Christmas day. Then he came to Valenciennes to receive the lord king of France there. [137] The lord king of France came to Valenciennes on the third day of Christmas. The count of Hainaut received him honourably in his dwelling. On the fourth day he came to Tournai. It was unheard of that any of his ancestors had ever come there. But the citizens, who had always obeyed their lord the bishop alone, were subdued to the king’s will then, because afterwards they obeyed the king according to his will in giving money and in expeditions.400 The journey to that city was difficult for the kings of France because of the strength of the counts of Flanders. The chance to fulfil his will completely was open to the

398

399 400

John, archdeacon and probably provost of Saint-Germain of Speyer, became chancellor in October 1186, and archbishop of Trier in 1189; Count Emicho of Leiningen; Count Gérard of Looz (1145–71); Frederick of Hausen (d. 1190). Duke Hugh III of Burgundy. Actes, I, no. 224; Baldwin, Government of Philip Augustus, p. 61.

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king more easily through the count of Hainaut’s friendship. For these services to the lord king of France, offered in these and other matters most often, the lord count of Hainaut received very little thanks and no repayment at an opportune place and time, as it will be declared sufficiently in subsequent chapters. [138] In that same time and year, the aforesaid Bishop Henry of Albano, cardinal and legate, converted many men throughout France by his preaching to take up the Cross. He came to Hainaut and was honourably received by the lord count in his castle, and by the abbot of the church of Mons, and was lodged for two nights. On the Sunday on which one sings: ‘Rise up, why do you sleep, O Lord’, he celebrated divine services in the monastery of Blessed Waudru.401 The most virtuous man Otto of Trazignies and many other knights, and men of whatever status, were marked with the Cross because of his preaching. He was quite pleased by the honour paid by the count. Having received his kind permission, he crossed through Nivelles where he converted many men to the Cross. Then he came to Louvain where he marked Duke Henry the younger with the Cross. He quickly threw aside the Cross and brought many assaults of war far and wide. Enraged, the cardinal came to Liège to Bishop Raoul, where he had heard that very great simony flourished among other vices.402 The count, considering the great sternness of his lord and first cousin, feared that he would despise the preaching to his people and the decrees and ordinations concerning the holy Church, so he came to Liège to give counsel and help to his lord and first cousin. When the cardinal and legate had converted many men in Liège to the sign of the Cross, he began to preach about simony and then to ordain concerning the greater church of Liège and the entire episcopate. The lord Raoul bishop of Liège, an austere man who would not agree to any counsel when he could do so, but was always intent on doing his own will, opposed him. His first cousin and faithful man, the count of Hainaut, brought him around to following the cardinal’s wish. When the bishop’s clerks, namely abbots, archdeacons, provosts, deacons and other prelates of the church, and about 2,000 other clerks had been assembled in the palace, with the cardinal present, sitting with the bishop of Liège and the count of Hainaut, who was the only layman in all the counsels of the clerks, about 400 greater and lesser clerks resigned their properties freely into the cardinal’s hand, namely archdeaconries, abbacies, provostships, ecclesiastical prebends, parishes and many other benefices. Many of them had received those properties from Bishop Raoul in that same place by an instant purchase. The lord cardinal absolved them of that sin and enjoined penance on them, changing benefices and other ecclesiastical properties – what one had possessed, he conferred on another. And so he made just recompense to each man by the properties of another, he 401 402

Sexagesima Sunday, Introit from Psalm 43: Exsurge quare obdormis Domine?: The Roman Missal, p. 72. Gilles of Orval, pp. 112–13: ‘among them, the tinder of mockery and the arrogance of wickedness abounded in no small degree, the plunder of all goods, luxury and slander; he exhorted and warned them insistently to eradicate the stain of simoniacal depravity especially, through which each and every one of them had clearly been trapped. Then everyone, with vast contrition of heart, recognising the guilt of their weak conscience, resigned their prebends and gave them into his hands freely and absolute. Then the legate began to weep most bitterly . . . those who had held prebends in one church, he restored to another, but he returned them secure in respect to their salvation.’

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returned properties to anyone who had resigned them. Bishop Raoul of Liège put his hand to the restitutions of properties. Albert, the duke of Louvain’s son, renounced military duty and, with his ecclesiastical properties and clerical status restored, was marked with the Cross there. From there the cardinal and legate went to the city of Mainz where he found Frederick lord emperor of the Romans and many princes gathered, and knights, clerks and men of whatever status. There the lord emperor and his son Duke Frederick of Swabia, a virtuous and most generous knight, were marked with the Cross, and many knights with them from the most powerful and valiant princes and other knights of the Empire, with the exception of archbishops, bishops, other clerks and common people. Of those marked with the Cross throughout the Empire of the Romans, the kingdom of France and the kingdom of England, a great many succumbed to death in overseas regions. When Christ’s business had been accomplished, the greater and lesser men returned then to their own lands. In that same time and year, when King Philip of France, King Henry of England and his sons, and Count Philip of Flanders met at a conference between Trie and Gisors, inspired by God’s grace, they were marked with the Lord’s Cross, namely King Philip of France, King Henry of England, Count Philip of Flanders, Count Thibaut of Blois, Count Stephen, Count Raoul of Clermont and many others, and they caused truces to be arranged and confirmed between them concerning their conflicts until after their return from Jerusalem.403 These armistices were not sufficiently observed, as will be told later. At that same time Duke Henry of Limbourg and his sons Henry and Waleran were marked with the Lord’s Cross. They tossed this aside quickly and caused many evils and wars throughout the Empire. Count Gérard of Looz was marked with the Cross then. When he had worn this for more than five years, he took the road. The count of Hochstaden was also marked with the Cross then. When he had worn this for two years, he took the road, and when he had come to Henry, new lord emperor of the Romans, at Apulia, he made a delay with him there and returned with him to his own lands.404 There soon after his return, he suffered many evils and losses. [139] In the year of the Lord 1188 at the end of Easter, the lord count of Hainaut, hearing that lord Henry, king of the Romans, son of lord Emperor Frederick, had returned to Germany from Italy, proposed to make a journey to the lord emperor and his son King Henry. His uncle, the count of Namur, wished to flatter him, so that his nephew would not contrive anything against him in the emperor’s court, and he came to meet him at the town of Namur, promising him an abundance of love and good. However, the count of Hainaut did not believe

403

404

Conference at Gisors, 21 January 1188, where the different groups chose the colours of their crosses – red for France, white for England, green for Flanders: Benedict of Peterborough, II, pp. 29–30; Roger of Howden, II, p. 335; Baldwin, Government of Philip Augustus, p. 23. Rigord, p. 82, gives the date as 13 January, and lists others who took the cross: Archbishop Walter of Rouen, Archbishop Baldwin of Canterbury, Bishop Philip of Beauvais, Bishop Renaud of Chartres, the duke of Burgundy, Count Rotrou of Perche, Count William (of Barres) of Rochefort, Count Henry II of Champagne, Count Robert of Dreux, the counts of Beaumont, Soissons, and Barres, Bernard of Saint-Valéry, Jacques of Avesnes, the count of Nevers, William and Dreux of Merolo. Count Thierry of Hochstaden. Henry VI was crowned emperor on 14 April 1191.

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him much, but accepted letters of recommendation to the lord emperor from him. He crossed through Luxembourg and the city of Trier, and found lord Henry, king of the Romans, at the imperial palace at Ingelheim, and he was confident in his favour as much as in his father’s favour.405 When the count of Hainaut met him concerning the business about his inheritance in Namur, he answered him kindly and amicably, and even promised his help and advice in front of his father the emperor. Because his father proposed that he should give a precarial contract for the count, he sent the count with some of his secretaries to his father at Seligenstadt beyond the Rhine, and through the secretaries whom he had sent, he gave a precarial contract to his father for the count of Hainaut.406 This pleased the emperor. As the count’s business was fully done, the emperor ordered his son King Henry to come to him quickly. He came to his father most quickly, and when general counsel had been held, father and son granted their favour to the count of Hainaut concerning his uncle’s allods and fiefs. These two had never done that together, and they confirmed these same things to him by their privileges. And lady Constance, the queen, new bride of King Henry, the count of Hainaut’s relative, was eager to intercede for him with what entreaties she could before the lord emperor and his son King Henry.407 Then the count, having received kind permission, came to Namur where his uncle awaited him, certain that the count of Hainaut had the favour of the lord emperor and the lord king. Therefore the count of Namur, understanding fully that the count of Hainaut, his nephew, would entirely attain the requests of his will in the lord emperor’s court before the emperor and his son King Henry together and the queen, made a new peace and concord with the count. With his men, many knights, sergeants, clerks and burgesses assembled in the churchyard of Blessed Mary, the count of Namur acknowledged to the count of Hainaut that he was his rightful heir of all his properties, with faith given by touching relics, swearing that he would do nothing further. Therefore the count of Hainaut could not be alienated from his inheritance, and would succeed him in all his properties. He caused securities and fidelities, which had been made most often before, to be renewed by his men, namely Clarembaud of Atrives, Bastian of Gourdinne, Godfrey of Orbais, Thierry of Faing, William of Mosain, Ibert of Ais, Henry of Merlemont, William of Éghezée, John of Golzinne and many others. And there the count of Namur entrusted to the count of Hainaut the justice and administration of his land, promising him that he would work for this in every way, that he would recover his daughter, and he wished to withdraw from the contracts which he had confirmed with the count of Champagne. The count of Hainaut, along with his men whom he had with him there, swore to him that he would help the count of Namur against all men, would preserve his land and honour in 405

406

407

BN MS lat. 11105, fol. 62r, and Brussels, KB II 1554, fol. 346r: de cujus non tantum quantum; Vanderkindere: de cujus non tantum quam tunc. Henry VI’s charter dated 16 May 1188, ‘that after the death of Count Henry of Namur his uncle, he would unite him in his familiarity through the demonstration of homage concerning those properties which the count held from the Empire according to the counsel of his household counsellors’: MGH Constitutiones, I, no. 326, p. 465; Toeche, Kaiser Heinrich VI, no. 9, p. 606. Constance, daughter of King Roger II of Sicily and Beatrice of Rethel, married Henry VI on 27 January 1186. See c. 33.

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good faith, and would exercise justice owed in his land. Therefore the count of Hainaut took upon himself the burden and work at his own expense, and having postponed many other matters, devoted himself to care for the land of Namur in all good and peace. [140] At that same time and year, when Gérard of Saint-Aubert, a noble man, the count of Hainaut’s man and first cousin, had a disagreement with certain knights, asserting that one of them was his serf, namely Achard of Verli, and then delivered him to the count of Hainaut’s court concerning this matter.408 With a day appointed for them in the lord count of Hainaut’s presence at Mons, with many virtuous and noble men and men of whatever status present, the most virtuous knights Robert of Beaurain (who had firstly had a wife from the count’s family, and had sons by her), a relative of Achard, was inflated with pride, and although no one persecuted him concerning servitude, he said publicly: ‘Lord count, it is told to me that lord Gérard of Saint-Aubert, without me hearing it, has said that I belong to him in servile status. If he has said so much, he lied like a worthless knave, and here is my pledge prepared against him for a duel concerning this.’409 When Gérard heard of this man’s presumption and arrogance, although he had esteemed him up till then because of things other than his origin and had offered to show him mercy in this case always, he took his men’s counsel immediately, and responded: ‘Lord count, Robert of Beaurain, who is present, is my serf. Because he denies that and says that he is free, here is my pledge prepared, because he lies, and I am prepared to prove against him, as against a worthless knave, that he is my serf.’ Robert responded to him that he was free, and that Gérard lied worthlessly. When he challenged him concerning this and pledges had been given into the lord count’s hand, because they agreed in their wish for a duel, a duel was set up for them. When guarantors had been given on either side, the day for the duel was established for them at Mons. The count wished to move on the correct path of justice and invited all nobles and wise men of his land to that day. The provocation of this duel was blamed on Robert by all who heard about it. Although he had been left in peace concerning this case, he had challenged a noble man to a duel. Although Robert was said to be more renowned and virtuous than that man, yet because he had had a broken right arm, and thus, had not regained strength well, he ought to have more strength in the left arm. When the opportune day had arrived, they assembled at Mons for the duel. When the count was sitting in the square before the monastery of Blessed Waudru with many nobles and men of whatever status, and Bishop Roger of Cambrai and many abbots of this order, who devoted themselves to work for peace, Gérard of Saint-Aubert, armed, came about the first hour of the day, and 408

409

Gérard of Saint-Aubert was Baldwin V’s first cousin once removed, through Baldwin’s grandmother Yolende by her second marriage to Godfrey of Bouchain. The ‘pledge’ was an object, perhaps a glove or a sword, symbolically binding the owner to the duel. Proof by battle as a means of vindicating right was available even to serfs. J. Martindale, ‘Between Law and Politics: The Judicial Duel under the Angevin Kings (Mid-Twelfth Century to 1204)’, Law, Laity and Solidarities: Essays in Honour of Susan Reynolds, eds P. Stafford et al. (Manchester, 2001), pp. 119– 21; R. Bartlett, Trial by Fire and Water, The Medieval Judicial Ordeal (Oxford, 1986), pp. 103–26; EMA, I, p. 455.

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coming into the lord count’s presence said that he was ready to prove what he had proposed against Robert of Beaurain. And so he stood, awaiting Robert, and while Robert (who was in the town of Mons) delayed – and thus, everyone present were amazed – the ninth hour sounded. Gérard of Saint-Aubert, seeing and hearing this, himself said, and through his spokesman Hugh of Croix, that he had waited for his adversary up to the hour and past it. And therefore he was released from the duel and had proven his grievance, and ought to prevail in this case, and he required justice concerning this. Therefore the count’s men were required to give a verdict most strictly, and considering the sun and instructed by clerks who were present, said that the ninth hour had passed. Finally they judged that Gérard was released from the duel and he had obtained by right what he claimed against Robert. It signified enough that Robert remained in his dwelling (I don’t know by what advice) both before and after the judgement was made. Robert came after the judgement was made, and armed in the lord count’s presence said that he was prepared to prove what he had proposed against Gérard. The lord count seized him according to his men’s advice and caused him to be disarmed and guarded as a prisoner. Gérard of Saint-Aubert requested from the count that Robert might be returned to him for sentencing immediately. The lord count returned him to Gérard by his men’s judgement. Gérard brought him with him in chains, as a serf sentenced by him. The judges of all these things, namely concerning the ninth hour and the duel (and thus, that Gérard was released and had proved what he claimed) and concerning Robert’s return into Gérard’s hand, were Eustace the elder of Le Roeulx, Nicholas of Barbençon, Walter of Lens, Eustace his son, Alard of Chimay, the count’s brother William, Otto of Trazignies, Baldwin Caron, Hoel of Quiévrain, William of Quiévrain (Robert’s uncle), Amand of Prouvy, Régnier of Trith, Walter of Wargnies, Baldwin of Walincourt, William of Haussy, Fulk of Semeries, Stephen of Denain, Gérard ‘the Sorcerer’, Simon of Aulnois, Rasso of Gavre, Gérard of Wattripont, Hugh of Oisy, Gérard of Hamaide, Goswin of Enghien, Nicholas of Péruwelz, Nicholas and Gilles of Mainvault, Roger of Condé, Hugh of Croix, Baldwin castellan of Mons, Ghislain castellan of Beaumont, Henry castellan of Binche, Gerald of Hon, John Cornutus, Hugh of Roeulx, Régnier advocate of Marchiennes, Thierry of Wallers, William of Gommegnies, William of Anzin, Hugh of Antoing, Stephen of Lambres, Nicholas of Le Roeulx archdeacon of Cambrai, Nicholas provost of Saint-Germain, Goswin provost of Soignies, Goswin of Thulin, Renard of Strépy, Walter of Blandain, Pol of Villers, Charles of Fresnes, Charles son of Louis of Fresnes, Nicholas of Caudry, Godfrey of Thuin, Walgan of Amfroitpret, Baldric of Roisin, Gilles of Bermerain, Stephen provost of Saint-Amand. [141] Because Gérard of Saint-Aubert had detained Robert of Beaurain in chains, he asked for mercy, and as a man of servile status gave fidelity to him as to his lord. Gérard permitted him to depart unharmed in body, and moreover, promised him honour and good. Robert quickly violated the fidelity he had given, and came to the lord emperor’s court, making a complaint about the lord count of Hainaut’s men concerning the verdict. And so, with no one contradicting him, he asked for letters from that court to revoke the sentence. Indeed, the verdict by the lord count’s men was revoked at Mons according to the text of those letters, but with

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Gérard absent and not summoned there. Therefore it is amazing how Robert asked for those letters from Henry lord king of the Romans, when that same judgement was made against a certain knight of Henry, afterwards made emperor of the Romans. When Henry, the lord emperor’s marshal, challenged a certain knight to a duel, namely the provost of Strasbourg, and the provost did not come to the appointed day on the fifth day of Christmas at Haguenau, Henry the lord emperor, having breakfasted sufficiently in the morning, sat in the square to consider the hours of the day as best he could.410 When that knight had not come before the ninth hour, it was judged through lord Conrad archbishop of Mainz, and the bishops of Bamberg, Speyer and Metz, and Conrad count palatine of the Rhine, Count Henry of Sponheim, the count of Sarrebrücken, Conon of Minzenberg, Robert of Walldürn and many others, that because the knight had not come before the ninth hour, by default he was deprived of honour, land and wife.411 The recorder of these matters saw and heard that, who also had seen and heard the verdict at Mons brought against Robert. [142] Let us return to the counts of Namur and Hainaut. The count of Hainaut lived in the land of Namur at his own expense, subduing the looting and violence in that land and he brought back the marches of the land of Namur to the count of Namur’s honour and the peace of the land, against Duke Godfrey of Louvain (which marches the duke had been accustomed to oppress) and against the episcopate of Liège. The count of Namur’s men, who had been accustomed to treat his land evilly, saw this and grieved heavily concerning the count of Hainaut’s justice and protection of the land and they began to sow discord between him and his uncle. They said that if the count of Namur would permit the count of Hainaut to remain in custody of his land for a long time, the count of Hainaut would completely disinherit him. It happened that a wicked man, by violently stealing things from a poor merchant, afflicted him with many blows so that he left him as if dead. When the truth of that evil deed was known, the wicked man was seized and detained within the borders of the justice of Clarembaud of Atrives and was redeemed for fourteen marks. While the count of Hainaut was at Namur, the man who had been treated badly, a pauper in goods, crippled in body, brought his complaint to the lord count of Hainaut. The count, hearing the truth of the evil deed, caused the wicked man to be seized and brought to him. Then he did what he had been accustomed to do concerning murderers, he had him burned with fire in a field near Namur. Because the count of Namur and his treacherous toadies were at that same place, this burning of a man greatly enflamed the treacherous men, the count of Namur’s toadies, who were accustomed to reap profits in such things. Therefore they kindled the count of Namur to anger against the count of Hainaut, yet with the count of Hainaut unaware, who had acted concerning all these things in good faith and consideration of justice. When the count of Hainaut returned to Hainaut and remained there, the count of Namur grew ill at Andenne. The count of Hainaut heard this and came 410 411

Henry of Lautern, Imperial marshal in 1184 and 1185. Conrad of Scheyern, archbishop of Mainz (1161–5, 1183–1200); Otto of Henneberg, bishop of Speyer (1188–1200); Berthold, bishop of Metz (1180–1212); Count Simon of Sarrebrücken.

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there to visit his uncle, also fearing that, if he should perhaps die, his familiar men intended to exert themselves for the count of Hainaut’s harm concerning the count of Namur’s inheritance and possessions, which indeed they were already doing. For the count of Namur, from the advice of his secretaries who hated the count of Hainaut and the good of peace, had sent envoys to the count of Champagne, so that he would send knights there quickly to save his castles. While the count of Hainaut was staying with his uncle at Andenne, the count of Namur indicated to him that he could fittingly return to his own land, since his stay was not pleasing to him. The envoys sent to the count of Champagne, with the count of Hainaut unaware, found only the countess, Count Henry’s mother, for the count of Champagne was with the lord king of France on an expedition against King Henry of England and his son Richard who, although marked with the Cross, had broken the agreement of the truces and made war amongst themselves. Therefore the countess of Champagne sent her own envoys to the count of Namur concerning this, through whom the count of Namur asked the countess the same thing, which was reported to the count of Hainaut. Taking with him virtuous and outstanding men, namely Eustace the elder of Le Roeulx, Nicholas of Barbençon, Otto of Trazignies, Walter of Wargnies, William the count’s brother, Baldwin Caron, Amand of Prouvy, Régnier of Trith, Hugh of Antoing, Hugh of Croix, Baldwin castellan of Mons, Goswin of Thulin, John Cornutus, Renard of Strépy, Pol of Villers and Gilbert the clerk with them, he came to Namur where the infirm count of Namur had caused himself to be carried by ship, so that he might know more fully his intention. On his arrival the count of Hainaut entered the upper castle with his men to visit his uncle. On his arrival, because the count of Namur had hardly thirty knights and sergeants with him, the count of Hainaut, arriving with 140 men (both knights and sergeants), could have taken the castle away from him easily and ejected him from it, if he had this in mind. There the count, having seen his uncle, was lodged in the borough of Namur as he had been accustomed. On the following day the count of Hainaut, taking three knights with him, namely Amand of Prouvy, John Cornutus and Renard of Strépy, and his clerk Gilbert, and three foot sergeants only for holding the horses, came to the gate near the forest to visit his uncle.412 He was entirely denied entrance to it. Therefore the count of Hainaut was surprised and confused. When he returned to his lodging and his other companions, the count of Namur commanded him before lunch to depart from the borough, since his delay there displeased him. The count of Hainaut scarcely believed this command had proceeded from his uncle. After lunch the count of Namur again sent two knights to the count of Hainaut, indicating to him that, unless he departed from the castle of Namur, he would prove on the next day which of them had more forces there, and meanwhile he would withhold from him food and other items for sale. The count, having had counsel with his companions, answered the messengers that he would depart on the next day, but he wished to speak with his uncle before departure. The count of Namur granted this. On the next day the

412

The inclusion of Gilbert of Mons in this party suggests that the count of Hainaut wished Gilbert to keep an official record of his meeting with his uncle.

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count of Hainaut, after hearing mass, entered the upper castle with all his aforesaid companions, where his uncle had about sixty knights with him, whom he had assembled there from fear of the count of Hainaut. And so the count of Hainaut said to his uncle who was lying down from illness, with everyone hearing: ‘My lord, I have undertaken the protection and justice of your land by your wish in good faith, with labour and at my own expense. Yet I see and hear I have displeased both you and your counsellors, because you compel me to depart from your borough, which seems honourable neither for you nor for me. Therefore I wish, if it pleases you, for you to set me completely free from the faith given and the oath offered for your good and peace.’ The count of Namur responded to him that he could preserve his own land sufficiently by himself and his own men. Therefore the count of Hainaut wished to be freed and absolved from his guardianship and the fidelity he had given. And so the count of Hainaut was absolved and departed from his uncle to his own lands. [143] The count of Hainaut, seeing that danger threatened his inheritance, hastily assembled an army, came to Namur, and besieged it with a few men, by no means allowing them to trouble the land with looting or fire. On the day following his arrival, although the greater part of his army had not yet come to him and the count of Namur had about 240 knights in Namur and about 20,000 armed men mounted and on foot, the count of Hainaut made an assault on the town of Namur with about 30,000 men mounted and on foot. Although the men of Namur defended themselves manfully, they were captured by force at last, in which about 140 knights and many other men were captured. The count let them all go free, with them swearing that they would bring no further help in the count of Namur’s war against the count of Hainaut. Many knights and other men entered the upper castle with the count of Namur. At this same place Gilles of Duras, the leprous count, a courageous man, was captured. The count of Hainaut caused him to be kept captive at his castle of Ath for a considerable time. The town of Namur was despoiled by the men of Hainaut of much gold and silver, garments and new cloth, namely dark-coloured and green cloth, and many ornaments useful in the home and men’s arms. Yet the count of Hainaut was sad, as he greatly esteemed the townsmen and was loved by them. But in such a case, men could by no means be restrained from looting. When the town was captured, the count of Hainaut ordered all the knights to remain in the town to besiege the castle and the rest of the men outside. The count of Namur’s knights in the castle anticipated this, and set fire to the town secretly. The town was almost completely burned because of the close crush of houses, the great heat of the day and a wind blowing from above. Therefore the count of Hainaut besieged the castle, fortified with many knights and other men, from across the Sambre river, with tents set up in the meadows between the water and the Marlagne forest, and between the castle and the forest.413 When he had besieged it for several 413

BN MS lat. 11105, fol. 66r, and Brussels, KB II 1554, fol. 368r: Unde comes Hanoniensis trans Sambram fluvium; Vanderkindere: Unde comes Hanoniensis plurimum conturbatus est. Deinde comes Hanonie trans Sambram fluvium (‘Therefore the count of Hainaut was greatly disturbed. Then the count of Hainaut, from across the Sambre river . . .’).

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days, the besieged men, running out of wine, ale and water because of the drying up of their well, were greatly oppressed and asked for peace and mercy. And so the count of Namur returned the castle of Namur to the count of Hainaut on this condition, that a certain man, his liegeman Roger of Condé, the count of Namur’s liegeman and the count of Hainaut’s liegeman, would faithfully maintain this castle and the castle of Durbuy, while he lived and while the count of Namur lived. And so neither would have power in those castles, while the count of Namur lived. After the count of Namur’s death, those castles would be returned to the count of Hainaut as lord and heir. But because Roger was not present, the maintenance of the castle of Namur was entrusted to Otto of Trazignies, Walter of Wargnies and Nicholas of Barbençon, until, after fifteen days, Roger would be prepared to guard those castles. The castle of Durbuy was entrusted to Roger’s custody within fifteen days. The count of Namur, Wéry of Walcourt, Clarembaud of Atrives, Bastian of Gourdinne and Godshalk of Morialmé confirmed it with faith and oath given. These oaths have never been observed, for the count of Namur put the count of Champagne’s knights in Durbuy and Bouvignes. Although Roger of Condé was prepared for the custody of those castles, Roger of Condé was required by the count of Namur and his aforesaid men to return the castle of Durbuy to him. The count of Namur should neither have wished nor been able to do that.414 The count of Hainaut’s men, because of the count of Namur’s default concerning the castle of Durbuy, handed over the castle of Namur to the count of Hainaut. The count of Hainaut fortified it with knights, mounted sergeants, footsoldiers and food. While the count of Hainaut was delayed in the siege of Namur, the castle of Thy had been handed over to him. The count gave it to his brother William, afterwards in liege fief.415 And so it is clear that the count of Namur hated the count of Hainaut with such great hatred that he preferred to be deprived of the honour of Namur, that he could not help applying every intention and labour to the count of Hainaut’s disinheritance. The count of Hainaut, seeing the default of peace in the count of Namur, besieged the castle of Bouvignes in the month of August, which was fortified in arms by many virtuous knights of the count of Champagne with the count of Namur’s knights, who had given fidelity to the count of Hainaut when they had been captured in Namur, and by virtuous sergeants and most virtuous men of that town. It happens that this castle could not be captured without machines. While the besieged men awaited the count of Champagne’s help, their walls were smashed up to the tower by a mangonel. When other machines were prepared, namely trebuchets, and an assault was made on that tower, the besieged knights handed over the castle and returned to their own lands in peace.416

414

415 416

This line, quod comes Namurcensis nec voluit nec potuit, is problematic in the Latin, translating literally as ‘which the count of Namur neither wished nor was capable of ’. The above translation gives the most reasonable interpretation in context. Duvivier, Actes, II, no. 74, pp. 150–2. Petraria: sizeable examples of traction-trebuchets (rotating-beam siege engines for throwing stones), apparently larger than mangonels. However, petraria was sometimes used generically for any type of stone throwing engine: France, Western Warfare, p. 119; C. M. Gillmor, ‘The Introduction of the Traction Trebuchet into the Latin West’, Viator 12 (1981), pp. 1–3; D. R. Hill, ‘Trebuchets’, Studies in Medieval Islamic Technology, ed. D. A. King (Aldershot, 1998), Essay XIX, pp. 99–103; D. J. C. King, ‘The

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The count of Hainaut renewed and fortified the castle which had been almost completely devastated throughout many years previously. All these deeds are in the year of the Lord 1188.417 [144] When the castle had been captured, the count had messengers from the lord king and a command that he would come quickly to him. But the count of Hainaut did not wish to go to the king without safe conduct, since he had not had helpers before the lord king of France, but rather many accusers saying that the count of Hainaut had disturbed his army, because the count of Champagne had quickly left his army on account of the count of Hainaut’s attacks, and the count of Champagne, a powerful prince, had the greatest lineage in France. When he had this good conduct, he went to him. Meanwhile, while the count of Hainaut was in France, the count of Hainaut’s men besieged the castle of Viesville, which was rendered to them after many attacks. Then they besieged and seized the fortress Biesme, which is called Cologne.418 The count of Hainaut returned to his own lands from the lord king who did not have a very kind expression. The count of Flanders presented no appearance of love to him then, so that the count of Hainaut expected neither good nor peace from the count of Flanders. Threats were reported to him most often even from the lord emperor and his son Henry king of the Romans. And so, as if alone, the count of Hainaut did what he could, having no hope of good or esteem in the lord emperor of the Romans or his son Henry, or in the king of France, or in the king of England, or in the count of Flanders, or in the duke of Louvain, or in the archbishop of Cologne, except continuous threats of utter evil. [145] While the count of Hainaut first stayed at the siege of Namur, he placed some sergeants in the towers of the most strong monastery of Floreffe for the custody of that land, so that his uncle would not occupy those towers and could not bring evil to him through them. Yet he removed them according to the entreaties of lord Herman, abbot of that place, a rebellious man (yet always presenting the appearance of frankness), since men of this type should by no means remain in monasteries. The abbot promised that he would guard those towers, so that no evil would happen to the count of Hainaut because of them. When the men had been removed, the count of Namur established his own men there with the abbot’s permission. Therefore afterwards, huge harm and losses happened to the count of Hainaut and his land, and the abbey, which was

417

418

Trebuchet and other Siege-Engines’, Château Gaillard 9–10 (1982), pp. 460, 470. BN MS lat. 11105, fol. 66v, and Brussels, KB II 1554, fol. 371r: parata autem alia machina; Vanderkindere: preparata autem alia machina. Sigebert of Gembloux, p. 425, gives his account of the Hainaut/Namur conflict: ‘while Henry count of Troyes was unavoidably occupied in the king of France’s war, and Count Henry [of Namur] lay on his bed, Baldwin assembled an army from everywhere, and finding the castle stripped of knights and defenders, with fortune smiling on him, he seized the impregnable (as it was thought) castle of Namur. In the middle of the month of August, he advanced farther, encircling the most strong castle of Bouvignes with a siege, he captured it manfully after fifteen days and subdued to himself all the land of the county of Namur on this side of the Meuse.’ Biesme lez-Fosse, ‘called Cologne’ because it belonged to Saint-Géréon of Cologne.

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wealthy at that time, was devastated by fire and reduced to tremendous poverty for a long time.419 [146] It should not be overlooked how John Cornutus, armed and on horseback, leaped from a high place into a boat on the water of the Meuse, and attacked men ambushing him, when he was returning from the siege of Bouvignes. For when John, a virtuous and courageous knight, the count of Hainaut’s relative, was guarding the castle of Namur and the lord Count of Hainaut remained at the siege of the castle of Bouvignes, John went to his lord, concerning certain matters about which he had to discuss with him. When he was returning from there with two knights and seven sergeants as armed horsemen, some select and virtuous men-at-arms of the count of Namur set ambushes for them when they were crossing the Meuse with a great boat in a difficult crossing. John perceived that he could not escape other than through their hands and, armed with knightly arms and an armed horse, he attacked the enemy (about forty well-armed men) with his own armed men. They quickly escaped by flight in a boat. John grieved at this escape, standing on the edge of the water. Although no means of crossing over to the enemy was apparent, with tremendous boldness the armed man turned his horse to leap from a high place into the armed boat. The boat was flooded by this leap, and thus the men fell into the water, some drowned, some escaped by swimming. John, swimming on his horse (which is amazing), killed one man in the water, brought one man captive, and left the water unharmed. Therefore he deserves to have praise from all who hear this. [147] At that time when truces had been confirmed between the king of France and the king of England, much aid was promised to the count of Champagne against the count of Hainaut by the king of France (his uncle and son of his aunt), and from Richard, the king of England’s son (called the count of Poitou), and from other relatives and his friends.420 The count, having assembled an army over much time, proposed to attack the count of Hainaut. Many helpers, whom the count of Hainaut was accustomed to have, failed the count of Hainaut because they were the count of Champagne’s men and neighbours, namely the count of Rethel, Renaud of Rozoy, Robert of Pierrepont, Geoffrey of Balham, Raoul of Thour, Guy of Séry, Nicholas of Rumigny.421 Even from Flanders, he could have no support for fear of the count of Flanders, although some men were

419

420

421

Abbot Herman of Floreffe (1173–94). Two other chroniclers give slightly different versions of the events at Floreffe. Sigebert of Gembloux, p. 425: ‘the count of Namur ejected the canons from the church of Floreffe, took the castle for himself against Baldwin’s attack, and established knights with his own armed retainers there’. Annales Floreffienses, ed. L. Bethmann, MGH SS XVI, p. 625: ‘The town and castle of Namur were captured by Count Baldwin of Hainaut. The church of Floreffe was besieged by this same count, the entire cloister was burned with adjoining outbuildings, the brothers dispersed through various places.’ ‘Truces’ refers to the conference at Gisors 16–18 August 1188, although no truces were actually confirmed there, and King Philip left in a huff, after ordering the felling of the ancient elm tree which marked the traditional site of meeting between the king of France and the duke of Normandy: Warren, Henry II, p. 620. King Philip was both uncle and first cousin to Count Henry II of Champagne: the king’s half-sister Marie was Henry’s mother; the king’s mother Adela was Henry’s aunt. Count Manasses III of Rethel.

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his friends and others were relatives of his wife Countess Marguerite. From the Low Countries, in which he had many princes, counts, other noble friends and relatives, who were relatives both of the count of Namur and his wife and of the count of Hainaut, he had no counsel or help.422 He distrusted Godfrey of Louvain and his son Henry the younger duke more than he trusted them, with whom he had confirmed new friendship. The count of Hainaut, hearing that the count of Champagne would come for his harm with so many and such great and virtuous knights, went with the most noble countess, his wife Marguerite, and their sons who were still quite small (namely Baldwin, Philip and Henry), to the count of Flanders whom he found at Rihoult near Saint-Omer. He humbly requested his help as his lord, friend and ally, to come to his aid concerning his and his sons’ inheritance and his honour. To this the count of Flanders responded that, if he wished to renounce the alliance made with the king of France, he would receive from him certain castles in fief, namely Walincourt, Prémont and Busigny, and would help him. Otherwise he would not help him by any means. The count of Hainaut, not wishing to harm his faith in any way, by no means wished to renounce the alliance made with the lord king. Although he held those castles as if in allod and they did not appear to belong to the county of Hainaut, still he did not wish to receive them from the count.423 He feared his strength, as he could require the castles to be returned by the count of Hainaut to him whenever it pleased him and, according to his will, he could establish days for him in Flanders as if he were his man and, if it pleased him, he could cause him to be provoked to a duel just like any Flemish baron, as is the custom in that region. And so the count of Hainaut, the countess and their sons found no love or charity in the count of Flanders and returned to their own lands. And thus the count of Flanders’ aid was lacking for the count of Hainaut because of the lord king of France, while the aid of the lord king of France was lacking for the count of Hainaut because of the count of Champagne. And so it was fitting for the count of Hainaut to complete all his own greater business through his own men of Hainaut, with the grace of God going before him. [148] The count of Hainaut considered that the favour of the lord emperor and his son Henry the lord king would be essential for him in the occupation of the honour of Namur, because those allods belonged to the Empire and certain fiefs were held by the emperor of the Romans. Therefore the count of Hainaut, with the advice of his men, sent envoys to lord Henry king of the Romans, who was staying near the Rhine with his wife Constance. Namely, he sent the abbot of Vicogne, a very literate man, sufficiently learned in the Roman and German tongues, and his clerk Gilbert with him.424 They crossed the Rhine and found the lord king at Frankfurt above the river Main. When they had reported to him fully how the count of Hainaut had occupied his uncle’s castles by necessity, because

422 423

424

‘Low Countries’ refers here to Gueldre. These castles were held of the count of Hainaut by Adam of Walincourt and Gilles of Saint-Aubert. The count of Hainaut had received them from the bishop of Cambrai without acknowledging his suzerainty, therefore they were held ‘as if in allod’. Arnoul, abbot of Vicogne (1182–1208).

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he saw his disinheritance was imminent, the lord king answered them most kindly concerning this and set a day for the lord count of Hainaut at Altenburg in Saxony, when he would come to him and his father the emperor. And then he would deal concerning the count of Hainaut’s good and peace with his father, so that he could retain through their favour the castles he had occupied and would have their advice and aid concerning the remaining properties which his uncle the count of Namur still possessed. When they had heard the king’s kind response, they returned to their lord the count of Hainaut. Meanwhile the lord count of Hainaut had sent his envoy to the king of France, specifically Goswin of Thulin, an outstanding and eloquent man. Although he wished to speak with the lord king of France secretly, the lord king of France responded to him that he did not wish to hear anything from him which the count of Champagne, who was present, could not hear. The envoy, having changed his words, cleverly spoke to the lord king of France about other things than he had been entrusted to speak. Having received the not very kind answer from the king, he returned to the lord count of Hainaut. The count of Champagne, who proposed to attack the count of Hainaut harshly with his assembled army (the count of Hainaut having gathered his army against him), came to the Ardenne, sent back his army, and there, along with the count of Namur, asked for the duke of Louvain’s help. There the count of Namur, with the count of Champagne’s approval, granted to the young duke in pledge for 5,000 marks all his land which he held from this area of the Meuse and Sambre, in both fiefs and allods. He caused fidelities to be made by his men, namely Clarembaud of Atrives and Henry of Merlemont. Therefore the duke occupied what towns he could, specifically Thisnes in Hesbaye and many others. He also began to rebuild the fortress in Liernu, which he had previously knocked down in the war which he had had with the count of Namur, and he put in Merlemont (with Henry possessor of that town) knights and sergeants to harass the count of Hainaut. And so the count of Hainaut was greatly oppressed, but still could make no movement. Because the count of Hainaut could have no truces from his uncle, or the count of Champagne, or the duke of Louvain, he decided that he could not go to the established day at Altenburg. Therefore, taking his men’s advice, he sent envoys to the lord emperor and his son the lord king of the Romans, namely Goswin of Thulin and Gilbert his clerk. Coming to Mainz, they heard that the lord emperor and his son King Henry of the Romans were at Erfurt, which was five days journey from Mainz, and from there they would return on the third day and would separate from each other. They arrived there within two days and nights on the eighth day of All Saints. They were received honourably by the lord emperor and his son the king. Their lords’ departure was delayed for three days because of their arrival. It should not be omitted, so that it would not be described, what honour and good the lord emperor and lord king desired for the count of Hainaut. At this same place lord Peter bishop of Toul, an outstanding and energetic man, who was sent to the lord emperor and king on the count of Champagne’s behalf, promised 5,000 marks from the count of Champagne’s part to the lord emperor, 5,000 marks to the lord king, 1,000 marks to the lady queen, 1,000 marks to the court and about 1,700 marks more to other counsellors of the court. I say it was so, in order that he might have their favour concerning the count of Namur’s possessions, and help

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and forces against the count of Hainaut. If they did not wish to bring help against the count of Hainaut, he promised half of all which was named for at least having their favour only. When the count of Hainaut’s envoys arrived, after the bishop’s words and promises had been scorned immediately, permission to depart was granted to the bishop. The count of Hainaut’s envoys obtained the favour of the lord emperor and the lord king through promises of 1,550 marks, a third part of which should be paid at Christmas, a third at Easter and a third at the count of Namur’s death, or after an understanding had been made between them and he had a truce. He had their favour concerning these matters, so that the count of Hainaut would come to the lord king near the Rhine by arrangement and would convey into the lord king’s hand all his uncle’s allods and fiefs, both those which the count of Hainaut himself held and those which the count of Namur still possessed, and the king would give them to him in liege fief. Then the count of Hainaut would be called the marquis of Namur, and would enjoy the privilege of a prince of the Empire.425 And so the envoys, when they had completed these arrangements and committed them to writing, returned to the lord count on the vigil of St Martin at Erfurt through the lord king’s safe conduct with the most virtuous knight Frederick of Hausen, who was sent to bring the count of Hainaut to the court. [149] It ought not to be kept silent, but should be made known openly, so that an example may be given to everyone concerning serving their lords faithfully, that one of the envoys, namely Gilbert the clerk, gave the only two prebends he had to two men in the court to promote his lord’s business, with his lord count of Hainaut unknowing and not present. He had previously resigned the two prebends to his lord’s will. The lord count on account of his goodwill, repaid him for his faithful service and acquired for this same Gilbert the provostship in the church of Saint-Germain in Mons, the guardianship and prebend in the church of Sainte-Waudru, the provostship in the church of Saint-Aubain in Namur, the prebend in the church of Soignies, the prebend in the church of Condé and the prebend in the church of Mauberge.426 Moreover, he brought about, before lord Albert of Cuyk, bishop of Liège, that this same Gilbert obtained the office of abbot in the church of Blessed Mary in Namur, that is the donation of the prebends.427 At that time truces were confirmed at some time between the count of Hainaut on one part, and the duke of Louvain and the count of Namur on the other part. These were badly observed against the count of Hainaut. The count of Hainaut rushed to his lord according to the lord king of the Romans’ command by Duke Godfrey of Louvain’s safe conduct, who had the lord king of the Romans’ instruction about this, and he went up to Visé above the Meuse with the aforesaid Frederick of Hausen. From there he went up to the palace at Aachen by 425

426

427

Baldwin V’s elevation to marquis of Namur and, therefore, prince of the Empire, put him on a level with the other princes of the Empire, the duke of Brabant and the count of Flanders (for Imperial Flanders). This list of appointments follows BN MS lat. 11105, fol. 69v, which differs slightly from Vanderkindere who omits the church of Mauberge, but includes the guardianship and prebend of the church of SaintPierre of Namur. Albert of Cuyk, bishop of Liège (1194–1200).

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the safe conduct of Hugh knight of Worms, who guarded that land on the lord king’s behalf. The count of Juliers hurried to meet him, and conducted him from there to Koblenz by the lord king’s instruction.428 And so the count came to the lord king of the Romans at Worms on the third day before Christmas, and he had companions and faithful men with him, Régnier of Trith, Hugh of Croix, Hugh of Roeulx, John Cornutus, Goswin of Thulin, Gilbert the clerk. The lord king received the count with a calm and cheerful face. The count of Hainaut, as has been said previously, gave into the lord king’s hand all the count of Namur’s allods, both those he already possessed, and those which the count of Namur still had, belonging to the honour of Namur, Laroche and Durbuy. The lord king, having united both allods and fiefs and the dependants and churches situated in those counties which belonged to the Empire, made a principate from them, which is called a march, and he granted this same march to the count of Hainaut in liege fief. Therefore the count of Hainaut gave liege homage to him under the witness of princes, namely lord Conrad archbishop of Mainz, Conrad count palatine of the Rhine, the bishops of Worms and Speyer and of many other places, Count Robert of Nassau, the count of Leiningen, Robert of Walldürn, John the chancellor, and officials, namely Werner of Bolanden, Conon of Minzenberg, Frederick of Hausen, Hunfrid of Falkenstein and many others, both noblemen and officials. And so the count of Hainaut was made both prince of the Empire and marquis of Namur. The lord emperor said that he ought to be silent about those matters to his faithful men, until either the count of Namur had died, or the count of Hainaut could make some agreement with him. It had been arranged and approved by both the lord king and the count of Hainaut that the march of Namur would never be granted to any of the count of Hainaut’s heirs to hold, except to him who will hold the county of Hainaut.429 [150] Lord Henry king of the Romans set a day for the count of Namur at Liège for the good of the count of Hainaut, to come there on the eighth day of Epiphany so that he could make peace between him and his nephew the count of Hainaut. When he had made a delay of sixteen days at Worms, the lord king came to Liège and the count of Hainaut came with him. Many virtuous men from Hainaut came there to the count of Hainaut for his counsel, namely his brother William, Otto of Trazignies, Nicholas of Barbençon and many others without arms, and with them Baldwin his eldest son, still a boy.430 The count of Namur came with about 100 knights with arms and many mounted sergeants. Henry the younger duke of Louvain came in arrogance, bringing with him about 300 knights with arms and as many mounted sergeants. Their shameless and arrogant arrival offended the king gravely, because he himself had come with few men who were without arms and he had brought the count of Hainaut without arms, whom those men hated.431 The count, if he had known beforehand, could 428 429

430 431

Count William II of Juliers (d. 1207). Philip, Count Baldwin VI of Hainaut’s brother, became marquis of Namur (1195–1212), but held the principality as a tenant of the count of Hainaut. The young Baldwin was seventeen years old. Vita Alberti episcopi Leodiensis, p. 141: Duke Henry came ‘with much ostentation, bringing with him an armed strong body of mounted men up to 300, as it has been estimated, and he acted with great

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have provided himself with enough arms against them.432 The lord king worked to make peace between the count of Namur and the count of Hainaut, but did not succeed. When the king had detained both the duke of Louvain and the count of Namur there for several days, he gave permission for the count of Namur to depart. He brought the duke of Louvain and the count of Hainaut with him to Maestricht, to make peace between them at least. Because he could not decree anything concerning peace at Maestricht, he departed from there to the regions of the Low Countries and brought them with him as far as Kaiserswerth above the Rhine, and he made peace between them, with the count of Namur excluded from it.433 The form of this peace, agreement and alliance between the count of Hainaut and the duke of Louvain was that the duke of Louvain released freely to the count of Hainaut the land which he held in pledge from the count of Namur and the count of Champagne for 5,000 marks, for which the count of Hainaut ought to give him 700 marks. Moreover, the count of Hainaut granted to the duke the town of Thisnes in Hesbaye and the town of Liernu to hold forever, with this condition imposed, that the count of Hainaut should help the duke of Louvain according to all his needs against all men, excepting the lord emperor and his son King Henry and the bishop of Liège and the count of Flanders. They confirmed these agreements with faith given and oaths offered, and then each of them placed the lord king of the Romans as a guarantor and wished to entrust these matters to writing. The count of Hainaut had his part of this writing sealed by the lord king’s seal and the duke of Louvain’s seal. The duke had his part sealed by the lord king’s seal and by the count of Hainaut’s seal. Moreover, the lord king of the Romans retained his part confirmed for him with the count of Hainaut’s seal and the duke of Louvain’s seal. They also ordained that these agreements and alliances would be recognised in the march of the land before many of their men, and the duke would renounce the count of Namur absolutely and would hold that land which he had held in pledge, with its castles and all fortresses and homages, from the count of Hainaut in peace. The count of Hainaut left his son Baldwin there with the lord king to learn the German language and the customs of the court. From there he returned to his own lands by the duke’s safe conduct through the count of Gueldre’s land and through the duke’s land, and was honourably received at Mons in a procession in the church of Blessed Waudru, which was owed to him on every return from the lord emperor’s court.

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arrogance in court in front of the king against Count Baldwin, although the young duke knew that the young king was aggravated by what he did. The count, but not the king, was safe in that city with a few mounted guards; the king alone could hardly suppress this insolence of the duke. Therefore the young king, enflamed in great anger, endured unwillingly what he did not think ought to be endured by him, when he came in this same city.’ This sentence appears in Vanderkindere’s edition but not in BN MS lat. 11105, fol. 70v or in Brussels, KB II 1554, fol. 393r. From King Henry’s point of view, Count Henry of Namur was no longer an active player in the politics of his own counties. Effective control of the region was in the hands of the count of Hainaut and the duke of Louvain. For an alternative view of the count of Hainaut as the violent oppressor of his infirm relative, see Vita Alberti episcopi Leodiensis, p. 139: ‘Baldwin the count of Hainaut . . . who violently wrested the county of Namur from his uncle Henry, the most noble count of Namur, already old and blind with darkened eyes’.

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[151] The younger duke of Louvain then had the count of Flanders’ advice, because he had decided to deliver and to release freely the count of Namur’s land to the count of Hainaut in the march of their lands, but he did not wish to be present on the three days established by the count of Hainaut concerning these matters in the time of Lent, nor did he wish to release freely the land which he had receive in pledge from his uncle. This was a detriment and loss to the count of Hainaut. For with Henry as the possessor of the castle in Merlemont, the duke’s men harshly oppressed people going from Hainaut to Namur and from Namur to Hainaut. The count of Namur’s men were near there in the monastery of Floreffe, who were also harassing the count of Hainaut and his men harshly. And so after the capture of the castle of Namur throughout seventeen months, the count of Hainaut could not fortify the castles of Namur and Bouvignes with provisions, except by the strength of many horsemen. At this time the count of Hainaut remained thusly, scorning nothing concerning the peace ordained between himself and the duke of Louvain and concerning the confirmed alliance, while he awaited ongoing attacks from the count of Champagne. At that time of Lent, Godshalk of Morialmé, a virtuous knight, noble and wealthy, who was loved greatly by the count of Hainaut, was marked with the Cross of the Lord, and took up the order of the Hospital of Jerusalem. [152] At Eastertime in the year of the Lord 1189, lord Frederick the most powerful Roman emperor, King Henry’s father, having received the purse with the staff at Haguenau, took the road for Jerusalem and, coming to the city of Regensburg, he waited there for his army which was signed with the Cross.434 When this army had assembled to an estimate of about 20,000 knights, not counting sergeants, burgesses, clerks and other footsoldiers, the road was taken powerfully and manfully, and with him was his son Duke Frederick of Swabia, a virtuous and generous knight.435 The emperor crossed through Hungary and Bulgaria and came to the emperor of Constantinople’s land. Because, in his crossing, he discovered the emperor to be a rebel, he attacked him as Christ’s enemy and destroyed certain of his cities, some of which he reserved to his own will while he was in that land. The lord emperor of the Romans’ intention was to bring the emperor of Constantinople with him, or at least be sufficiently secure from him concerning a good and peaceful crossing for himself and his men and for having provisions. The emperor of Constantinople, seeing that the emperor of the Romans prevailed in strength and had placed God as his helper,

434

435

Riley-Smith, The First Crusaders, pp. 4, 81–3, 97, notes that the pilgrimage symbols of purse and staff are first mentioned in sources in 1146, and that receiving these symbols was often done separately from the taking of the Cross, see p. iv for photo of sculpture showing purse and staff. See also J. A. Brundage, ‘Cruce Signari: The Rite for Taking the Cross in England’, Traditio 22 (1966), pp. 297–310. Frederick’s army, which left Regensburg on 11 May 1189, has been estimated by contemporaries to have had as many as 100,000 men (including 20,000 mounted men), assembled largely through Frederick’s considerable authority and careful advance preparations: France, Victory in the East, p. 136. Riley-Smith, The Crusades, p. 111, while acknowledging the emperor’s army as one of the largest crusading armies in history, suggests that the figure of 100,000 is exaggerated. Richard, The Crusades, p. 220, suggests a much lower figure of 15,000 men, including 3,000 knights.

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made peace with him and offered him what safe conduct he could, having given hostages for peace, and he caused provisions to be administered by purchase. The emperor of the Romans crossed both that land and the sultan of Konya’s land.436 When they had advanced favourably, they came to a most cold river at a most warm season. While some men were preparing to cross the river by boat, the lord emperor proposed to cross it on his horse, although with everyone dissuading him. Nevertheless, he wished to cross by virtue of his horse and began to swim in the midst of the currents with his horse, and was almost drowned by the very powerful waves. With God willing, he had help from his men and returned to his men on land. Yet, from the tremendous coldness of the water, he (who was hot from the heat of the season) fell into such a great illness that within eight days he departed from this life.437 Nearly the entire world obedient to the Christian faith lamented his death because he seemed more powerful, energetic and courageous than other kings and princes of this sort, and he had with him all the most virtuous men of his Empire with a great abundance of gold and silver.438 He could have expended great help to the land of Jerusalem if he had survived. When he had died, a little later nearly all of his army perished from their own illness, so that his son Frederick, duke of Swabia, came to the siege of Acre with only about 700 knights. Although he conducted himself manfully there, he generously allocated his goods to needy men, and departed quickly by God’s will.439 [153] In that changing time, the count of Hainaut had truces at some time from the duke of Louvain and the count of Namur, which were never kept sufficiently firmly. On the solemnity of Pentecost, the lord king of the Romans ordained Baldwin, son of the count of Hainaut, as a new knight with the consent of his father, with utmost honour at the city of Speyer. Baldwin, allocating his goods in the court, distributed handsome goods to knights, clerks of the court and sergeants, namely horses, palfreys, nags, precious garments, gold and silver.440 He even paid jesters and female jesters willingly and calmly. The lord king did not permit the knight he had made to depart from him, promising him many things and honouring him in his court before other nobles. The lord Henry king of the

436

437

438

439

440

Isaac II Angelus, emperor of Byzantium (1185–95), had made a pact with Saladin to delay or destroy the crusaders. Emperor Frederick attacked his forces, among his conquests were Dhidhimotikon, Adrianople and Philippopoli. Isaac eventually, on 14 February 1190, negotiated to supply the German army with ships for transport, thus causing them to bypass Constantinople. The crusaders also had to fight the sons of the sultan of Konya: Riley-Smith, The Crusades, pp. 111–12; Richard, The Crusades, p. 221. Frederick Barbarossa died on 10 June 1190, was temporarily buried in the cathedral of Saint Peter at Antioch, later moved to the church of Saint Mary at Tyre: Mayer, The Crusades, p. 141. RileySmith, The Crusades, p. 112, identifies the river as Göksu; Mayer, The Crusades, p. 141, identifies the river at Saleph. BN MS lat. 11105, fol. 71v, and Brussels, KB II 1554, fol. 400r lack the word calidus (‘hot’). BN MS lat. 11105, fol. 71v: regibus ac principibus huiusmodi; Brussels, KB II 1554, fol. 400r: regibus ac principibus humanior; Vanderkindere: regibus ac principibus hujus mundi. Most of the German army returned to Germany after the emperor’s death, while those who remained suffered further losses through an epidemic at Antioch. Duke Frederick of Swabia ‘departed’ by his death on 20 January 1191: Riley-Smith, The Crusades, p. 113; Mayer, The Crusades, p. 141. BN MS lat. 11105, fol. 72r, distribuit bona; Vanderkindere: distribuit dona.

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Romans also wished that the count of Hainaut would make one of his sons a clerk, and the lord king promised him that he would quickly make him, after fifteen years had elapsed, archbishop of either Cologne, Mainz, Trier or Liège. This was not sufficiently pleasing to the count of Hainaut’s judgement, but they all remained laymen. [154] In the times of the oftmentioned Count Baldwin, the count of Duras was Gilles, a virtuous knight, who also held the castle of Clermont between Liège and Huy and Rochefort in Ardenne. He was also advocate in Saint-Trond in Dinant. He had two brothers, namely Conon and Peter. By God’s will, he became a leper. Having thrown aside his military arms, which he had always loved and used frequently, he left his county and certain allods to his brother Conon. He assigned to Peter his other brother a part of the land. He retained for himself an allod, namely Jodoigne.441 Afterwards Henry the younger duke of Louvain, by permission of the count of the Flanders (Gilles’ relative), took this allod away from Gilles.442 Therefore, Gilles, although held back by severe leprosy, nevertheless took up arms again to avenge the crime perpetrated against him, and remaining for a while at Duras and for a while at Clermont, he harassed the duke of Louvain and the count most often, and capturing their merchants, he took away from them wine, scarlet cloth, other cloth and silver, and he forced the imprisoned men to pay a heavy redemption. He held out through much war. His brothers, because they lacked an heir of their own bodies, gave all their properties, allods, fiefs and dependants to Sainte-Marie and Saint-Lambert of Liège.443 Those churches did not observe what was done, nor did Bishop Raoul of Liège retain those properties for the honour and use of his church, because he accepted silver concerning these properties from Count Gérard of Looz for Duras, and from Wéry of Walcourt (who had their sister), for Clermont and Rochefort and the advocacy of Dinant.444 And so after the brothers’ deaths, Wéry of Walcourt possessed Clermont, Rochefort, the advocacy of Dinant and many other properties. Count Gérard of Looz obtained the castle of Duras and the advocacy of SaintTrond. The count of Hainaut’s aid concerning this was helpful before all others (after God) to this same Count Gérard of Looz, who was his relative in the second degree of consanguinity.445 It ought to be known that the oftmentioned Count Conon of Duras, small in body, smaller in mind and knowledge, held the advocacy of Saint-Trond and other properties in fief from the duke of Limbourg,

441

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Gilles was count of Duras, Rochefort, Montaigu and Clermont, by inheritance from his father Godfrey of Montaigu and his mother Juliana of Duras. He was sub-advocate in Saint-Trond by virtue of being count of Duras, and advocate of Dinant by virtue of being count of Montaigu. Gilles renounced his counties in 1175. Count Philip of Flanders and Gilles of Duras appear to be first cousins twice removed, through Gilles’ paternal grandmother who was Count Thierry of Alsace’s niece. Henry of Louvain held control of Jodoigne no later than 1184. This donation occurred about 1185. Saint-Lambert is the cathedral church of Liège: R. H. Schmandt, ‘The Election and Assassination of Albert of Louvain, Bishop of Liège, 1191–92’, Speculum 42 (1967), p. 641. Wéry III of Walcourt was married to Gerberge, sister of Gilles, Conon and Peter. Gilles of Duras had been married to Adelaide, sister of Gérard of Looz (1171–95). Gilbert apparently mistakes the closeness of Gérard’s relationship to Count Baldwin, they were third cousins through the common ancestor of Count Gilbert of Luxembourg.

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and thus owed guardianship in the castle of Limbourg.446 It pleased Duke Henry of Limbourg, uncle of Henry the younger duke of Louvain, to summon Count Conon to do guardianship most often.447 Conon scorned his lord’s summons and then acted foolishly, and incurred his lord’s offence and danger to his fief. For this reason, the duke of Limbourg seized all the properties which Count Conon of Duras held from him, and caused them to be taken away. He occupied some of these. The duke of Limbourg sold the advocacy of Saint-Trond to Count Gérard of Looz, therefore Count Gérard did homage to him and seized the advocacy, with the support of the burgesses of that town and men rich and most powerful in arms, in the year of the Lord 1189. [155] In that same year and time, Count Conon of Duras was marked with the Cross and sold this same advocacy which was taken away from him and the castle of Duras to Henry the younger duke of Louvain for 800 marks. The duke of Louvain began to renew the fortress of Duras, and fortified it with knights, sergeants and provisions to harass the count of Looz and the town of Saint-Trond. Having assembled an army in which there were about 700 knights and about 60,000 men, both mounted and on foot, he devastated the count of Looz’s land in great part with fire and looting after the eighth day of Pentecost, then he besieged Saint-Trond, while the count of Looz was remaining in that town with the duke of Limbourg with 300 knights and as many mounted sergeants and about 20,000 footsoldiers, not counting the men of the town itself. Nonetheless, the duke of Louvain would have captured the town by his greater forces, if the count of Hainaut had not come to the aid of the count of Looz. According to the entreaties and summons of the count of Looz, his relative, to whom he was also allied, and considering that the duke of Louvain did not wish to observe the peace and agreement made before the lord king of the Romans, the count of Hainaut assembled an army and, on the Monday after the first Sunday after the eighth day of Pentecost, crossed the duke’s land through Viesville, entered the castle, and devastated it in great part with burning and looting.448 Then, returning with his army through Soignies, he harshly afflicted the duke’s land in Brabant with both fire and looting. The duke, hearing of the count of Hainaut’s attack, was seriously disturbed and, trembling, withdrew from that siege. The count, having freed Saint-Trond, permitted his army to depart from him. Yet he placed his household knights against the duke in Brabant in Braine-le-Comte, Binche, Viesville and Namur.449 The duke also placed his household knights in Nivelles, and in those fortresses which he had in the march against the count of Hainaut and the count of Looz. At that time Count Henry of Champagne, assembling his great army, threatened to attack the count of Hainaut’s land. The

446

447 448 449

The dukes of Limbourg held the high-advocacy of Saint-Trond through their ancestor Duke Frederick of Lower Lotharingia, who was invested with the advocacy by his brother Bishop Albéron III of Metz in the late eleventh century: Vanderkindere, La formation, II, p. 150. Duke Henry III of Limbourg (d. 1221) was the brother of Henry of Louvain’s mother Marguerite. ‘Monday after the first Sunday after the eighth day of Pentecost’: 12 June. BN MS lat. 11105, fol. 73r: maiores (greater men); Vanderkindere: mansores (household knights), which he argues as the correct reading in view of mansores being used a few lines later.

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younger duke of Louvain awaited his arrival to undertake vengeance against the count of Hainaut. He had come prepared and the count of Hainaut also assembled his army. The count of Champagne postponed his evil arrival. The count of Hainaut decided, by his men’s advice, to command his son Baldwin, the new knight, through a messenger not to delay in coming to him to help him further in such great need. When he had heard his father’s messenger, namely the clerk Gilbert, having received kind permission from the lord king of the Romans, he hurried to return to his father. In the month of July the count of Flanders saw that the duke of Louvain could not injure the count of Hainaut enough, summoned them both at Ypres, and arranged treaties between them until the nativity of Blessed Mary. At that time, before the treaties had been given, a very few knights and sergeant at Viesville manfully resisted many men coming unexpectedly from Nivelles in an attack, which is called a mêlée, and they killed more of their horses than they killed of theirs. Many knights and sergeants, about 100, also came from Nivelles to the town which is called Haine, near Binche, and were assaulted there by six knights and sufficiently few unarmed peasants and women, and they were turned to flight, some were captured, some lost their horses and arms. Therefore a particular women of that land also claimed against some men in her region a packhorse which was won along with arms and garments, and thus all who heard this were amazed. At the same time, about 200 knights and mounted sergeants and many footsoldiers came unexpectedly from Nivelles all the way to Braine-le-Comte. About forty knights stationed in Braine and a few footsoldiers assaulted those knights and sergeants, turned them to flight and captured many of them. [156] The lord king of France, wishing to ordain peace between his esteemed men, namely his nephew the count of Champagne and his father-in-law the count of Hainaut, caused the count of Hainaut to come to him at Pontoise in the month of August, where the lord archbishop of Reims and Count Thibaut were on the count of Champagne’s behalf.450 And there the lord king ordained peace in this way: that the count of Hainaut would have Namur and everything which belonged to Namur, both fiefs and allods; the count of Champagne would have Laroche and Durbuy; Luxembourg would remain according to the lord king of the Romans’ will. This arrangement of peace was approved by the count of Hainaut, Count Thibaut, and the archbishop of Reims and was concluded at Paris in the feast of St Gilles.451 The count of Hainaut, so that he should not seem to be against his lord Henry king of the Romans in any way, did not wish to complete this without his consent and advice. When he had sent his envoy, his clerk Gilbert, to the lord king, the lord king responded to this, that the form of this peace would never please him while the count of Champagne retained any part of this land. On the other hand, the count of Champagne did not wish to agree to this peace made through his lord king of France and his uncles the lord archbishop of Reims and Count Thibaut, so that the count of Hainaut

450 451

BN MS lat. 11105, fol. 73v omits volens ordinare comitem Hanonie. 1 September.

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obtained the favour of the lord king of the Romans and the lord king of France concerning this. In the month of September, the count of Champagne brought an army against the count of Hainaut. The duke of Louvain was preparing to aid him. Because the count of Hainaut brought his army against them and detained the assembled army for several days, the count of Champagne postponed his arrival. [157] The count of Flanders at that time acted kindly, he wished peace to be made between the duke of Louvain and the count of Hainaut, and he set a day of meeting between them at Hautecroix in the month of October. Lord Philip archbishop of Cologne was present at it. When the conference lasted for three days, at last the peace, which they had made previously through the lord king of the Romans, was renewed and was confirmed by faith and oath given by each and was strengthened by hostages given by each.452 Nonetheless, the count of Flanders added 500 marks to the 700 marks which the count of Hainaut had promised to give to the duke of Louvain for the redemption of the count of Namur’s land through the lord king of the Romans, as if for compensation of the injuries done to the duke. And so the count of Hainaut settled with Henry the younger duke of Louvain for 1,200 marks. The duke of Louvain released freely the land which he had held in pledge from the count of Namur. And at this same place it was arranged that the duke of Louvain would return to the count of Hainaut half of the money which the count had supplied concerning Lembecq, and the duke would acknowledge in an inquest how much belonged to his fief concerning the revenues and yields of that town. [158] After that, the count of Hainaut, having assembled an army in the month of November, besieged Merlemont. When he made a delay of six days in the siege and pressured it with attacks and machines, at last it was returned to him, that castle which had caused much harm to the count of Hainaut. Then in the last week of November, namely before the Lord’s Advent, the count of Hainaut besieged the monastery of Floreffe which was defended by courageous and fearless men. The assault of men and machines, namely trebuchets and mangonels, could not damage it. At last the count caused the wall of the monastery in the front part to be cut into by the strength and skill of his men and to be supported by timbers. When he had made a delay of seven weeks in the siege and had prepared fire to burn the timbers which supported the wall, the besieged men and the monastery yielded themselves to the lord count of Hainaut’s will. The count of Hainaut knocked down the monastery’s towers and vaults, so that no one would have further refuge in them. In the siege, the virtuous man and courageous knight John Cornutus, the count of Hainaut’s relative, who was burdened by infirmity, died and was buried in the monastery of Saint-Ursmer of Lobbes.

452

BN MS lat. 11105, fol. 74r, and Brussels, KB II 1554, fol. 414r lack utriusque fide interposita et juramento confirmata est et hominibus suis.

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[159] In that same time and year, on the third day of Christmas, men belonging to the honour of Namur, both knights and sergeants, gave homages and securities to the count of Hainaut in the meadows in the place which is called Herbatte. Then he received homage and security from Clarembaud of Atrives, his relative, concerning his castle and his other properties. [160] In that same year of the Lord 1189 in the month of March, the oftmentioned Queen Elisabeth of France, the count of Hainaut’s daughter, a most pious woman, most loved by the French people (by knights, clerics and people of any status), departed from this world. Her body was buried at Paris in the greater monastery of Blessed Mary.453 [161] In the year of the Lord 1190 in the month of June, the count of Hainaut made peace with his uncle the count of Namur and Luxembourg, with lord Philip archbishop of Cologne mediating, in this form: that the count of Hainaut would hold in peace all the castles which he had occupied, and along with the castles the borough of Namur and all towns in which castles were situated. The count of Namur his uncle would have all the towns in which there were no castles. The count of Hainaut would have homages and justice of fiefs. Therefore the count of Namur bid his faithful men to give homages and fidelities to the count of Hainaut. The count of Namur swore to the count of Hainaut that he would faithfully preserve all the castles which he held in Durbuy and Laroche for the count to hold after his death. The form of this peace was approved by each, with faith given and oath offered. Concerning this peace, the count of Namur asked the lord king of the Romans through his letters patent and through envoys who had witnessed the making of the peace (faithful men of the lord king, namely the lord archbishop of Cologne and Count Gérard of Looz) to consider the peace which had been made to be valid, and to grant all his properties to the count of Hainaut to hold, and to receive him as his man.454 The lord king had done that previously. When this peace had been made, the count of Hainaut owed to the lord king, both on his own behalf and on behalf of his father the emperor of the Romans, 900 marks of pure silver concerning the promise made at Erfurt, which the lord king had assigned to the archbishop of Cologne in aid of his journey in Apulia.455 Thus it was fitting that the count settle with the archbishop then. [162] At that time William the most glorious king of Sicily, duke of Apulia, prince of Capua, nephew of Queen Constance, died. By hereditary right, Queen

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Elisabeth died 15 March 1190 in childbirth: Rigord, p. 97; Ralph of Diceto, II, p. 77; Sigebert of Gembloux, p. 426; Baldwin, Government of Philip Augustus, p. 26. Flandria generosa, p. 329, states that she died trying to give birth to twins. Alberic of Trois-Fontaines, p. 862, says that her firstborn daughter (presumably who also died in this birthing) was buried at Elisabeth’s feet with this epitaph: ‘I was the child of a king and the first joys of my parents, although the first light of life was the last for me.’ The text reads eum in hominem susciperet, although this is likely an error for eum in hominium susciperet (‘to receive him in homage’). See c. 148. The fact that 900 marks of the owed 1,550 marks still remained to be paid suggests that the count of Hainaut had failed to fulfil the agreed payment schedule of a third part at Christmas 1188 and a third part at Easter 1189.

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Constance of the Romans ought to have succeeded him, but her relative, named Tancred, whose father had been adulterous, had occupied the kingdom and Apulia and had caused himself to be crowned king by giving much gold for that purpose.456 When he had heard this, lord Henry king of the Romans wished to travel there and to subjugate to his rule that land belonging to him by hereditary right on behalf of his wife Constance. He brought however many Imperial princes, other nobles and officials which he could to his aid and proceeded there, and set a day for them to meet during the feast of St Michael at the city of Augsbourg in Swabia. [163] At that time Godfrey the noble duke of Louvain, a kind man, father of the younger duke Henry, departed from this world. He had as wife the sister of Count Gérard of Looz, whom he had married after his first wife’s death.457 From her he also had a son William, who lived for a long time, and Godfrey who died quickly. [164] At that same time and year, King Henry of England, marked with the Cross, died. His son Richard succeeded him and was raised to king at the city of London.458 Richard did homage to Philip lord king of France for the duchy of Normandy and Aquitaine and the count of Anjou. [165] At that summer season and year, Philip illustrious king of France and King Richard of England took the Jerusalem road together, who had most often many quarrels between them on the journey and in overseas regions.459 On their

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King William II the Good of Sicily (d. 18 Nov. 1189) left no direct heir, but had acknowledged Constance as his successor. Tancred of Lecce, king of Sicily (1189–94), was the illegitimate son of Duke Roger of Apulia (eldest son of King Roger II of Sicily) and Emma, daughter of Count Archad of Lecce. He became king with the assistance of vice-chancellor Matthew of Ajello and the magnates of Norman Italy who feared the consequences of the German emperor’s accession to the Sicilian throne. Constance was aunt to both William II and Tancred, as half-sister of William II’s father William I, and half-sister of Tancred’s father Roger. See W. Fröhlich, ‘The Marriage of Henry VI’, pp. 106, 111; D. Clementi, ‘The Circumstances of Count Tancred’s Accession to the Kingdom of Sicily, Duchy of Apulia and the Principality of Capua’, Mélanges Antonio Marongiu (Brussels, 1968), p. 57. Godfrey married firstly Marguerite of Limbourg, secondly Imaine of Looz. His son William was lord of Perwez and Ruysbroeck. King Henry II of England died at Chinon on 6 July 1189: Rigord, p. 96; Warren, Henry II, p. 626. Richard I was crowned king on 23 September 1189 at Westminster Abbey: Gillingham, Richard I, p. 107. The quarrels of these two crusaders are legendary. Philip and Richard left Vézelay on 4 July 1190, but spent the winter of 1190–1 at Messina in Sicily, where they disputed concerning Richard’s long betrothal to Philip’s half-sister Alix. In the Treaty of Messina (March 1191), Richard agreed to release Alix with a payment of 10,000 silver marks (over five years), and arrangements were settled about certain disputed lands in the Vexin, Berry and the Aquitaine. Further quarrels arose concerning their agreement to divide the crusading spoils equally between them, when Philip claimed half the booty from Richard’s seizure of the city of Messina and of Cyprus. Philip was humiliated by Richard’s capacity to pay higher wages to his troops than he could. Richard supported Guy of Lusignan for the kingship of Jerusalem, while Philip backed Conrad of Montferrat. Philip’s early departure from the crusade on 31 July 1191 was also a source of contention. There were even rumours that Richard tried to poison Philip (see c. 184), and that Richard was negotiating with Saladin: Actes, I, no. 376; Rigord, pp. 106–7, 117; Benedict of Peterborough, II, pp. 159–60, 180, 182–3; Roger of Howden, III, pp. 98–100, 114, 124;

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crossing the king of England subdued the island of Cyprus by his forces, a land wealthy in all things. The lord of that land is called king. Afterwards the king of England added this island to the kingdom of Jerusalem.460 The lord king of the Romans, having the favour of the lord pope Celestine and of the Romans on his journey into Apulia, took the imperial crown to wear.461 Therefore he asked Count Philip of Flanders, marked with the Cross and prepared to go to Jerusalem, to travel in his court to Rome, so that the lord king’s greater strength would be seen through the most powerful count of Flanders. The count of Flanders granted this to the lord king. [166] The count of Hainaut, hearing that the count of Flanders ought to travel nearby to the lord king of the Romans, took counsel from his men and from the count of Flanders himself, so that he would travel to the lord king of the Romans with the count of Flanders. When he had explained to the lord king the peace he had made with his uncle, the lord king acknowledged before many princes of the Empire before his departure what had been done and confirmed at the court of Worms for the count of Hainaut before certain princes. Since the count of Hainaut was hesitant to go or return in many places, it was ordained that Duke Henry of Louvain (who also had travelled to the lord emperor of the Romans, so that he would be entitled to receive from him easily his land and fiefs belonging to the Empire, through the count of Flanders’ intercession, because his father had died), would give safe conduct to the count of Hainaut.462 The duke’s safe conduct was not sufficiently safe for the count of Hainaut, because the duke was openly opposed to the count of Hainaut in the lord king’s court. [167] When Count Philip of Flanders and Vermandois, an illustrious and most powerful man, a good judge of churches and men, marked with the Lord’s Cross, took the road for Jerusalem, he had received the purse and staff at Ghent in the month of September with the count of Hainaut, his wife Countess Marguerite and their children present, the count committed his land to the custody and protection of his wife Queen Mathilde, and carrying from his own money the value of fifty marks of silver, he released forty marks to his wife Mathilde, who caused herself to be called queen.463

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462

463

Mayer, The Crusades, pp. 145–6; Richard, The Crusades, pp. 223, 228; J. Richard, ‘Philippe Auguste, la croisade et le royaume’, France de Philippe Auguste, pp. 419, 421; Gillingham, Richard I, pp. 141–2; Baldwin, Government of Philip Augustus, pp. 78–80 (who erroneously implies that Richard would receive 10,000 marks from Philip, rather than paying it to the French king, as in Actes, I, no. 376, and Roger of Howden, III, p. 99). Richard captured Cyprus after part of his fleet had been driven to Cyprus in a storm, and the people on the ship were held captive by Isaac Ducas Comnenus of Cyprus: Benedict of Peterborough, II, pp. 163–7; Roger of Howden, III, pp. 105–10; Gillingham, Richard I, pp. 144–54. Pope Celestine III (1191–8); Henry VI was crowned emperor on 14 or 15 April 1191: Benedict of Peterborough, II, p. 162; Roger of Howden, III, pp. 101–2, who relates the curious tale that the pope kicked the crown from the emperor’s head to show that he had the power to dethrone him if it was deserved. BN MS lat. 11105, fol. 75v, omits comiti Hanoniensi conductum faceret, which must be an error as this phrase is necessary to a clear reading. Sigebert of Gembloux, p. 426, suggests that Count Philip started for Italy in August. However, as Gilbert is recording an event at which the count and countess of Hainaut were eye-witnesses, it is more likely that he is correct in saying that Count Philip was still in Flanders in September.

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[168] The count of Hainaut, having different advice that he should not go in person before the lord king of the Romans at that time, sent on his behalf his clerk Gilbert, provost of Saint-Germain in Mons and guardian of SainteWaudru, with his uncle’s letter showing the peace which was made and asking for the count of Hainaut’s advancement, and with the lord archbishop of Cologne’s letter testifying to the form of this peace.464 The count of Hainaut had given his son Philip in pledge to the lord of Cologne for 900 marks of pure silver which had been promised to the lord king and assigned to the archbishop.465 When the aforesaid count of Hainaut’s envoy came to the lord king of the Romans at Hall in Swabia, and had revealed to him the peace of the count of Hainaut and his uncle, the lord king rejoiced concerning this.466 In the morning on a certain Sunday he returned the duke of Louvain’s fiefs to him, according to the count of Flanders’ request with no intervention of silver, although he would not have rendered it without much silver, except that the count of Flanders’ request interceded. [169] At that time the duke of Louvain possessed the land of Boulogne through the count of Flanders’ strength. For the count of Flanders said he held a security of 5,000 pounds for that land. He had given that silver to the duke in fief, and after he had expelled his niece Ida, he had assigned that land to the duke of Louvain as if in pledge.467 It was fitting for the duke of Louvain, before he gave homage to the lord king, to renounce homage to the count of Flanders. For whoever rejoiced in the Imperial privilege of a prince could not give homage to anyone who had not been consecrated. It was permitted for them to give homages to kings only and to bishops and abbots who are called royal. [170] When Duke Henry of Louvain had done homage to the lord king of the Romans, who was staying in a great and spacious cloister of monks with many princes, nobles and knights (about 4,000), the count of Hainaut’s envoy, the clerk Gilbert, with everyone hearing and seeing, presented to the lord king of the Romans the lord of Cologne’s letter and the lord count of Namur and Luxembourg’s letter concerning the peace which had been made, along with the

464

465 466 467

BN MS lat. 11105, fol. 75v, and Brussels, KB II 1554, fol. 424r: pacis formam testificantibus; Vanderkindere: pacem et pacis formam testificantibus. See c. 161. The diet at Schwäbisch-Hall was on 24 September 1190. Count Philip of Flanders, as guardian of his nieces, the daughters of his brother Count Matthew of Boulogne and Countess Marie, had retained a large measure of control over the county after Matthew’s death. Philip forcibly withheld the county from Ida, Matthew’s eldest daughter, because he disapproved of her elopement with Count Renaud of Dammartin in 1190 (her third husband). He granted control of the county to Duke Henry I of Brabant/Louvain, by virtue of his marriage to Matthew’s second daughter, Mathilde (see c. 51). Duke Henry received the county only as security for a loan to Count Philip (used to finance his participation in the Third Crusade). The county was restored to Ida in 1191 by Baldwin V of Hainaut when he succeeded to Flanders after Count Philip’s death: Vanderkindere, La formation, I, pp. 314–16; Kupper, ‘Mathilde de Boulogne’, p. 238; Nicholas, Medieval Flanders, p. 74. Duke Henry used the title ‘procurator of Boulogne’: Malo, Un grand feudataire, pièces justificatives, no. 21, pp. 246–7. See c. 175.

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testimony of Count Gérard of Looz and certain other nobles and officials who had been present when the peace was made. The lord king said to everyone listening what he had done concerning the march of Namur, Durbuy and Laroche, and that he had given it to Count Baldwin of Hainaut in liege fief and had made him a marquis and prince of the Empire under the witness of certain princes. He wished that those princes who had been present would acknowledge this matter and made this known to them. When he had heard this, the duke of Louvain said that this took away from his dignity, and he wished to have advice concerning this and to speak after that. When he had had the count of Flanders’ advice and had called in his men, he said through his spokesman (namely the count of Flanders) that there could be no prince in the land of Namur or Laroche, because it was in his duchy, and moreover, his duchy extended through Hainaut up to the place which is called the Trunk of Berenger.468 The clerk Gilbert replied to this that the duke could show no tenure in these matters for himself or his ancestors in the county of Namur, Laroche or Hainaut, nor the dukes of Bouillon, nor after them the dukes of Limbourg, nor afterwards the counts or dukes of Louvain who had held the duchy. And the clerk Gilbert said to the lord king: ‘Lord king, my lord the count of Hainaut holds the march of Namur from you as a prince, just as you acknowledge, for this reason he has princes as peers and witnesses. If anyone considers to speak against his tenure or honour, he is prepared to stand trial for his established right on a legitimate day.’ While these things were being proposed by the count of Hainaut’s envoy against the duke of Louvain and his spokesman and obvious helper, the count of Flanders, the lord king asked for an opinion concerning this from the count of Flanders. He said that, in his opinion (and he had princes agreeing with him on this), the count of Hainaut could justly become both marquis and prince concerning those lands, because the duke could not demonstrate that he or his ancestors had had tenure of the duchy in those lands. At that same time, it was judged by the marquis of Meissen (and he had princes as peers agreeing with him in this) that the duke of Louvain did not hold the duchy except in the counties which he was holding or which were being held by him, because he could not demonstrate his tenure in other counties of his neighbours.469 The duke of Louvain was advised by the king that it was right for him to name openly those counties which he was holding or which were being held by him, namely the counties of Louvain, Nivelles and Aerschot which the duke was holding as his own. He named other counties which Henry of Cuyk, the count of Gueldre, and the count of Clèves were holding from the duke.470 Among those counties, he said that the county of Looz was from his duchy, because he had safe conduct through that county up to the river Meuse. To this, Count Gérard of Looz responded manfully and said to the duke: ‘Lord duke, I hold the county of Looz from the lord bishop of Liège. You have safe conduct through my land, you have that for this reason – because my ancestor killed your ancestor,

468

469 470

The ‘Trunk of Berenger’: the abbey of Arrouaise, situated at the juncture of the Cambrésis, Amiénois, Vermandois, Artois. Albert the Proud, marquis of Meissen (1190–5). Count Otto of Gueldre (d. c.1206); Count Thierry IV of Clèves (1172–94).

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and he granted safe conduct to him through his land in an agreement which was made.’471 And so the duke of Louvain failed by these reasons in the things he had proposed, which were judged to be so by many people. At the same time a charter of privilege was granted to the count of Hainaut by the advice of the princes, and was entrusted to the chancellor and chief chancellor to be done. Afterwards the duke of Louvain, with the count of Flanders’ help, laboured for nine days to have the verdict (passed at Hall in Swabia to his detriment, and for the count of Hainaut’s advancement) revoked by other princes gathered at the city of Augsbourg, and accordingly they were promised 500 marks to the lord king and court by the duke’s counsellors, and thus they might persuade the lord king to revoke the privilege which had been made concerning this. Nonetheless they could have no profit against the count of Hainaut. And so the verdict, which had been passed, stood. Thus, the count of Hainaut’s envoy, having received the charter of privilege from the lord king of the Romans at Augsbourg on the feast day of St Michael, returned to his lord count of Hainaut with honour and joy. One should not keep silent that a certain bishop at Hall enquired about the judgement before the lord king, whether the officials of any prince ought to judge with nobles. On this matter it was judged by the count palatine of Tubingen that, if a noble man offered a judgement, and he had one noble agreeing in the judgement, another supporter could be an official, namely from the prince’s advocacy or his own household.472 [171] The clerk Gilbert, returning to his lord the count of Hainaut, found him at Namur with his most noble wife Countess Marguerite, and made known to him the honour ascribed to himself when he was away. The count summoned the knights of his land and caused the charter of privilege which he had from the lord king of the Romans to be read in the monastery of SaintAubain before everyone, so that they would acknowledge his honour and right fully. Therefore the count was received as a new prince in the monastery of Saint-Aubain with a solemn procession, then in Mons in the church of Blessed Waudru, afterward in Valenciennes in the church of Saint-Jean, and having broken the seal, the inscription of which was only ‘Count of Hainaut’, he made a new one, the inscription of which was ‘Marquis of Namur and Count of Hainaut’. [172] In the year of the Lord 1191, lord Henry king of the Romans travelled to Rome with an army, and was consecrated and crowned as emperor by the lord pope Celestine, and Queen Constance was consecrated and crowned as empress with him on Easter Monday.473 At that same time, Count Henry of Champagne, a young enough man, was marked with the Lord’s Cross, and took the Jerusalem road. Therefore he deserved to have glory and honour before other princes and even kings. For, although all the kings and princes returned from there to their

471 472 473

The safe conduct granted ‘to him’ must apply to a successor of the ancestor who was killed. Rudolf I of Tubingen (1183–1219). See c. 165.

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own lands, he remained there as if alone, and received through a certain marriage the kingdom of that land, the wealth of which seemed greater than his own regions.474 Nonetheless, the count of Namur’s daughter was not returned to him at that time, because the count of Champagne’s men expected his return at some time, and they longed for the count of Namur’s lands.475 Yet this daughter was returned to her father because of the count of Champagne’s very great delay. [173] In the year of the Lord 1191 on the vigil of Pentecost, Count Philip of Flanders, a most virtuous and powerful man, who was well supported by men, provisions, gold and silver, and had manfully taken upon himself divine affairs and services, died in overseas regions at the siege of Acre, burdened by illness. Therefore it is said that King Philip of France returned quickly from those regions to his own lands on account of his death, as he would succeed him in his greater properties, having taken this other opportunity both because of the king of England’s hatred and because of his own bodily illness.476 [174] At that same time and year reports came to Cambrai that lord Roger bishop of Cambrai had died in those overseas regions. Therefore a scholast of Cambrai who was going back to his own lands went via lord Henry, the new emperor of the Romans who was in Apulia with his army, bringing his letter to the chapter of Cambrai and the citizens and the count of Hainaut, marquis of Namur, asking that he might be chosen as bishop. The chapter disagreed, part chose lord John, archdeacon of that church, nephew of lord Roger the aforesaid bishop.477 Conversely, the other part chose lord Walter, chancellor of this church, for whom the lord emperor had sent his request. Each of them went to lord Henry the new emperor. The disagreement had come from the cause that, although lord John seemed of greater merit than lord Walter and had the more reasonable part of the chapter, a day had not been established for his election and the greater persons of the church had not been summoned, as is the authority and custom. John had been elected by his side, yet the other side acted according to the lord emperor’s advice and favour, because the emperor asserted that in a disagreement between sides, it was right for him to confer episcopates and abbacies to whom he wished, and he had chosen lord Walter.478

474

475 476

477

478

On 5 May 1192 Count Henry II of Champagne married Isabelle, daughter of King Amaury I of Jerusalem and widow of Conrad of Montferrat (see c. 135). He was hesitant to marry Isabelle, as she was pregnant with Conrad’s child. Henry refused the title of king, styling himself ‘lord of the kingdom of Jerusalem’ instead: Ralph of Diceto, II, p. 104; Roger of Howden, III, p. 181; Richard, The Crusades, p. 230; Mayer, The Crusades, p. 148. See c. 129. The Treaty of Boves in 1185 had given Count Philip of Flanders lifetime usufruct of certain properties in Vermandois, which would revert to King Philip after the count’s death, see c. 118. King Philip would also take possession of the Artois at Count Philip’s death, according to the dowry agreement for the king’s first wife Elisabeth of Hainaut, see c. 94; Baldwin, Government of Philip Augustus, pp. 80–1. John, son of Hugh of Antoing and Ancilie of Wavrin (sister of Bishop Roger), archdeacon of Cambrai and dean of Arras. At the Concordat of Worms in 1122, the emperor renounced his right to invest bishops with ring and croiser, but it was acknowledged that he could intervene in disputed elections: MGH Constitutiones, I,

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[175] At that same time and year lord Raoul bishop of Liège returned from Jerusalem and went through Swabia, the land of his birth, and made a delay and rest in that same place. While he made a delay there, he was burdened by illness and died.479 When the chapter of Liège had assembled, one part chose Albert, the duke of Louvain’s brother, with the rank of subdeacon, archdeacon of that church, in respect to the duke of Louvain’s strength. Another part chose lord Albert, the count of Rethel’s brother, the count of Hainaut’s first cousin, greater provost and archdeacon of that church with the rank of deacon.480 Each of them sent envoys to the lord emperor. Albert, the duke of Louvain’s brother, had placed his hope in his brother the duke of Louvain, and in his uncle the duke of Limbourg and his sons, and his paternal uncle Count Albert of Dasbourg.481 The count of Hainaut did not wish him [Albert of Louvain] to be able to rule over him, because he always had hostility to his neighbours, and he laboured on behalf of his first cousin Albert of Rethel, a more mature man, but quite puny, who was Empress Constance’s uncle.482 The emperor and the empress had even asked and advised the count of Hainaut on his behalf most often, that if the episcopate of Liège should be vacant at some time, he would cause him [Albert of Rethel] to be chosen in some way. The count of Hainaut, marquis of Namur, also laboured for the advancement of Walter chancellor of Cambrai, his compatriot, on whose behalf the lord emperor had also asked him. He sent his clerk Gilbert, provost of Mons, with the chancellor to the lord emperor for the advancement of these men. They went through German land and crossed the Alps in the place which is called Septimer Pass and across Lake Como, and they crossed through Italy to the town which is called Borgo San Donnino, and they heard sure reports concerning the count of Flanders’ death. The lord king of France sent certain knights (namely, Pierre of Mesnil,

479 480

481

482

no. 108, p. 161. An 1167 act of Frederick I Barbarossa confirms this, MGH Constitutiones, I, no. 231, p. 327: ‘For it is lawful according to Imperial authority, when you are disagreeing, as you please, we can propose for you a suitable person’. See also U.-R. Blumenthal, The Investiture Controversy: Church and Monarchy from the Ninth to the Twelfth Century (Philadelphia, PA, 1988), p. 173; Schmandt, ‘The Election and Assassination’, p. 646. Bishop Raoul died on 5 August 1191. Archdeacons could be drawn from the ranks of either deacons or subdeacons. Albert of Rethel’s mother Beatrice was the sister of Baldwin V’s mother Alix. Schmandt, ‘The Election and Assassination’, pp. 639–60, provides a useful overview of this election and its consequences, as well a discussion of sources. Sigebert of Gembloux, p. 429, suggests that Albert of Louvain was elected by the side which was more just, wise, and numerous. Albert of Dasbourg was half-brother of Godfrey II of Brabant/Louvain, father of Duke Henry I and bishop-elect Albert. Empress Constance was daughter of Beatrice, Albert of Rethel’s sister. Schmandt, ‘The Election and Assassination’, p. 642, suggests that Gilbert of Mons was an eye-witness at the election, along with the count of Hainaut. He notes that Gilbert discreetly fails to mention the relatively few votes acquired by the count of Hainaut’s candidate, Albert of Rethel. Lambert Parvus, Annales, MGH SS XVI (Hanover, 1859), p. 650, represents the episcopal election as a political power struggle between the duke of Louvain and the count of Hainaut. Vita Alberti episcopi Leodiensis, p. 139, states that Albert of Louvain was elected with the consent of all the archdeacons, clergy and people of the city and of the princes of the land, with only Count Baldwin dissenting. His opponent, Albert of Rethel, is described as ‘stupid and illiterate’. The author of the Vita Alberti has a remarkable way with words. He describes Count Baldwin as being constipatus with a great crowd of knights (p. 139), and says that, when Duke Henry of Louvain and his men heard of the count of Flanders’ death, ‘their kidneys began to tremble’ (p. 140).

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and Robert of Wavrin, brother of Hellin the steward, and some others, some of whom died in Italy, but Pierre and Robert came to France and Flanders) from overseas regions to occupy all of the count of Flanders’ land to the count of Hainaut’s detriment.483 The clerk Gilbert make those reports known to his lord the count of Hainaut by a swift courier, so that the count of Hainaut knew about those reports eight days before the French or Flemish men knew, which benefited him. For the count provided for himself: by the time those reports came to the French and Flemings, he had occupied the Flemish land which belonged by hereditary right to his wife Countess Marguerite, namely Bruges, Ypres, Courtrai, Audenarde, Grammont, Alost, Waes. Ghent was not inclined to him immediately, but he had it afterwards according to his will. Mathilde, the count of Flanders’ widowed wife, had strengthened this fortress with men and arms. She trusted in the lord king’s favour and the duke of Louvain’s aid. Therefore the duke of Louvain quickly brought attacks of war against the count of Hainaut, who afterwards turned it to the duke’s harm and detriment, as will yet be told. Concerning these matters, the count of Hainaut did not wish to occupy anything belonging by right to the dower of Mathilde, who caused herself to be called queen, although he found the greater part of them ready for his will. While the count of Hainaut went around seizing Flanders, he caused his army to remain at Grammont to guard those lands (namely Flanders and Hainaut) against the duke of Louvain.484 Mathilde contrived every evil thing against the count of Hainaut which she could before lord William archbishop of Reims, who was administering France in the king’s absence, and before any other powerful men of France.485 And so the citizens of Arras and the burgesses of Aire and Saint-Omer and many others joined the count of Hainaut as their hereditary lord, if the count wished to receive them. But because those cities ought to devolve to the lord king of France on the part of his son Louis, the count of Hainaut’s grandson, he did not wish to damage his faith in any way. Nonetheless the burgesses of Saint-Omer wished by no means to receive the lord king of France’s men, until they had the count of Hainaut’s approval and direction in the lord king’s court concerning this. Therefore, they afterwards endured the king’s displeasure and loss of their money, because they proceeded in a just way and did not wish to depart from the rightful heir of Flanders without his full assent. At that time Countess Ida of Boulogne, who had married a new husband (Count Renaud of Dammartin-en-Goële), recovered the land of Boulogne which the duke of Louvain had occupied for some time and had held

483

484

485

King Philip, in an act issued at Acre in June 1191, had charged the archbishop of Reims, Robert of Wavrin, Pierre of Mesnil, Pierre of Courtrai and Raoul of Gournay with receiving the fidelity of nobles in Péronne on behalf of himself and his son Louis: Actes, I, no. 383. Vita Alberti episcopis Leodiensis, p. 140, confirms that Baldwin received news of the count of Flanders’ death before Duke Henry of Louvain, and thus, was able to occupy all the land up to the river Scheldt before Henry had left Cologne to come to ‘Queen’ Mathilde’s defence. The count did without sleep to rush his wife Countess Marguerite, who had been designated heiress of Flanders by her brother Count Philip, to be received at the Flemish cities of Audenarde, Ypres, Bruges and Ghent. The people of Ghent and the area around Tournai (Menalpibus) favoured Duke Henry at first. Archbishop William of Reims was co-regent of France with King Philip’s mother Adela (William’s sister) during the king’s absence on crusade: Baldwin, Government of Philip Augustus, p. 102.

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back by the count of Flanders’ will, through the count of Hainaut’s kindness and consent, with the duke of Louvain excluded with his men. The duke, if he had had the count of Hainaut’s love and favour, would never have lost that land while he wished it.486 [176] Emperor Henry of the Romans with his wife Constance, in his strength and right, subdued to his will many cities of Apulia and even the principate of Capua. The wealthy and most powerful city of Naples was against him, and he besieged it. In this siege, such great disaster and illness arrived during the months of July and August, that Philip, the most powerful archbishop of Cologne, and the duke of Bohemia, a most illustrious prince, virtuous, wise, and sufficiently learned, died, and along with them a great many princes, archbishops, bishops, abbots, dukes, marquises, counts palatine and many other nobles, so that scarcely a tenth part of the emperor’s entire army evaded death.487 The emperor himself fell under such a great illness there that it was thought he would die, and thus, he was forced to depart from the siege because of their deaths and his own great illness. Walter the scholast of Cambrai, chosen by part of the chapter, met the lord emperor returning from the siege, along with the clerk Gilbert, provost of Mons, who had been sent to the emperor by the count of Hainaut for the advancement of Walter and of Albert provost of Liège. While the lord emperor delayed at that siege, lady Constance the empress was staying in the city of Salerno in their palace. But the citizens, who had given fidelity to her as their hereditary lady, having received gold, dishonourably handed her over to her nephew Tancred, who had been unjustly made king of Sicily. Therefore, the emperor was very greatly afflicted with sorrow. Tancred placed her in Pannormo, which is commonly called Palermo, and the citizens honoured her fully as their hereditary lady, so that Tancred did not have sufficient control of her. Afterwards, when a year or more had passed, she was restored to her lord the emperor. The lord emperor received the scholast of Cambrai and the count of Hainaut’s envoy most kindly, and promised, through the count of Hainaut’s envoy, the episcopate of Cambrai most surely to the scholast, and the episcopate of Liège to the provost. Because this could not be done except under the witness of German princes, and only one German prince was present (namely the patriarch of Aquileia), it was right to defer those investitures until they were in Germany.488 Therefore the lord emperor set a day in Germany for the scholast, and commanded the provost of Liège through a letter and through the count of Hainaut’s envoy to come to him in Germany to receive the bishopric of Liège from him, and he signified to the count of Hainaut, through a letter and through the count of Hainaut’s envoy, the promises made to the provost of Liège and the scholast of Cambrai concerning the episcopates, ascribing favours to the count of Hainaut because he had worked for their promotion. Because the lord king of the Romans had previously been made a new emperor, afterwards the oftmentioned envoy of the count of

486 487 488

See c. 169. Duke Otto of Bohemia (d. 9 August 1191). Godfrey of Aquileia (1182–94).

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Hainaut, in those regions where he found the lord emperor Henry (namely at the city of Rieti), caused the charter of privilege, which he had had sealed with the royal seal by the lord emperor at Augsbourg concerning the count of Namur’s properties, to be renewed at that same place under the witness of princes of Lombardy, Apulia and Germany, and to be strengthened with the gold Imperial seal, and it was sent to the count.489 The lord emperor commanded the count of Hainaut to give his favour to no one other than himself concerning the Imperial fiefs which the count of Flanders had held. A transcript of these privileges is found in subsequent chapters.490 [177] The oftmentioned count of Hainaut, when he had come to the principate of Flanders, who first had had a seal left for him by his father, the inscription of which was ‘Baldwin count of Hainaut’, with which a great many charters with privileges had been sealed by him and his father, afterwards broke this seal because of the much increased dignity of Namur, and he had another seal, the inscription of which was ‘Baldwin marquis of Namur and count of Hainaut’. When that seal was, not broken, but remade, he also had confirmed many charters with privileges with it. He had a third seal, the inscription of which was ‘Baldwin count of Flanders and Hainaut and marquis of Namur’, with which he restored and renewed many privileges. When his wife Marguerite had died, because the county of Flanders devolved to his son Baldwin, the oftmentioned count of Hainaut resumed his second seal, the inscription of which was ‘Baldwin marquis of Namur and count of Hainaut’, and he used this until the end of his life, with which he confirmed many privileges, for which the churches of Mons, Mauberge, Soignies, Condé, Hautmont, Crespin and Valenciennes, Alne, Brogne and Saint-Denis, along with many others, rejoiced. [178]491 A grand controversy revolved between Count Baldwin of Hainaut and his wife Countess Marguerite, rightful heir of Flanders, and Mathilde, formerly Count Philip of Flanders’ wife. Lord William archbishop of Reims set a day in the month of October at Arras for the count of Hainaut and Countess Mathilde (who called herself queen), so that he could settle a judgement or agreement between them there.492 Nevertheless after many quarrels, because Countess Mathilde reclaimed all of Flanders as dower, but the count of Hainaut, on the other hand, required a judgement, asserting that she ought not to have any dower other than that which had been granted to her at the wedding, at last peace was arranged between them in this way: that the count of Hainaut would have the principle portion of Flanders and the comital powers, namely Bruges, Ghent,

489 490 491

492

See c. 170. Unfortunately, Gilbert failed to include this transcript. Chapter 178 contains some difficult readings: apparent omissions of pronouns, personal pronouns which are difficult to attribute to a specific person, and the apparent omission of several words. This situation suggests either that this chapter has become slightly corrupt in manuscript transmission, or that Gilbert had written this chapter hastily with insufficient attention to grammar. Treaty of Arras: Les Registres de Philippe Auguste, ed. J. Baldwin (Paris, 1992), I, pp. 470–1, no. 29; Nicholas, Medieval Flanders, p. 74.

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Ypres, Courtrai, Audenarde, Waes, Alost, Grammont and other Imperial fiefs, namely the towns which are called the Offices, and the coastal islands in which the count of Holland shares and holds in fief from the count of Flanders.493 Mathilde, called queen, retained for herself the dower handed over to her at her wedding, specifically Douai, Écluse, Orchies, Lille, Cassel, Furnes, Dixmude, Bourbourg, Bergues and the manse of Nieppe.494 She then relinquished to the lord king from her rightful dower Saint-Omer and Aire, which should devolve to the lord king of France’s small son Louis by hereditary right after Mathilde’s death.495 During these conferences, the count of Hainaut’s envoy, namely Gilbert provost of Mons, returned to his lord at Arras, through whom the lord emperor commanded that the count would come to him in Germany during the Lord’s Advent or Christmas to receive Imperial fiefs from him, which the count of Flanders had held, and so that he might arrange with him concerning granting the episcopate of Liège to lord Albert provost of Liège, and giving the episcopate of Cambrai to lord Walter scholast of Cambrai. All these things were quite pleasing to the lord count. Then the count came to Ghent with his wife, where previously he had not been received, at the oftmentioned Queen Mathilde’s instigation, who had fortified the castle for her own use.496 He was received then, and returned to his own army at Grammont, enraged against the duke of Louvain (who worked to disinherit him and had denounced him presumptuously). He devastated his land in many places by looting and fire, and seized by force and knocked down certain fortresses, namely Tubize, Hasquempont and Oisquercq.497 These fortresses had harassed him and his men most often, and he besieged the castle of Enghien. That castle was held from the duke, although the town was held from the count of Hainaut. The castle, strengthened by a tower and walls, could not be captured by assaults without machines. When the count had deployed a trebuchet for this purpose, the besieged men saw that the castle could not defend itself and, having received advice from their lord the duke (the duke also was not able to resist the count’s strength), the duke renounced and yielded to Engelbert of Enghien, a noble man, possessor of the castle that, although he could not keep the castle, yet he might hold it on this condition: that he would not render the castle to the duke of Louvain against the count of Hainaut, nor

493

494 495

496

497

The Four Offices, a union of jurisdictions in northern coastal Flanders: Axel, Bouchaute, Hulst, Assenede. Count Thierry of Alsace had enfeoffed his half-sister, the countess of Holland, with five southern islands of Zeeland west of the Scheldt. See Nicholas, Medieval Flanders, pp. 70, 83 and map, p. 445. See c. 111. William of Andres, p. 720: ‘Flanders is divided into three parts: one part yields to the king’s authority; another is allotted under the name of dower to the count’s widow Mathilde, the king of Portugal’s daughter; the third remained with the heir, namely Marguerite, Count Philip’s sister, Count Baldwin of Hainaut’s wife. This division, which was lamentable for all Flemings, appears sufficiently so from miserable events. For the property of churches and paupers was stolen by robbers, civil and internal wars were stirred up throughout all of Flanders, so that the truthful sentence of the Lord would be considered openly: ‘The whole kingdom will be laid waste, divided against itself ’ [Luke 11:17]. This sentence does not read clearly. Vanderkindere has postulated a missing phrase, and has inserted three words at the end of this sentence to give a comprehensible reading: que castrum ad usum sui munierat [non fuerat receptus]. For Mathilde’s fortification of Ghent, see c. 175. These three fortresses, situated between Braine-le-Comte and Hal, were important to Brabant’s defence.

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to the count of Hainaut against the duke of Louvain, and if Engelbert could obtain this condition from the count of Hainaut, he might hold his castle in peace.498 This was granted to Engelbert by the count, but afterwards, when another occasion occurred, the count overthrew that castle.499 In that siege at Enghien, a virtuous knight of great reputation, wise and powerful in the count of Hainaut’s counsels, Amand of Prouvy, was burdened by illness and died. Then the count, having confirmed truces with the duke of Louvain, proceeded to Flanders with his wife Marguerite to receive their homages and to exercise justice in that land, because that land could scarcely ever be restrained from evildoers, but always it was right for an energetic prince to hold the region of Flanders in strict justice. [179] Meanwhile, through envoys, the count of Holland claimed that he could hold fiefs (which he had held from the count of Flanders) from the lord emperor in augment of his fief which he held from him, and from now on he was emancipated from the count of Flanders’ homage.500 He promised to give 5,000 marks of pure silver to the lord emperor concerning this, if he would become a prince.501 The duke of Louvain also wished to give 5,000 marks of pure silver to the lord emperor for the land of Alost which was held from the lord emperor. The duke also said that certain small allods and advocacies of certain towns were from his fief according to right. The lord emperor of the Romans, setting aside the petitions and promises of the count of Holland and the duke of Louvain, had every favour and benevolence towards the count of Hainaut. [180] Meanwhile Siger castellan of Ghent, who had great family and many men and wealth in Flanders, reclaimed custody of the castle of Ghent (which Count Philip of Flanders had built to suppress the tremendous arrogance of the men of Ghent), saying it was from his castellany. The count, because he was not yet rooted in the land of Flanders sufficiently firmly and Siger could not complain about him, assigned 100 pounds of land to him as compensation for the custody of this fortress. He hoped to have further faithful service and great good from him and his sons, and did not wish to appear to oppose him in any right.502 [181] The count of Hainaut was hindered by these and other affairs, and could not come to the lord emperor. But he sent his son Baldwin on his behalf and

498

499

500

501 502

Engelbert of Enghien, son of Hugh who had received Enghien in fief from the duke of Brabant/ Louvain (see c. 52). See c. 204. BN MS lat. 11105, fol. 80v, and Brussels, KB II 1554, fol. 452r: comes castrum illud obruit; Vanderkindere: comes castrum illud penitus obruit. Count Thierry VII of Holland (1190–1203). The fiefs in question were the coastal islands mentioned in c. 178. The title ‘prince of the Empire’ was reserved solely for those who held fiefs directly from the emperor. Siger II, son of Arnoul of Guines, castellan of Ghent (1190–1200), and castellan of Courtrai through his marriage to the daughter of Roger castellan of Courtrai. Count Philip built the castle in 1180. Nicholas, Medieval Flanders, pp. 82–3, notes that the castellany of Ghent was divided into smaller subsections at the end of the twelfth century.

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knights with him at the city of Worms: Régnier of Trith, Gérard of La Hamaide, Ghislain castellan of Beaumont, Renard of Strépy, Goswin of Henripont, Walter of Steenkerque, although the count’s envoys (namely Bernard of Roucourt, a noble man, and Gilbert provost of Mons) could not get a long deferment from the lord emperor of the Romans concerning the lord count’s arrival. They worked in every way on the count’s behalf for the promotion of the provost of Liège and the chancellor of Cambrai, but could do nothing for them, because finally the lord emperor disappointed them in their requests and petitions. Therefore before Baldwin, son of the count of Flanders and marquis of Namur, had come to the lord emperor, the lord emperor had secretly received from lord John archdeacon of Cambrai (elected by one part of the chapter of Cambrai) three thousand marks of pure silver. He required from John and from Walter the scholast (elected by the other part and uncertain concerning these things) that they both submit themselves completely to his will and judgement concerning the episcopate of Cambrai. John did not refuse to do this, sufficiently certain because of the sum of money given. Walter, to whom the lord emperor had promised the episcopate, also yielded with a cheerful mind, believing sufficiently in his promises. The lord emperor conferred the episcopate of Cambrai on John, a man who seemed sufficiently honest and pious. He arranged his expenses to be paid to Walter, which were in the amount of 1,100 marks of great weight, and, while living, to have eighty marks revenue from the oftmentioned elect John. All these things were not observed in any part by the emperor or by lord John the elect towards lord Walter. This was done at Haguenau at Christmas. In those days in that same place, the judgement written above (that same judgement which had been brought against Robert of Beaurain at Mons) was made against the provost of Strasbourg.503 [182] At that time lord Albert of Rethel, greater provost and archdeacon of the church of Liège, was staying with the lord emperor, awaiting the gift of the episcopate of Liège. Although he had been elected by one part, yet that gift could not happen until the election would be rejected of the other Albert (the duke of Louvain’s brother, archdeacon of that church, elected by the other part) and would devolve into the lord emperor’s hand through the verdict of the princes. When the lord emperor had come to Worms on the eighth day of Epiphany, Bruno was presented to him, the greater provost of the church of Cologne, a noble and honest man, but burdened by age and illness, the count of Flanders and Hainaut’s relative, elected to the archbishopric. The lord emperor granted the regalia to him without any difficulty. Bruno never wished to be consecrated, but quickly renounced the episcopate because of the tremendous burden of his body. His nephew Adolph succeeded him, greater deacon of that church, the count of Flanders and Hainaut’s relative.504 At Worms lord Albert of Louvain arrived with

503 504

See c. 141. Archbishop Bruno III of Cologne (1192–3, d. 1200), son of Adolph IV of Berg. Other members of his family had also served as archbishops of Cologne: his brother Frederick II (1156–8), his uncle Bruno II (1131), his nephew Engelbert (1216), and his nephew Adolph who succeed Bruno III (1193-deposed 19 June 1205, d. 1220).

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those who had elected him and with his uncle the duke of Limbourg and his paternal uncle Count Albert of Dasbourg and Moha. His brother Duke Henry of Louvain did not dare to approach the court with him, for it was ascribed to the duke that he had caused his brother to be elected through violence. And so Albert of Louvain was presented as elected to the lord emperor. Although Albert of Rethel and his smaller part resisted, the lord emperor requested a verdict from the princes concerning the disagreement of the election. That judgement was entrusted to lord Bruno elect of Cologne, lord Conrad archbishop of Mainz, lord John archbishop of Trier, the bishops of Münster, Toul, Strasbourg, Speyer, Würzburg, Bamberg, and Basel, and the abbots of Fulda, Lorsch and Prüm.505 The bishop of Münster proffered the verdict, and had all the others agreeing in this, that the episcopate of Liège should devolve into the lord emperor’s hand to give according to his will. Albert of Louvain and his men were present and heard this, and therefore grieved. Albert of Rethel and his men were present and heard this, and therefore rejoiced, because Albert of Rethel had every good hope in the episcopate of Liège, because the lord emperor had promised it to him before the judgement, and promised it most often after the judgement was made. Although Baldwin, the son of the count of Flanders and Hainaut and marquis of Namur, had worked for the promotion of his first cousin Albert of Rethel as on his behalf (concerning which no one seemed to doubt), the lord emperor had accepted a great deal of money from the cleric Lothar, a noble man, provost of Bonn, the count of Hochstaden’s brother, and sold to him his chancellery which was vacant then.506 On the day following the donation of this chancellery under the witness of the aforesaid princes, with each Albert also present, he conferred the episcopate of Liège on Lothar.507 This donation caused a scandal both in the church and among many people, and quickly lead Albert of Louvain and this same Lothar to a swift death.508 Albert of Rethel was cheated by promises. The lord

505

506

507

508

Archbishop John of Trier (1190–1212); Conrad II of Hüneburg, bishop of Strasbourg (1190–1202); Otto of Henneberg, bishop of Speyer (1188–1200); Henry III of Berg, bishop of Würzburg (1192–7); Liutpold of Rötelen, bishop of Basel (1191?–1213); for other prelates, see c. 109. Lothar, provost of Bonn, brother of Count Thierry of Hochstaden. He had been elected archbishop of Cologne, but resigned under threats from the duke of Brabant/Louvain: Schmandt, ‘The Election and Assassination’, p. 644. Vita Alberti episcopi Leodiensis, pp. 141–2, says that the count of Hochstaden ‘had served the emperor diligently on the expedition to Apulia and Calabria and was first prince in his counsels’. Lothar is described as a great and wealthy man, ‘endowed with many ecclesiastical dignities and included in the highest dignities of the church, and yearning after first honours with ambitious desire . . . he had placed his hope in much gold and silver.’ The count of Hochstaden did not fail to fill the emperor’s ears with promises and flatteries on his brother’s behalf. He suggested that the appointment of Albert of Louvain as bishop would increase Duke Henry of Louvain’s power too greatly, while Albert of Rethel was no man to put in charge of others. ‘Otherwise, the cunning count stroked him under the armpit and softly murmured to his greed for gold.’ Vita Alberti episcopi Leodiensis, p. 141, attributes Emperor Henry’s animosity to Albert of Louvain to the offence which Henry of Louvain had given King (later Emperor) Henry when he behaved arrogantly at an Imperial court at Liège on a previous occasion, so that the king ‘brought his anger with him and fostered it to this day, by which he saw time favoured him, when his anger might answer the old insolence of the duke’. See. c. 150. For further details of Lothar’s fall from favour and death in 1193, see cc. 196, 203; for Albert of Louvain’s death, see c. 193. Vita Alberti episcopi Leodiensis, p. 143: the scandal began immediately in the court when the clergy of Liège denounced the emperor’s choice of Lothar, claiming injury against

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emperor wished to repay him 500 marks for expenses made, but he scorned to accept them. [183] Meanwhile the count of Holland gave homage to the lord count of Flanders and Hainaut concerning the fiefs which he had held from the count of Flanders. Baldwin, the count’s son, returned to his father, having received a deferment for his father to come to the lord emperor whenever he wished or could. This deferment had been granted up to a time suitable and convenient for the count of Hainaut. [184] In that same year, namely 1191, the city of Acre, besieged for a long time, was captured, in which siege King Philip of France began to grow ill. It was said to him that the king of England attempted his death with poisons. Therefore the king of France, as much from illness as from hatred of the English king, took the opportunity and returned to France in the month of January. His return brought sorrow and harm to Christian pilgrims, for whom unique refuge seemed to be in that king, yet brought joy to the Saracens, who abhorred the presence of him alone before others. When the count of Flanders and Hainaut and marquis of Namur heard of his arrival, he went to him at Paris and offered his homage to him for Flanders. The lord king refused to receive this homage, considering that the count had not acted faithfully towards him concerning that part which had devolved to him and his son Louis, because the count could have been greatly opposed to the lord king in the first occupation of the lands. The lord king (by gifts and promises of lady Mathilde the queen, the count of Flanders’ wife) wished to convert the entire part of the Flemish land, which had devolved to the count of Hainaut, into the dower of Mathilde. The count of Flanders and Hainaut required justice, but could find nothing of equity or kindness in the lord king of France, to whom he had offered many services in much strength and grand expense. It was communicated by certain friends (the lord king’s ministers) at Paris to the count, who was requiring justice and achieving nothing, that the lord king had proposed to seize him. The count, taking with him one knight and two sergeants, departed by night, with his companions and sergeants left behind there, who followed him on the next day. Therefore the lord king was seriously disturbed, brought threats against the count, summoned his armies against him and decided to enter Flanders. On the other hand, the count provided for himself. The men of Flanders, both greater and lesser, promised him energetic help, praising the lord count to undertake a war against the king, if he would presume to enter the land of Flanders. And so the count of Hainaut trusted in them according to his right and held himself manfully.

the ancient liberty of the Church and calling on the apostolic see. The emperor was violently incensed, ordering the doors to be closed to prevent anyone from Liège leaving. He ‘thundered with terrors and threats’ to force them to accept. Albert of Rethel, ‘not more constant than a reed stirred by the wind’, consented with some others. Eventually the emperor allowed the men of Liège to leave, ‘and so the unfortunate court was dissolved’.

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[185] It is truly amazing, indeed it ought to be ascribed to the sins of Christians, that with men assembled from all parts of the world, in whom Christ’s name is invoked, with virtuous knights and many chosen princes with them, they achieved almost nothing in recovering the kingdom of Jesus Christ, because they recovered the city of Acre alone. Some of them were killed by Saracens, some dead from their own intervening illness, many, both greater and lesser, and almost all, returned to their own lands, leaving the holy city of Jerusalem to the pagans. Among them, one who was a most wealthy and powerful prince in the kingdom of France, namely Count Henry of Champagne, very young, utterly offered to the martyrdom of Christ, took upon himself the burden and labour of staying in those regions. Therefore he deserves to have praise and glory before other princes of this world and before other men, both clerks and laymen. Because many men, both greater and lesser, had died in the region of Jerusalem, it ought to told concerning the most powerful princes and other nobles and vigorous knights who departed from this world there, whose names are known to us: Frederick emperor of the Romans, his son Frederick duke of Swabia, the landgrave of Thuringia (the emperor’s nephew), Count Robert of Nassau, Count Henry of Dietz and Frederick of Hausen (the emperor’s ministers and secretaries), Count Engelbert of Berg, Count Henry of Bar-le-Duc, Duke Henry of Burgundy, Renaud of Nevers, Count Thibaut of Blois, Count Stephen his brother, the count of Vendôme, Count Raoul of Clermont, Renaud Agulius, Nivel surnamed Pauper, Count John of Ponthieu, Bernard of Saint-Valéry, the vidame of Picquigny, Florent of Hangest, Count Philip of Flanders, Robert advocate of Béthune, William castellan of Saint-Omer, Oliver of Machelen, Roger of Harcourt, Raoul of Coucy, Raoul of Thour, William of Pierrepont, Guy of Châtillon, Lovel his brother, Andrew of Brienne, Conrad marquis of Montferrat (which prince alone, during the first assaults of that land, held Acre and the city of Tyre against the pagans), Jacques of Avesnes, Otto of Trazignies, Walter of Wargnies, Eustace the elder of Le Roeulx, Baldwin Caron, Robert of Beaurain, Matthew of Walincourt, Raoul of Vendegies, Walter of Aunoit, Henry castellan of Binche, the brothers Guy and Fulk of Fontaine, the brothers Walter and Arnoul of Gouy, the brothers John, Richard, Thierry and Ivo of Orcq, Ivo of Thumaide, Amand of Naast, Iwan of Valenciennes, Matthew of Arbre, his son Hugh, the brothers Hellin of Wavrin (steward of Flanders) and Bishop Roger of Cambrai, Hellin of Maisnil, Alelm of Fontaine, John of Housset, Guy of Herlincourt, Raoul of Anvaing, Raoul of Maini, Walter of le Quesnoy, Nicholas of Péruwelz, his sons Baldwin and Nicholas.509

509

Emperor Frederick Barbarossa (d. 10 June 1190), see c. 152; Duke Frederick of Swabia (d. 20 Jan. 1191), see c. 152; Louis III landgrave of Thuringia (d. 16 Oct. 1190), son of the emperor’s sister Jutta; Count Robert III of Nassau (d. 1190); Count Engelbert I of Berg (d. end of June 1189); Count Henry I of Bar-le-Duc (d. 1191); Duke Hugh III of Burgundy (d. 1193); Renaud of Nevers, lord of Décise, son of Count William III; Count Thibaut V the Good of Blois (d. 1191); Count Stephen of Sancerre (d. 1191); Count John I of Vendôme (d. 1192); Count Raoul I of Clermont (d. 15 Oct. 1191); Count John I of Ponthieu (d. 1191); Bernard of Saint-Valéry-sur-Somme (d. 1191); Gérard II of Picquigny, vidame of Amiens; Count Philip of Flanders (d. 1 June 1191); Robert V advocate of Béthune; William IV advocate of Saint-Omer (c.1175–1191 or 1192); Guy of Châtillon, brother of Count Walter of Saint-Pol; Andrew, son of Count Walter II of Brienne.

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[186] The king, with counsel changed from the earlier evil against the count of Flanders and Hainaut and marquis of Namur, commanded him through a letter that he would have safe conduct to come to him. He confirmed a peace with him at Péronne in Vermandois thusly: that the count would provide to the lord king for the relief of the land of Flanders 5,000 marks of pure silver of Troyes weight, to be paid on two appointed days a year, although it would be from authority and not love in France, as any man may give so much to his lord for relief of his liege fief, as much as that fief may be worth within a year.510 The lord king established a day at Arras, the second Sunday in Lent, for receiving the count’s homage for the count himself and for his wife Countess Marguerite as rightful heir of the land of Flanders.511 [187] Meanwhile the lord count of Flanders and Hainaut and marquis of Namur on Ash Wednesday by the lord emperor of the Romans’ command hurried to meet lord Lothar of Liège who, as was told above, was recently elected and invested with regalia at Liège. The count gave homage and fidelity with other counts, nobles, ministers, and citizens. Nearly all the clergy, the prelates and canons of both the greater church and the lesser churches, also gave fidelities to him.512 Two faithful men of the see, namely Duke Henry of Louvain and Duke Henry of Limbourg, his uncle, refused to give homage. For Albert, the duke of Louvain’s brother, elected by certain men, had travelled with some canons to the lord pope Celestine for the confirmation of his election and to diminish the lord emperor’s power for conferring episcopates.513 [188] The count of Flanders and Hainaut and marquis of Namur came on the aforesaid day to Arras with his wife Countess Marguerite, and gave liege homage and fidelity to the lord king for Flanders. At that time the lord king received homages from counts, namely Boulogne and Guines, which ought to devolve to the count of Flanders, and from Baldwin, son of Évrard Radou, concerning the castle of Mortagne.514 At that time the lord king had occupied all of Vermandois. Nevertheless, from this he granted Saint-Quentin to Countess Eleanor of Beaumont,

510

511

512

513

514

Relief was a sum of money paid by a tenant to his lord for the lord’s consent to succeed to a property as heir: Ganshof, Feudalism, pp. 136–7; Baldwin, Government of Philip Augustus, pp. 81, 278. See also Hallam and Everard, Capetian France, p. 215. Second Sunday in Lent: 1 March 1192. BN MS lat. 11105, fol. 83v: Pro hominio autem comitis suscipiendo ipsi comiti et ejus uxori M. comitisse, terre Flandrensis iusto heredi; Vanderkindere: Pro hominio autem comiti et ejus uxori Margharete comitisse, terre Flandrensis juste heredi. The cathedral church of Saint-Lambert was the greater church, the lesser churches comprised seven collegiate churches and thirty parish churches: Schmandt, ‘The Election and Assassination’, p. 641. Ash Wednesday: 19 February 1192. Vita Alberti episcopi Leodiensis, pp. 143–4: Lothar ‘came and occupied the episcopate and towns and noble castles of the see of Liège and made friendships and treaties with Count Baldwin of Hainaut and, relying on his power, conducted himself securely in the affairs of the invaded episcopate.’ The emperor, by letters and messengers, had attempted to close all means for Albert of Louvain to get to Pope Celestine III. Albert was forced to engage in a long and dangerous journey to Rome via Provence and Montpellier, and ‘a way through the Alps near the sea by arduous and narrow roads’. Renaud of Dammartin, count of Boulogne (1990–1212, d. 1227): Actes, I, no. 398, and Layettes, I, no. 392; Count Baldwin II of Guines (1169–1205); Baldwin of Mortagne, castellan of Tournai from about 1190.

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rightful heir of that land, to hold with other castles which she held in Count Philip of Flanders’ life. The lord king remained in the hope of succeeding, because she did not have an heir of her own body.515 [189] At that time of Easter the lord count gave homage to lord John elect of Cambrai concerning the castellany of Cambrai in the castles of Oisy, Havrincourt and Palluel, which the lord of these castles ought to hold in fief from him. Therefore lady Marguerite, the count of Blois’ daughter, niece of the king of France, gave homage to the lord king of France against right and reason.516 From her husband Hugh of Oisy, she had one daughter, who also in that same year wedded the brother of Otto the lord emperor, the count palatine of Burgundy. Afterwards they were quickly separated from each other by common consent. [190] In the year of the Lord 1191 at the end of Easter, the count of Flanders and Hainaut and marquis of Namur went to the lord emperor in Germany, and gave homage to him concerning fiefs which the count of Flanders had held from him. [191] The lord count Baldwin accomplished alone with his men of Hainaut, by their strength and money, all those aforesaid things, namely wars against the lord king of France at one time, and against the count of Flanders, the duke of Louvain and Jacques of Avesnes, and all the acquisitions and occupations of their lands, namely Flanders and Namur. [192] In that same year in the month of August, Albert, the duke of Louvain’s brother, elect of Liège, completed his affairs in the Roman court according to his wish, and returned to his own lands, namely to the land of his brother the duke of Louvain. For he was able to accomplish his business according to his wish easily enough, when no one opposed him in the court, because Lothar had placed all his hope, not in God, but in the lord emperor, and the lord pope was intensely opposed to the power and dignity which the lord emperor had in the episcopal churches and greater abbeys. Therefore Albert had lord Bruno archbishop of Cologne and lord William archbishop of Reims as executors concerning his promotion for the excommunication of Lothar and all clerics and laymen who had given fidelity to him. Therefore it was commanded to lord William archbishop of Reims, cardinal of Saint Sabina, legate of the apostolic see, that he should ordain Albert as a priest and consecrate him as bishop. Therefore the lord archbishop did not consider what could happen later concerning this, ascribing it to his own honour that a man, who was to be consecrated to rule such a great episcopate which was not from his diocese, was sent to him, and he ordained Albert as priest in the month of September and consecrated him as bishop in Liège. When he heard this, the lord emperor came to Liège to promote the cause of his chosen

515

516

Eleanor kept the Valois, Chauny, Ressons, Lassigny, Saint-Quentin, Ribemont, Origny and the rents of Roye and Péronne: Actes, I, no. 399. Eleanor did die in 1213 without an heir, and her entire property entered the royal domain: Duval-Arnould, ‘Les aumônes d’Aliénor’, pp. 400–1; Fawtier, The Capetian Kings of France, p. 114. Marguerite of Blois, widow of Hugh III of Oisy, daughter of King Philip’s half-sister Alix of Blois.

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Lothar in Liège, and from those who refused to give fidelities, he caused his will and their fidelities to be given, and to reconcile the count of Hainaut and Duke Henry of Louvain concerning their disagreements.517 And so the lord emperor came to Liège in the month of September. The count of Flanders and Hainaut and marquis of Namur came to him at that same place. The lord emperor brought him with him to Maestricht. There the lord emperor reconciled the count of Hainaut with the duke of Louvain in this way: that the duke of Louvain released towns absolutely to the count of Hainaut, namely Thisnes in Hesbaye and Liernu, which the count had previously granted to him freely to hold perpetually, and he renounced those towns entirely. The duke of Louvain promised to return to the count 700 marks of silver paid to the duke of Louvain by the count through the emperor, and later 500 marks paid through Count Philip of Flanders.518 The count of Hainaut granted the homage of the castle of Enghien to him to hold again, concerning which, as was told above, it was so arranged that Engelbert of Enghien, the castle’s possessor, would bring no aid in that castle to the duke against the count of Hainaut, nor to the count against the duke.519 It was recognised in this same agreement that the duke of Louvain held certain fiefs in the land of Alost, and therefore it was arranged that some son of the count of Hainaut would hold those fiefs from the duke of Louvain. This was done afterwards. But the count of Hainaut received from the duke in pledge the justice and service of that homage and part of Grammont, which the duke claimed as an allod from his wife’s part.520 In that same place the lord emperor caused the duke of Louvain to give homage and fidelity to Lothar elect of Liège and to renounce his brother Albert, already consecrated as bishop. [193] Albert remained at Reims and feared to enter the Empire. Meanwhile some dangerous men from Germany rose up who worked for Albert’s death, and, coming to Reims and staying there, they said that they were exiles. Albert, a devout and generous man, sympathised with their false sorrow and gathered them with him at his meals most often and honoured them greatly. Yet they sought a time and a place to kill Albert, and fixed a certain day that they would return to their land. They, with permission received from men of Reims whom they knew, went out of the city. In order to honour them more, Bishop Albert mounted a horse with them, taking with him one clerk and one knight, and went into the field. Those traitors killed him, took his horse with them and returned to Germany.521 Albert, whose death ought to be mourned, was buried in the greater church of Blessed Mary of Reims in the month of December. His death is said to have proceeded from the instigation of the lord emperor, the lord Lothar

517

518 519 520

521

The emperor enforced fidelity to Lothar by destroying the houses of those who refused: Sigebert of Gembloux, p. 429; Schmandt, ‘The Election and Assassination’, p. 648. See cc. 150, 157. See c. 178. The count of Hainaut, as a prince of the Empire, could not hold this land from the duke of Brabant, and thus, this creative solution to have the fief held by a son of the count was made. Albert’s murder is described at length in Vita Alberti episcopi Leodiensis, pp. 162–4. See also Schmandt, ‘The Election and Assassination’, p. 649.

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elect of Liège, and his brother the count of Hochstaden. Lothar, touching relics in the greater church of Cologne and the greater church of Liège, swore that he had not known of this death and was immune from all blame.522 This did not profit him. Lothar came to Huy and commanded the count of Flanders and Hainaut and marquis of Namur to come to him. He came to him on the second day of Christmas. On the third day in that same place before the count of Flanders and Hainaut and marquis of Namur and before Count Gérard of Looz and many other men, both clerks and laymen, this same man swore what he had sworn concerning his innocence at Cologne and Liège. Then he advised the count of Hainaut as his faithful man to help him against the duke of Louvain, who had given him homage and fidelity, yet then, setting aside the scorned homage and fidelity, was hostile to him and sought his brother’s death from him. [194] The count listened to everyone, clerks and laymen, and promised help to Lothar as his lord. So that, I say, if the duke of Louvain should rise against the episcopate and Lothar would bring his army against the duke, the count would help the episcopate and his lord against the duke with his forces. The count gave advice to lord Lothar to remain in his castles and keep himself secure there, until he saw what the duke of Louvain intended to do against him, and he awaited advice, having sent messengers, discreet men, to the lord emperor. Lothar promised the count to do and undertake all these things. On the fourth day of Christmas, the lord count had a conference in Hesbaye with the duke of Louvain by the duke’s request. There the duke severely advised the count, as his neighbour and relative, to help him to avenge his brother’s death. Therefore the count answered that he was prepared to help him, but saving fidelity to his lord. The duke said that he wished to bring no evil to the episcopate of Liège, but he said that lord Lothar was his mortal enemy. The count returned from the conference and ordered lord Lothar, through his own faithful men and Lothar’s faithful men, to remain in their castles until he saw to what end these matters would come, and he should have the lord emperor’s advice. If he feared to remain in the land of Liège on account of the duke of Louvain, he should come to Hainaut and remain secure there. Yet fainthearted Lothar changed his plan and departed to Germany with a few men by night and by day as if fleeing, and he came all the way to the lord emperor. The lord emperor held himself patiently in these matters. The duke of Louvain and the duke of Limbourg, his uncle, even imputed his brother Albert’s death to the lord emperor. He was allied with Henry, the mentioned duke of Saxony (son of the duke whom the lord emperor had disinherited) against the lord emperor, and with them lord Conrad archbishop of Mainz, a melancholy man, and Duke Berthold of Zähringen and many other princes and nobles.523 Yet the lord emperor brought them all to his will, so that none of them waited for the advice of their allies

522

523

BN MS lat. 11105, fol. 85r: Lotharius autem Colonie in majori ecclesia et leodii in maiori ecclesia; Vanderkindere, after Brussels, KB II 1554, fol. 478r, lacks et leodii in maiori ecclesia. Henry the Young, son of Henry the Lion of Saxony, see c. 48; Duke Berthold IV of Zähringen (1186–1218).

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when making peace with the lord emperor. Because of the hollow suggestions of the duke of Limbourg, his uncle, the duke of Louvain thought to depose lord Henry the emperor from the Empire and dignity through themselves and their accomplices, and he wished to become emperor himself. The dukes made this known to lord pope Celestine, and were allied to him through envoys. Pope Celestine had conceived a tremendous bitterness against the lord emperor at that time. [195] After Christmas the duke of Louvain with the duke of Limbourg, his uncle, and many men (both counts and his relatives) invaded the count of Hochstaden’s land, and took all his castles away from him except the most strong castle of Ahr and he devastated the entire land in revenge for his brother. Therefore Waleran, the duke of Limbourg’s son, retained the castle of Dalhem for himself for some time. They could occupy and devastate all these things easily enough because no one resisted them. Finally the count of Hochstaden recovered all these things, when peace was made with the duke of Limbourg and the duke of Louvain, with money intervening. [196] When the clamour concerning Bishop Albert’s death was reported to the lord pope Celestine, lord Lothar was excommunicated and all his properties, namely the provostship of Bonn and many other things which he had, were conferred on other persons. Lothar did not wish to sustain excommunication for very long, and went to the Roman court to be absolved and to keep either the episcopate of Liège or other properties. The lord pope did not wish to absolve him, until he swore that he would completely stand by the lord pope’s judgement. The lord pope’s judgement was that he renounced and foreswore the episcopate of Liège and all its properties which he had held. Only the provostship in Koblenz was released to him by the lord pope. It was also imposed on him that he could not be promoted to further orders or any dignity. And so, troubled by the lord pope’s most cruel judgement, he returned to the land of his birth. At that time the see of Liège was vacant, although many men yearned for it. [197] In that same year between Christmas and Lent, King Philip of France invaded the king of England’s land and occupied certain castles. Therefore the castle of Gisors was rendered to him by some traitors, which he grasped at before other castles. While the king was delayed in the region of Jerusalem, the king of England’s brother John, who was called Lackland, strove to take from his brother and absent lord the kingdom and all his properties.524

524

King Philip Augustus shrewdly capitalised on King Richard’s captivity in Austria and Germany by playing on John’s greed and ambition. He invaded Normandy in 1193 taking a number of castles, while Gisors was handed over by its castellan. King Philip’s moral position in attacking the lands of a crusader is questionable, although he may have rationalised his actions by regarding Richard to be no longer a crusader while captive in Germany: Rigord, p. 123; Gervase of Canterbury, p. 515; Roger of Howden, III, pp. 205–6; Baldwin, Government of Philip Augustus, pp. 88–9; Gillingham, Richard I, pp. 235–6; Warren, King John, pp. 43–5.

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[198] In the year of the Lord 1193, King Richard of England was returning from the region of Jerusalem and, with the winds against him, he steered to the duke of Austria’s land. The duke of Austria captured him and presented him as a captive to the lord emperor, on the condition that he would not suffer harm of his own body, but could be compelled to pay ransom. The king of England redeemed himself from the lord emperor with money, and gave to the emperor as a gift 100,000 silver marks of great weight, and 50,000 marks to the duke of Austria, and promised his galleys in Apulia with men sufficient for them to the lord emperor in aid of his army, and the king of England gave sons of many of his noble men as hostages to the lord emperor to confirm and hold the promises and friendships between them.525 Among those boys, when lord Roger of Tosny’s son, the count of Hainaut’s relative (only four years old), was brought in a cart and travelled through Hainaut, the lord count held him and caused him to be kept honourably in the cloister at Mauberge, and told the lord emperor that he would faithfully keep this hostage for him. When the king of England, with everything completed with the lord emperor, returned to his own lands, on his trip he gave fiefs to be paid annually in silver to the archbishop of Cologne, Simon elect of Liège, the duke of Louvain and the duke of Limbourg. Moreover, he returned to the duke of Louvain certain land in England in fief which Count Matthew of Boulogne, his wife’s father, had claimed.526 He promised aid to the duke against the count of Flanders and Hainaut and marquis of Namur, and all the men enfeoffed by him promised aid for him against the king of France, so that at least they made such great war against the count of Flanders and Hainaut that the count could by no means bring help to the lord king of France. Yet their arrangements had not been observed in any part. It is not amazing, because the king of England never preserved faith or a pact with anyone, nor were all those named men, with whom he had confirmed treaties, accustomed to observe their arrangements. [199] In that same year, while the king of England was delayed as a captive by the lord emperor, the lord king of France besieged the city of Rouen. Baldwin count

525

526

Duke Leopold V of Austria (d. 1194) bore a grudge against the English king because his claim to a share of plunder at Acre had been refused by Richard. Richard landed between Aquileia and Venice, and attempted to cross Austria in disguise as a pilgrim with a few men, but was captured by the duke of Austria near Vienna. The duke handed him over to King Henry VI of Germany, who demanded, in addition to money, the service of fifty galleys and 200 knights for a year. Richard remained in custody from December 1192 to February 1194 when he paid 100,000 marks and gave hostages for the remaining 50,000. Moreover, he actually resigned the kingdom of England to Henry VI in fief, although he immediately reneged on this bargain when freed: Roger of Howden, III, pp. 194–9, 202–4, 208–17, 225–9, 231–4; Gervase of Canterbury, pp. 514, 516–19, 523; Rigord, p. 118; Gillingham, Richard I, pp. 224–5, 231–9, 247–8; Baldwin, Government of Philip Augustus, pp. 88–9. Adolph of Altena, archbishop of Cologne; Simon, son of Duke Henry III of Limbourg, elected to the see of Liège but not consecrated (see c. 202). Roger of Howden, III, p. 234, says that Richard also received homage from the archbishop of Mainz, the duke of Austria, the marquis of Montferrat, the duke of Swabia (the emperor’s brother), the count palatine of the Rhine, the count of Hainaut’s son and the count of Holland. It is noteworthy that Gilbert fails to mention that one of the count of Hainaut’s sons (unfortunately unnamed by Roger of Howden) gave homage to Richard. As he could not have been ignorant of this circumstance, he must have omitted it deliberately, perhaps to conceal a blatant conflict of interests: Baldwin V of Hainaut had given liege homage to King Philip Augustus of France for Flanders, but the count’s son gave homage to Philip’s enemy King Richard.

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of Flanders and Hainaut and marquis of Namur was with him, along with many knights at his own expense, but they achieved nothing. Nonetheless, they occupied many strong and great castles and devastated the land in many places. In that siege Count Baldwin of Flanders and Hainaut, by the lord king’s advice, confirmed contracts of marriage with the count of Nevers. So that, I say, the count of Nevers would have the count’s daughter Yolende as wife, while the count’s son Philip would have the count of Nevers’ daughter as wife when she came to a marriageable age (she was five years old). He would possess on her behalf the county of Tonnerre, and after the count’s death he would have the entire land of Nevers which the count held on the part of his wife who had held it.527 It ought to be known that the count was son of Pierre of Courtenay, a virtuous knight, the king of France’s uncle. Philip the lord king gave to him a girl, who held the county of Nevers by hereditary right. He had only a daughter from her. Then his wife died.528 It had been granted to this count that he would possess the entire land while he was living. That marriage was celebrated in that same year at the city of Soissons during the eight days of St John, and the contracts concerning the marriage of Philip and the count’s little daughter had been sworn at this same place by many nobles. Then Philip went with his sister to the land of Nevers, and there received fidelities from other nobles, knights and burgesses. [200] In that same year in the month of June, the duke of Louvain and the duke of Limbourg, without consulting their confederates who were totally unknowing (who had sworn with them against the lord emperor), confirmed peace and understanding with the lord emperor concerning their controversy and bitterness, which they had against the emperor because of lord bishop Albert’s death.529 [201] In that same year a virtuous knight, Roger of Warcoing, son of Roger castellan of Courtrai, claimed certain things in Flanders against the count of

527

528

529

Between 24 June and 1 July 1193, Yolende (d. 1219), daughter of Baldwin V of Hainaut, was married to Pierre II Courtenay count of Nevers (d. 1219). Phillip (born about 1174, marquis of Namur 1195–1212), son of Baldwin V, was betrothed to Mathilde (1188–1257), daughter of Pierre and heiress to Nevers. The matrimonial arrangements are contained in two double marriage contracts, one issued by King Philip Augustus, one by Pierre II Courtenay: Actes, I, no. 453; I. de Coussemaker, ed., Documents inédits relatifs à la ville de Bailleul (Lille, 1877), I, pp. 7–9. Yolende had previously been betrothed to Henry II of Champagne (c. 97). However, Henry’s subsequent betrothal to Ermesinde of Namur (c. 129) and eventual marriage to Queen Isabella of Jerusalem (c. 172) negated his betrothal to Yolende. King Philip probably arranged these marriages to re-establish goodwill between himself and Baldwin V by the unions of the count’s children with royal cousins. This was a prudent action in view of the strained relations between the king and the count after the death of the king’s wife Elisabeth of Hainaut, and their conflict over Baldwin’s succession to Flanders. However, sometime between the summer of 1197 and April 1199, King Philip instigated the breaking of the betrothal of Mathilde and Philip of Hainaut, as a reaction to the military support given to King Richard I of England by Philip of Hainaut’s brother Count Baldwin IX of Flanders and Hainaut in 1197: Rigord, p. 137; Baldwin, Government of Philip Augustus, p. 92. King Philip later arranged to marry Mathilde of Nevers to Hervé of Donzy: Actes, II, no. 612; Layettes, I, no. 502; Baldwin, Government of Philip Augustus, p. 99. Pierre II Courtenay’s father was Pierre I Courtenay, brother of King Louis VII. Pierre II’s first wife was Agnes of Nevers (d. 1184), daughter of Count Guy of Nevers and Mahaut of Tonnerre: Actes, I, no. 106; Baldwin, Government of Philip Augustus, p. 270; Bouchard, Sword, Miter, and Cloister, p. 342. Koblenz, June 1193.

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Hainaut and Flanders. Although the count offered him justice concerning these things, he scorned to follow justice, and began to bring outrage against the count and damage to his men. The count endured it so that he, having better counsel, might amend the committed outrage and restore damages. Yet the evil deeds of that man grew. Therefore the count assembled an army and burned the fortress of Warcoing and devastated all its properties. Yet that man rode secretly throughout Flanders and Brabant with a few men, robbing the count’s men of their goods and doing much damage to them.530 [202] In that same year in the month of October, some canons of Liège, having excluded all those who had given fidelity to lord Lothar (saying that they were excommunicate), elected to the episcopate Simon, the duke of Limbourg’s son, a sixteen-year-old subdeacon, inferior in both knowledge and age. They presented him to the lord emperor at the palace of Aachen, who had foolishly come there with a few men.531 Those dukes who had great forces in those regions came to him there with many men. The king of England had not yet paid his ransom, therefore it was right to transport the silver through the land of those dukes. The lord emperor feared the strength of those dukes, and desiring the secure transit of his silver, inclined his favour to the elected Simon and invested him with the regalia, with objections from Albert of Rethel, greater provost and archdeacon, Albert archdeacon of Cuyk, Otto archdeacon of Fauquemont, Hugh archdeacon of Pierrepont and many other canons of the church of Liège. The elect Simon, on account of having the lord emperor’s favour, yielded having ownership of the part which he had in Maestricht by episcopal right (namely a half), and the town of Bechtheim near Worms which the lord emperor had received in pledge from lord Raoul bishop of Liège. He also gave in fief his own episcopal castle of Duras to the duke of Louvain and some advocacies of towns, and the duke of Louvain granted the castle in fief to Gérard of Looz, which the count already held then, because the count of Looz had snatched it from the duke of Louvain. He granted to Wéry of Walcourt to hold the castles which ought to devolve properly to the episcopate of Liège, which the oftmentioned Bishop Raoul had granted to him (yet unjustly), namely Clermont and Rochefort and the advocacies of Dinant. [203] The count of Flanders and Hainaut and marquis of Namur did not wish to give the homage of the episcopate of Liège owed to Simon, because he had no hope of anything good in him, for his father, Duke Henry of Limbourg, and his first cousin, Duke Henry of Louvain, always hated his relative the count of Hainaut with great hatred. Therefore the count feared the promotion of that man, relying on the success of the aforesaid clergy of Liège who were from the more reasonable part of the chapter and worked in the Roman court against the interloper Simon. For the aforesaid clerics who had opposed the election of this same Simon (having the lord emperor’s assent and counsel, and the count of Flanders and Hainaut having given advice), namely Albert of Rethel, Albert of

530 531

Warlop, The Flemish Nobility, I:2, p. 257. Lambert Parvus, p. 650.

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Cuyk, Otto of Fauquemont and Hugh of Pierrepont, archdeacons of the church of Liège, went to the Roman court with some canons and worked against Simon’s election.532 Lothar, who was made a servile pauper by the lord pope’s judgement, as was told above, also went to the Roman court to obtain some mercy from the lord pope to be promoted to any greater property which he could. He was burdened by illness in Rome and died. [204] In that same year in the wintertime, Thierry of Beveren, castellan of Dixmude, claimed authority in the land of Alost against the count of Hainaut and Flanders. Therefore the lord count offered him full justice, but he presumed to renounce his liege lord and, allied against the count with Roger of Warcoing, who made malicious attacks against the count and his men, and with William of Stekene, the count’s liege man. They were equally allied with the duke against the count of Hainaut, promising to him that they would make him lord in Ghent, Waes and the land of Alost in a short time, and they brought war against the count in Waes around the Purification of Blessed Mary.533 The duke brought his army in aid of those traitors against the count of Hainaut and, devastating the entire land with fire and looting, Thierry with his aforesaid allies occupied a small castle of the count, namely Rupelmonde. The count of Holland, liege man of the lord count of Flanders and Hainaut, pledged himself to these men, yet without renouncing his lord. The count brought against the duke the army of Hainaut and the few Flemings he could have in his aid, for they could not reasonably leave their lands because of the wars brought by Thierry and his allies. At the instigation of those men, they did not keep faith with their lord. The count devastated the duke’s land in great part through his men of Hainaut and burned Nivelles all the way to the walls. Then, coming to Enghien, he planned to besiege it, which had been returned to him. Because Engelbert, lord of the castle, did not have the help he required from the duke, the lord count knocked down the walls and tower. During this war it was the time of Lent. The duke of Burgundy, who had as wife Mathilde (the count of Flanders’ widow), came to the lord count’s aid.534 The lord king of France also sent knights at his own expense and many mounted men and footsoldiers from Arras, Bapaume, Saint-Omer and Aire. The men of Ghent saw the great forces increasing greatly for the lord count, and they wished to come to the lord count in aid. The lord count, because they had been absent at first, disdained to accept their help. Therefore with so many men allied, the lord count planned to besiege Nivelles. The count of Looz (the count of Flanders and Hainaut’s relative and the duke of Louvain’s man) was in this siege with many knights and warlike men.535 The count seized and knocked down the tower of

532

533

534

535

Gilles of Orval, p. 114, identifies ‘Albert of Rethel’ as the count of Rethel’s brother. Gilles suggests that the emperor invested Simon in order to avoid re-opening disagreements with the duke of Louvain. Thierry II of Beveren-Waes, castellan of Dixmude (1182–1216), laid claim to the inheritance of Baldwin III of Alost and Waes (d. 1127), which had passed into the count of Flanders’ hands in 1167. He allied with Duke Henry of Louvain: Warlop, The Flemish Nobility, I:2, pp. 257–8; II:1, p. 674. Roger of Warcoing, see c. 201. Purification of Saint Mary: 2 February 1194. In 1194 Odo III of Burgundy married ‘Queen’ Mathilde, widow of Count Philip of Flanders: Nicholas, ‘Countesses as Rulers in Flanders’, p. 126. The count of Looz held the castle of Duras from the count of Brabant.

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Feluy on his journey, and the tower of Arquennes was returned to him. This tower was not knocked down and afterwards was restored undamaged to the duke in the peace which was made. While the lord count spent the night at Arquennes with his great army, and planned to make very great assaults on Nivelles on the next day (because he hoped to capture it through the strength of his army), such great rain suddenly occurred that men and horses could hardly bear it. It was amazing that, when morning came, the men of the both the lord king of France and the count, both knights and other footsoldiers and mounted men (it is not known what spirit drove them), departed from the army without receiving permission. Thus, scarcely a seventh part of the army remained with the lord count. Therefore the lord count was amazed, and all those remaining with him were amazed, and even those departed from him were amazed. And so the lord count, although unwilling, withdrew. Then truces were made between him and the duke and the duke’s helpers until fifteen days after Easter.536 Therefore the fact that the lord count withdrew from the assaults brought against Nivelles because of a lack of his men and helpers, is absolutely attributed by divine miracle to the merits and forestalling prayers of the glorious virgin Gertrude, lady of the foundation itself.537 [205] In the year of the Lord 1194, lord Henry the emperor came all the way to Saint-Trond, where he also caused the lord count of Flanders and Hainaut and marquis of Namur and Duke Henry of Louvain to come to him, and he laboured greatly to make and confirm long truces between them, but achieved nothing. Nonetheless truces were finally confirmed between them up to the Assumption of Blessed Mary.538 [206] In that same year in the month of May, lady Marguerite the countess grew gravely ill in Flanders. Because she despaired for her life, she caused herself to be conveyed by boat to Mons on account of the health of the air, and there she grew well with God willing. [207] Then in the month of July Count Baldwin grew gravely ill at Mons, so that he despaired of his life. Nonetheless he then grew well. [208] In that same time and year in the month of July, Henry, the lord count’s younger son, wished to become a knight. His father was opposed to his wish for this. He did not want to withdraw from this plan, and went to Count Renaud of Dammartin and Boulogne, who ordained him honourably as a knight.539

536 537

538

539

Easter: 10 April 1194. St Gertrude had been abbess at the monastery of Nivelles in the seventh century, her cult was widespread in the Low Countries: Attwater, Dictionary of Saints, p. 151. Sigebert of Gembloux, p. 431: ‘truces were obtained with difficulty up to the middle of the month of August’. Count Baldwin had probably intended Henry for a clerical career. It is ironic that Baldwin committed similar interference to that of Renaud of Dammartin, when Baldwin knighted the clerk Albert of Louvain against the wish of Albert’s father, see c. 134.

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[209] At that time many men in Ghent, powerful in kinship and strong in towers, disagreed among themselves and met most often in arms. Therefore many were killed most often, many were also wounded. The lord count worked to renew peace among them. Therefore one part remained in the lord count’s will and counsel, while the other part scorned to acquiesce to his will. When the lord count was staying at Ghent in the month of July concerning this matter, those men met in arms most often even when the lord count was present. The lord count did not wish to depart from there, fearing that they, who were opposed to his will, would devise something evil against him through the duke of Louvain and the count of Holland and their accomplices. While the lord count was intent enough on calming these conflicts, the count of Namur, who had never preserved faith or agreement with the count of Hainaut, rose up with his army through the strength of certain of his helpers against the count of Flanders and Hainaut and marquis of Namur, his nephew. The count of Namur had with him (by giving money) Duke Henry of Limbourg and his sons Henry and Waleran, virtuous knights. They hated the lord count because of the count of Namur’s old wars. Simon elect of Liège was even in that army, and Count Albert of Dasbourg and Moha, Count Frederick of Vianden, Count Gérard of Juliers and many knights from the duke of Louvain’s land.540 All the named men awaited the duke of Louvain’s help, whose truces ought to reach to the Assumption of Blessed Mary. When those aforesaid men entered the land of Namur and planned the siege of Namur, this was made known most often to the count who was staying at Ghent. The count directed his envoys coming to him to tell this to no one in those regions except himself alone. And so the lord count cleverly kept to himself this concealed misfortune. The aforesaid lords, namely the duke of Limbourg and his sons, namely Simon elect of Liège, Henry, Waleran, and the count of Namur and Luxembourg, Count Albert of Dasbourg and Moha, Count Frederick of Vianden and Gérard of Juliers, came with their army all the way to Noville near Namur. And there they besieged a small and weak fortress, which at last they captured. Meanwhile the knights of Hainaut, mounted sergeants and certain chosen footsoldiers assembled at Namur to guard the castle. The men of Ghent who were opposed to the lord count’s will were not able to endure his anger for a long time and submitted themselves to his mercy. The lord count, having received properties and imprisoned hostages in his castle at that same place, and having accomplished everything according to his will at that same place, hurried to Namur against his enemies. Crossing through Hainaut he commanded his full army to come after him and he came to Namur on a certain Sunday in the vigil of St Peter, entering in the month of August. Ashamed that those men had presumed to enter his land, and did not cease to bring evils and injuries on him unjustly, he did not wait for his summoned men. On the next day, a certain Monday, the feast day of St Peter, he made war with a few mounted sergeants against many, with a few footsoldiers against many.541 In this battle he captured Duke Henry of Limbourg and his son Henry, who were defending themselves manfully,

540 541

Gérard, Count William II of Juliers’ brother. 1 August 1194.

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108 knights were captured along with them, not counting other mounted men and footsoldiers. About fifteen knights were drowned while fleeing through a fish pond. Simon the elect, Waleran his brother, Count Henry of Namur, Count Albert of Dasbourg and Count Frederick of Vianden were turned to flight. And so the lord count, with God willing, obtained victory and, returning to Namur, at that same place caused the duke of Limbourg and his son Henry to be guarded as captives. In that battle the lord count’s son Baldwin and Nicholas of Rumigny and Robert of Wavrin (steward of Flanders) had great glory and praise of their virtue. On the other side the duke of Limbourg’s son Henry had praise before others. Only one man from the lord count’s men was killed, who died by accident from a crossbow while in the siege of the house of Noville. There were 400 or more knights and as many mounted men-at-arms and about 20,000 footsoldiers in that battle against the count of Hainaut. The count had on his side 160 knights and 200 mounted men-at-arms and about 10,000 footsoldiers. Then the lord count burned with fire the count of Dasbourg’s land belonging to the honour of Moha. Then he returned to Hainaut and caused Duke Henry of Limbourg to be detained and guarded in his castle of Ath by knights and sergeants, and caused his son Henry, wounded in the foot, to be guarded at Le Quesnoy. [210] Then at that same time, namely in the month of August, the lord count had a conference for three days in the fields of Hal with the duke of Louvain. At last they were reconciled, with peace confirmed between them. Thierry of Beveren remained outside the duke’s peace. Roger of Warcoing had previously made peace with the lord count, abandoning Thierry. At that same time William of Stekene, their sworn ally, was killed at the entrance to the Temple by a certain sergeant who hated him. In the peace of the count of Flanders and Hainaut and marquis of Namur and the lord duke of Louvain, it was arranged that the duke of Limbourg and his sons would remain in this same confirmed peace and friendship and the duke of Limbourg could leave imprisonment along with his sons on his faith by means of hostages.542 Whenever anyone should obtain the episcopate of Liège according to right and the lord pope’s favour and would be consecrated in the episcopate, and the bishop would establish himself as a hostage before the lord count on behalf of the duke of Limbourg and his sons for the sake of peace, the duke of Limbourg and his son Henry would be free with faith given, and their hostages, who were placed before the lord count, would be returned freely. Then the duke of Louvain even established himself as a hostage before the lord count. And so the duke of Limbourg and his son Henry placed two of their boys as hostages for themselves in the lord count’s captivity, one of whom was the duke’s son, the other was the son of Waleran, the duke’s son. [211] Thierry did not dare to remain in Waes and left his castle of Beveren vacant, which the lord count occupied and caused to be guarded. Thierry made

542

An August 1194 charter for this peace issued by Duke Henry of Louvain is extant. The peace was confirmed by a remarkably long list of pledges for each side, including both nobles and burgesses, although the duke of Limbourg and his sons are not mentioned: de Reiffenberg, Monuments, I, no. VI, pp. 317–19.

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attacks at some times against the lord count through the count of Holland in the islands near Flanders in Waes. And so through the aforesaid condition, Duke Henry of Limbourg was allowed to depart from the count’s imprisonment. Henry made a delay at Le Quesnoy because of illness from the wound in his foot. But since it was asserted by a great many people that the count had not had reasonable advice concerning so easy a release of such great men, he detained Count Henry staying at Le Quesnoy for a long time. He had a just pretext, because his brothers, namely Simon elect of Liège and Waleran, had taken some things away from merchants of the count, which they did not wish to return. [212] At that time the oftmentioned clerks of Liège, who laboured against Simon elect of Liège, namely Albert of Rethel, greater provost of the church of Liège and archdeacon, the lord count’s first cousin, and Albert of Cuyk, Otto of Fauquemont and Hugh of Pierrepont, archdeacons of the church of Liège, all relatives of the lord count, completed their business according to their will in the Roman court and returned to their own lands in the month of September. The power for electing whom they wished and where they wished was granted to them. As executors of this matter, they had lord William archbishop of Reims, cardinal of the Roman church, legate of the apostolic see, and lord John bishop of Cambrai, and lord John archbishop of Trier and his subordinates, so that they would admonish lord Simon to yield completely.543 If he did not wish to do this, they would excommunicate him. They excommunicated lord Simon and his accomplices, who did not wish to yield concerning this (although sufficiently warned), because his election was annulled by the highest pontiff, by whom it was called, not an election, but a violent incursion. [213] In that same year in the month of September, the oftmentioned Count Baldwin of Flanders and Hainaut and marquis of Namur, because men of the coastal islands rebelled against him and refused to offer the reverence and subjection owed to him (by the count of Holland’s instigation, who held half of those islands from the count in liege fief), brought the Flemish army against those men and in this same army he had certain men of Hainaut with him. But with the winds against him, he hesitated to cross after a long delay made on the coast, and then he returned to his own lands. Meanwhile his wife Countess Marguerite grew seriously ill in their manse near Bruges, which is called Male. [214] The oftmentioned canons of Liège, acting according to the favour (or rather the authority) of the highest pontiff, went to the lord count at Mons. The care of the entire episcopate of Liège was entrusted to the count alone by the highest pontiff, because the lord acknowledged good devotion and prudence in him concerning ecclesiastical rights, and he perceived that his strength for removing the attacks of violent men, by which the church of Liège was seriously oppressed, was quite sufficient. Power for electing the bishop was preserved for

543

John of Antoing, bishop of Cambrai (1192–7); John bishop of Trier (1190–1212). BN MS lat. 11105, fol. 91r, and Brussels, KB II 1554, fol. 511r omit et dominum Johannem Cameracensem episcopum.

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the oftmentioned provost and archdeacons and their fellow canons of Liège. Therefore according to the lord count’s advice, they established a suitable day for the election at Namur in the eight days of St Martin. The lord count could not be present at this election because of the death of his wife the countess. [215] Meanwhile the lady countess Marguerite departed from this world.544 She was buried at Bruges in the monastery of Saint-Donatien, where she established three prebends conferred on priests perpetually. She assigned perpetually to the hospital in Hainaut in the territory of Boussu 100 shillings of cash in Flemish money in revenues from Bruges to hold annually and to assign to the chapel of this same church. She assigned to the house of lepers near Le Quesnoy 100 shillings of this same money in those same revenues for the chapel of that place to have those things. She assigned to the monastery of the lady nuns near Le Quesnoy, which is called Orsinval, ten pounds of this same money in these same revenues so that a priest of that place would have those revenues.545 Her eldest son Baldwin succeeded her in the principality of Flanders.546 After his most noble wife Marguerite had died, the oftmentioned Count Baldwin, who had at first possessed Hainaut, afterwards Hainaut and Namur, then Flanders and Hainaut and Namur, and had ruled them manfully and prudently, remained in the lordship of the county of Hainaut and the march of Namur. As it was fitting for his seal (which he had had inscribed for Flanders and Hainaut and Namur) to be broken, he reassumed the second seal which he had had, the inscription of which was ‘Marquis of Namur and Count of Hainaut’ (which he had put aside), and he had that seal up to the last day of his life.547 [216] The aforesaid canons of Liège, comprising the unity of the church, with whom the episcopal election rested, met at Namur since a secure approach was not open to them in Liège or Huy or other castles of the episcopate in Liège, because Simon of Limbourg, the interloper at Liège, had occupied Liège through his forces against God and justice. He did not wish to yield to the admonishment of the highest pontiff, although a continual sentence of excommunication was promulgated against him and his supporters through delegated judges from the highest pontiff, namely through the archbishop of Trier and the bishops of Utrecht, Münster, Metz and Cambrai.548 Therefore the oftmentioned men of the church of Liège, greater not in number but in merit, trusting to justice, to whom Count Baldwin’s promised aid gave great comfort, appointed in the church of SaintAubain one man from their fellowship. They elected as bishop of Liège a sufficiently mature and prudent man, quite learned in both temporal and ecclesiastical

544 545

546 547 548

15 November 1194. Marguerite’s charter issued between 10 April and 15 November 1194: Duvivier, Actes, II, no. 89, pp. 180–1. Marguerite also made donations to the monastery of Warneton and the abbey of Loos: Duvivier, Actes, II, nos 90–2, pp. 181–4. He succeeded as Count Baldwin IX of Flanders. See c. 177. Bishop Baldwin of Utrecht (1178–96); Herman of Katzenellnbogen, bishop of Münster (1174–1203); Bishop Berthold of Metz (1180–1212).

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matters, the deacon Albert of Cuyk, archdeacon of the church of Liège, in the month of November during the eight days of St Martin.549 His election was ridiculed greatly by Simon the oftmentioned interloper at Liège and his accomplices. They were oppressing the church gravely, were disobedient to apostolic commands, did not fear divine vengeance, were absolutely confident in the greater strength from which they rose. They imprisoned captured priests, monks and clerks of any rank and compelled ransom from the men detained in chains and afflicted with abuses, they deprived many archdeacons, abbots, provosts, deacons, canons and priests of ecclesiastical goods and established other men, thrusting them in instead. Count Baldwin of Hainaut and marquis of Namur, when he had honourably buried his most beloved wife Marguerite at Bruges, and had ordained the dominion of Flanders to the honour and use of his son Baldwin, the new count, went to the elected lord Albert at Namur, and at that same place gave owed liege homage with fidelity to this elected one, in the monastery of Saint-Aubain under the witness of many (clerks, nobles, officials and men of any status). Many nobles and officials offered homages and fidelities to this man after him, according to his counsel and promised aid. [217] It ought to be known what great labours the count sustained for the honour of God for the relief of the church of Liège after this election, and he manfully assumed the entire burden on himself. For coming to Dinant, a most strong castle inhabited by many men, he compelled those men to this matter: that they would give fidelity to the newly elected lord Albert as to their lord. He handed over the tower of the upper castle to the hands of the elected man, although that castle seemed impregnable, and the noble and powerful man Wéry of Walcourt had custody of it, who had given homage and fidelity to the oftmentioned Simon. When the castle of Halloy had been rendered to the hands of the elected man also, the lord count commanded the men of Huy to receive in that town their newly elected lord who was coming to them, and to offer him owed honour and fidelity, although the oftmentioned Simon had fortified the upper castle with many men and supporters and provisions sufficient for defence. For many days and in many ways, the men asked the lord count for truces, so that they could properly renounce lord Simon concerning the fidelity offered to him, because they feared the strength of the duke of Limbourg and his sons and the duke of Louvain and the count of Dasbourg and Moha, and they who remained in the upper castle were afraid of their continuing assaults. The count promised them help and defence against all men, if they would receive the newly elected lord. After many feigned evasions, at last the men recognised the count of Hainaut’s great power everywhere in the lands and trusting very much to his constancy, when they had settled on a place between the Meuse river and Beaufort castle, a great many of the strongest of them swore that if lord Albert the elect would come to Huy, they would receive him honourably and give him fidelity and would give all aid which they could in the siege of the upper castle. The lord elect [Albert] promised them aid against all men. The count of Hainaut and marquis

549

11–18 November 1194.

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of Namur swore to them on behalf of the lord elect and on his own behalf, that if the lord elect would receive fidelities offered by them, the lord count, by remaining in that town with them, would besiege the upper castles with his strength and would by no means depart from there until he had first captured the castle or it was returned to him, and he would protect them against the oftmentioned Simon and his men. Therefore everyone hearing this was amazed and it was still amazing because that castle seemed impregnable against strength or even the skills of men. And so the lord elect came to Huy with his faithful man the count of Hainaut, and received fidelities from all men of Huy. But because the lord elect could not have help in arms from any greater or lesser man, except that which he could have through the count of Hainaut alone, the count, having assembled an army from everywhere, both from Hainaut and the land of Namur, established a siege of the castle after the eight days of Epiphany. In this army the lord count had about 500 knights and as many mounted sergeants and 40,000 or more footsoldiers, all of whom were suitably lodged in Huy without burden to the town or any clamour, for they seized nothing from anyone and brought harm to no one. Hellin of Ville, a virtuous knight, the highest purveyor and administrator who held dominion of that estate, was in the castle of besieged men, and he was tied by homage to the lord count of Hainaut from the dominion of Namur. But because he was a household official of the church of Liège, he therefore took the opportunity, and because many things had been given and promised by the newly elected lord for the custody of the castle, he worked by authority. He was against the count of Hainaut, although Hellin had heard most often the denunciation of the sentence brought against lord Simon and his accomplices and against all men who were tied to him by fidelity or homage. The count made constant assaults on the castle, although it was difficult to approach the castle. Yet he acquired the place through narrow ways with tremendous labour by means of a machine, which is called a bow-mangonel.550 Therefore some of the besieged men were killed, some wounded. Because places near the castle were by no means level or seemed suitable for setting the machine which is called a trebuchet, the count built a place suitable to this purpose for the prepared trebuchet, by his strength and skills, from a structure of stones and a mixture of earth. Therefore when the trebuchet was arranged, because divine aid was ready and prepared for the count who was labouring for justice in his actions, the duke of Louvain perceived that the count of Hainaut’s strength prevailed, and he came to the count at Huy amicably, asking the count to receive that castle and to preserve it, as well as Halloy, Dinant, Fosse, Thuin and Couvin.551 The duke of Louvain would also guard Liège, Maestricht, Tongres, Franchimont and Waremme on the count of Hainaut’s behalf. He would expel Simon and his men completely from these places, with this condition imposed: that lord Albert the elect and the interloper Simon would go without delay to the Roman court concerning the right of the episcopate, and Liège and all the castles and every property belonging

550

551

An arcus manghenellus or arcu-balista was a flat-trajectory weapon like a giant crossbow: France, Western Warfare, p. 119. These are castles belonging to the bishop of Liège.

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to the episcopate of Liège would be freely returned to the one of them who succeeded in his cause concerning these things, through the verdict and favour of the Roman court. And so when Simon had been expelled from all properties of the episcopate, who had been elected by the strength of so many and such great aforementioned princes and nobles, and had been invested with regalia by the lord emperor, everyone hearing and seeing was amazed that such a nobleman could be expelled from such a great pinnacle of honour. He and his men always fled from the lord count’s face when he was approaching. [218] At that same time and year, while these things were being conducted around the episcopate of Liège, Empress Constance of the Romans (whom the citizens of Salerno had evilly handed over to King Tancred who had unjustly usurped Sicily) was returned to her lord Henry emperor of the Romans by the citizens of Palermo, although Tancred did not wish it. In that same year in the month of December she gave birth to a son. In that same year after Tancred had died, lord Henry emperor of the Romans received the kingdom of Sicily and the duchy of Apulia by right.552 [219] In that same year at the time of Lent, lord Albert elect of Liège and Simon the interloper of Liège took the road to the Roman court concerning the dispute over the episcopate. Lord Albert owed 2,450 marks of silver of great weight to the count of Hainaut for the tremendous expenses incurred for his journey to the Roman court, for the delay made at that court, for his return from the court, for the expulsion of Simon and his men from the castles of the episcopate of Liège and for the custody of those castles. The count had received those marks lent from some creditors under heavy interest. The count alone suffered all the burden in payment of this interest. This interest was calculated at 200 marks or more, not counting other great expenses which the count and his men had made for lord Albert’s promotion and concerning Simon’s expulsion from the castles of the episcopate of Liège. [220] After a long delay at the Roman court and the burdens of tremendous expenses, the lord pope quashed the election of Simon and confirmed the election of lord Albert. But considering Simon’s nobility, sprung from so many and such great princes, so that he would not depart from the Roman court absolutely troubled, the lord pope made him a cardinal, acting mercifully concerning his person. He died soon afterward in that court from a sudden illness, and how many from his company and from lord Albert’s company died at that same time!553 Lord Albert, suffering gravely from a fever, took the return to his own lands with a fullness of favour. Lord Henry emperor of the Romans, having subjugated the kingdom of Sicily to his will concerning his hereditary right, returned from there to Germany in the year of the Lord 1195.

552

553

See c. 176. Tancred died on 20 February 1194. Constance’s and Henry’s son was Frederick II, born 26 December 1194. Simon died on 1 August 1195, and was buried in the church of Saint John inside the Lateran palace. On his side, his uncle lord Stephen and Thomas the archdeacon also died. On Albert of Cuyk’s side, Albert the provost and Simon the deacon died: Gilles of Orval, p. 114.

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[221] In that same year Philip, the count of Hainaut’s son, was ordained a knight honourably by lord Philip king of France on the feast of Pentecost.554 [222] At that same time and year, Henry, son of Henry former duke of Saxony (of that Henry, I say, whom lord Frederick emperor of the Romans disinherited of the duchy of Saxony in the greater of his properties), married the daughter of Conrad, count palatine of the Rhine, to the detriment of lord Henry the emperor.555 Therefore afterwards he [Henry of Saxony] obtained the count palatine’s land and properties and acquired the lord emperor’s favour for himself. [223] In those days Baldwin castellan of Mons, a quite wise knight, departed from this world, who had assigned in alms to the church of Blessed Waudru for the salvation of his soul the town of Offies (which he held in fief from the lord count of Hainaut) for the church to celebrate a perpetual anniversary for his soul, and so that the town would be granted to the hospital of Jerusalem by the church of Mons for an annual payment of twenty shillings paid on the feast of St Martin at Mons. When Baldwin had died, his son Henry confirmed these alms through the hand of the oftmentioned lord count of Hainaut and through writing and the count’s seal.556 The church of Mons granted the aforesaid town to the hospital of Jerusalem for an annual rent, as is told above. Concerning the paying of this rent fully, the lord count of Hainaut established himself as a guarantor at the church of Mons at the request of the hospital. Therefore the brothers of the hospital promised the lord count and the aforesaid castellan to offer the celebration of these masses perpetually, concerning which we will speak more fully in subsequent chapters.557 [224] In those days the count of Hainaut, marquis of Namur, confirmed an indissoluble peace and treaty with the duke of Louvain, with whom he had had long discord. And so it happened that in this same year, namely the year of the Lord 1195, the duke of Louvain had hatred and bitterness against his uncle Duke Henry of Limbourg and against the count of Gueldre because of a transgression of those men. Therefore each assembled for war.558 The lord count of Hainaut, marquis of Namur, and his son Count Baldwin of Flanders, at the duke of Louvain’s request, gave him aid against his enemies and they went in great strength with the duke of Louvain to Utrecht above the river Meuse. The enemy hesitated to withstand their approach in such great strength, and submitted themselves completely to their mercy. When these things were accomplished, the lord count of

554 555

556

557 558

21 May 1195. Agnes, daughter and heiress of Conrad count palatine of the Rhine (d. 1195), first cousin of Emperor Henry VI. Henry had wished to marry Agnes to King Philip Augustus of France. However, with the connivance of her mother Irmingard, Agnes was secretly married to Henry of Saxony towards the end of 1193. Although the emperor initially sought the dissolution of the marriage, he eventually restored Henry of Saxony to favour in 1194: Jordan, Henry the Lion, pp. 196–7. Two charters of May 1195: Chartes du chapitre de Sainte-Waudru, I, nos 22–3, pp. 36–40. February 1196 confirmation charter of Baldwin VI of Hainaut: no. 30, pp. 54–5. Unfortunately Gilbert does not return to this topic. Count Otto of Gueldre (d. between 1206 and 1209).

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Hainaut with his son Count Baldwin of Flanders, and with Adolph lord archbishop of Cologne and Duke Henry of Louvain, set out to lord Henry emperor of the Romans so that he might favour his son the count of Flanders before the lord emperor by causing him to receive without difficulty from the lord emperor certain fiefs which the count of Flanders were accustomed to hold from the emperors. Coming into Germany near the Rhine at the city of Argentina, which is vulgarly called Strasbourg, they found the lord emperor. And there Count Baldwin of Flanders, son of the count of Hainaut and marquis of Namur, received the owed fiefs from the lord emperor and offered the homage owed to him with fidelity.559 Because in that land in summertime the corruption of native air and waters brought tremendous illness, at that time in the month of August such great illness took root in those regions that a great many inhabitants retreated to the mountains, with their cities and homes abandoned. Therefore the lord count of Hainaut, the archbishop of Cologne, the duke of Louvain and many men from their comital company, both knights and sergeants, were struck down by tremendous illness, some of whom came to a swift death from it. But the lord count of Hainaut returned to his own lands before the other princes, having taken on a most grave illness. Although he had been seized by weakness, he came to Mons on account of the better health of the air. After tremendous weakness, that illness brought this most powerful and prudent prince all the way to death. [225] While the lord count of Hainaut, marquis of Namur, was ill in his castle at Mons, reports arrived that lord Albert elect of Liège had taken his return with a fullness of favour from the Roman court, and lord Simon the interloper of Liège, the duke of Limbourg’s son, had died. Some pernicious men rose up from the church of Liège (namely those who had brought serious rebellion in the church of Liège, first through lord Albert of Louvain’s election, then through lord Simon of Limbourg’s intrusion) in order that they might be able to hinder the promotion in some way of the elected lord Albert, confirmed by the apostolic see, or at least they might bring harm and accusations against him. Pretending that he had died on the journey, they elected as bishop of Liège a noble man, Otto of Fauquemont, archdeacon of that church, who had given his assent to lord Albert of Cuyk’s election. Coming to the lord emperor at the city of Worms, they presented the elected Otto to him. On their arrival, Albert suddenly arrived, returning from the Roman court. He was presented to the lord emperor through apostolic letters confirming his election and through his supporters who remained steadfast in the unity of the church, and he received the regalia of the episcopate of Liège from him without delay or difficulty. Otto and Otto’s electors offered fidelities to him in the lord emperor’s presence. Albert was invested with the regalia by the lord emperor and was consecrated by his metropolitan the archbishop of Cologne, and came to Liège in the eight days of Epiphany.560

559

560

The Flemish lands east of the river Scheldt were traditionally viewed as Imperial Flanders, although the emperors also claimed lordship over Waes: Nicholas, Medieval Flanders, p. 44. Henry VI was at Strasbourg 13–18 August 1195. 6–13 January 1196. However, Reiner, Annales, ed. G. H. Pertz, MGH SS XVI (Hanover, 1859), p. 652, gives the date of Albert’s return to Liège as 21 January (the feast of St Agnes).

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[226] At that time when the count of Hainaut and his son the count of Flanders had returned from the lord emperor’s court, the count of Flanders took the road because of the lord king of France’s command to him. He was hindered on that journey by an illness so that, when he had completed his business with the lord king and had been ordered by his lord the king to come to his aid against the king of England, he was carried in a litter all the way to Cambrai. And there he rested for several days and, with God willing, he began to get well. Then at the command of his father the count of Hainaut, he came to his ailing father at Mons, who was still feeble in body. He made a delay with his father and recovered his full health there. Because he was going to the aid of his lord the king of France, who had a war against the king of England, the count of Flanders prepared himself, and the time for this approached. With his assent and approval, his father the count of Hainaut assigned to his second son Philip the land of Namur to hold after his death, so that Philip would hold that land from his brother the count of Flanders and Hainaut in liege fief after their father’s death, and that land was added to the dominion of Hainaut. The count of Hainaut held that land from the emperor.561 In respect to these matters, the most wise count of Hainaut, who was ill, settled with his son Count Baldwin of Flanders that, in whatsoever places he was established as count of Flanders, the count of Flanders would observe the approved matters and would steadfastly follow up everything which the count of Hainaut had assigned for distributing as alms and for paying debts and for conferring as benefices for his children, under the witness of the abbots of Cambron and Saint-Ghislain and his brother William and Nicholas of Barbençon (a faithful man and relative).562 Therefore the count of Flanders made a oath and confirmed it in writing and with his seal according to his father’s decree, having given faith and touched relics. Then the count of Flanders hurried to the aid of his lord the king of France with many knights.563 [227] The lord count of Hainaut, marquis of Namur, ill at Mons, a most powerful prince and most beloved by his men, wished to provide for his soul’s salvation, and decreed the payment of his debts suitably and opportunely. He assigned to his daughter the virgin Sibylle two thousand marks of silver.564 Concerning the abovementioned debt which lord Albert bishop of Liège, owed to him, as has been told above, he assigned half to his two of his sons, namely Philip and Henry, and the other half to the greater church of Liège to convert to work for the monastery which was being newly repaired.565 He assigned certain properties to

561

562 563

564

565

Baldwin VI of Hainaut (Baldwin IX of Flanders), son of Baldwin V, would continue to hold Namur directly from the emperor, and his brother Philip would hold Namur from him as a sub-tenant as marquis of Namur. As he held the march in liege fief, Philip gave homage to his brother Baldwin (c. 255). Baldwin of Tournai, abbot of Cambron (died 1221); Abbot Hugh of Saint-Ghislain. King Philip was at war with Richard I of England in Normandy and Berry. A treaty was concluded at Issoudun on 5 December 1195: Gillingham, Richard I, p. 296. This money would have formed her dowry, as Sibylle married Guichard IV, lord of Beaujeu, after her father’s death. See c. 219.

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his children, some of whom he had not fathered from his wife but from other noble women, and he gave from his goods to his servants.566 He committed his moveable goods, particularly grain, horses, garments and things of this sort, which was estimated as worth 1,200 marks of silver or more, to the hands of the four aforementioned men, namely the abbots of Cambron and Saint-Ghislain and his brother William and Nicholas of Barbençon, to distribute as alms through their arrangement. [228] And because it was a right of the counts of Hainaut to raise certain bears and to keep guards for these bears, which was to the harm and burden of poor men, and also turned into a nuisance for wealthy men, the count remitted this right and custom completely for all his men from respect of mercy. [229] The count also remitted absolutely certain customs which he was intending to convert to his right in Mons and Binche and Le Quesnoy, which are called witel measurage dues and grain measurage dues (because grain was received in measures), and he confirmed this remission in writing and with his seal.567 [230] Concerning men who say that they are burgesses and who rejoice in the freedom of burgesses while remaining in villages (for which reason serious complaints proceeded most often from churches and knights), the lord count decreed and established from the counsel of his nobles that no one would be a burgess any longer, if he does not remain in the borough. [231] Concerning his dogs and hunters who had hospitality and fodder according to right in many places, who had been accustomed to oppress abbeys and the estates of abbeys in their right to hospitality, the lord count decreed and established that abbeys and their estates would remain free from these customs, with this exception: that if any church possessed any land from anyone’s donation or sale for which it was the custom of those lands for dogs and hunters to have their right, then the church should discharge their right to the dogs and hunters according to the value of that land, and it should not be forced beyond this. [232] He acted kindly and affectionately to Gérard of Saint-Aubert, his faithful man and first cousin, because he reclaimed his right to land in the Ostrevant, which his ancestors had sold to the count of Hainaut, father of this count, and he gave to Gérard in increase of his fief the town of Rieux near Cambrai, which the count and his wife Countess Marguerite had acquired for themselves, with the tithe of the town excepted, which the count and his wife Marguerite had granted to the chapel in Valenciennes to establish prebends. Gérard dutifully remitted to the lord count and his father whatever the counts had appropriated

566

567

One of his illegitimate children was Godfrey, canon of Cambrai and provost of Sainte-Marie at Bruges, in 1196 provost of Malines, in 1198 archdeacon of Cambrai, in 1202 provost of Saint-Amé in Douai. Utelagium (plural utelagia): the amount of land sown with a witel or uitel of seed, that is, an eighth of a measure.

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against his father Gilles and against himself and in whatever way they had offended, he released the land of Ostrevant to the lord count of Hainaut and his heirs by name.568 [233] The lord count also assigned for the augment of the prebends of his chapel in Valenciennes forty-two measures of grain by the measure of Mons to be received annually. He granted to this chapel the tithe which he had in the town of Tongres in Brabant, so that if anything was lacking from the forty-two measures for the canons at some time, this would be supplied by the tithe of Brainele-Comte. And so the lord count strengthened this in writing and with his seal. [234] He granted perpetually to the church of Lobbes the holding of the tithe in his vineyard of Hyon, which the church of Lobbes had reclaimed often, but never had. Therefore from consideration of affection, the church confirmed to the count that the convent of the church would celebrate a perpetual anniversary with veneration for his soul. [235] The lord count restored to the church of Hautmont a certain forest which he had possessed unjustly for several years. Therefore that church, from consideration of affection, granted and confirmed to the count that it would celebrate perpetually an anniversary with veneration for his soul. This was confirmed in writing and with the seals of the lord count and that church. [236] He confirmed to the church of Saint-Denis in Broqueroie, in writing and with his seal, his properties granted by his ancestors to that church with liberty, and the cutting of wood in the forest of Havré. [237] The lord count gave to the church of Alne six boneria of land at Teignies and Offignies from properties which the count had acquired from Bernard of Rocha, separated from every advocacy and false claim.569 Because of this, the church of Alne, from consideration of affection, confirmed to the count that it would celebrate a perpetual anniversary for his soul with veneration after his death. This was confirmed in writing of a chirograph and with the seals of the count and the church. [238] The lord count assigned to the church of Brogne 100 shillings of money in his revenues from Binche, namely from the first revenues received annually at Christmas. From these, twenty shillings were to be used for church lighting; on the anniversary of the count which ought to be celebrated perpetually with veneration, forty shillings should be used for a meal for the brothers; on the anniversary of his wife Countess Marguerite twenty shillings should be used for a meal

568

569

Baldwin IV of Hainaut had purchased Valenciennes and land in the Ostrevant and Cambrai from his half-siblings Godfrey and Bertha of Valenciennes. Gilles was the son of Bertha, see c. 32. A bonerium is about a quarter of an acre: Niermeyer and van de Kieft, Mediae latinitatis lexicon minus, I, p. 143.

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for the brothers; and in common perpetual memory of them, namely the count and countess and their parents likewise, twenty shillings should be used for a meal for the brothers, it will be administered on the second day of the Purification of Blessed Mary. These things were confirmed in writing of a chirograph and the seals of the count and the church. [239] The lord count made the lands of the church of Crespin (which that church had at Sebourg) and the advocacy of the lord count and his brother Henry (who held the town of Sebourg from the lord count) free from all tallage and exaction and transport services. Because of this, the church, from consideration of affection, confirmed to the lord count that, while he lived, on any day there was mass for the glorious Virgin Mary in that church, it would be celebrated on the altar of the Virgin Mary. After the count’s death, a mass, which is celebrated for the faithful departed, would be celebrated on this same altar for the count’s soul in perpetuity on any day. In celebration of these masses, individual and special orations would be said for the count’s soul, both in collects and in secret and postcommunion.570 All these things were confirmed in writing of a chirograph and with the seals of the count and the church and the abbot. [240] Because of what the lord count had done about fifteen years previously at the church of Saint-Aubert of Cambrai in respect to the alms of the tithe of Iwuy, the church, from consideration of affection, confirmed to the count that, while the count was living, in any week a mass would be celebrated three times in that church for the Holy Spirit or the glorious Virgin Mary.571 After his death the mass, which ecclesiastical order established to be celebrated for the faithful departed, would be celebrated three times in any week in perpetuity for the soul of the count, his ancestors and his successors. These things were confirmed in writing of a chirograph and with the seals of the lord count and the church. [241] About seven years previously, the lord had obtained that, at the church of Bonne-Espérance (from certain alms through the count and through Henry castellan of Binche concerning tax for use of reclaimed waste land and dominion of the land and meadows and tax), the church, from consideration of mercy and devotion, confirmed to the count that, while the count was living, on any day a mass for the Blessed Mother of God would be celebrated on the altar of the Holy Cross for the count’s salvation. After his death, on any day on which a mass was celebrated for the faithful departed, it would be celebrated in perpetuity on that same altar for the count’s soul and the salvation of his ancestors and his successors. In the celebration of these masses, individual and special orations for the count would be said in collects, in secret and postcommunion. These things were confirmed in writing of a chirograph and with the seals of the count and the church and the abbot. 570

571

‘Secret’ oration, which preceded the dialogue before the preface, as it anticipated the canon sotto voce, expressing the frame of mind of those who offered the Eucharist: EMA, II, p. 1330. Baldwin’s charter of the donation of the tithe of Iwuy by Walter of Honnecourt is dated 1182, thirteen years before Saint-Aubert agreed to celebrate this mass for him: Duvivier, Actes, II, no. 57, pp. 117–19.

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[242] About seven years previously, the lord count had caused that, at the church of Blessed Aldegonde at Mauberge through certain alms from himself and his faithful man Ghislain castellan of Beaumont (collected from properties which belonged to the custody of the tower of Beaumont, namely two parts of the tithe of Froidchapelle, four shillings of money, four capons in that town, and the mill in that town, which is called Ghislain’s mill, also ten measures of milled grain, which are called ‘charlets’, a third part of the tithe of Rance, and two parts of the lesser tithe of Grandrieu, Sivry and Montbliart), the church granted and confirmed to the lord count that in his church, while the count was living, for his salvation on every Sabbath day a mass for Mary glorious mother of God and a mass for the Holy Spirit on every Sunday would be celebrated on the altar of SaintDenis.572 After his death, on each Monday and each Thursday in that same church on that same altar, the mass, which was ordained to be celebrated for the faithful departed, would be celebrated perpetually for the redemption of the soul of the count and his wife Marguerite and all his predecessors and successors. In the celebration of those masses, individual and special orations would be said in the collects, in secret and in postcommunion for the oftmentioned count. These things were strengthened in writing of a chirograph and with the seals of the count and the church. Also in those days the lord count gave freely in every right the part which he had in the forest of Tiloit near Mauberge and the part which he had in the forest of Falize near Mauberge to the church of Blessed Aldegonde of Mauberge in every right from dominion and advocacy, and he bestowed these parts on the greater altar of the church by means of turf and a branch. His wife Countess Marguerite and his sons Baldwin, Philip and Henry placed their hands on this donation. In the forest of Covisans, the lord count retained for himself only a third part for the advocacy. In the aforesaid donation of forests, the lord count and his wife Countess Marguerite and their aforenamed sons swore, giving faith and touching relics, that they would preserve these benefits of the church of Mauberge as fixed and inviolable. The abbess and convent of this church, from consideration of affection, granted these things and confirmed to the lord count and countess that a perpetual anniversary with veneration would be celebrated for their souls after their deaths. These things were confirmed in writing and with the seal of the oftmentioned count and the church. In his testament arranged during his illness, the lord count freely restored to the church of Mauberge a certain forest near Mauberge which he had held unjustly against the church for several years, which forest was called Aumône [Alms], retaining nothing of the dominion or authority in it for himself, decreeing that all yields of this forest, both from the bottom to the top, would be used for nuns’ garments. The count confirmed this for the church in writing and with his seal. [243] About nine years previously, Hoel of Quiévrain, a most prudent man, assigned a tithe, which he held from the lord count of Hainaut at Quiévrain, through the hand of the lord count to the church of Cambrai, so that a priest would be established in the church of Quiévrain, who would celebrate divine

572

A ‘charlet’ in Wallonian dialect meant a container for measuring grain.

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services in perpetuity for the salvation of the lord count and Hoel. He could not be established always for fulfilling these things, except by having the assent and counsel of any lord count of Hainaut. These things had been confirmed in writing and with the seals of both the lord count of Hainaut and the church of Cambrai.573 [244] Also in former years previously, the oftmentioned Count Baldwin of Hainaut, marquis of Namur, wishing to provide to some extent for his abovementioned father Baldwin and his mother Alix for the salvation and redemption of their souls (although their bodies were buried honourably in Mons at the church of Blessed Waudru, and an anniversary was offered for them by that church, not because it was owed, but from favour, and was celebrated with veneration), the lord count their son decreed that their perpetual anniversary would be offered for them and celebrated with veneration by the nuns of Blessed Waudru and their canons and by the canons of Saint-Germain.574 Therefore he assigned perpetually to the church of Blessed Waudru six pounds of money in rents of lands at Ville-sur-Haine in the feast of St Remy, which rents the count had turned to his own use and to his own revenue because of a certain advocacy. The money increasing in excess of six pounds ought to be used in the lighting of the church of Saint-Germain. And so from the six pounds of money, sixty shillings were used and distributed on his father’s anniversary, who was buried in the upper choir before the greater altar. On the anniversary of his mother, buried in the upper crypt of St John the Baptist, sixty shillings were used and distributed. The manner of distribution is this: on the vigils of their anniversaries, four pennies to each canon and female canon of Blessed Waudru and to each canon of Saint-Germain, six pennies were assigned to the mass. Two pennies on vigils were assigned to the priest of the town of Mons in the monastery of Blessed Waudru and Saint-Germain and Saint-Pierre and Saint-André, and in the chapel of Bertaimont, and the chapel of lepers, and to up to sixteen priests celebrating divine services in the lord count’s chapel, six pennies were administered in the mass. Six pennies for ringing bells; two shillings in lighting; six pennies used for the offertory chant. The rector of the school may have four pennies in vigils, and four pennies in the mass. In the mass to each priest (excluding the sixteen aforementioned), three pennies ought to be assigned to each deacon and two pennies to each subdeacon. To each clerk having lesser rank or even not having a rank, if he professes himself to be a clerk, one penny ought to be assigned. If something will be left over, that ought to be put into the church’s use by the common counsel of the church. If any clerk of Blessed Waudru, canon or female canon, or canon of Saint-Germain is absent in the vigils or mass, he will not have a portion, unless he is detained by illness, or has been sent on church business by the

573

574

Hoel’s charter is not extant, but there is an 1190 charter in which his widow Agnes and their children assign the tithe of Quiévrain to the chapter of Cambrai for the celebration of Hoel’s anniversary, and for masses for the souls of Hoel and Baldwin V of Hainaut: Duvivier, Actes, II, no. 76, pp. 153–5. BN MS lat. 11105, fol. 98r, and Brussels, KB II 1554, fol. 552r–3r: et cum veneratione celebrarentur statuit ipse comes eorum filius ut perpetua eis exhiberentur et cum veneratione celebraretur eorum anniversaria; Vanderkindere: et cum veneratione celebrarentur eorum anniversaria.

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counsel of the church. The canons of each church ought to swear this, and promise to their lord in virtue of obedience. These things were confirmed in writing of a chirograph and with the seal of the oftmentioned count and the seal of Blessed Waudru. This count’s son Baldwin, a new knight, confirmed with his wife Marguerite these monies to be administered to the church of Mons perpetually by giving an oath. [245] In a former time, a little earlier, the lord count of Hainaut had confirmed to the church of Mons certain land in the power of Cuesmes, which had devolved to the church from the alms of Alderic, which he made free from all advocacy and exaction, so that the church would possess that land freely and quietly in perpetuity. The lord count confirmed this in writing and with his seal.575 The lord count was detained by illness (which has been told sufficiently), and he restored freely and absolutely to the church certain things which he had usurped for himself against that church in their claim, namely the tithes of offerings of Brainele-Comte, both in the borough and the town, and so that the church would not suffer any further detriment concerning these matters, he confirmed that to this church in writing and with his seal. [246] In the preoccupation of this illness, the lord count (who had occupied certain lands from the power of Quévy, making a fishpond at Rogeries, in which lands the church of Mons sustained damage of rents and taxes on account of the occupation of the fishpond), remitted absolutely to the church certain tallages and exactions, whenever he demanded them, which were in these lands belonging to the church in the power of Quévy at Rogeries and Alardsart and Horue and in one bonerium (purchased from Lambert), as free alms and in recompense of the aforesaid rents and taxes, so that the church of Mons possessed these properties at Quévy, both in those lands and other things, and rejoiced in free and quiet possession.576 The lord count confirmed that to this church in writing and with his seal.577 [247] He restored freely and quietly to the church of Saint-Pierre and SaintQuentin at Mauberge a forest and certain arable lands in the power of Ihy and Havay and Goegnies which he possessed against the church’s claim and to their harm and detriment, so that the church acted in peace according to its will concerning that land and forest from bottom to top. Because of this, the canons of that church caused a mass to be celebrated in perpetuity on the altar of St James the apostle, brother of Blessed John the evangelist, in front of the entrance of the choir on any day, so that, while the lord count was living, the mass of the Holy Spirit would be celebrated on any day. After his death, the mass, which should be celebrated for the faithful departed, would be celebrated in perpetuity on any day

575 576 577

1192 charter: Chartes du chapitre de Sainte-Waudru, I, no. 18, pp. 30–1. Bonerium, see c. 237. Charter of 8 December 1195: Chartes du chapitre de Sainte-Waudru, I, no. 26, pp. 44–6; February 1196 confirmation charter of Baldwin VI of Hainaut: no. 31, pp. 56–7. Vanderkindere lacks comes.

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for his soul. In the celebration of these masses, individual and special orations will be said for the lord count’s salvation, in collects, in secret and in postcommunion. On his anniversary, which should be celebrated perpetually with veneration, the canons will distribute among themselves twenty-five shillings from their own money. These things were confirmed in writing and with the seals of the count and this church. [248] The lord count established an altar in the church of Condé in honour of St Peter the apostle at the entrance of the choir. He established a priest for it, so that, while the lord count was living, on any Sunday a mass for the Holy Spirit would be celebrated there, on other days for Mary glorious mother of God. After his death, a mass, which ecclesiastical order has established to be celebrated for the faithful departed, will be celebrated in perpetuity for the redemption of his soul. In the celebration of these masses, individual and special orations will be said. A priest will be established by any count of Hainaut always to fulfil these masses, with the right of the canons of the church preserved in their offerings. The oftmentioned lord count of Hainaut assigned to this priest fifteen boneria of arable land at Wadelincourt.578 That priest will offer service continually to the church in conventual hours: matins, masses and other hours. Any priests will offer an oath at his instalment to fulfil masses, to preserve the rights of the canons and to complete his office during conventual hours of the church. The lord count also assigned to this same church of Condé sixty shillings of money annually in the taxes of Braine-le-Comte collected on the feast of St John the Baptist, which the canons who are present and those who are commemorating his anniversary with veneration will distribute among themselves on his anniversary. All these matters concerning the fulfilment of masses and the benefice of land assigned to the priest for commemorating his anniversary were confirmed in writing of a chirograph and with the seal of the lord count of Hainaut, marquis of Namur, and the seal of the church. [249] The lord count of Hainaut, oftmentioned marquis of Namur, established in the church of Soignies an altar in honour of St John the evangelist at the entrance of the choir on the left side, and there, while the count was living, on any Sunday a mass for the Holy Spirit would be celebrated, on other days a mass for Mary glorious mother of God. After his death, on any day a mass would be celebrated in perpetuity, which ecclesiastical order established to be celebrated for the faithful departed. It would be celebrated on that altar for the redemption of his soul. In the celebration of those masses, individual and special orations will be said for the count, in collects, in secret and in postcommunion. A priest to fulfil these things will be established always by any count of Hainaut, preserving the authority of the canons in their offerings. This priest will devote himself to that church in matins and masses and other conventual hours. The lord count assigned to this priest a perpetual benefice, that he would have fifteen measures of grain annually as part of the lord count’s tithe at Braine-le-Comte, namely half

578

Bonerium, see c. 237.

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of winter grain and half of oats. Any priest in this installation will offer an oath concerning the fulfilment of masses and concerning the offering of continuous service to the church and concerning the preservation of the canons’ authority. Concerning these things, the oftmentioned lord count assigned for the celebrating of his anniversary with veneration sixty shillings of money in his taxes at Braine-le-Comte collected annually on the feast of St John, which those canons, who are present in the celebration of the anniversary, will distribute among themselves. These things concerning the fulfilment of masses and the benefice assigned to the priest and the commemorating of the anniversary were confirmed in writing of a chirograph and by the seal of the count of Hainaut, marquis of Namur, and the seal of the church of Soignies.579 [250] This count of Hainaut, marquis of Namur, embracing the church of Mons with greater affection and feeling more diligent care and solicitude concerning its prosperity and tranquillity, recognised certain things which he owed to the church by right of the abbacy, which he and his ancestors had discharged fully, and thus had freed it from all labour and burden, so that this church would not ever suffer trouble in the days of the count or his successors. And he confirmed to this church that he and his successors ought to release it absolutely from certain things, whenever they were required in conventual churches by the lord pope and his cardinals and legates and the lord archbishop of Reims and his officials and the lord bishop of Cambrai and his officials, which are called hospitality and right to fodder, and, if it would be necessary, to pay these costs on behalf of the church, so that these things would never be required except from the lord counts of Hainaut. So that the church of Mons may rejoice concerning these matters in perpetual peace and liberty, the lord Baldwin, count of Hainaut, marquis of Namur, confirmed these same things in writing and with his seal.580 [251] This count of Hainaut, marquis of Namur, to attain greater redemption of his soul, decreed an altar to be constructed at Mons in the monastery of Blessed Waudru at the entrance of the choir in honour of Blessed James the apostle, brother, I say, of Blessed John the evangelist, arranging and confirming that, in whatever place it might happen that he should die, his body would be buried in that church before this same altar. On any day, while the count was living, a mass for Mary glorious mother of God would be celebrated on that altar. After his death, on any day a mass will be celebrated in perpetuity, which ecclesiastical order has ordained to be celebrated for the faithful departed, on that altar for the redemption of his soul. In the celebration of these masses, individual and special orations for this same count ought to be said, in collects, in secret and in postcommunion. The priest for fulfilling these masses will always be established by a lord count of Hainaut, preserving the authority of the canons of Saint-Germain in their offerings. This same priest will devote himself on greater solemnities of the year in the church of Blessed Waudru, in vespers and matins and processions

579 580

Duvivier, Actes, II, no. 94, pp. 186–9. Charter of 8 December 1195: Chartes du chapitre de Sainte-Waudru, I, no. 25, pp. 42–4.

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and greater masses with the canons of Saint-Germain and their vicars.581 The lord count assigned to this priest in each year fifteen measures of grain, namely half of winter grain and half of oats, in his part of the tithe at Estinnes. That priest in his installation will offer an oath concerning the fulfilment of masses and the preservation of the authority of the canons of Saint-Germain which they render concerning the ecclesiastical office of Blessed Waudru. It was decreed concerning these matters that, if it pleased any of the already named priests (that is, of Mauberge, Condé, Soignies and Mons) to celebrate two masses in one day at any time, the first mass would be celebrated for the faithful departed with sequence and veneration. The convent of Blessed Waudru, from consideration of affection, granted these things to their lord prince and their advocate and abbot, whose esteem and familiarity it preferred before others, and it confirmed that, after his death, on any Monday it will celebrate a conventual mass at the altar of St James before the first hour of the day with the aforesaid priest, with a deacon and subdeacon invited. The lord count assigned to the deacon and subdeacon twenty shillings of money in his taxes at Estinnes collected on the feast of St Andrew, which the deacon and subdeacon will divide equally between themselves. The custodian of that church, the count’s protégé and chancellor, Gilbert, added to these things concerning his benefice of custody, that the custodian of the entire church would place the light of one candle on any day in that mass and on any Monday the light of two candles. For celebrating his anniversary with perpetual veneration, the lord count assigned to the church sixty shillings of money from his taxes at Estinnes collected on the feast of St Andrew, which would be distributed among the canons and female canons of Blessed Waudru and the canons of Saint-Germain and the priests and other clerks, by the distribution and distinction which was ordained on the anniversaries of his parents, as we have said enough before.582 So that the celebrations of the aforesaid masses would not be omitted, and the perpetual commendation of anniversaries would not be disregarded, and the benefices ordained for their fulfilment may not be violated by his successors to any extent because he was absent, the lord count of Hainaut, marquis of Namur, confirmed these matters with his seal and with the seal of Blessed Waudru and in writing of a chirograph.583 [252] Most virtuous knights, many nobles and distinguished officials were counsellors in his deeds and fellow knights in arms of this lord Count Baldwin of Hainaut, oftmentioned marquis of Namur, son of Count Baldwin and Countess Alix (of whom some were only counsellors, while some were only fellow knights and some were both counsellors and fellow knights). The counsellors were Eustace the elder of Le Roeulx, Nicholas of Barbençon, Hoel of Quiévrain, Baldwin castellan of Mons, Régnier of Trith, Goswin of Thulin. The counsellors and fellow knights were William the count’s brother, Eustace the younger of Le Roeulx,

581

582 583

‘Vicars’ in this context most likely refers to priests who have the cure of souls connected with an altar or chapel of the church. See c. 244. Charter of 8 December 1195: Chartes du chapitre de Sainte-Waudru, I, no. 27, pp. 46–9; February 1196 confirmation charter of Baldwin VI of Hainaut: no. 28, pp. 49–52.

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Amand of Prouvy, Hugh of Croix, Otto of Trazignies, Walter of Wargnies, Walter of Fontaine, John Cornutus, Nicholas surnamed the Monk, Renard of Strépy.584 The fellow knights only and sometime counsellors were John of Monchecourt, Pol of Villers, Geoffrey Tuelasne, Gilles of Aulnois, Gilles of Fresnes, Baldwin of Tosny, Gérard the count’s brother, Baldwin surnamed Caron, Robert of Beaurain, Hugh of Antoing, the brothers Gérard and Walter of Bierbeek, Guy and Fulk of Fontaine (brothers of the aforesaid Walter), William surnamed Flaons, Richard of Orcq, Walter of Steenkerque, Walter of Blandain, Walter of Gouy, William of Éghezée, Libert of Elsée, Helluin of La Tour, Hugh of Aunoit, Saward of Marly, Baldwin of Valenciennes, Simon of Mauberge, William of Anzin, Goswin of Wavrin, Baldwin of Neuville.585 The oftmentioned count honoured all these men with gifts of horses, arms, garments and rewards of silver, and he enriched many of the greater of them with costly benefices. [253] The oftmentioned count of Hainaut, marquis of Namur, eldest son of Count Baldwin and Countess Alix, a most prudent and powerful prince and good judge and most loved by his men, both greater and lesser, who, when he was twenty-one years old, after his father had died, came to the lordship of the county of Hainaut and had held that manfully and powerfully for twenty-four years and six weeks, and during those years he had possessed the march of Namur for seven years and the county of Flanders for three years. This count also had repressed the arrogance of Jacques of Avesnes, a noble and prudent man and a quite powerful and virtuous knight who rebelled against him, and he had removed King Louis of France’s strength prepared for the harm of this Jacques and Renaud of Rozoy and the count of Rethel, and he had given much great aid to Count Philip of Flanders and Vermandois according to mutual confederation against the oftmentioned Jacques and against Raoul of Coucy and against his son-in-law King Philip of France, and when the alliance between him and the count of Flanders and Vermandois had been broken, he brought tremendous help to the king of France against this same count and against the king of England. He also had held manfully and prudently his land and castles against this same count of Flanders and against the archbishop of Cologne and the duke of Louvain, and after he had brought much aid to his uncle Count Henry of Namur and Luxembourg against enemies, when the alliance of esteem and grant between them was broken, he had occupied his castles to the trouble and detriment of that count and the count of Champagne, and the bitterness and false claims and threats of the lord king of France, the king of England, Count Thibaut of Blois, Count Stephen, the duke of Burgundy, the count of Bar, Archbishop William of Reims, Count Philip of Flanders, Duke Henry of Louvain, Archbishop Philip of Cologne, Count Otto of Gueldre, Duke Henry of Limbourg and Count Manasses of Rethel, while sufficiently certain of Frederick lord emperor of the Romans and his son Henry king

584

585

William the count’s brother (d. 1231), called ‘the Uncle’, lord of Thy-le-Château, lay provost of SaintDonatien at Bruges, bailiff of Hainaut, chancellor of Flanders (under Baldwin IX), was the illegitimate son of Baldwin IV. Warlop, I:1, p. 265, mistakenly identifies him as Baldwin V’s son. The identification of Lissi as Elsée is not certain, it could also be Lexhy (in Liège) or Liessies (dép. Nord).

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of the Romans.586 When Count Philip of Flanders had died, he also retained for himself the county of Flanders by right against the lord king of France and against Queen Mathilde, Count Philip’s wife, and against Duke Henry of Louvain. He also had banished in his strength the clerk Simon of Limbourg (Duke Henry of Limbourg’s brother, the duke of Louvain’s first cousin, who had been elected and invested with regalia by the greater part of the chapter of Liège) from the castles of the episcopate and from all his properties, with God willing, and had established another man, namely Albert of Cuyk, in the episcopate of Liège to the honour of God. This count of Hainaut had found the constancy of faith in few men in whom he had kept the hope of good and esteem, or with whom he had confirmed alliances, namely his lords and neighbours and greater princes related to him, although he wished to fail no one, greater or lesser, in promised faith. Nevertheless he had found lord Frederick emperor of the Romans always friendly and favourable in his promotion.587 After long weakness of the sufficiently mentioned illness at Mons, he departed from this world at this same place in the year of Lord’s incarnation 1195 in the month of December on the twelfth day before the Kalends of January, that is on the eighth day before the feast of Christmas.588 His body was honourably buried at Mons in the monastery of Blessed Waudru before the sufficiently mentioned altar of Blessed James the apostle, just as the count had ordained while still living.589 His son, Count Baldwin of Flanders, returning from the lord king of France’s expedition, was present at his funeral and burial. His other sons, Philip and Henry, were also present, and his daughter Sibylle, and many nobles and men of any status. [254] All of these recorded things have been commended to writing by Gilbert, this count’s clerk. He had collected deeds of these same emperors and kings and count of Hainaut and certain counts of Flanders, who had died previously, from the writings of a great many churches and he had mingled in these the rights of Blessed Waudru and this count of Hainaut, illustrious prince, and he had been present at nearly all the deeds, both in prosperity and in adversity, and his lord count had made him chancellor and promoted him to ecclesiastical properties, namely to the provostship of Saint-Germain and custody and prebends of Blessed Waudru and ecclesiastical prebends in Soignies and Condé and Mauberge, and the 586

587

588

589

BN MS lat. 11105, fol. 101v: vero dum satis certus; Vanderkindere, after Brussels, KB II 1554, fol. 573r: nondum satis certus (‘while not yet sufficiently certain’). Vanderkindere adds after Frederick emperor of the Romans: et ejus filium Henricum imperatorem (and his son Emperor Henry). The twelfth day before the Kalends of January would be 21 December; however, the eighth day before Christmas would be 17 December. As Sigebert of Gembloux, p. 433, gives the date of 17 December (that is, sixteen days before the Kalends of January), it is likely that the first date has resulted from a scribal error. The epitaph of Baldwin V, now lost, but recorded in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century manuscripts: ‘Here lies Baldwin count of Hainaut, a venerable and prudent man, a powerful and illustrious prince. He was the son of Baldwin and Alix, who inherited Namur from his mother’s side and was called the first marquis of Namur. He possessed Flanders along with Hainaut from his mother Marguerite’s side, daughter of Thierry and sister of Count Philip of Flanders. He had sons, the first of whom, Baldwin, succeeded in Flanders and Hainaut, Philip who succeeded in Namur, and daughters, one of whom was Elisabeth, the most holy queen of France. He died in the year 1195.’ Vercauteren, ‘Gislebert de Mons, auteur des épitaphes’, pp. 380, 392–6, 402–3, argues that Gilbert composed this epitaph.

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abbacy of Blessed Mary of Namur, and the provostship and custody and prebends of Saint-Aubain and the custody and prebends of Saint-Pierre of Namur. [255] When Count Baldwin of Hainaut, first marquis of Namur, illustrious prince, had died, his eldest son Baldwin, the count of Flanders, succeeded to the county of Hainaut.590 This count Baldwin, son of Count Baldwin and Countess Marguerite, acquired the county of Hainaut by inheritance from his father and the county of Flanders by right of his mother. Philip, the second son, succeeded his father in the march of Namur. Then he gave liege homage to his brother the count of Flanders and Hainaut concerning all properties and castles of that land, as to the count of Hainaut, because he, along with the nobles of Hainaut, as the count of Hainaut’s faithful men, should offer judgements and witness, and the lord count of Hainaut should hold that march in liege from the lord emperor of the Romans. The count of Flanders and Hainaut gave 1,000 pounds of land in liege fief to his brother Henry. From these, he assigned 600 pounds in Flanders and 400 pounds in Hainaut. Then in the month of February he went to lord Albert bishop of Liège at the castle of Huy and gave liege homage to him for Hainaut with owed fidelity. The bishop at that same place, according to the honour and request of this count, conferred the abbacy and provostship of the church of Malines on the clerk Godfrey, provost of Sainte-Marie in Bruges and canon of the church of Cambrai, the count’s brother (but not by the same mother). [256] Then in the month of March Countess Marie, wife of this same count of Flanders and Hainaut, took the road of pilgrimage to Saint-Gilles, along with Duchess Mathilde of Louvain, wife of Duke Henry, the count of Hainaut’s first cousin. These ladies went favourably and returned to their own lands most favourably, having conferred many benefits and generous alms on churches and paupers throughout many places.591 [257] This count of Flanders and Hainaut diligently confirmed in writing and with his seal all the aforesaid things which his father and grandfather had confirmed to the church of Mons, namely concerning the exchange of Braine-le-Comte, and the freedom from expenses which were required sometimes from conventual churches, and concerning the freedom of the lands of Quévy and Cuesmes, and concerning masses for his father’s soul and his anniversary, and the anniversaries of his grandfather and grandmother, and concerning two measures of grain for the rent of the mill, and concerning the alms of Baldwin castellan of Mons.592 The Chronicles of Hainaut End. 590 591

592

He succeeded as Baldwin VI of Hainaut and Baldwin IX of Flanders. Countess Marie of Flanders and Hainaut and Duchess Mathilde of Brabant and Louvain made a pilgrimage together to Saint-Gilles-du-Gard, probably as a means to seal the recent reconciliation between their two houses after many years of conflict: Kupper, ‘Mathilde de Boulogne’, p. 239. See cc. 250, 246, 245, 223. Charter of 8 December 1195 for Braine: Chartes du chapitre de SainteWaudru, I, no. 24, pp. 41–2; charter of 1192 for perpetual rent of two measures of grain for the cession of the mill of Hyon: no. 20, pp. 33–4; February 1196 confirmation charter of Baldwin VI of Hainaut: no. 30, pp. 54–5.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY Manuscript sources Brussels KB MS II 1554, 2 vols Brussels KB MS II 1555 Paris BN MS lat. 11105

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INDEX Note: Entries for places are identified, where possible, by province in Belgium and by département, canton and arrondissement in France (if the name of the place occurs as one of dép., cant. or arr., it is not repeated). Persons are indexed alphabetically by their first name. Where there is a list of persons with this same name, a person is indexed alphabetically within that list by the place most relevant to their position or title. For example, ‘Philip of Alsace, count of Flanders’ is indexed alphabetically in the list of ‘Philip’ under Flanders (not Alsace). Likewise, within a list of women with the same name, a woman will be indexed alphabetically by the place most relevant to her (first) husband’s position or title. For example, ‘Alix of Avesnes, wife of Roger of Rozoy’ is indexed alphabetically in the list of ‘Alix’ under Rozoy (not Avesnes).

Aachen, 55, 87, 125 Abram (Abraham), 22 Achard of Verli, 115 Acre, 70 n.293, 110, 129 siege of, 149–50 Ada of Coucy, wife of Thierry of Beveran, 41 Ada of Le Roeulx, wife of Nicholas of Boulaere, of Drogo of Bousies, and of Goswin of Wavrin, 32, 98 Ada, abbess of Nivelles, 32 n.127 Adalbert of Zähringen, 38 n.165 Adam of Walincourt, 44, 64 Adela, countess of Blois, wife of Stephen III, 26 Adela, countess of Flanders, wife of Baldwin V, 4 Adela, queen of France, wife of Louis VII, 26, 60, 68, 73, 76 as regent of France, 142 n.485 marriage of, 52 Adela of Vohburg, empress of Germany, wife of Frederick I Barbarossa, 55 n.245 Adelaide of Maurienne, queen of France, wife of Louis VI, 31 n.124 Adelog, bishop of Hildesheim, 88 Adelvia of Guise, wife of Jacques of Avesnes, 45 Adhémar of Monteil, bishop of Puy, 28 Adolph of Altena, archbishop of Cologne, 147, 156, 169 Aerschot (Brabant), 138

Agatha, countess of Soissons, wife of Conon, 72 Agnes of Champagne, countess of Bar-le-Duc, wife of Renaud II, 26, 52 Agnes of France, empress of Byzantium, wife of Alexius II Comnenus, of Andronicus I Comnenus, and of Theodore Branas, 52 Agnes of Hainaut, wife of Raoul of Coucy, 40, 55, 80 Agnes of Mons, wife of Hugh of Espinoy and Antoing, 33 Agnes of Gueldre, countess of Namur, wife of Henry the Blind, 58 Agnes, countess of Nevers, 157 n.528 Agnes of Coucy, wife of Raoul of Roucy, 41 and n.179 Agnes, wife of Henry of Saxony, 168 Ahr, 155 Aire (Pas-de-Calais, Saint-Omer), 74, 91, 142, 145, 159 Alard, bishop of Cambrai, 67, 70 Alard of Chimay, 34, 116 Alardsart (Hainaut), 176 Albano, bishop of see Henry Albérie, wife of King Roger II of Sicily, 39 n.167 Albert, count of Dasbourg-Moha, 103, 141, 148, 161–2, 165 Albert of Cuyk, bishop of Liège, 125, 166–7, 170 consecration, 169 election of, 165, 181

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opposes election of Simon of Limbourg, 158–9, 163 receives homage of Baldwin VI of Hainaut, 182 Albert of Louvain, bishop of Liège, appeals to papal curia, 151, 152 assassination of, 153–5 consecration of, 152 election of, 140, 145, 147–8, 169 knighting of, 109 marked with Cross, 113 Albert of Rethel, bishop-elect (provost and archdeacon) of Liège, election of, 140, 143, 147–9 opposes election of Simon of Limbourg, 158–9, 163 Albert the Proud, marquis of Meissen, 138 Albert II, count of Namur, 7–8 Albert III, count of Namur, 8, 9, 11 Albert of Namur, 38 Albert of Rethel, canon, provost, archdeacon of Saint-Lambert, 39 Albert of Sponheim, clerk, 85 Albert sur l’Ancre (Somme, Péronne, Albert), 51 Aldegonde, saint, xxxvi, 12–13 Alderic, 176 Aldetrude, saint, xxxvi, 13 Alelm of Fontaine, 150 Alexander III, pope, 38 n.164, 71–2, 73 Alexius I Comnenus, emperor of Byzantium, 25, 27, 29–30 Alexius II Comnenus, emperor of Byzantium, 52 n.235 Alix of Bazoches, wife of Geoffrey of Balham, 34 n.139 Alix (Adelaide) of France, countess of Blois, wife of Thibaut V, 51 Alix of Rozoy, wife of Gilles of Chimay, 38 Alix of Mons, wife of Roger of Condé, 33 Alix of Namur, countess of Hainaut, wife of Baldwin IV, 20, 38, 40, 45 anniversary of, 175 construction of chapels by, 46 death of, 42, 56 inheritance of Namur, 37, 41–2 marriage, 37 Alix of Le Roeulx, 32 Alix of Rumigny, wife of lord of Le Thour, 33, 34 Alix of Montmorency, countess of Montfort, wife of Simon, 65 Alix of France, (betrothed to King Richard I of England), countess of Ponthieu, wife of William II, 49 and n.220, 51 n.233, 135 n.459

Alix of Avesnes, wife of Roger of Rozoy, 33 n.134 Alix of Hainaut, wife of Nicholas II of Rumigny, 21 n.68, 31, 33 alms, 22, 62, 170–1, 173–4, 181 given by women, 11, 37, 40, 56, 105 to Saint-Germain (Mons), 16, 17 to Sainte-Waudru, 16, 17, 43, 168, 176 allods, xxxvi, 35, 49, 73, 130 in Brabant, 5 in Flanders, 107, 123, 146, 153 in Hainaut, 4, 8–12, 30, 40, 43–4, 105 in Limbourg, 31 in Lotharingia, 7–8, 28 in Namur, 37, 42, 45, 89, 107, 114, 123–6, 132 in Vermandois, 51 of Mauberge, 13 of Sainte-Waudru, 9, 12–16, 43 Alne, abbey of, 144, 172 Alost (East Flanders), 42, 159 as inheritance of Countess Marguerite of Hainaut, 91, 142, 145 duke of Brabant/Louvain’s fiefs in, 146, 153 Altenburg, 124 Althaldensleben, 49 Amalric, king of Jerusalem, 48 n.210 Amand of Naast, 150 Amand of Prouvy, as judge, 111, 116 as man of Baldwin V of Hainaut, 64, 76, 79, 80, 84, 87, 91, 118, 180 as peer of Mons, 94 death of, 146 receives money-fief from Henry II of England, 63 Amaury IV of l’Amaury-Montfort and Évreux, 31 Amberloup (Luxembourg), 90 Amiens (Somme), 51, 99, 100, 101, 103, 105 Ancre see Albert sur l’Ancre Andenne (Namur), 103 Andrew of Brienne, 150 Andronicus I Comnenus, emperor of Byzantium, 51 n.235 Angre (Hainaut), 40 Anjou, 48 Annchelisa of Rozoy, wife of Philip of Atrives, 38 Anselm of Falkenstein, 82 Antioch, 29–30, 129 n.439 Antiochus IV Epiphanes, Seleucid emperor, 23 Apulia, 134, 143 Aquitaine, 48, 64, 135 n.459 Ardennes, 12, 30, 87, 90 Aristobolus, chief of the Sadducees, 24 n.82 Arleux (Nord, Douai), 70

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Arlon (Luxembourg), 64 Armenia, 22, 25 Arnold of Denmark, 47 n.207 Arnold, count of Valenciennes, 3 Arnoul III, count of Chiny, 9, 11, 30 Arnoul III, count of Flanders, 4–6, 8 Arnoul of Gouy, 79, 150 Arnoul of Hainaut, son of Baldwin II, 21, 31, 32 Arnoul of Landas, butler of Hainaut, 62, 64 Arnoul, abbot of Vicogne, 123 Arnulf of Larochette, 82 Arnulf of Luxembourg, 82 Arnulf of Luxembourg, son of Wéry, 82 Arnulf of Ouren, son of Conon, 82 Arquennes (Hainaut), 160 Arras (Pas-de-Calais), 74, 91, 103, 106, 142, 145, 151, 159 bishop of see Eremaud treaty of, 144 Artres (Nord, Valenciennes, Valenciennes-Sud), 98 Assche (Brabant), 80 Ath (Hainaut), 43, 61 n.265, 95, 118, 162 Athies (Somme, Péronne, Ham), 51 Attre (Hainaut), 96 Aubechies (Hainaut), 107 Audenarde (East Flanders), 5, 91, 99, 142, 145 Augsbourg, 135, 139, 144 Aulnois (Hainaut), 61 Aumale (Seine-Inférieure, Neufchâtel), 65 treaty of, 104 Aumône, forest of (Nord), 174 Austria, 88 Auvergne, 27, 75 Avesnes (Nord), 22, 33 n.136, 69, 94 Aya, saint, xxxvi, 14 Babylon, 23 Baileux (Hainaut), 105 Baldric of Roisin, 33, 79, 80, 116 Baldwin of Tournai, abbot of Cambron, 170, 171 Baldwin Caron, 33, 96, 99, 118, 180 as judge, 116 death of, 150 Baldwin of Rethel, lord of Chémery, 39 Baldwin I, emperor of Constantinople see Baldwin VI, count of Hainaut Baldwin of Donchery, 80 Baldwin V, count of Flanders, 4 and n.10 Baldwin VI, count of Flanders, (as Baldwin I) count of Hainaut, 25 as count of Hainaut, 4 death of, 4–5 marriage to Richilde, 4 Baldwin VII, count of Flanders, 47 and n.206

201

Baldwin VIII, count of Flanders see Baldwin V, count of Hainaut Baldwin IX, count of Flanders see Baldwin VI, count of Hainaut Baldwin II, count of Guines, 151 Baldwin I, count of Hainaut see Baldwin VI, count of Flanders Baldwin II, count of Hainaut, as crusader, 22, 28, 29–30 as patron of Hasnon, 5 conflict with Robert I the Frisian, 6, 8–11, 21 disappearance of, xxxvii, 30 disinherited of Flanders, 4 Baldwin III, count of Hainaut, 3, 11 n.39, 21 and n.67, 22 n.70, 35 and Peace of Valenciennes, 45–6 death of, 35 marriage of, 31, 34, 94 n.357 succession of, 31 Baldwin IV, count of Hainaut, 3, 20–1, 21 n.67, 31, 34, 40, 171 and Valenciennes, 46 anniversary of, 175–6, 182 chapels of, 46 death of, 42, 60–1 donations of, 56, 61 fortifications of, 43 inheritance of Namur, 37, 41–2 injury, 56 knights his son, 55 marriage of, 37 succession of, 35, 36 wars with Brabant/Louvain, 58–9 wars with Flanders, 42 Baldwin V, count of Hainaut, (as Baldwin VIII) count of Flanders, marquis of Namur, 3, 37, 40, 106 and bishopric of Laon, 68–9, 70–1, 73–4 and Champagne, 72, 76, 104–5, 108–9, 131–3, 180 and contested bishopric of Liège, 141, 143, 154, 163–6 and Imperial court, xxvii, xxxiii, xxxv, 84–5, 107, 109–11, 113–14, 137–9, 147 and Nevers, 157 and Raoul, bishop of Liège, 112–13 and Valenciennes, 46, 172 as ally of Henry I of Brabant/Louvain, 168–9 as ally of Philip of Flanders, xxxvii, 58, 75, 77–9, 81, 83, 85–7, 92, 100, 180 as ally of Philip II Augustus of France, 90, 93, 97–8, 110–12, 123, 156–7, 180 as father-in-law of Philip II Augustus, xxxv, xxxvii, 74–5, 101, 180

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as patron of Gilbert of Mons, xxvii, xxxiv, 125 bequests of, 170–9 character, 62 conflict with Brabant/Louvain, xxxvii, 80, 94–8, 131–3, 138–9, 161–2, 180 concerning castle of Enghien, 53, 145–6, 159 concerning Lembecq, 81–2, 91–3, 124 concerning Namur, 58–9, 102 concerning succession to Flanders, 142–3, 145–6, 159–60, 181 conflict with Flanders, 90–1, 93–101, 103–4, 123, 153, 180 conflict with Jacques of Avesnes, xxxvi, xxxvii, 44–5, 65–6, 68–9, 93–4, 97–102, 180 conflict with Thierry VII of Holland, 146, 159, 163 court of, 67, 179–80 death of, xxviii, 181 donations of, xxxiii, 46, 56, 174 flees Paris, 149 illness of, 160, 169–70, 181 injury of, 56 knighting of, 55 makes peace with Henry I of Brabant/Louvain, 127, 129, 133, 153, 160, 162, 168 makes peace with Henry the Blind of Namur, 134 marriage of, 53, 58 masses for, 173–4, 176–9 natural children of, 171 receives money-fief from Henry II of England, xxxvi, 63 seals of, 139, 144, 164 succession to Flanders, xxxiii, xxxiv, xxxvii, 70, 74, 142–7, 149, 152, 181 succession to Hainaut, 61, 180 succession to Namur, xxxiv, 41, 84–5, 89–90, 107–9, 111, 114–15, 118–21, 123–8, 134, 138–9 tournaments of, xxxvii, 56, 57, 59, 62–3, 67–8, 71, 73, 76, 80, 81 wars in Namur, 60, 64, 77, 102, 117–22, 128, 133, 161–2 Baldwin VI, count of Hainaut, (as Baldwin IX) count of Flanders, (as Baldwin I) emperor of Constantinople, 94, 97, 123, 132, 162, 181 as ally of Henry I of Brabant/Louvain, 168–9 as ally of Philip II Augustus, 170 at Imperial court, 126–7, 129, 146–8 betrothal and marriage of, 60, 72, 76, 105

birth of, 59 knighting of, 129 succession to Flanders, 144, 164, 165, 169 succession to Hainaut, xxviii, 182 Baldwin, first son of Baldwin IV of Hainaut, 40 Baldwin I, king of Jerusalem, 7, 27, 28 Baldwin III (falso Fulk), king of Jerusalem, 48 and n.210 Baldwin IV, king of Jerusalem, 70 n.291 Baldwin, castellan of Mons, 182 as judge, 111, 116 as man of Baldwin V of Hainaut, 80, 91, 118 death of, 168 Baldwin of Neuville, 96, 180 Baldwin of Péruwelz, 79, 80, 150 Baldwin of Strépy, 64, 79, 80 Baldwin of Tosny, 34–5, 56, 59, 180 Baldwin of Mortagne, castellan of Tournai, 35, 151 Baldwin, bishop of Utrecht, 88, 164 Baldwin of Valenciennes, 180 Baldwin of Walincourt, 64, 80, 91, 95, 116 Bamberg, bishop of see Otto II of Andrechs Bapaume (Pas-de-Calais, Arras), 58, 65, 74, 100, 155 Barbençon (Hainaut), 33 n.136 Barthélemy, bishop of Laon, 68 n.287 Bartholomew of Esch, 82 Basel, bishops of see Henry, Liutpold of Rötelen Bastian of Gourdinne, 114, 120 Baudour (Hainaut), 33 n.136 Bavaria, 88 Bavay (Nord), 95 bears, 171 Beatrice of Burgundy, empress of Germany, wife of Frederick I Barbarossa, 55, 87 Beatrice of Ath, wife of Arnoul of Hainaut, 32 n.127 Beatrice of Le Roeulx, wife of Walter of Lens, 32 Beatrice of Rumigny, wife of Goswin III of Mons, 33 Beatrice of Namur, countess of Rethel, wife of Gonthier, 37 and n.156, 38, 39 Beatrice of Mons, wife of Baldric of Roisin, 33 Beatrice of Rethel, queen of Sicily, wife of Roger III, 39 Beaufort (Kivinia) (Nord, Avesnes, Mauberge), 65–6, 95, 97, 165 Beaulieu (Oise), 99 Beaumetz (Somme, Doullens, Bernaville), 80 Beaumont (Hainaut), 8, 10, 33, 61 n.265, 95, 174 Beauquesne (Somme, Doullens), 51, 83, 99, 103, 105–6

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Beauvais, bishop of see Philip of Dreux Beauvaisis (Oise), 78, 79 Beauvoir (Oise, Clermont, Breteuil-sur-Noye), 51 Bechtheim, 158 Bellaing (Nord, Valenciennes, ValenciennesNord), 96 Berengaria of Navarre, queen of England, wife of Richard I Lionheart, 49 n.221 Berenger, Trunk of, 138 Bergues-S. Winnoc (Nord, Dunkerque), 91, 145 Berlaimont (Nord, Avesnes), 36 Bernard of Orbais, 34 Bernard of Rocha, 172 Bernard of Roucourt, 76, 147 Bernard of Saint-Valéry-sur-Somme, 80, 150 Bernard of Anhalt, duke of Saxony (Westphalia and Engern), 55 n.246, 87, 88 Berry, 135 n.459 Bertaimont (Hainaut), 175 Bertha of Bouchain, countess of Duras, wife of Otto, and wife of Gilles of Saint-Aubert, 36, 66 Bertha, queen of France, wife of Philip I, 27 Bertha of Gavre, wife of Eustace II the younger of Le Roeulx, 32, 42 Berthold, bishop of Metz, 88, 111, 117, 164 Berthold IV, duke of Zähringen, 38, 52, 88, 89, 154 Bertrade de Montfort, queen of France, wife of Philip I, formerly wife of Count Fulk IV of Anjou, 27 Bertilia, saint, xxxvi, 12 Bertringen (Luxembourg), 60 Besançon, 55 archbishop of see Thierry II of Montfaucon Béthisy (Oise, Senlis, Crépy), 86 Beveren-Waes (East Flanders), 162 Biesme lez-Fosse (‘Cologne’) (Namur), 121 Binche (Hainaut), 20, 95, 96, 111, 131 chapel at, 46 customs at, 171 fortification of, 43, 101 revenues at, 41, 172 Bingen, 90 Bitche, 85 Blangy, 76 Blaton (Hainaut), 95 Blicquy (Hainaut), 43 Bohain (Aisne, Saint-Quentin), 37 Bohemia, 88 Bohemond I of Taranto, ruler of Antioch, 28 Bolanden see Kirchheimbolanden Boniface of Enghien, 53, 64

203

Bonne-Espérance (Hainaut), 173 Borgo San Donnino (Italy), 141 Bosporus, 22, 25, 53 Bouchain (Nord, Valenciennes), 43, 61 n.265, 95, 102 Boucly see Tincourt-Boucly Bouchard of Guise, 45 Bouchard V of Montmorency, 42, 65, 67 Bouillon (Luxembourg), 8, 28, 111 Bourboug (Nord, Dunkerque), 91, 145 Boussu-lez-Mons (Hainaut), 16, 33 n.135, 100, 164 Bouvignes (Namur), 120–2, 128 Bouvignies (Hainaut), 16 Bover of Bermerain, 79 Boves (Somme, Amiens), 51, 99 treaty of, 100, 103 n.374 Braine-le-Château (Brabant), 9, 13, 15, 16 Braine-le-Comte (Hainaut), 80, 95, 131, 132 allods of Sainte-Waudru in, 9, 14, 43 fortification of, 101 revenues at, 16, 177, 178 tithe of, 172, 176, 177 Braisne-sur-Vesle (Aisne, Soissons), 67–8, 81 Bray-sur-Somme (Somme, Péronne), 51, 99 Bremen, archbishop of see Siegfried of Brandenburg Breteuil-sur-Noye (Oise, Clermont), 51, 77, 78, 100 Brie, 62 Brittany, 48, 49, 64 Brogne (Namur), 144, 172 Broqueroie (Hainaut), 11 Bruges (West Flanders), 91, 142, 144 Bruno II, archbishop of Cologne, 147 n.504 Bruno III, archbishop of Cologne, 147, 148, 152 Brunswick, 49 Bulgaria, 29, 128 Bulles (Oise, Clermont), 51, 99, 100 Burgundy, county of, 55, 88 Busigny (Nord, Cambrai, Clary), 36, 66, 95, 123 Bussy-le-Château (Marne, Châlons, Suippes), 62 Byzantium, 24 Calixtus II, pope, 124 n.31 Calixtus III, antipope, 72 n.297 Calmacus, 100 n.366 Camberc, 88 Cambrai (Nord), 12, 36, 66, 94, 102 bishops of, 15, 178 see also Alard, John of Antoing, Nicholas I, Nicholas II of Le Roeulx, Osbert, Peter of Flanders, Robert provost of Aire, Roger of Wavrin, Walter the scholast

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Canterbury, archbishop of see Thomas Becket Cappy (Somme, Péronne, Bray), 51 Capua (Italy), 39, 143 Carnières (Hainaut), 59, 96 Cassel (Nord), 91, 106, 145 battle of, 6 Castres (Brabant), 9, 13, 15, 16 Cateau-Cambrésis (Nord, Cambrai), 94, 99 Celestine III, pope, 136, 139, 151, 155, 167 Châlons-sur-Marne (Marne), 62 bishop of see Roger III Charbonnière Forest (Hainaut-Brabant), 95 Charles the Good, count of Flanders, 47 Charles of Fresnes, 46, 64, 80, 94, 116 Charles of Fresnes, son of Louis, 116 Chartres (Eure-et-Loire), 66 Châteaulieu see Mons Château-Porcien (Ardennes, Rethel), 36 Châteauroux (Indre), peace of, 108 Château-Thierry (Aisne), 105 Châtillon-sur-Marne (Marne, Reims), 73 Chauny-sur-l-Oise (Aisne, Laon), 51, 83, 99, 100 Chevigny (Luxembourg), 30 n.119 Chièvres (Hainaut), 33 n.136, 36, 43 Chimay (Hainaut), 33 n.136, 43–4, 97, 105 Choisy-au-Bac (Oise, Compiègne), 78, 90, 98, 99 as part of Vermandois inheritance, 51, 86, 100 Chosroës II Abharvez, king of Persia, 24–5 Chur, bishop of see Henry II Clarembaud of Atrives, 114, 117, 120, 124, 134 Clemence, countess of Flanders, wife of Robert II, 31 n.124 Clemence of Rozoy, wife of Gérard of Ophasselt, 33 Clemence of Rethel, wife of Hugh of Pierrepont, 39 Clemence of Zähringen, duchess of Saxony and Bavaria, wife of Henry the Lion, and of Humbert III of Savoy, 38–9 Clemence of Namur, duchess of Zähringen, wife of Conrad, 37, 38 Clermont (Auvergne), council of, 27–8 Clermont-lez-Nandrin (Liège), 130, 158 Cléry-sur-Somme (Somme, Péronne), 51 Clotild, queen of the Franks, wife of Clovis, 106 Clovis, king of the Franks, 106 Cluny, abbey of (Saône-et-Loire), 7, 27 Cologne, 55 n.246, 154 archbishops of see Adolph of Altena, Bruno II, Bruno III, Engelbert, Frederick II, Philip of Heinsberg communes, 70

Compiègne (Oise), 79, 90, 97, 98, 103 Condé-sur-l’Escaut (Nord, Valenciennes), 69, 98, 144 fortification of, 44–5, 97 prebend of Gilbert of Mons at, xxvii, 125 priests of, 177, 179 siege of, 67 Conon, count of Duras, 130–1 Conon of Larochette, 82 Conon of Minzenberg, 90, 111, 117, 126 Conon, count of Montaigu (Ardennes), 9, 11 Conon, lord of Nesle, count of Soissons, castellan of Bruges, 35, 71, 72 Conon of Ouren, 82 Conon of Ouren, son of Conon, 82 Conrad II, abbot of Fulda, 88 Conrad III, emperor of Germany, 29 n.111, 54 Conrad II, count of Luxembourg, 38 n.159 Conrad of Scheyern, archbishop of Mainz, 88, 156 n.526 as judge, 111, 117, 148 as witness, 126 conflict with Emperor Henry VI, 154 Conrad, marquis of Montferrat, king of Jerusalem, 110, 135 n.459 death of, 150 Conrad II, bishop of Regensburg, 88 Conrad of Hohenstaufen, count palatine of the Rhine, 103, 156 n.526 as judge, 111, 117 as witness, 126 at Imperial court at Mainz, 87, 88 Conrad II of Hüneburg, bishop of Strasbourg, 148 Conrad, duke of Swabia and Rotenburg, 55 Conrad II of Sternberg, bishop of Worms, 88, 126 Conrad, duke of Zähringen, 37 n.156, 38 n.165, 39 Conrad of Zähringen, son of Conrad and Clemence, 38 n.165 Constance, bishop of see Herman Constance, duchess of Brittany, wife of Geoffrey, 49 n.219 Constance of Castile, queen of France, wife of Louis VII, 49, 52 Constance, empress of Germany, wife of Henry VI, queen of Sicily, 39, 114, 123, 139 as prisoner of Tancred of Sicily, 143 birthing of, 167 release of, 167 succession to Sicily of, 134–5 Constantine the Great, emperor of Rome, 24 Constantinople, 3, 24–5, 29, 53 Corbie (Somme), 100 Cormicy (Marne, Reims, Bourgogne), 68

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Coucy-le-Château (Aisne, Laon), 40 Courtrai (West Flanders), 91, 142, 145 Couvin (Namur), 166 Covisans (Nord, Avesnes), 174 Crépy-en-Laonnais (Aisne, Laon), 101 Crépy-en-Valois (Oise, Senlis), 51, 78, 83 Crespin (Nord), 144, 173 Crèvecoeur-sur-l’Escaut (Nord, Cambrai, Marcoing), 70 cross, holy, 24–5 crusade, crusading, 66, 67 First, xxxvii, 27–8, 29–30 Second, 33 n.132, 54 Third, xxxiii, xxxvii, 70 n.293, 90 n.347, 110, 112–13, 128–9, 135–6, 149–50 Cuesmes (Hainaut), 10, 14, 16, 176, 182 Cyprus, 135 n.459, 136 Cyrus the Great, king of Persia, 23 Dalen, county of, 35 Dalhem (Liège), 155 Damascus, 54 Damison (Eve) of Chièvres, wife of Gilles of Chin, of Rasso III of Gavre, and of Nicholas III of Rumigny, 32, 33, 36, 42, 43 Dammartin-en-Goële (Seine-et-Marne, Meaux), 78 David, king of Israel, 23 Dechy (Nord, Douai, Douai-Sud), 76 Denain (Nord, Valenciennes), 61 Denis, saint, 106 Denmark, 47 Dentelin, saint, xxxvi–xxxvii, 13 Dinant (Namur), 111, 130, 158, 165 Dixmude (East Flanders), 91, 145 Dodewaard, county of, 35 Douai (Nord), 94 as dower of Mathilde of Portugal, countess of Flanders, 91, 145 claim of counts of Hainaut to, 21, 58, 100 fortification of, 99 dowers, xxxiv, 4, 33 n.135, 35, 39 n.171, 71 of Mathilde of Portugal, countess of Flanders, 91, 106, 142, 144–5, 149 dowries, xxxiv, 37, 38 n.164, 40 n.174, 49 n.220, 58, 10 n.367 of Elisabeth of Hainaut, queen of France, 74, 91 Driencourt (Seine-Inférieure, Neufchâtel), 53, 65 Drogo of Bousies, 32, 98 duels, 97, 106–7, 115–17, 123 Dura, 11 Duras (Limbourg), 130, 158 Durbuy (Luxembourg), 84, 120, 126, 132, 134, 138

205

Écaussines (Hainaut), 59, 95 échevins, 16 Écluse (Nord, Douai, Arleux), 91, 99, 145 Eleanor of England, queen of Castile, wife of Alphonso VIII, 49 and nn.218 and 220 Eleanor of Aquitaine, queen of France, wife of Louis VII, and queen of England, wife of Henry II, 48, 51, 54 n.243 Eleanor of Champagne, countess of Vermandois, wife of Raoul I, 50 n.223 Eleanor, countess of Vermandois, wife of Godfrey of Hainaut, of William IV of Nevers, of Matthew of Boulogne, and of Matthew of Beaumont, 40, 51, 91 n.351 inheritance of, 53, 83, 100–1, 151–2 marriages of, 50, 53 election, Imperial, 54–5 Elisabeth, duchess of Apulia/Sicily, wife of Roger, and of William of Perche-Gouet, 26 n.102 Elisabeth of Saint-Pol, wife of Walter of Châtillon, 40, 71 Elisabeth, countess of Flanders and Vermandois, wife of Philip, 34 n.138, 50 death of, 82 Elisabeth of Hainaut, queen of France, wife of Philip II Augustus, attempted annulment of marriage of, 85–8 betrothal to Henry II of Champagne of, 60, 72, 74 birth of, 59 death of, 134 dowry of, 74, 91 gives birth of Louis VIII, 109 marriage of, 52, 60 n.262, 74–5, 76 Elisabeth, wife of Wéry of Luxembourg, 82 Elisabeth of Namur, wife of Clarembaud of Rozoy-sur-Serre, 37, 38 Émerchicourt (Nord, Valenciennes, Bouchain), 76 Emicho, count of Leiningen, 111, 126 Engelbert I, count of Berg, 150 Engelbert, archbishop of Cologne, 147 n.504 Engelbert of Enghien, 53, 64, 145–6, 153, 159 Enghien (Hainaut), 53, 145, 153, 159 Enguerrand, father of Thomas of Marle, 31 n.121 Eremaud, bishop of Arras, 74 Erfurt, 124, 125, 134 Ermentrude, countess of Anjou, wife of Fulk V, 47 Ermesinde of Luxembourg, countess of Namur, wife of Godfrey, 37, 38, 57 Ermesinde, countess of Namur, Luxembourg and Bar-le-Duc, betrothed to Henry II of Champagne, 107, 108, 114, 140, 157 n.527

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206 birth of, 104 Ernold of Balham, 81 Esau, son of Isaac, 23 Estinnes-au-Mont (Hainaut), 46, 95, 179 Étréaupont-sur-Oise (Aisne, Laon, La Capelle), 71 Eusebius of Nicomedia, 24 n.86 Eustace III, count of Boulogne, 7, 27, 28 Eustace I the elder of Le Roeulx, 31, 43 and Jacques of Avesnes, 94, 98 as judge, 111, 116 as man of Baldwin V of Hainaut, 46, 64, 80, 84, 91, 118, 179 death of, 150 guarding Morlanwelz, 95 marriage of, 32 receives money-fief from Henry II of England, 63 Eustace II the younger of Le Roeulx, 32, 43 as man of Baldwin V of Hainaut, 64, 76, 79, 80, 84, 87, 91, 179 death of, 106 guarding Morlanwelz, 95 Eustace III of Le Roeulx, 32, 43 Eustace of Lens, 32, 79, 80, 116 Eustace of Neuville, 96 Eustachia of Saint-Pol, 40, 71 Évrard II Radou, castellan of Tournai, 32 and n.126, 34, 35 Évrard III Radou, castellan of Tournai, 35, 64, 79, 80, 106–7 excommunication, 27, 33 n.136, 71, 152, 158, 163 Falize, forest of (Nord, Avesnes), 174 Falvy (Somme, Péronne, Nesle), 71 Faverolles (Somme, Montdidier), 79 Fayt-le-Franc (Hainaut, Mons, Dour), 40 Feignies (Nord, Avesnes, Bavay), 35 fiefs, xxxvi, 130–1, 136, 137, 152 held from bishops of Liége, 9–10, 32 held from counts of Flanders, 51, 76, 107, 123, 145–6, 149, 163, 182 held from counts of Hainaut, 43–4, 46, 66, 69, 70, 76, 81, 94, 96, 97, 99, 105, 107, 120, 168, 170, 171 held from counts of Namur, 124, 133 held from dukes of Brabant/Louvain, 53, 153, 158 held from emperor of Germany, 4, 37, 42, 89, 107, 114, 123, 125–6, 132, 134, 138, 144, 145, 152, 169 held from king of England, 63, 65, 156 held from king of France, 48, 99, 101, 151 in Lotharingia, 8, 28 money, xxxvi, 63, 65, 96, 137, 156

INDEX

Flanders, county of, xxxiii, xxxvi, xxxvii, 5 Flandrine of Namur, wife of Hugh of Espinoy, 37, 38 Floreffe, abbey of (Namur), 121–2, 128, 133 Florennes (Namur), 33 Florent of Hangest, 150 fodder, right to, 10, 15, 18, 78, 171, 178 Fontevrault, abbey of (Maine-et-Loire), 26 n.102, 53 Forest (Nord, Avesnes, Landrecies), 73, 96 Forest of Mortality, 11 Fossé, 74 Fosse (Namur), 9, 166 Four Offices (Flanders), 145 Frameries (Hainaut), 9, 13, 14, 15, 16 Franchinmont (Liège), 165 Franconia, 88 Frankfurt-am-Main, 54, 123 Frederick, duke of Bohemia, 87, 88 Frederick II, archbishop of Cologne, 147 n.504 Frederick I Barbarossa, emperor of Germany, duke of Swabia, xxxv, 58, 66, 121 and papal schism, 71–2 and Philip II Augustus, 110 and succession of Namur, 84–5, 87, 89, 107, 109, 111, 114, 123–5 as crusader, 90 n.347, 113, 128–9, 150 as suzerain of Hainaut, xxxv, 180–1 conflict with Henry the Lion, 39, 49, 55 court at Mainz of, 87–90 death of, xxxvii, 129, 150 election of, 54–5 Frederick of Hausen, 111, 125, 126, 150 Frederick of Kahler, 82 Frederick of Sponheim, clerk, 85 Frederick, duke of Swabia, 54, 55, 85 as crusader, 113, 128–9, 150 death of, 150 knighting of, 88 Frederick of Vianden, 161–2 Froidchapelle (Hainaut), 174 Fulda, abbot of, 148 Fulk IV le Réchin, count of Anjou, 27 Fulk V, count of Anjou, (as Fulk I) king of Jerusalem, 47–8 Fulk, son of Fulk V of Anjou see Baldwin III, king of Jerusalem Fulk of Fontaine, 79, 150, 180 Fulk the elder of Sémeries, 80, 116 Furnes (West Flanders), 91, 145 garrison service, 33, 94 at Mons, 22, 33, 43, 81, 93–4 Gascony, 52, 84, 108 Gautier (John) of Ath, peer of Mons, 32 Gay (Nord), 95

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Gembloux (Namur), 102 Geoffrey le Bel Plantagenet, count of Anjou, 48 Geoffrey, son of Geoffrey le Bel Plantagenet of Anjou, 48 n.211 Geoffrey of Balham, 34, 80, 81, 92, 122 Geoffrey, duke of Brittany, 48–9, 64, 108 Geoffrey of Tosny, clerk, 34–5, 70 Geoffrey Tuelasne, 56, 57, 64, 180 Geoffrey of Vienne, 92 Gerald of Hon, 116 Gérard, cardinal and papal legate, 20–1 Gérard, clerk, 20 Gérard II of Picquigny, vidame of Amiens, 150 Gérard of Bierbeek, 180 Gérard of Bruyelle, 64 Gérard Makerellus (‘the Sorcerer’) of Denain, 34 n.138, 80, 116 Gérard of Hainaut, count of Dodewaard and Dalen, 31, 34, 35 Gérard, provost of Douai, 76 Gérard of Geri, 96 Gérard III, count of Gueldre, 52 Gérard of Hainaut, natural son of Baldwin IV, 64, 72, 180 Gérard of Jauche, 34 Gérard, count of Juliers, 161 Gérard of La Hamaide, 94, 116, 147 Gérard of Landas, 64 Gérard of Messines, provost of Lille, seal keeper of Flanders, 87 Gérard, count of Looz, 130–1, 134 and Henry I of Brabant/Louvain, 138, 158, 159–60 as judge, 111 marked with Cross, 113 Gérard of Monchecourt, 79, 80 Gérard of Ophasselt, 33 Gérard of Saint-Aubert, 36, 67, 80, 171–2 and duel with Robert of Beaurain, 115–16 marked with Cross, 66 Gérard of Sottegem, 59 Gérard, count of Vienne-sur-le-Rhône, 88 Gérard III, count of Wassenberg-Gueldre, 31, 34 Gérard of Wattripont, 64, 79, 80, 116 Gerberoy (Oise, Beauvais, Songeons), 83 Gerbod of Oosterzele, earl of Chester, 6–7 Gertrude of Flanders, wife of Humbert III of Maurienne-Savoie, and of Hugh III of Oisy, nun at Messines, 53, 70 Gertrude, wife of Matthew II of Montmorency, 42 n.185 Gertrude of Liège, wife of Raoul II of Nesle, and of Évrard III Radou of Tournai, 35 Gertrude of Nivelles, saint, 160 Gertrude of Hainaut, wife of Roger of Tosny, 32, 34, 42

207

Ghent (East Flanders), 136 and control of Baldwin V of Hainaut, 142, 144, 145, 146, 159 as dower of Mathilde of Portugal, countess of Flanders, 91 Ghislain, castellan of Beaumont, 80, 116, 147, 174 Ghislengien (Hainaut), 97 Gilbert of Audenarde, 35 Gilbert of Mons, 118, 126 as chancellor of Baldwin V of Hainaut, xxvii, xxxiii, 89 as chronicler, xxxiv–xxxvi, 181 as envoy, xxxiii, xxxv, 107, 109, 123–5, 132, 137–9, 141–3, 145, 147 as judge, xxvii, 111 biography of, xxvii–xxviii charters by, xxviii ecclesiastical benefices of, xxvii, xxviii, xxxiii, 125, 181–2 Gilles of Aulnois, 57, 180 as butler of Hainaut, 62 Gilles of Bermerain, 79, 116 Gilles of Busigny, 95 Gilles of Chimay, 34, 64, 80, 94, 105 marriage of, 38 Gilles of Chin, 32 n.129, 42, 46 kills lion, 36 Gilles of Cons la Granville, 33 Gilles, count of Duras, 119, 126 Gilles of Fresnes, 64, 180 Gilles of Mainvault, 116 Gilles of Ouren, son of Conon, 82 Gilles I of Saint-Aubert, 64, 172 as chamberlain of Hainaut, 36 as steward of Hainaut, 36, 62, 67 death of, 67 marked with Cross, 66–7 Gilles II of Saint-Aubert (of Berlaimont), 36–7, 60, 66 Gilles of Trazignies, 43 Gisors (Eure), 105, 155 conference at, 113, 122 n.420 treaty of, 75 n.308 Godfrey of Aquileia, 143 Godfrey II, lord of Bouchain, castellan of Valenciennes, count of Mons, 36 Godfrey of Bouchain, son of Godfrey II and Yolende, 36 Godfrey of Bouillon, duke of Lower Lotharingia, defender of Holy Sepulchre, 7–8, 27, 28 Godfrey I, duke of Brabant/Louvain, 36, 47 n.207 Godfrey II, duke of Brabant/Louvain, 29 n.111

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Godfrey III, duke of Brabant/Louvain, 53, 104, 123 as crusader, 81–2 at tournaments, 59 conflict with Namur and Hainaut, 58, 91–104, 106, 117, 121, 124–5, 180 death of, 135 Godfrey of Esch, 82, 87 Godfrey of Hainaut, 40, 50 Godfrey, natural son of Baldwin V of Hainaut, 171 n.566, 182 Godfrey I the Bearded, duke of Lotharingia, 7, 29 Godfrey the Hunchback, duke of Lotharingia, 7 and n.21, 9, 11 Godfrey, count of Namur, 36, 37, 38 Godfrey of Orbais, 114 Godfrey of Sponheim, clerk, 85 Godfrey of Thuin, 116 Godfrey, bishop of Würzburg, chancellor of Imperial court, 89 Godshalk of Morialmé, 120, 128 Goegnies-chaussée (Hainaut), 176 Gonthier, count of Rethel, 37 n.156 Goscelin of Antoing, 96 Gosselies (Hainaut), 40, 46 n.201 Goswin of Avesnes, 22 Goswin of Enghien, 53, 64, 80, 81, 116 Goswin II of Fauquemont and Heinsberg, 94 Goswin of Henripont, 147 Goswin III, of Mons, 33, 46 Goswin of Mons, son of Goswin III, 33, 34 Goswin, provost of Soignies, 116 Goswin of Thulin, as envoy, 109, 124 as judge, 116 as man of Baldwin V of Hainaut, 84, 91, 118, 126, 179 Goswin of Wavrin, 32, 98, 180 Gothelon, duke of Lotharingia, 7 Gournay-sur-Aronde (Oise, Compiègne, Ressons), 57 Gouy-les-Groseilliers (Oise, Clermont, Breteuil-sur-Noye), 51 Grammont (East Flanders), 94, 97, 100, 153 as inheritance of Countess Marguerite of Hainaut, 91, 142, 145 fortification of, 99 order of, 86 Grandrieu (Hainaut), 174 Greece, 22, 25, 29 Gregory VIII, pope, 110 Guise (Aisne, Vervins), 45, 51, 67, 69, 94 Guy of Châtillon, 150 Guy of Chéry, 34, 92 Guy of Fontaine, 79, 150, 180 Guy of Herlincourt, 150

Guy of Lusignan, king of Jerusalem, count of Jaffa-Ascalon, lord of Cyprus, 109, 135 n.459 Guy, count of Nevers, 47 n.205, 63 Guy of Séry, 80, 81, 122 Hadrian (Publius Aelius), emperor of Rome, 24 Hagenau, 84, 85, 128, 147 Hainaut, county of, xxxv–xxxvii, 4, 12 Haine, river, 11, 100 Haine-Saint-Pierre (Hainaut), 132 Hal (Brabant), 92, 162 as property of Sainte-Waudru, 9, 13, 15, 16 Hall (Swabia), 137, 139 Halloy (Namur), 165 Ham (Somme, Péronne), 51 Hamme-Mille (Brabant), 16 Hangest-en-Santerre (Somme, Montdidier, Moreuil), 51, 99, 100 Hasnon, monastery of (Nord, Valenciennes, Saint-Amand), 4–5 Haspres (Nord, Valenciennes, Bouchain), 107 Hasquemont (Brabant), 145 Hattin, battle of, 109 Haussy-sur-la-Selle (Nord, Cambrai, Solesmes), 94 Hautecroix (Brabant), 133 Hautmont (Nord), 11, 13, 144, 172 Havay (Hainaut), 176 Havré, forest of (Hainaut), 172 Havrincourt (Pas-de-Calais, Arras, Berlincourt), 152 Helbran of Falkenstein, 82 Helena Augusta, mother of Constantine the Great, 24 Hellin of Maisnil, 150 Hellin of Ville, 165 Hellin of Wavrin, 65 as steward of Flanders, 78, 92 death of, 150 Helluin of La Tour, 79, 180 Henry, bishop of Albano, cardinal and papal legate, 110, 112–13 Henry of Arloncourt, 82 Henry I, count of Bar-le-Duc, 73, 76, 150, 180 Henry I, duke of Brabant/Louvain, 123 and Alost, 146 and conflict with Baldwin V of Hainaut, xxxvii, 80, 94–8, 131–3, 138–9, 161–2, 180 concerning castle of Enghien, 53, 145–6,159 concerning Lembecq, 81–2, 91–3, 124 concerning Namur, 58–9, 102

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concerning succession to Flanders, 142–3, 145–6, 159–60, 181 and contested bishopric of Liège, 141, 148, 151, 155–6, 157, 158, 165 and counts of Duras, 130–1 as ally of Baldwin V of Hainaut, 168–9 as ally of Philip of Flanders, 78–9 as crusader, 112 controls Boulogne, 137, 142–3 makes peace with Baldwin V of Hainaut, 126–8, 133, 136, 153, 160, 162, 168 receives money-fief from Richard I Lionheart, 156 Henry, bishop of Basel, 88 Henry, castellan of Binche, 80, 116, 150, 173 Henry the elder of Braine-le-Comte, 43, 46, 63 Henry, duke of Burgundy, falso for Hugh III of Burgundy Henry I the Liberal, count of Champagne, 26, 52, 68 arranges marriage of children, 60, 72, 74 death of, 76 marriage of, 51 Henry II, count of Champagne, king of Jerusalem, 127 as ally of Philip II Augustus, 122, 124 as crusader, 139–40, 150 attempts to succeed to Namur, 107–9, 111, 118, 124, 157 n.527 betrothal to Elisabeth of Hainaut, 60, 72, 76 betrothal to Ermesinde of Namur, 107–8, 114, 157 n.527 betrothal to Yolende of Hainaut, 76, 104–5, 107 conflict with Baldwin V of Hainaut, 82, 118, 121–4, 131–3 death of, 150 Henry II, bishop of Chur, 88 Henry of Hainaut, emperor of Constantinople, 94, 97, 123, 170, 181 knighting of, 160 Henry of Cuyk, 138 Henry, count of Dietz, 90, 111, 150 Henry, count of Dodewaard and Dalen, 35 Henry I, king of England, duke of Normandy, 26–7, 31 n.122, 47 n.207, 48 Henry II, king of England, count of Anjou, duke of Normandy, duke of Aquitaine, xxxvi, 48, 49 and Alix of France, 49 n.220 as mediator, 83 assigns properties to sons, 48, 63–4 conflict with sons, 63–4, 65, 84 death of, 49, 135 gives money-fiefs to men of Hainaut, 63

209

marked with Cross, 113 wars with France, 50, 53, 65, 108, 118 Henry ‘the young king’ of England, son of Henry II, 65, 78, 83 conflict with brother Richard, 84 conflict with Henry II, 63–4, 65, 84 crowned as ‘young king’, 48, 63 death of, 84 marriage, 49 Henry of Esch, 82 Henry of Falkenstein, 82 Henry I, king of France, 4, 6 Henry IV, emperor of Germany, 9 Henry V, emperor of Germany, 29 n.111 Henry VI, emperor of Germany, king of Sicily, xxxv, 55, 87, 116–17 and contested bishopric of Cambrai, 140, 143, 147 and contested bishopric of Liège, 141, 143, 147–9, 151, 153, 155–8, 169 and Philip II Augustus, 90, 103 as mediator, 126–7, 134, 153, 160 conflict with Baldwin V of Hainaut, 103–4, 121 conflict with Roger of Warcoing, 157–8 crowned as emperor, 113 and n.404, 136, 139 death of, xxviii favours Baldwin V of Hainaut, 85, 89, 111, 113–14, 123–6, 136–9, 145–6, 152, 160, 169 imprisons Richard I of England, 156 knighting of, 88 marriage of, 39 succession to Sicily, 135, 167 Henry II the Devourer, count of Grandpré, 38 Henry III, count of Grandpré, 41 Henry, count of Gueldre, 58 Henry of Hainaut, son of Baldwin II, 21 n.68 Henry of Hierges, advocate of Hesbaye and Scheldewindeke, 33 Henry of Laroche, 45 Henry of Lautern, Imperial marshal, 117 Henry of Verdun, bishop of Liège, 8 Henry I, count of Limbourg, duke of Lower Lotharingia, 28–9 and n.111, 31 Henry II, duke of Limbourg, 41 Henry II, duke of Limbourg, 64, 103, 130–1, 158 and bishopric of Liège, 141, 148, 151, 165 conflict with Baldwin V of Hainaut, 161–3, 168–9, 180 conflict with Henry I of Brabant, 168–9 marked with Cross, 113 receives money-fief from Richard I Lionheart, 156

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Henry, son of Henry III of Limbourg, 113, 161–2 Henry II, count of Louvain, 9, 11, 21 n.66 Henry of Merlemont, 114, 124 Henry, son of Baldwin castellan of Mons, 168 Henry the Blind, count of Namur and Luxembourg, lord of Laroche and Durbuy, 39, 69, 133 and Henry II of Champagne, 106, 108–9 blindness, 82 conflict with Baldwin V of Hainaut, xxxiv, 117–22, 126–8, 161–2, 180 designates counts of Hainaut as heirs, 37, 41, 82, 114 designates Henry II of Champagne as heir, 107, 108 inheritances of, 37–8, 45 makes peace with Baldwin V of Hainaut, 114, 134 marriage to Agnes of Gueldre, 57–8, 104 marriage to Laureta of Flanders, 41 receives assistance from Baldwin V of Hainaut, xxxvii, 60, 64 wars with Brabant/Louvain, 58, 82, 102, 180 Henry, archbishop of Reims, 68 Henry of Rethel, castellan of Vitry, 39 Henry the Lion, duke of Saxony and Bavaria, 38–9, 49, 55 Henry the Young of Saxony, son of Henry the Lion, 49, 154, 168 Henry of Sebourg, 40, 55, 87, 173 Henry, count of Sponheim, 85, 117 Henry, bishop of Strasbourg, 88 Henry of Blieskastel, bishop of Verdun, 88 Henry III of Berg, bishop of Würzburg, 148 Heppignies (Hainaut), treaty of, 41–2 Heraclius, emperor of Byzantium, 24–5 Herbatte (Namur), 134 Hérinnes, 9, 13, 14, 15, 16 Herman, bishop of Constance, 88 Herman, abbot of Floreffe, 121 Hermann, count of Hainaut, 3–4 Hermann of Katzenellnbogen, bishop of Münster, 88, 148, 164 Hermann of Neumagen, 82 Hervé of Donzy, 157 n.527 Hesbaye, 12, 95, 154 Hesdin sur la Canche (Pas-de-Calais, Montreuil), 74 Hessel of Bertringen, advocate of Luxembourg, 82 Hidulph, saint, xxxvi, 14 Hildesheim, bishop of see Adelog Hoel of Quiévrain, 174–5 as judge, 116

as man of Baldwin IV of Hainaut, 46 as man of Baldwin V of Hainaut, 64, 80, 179 Hoesnaken (Brabant), 80, 95, 101 Hofstade (East Flanders), 16 Hornbach, 84 Horue (Hainaut), 176 hospitality, right of, 15, 18, 63, 171, 178 Hospitallers (Knights of St John), 86, 128, 168 Hugh of Antoing, 96, 116, 118, 180 Hugh of Arbre, 150 Hugh of Aunoit, 180 Hugh III (falso Henry), duke of Burgundy, 63 n.269, 76 and n.311, 180 and house of Champagne, 104, 111 at tournaments, 63 attempts to cause annulment of Queen Elisabeth’s marriage, 85 death of, 150 Hugh of Croix, as judge, 111, 116 as man of Baldwin V of Hainaut, 64, 78, 79, 80, 84, 87, 91, 118, 126, 180 Hugh of Donchery, 34 and n.139 Hugh of Enghien, 53 Hugh of Espinoy and Antoing, 34 Hugh I of Florennes, 33 Hugh of Pierrepont, bishop of Liège, 39 Hugh III of Oisy, 53, 70, 78, 80, 116 Hugh of Pierrepont, 70–1 Hugh, archdeacon of Pierrepont, 158–9, 163 Hugh of Roeulx, 80, 116, 124 Hugh of Rumigny, 31 and n.123, 80 Hugh, abbot of Saint-Ghislain, 170, 171 Hugh IV, count of Saint-Pol, 40, 71, 80 Hugh, count of Ullenburg, 38 Hugh the Great, count of Vermandois, 28, 30 Hugh of Worms, 126 Humbert III of Maurienne/Savoie, 39 n.166, 53, 70 Hunfrid of Falkenstein, 126 Hungary, 29, 128 Huns, 4, 13 Huy (Liège), 164, 165–6, 182 Hyon (Hainaut), 172 Ibert of Ais, 114 Ida, saint, countess of Boulogne, wife of Eustace II, 7–8 Ida, countess of Boulogne, wife of Gérard III of Gueldre, of Berthold IV of Zähringen, and of Renaud of Dammartin-en-Goële, 52, 137, 142 Ida of Chièvres, 31 n.123 Ida of Marle, wife of Alard of Chimay, and of Bernard of Orbais, 34

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Ida of Mons, wife of Sohier of Enghien, of Régnier of Jauche, and of Baldwin Caron, 33, 34, 94, 99 Ida, countess of Hainaut, wife of Baldwin II, 21, 30 Ida of Lens, 32 Ida of Hainaut, wife of Thomas of Marle, 21 n.68, 31, 34 Ida of Avesnes, countess of Saint-Pol, wife of Ingelran, and of William IV, castellan of Saint-Omer, 45 Ihy (Hainaut), 176 Imaine of Looz, countess of Brabant/Louvain, wife of Godfrey III, 135 Ingelheim, 85, 88, 114 Ingelran of Orbais, 34 Ingelran, count of Saint-Pol, 45 n.196 Isaac of Barbençon, 34 Isaac II Angelus, emperor of Byzantium, 128–9 Isaac, castellan of Mons, 46 Isabeau, wife of Ivo II of Soissons, 40 n.174 Isabella, queen of Jerusalem, 110 n.395, 157 n.527 Isabelle of Roucy, wife of Henry III of Grandpré, 41 n.179 Isidore of Seville, author, 23 Issoudun (Indre), 47, 108 Ivo of Orcq, 150 Ivo II the elder, count of Soissons, lord of Nesle, 40, 51, 71 Ivo of Thumaide, 150 Ivoy (Ardennes), 110 Ivry, treaty of, 75 n.308 Iwan of Alost (Ghent), 41 Iwan of Valenciennes, 150 Iwan of Wattripont, 46 Iwuy (Nord, Cambrai, Cambrai-Est), 173 Jacob, son of Isaac, 23 Jacques of Avesnes, 86 and county of Laroche, 84 as ally of Baldwin V of Hainaut, 60, 64, 71, 80, 92–3 as crusader, 110, 150 conflict with Baldwin V of Hainaut, xxxvi–xxxvii, 45, 65–6, 68–9, 82, 93–4, 97–102, 106, 152, 180 conflict with Philip of Flanders, 67, 69 conflict with Robert, bishop of Cambrai, 66–7 death, 150 receives money-fief from Henry II of England, 63 Jemappes (Hainaut), 9, 13, 14, 15, 16 Jerome, saint, xxxiv, 22

211

Jerusalem, 3, 48, 70, 136 capture by Muslims, 25, 27, 109–10 history of, xxxiv, 22–5 Jesus Christ, 7, 24 Jews, 75 Joan of England, queen of Sicily, wife of William II, countess of Toulouse, wife of Raymond VI, 48 n.219 Jodoigne (Brabant), 130 John of Burscheid, 82 John of Antoing, bishop-elect and archdeacon of Cambrai, dean of Arras, 140, 147, 152, 163, 164 John, monk of Clairvaux, 106 John Cornutus, as judge, 111, 116 as man of Baldwin V of Hainaut, 79, 80, 84, 91, 118, 126, 180 death of, 133 valour of, 122 John of Cysoing, 106–7 John ‘Lackland’, king of England (count of Mortain), xxviii, 49, 74 n.304, 108, 155 John of Golzinne, 114 John of Housset, 150 John Hyrcanus, Pharisee, 24 n.82, 72 John of Luxembourg, 82 John of Monchecourt, 64, 180 John, peer of Mons, 32 John, lord of Nesle, castellan of Bruges, 35, 80 John of Orcq, 94, 150 John I, count of Ponthieu, 150 John, archbishop of Trier, archdeacon and provost of Saint-Germain (Speyer), Imperial chancellor, 111, 126, 148, 163, 164 John I, count of Vendôme, 150 Jonathan, brother of Judas Maccabee, 23 Josephus, Roman historian, xxxiv, 23 Judas Maccabee, 23 Judith (Jutta) of Hainaut, countess of Limbourg, wife of Waleran II Payen, 31 and n.125 Juliana of Rumigny, wife of Renaud of Rozoy, 33, 38 justice see also duels, 4, 22, 28, 51, 110–11 of Baldwin V of Hainaut, 56, 61–2, 114, 117, 134, 146, 158 of Henry II of England, 50 Kaiserwerth, 127 Kamberg, 89 n.344 Kempton, 89 n.344 Kirchberg, 85 Kivinia see Beaufort knighting, 42, 50, 55–6, 88, 109, 129, 160, 168

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Knights of St John see Hospitallers Koblenz, 87, 126 Komburg, 89 n.344 La Fère (Aisne, Laon), 40, 71 La Ferté-Milon (Aisne, Château-Thierry, Neuilly-Saint-Front), 51 La Grange-Saint-Arnoul (Oise), 83 La Longueville (Nord), 33 n.136 La Neuville-Roy (Oise, Clermont, Saint-Just), 79 Lallaing (Nord, Douai, Douai-Nord), 95 Lambekin of Reninghe, 94 Lambert, servant of Count Philip of Flanders, 98 Lambert II, count of Louvain, 21, 29 and n.111 Lambert, abbot of Saint-Ghislain, 107 Landrecies (Nord, Avesnes), 44, 69, 94 Landric, saint, xxxvi, 13 Laon (Aisne), 70, 98 bishops of see Barthélemy, Roger of Rozoy, Walter of Mortagne, Walter II of Mortagne Laroche, county of, 84, 126, 132, 134, 138 Lassigny (Oise, Compiègne), 51, 99, 100 Laurence, saint, 106 Laureta of Flanders, wife of Iwan of Alost, of Henry I of Limbourg, of Raoul I of Vermandois, and of Henry I the Blind of Namur, 41, 47, 50 n.223 Laureta of Hainaut, wife of Thierry of Alost, and of Bouchard V of Montmorency, 40, 41, 42, 55, 65 Le Quesnoy (Nord, Avesnes), 35, 94, 95, 162, 163, 164 chapel at, 46 customs at, 171 fortification of, 43, 61 n.265 Le Roeulx (Nord, Valenciennes, Bouchain), 32, 33 n.136, 76, 95 Le Thour (Ardennes), 34 and n.139 Le Tronquoy, 46 Lembecq (Brabant), 81–2, 91–3, 101, 102, 104, 133 Lens (Hainaut), 33 n.136 Leopold V, duke of Austria, 87, 88, 156 and n.526 Lesquielles-S.-Germain (Aisne), 45, 51, 67, 69 Leuze (Hainaut), 69, 94 Lewarde of Saint-Remy (Nord, Douai), 92, 95, 97, 106 Libert of Elsée, 180 Liège, xxxvi, 38, 87, 103, 126, 154, 165 bishops of see Albert of Cuyk, Albert of Louvain, Albert of Rethel, Henry of

Verdun, Hugh of Pierrepont, Lothar of Hochstaden, Otto, Raoul of Zähringen, Simon of Limbourg, Théoduin Henry of Albano at, 112–13 see of, 9, 28, 32, 63, 117, 164 Liernu (Namur), 127, 153 Lille (Nord), 59, 70, 91, 145 Lillers (Pas-de-Calais, Béthune), 47 Limbourg, duchy of, 29 Liutgarde of Luxembourg, countess of Grandpré, wife of Henry II, 37–8 Liutpold of Rötelen, bishop of Basel, 148 Lizy-sur-l’Ourcq (Seine-et-Marne, Meaux), 62 Lobbes (Hainaut), 14, 172 London, 135 Lorsch, abbot of, 88, 148 Lothar, emperor of Germany, 29 n.111 Lothar of Hochstaden, bishop of Liège, provost of Bonn, 148, 151, 153–4, 158 death of, 159 excommunication of, 152, 155 Lotharingia, duchy of, 9, 28 Louis I (falso Otto), duke of Bavaria, 89 n.344 Louis III, count of Chiny, 110 Louis IV, count of Chiny, 45 n.197 Louis VI, king of France, 31 n.124 Louis VII, king of France, 41, 49, 63, 180 and consecration and marriage of Philip II Augustus, 73–4 and papal schism, 72 as crusader, 54 death of, 75 conflict with Bishop Roger of Laon, 68, 70–1, 73–4 marriages of, 48, 51–2, 60 wars with Henry II of England, 50, 53, 64, 65 Louis VIII, king of France, 109, 142, 145, 149 Louis of Fresnes, 46, 56, 67, 94 Louis of Hainaut, son of Baldwin II, 21 n.68 Louis of Sponheim, 85 Louis III, landgrave of Thuringia, 87, 88, 150 Louvain (Brabant), 112, 138 Lovel of Châtillon, 150 Lucius III, pope, 91 n.351 Ludemar of Vienne, 92 Luxembourg, castle of, 60 county of, 84, 85, 90, 114, 132 nobles of, 37, 87 Macquigny-sur-l’Oise (Aisne, Vervins, Guise), 77 Madelberte, saint, xxxvi, 13 Madelgaire (Vincent, saint), xxxvi, 13 Maestricht, 56, 57–8, 127, 153, 158, 165 Maffle, 16

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Magdeburg, archbishop of see Wichmann Mainz, 39, 124 archbishop of see Conrad of Scheyern Imperial court at, xxxv, 85, 87–90, 107, 113 Male (Bruges) (West Flanders), 163 Malines (Anvers), 182 Manasses III, count of Rethel, 39, 180 as man of Baldwin V of Hainaut, 80, 81, 92 as man of Henry II of Champagne, 107, 122 Marchais (Aisne, Laon, Sissonne), 51 Marchipont (Hainaut), 61 Marguerite of Limbourg, countess of Brabant/Louvain, wife of Godfrey III, 58, 135 Marguerite of Blois, countess of Burgundy, wife of Otto II, formerly wife of Hugh III of Oisy, 152 Marguerite of France, wife of Henry ‘the young king’ of England, 49 and n.220, 52 n.233, 63, 105 n.381 Marguerite, nun at Fontevrault, 27 n.102 Marguerite of Flanders, countess of Hainaut and Flanders, wife of Baldwin V, 81, 123, 136, 139, 171, 176 anniversary of, 172–4 as regent, 65–6 birthing of, 59–60, 95 burial of, 163, 165 death of, 144, 164 illness of, 160, 163 inheritance of Flanders by, 3, 70, 74, 91, 142, 144–6, 151 marriage of, 53, 58 pilgrimage of, 84 Marie, countess of Boulogne, wife of Matthew, abbess of Romsey, 52–3 Marie of Champagne, duchess of Burgundy, wife of Odo II, 26, 52 Marie of France, countess of Champagne, wife of Henry I the Liberal, 51, 60, 91 n.351, 105 n.381, 118 arranges marriages of children, 76, 104–5 birthing of, 72 Marie of Champagne, countess of Hainaut and Flanders, wife of Baldwin VI (IX), 182 betrothal and marriage of, 60, 72, 76, 105 Marie, wife of Eustace the elder of Le Roeulx, 32 Marie of Lens, 32 Marlagne, forest of (Namur), 118 Marle (Aisne, Laon), 40, 51 Martel, 84 Mathilde of Carinthia, countess of Blois, wife of Thibaut IV, 26 n.96

213

Mathilde of Boulogne, countess of Brabant/Louvain, wife of Henry I, 52, 79, 137 n.467, 182 Mathilde (Thérèse, Beatrice) of Portugal (called ‘queen’), countess of Flanders, wife of Philip, countess of Burgundy, wife of Odo II, 136, 159 conflict with Baldwin V of Hainaut, 142, 144–5, 149, 181 marriage to Philip of Flanders, 91, 106 Mathilde of Flanders, nun at Fontevrault, 53 Mathilde of Burgundy, wife of Odo of Issoudun, of Guy of Nevers, of Robert II of Dreux, and of Peter of Flanders, 46, 66 Mathilde of Mons, wife of Walter of Ligne, and of Walter of Fontaine, 33 Mathilde, countess of Nevers, 157 Mathilde of Champagne, countess of Perche, wife of Rotrou III, 26, 52 Mathilde of Avesnes, wife of Nicholas IV of Rumigny, and of Louis IV of Chiny, 45 Mathilde of Berlaimont (chamberlain of Hainaut), wife of Gilles of Saint-Aubert, 36, 66 Mathilde of Béthune, wife of Évrard III Radou of Tournai, 35 Mathilde of Laroche, wife of Thierry of Walcourt, and of Nicholas of Avesnes, 45 Matilda, queen of England, wife of William I the Conqueror, 25–6 Matilda, queen of England, countess of Boulogne, wife of Stephen, 27 Matilda of England, empress of Germany, wife of Henry V, countess of Anjou, wife of Geoffrey le Bel Plantangenet, 48 n.211 Matilda of England, duchess of Saxony, wife of Henry the Lion, 48 and n.219 Matthew, saint, 24 Matthew of Ajello, vice-chancellor of Sicily, 135 n.456 Matthew of Arbre, 150 Matthew III, count of Beaumont-sur-Oise, grand chamberlain of France, 50, 53, 71 Matthew of Flanders, count of Boulogne, 47 n.205, 58, 156 death of, 53, 65, 70 marriages of, 50, 52–3 Matthew II of Montmorency, 42, 65 Matthew of Reckingen, 82 Matthew of Walincourt, 64, 80, 150 Mauberge (Sainte-Aldegonde), abbey of (Nord, Avesnes), 31, 66, 95, 96, 156 foundation of, 13 grants and privileges of, 144, 174 priests of, 179 Meaux (Seine-et-Marne), 73

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214 Melchizedek, king of Salem, 22–3 Mélisende, queen of Jerusalem, 48 and n.209 Mélisende of Crécy, wife of Thomas of Marle, 31 n.121 Menis of Useldingen, 82 mercenaries, 9, 10, 59, 93, 96, 98 Merlemont (Namur), 128, 133 Meslin-l’Évêque (Hainaut), 67 Messina (Sicily), 135 n.459 Metz, 60, 103 bishop of see Berthold Milly (Oise, Beauvais, Marseille-le-Petit), 51, 99, 100 miracles, xxxvi, 14, 19–20 Mirwart (Luxembourg), 8 Momignies (Hainaut), 105 Monceau-Saint-Vaast (Nord, Avesnes, Berlaimont), 95, 97 Moncel (Hainaut), 95, 96 Mons (Châteaulieu) (Hainaut), 15–16, 19–20, 41, 61 n.265, 96, 160 as capital of Hainaut, 3, 14 castle and garrison service of, 22, 33, 43, 93–5, 101, 106 church of, 4, 9–10, 11, 16, 34, 35, 43, 46, 144, 176, 178–9, 182 customs of, 60–1, 171 Mont-Saint-Guibert (Brabant), 102 Montbard, 63 Montbliart (Hainaut), 174 Montdidier (Somme), 51, 78, 79, 99, 100 Montignies lez-Lens (Hainaut), 4 Montlhéry (Seine-et-Oise, Corbeil, Arpajon), 106 Montreuil-sur-Mer (Pas-de-Calais), 100 Moreuil (Somme, Montdidier), 51, 100 Morienval (Oise, Senlis, Crépy), 51 Morlanwelz (Hainaut), 32, 95 Morteruels (Nord), 46 mortmain, 46 Mouzon (Ardennes), 110 Münster, bishop of see Hermann of Katzenellnbogen Namur, xxxiii, xxxvi, 87, 131, 132, 134, 138 siege of castle of, 119–21, 128 town of, 113 Naples (Italy), 143 Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon, 23 Nesle (Somme, Péronne), 51, 71 New Land, 49 Nicholas of Avesnes, 44–5 Nicholas of Barbençon, 171 and war in Namur, 118, 120 as judge, 111, 116

INDEX

as man of Baldwin V of Hainaut, 34, 64, 79, 80, 84, 87, 91, 94, 126, 170, 179 marriage of, 36 Nicholas of Bettingen, 82 Nicholas of Boulaere, 32, 98 Nicholas I, bishop of Cambrai, 33, 46 Nicholas II of Le Roeulx, bishop and archdeacon of Cambrai, 32, 116 Nicholas of Caudry, 99, 116 Nicholas of Mainvault, 116 Nicholas the Monk, 79, 84, 87, 180 Nicholas of Péruwelz, 64, 79, 80, 116, 150 Nicholas of Péruwelz, son of Nicholas, 150 Nicholas II of Rumigny, 31 n.123, 33 Nicholas III of Rumigny, 32 n.129, 33, 34, 38, 43 Nicholas IV of Rumigny, 33, 45, 80, 81, 122, 162 Nicholas, provost of Saint-Germain, 116 Nicholas, provost of Sainte-Waudru, xxviii Nieppe (Nord, Hazebrouck, Bailleul), 91, 145 Nimy (Hainaut), 10, 14, 16 Ninevah, battle of, 25 n.87 Nivel Pauper, 150 Nivelles (Brabant), 112, 131, 132, 138, 159–60 Nizy (Aisne, Laon, Sissonne), 71 Noirchin (Hainaut), 56 Normandy, 48, 65, 155 n.524 Notre-Dame (Namur), abbey of, xxvii Noville-les-Bois (Namur), 161–2 Noyon (Oise), 77 n.314, 78, 100 bishop of see Renaud Octavian, papal legate, 108 n.389 Octavian Augustus Caesar, emperor of Rome, 24 Odo II, duke of Burgundy, 159 Odo II, count of Champagne, 7 Odo of Châtillon, prior of Cluny see Urban II, pope Odo II of Issoudun, 47 n.205 Offies (Nord, Cambrai, Marcoing), 168 Offignies (Hainaut), 172 Oise, river, 77 Oisquercq (Brabant), 145 Oisy-le-Verger (Pas-de-Calais, Arras, Marquion), 22, 152 Oliver of Machelen, 150 Oliver of Préseau, 94 Orchies (Nord, Douai), 91, 145 Origny-Sainte-Benoîte (Aisne, Saint-Quentin, Ribemont), 36, 77 Orsinval, abbey of (Nord, Avesnes, QuesnoyOuest), 164 Osbert, bishop of Liège, 28 n.109 Ostia (Italy), 27

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Ostrevant, xxxvi, 36, 76–7, 97 Otakar IV, marquis of Styria, 88 Otto II of Andrechs, bishop of Bamberg, 88, 117, 148 Otto (falso Thierry) the younger, count palatine of Bavaria, 89 n.344 Otto (falso for Louis), duke of Bavaria, 88 Otto, duke of Bavaria, 143 Otto II, landgrave of Bavaria, 88 Otto I, marquis of Brandenburg, 88 Otto, count palatine of Burgundy, 55 Otto, count of Duras, 36 Otto, count of Gueldre, 104, 127, 138, 168, 180 Otto, bishop-elect of Liège, archdeacon of Fauquemont, 158–9, 163, 169 Otto, marquis of Meissen, 88 Otto of Henneberg, bishop of Speyer, 117, 126, 148 Otto of Trazegnies, 43 and Jacques of Avesnes, 94, 98 and war in Namur, 118, 120 as crusader, 112, 150 as judge, 111, 116 as man of Baldwin V of Hainaut, 76, 79, 80, 84, 87, 91, 107, 126, 180 death of, 150 Palermo (Pannormo) (Italy), 143 Palluel (Pas-de-Calais, Arras, Marquion), 152 Paris, 103, 106, 109, 134 Baldwin V of Hainaut at, 93, 132, 149 Paschal III, antipope, 72 n.297 peers, of the Empire, 104, 138 of Mons, 22, 32–4, 43, 69, 94 of Valenciennes, 94 Péronne (Somme), 51, 99, 100 n.364, 151 Persia, 24–5 Peter, saint, 72 Peter, abbot of Andres, 91 n.351 Peter of Oisy, archdeacon of Cambrai, 70 Peter of Flanders, bishop-elect of Cambrai, provost of Bruges and Saint-Omer, 46–7, 53, 58, 66, 70 Peter of Duras, 130 Peter of Brixey, bishop of Toul, 88, 124–5, 148 Petronilla (Alix), countess of Vermandois, wife of Raoul I, 50 n.223 Philip of Atrives, 38 Philip of Dreux, bishop of Beauvais, 86, 110 Philip of Heinsberg, archbishop of Cologne, 103, 109, 133 and Namur, 104, 121, 134, 137 at Imperial court at Mainz, 88, 90 conflict with Baldwin V of Hainaut, 94–7, 121, 180 death of, 143

215

Philip of Alsace, count of Flanders, 43, 52, 58, 104, 108, 146 and Boulogne, 137 and brother Peter, 46–7, 66 and Champagne, 60, 76 and consecration of Philip II Augustus, 73 and Henry ‘the young king’ of England, 65 and Vermandois succession, 51, 82–3, 86, 100, 105–6, 152 arranges marriage of Elisabeth of Hainaut, 74–5 as ally of Baldwin V of Hainaut, 58, 75, 77–9, 81, 133 as crusader, 70, 113, 136, 140, 150 at tournaments, 57 conflict with Baldwin V of Hainaut, xxxiv, 87, 90–101, 106, 121, 123 conflict with Jacques of Avesnes, 67, 69 conflict with Philip II Augustus, 75, 77–9, 83, 86–7, 90, 91, 94, 97, 99–100, 103, 105–6, 180 conflict with Raoul of Coucy, 75 death of, xxxiii, xxxvii, 140–2, 150, 181 inheritance of Alost and Waes, 42 marriage to Elisabeth of Vermandois, 50 Philip I, king of France, 4 n.10, 6 n.17, 27, 28 Philip II Augustus, king of France, xxxvii, 26, 49, 72, 157 and Flanders succession, 149, 151, 181 and Frederick I Barbarossa, 110–11 and Tournai, 111–12 and Vermandois succession, 83, 86, 100–1 as ally of Baldwin V of Hainaut, 90, 93, 97–8, 121, 123, 132–3, 160, 180 as ally of Henry II of Champagne, 122, 132 as crusader, 113, 135–6, 149 attempts annulment of marriage, 85–6 birth of, 52 conflict with Philip of Flanders, 75, 77–9, 83, 86–7, 91, 94, 97, 99, 103, 105–6, 180 conflict with Henry II of England, 50, 75, 108, 118 conflict with Richard I Lionheart, 107–8, 118, 149, 155–7 consecration of, 73 marriage to Elisabeth of Hainaut, xxxv, 60 n.262, 74–5 Philip of Hohenshauffen, king of Germany, duke of Spoleto and Swabia, bishop-elect of Würzburg, 55 Philip of Kirchheimbolanden (Bolanden), son of Werner, 89 Philip of Hainaut, marquis of Namur, 94, 97, 123, 181 betrothal to Mathilde of Nevers, 157

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INDEX

knighting of, 168 succession to Namur of, 170, 182 Philip, duke of Swabia, 156 n.526 Picquigny (Somme, Amiens), 51, 100 Pierre I of Courtenay, 68 Pierre II of Courtenay, count of Nevers, emperor of Constantinople, 157 Pierre of Mesnil, 141 Pierrefonds (Oise), 72, 78 Pierrepont (Somme, Montdidier, Moreuil), 51 Piéton, 59 pilgrimages, 30, 67, 70 n.291, 84, 101 n.369, 182 Poitou, 84, 108 Poix (Somme, Amiens), 51, 99, 100 Pol of Villers, 116 as man of count of Hainaut, 64, 79, 80, 87, 118, 180 Pompey the Great, emperor of Rome, 23–4 Pontoise (Seine-et-Oise), 86, 132 precarial contract, 114 Prémont (Nord), 44, 95, 123 Provins (Seine-et-Marne), 76 Prüm, abbot of, 88, 14 Puy, bishop of see Adhémar of Monteil Quaregnon (Hainaut), 9, 13, 14, 15, 16 Querenaing (Nord, Valenciennes, Valenciennes-Sud), 96, 98 Quévy (Hainaut), 33 n.136, 95 property of Sainte-Waudru at, 9, 13, 14, 15, 16, 176, 182 Quiévrain (Hainaut), 174–5 Raelende, empress of Namur, wife of Albert II, 7–8 Raismes (Nord, Valenciennes, Saint-Amand), 16, 43, 61 n.265, 95, 102 Rance (Hainaut), 174 Raoul of Antoing, 150 Raoul, count of Clermont, constable of France, 51, 69, 74, 77, 85 as crusader, 113, 150 at tournaments, 67, 71 death of, 150 Raoul of Coucy-le Château, 40 as man of Baldwin V of Hainaut, 76, 80, 81, 92 at tournaments, 67, 71 conflict with Count Philip of Flanders, 51, 75, 77, 180 death of, 150 Raoul of Falkenstein, 82 Raoul of Hazebrouck, 87 Raoul of Zähringen, bishop of Liège, 38, 39, 88, 103, 111, 158

and county of Duras, 130 and Henry of Albano, 112–13 as suzerain of Hainaut, 63, 97, 104 death of, 141 Raoul of Maini, 150 Raoul II, lord of Nesle, castellan of Bruges, 35 n.148 Raoul III, lord of Nesle, count of Soissons, 35, 72, 80 Raoul of Roucy, 41 Raoul, count of Sponheim, 85 Raoul of Thour, 80, 92, 122, 150 Raoul of Tosny, 34 Raoul of Vendegies, 150 Raoul I, count of Vermandois, 40, 41, 50–1 Raoul II, count of Vermandois, 40 n.174, 50, 51 Rasso I of Gavre, 32, 42, 43 Rasso II of Gavre, 42, 43, 94, 97, 116 as man of Baldwin V of Hainaut, 60, 64, 80 Raymond, prince of Antioch, 54 n.243 Raymond IV, count of Toulouse (Saint-Gilles), 28 Raymond VI, count of Toulouse, 49 n.219 Rebaix (Hainaut), 33 n.136 Regensburg, 128 bishops of see Conrad II regents, 36 n.150, 40 n.174, 43 n.188, 47 n.208, 51 Reginald of Donchery, 92 Régnier I, count of Hainaut, 14–15 Régnier V, count of Hainaut, 19–20 Régnier of Jauche, 33, 34, 84 Régnier, advocate of Marchiennes, 116 Régnier of Strépy, 79 Régnier of Trith, 94 as judge, 111, 116 as man of Baldwin V of Hainaut, 64, 79, 80, 84, 87, 91, 118, 126, 147, 179 Reims (Marne), 68, 153 archbishops of, 15, 18, 178 see also Henry, William Reinhard of Abensberg, bishop of Würzburg, 88 relics, 46 n.200, 106 oaths made on, 5, 44, 58, 114, 154, 170, 174 relief payments, 16, 83 n.327, 151 Remy, saint, 106 Renard of Strépy, 116, 118, 147, 180 Renaud Aguilius, 150 Renaud, count of Dammartin-en-Goële and of Boulogne, 52, 137 n.467, 142, 151, 160 Renaud of Donchery, 80 Renaud of Nevers, 150 Renaud, bishop of Noyon, 74

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Renaud of Rozoy, 33, 38 and n.164, 80, 92, 122 conflict with Louis VII of France, 70–1, 180 Ressons-sur-Matz (Oise, Compiègne), 51, 57, 99, 100 Rethel (Ardennes), 63, 73 Rhine, river, 12, 87 Ribemont (Aisne, Saint-Quentin), 36, 51, 75, 99 Richard I Lionheart, king of England, duke of Normandy and Aquitaine, 48, 64, 122 as crusader, 110, 113, 135–6, 149 betrothal to Alix of France, 49 captivity in Austria and Germany, 156 conflict with Philip II Augustus, 107–8, 118, 140, 149, 155 succession to throne, 135 Richard of Orcq, 79, 96, 150, 180 Richard of Wiltz, 82 Richilde of Hainaut, wife of Amaury IV of l’Amaury-Montfort and Évreux, 21 n.68, 31 Richilde of Tournai, wife of Gilbert of Audenarde, and of Walter of Zottegem, 35 Richilde of Hainaut, wife of Thierry of Avesnes, and of Évrard castellan of Tournai, 32 and n.126, 34, 35 Richilde of Rumigny, wife of Walter of Cons la Granville, 33 Richilde, countess of Hainaut and Flanders, wife of Hermann, and of Baldwin VI, 3–4, 28, 30 and n.118 conflict with Robert I the Frisian, 5–6, 8–11, 21 Rieux (Nord, Cambrai, Carnières), 171 Rigord, chronicler, xxxv Rihoult (Pas-de-Calais), 123 Rixa of Mons, wife of Stephen of Denain, 33 Robert, provost of Aire, bishop-elect of Cambrai, 53 n.239, 66 Robert of Aisonville, 46 Robert of Boves, count of Amiens, 101 Robert of Beaurain, 96, 115–17, 147, 150, 180 Robert of Bertringen, 82 Robert of Béthune, advocate of Arras, 35 Robert V of Béthune, advocate of Arras, 150 Robert of Braisne see Robert I, count of Dreux and Braisne Robert of Carnières, 63 Robert of Condé, 96 Robert I, count of Dreux and Braisne, 41, 68, 86 Robert II, count of Dreux and Braisne, 40–1, 47 n.205, 86, 110 Robert I the Frisian, count of Flanders, as crusader, 25, 28 usurps Flanders, 5–6, 8–9, 11, 21

217

Robert II, count of Flanders, 21 n.67, 28 Robert II, king of France, 4 Robert, earl of Leicester, 42 n.186 Robert III, count of Nassau, 126, 150 Robert Curthose, duke of Normandy, 26–7 Robert of Pierrepont, 39, 80, 81, 92, 122 Robert of Walldürn, 117, 126 Robert I of Wavrin, steward of Flanders, 46, 142, 162 Rochefort (Namur, Dinant), 77, 130, 158 Roeulx see Le Roeulx Roger of Wavrin, bishop of Cambrai, 70, 74, 88, 115 death of, 140, 150 Roger III, bishop of Châlons-sur-Marne, 3 n.8, 4 Roger of Condé, 33, 79, 80, 116, 120 Roger of Harcourt, 150 Roger of Rozoy, bishop of Laon, 38, 80, 81, 92 conflict with Louis VII of France, 68, 70–1, 73–4 Roger of Rozoy, 33, 38 and n.161 Roger of Rumes, 96 Roger II, king of Sicily, 39 Roger of Tosny, 32 and n.126, 34, 42 n.186, 156 Roger of Tosny, son of Roger and Gertrude, 34 Roger of Tosny, son of Raoul, 35 Roger of Useldingen, 82 Roger of Warcoing, 157–8, 159, 162 Rogeries (Hainaut), 176 Rome (Italy), 6, 55, 68, 136 Roucourt (Nord, Douai, Douai-Sud), 42 Rouen (Seine-Inférieure), 65, 86, 156 Rougemont, 63 Roupy (Aisne, Saint-Quentin, Vermand), 51 Roye sur l’Avre (Somme, Montdidier), 51, 100, 105 Rudolf, archbishop of Trier, 88 Rudolf I, count of Tubingen, 88, 139 Rudolf, bishop of Verdun, chief Imperial chancellor, 89 Rumigny (Ardennes, Rocroi), 33 Rupelmonde (East Flanders), 159 Saint-André (Mons) (Hainaut), 175 Saint-Aubain (Namur), xxvii, 125, 139, 164 Saint-Aubert (Nord, Cambrai, Carnières), 95, 173 Saint-Denis (Broqueroie) (Hainaut), 11, 144, 172, 174 Saint-Denis (Paris), 73, 75 Saint-Donatien (Bruges) (West Flanders), 164 Saint-Étienne (Paris), 106 Saint-Feuillien du Roeulx, abbey of (Hainaut), 32, 106

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218 Saint-Germain (Mons) (Hainaut), 61, 178–9 and Sainte-Waudru, 15–19, 179 donations to, 175–6 prebends of, xxvii, 11–12, 17, 125 Saint-Ghislain (Hainaut), 36 Saint-Gilles-du-Gard (Toulouse), 84, 182 Saint-Hubert, abbey of (Luxembourg), 30 Saint-Jean (Valenciennes), abbey of (Nord), 35, 56, 139 Saint-Just-en-Chaussée (Oise, Clermont), 78 Saint-Lambert (Liège), 130 Saint-Maximin (Trier), 37 Saint-Médard (Soissons), abbey of (Aisne), 70, 93 Saint-Omer (Pas-de-Calais), 74, 91, 142, 145, 159 Saint-Pierre (Lobbes) (Hainaut), 40 Saint-Pierre (Mauberge) (Nord, Avesnes), 176 Saint-Pierre (Mons) (Hainaut), 11–12, 175 Saint-Pierre-au-Château (Namur), xxvii, 125 n.426 Saint-Python (Nord, Cambrai, Solesmes), 94 Saint-Quentin (Aisne), 51, 53, 83, 99, 100 n.366, 151 Saint-Quentin (Mauberge) (Nord), xxvii, 176 Saint-Ricquier (Somme, Abbeville, Ailly), 100 Saint-Trond (Limbourg), 130–1, 160 Saint-Ursmer (Lobbes), monastery of (Hainaut), 133 Saint-Venant (Pas-de-Calais), 47 Saint-Willebrord (Echternach), 37 Sainte-Gertrude (Nivelles) (Brabant), 81 Sainte-Marie (Binche), monastery of (Hainaut), 40 Sainte-Marie (Liège), 130 Sainte-Marie (Namur), 125 Sainte-Waudru (Mons), abbey of (Hainaut), xxvii, xxviii, xxix, 125 burials at, 3, 14, 18, 20, 40, 56, 61, 72, 175, 181 divine services at, 17–18, 19–21, 112 donations to, 46, 175–6 foundation of, 12–14 masses for Baldwin V at, 178–9 miracles at, xxxvi, 14, 19–20 privileges of, xxxii, xxxiv, 9, 11, 14–19, 60–1 processions at, 127, 139 relation with counts of Hainaut, xxxiii, 9, 14–16, 18 saints, xxxvi–xxxvii, 5, 7–8, 12–14, 22, 24, 46, 50, 72, 106, 160 Saladin, 109 n.394, 129 n.436, 135 n.459 Salem see Jerusalem Salerno (Italy), 143, 167 Sambre, river, 22

INDEX

Saward of Marly, 180 Saxony, duchy of, 55 n.246, 88 Scheldt (Escaut), river, 11, 43 seals, 139, 144, 164 Sebourg (Nord, Valenciennes, ValenciennesEst), 40, 173 Seligenstadt, 114 Seltz, abbey of, 85 Senlis (Oise), 78, 83, 85 Senne, river, 92 Sens, 104, 106 Septsaulx (Marne, Reims, Verzy), 68 Sepulchre, Holy, 25 Servais, saint, 46 Shem, son of Noah, 22–3 Sibylla, queen of Jerusalem, 109 n.394 Sibylle of Hainaut, wife of Guichard IV of Beaujeu, 170, 181 Sibylle of Anjou, countess of Flanders, wife of Thierry, 21 n.67, 37, 47, 52 Sibylle of Porcien, countess of Namur, wife of Godfrey, 37 n.157, 38 Sibylle of Burgundy, queen of Sicily, wife of Roger II, 39 n.167 Sibylle, wife of Robert I of Wavrin, 46, 66 Sicily, 3 siege engines, xxxvii, 60, 97, 120, 133, 145, 165 sieges, xxxvii, 60, 64, 65, 97, 99, 131, 133, 159–62 of Acre, 149–50 of Antioch, 29–30 of Bouvignes (Namur), 120–2 of Capua, 143 of Condé, 67 of Enghien, 145–6 of Huy, 165 of Namur, 119–21 of Rouen, 65, 156–7 Siegfried of Brandenburg, archbishop of Bremen, 88 Siger II, castellan of Ghent and Courtrai, 146 Silly (Hainaut), 33 n.136 Silvester, saint, 24 Simon, brother of Judas Maccabee, 23 Simon of Aulnois, 80, 116 Simon of Clermont, 71 Simon of Limbourg, bishop-elect of Liège, 156, 158–9, 161–7, 181 death of, 167, 169 Simon of Mauberge, 180 Simon of Montfort, 65 n.274 Simon, duke of Nancy, 47 Simon, count of Sarrebrücken, 117 Simon of Sponheim, 85 Simon II, duke of Upper Lotharingia (Nancy), 88

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simony, 112–13 Sivry (Hainaut), 174 Sohier (Siger) of Enghien, 33, 53 Soignies (Hainaut), xxvii, 13, 125, 131, 144, 177–9 Soissons (Aisne), 35, 67–8, 70, 81, 93, 157 Solesmes (Nord, Cambrai), 94 Solomon, king of Israel, 23 Solre-le-Château (Nord, Avesnes), 95 Somme, river, 99, 100 Speyer, 85, 129 bishops of see Otto of Henneberg, Ulrich Sponheim, 85 Stavelot (Liège), 45 Stephen, saint, 106 Stephen III, count of Blois, 26 Stephen Makerellus (‘the Sorcerer’) of Denain, 33, 34 n.138, 64, 116 Stephen, king of England, 27 Stephen of Lambres, 116 Stephen, provost of Saint-Amand, 116 Stephen, count of Sancerre, 26, 52, 68, 76, 85 and Baldwin V of Hainaut, 104, 180 as crusader, 113, 150 conflict with Philip II Augustus, 90, 97 death of, 150 Steppo of Arloncourt, 82 Strasbourg (Argentina), 117, 147, 169 bishops of see Conrad II of Hüneburg, Henry Suanchilde, wife of Thierry of Alsace, count of Flanders, 41, 47 Swabia, duchy of, 88 Syria, 22, 25 Tancred Marchisus, regent of Antioch and Edessa, 28 Tancred of Lecce, king of Sicily, 135, 143, 167 Tatin (Tatikios), steward of Alexius I Comnenus, 29 Teignies (Namur), 172 Theodore Branas, 52 n.235 Théoduin, bishop of Liège, 8–10, 11 Thibaut IV, count of Blois, (as Thibaut II) count of Champagne, 26–7 Thibaut V the Good, count of Blois, 26, 51, 52, 68, 85, 100 n.366 and Baldwin V of Hainaut, 104, 180 as crusader, 113, 150 as uncle of Henry II of Champagne, 76, 111, 132 death of, 150 Thibaut II, count of Champagne see Thibaut IV, count of Blois Thibaut III, count of Champagne, 72 Thierry of Alost, 41, 42, 65

219

Thierry of Anvaing, 38 Thierry of Avesnes, 22 n.70, 44 n.191 Thierry (falso for Otto), count palatine of Bavaria, 88 Thierry II of Montfaucon, archbishop of Besançon, 88 Thierry IV, count of Clèves, 138 Thierry of Beveren, castellan of Dixmude, 41, 159, 162–3 Thierry of Faing, 114 Thierry of Alsace, count of Flanders, 21 n.67, 41, 47, 52, 53 conflict with Hainaut, 37, 42 Thierry, count of Hochstaden, 113, 148, 155 Thierry VI, count of Holland, 47 n.207 Thierry VII, count of Holland, 149, 156 n.526 conflict with Baldwin V of Hainaut, 146, 159, 161, 163 Thierry of Ligne, 46 Thierry of Orcq, 150 Thierry of Reuland, 82 Thierry II of Walcourt, 45 n.195 Thierry of Wallers, 116 Thionville, 37 Thisnes (Liège), 127, 153 Tholey, 84 Thomas Becket, saint, archbishop of Canterbury, 50 Thomas of Marle, 31, 34 Thourotte (Oise, Compiègne, Ribecourt), 51, 78, 86, 99, 100 Thuin (Hainaut), 97, 165 Thy-le-Château (Namur), 120 Tiloit, forest of (Nord, Avesnes), 174 Tincourt-Boucly (Somme, Péronne, Roisel), 51 tithes, 46, 171–4, 177, 179 of Sainte-Waudru, 15, 43, 176 Titus, emperor of Rome, 24 tolls, 15, 16 Tongres (Hainaut), 172 Tongres (Limbourg), 165 Toul (Meurthe-et-Moselle), 107 bishop of see Peter of Brixey Tournai (Hainaut), 111 tournaments, xxxvii, 56, 57, 62–3, 71, 73, 76, 81, 85 at Imperial court at Mainz, xxxvi, 88 at Soissons, 67–8, 81 conflict between Brabant and Hainaut at, 59, 80 Trazegnies (Hainaut), 59 Trie-Château (Oise, Beauvais, Chaumont), 105, 113 Trier, 84, 85, 90, 114 archbishops of see John, Rudolf

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INDEX

Trith-Saint-Léger (Nord, Valenciennes, Valenciennes-Sud), 61 Troyes (Aube), 72 Tubize (Brabant), 80, 91, 92, 95, 101, 145 Tyre, 110, 150 Ulrich, bishop of Speyer, 88 Urban II, pope, 27–8 Utrecht, 168 bishop of see Baldwin Vailly (Aisne, Soissons), 70 Valenciennes (Nord), 4, 11, 73, 98, 105, 109 castellany of, 10, 36 church/chapel of, 144, 171–2 customs of, 60–1 fire at, 60 fortification of, 43, 61 n.265, 95, 102 garrison service at, 33, 94 Peace of, 45–6 residence of counts of Hainaut at, 55–6, 111 Valois, 51, 53, 78, 83 Venant, saint, 8 Vendeuil (Aisne, Saint-Quentin, Moy), 71 Venice (Italy), 72 Verdun, bishops of see Henry of Blieskastel, Rudolf Vermandois, 53, 82–3 Vervins (Aisne, Laon), 40, 51 Vespasian, emperor of Rome, 24 Vexin, 49 n.220, 135 n.459 Vézelay, 135 n.459 Vicogne (Nord), 43 Victor IV, antipope, 72 Viesly (Nord, Cambrai, Solesmes), 94 Viesville (Hainaut), 121, 131, 132 Vigneux (Aisne, Laon, Vervins), 81 Ville-sur-Haine (Hainaut), 10, 14, 16, 175 villeins, 16 Villers-Cotterets (Aisne, Soissons), 51 Villers-le-Sec (Aisne, Saint-Quentin, Ribemont), 51 Villers-au-Tertre (Nord, Douai, Arleux), 95, 97 Vincent (Madelgaire), saint, xxxvi, 13 Virton (Luxembourg), 110 Visé (Liège), 125 Viviers (Aisne, Soissons, Villers-Cotterets), 51 Wadelincourt (Hainaut), 177 Waes (East Flanders), 42, 91, 142, 145, 159, 162–3 Walbert, saint, duke of Lotharingia, xxxvi, 12 Waldetrudis see Waudru, saint Waleran II Payen, count of Limbourg, duke of Lower Lotharingia, 28–9 and n.111, 31 n.125

Waleran of Limbourg, son of Henry III, 113, 155, 161–3 Walgan of Amfroitpret, 116 Walincourt (Nord), 33 n.136, 44, 95, 123 Walter of Aunoit, 150 Walter I Pelukels of Avesnes, 44 Walter II of Avesnes, 45 Walter of Bierbeek, 79, 180 Walter of Blandain, 79, 116, 180 Walter the scholast, bishop-elect and chancellor of Cambrai, 140, 141, 143, 145, 147 Walter of Cons la Granville, 33 Walter of Croix, 64 Walter II of Eine, 47 n.204 Walter of Fontaine, 33 as man of Baldwin V of Hainaut, 64, 76, 79, 80, 180 death of, 84 Walter of Fontaine, son of Walter, 34 n.138, 99 n.364 Walter of Gouy, 79, 150, 180 Walter of Honnecourt, 56, 80, 173 n.571 Walter of Honnecourt, son of Walter, 56 Walter, archdeacon of Laon, 31 n.121 Walter of Mortagne, bishop of Laon, 68 Walter II of Mortagne, bishop of Laon, nephew of Walter of Mortagne, 68 Walter of Le Quesnoy, 150 Walter of Lens, 32, 80, 81, 94, 116 Walter of Ligne, 33, 63, 64 Walter of Meisenburg, 82 Walter of Sottegem, 35, 59 Walter of Steenkerque, 84, 87, 147, 180 Walter of Wargnies, 120 as judge, 116 as man of Baldwin V of Hainaut, 79, 80, 87, 91, 96, 118, 180 death of, 150 Walter of Wavrin, 76 Walter of Wiltz, 82 Walter of Wiltz, son of Walter, 82 Warenne (Liège), 165 Wassenberg, 31 Waudru (Waldetrudis), saint, xxxvi, 12–13, 14 Wavrechain (Nord), 11, 99 Weissenburg, 85 Welf VI, duke of Spoleto, marquis of Tuscany (falso duke of Bavaria), 88 Werner of Kirchheimbolanden (Bolanden), 89, 111, 126 Wéry of Luxembourg, 82 Wéry III of Walcourt, 45, 84, 130, 158, 165 and Baldwin V of Hainaut, 82, 120 Wichmann, archbishop of Magdeburg, 88 William of Antoing, 96 William of Anzin, 79, 116, 180

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William of Bierbeek, 46 William Longsword, count of Boulogne, 52 n.236 William of Braine, 46 William of Éghezée, 114, 180 William the Conqueror, king of England, duke of Normandy, 25–7 William II Rufus, king of England, 26–7 William of Esch, 82 William, castellan of Famars, 98 William Clito, count of Flanders, 47 nn.207–8 William Flaons, 79, 180 William of Gommegnies, 116 William of Hainaut, son of Baldwin II, 21 n.68 William of Haussy, 64, 80, 91, 116 William II, count of Juliers, 126 William, count of Luxembourg, 37, 38 n.159 William of Merlo, 51 William of Mosain, 114 William IV, count of Nevers, 50 William of Perwez and Ruysbroeck, 135 William of Pierrepont, 96, 150 William Pisiere, 97 William of Quévy, 94 William of Quiévrain, 116 William, archbishop of Reims, archbishop of Sens, bishop of Chartres, 26, 52, 68, 85, 100 n.366 and Baldwin V of Hainaut, 104–5, 180 and contested bishopric of Liège, 152, 163 as regent of France, 142 as uncle of Henry II of Champagne, 76, 111, 132 William of Roeulx, 76 William IV, castellan and advocate of SaintOmer, 45, 150

221

William I, king of Sicily, duke of Apulia, 39, 49 n.219, 134 n.456 William II the Good, king of Sicily, duke of Apulia, 39 n.170, 134, 135 n.456 William of Stekene, 159, 162 William ‘the uncle’ of Thy-le-Château, natural son of Baldwin IV of Hainaut, 170, 171 as judge, 116 as man of Baldwin V of Hainaut, 64, 79, 80, 118, 126, 179 William of Ypres, 47 n.207 Worms, 85, 109, 126, 136, 146, 169 bishop of see Conrad of Sternberg Würzburg, bishops of see Godfrey, Henry III of Berg, Philip of Hohenshauffen, Reinhard of Abensberg diet of, 55 n.246 Yolende of Coucy, wife of Robert II of Dreux, 40 Yolende of Wassenberg-Gueldre, countess of Hainaut, wife of Baldwin III, and of Godfrey of Bouchain, 3, 34, 35, 43, 55 marriages of, 21 n.67, 31, 36, 94 n.35 Yolende of Rozoy, wife of Henry of Hierges, 33 Yolende of Hainaut, countess of Nevers, empress of Constantinople, wife of Pierre II Courtenay, 157 betrothal to Henry II of Champagne, 76, 104–5, 107, 157 n.527 Yolende of Hainaut, countess of Soissons, wife of Ivo II, countess of Saint-Pol, wife of Hugh IV, 40, 55, 71 Ypres (West Flanders), 91, 132, 142, 145

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