Chinese Language(s): A Look through the Prism of The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects (Trends in Linguistics. Studies and Monographs)

Chinese Language(s)

Trends in Linguistics Studies and Monographs 215

Editor

Volker Gast Advisory Editors

Walter Bisang Hans Henrich Hock Matthias Schlesewsky Founding Editor

Werner Winter

De Gruyter Mouton

Chinese Language(s) A Look through the Prism of The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects

by

Maria Kurpaska

De Gruyter Mouton

ISBN 978-3-11-021914-2 e-ISBN 978-3-11-021915-9 ISSN 1861-4302 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Kurpaska, Maria, 1977⫺ Chinese language(s) : a look through the prism of The Great dictionary of modern Chinese dialects / by Maria Kurpaska. p. cm. ⫺ (Trends in linguistics studies and monographs; 215) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-3-11-021914-2 (alk. paper) 1. Chinese language ⫺ Dialects ⫺ Dictionaries. I. Title. PL1547.K87 2010 495.11703⫺dc22 2010014948

Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available in the Internet at http://dnb.d-nb.de. ” 2010 Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co. KG, Berlin/New York Printing: Hubert & Co. GmbH & Co. KG, Göttingen ⬁ Printed on acid-free paper Printed in Germany www.degruyter.com

To Cecylka and MaciuĞ

Acknowledgements

I would like to express my gratitude to those, without whose help this book would not have taken shape. First of all, I want to thank my supervisor, Professor A.F. Majewicz, who has ignited my interest in the subject and guided me through this work, supplying me with some of the most important materials. The scholarship at Peking University, in the academic year 2004/2005, gave me a unique opportunity to gather material for the present book as well as to take part in courses which brought me closer to the studied subject. I am greatly particularly indebted to Professor Li Xiaofan, who was my tutor at that time, and who has served me with his knowledge after my return home up to this day. My special thanks go to Professor Xie Liuwen, one of the co-authors of The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects, whose advice and answers to my questions have been invaluable. I am also much obliged to Professor Zhu Zhiping and Professor Romuald Huszcza, who have given me many constructive remarks on my book, as well as to Professor Werner Winter, whose comments and corrections have allowed the book to take its present shape. I am also grateful to Professor Moira Yip, who has patiently responded to my inquiries concerning some phonological problems. Furthermore, I would like to thank my friends and proof-readers, Anna and Douglas Harrison, who have helped me correcting my English. Nevertheless, the responsibility for all errors which may occur in this book is mine. As a wife, mother and daughter, I would not have been able to write this book without the love and encouragement of my whole family. I want to thank my father for his constant assistance, my mother, for all her time and patience, and most of all my husband, Radek, who has helped me not only by solving countless technical problems and drawing the maps, but also simply by being there for me.

Preface

The Chinese linguistic situation has been for many years subject of debate between Western and Chinese scholars. The main disagreement concerns the identity and homogeneity of the Chinese linguistic area: the diversity is predominantly stressed by probably most Western scholars, whereas the traditional, deeply ingrained Chinese standpoint is that the language spoken by the Han nationality creates a substantial unit. Its plentiful varieties are referred to as ᮍ㿔 fƗngyán, lit. ‘local speech’, customarily translated into English as ‘dialects’. The common writing system continues to be the symbol of unity of Chinese, bonding the dialects together. The main aim of this book is to trace the current structuring of the Chinese language(s) on the ground of Chinese linguistics, basing the research on the newest and most renowned sources, especially The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects˄⦄ҷ∝䇁ᮍ㿔໻䆡‫ ݌‬Xiandai Hanyu Fangyan Da Cidian˅, as well as the Language Atlas of China˄Ё೑䇁㿔ഄ೒ 䲚 Zhongguo Yuyan Dituji˅. There are two main axes of this structuring. One is the territorial distribution of the language (the main source of its analysis is the Language Atlas of China). The second axis is diachronic, based on the thesis that the Middle Chinese language is the common point of origin from which the miscellaneous varieties of modern Chinese have evolved. Lexical diversity constitutes the additional dimension. Dialectal vocabulary is not analyzed in reference to Middle Chinese; it is usually studied through comparisons with the national standard. Generally, it is catalogued without any systematic etymologizing. The more precise structuring includes the analysis of phonetics, and lately also lexical diversity. Grammatical differences still remain rather unrevealed, although they are now more and more often taken into consideration. Many aspects of life in China are at present changing, the country is going through economic, political and social transformations. This situation naturally influences the language, even more so due to the strict language policy, which aims at promoting the national standard called Putonghua. Thus, Chinese dialectologists face the challenge of preserving as much information about the current linguistic situation as possible.

x

Preface

The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects is one of the greatest achievements of modern Chinese dialectology and Chinese linguistics in general. This book tries to reveal the role the Dictionary plays in analyzing the spectrum of linguistic differentiation and what kind of information it provides, sketching firstly a background of the development and current state of Chinese dialectology and dialectal research. The assumption is to show respect to this unquestionably grand achievement, and also to emphasize a critical distance to some of the views presented in the Dictionary. The Dictionary is inseparably bound with the Language Atlas of China (Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan yu Aodaliya Renwen Kexueyuan 1987, 1989), thus the point of view represented in the Atlas is relevant for this study and constitutes a significant part of this book. The dialects of Chinese naturally interact with the non-Chinese languages which are spoken on the territory of the People’s Republic of China. In order to make the picture of the linguistic situation in China complete, languages of ethnic minorities are listed in the book (Chapter 2.2.). They are excluded from the general analysis, though without neglecting their importance.

Technical notes The simplified Chinese characters ˄ㅔԧᄫ ji΁nt΃zì˅ have been used throughout the text, except for few cases when the unsimplified forms ˄㐕 ԧᄫ fánt΃zì˅ had to be applied. [*] after Chinese characters indicates that the character is used as a homonym to represent sounds, because the word itself does not have its own character (for a more detailed explanation see Chapter 7.2.4.1.) An empty square (‘ƶ’) is used instead of Chinese characters, where a character which can represent the sound does not exist (see Chapter 7.2.4.1.). The ∝䇁ᣐ䷇ Hàny· PƯnyƯn (hereafter called pinyin) Romanization system is used for the transliteration of proper names (for exceptions see below) as well as for linguistic terms and the like. The pinyin transcription of titles of books in Chinese has been provided without the indication of tones. The IPA transcription is applied for the pronunciation of dialectal words and sentences, with the following exceptions (according to the rules listed in Chapter 7.1.5.):

Technical notes xi

– The implosives are written as [!b, !d, !g]. – The aspiration is noted with [‘], for instance [p‘, t‘, ts‘]. – The tone values are noted with numbers according to the five-point scale, with 1 representing the lowest pitch and 5 the highest. The values are placed in the upper index following the syllable. The only exception from this rule is the notation of tones in the descriptions of characteristics of the Jin dialect group, where the method called থ೜⊩ fƗquƗnf΁ (see Chapter 7.1.5.) is used. – Tone values which change during the occurrence of tone sandhi follow the original tone values after an arrow (ĺ). E.g. ᠟ Ꮘ ᥠ [su31pa 44ĺ45 tsn0]. – The light (neutral) tone ˄䕏䇗 qƯngdiào˅is marked with a dot on the left-hand-side of the syllable, e.g., the Beijing syllables Ԣᨁ [ti55 ·ta]. Words or sentences written in Putonghua, are transliterated in pinyin, not transcribed in IPA. When in brackets and not in italics, the pronunciation in pinyin is the equivalent of characters and words as pronounced in Putonghua, while the pronunciation in respective dialects may be different, e.g. in the description of lexical characteristics of the Hakka dialect: “For the Beijing pronoun þ៥ (w΅)ÿ (‘I’), the word þҏ१ (ái)ÿ is used” (see Chapter 6.5.10.). The modern pronunciation in Putonghua of the thirty six ᄫ↡ zìm· (see Chapter 4.3.), sixteen ᨘ shè (see Chapter 4.6.2., Chapter 7.1.1.1.), and the names of particular ᨘ shè, etc., is written in brackets when the terms are used in the text. The name of the rising tone (Ϟໄ shàngshƝng) is written down in the falling tone (51), not in the falling-rising tone (214) (cf. p. 229 note 11). Underlined tone values imply that the tone is short (e.g. in the Xiamen dialect 䰇ܹ yángrù – 55). If not indicated otherwise, English translations of words in Putonghua have been cited from ⦄ҷ∝䇁䆡‫∝˄ ݌‬㣅ঠ䇁˅ (Xiandai Hanyu Cidian [Han-Ying Shuang Yu]) (The Contemporary Chinese Dictionary [Chinese-English Edition]). (Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo Cidian Bianjishi 2002). Longer samples, such as sentences, have been translated by the author. English translations of Chinese titles of books and articles made by the author are written in square brackets. Instances where the English translation appears in the source book or periodical are indicated by round brackets.

xii Preface In order to avoid misunderstandings and to simplify the search, both the surnames and the given names of Chinese authors are given in cross-references to References, except in situations, where there are more than one author. In such cases, only the surnames are written. Names of Chinese scholars which appear in the book are written in the text without Chinese characters, except for cases when they are the titles of subchapters. The names of Chinese scholars, who have spellings other than pinyin of their names in English, are written in pinyin. E.g. Ā䍉‫ܗ‬ӏā is written as “Zhao Yuanren”, not “Yuen Ren Chao”. In the references, the authors can be found under their pinyin spelling, with cross-references to other spellings. All spellings can be found in the Index of personal names, together with the Chinese characters. The place names are accompanied by their respective Chinese characters, except for the names of provinces, autonomous regions and municipalities, which are all listed in the appendix (China’s main administrative units). The names of the forty two dialect localities described in The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects are written without their Chinese characters in chapters where they have already been mentioned and occur frequently. “Beijing” as a city is also noted down without characters. In the text, the place names are written without the notation of tones. All place names can be found in the Index of Chinese place names, together with their respective characters. Chinese linguistic terms are noted in the text together with their respective characters and pinyin spelling in italics, with the notation of tones. The exceptions are ‘Putonghua’ and ‘pinyin’. The names of Chinese dialect groups are written without the notation of tones and characters, except for places where they are described in detail. The names of the main dialect groups used in the book are mostly pinyin equivalents of the names in Putonghua, except for ‘Hakka’ ˄ᅶᆊ˅, established in sinology, and therefore used, rather than ‘Kejia’. Website addresses referred to in this book are placed on a separate list which follows the main References. Each entry is labeled with [www X], where X stands for a consecutive number. This symbol is used throughout the text as cross-references to the website addresses. Internal cross-references indicate the number of the chapter and/or subchapter, e.g. “see Chapter 6.4.” refers to the fourth subchapter (“Controversial issues”) of the sixth chapter (“The classification of Chinese dialects according to The Language Atlas of China”).

Technical notes xiii

References to The Language Atlas of China are written as numbers of the maps and at the same time the accompanying descriptions, e.g. “Atlas: A2, B14”, etc. A very brief chronology of Chinese history has been appended. Only the dates of the reign of respective dynasties are given as reference. A list of Chinese provinces, autonomous regions, Special Administrative Regions and municipalities has been appended. The list is complemented with the notation in Chinese characters and pinyin spelling, Chinese abbreviations, as well as the names of capitals/seats of government. There is also an index of personal names and one of Chinese place names. A Chinese-English index-glossary of basic linguistic terminology used in the book has been appended at the end of the book.

Contents

Acknowledgements ....................................................................................vii Preface.........................................................................................................ix Abbreviations ..........................................................................................xviii List of tables, diagrams and illustrations...................................................xix Chapter 1 Defining terminology ................................................................................... 1 1. ‘ᮍ㿔 fƗngyán’ versus ‘dialect’ .......................................................... 1 2. Dialects or languages.......................................................................... 2 3. Conclusions ........................................................................................ 2 Chapter 2 Languages of China...................................................................................... 4 1. Classification of Chinese.................................................................... 4 2. Non-Chinese languages of China ....................................................... 5 3. Alternative classifications .................................................................. 8 Chapter 3 The language policy of the People’s Republic of China regarding the dialects of Chinese............................................................................ 10 1. The forming of Putonghua ............................................................... 10 2. Language legislation......................................................................... 10 3. Mutual inter-influence of dialects and Putonghua ........................... 12 4. The status of Putonghua................................................................... 13 Chapter 4 Chinese historical phonetics....................................................................... 15 1. The structure of the syllable ............................................................. 15 2. Middle Chinese tones ....................................................................... 16 3. Middle Chinese initials..................................................................... 18 4. Middle Chinese finals....................................................................... 21 5. Fanqie............................................................................................... 22 6. Rhyme books ˄䷉к yùnshnj˅....................................................... 23 Chapter 5 Classifications of Chinese dialects ............................................................. 25 1. Criteria.............................................................................................. 25 2. A historical overview since the end of the nineteenth century......... 36

xvi

Contents

Chapter 6 The classification of Chinese dialects according to The Language Atlas of China ............................................................................................ 63 1. The Language Atlas of China ........................................................... 63 2. Classification into smaller units ....................................................... 63 3. The classification.............................................................................. 64 4. Controversial issues.......................................................................... 74 5. General characteristics of the ten Chinese dialect groups ................ 77 Chapter 7 Guidelines for field research of Chinese dialects....................................... 91 1. Phonetics .......................................................................................... 91 2. Vocabulary ..................................................................................... 106 3. Grammar......................................................................................... 121 Chapter 8 Analysis of The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects .............. 128 1. Introduction .................................................................................... 128 2. Methods of research for The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects............................................................................. 134 3. The choice of dialect localities for The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects ............................................................... 137 4. Background overview of explored places ...................................... 157 Chapter 9 Information gathered from The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects........................................................................................... 184 1. Internal diversification ................................................................... 184 2. Phonetics ........................................................................................ 186 3. Vocabulary ..................................................................................... 196 4. Grammar......................................................................................... 201 Chapter 10 Summary and conclusions........................................................................ 203 1. Dialects or languages?.................................................................... 203 2. The language of the majority.......................................................... 204 3. Language policy ............................................................................. 204 4. Criteria............................................................................................ 205 5. Different classifications.................................................................. 205 6. Research methods........................................................................... 206 7. Other aspects of modern dialectology ............................................ 207 8. Chinese abroad ............................................................................... 207

Contents

9. 10. 11.

xvii

Are the dialects of China endangered? ........................................... 208 Tasks of Chinese dialectology........................................................ 208 The role of The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects ..... 208

A brief chronology of Chinese history since the Qin Dynasty................. 210 China’s main administrative units ............................................................ 211 Notes ........................................................................................................ 213 References ................................................................................................ 221 Chinese-English index-glossary of basic linguistic terminology ............. 252 Index of personal names........................................................................... 266 Index of Chinese place names .................................................................. 271

Abbreviations

A.R. – Autonomous Region ˄㞾⊏ऎ Zizhiqu˅ Atlas – The Language Atlas of China (Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan yu Aodaliya Renwen Kexueyuan 1987, 1989) IPA – International Phonetic Alphabet S.A.R. – Special Administrative Region ˄ ⡍ ߿ 㸠 ᬓ ऎ Tebiexing Zhengqu˅

List of tables, diagrams and illustrations

Page: Table 1. Table 2. Table 3. Table 4. Table 5. Table 6. Table 7. Table 8.

Table 9. Table 10. Table 11. Table 12. Table 13. Table 14. Table 15.

Table 16.

Table 17.

Table 18.

Table 19.

Structure of a syllable Derivation of tones and their names Tone categories The traditional thirty six ᄫ↡ zìm· ϸ੐ li΁nghnj ಯ੐ sìhnj History of dialect classifications Development of Middle Chinese syllables in the ܹໄ rùshƝng into modern Mandarin dialects Development of Middle Chinese ܼ⌞ quánzhuó initials into modern dialects Tones of the Beijing dialect Initials of the Beijing dialect Finals of the Beijing dialect Table of homophonic characters for the [in] final in the Beijing dialect Table of single characters for the [an, ian, uan, yan] finals of the Beijing dialect Dialect groups and subgroups and their representatives in The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects Provinces/A.R./Municipalities/S.A.R. and their representatives in The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects Representatives of dialects in preceding surveys and in The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects A choice of features of the forty two dialect localities of The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects Numbers of initials, finals and tones in the forty two dialect localities and Putonghua

16 17 18 20 21 22 59–61

89 90 96 97 97 98 99 138–142

146–147

151–154

181–183

186–188

xx

List of tables, diagrams and illustrations

Page: Table 20. Table 21.

Table 22.

Diagram 1.

Diagram 2.

Figure 1. Figure 2. Figure 3. Figure 4. Map 1.

Map 2.

Tonal categories and their values in the forty two dialect localities and Putonghua Opposition between voiced and voiceless plosive initials; plosive codas; nasal and nasalized codas in the forty two dialect localities and Putonghua Words denoting ‘sun’ and ‘spring’ in the forty two dialect localities and Putonghua Percentage of subgroups of each dialect group covered by The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects Percentage of volumes in The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects against the percentage of speakers of each dialect group Sixteen ᨘ shè of Guăngyùn Order of the sixteen ᨘ shè in Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao Order of the thirty six ᄫ↡ zìm· in Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao Symbols of থ೜⊩ fƗquƗnf΁ Distribution of the forty two dialect localities of The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects Distribution of the dialect localities of The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects in southern China

188–191

192–194

197–200

142

149

24 94 94–95 106 144

145

Chapter 1 Defining terminology

1. ‘ᮍ㿔 fƗngyán’ versus ‘dialect’ There is slight disagreement between the Chinese perception of the term ᮍ㿔 fƗngyán and the western term ‘dialect’. The Chinese traditionally refer to the local forms of their speech as þᮍ㿔 fƗngyánÿ, lit. ‘regional speech’. This term is customarily translated into English as ‘dialect’, though it seems that this translation is not fully accurate. The Chinese definitions of þᮍ㿔 fƗngyánÿ do not take the parameter of mutual intelligibility into consideration, whereas the western term ‘dialect’ usually applies this criterion as decisive, though not without exceptions (cf. Chambers and Trudgill 2003: 3–4; Bussman 2000: 125). This is probably the main difference between the perception of the Chinese and western terms. The concept of regional linguistic varieties appeared in China at the earliest around the time of the Zhou Dynasty. At that time it was called ⅞ ᮍᓖ䇁 shnj fƗng yì y· (“different lands and distinct languages”) (cf. Yuan Jiahua 2003: 1). The term þᮍ㿔 fƗngyánÿ was used for the first time during the reign of the Western Han Dynasty by Yang Xiong in his work entitled 䔊䔽Փ 㗙㒱 ҷ 䇁䞞 ߿೑ ᮍ 㿔 Youxuan shizhe juedai yu shi bieguo fangyan (Study of dialect words of other states explained by the light-carriage messenger), better known by its shortened name ᮍ 㿔 Fangyan (see Liu Junhui et al. 1992; cf. He Gengyong 1984: 1; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 19; Yan, M. M. 2006: 5). Gao Mingkai and Shi Anshi (2002: 220–221) present the definition of þᮍ㿔 fƗngyánÿ as: “a branch of the language of a nation, its local variant. ᮍ㿔 fƗngyán is used by people living in a certain place, belonging to a certain society, and it has characteristics of its own.” You Rujie (2000: 7) explains that “we talk about dialects ˄ᮍ㿔 fƗngyán˅ in contrast to language ˄䇁㿔 y·yán˅. The relationship between dialect and language is the same as between specific and general. Language is a general term and dialect a specific term. Dialects are the existent form of language, in everyday life people use specific dialects, not general languages.”

2

Defining terminology

The term þᮍ㿔 fƗngyánÿ can imply either a large dialect group, such as Mandarin, Yue, Wu, etc., or a tongue used in a small area, such as the Beijing dialect ˄࣫Ҁᮍ㿔 BČijƯng fƗngyán˅, Shanghai dialect ˄Ϟ⍋ᮍ 㿔 Shàngh΁i fƗngyán˅.

2. Dialects or languages The debate as to whether or not the varieties of speech used by the Chinese should be classified as separate languages or dialects of one language is a difficult one, with reasons on both sides. The main criterion according to which some scholars tend to use the English term ‘language’ for the varieties of Chinese, is the lack of mutual intelligibility between the various forms of speech, the fact that the “various ‘Chinese dialects’ are as diverse as the several Romance languages” (Chomsky 2002: 15). On the other hand, since there are no extra-linguistic (political, historical, geographical, cultural) reasons to treat these dialects as individual languages, the tradition is to call them dialects of Chinese (cf. DeFrancis 1984: 54–57; Lin, Yen-Hwei 2007: 1–2, 363–264; Crystal 2003: 287, 314; The Republic of China Yearbook 2000: 40, 41; Norman 1988: 187–188; Gao Ran 1999a; Yan, M. M. 2006: 2–3). Calling the varieties of Chinese ‘dialects’ ˄ᮍ㿔 fƗngyán˅ rather than languages does have a strong political undertone, as it serves the unity of the Chinese people. If a vast majority of inhabitants speaks one language, the country is also unified (cf. Chapter 3.1.). The Chinese writing system is yet another factor which unifies the country. If the literary language is used to write down a text, then even if the characters are pronounced differently in various parts of China, they can be more or less understood by every speaker.

3. Conclusions Perhaps the term þᮍ㿔 fƗngyánÿ is simply untranslatable and the question will always provoke discussion. Nonetheless, since the Chinese have been using the term since the time of the Han Dynasty to describe the speech of the Han people, it maybe should not be changed. The following words of Zhao Yuanren justify the treatment of Chinese as one language (Zhao Yuanren 2004b: 965):

Conclusions

3

In the case of the dialects of Chinese, they are phonologically as divergent from one another as German from Dutch or French from Italian. But the historical association of the speakers of the dialects has always been maintained not only by the use of a common system of writing, but also by the use of a common classical idiom, based on a common body of literature, and more recently by the general use of a common modern dialect, usually called Mandarin, so that there is a linguistic sense, as well as a politico-geographical sense in which one can speak of the Chinese language.

The choice between the terms ‘dialect’ and ‘language’ is not merely a political question, but can also interfere in the sense of ethnic identity, which is not the intention of the author. An analysis of the Chinese identity and the role of the language as an ethnic flag could be an object for study in the domain of linguistic anthropology. Despite all the controversies, the term ‘dialect’ will be applied to describe the Chinese þᮍ㿔 fƗngyánÿ in this book, as this form is deeply rooted in the tradition of sinology, though one ought to remember that this term is more or less a matter of convention.

Chapter 2 Languages of China

China is often regarded as a linguistic monolith, not only by people from outside the country, but also by the Chinese themselves. This point of view seems justified when one takes into account the fact that for about 92% of the population the mother tongue is Chinese. However, if one takes a closer look at the divergence of the dialects of Chinese, and observes that the remaining 8% speak (officially) around eighty languages (cf. Zou and You 2001: 4; Zhou Qingsheng 2003: 250–251; Li Rong 1989b; Dao Bu 2004: 67), then one should rather consider China as a vast mosaic of languages and dialects (cf. Zhou Qingsheng 2003: 250–251).

1. Classification of Chinese Chinese is commonly classified as a sub-branch of the Sino-Tibetan language family. However, “the membership and classification of the SinoTibetan family of languages is highly controversial” (Crystal 2003: 312; cf. Majewicz 1989: 66; Ruhlen 2004). Disregarding all the controversies around the classification of this language family, it will be applied in this book as the most popular existing view. The Sino-Tibetan languages are divided into two branches: Sinitic and Tibeto-Burman (cf. DeLancey 1987; Crystal 2003: 312–313).1 The Sinitic branch denotes the Chinese dialects, the Tibeto-Burman – “several hundred languages spoken from the Tibetan plateau in the north to the Malay Peninsula in the south and from northern Pakistan in the west, to northeastern Vietnam in the east” (DeLancey 1987: 799). The Chinese language, in all its varieties, is spoken by more than a billion people, which is more than 20% of the global population, not only in mainland China and Taiwan, but also throughout South-East Asia, as well as in other parts of the world, e.g. in the United States (cf. Zou and You 2001: 1; Crystal 2003: 312).

Non-Chinese languages of China

5

2. Non-Chinese languages of China Fifty six nationalities are officially recognized in China. The Han Chinese constitute 91.59% of the population, minorities – 8.41% (2000; cf. [www 12]). The Language Atlas of China (A1 [also Li Rong 1989b]; A4; C14) lists around eighty officially recognized languages used in China2. They belong to five language families (see also Zhongguo Dabaike Quanshu. Yuyan Wenzi Fence 1988: 523–526): 1. Sino-Tibetan Family ˄∝㮣䇁㋏ Hànzàng Y·xì˅ 1.1. Sinitic Group – Chinese ˄∝䇁 Hàny·˅ 1.2. Tibeto-Burman Group ˄㮣㓙䇁ᮣ Zàngmi΁n Y·zú˅ (26% of the population speaking minority languages) (23 languages, spoken in: Tibetan A.R., Qinghai, Gansu, Sichuan, Yunnan, Guizhou, Hunan, Hubei Provinces, Guangxi A.R.) Tibetan ˄㮣䇁 Zàngy·˅ Jiarong (~Gyarung, ~Rgyarung)˄௝២䇁 JiƗróngy·˅ Monba ˄䮼Ꮘ䇁 MénbƗy·˅: Cona Monba ˄䫭䙷䮼Ꮘ䇁 Cuònà MénbƗy·˅, Cangluo Monba ˄ҧ⋯䮼Ꮘ䇁 CƗngluò MénbƗy·˅ Lhoba (~Lopa) ˄⦲Ꮘ䇁 LuòbƗy·˅: Boga’er Lhoba ˄म௢ᇨ⦲ Ꮘ 䇁 BógƗ’Čr LuòbƗy· ˅ , Yidu Lhoba ˄ Н 䛑 ⦲ Ꮘ 䇁 Yìdnj LuòbƗy·˅ Deng ˄‫ڰ‬䇁 Dèngy·˅: Geman Deng ˄Ḑ᳐‫ڰ‬䇁 Gémàn Dèngy·˅, Darang Deng ˄䖒䅽‫ڰ‬䇁 Dáràng Dèngy·˅ Jingpo (~Chingpaw, ~Kachin) ˄᱃乛䇁 J΃ngpǀy·˅ Zaiwa (~Jingpo) ˄䕑⪺䇁 Zàiw΁y·˅ Derong (~Tulung, ~Drung) ˄⣀啭䇁 Dúlóngy·˅ Nu ˄ᗦ䇁 Nùy·˅ Qiang ˄㕠䇁 QiƗngy·˅ Primi (~Pumi) ˄᱂㉇䇁 P·m΃y·˅ Yi (~Lolo) ˄ᔱ䇁 Yíy·˅ Hani ˄જሐ䇁 HƗníy·˅ Achang ˄䰓ᯠ䇁 ƖchƗngy·˅ Lahu ˄ᢝ⼰䇁 LƗhùy·˅ Jino ˄෎䇎䇁 JƯnuòy·˅ Lisu ˄ٜ‫ۇ‬䇁 Lìsùy·˅ Naxi (~Moso) ˄㒇㽓䇁 NàxƯy·˅ Bai ˄ⱑ䇁 BƗiy·˅ Tujia (~Tuchia) ˄ೳᆊ䇁 T·jiƗy·˅

6

Languages of China

1.3. Miao-Yao (~Hmong-Mien) Group ˄㢫⩊䇁ᮣ Miáoyáo Y·zú˅ (10.8%) (4 languages) (spoken in: Guizhou Province, Guangxi A.R., Hunan, Yunnan, Guangdong Provinces) Miao (~Hmong) ˄㢫䇁 Miáoy·˅ Bunu ˄Ꮧࡾ䇁 Bùn·y·˅ She ˄⭆䇁 ShƝy·˅3 Yao (~Mien) ˄⩊˄࢝˅䇁 Yáo (Mi΁n) y·˅ 1.4. Zhuang-Dong Group ˄ ໂ ի 䇁 ᮣ Zhuàng Dòng Y·zú ˅ (14 languages) (spoken in: Guangxi A.R., Guizhou, Yunnan, Guangdong Provinces) Zhuang ˄ໂ䇁 Zhuàngy·˅ Bouyei (~Buyei) ˄Ꮧձ䇁 BùyƯy·˅ Dai ˄‫ٷ‬䇁 D΁iy·˅ Lingao ˄Ј催䆱 LíngƗohuà˅ Dong (~Kam)˄ի䇁 Dòngy·˅ Mulam ˄ҿՀ䇁 Mùl΁oy·˅ Sui ˄∈䇁 Shu΃y·˅ Maonan ˄↯फ䇁 Máonány·˅ T’en ˄Ճ‫ڭ‬䆱 Yánghuáng huà˅ Mojia (~Mak) ˄㥿䆱 Mòhuà˅ Lakia ˄ᢝ⦜䇁 LƗjiƗy·˅ Li (~Hlai) ˄咢䇁 Líy·˅ Cun ˄ᴥ䆱 Cnjnhuà˅ Gelao (~Gelo, ~Kelao) ˄ҵՀ䇁 GƝl΁oy·˅ 2. Altaic Family ˄䰓ᇨ⋄䇁㋏ Ɩ’Črtài Y·xì˅ 2.1. Mongolic Group ˄ 㩭 স 䇁 ᮣ MČngg· Y·zú ˅ (6 languages) (spoken in: Inner Mongolia A.R., Xinjiang A.R., Gansu, Qinghai, Heilongjiang, Jilin, Liaoning Provinces) Mongolian ˄㩭স䇁 MČngg·y·˅ Dongxiang (~Santa) ˄ϰе䇁 DǀngxiƗngy·˅ Tu (~Monguor) ˄ೳᮣ䇁 T·zúy·˅ Daur ˄䖒᭵ᇨ䇁 Dáwò’Čry·˅ Bonan (~Pao’an) ˄ֱᅝ䇁 B΁o’Ɨny·˅ Eastern Yugur ˄ϰ䚼㺩೎䇁 Dǀngbù Yùgùy·˅ 2.2. Manchu-Tungusic Group ˄⒵-䗮সᮃ䇁ᮣ M΁n-Tǀngg·sƯ Y·zú˅ (5 languages) (spoken in: Heilongjiang, Jilin, Liaoning Provinces, Xinjiang A.R.) Ewenki (~Owenk) ˄䛖⏽‫ܟ‬䇁 ÈwƝnkèy·˅ Xibe ˄䫵ԃ䇁 XƯbóy·˅

Non-Chinese languages of China

7

Manchu (~Man) ˄⒵䇁 M΁ny·˅ Oroqen ˄䛖Ӻ᯹䇁 Èlúnchnjny·˅ Hezhen (~Hoche) ˄䌿૆䇁 Hèzhéy·˅ 2.3. Turkic Group ˄さॹ䇁ᮣ Tnjjué Y·zú˅ (8 languages) (spoken in: Xinjiang A.R., Qinghai, Gansu Provinces) Uygur ˄㓈਒ᇨ䇁 Wéiwú’Čry·˅ Kazak ˄જ㧼‫ܟ‬䇁 HƗsàkèy·˅ Kirgiz ˄᷃ᇨ‫ܟ‬ᄰ䇁 KƝ’ČrkèzƯy·˅ Salar ˄ᩦᢝ䇁 SƗlƗy·˅ Western Yugur ˄㽓䚼㺩೎䇁 XƯbù Yùgùy·˅ Uzbek ˄Рᄰ߿‫ܟ‬䇁 WnjzƯbiékèy·˅ Tatar ˄ศศᇨ䇁 T΁t΁’Čry·˅ Tuvan ˄೒⪺䇁 Túw΁y·˅ 3. Austro-Asiatic Family ˄ फ Ѯ 䇁 ㋏ Nányà Y·xì ˅ (3 languages) (spoken in: Yunnan Province) Mon-Khmer Group ˄ᄳ—催ẝ䇁ᮣ Mèng-GƗomián Y·zú˅ De’ang (~Palaung, ~Shwe) ˄ᖋᯖ䇁 Dé’ángy·˅ Va ˄Ը䇁 W΁y·˅ Blang ˄Ꮧᳫ䇁 Bùl΁ngy·˅ 4. Austronesian Family ˄ फ ቯ 䇁 ㋏ Nánd΁o Y·xì ˅ (12 languages) (spoken in: Taiwan) The languages of the Taiwan Gaoshan people ˄催ቅᮣ GƗoshƗnzú˅ belonging to the Indonesian language group ˄ ॄ ᑺ ሐ 㽓 Ѯ 䇁 ᮣ YìndùníxƯyà Y·zú˅ 4.1. Atayalic ˄⋄㘊ᇨ䇁ಶ TàiyƝ’Čr Y·tuán˅: Atayal ˄⋄㘊ᇨ䇁 TàiyƝ’Čry·˅ Taroko ˄䌯ᖋ䇁 Sàidéy·˅ 4.2. Tsouic ˄䚍䇁ಶ Zǀu Y·tuán˅ Tsou ˄䚍䇁 Zǀuy·˅ Kanakanabu ˄व䙷व䙷Ꮧ䇁 K΁nàk΁nàbùy·˅ Saaroa ˄≭䰓剕䰓䇁 ShƗ’Ɨl·’Ɨy·˅ 4.3. Paiwanic ˄ᥦ⑒䇁ಶ PáiwƗn Y·tuán˅ Amis (Pangcah) ˄䰓ⳝᮃ䇁 ƖméisƯy·˅ Paiwan ˄ᥦ⑒ PáiwƗn˅ Bunun ˄Ꮧ‫ݰ‬䇁 Bùnóngy·˅ Rukai ˄剕߃䇁 L·k΁iy·˅ Puyuma ˄थफ䇁 BƝinány·˅ Saisiyat ˄㧼ᮃ⡍䇁 SàsƯtèy·˅ Thao ˄䚉䇁 Shàoy·˅

8

Languages of China

4.4. Yami ˄㘊ⳝ䇁 YƝméiy·˅ 5. Indo-European Family ˄ ॄ ⃻ 䇁 ㋏ Yìn’ǀu Y·xì ˅ (2 languages) (spoken in: Xinjiang A.R., Inner Mongolia A.R.) Iranian language group ˄Ӟᳫ䇁ᮣ YƯláng Y·zú˅: Tajik ˄ศঢ় ‫ܟ‬䇁 T΁jíkèy·˅ Slavic language group ˄ᮃᢝ໿䇁ᮣ SƯlƗfnj Y·zú˅: Russian ˄֘ 㔫ᮃ䇁 ÉluósƯy·˅ 6. Non-defined language family4 Korean ˄ᳱ剰䇁 Cháoxi΁ny·˅ Gin (~Vietnamese) ˄Ҁ䇁 JƯngy·˅ Huihui (~Tsat, ~Cham) ˄ಲ䕝䆱 HuíhuƯhuà˅

3. Alternative classifications 3.1. Li Fanggui ˄ᴢᮍḖ˅ In 1937 Li Fanggui published an article in the Chinese Yearbook (Li Fanggui [1937] 1973), in which he described the then current linguistic situation in China. According to his classification, the languages of China could be divided into the following families and branches (Li Fanggui 1973: 1): 1.

2. 3.

4.

Indo-Chinese (Tibeto-Chinese, Sino-Tibetan, Sinitic) a. Chinese b. Kam-Tai c. Miao-Yao d. Tibeto-Burman Austro-Asiatic: a. Mon-Khmer Altaic: a. Turkish b. Mongolian c. Tungus Indo-European a. Tokharian (extinct)

Alternative classifications

9

3.2. S. Robert Ramsey Ramsey (1987: 157–291) gives a brief description of the minority languages of China. He divides the non-Chinese languages of China into two linguistic areas: the North and the South. “The languages of the North are almost all ‘Altaic languages’… The languages in the South are an extension of the Southeast Asian linguistic area…” (Ramsey 1987: 171). Yet, the author does not include the third linguistic area “formed by Tibet and adjacent parts of West China”, nor the island of Taiwan (Ramsey 1987: 172). He lists and describes the minority languages divided into the following groups: The Minorities of North China: 1. Turkic (Ramsey 1987: 179–194) 2. Mongolian (Ramsey 1987: 194–212) 3. Tungus (Ramsey 1987: 212–229) The Minorities of South China: 4. Tai (Ramsey 1987: 232–248) 5. Tibeto-Burman (Ramsey 1987: 248–278) 6. Miao-Yao (Ramsey 1987: 278–286) 7. Mon Khmer (Ramsey 1987: 286–287) 8. Unclassified or Isolated Languages (Ramsey 1987: 287–291) 3.3. SIL International5 The online version of Ethnologue, “an encyclopaedic reference work cataloguing all of the world’s 6,909 known living languages” (see [www 2]), presented by SIL International, lists 292 living languages in China, including 13 dialects of Chinese and Chinese Sign Language (see [www 3]) and 22 languages in Taiwan (including 3 dialects of Chinese and Taiwan Sign Language) (see [www 4]). This then totals 279 non-Chinese languages in mainland China, along with 18 in Taiwan (some may be repeated in both places). The classification by SIL International differs greatly from the official one of the People’s Republic of China. The dissimilarities lie mostly in the problem of recognition of languages as well as the criteria for treating the varieties as dialects or individual languages.

Chapter 3 The language policy of the People’s Republic of China regarding the dialects of Chinese6

1. The forming of Putonghua Because of the diversity of languages and dialects in China, it is natural that the need to create a linguistic standard, or a national language has come about. The common language is supposed to become one of the pillars of unity of the country, the means of communication between the local languages and dialects, and a means of controlling the inhabitants. The origin of the Chinese national language goes back as far as to the time of the Western Zhou Dynasty (1046–256 BC). Its basis has always been the Northern Dialects ˄࣫ᮍᮍ㿔 BČifƗng FƗngyán˅. Since the time of the Ming Dynasty, the standard language has been called ᅬ䆱 GuƗnhuà, i.e. Mandarin (cf. Li Rulong 2003a: 5–7; You Rujie 2004: 26–28; Lü Jiping 2002: 41–47). At present, the national standard in China is Putonghua ˄ ᱂ 䗮 䆱 P·tǀnghuà˅ (literally ‘common speech’). Putonghua has also been created on the basis of the Northern Dialects, i.e. Mandarin Dialects. The Beijing pronunciation was used as the phonetic foundation. “Model works written in the modern ⱑ䆱 báihuà 7” have been chosen as the grammatical foundation. The process of creating the standard language was a long one. Officially, Putonghua was declared the common language of the Han people in 1955 (cf. Chen Zhangtai 2005: 107; Song Xinqiao ed. 2004: 13–14; Tan Dazheng ed. 2000: 181–182; Quanguo Renda… 2001: 43–45). In article 19 of the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China, legislated in 1982, it is declared that “The state promotes the nationwide use of Putonghua…” (see Zhonghua Renmin Gongheguo Xianfa 2004: 24, 25; cf. Dao Bu 2004: 72).

2. Language legislation The People’s Republic of China Law of the Country’s Common Language and Writing (Zhonghua Renmin Gongheguo Guojia Tongyong Yuyan Wenzi

Language legislation 11

Fa ЁढҎ⇥݅੠೑೑ᆊ䗮⫼䇁㿔᭛ᄫ⊩) (see Quanguo Renda… 2001: 4–9), which has been valid since 2001, in the second article of the first section, declares “Putonghua and the standardized Chinese characters the common language and writing of the People’s Republic of China”. In the third article it is once again stated that “the country promotes the popularization of Putonghua and the standardized characters” (see Quanguo Renda… 2001: 4). The fourth article of the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China declares that “all nationalities have the freedom to use and develop their own spoken and written languages…” (see Zhonghua Renmin Gongheguo Xianfa 2004: 14, 15; cf. Dao Bu 2004: 72). In the Constitution, nothing is said about the protection of the dialects of Chinese. This has caused some peculiar situations, such as the one described by Frank Anshen (2001: 710–711), when the government protects and encourages the rights of minorities by publishing materials in their languages, at the same time neglecting the vast groups of speakers of individual dialects of Chinese, by not providing them with such privileges. This is one of the ways in which the government wants to unify the Chinese language. The two points, i.e. the popularization of Putonghua all over the country, and the right of the national minorities to use their own languages, are the main goals of the Chinese language policy. The rules of when to use dialects are precisely described in article 16 of the language law (Quanguo Renda… 2001: 6–7, English translation at [www 15]): …Local dialects may be used under the following circumstances: – when State functionaries really need to use them in the performance of official duties; – where they are used in broadcasting with the approval of the broadcasting and television administration under the State Council or of the broadcasting and television department at the provincial level; – where they are needed in traditional operas, films and TV programs and other forms of art; and – where their use is really required in the publishing, teaching and research.

As one can see, the possibility of using dialects is quite rigorously restricted by the law. That does not, of course, prohibit the everyday users of dialects to speak their own variety of the language. It is often repeated in commentaries to the language law, that “the aim of the promotion of

12 The language policy of the PRC Putonghua is certainly not to eliminate the dialects, but to remove the estrangement between various dialects” (cf. Zhou Qingsheng 2003: 253; Quanguo Renda… 2001: 47; 292; Quanguo Ganbu... 2002: 32–33). Dissemination of the common language means that the people who speak dialects should also know the national standard. This standard is to be used in official circumstances, such as schools, offices, etc. (cf. Quanguo Renda… 2001: 47; Quanguo Ganbu... 2002: 33). This way, the dialects have in fact been pushed away to become a marginal part of social life. The use of the standard language is also widely promoted in all kinds of media, films, literature. Nevertheless, as it is stated in the third section of article 16 of the language law, the use of dialects is allowed in some cases. These cases are local operas, folk ballads, musical storytelling, comic dialogues and other forms of folk performing art. The second section of this article permits some particular use of dialects in radio and television. Although existing local TV and radio stations, which have been transmitting programs using dialects, did not have to be closed after the law came into force, it is at the same time not recommended to create new channels and programs in which dialects would be used. In the areas where dialects dominate, new channels should be established, which would transmit programs in Putonghua (cf. Quanguo Renda… 2001: 79). According to the twelfth article of the law of the educational system, the usage of Putonghua has become obligatory in schools and institutions of higher education. An exception has been made for national minorities, in reference to the above-mentioned article four of the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China (see Quanguo Renda… 2001: 278–279). In reality, because of the large size of China, the population density, the big diversity of languages and dialects, as well as the differences in development between regions, dialects are still often used in education. Moreover, it happens that dialects are spoken even at government level, and at various conferences and celebrations. Also, in the judicature, at local TV stations, or in industry one can find that Putonghua is not yet fully spread (cf. Zhou Qingsheng 2003: 258; Lü Jiping ed. 2002: 83–120).

3. Mutual inter-influence of dialects and Putonghua The expansion of the standard language in a natural way influences the local varieties of the language. At the same time, paradoxically, this process is also reversed. As the standard changes the dialects, so do some dialectal

The status of Putonghua 13

features penetrate the standard. This can most clearly be seen in areas that are far from the capital. Yet, this mutual interaction, which is a normal reaction to the unification of the language, is not symmetrical. Dialects are far more influenced by Putonghua, than the other way round (cf. Li Rulong 2003: 7; Quanguo Renda… 2001: 47–48; Guo 2004). More and more differences emerge between the older generations, who speak a conservative form of their dialects, and the younger generations, who are gradually surrendering to the power of Putonghua (You Rujie 2004: 27). Thus, although Putonghua is partially an artificial creation, it has become a living language with all the consequences of being one. The standard continues to be the standard, and there is only one true language. At the same time, however, far from the capital, it takes different shapes. That is how the expression ‘non-standard Putonghua’ ˄ϡᷛ‫ⱘޚ‬᱂䗮䆱 bù bi΁ozh·n de P·tǀnghuà˅ has come into being. Various degrees of conformity of speech with the national model can be distinguished, depending on how far it strays away from the origin (cf. Quanguo Renda… 2001: 292). Here, another new term has emerged: ‘local Putonghua’ ˄ഄᮍ᱂䗮䆱 dìfƗng P·tǀnghuà˅. The language spoken by people with at least secondary education, who have studied in Beijing, or people who come from dialectal areas, but whose speech does not contain the slightest dialectal influence, is considered the Putonghua of the best quality. The ‘non-standard Putonghua’ means all its local varieties, to a greater or lesser extent different from the “pure” form (cf. Chen Zhangtai 2005: 110–112).

4. The status of Putonghua Being the standard language, as well as the language of the educated part of society, Putonghua is often viewed as the language of the elite.8 This may encourage the populace to learn this esteemed tongue, which may further lead to the abandonment by the inhabitants of their home dialects, in order to speak the language of high society. One statement seems particularly interesting in this light, i.e. that “one of the main responsibilities of Chinese dialectology is to help the spread of Putonghua” (see Beijing Shi Yuyanxuehui 2004: 248). One of the achievements of the dialectologists in this field is making comparisons between the standard and the dialects, as well as teaching the standard to people in dialectal areas (cf. Beijing Shi Yuyanxuehui 2004: 248).

14 The language policy of the PRC A national conference on the workings of the national language ˄ܼ೑ 䇁㿔᭛ᄫᎹ԰Ӯ䆂 Quanguo Yuyan Wenzi Gongzuo Huiyi˅ was held in Beijing in 1997. During this conference the main tasks for the first half of the twenty first century were set. Before 2010, Putonghua is meant to be “pre-spread” throughout the country. This process is to be completed by mid-century. As far as dialects are concerned, this “pre-spreading” means that unintelligibility between dialects should be basically removed. The total spread indicates that all the communicational barriers between dialects are to disappear (cf. Zhou Qingsheng 2003: 258–259; [www 14]).

Chapter 4 Chinese historical phonetics

To study the phonetics of Chinese dialects, one must be familiar to some extent with Chinese historical phonetics ˄ ∝ 䇁 ䷇ ䷉ ᄺ Hàny· yƯnyùnxué˅, also known as Chinese traditional phonology, as it is commonly applicable while researching the phonetic system of modern dialects from the diachronic ˄ग़ᯊ lìshí˅ perspective.9 The beginning of ䷇䷉ᄺ yƯnyùnxué dates back to the end of the Eastern Han Dynasty (25–220 A.D.) and the invention of ডߛ f΁nqiè, the traditional method of transcribing characters (see Chapter 4.5.). It deals with the phonetics of different periods in the history of Chinese. For the diachronic research of modern dialects, the most important era is Middle Chinese ˄Ё স䷇ zhǀngg·yƯn˅, the time of the Sui, Tang and Song Dynasties. The diachronic method of researching the phonetics of dialects consists mainly in comparing the phonetic system of modern dialects with the phonetic system of Guangyun ˄ᑓ䷉˅ , a rhyme book which was written during the time of the Song Dynasty (see Chapter 4.6.2.).

1. The structure of the syllable According to the traditional partition, a Chinese syllable ˄䷇㡖 yƯnjié˅ consists of three components: the initial (the onset) ˄ໄ↡ shƝngm·˅, the final ˄䷉↡ yùnm·˅ and the tone ˄ໄ䇗 shƝngdiào˅. The initial is usually made up of a consonant, except for those cases where the so-called zero initial ˄䳊ໄ↡ língshƝngm·˅ occurs. The final can be divided into three parts: the medial (the onglide, head vowel of the final) ˄䷉༈ yùntóu or ҟ䷇ jièyƯn˅, the nucleus (the essential vowel of the final, the nuclear vowel) ˄䷉㝍 yùnfù or Џ㽕‫ ䷇ܗ‬zhǎyào yuányƯn˅ and the coda (ending of the final) ˄䷉ሒ yùnwƟi˅. The coda can be either a vowel (offglide) or a consonant (a nasal or a voiceless stop). Of all these components, only the nucleus and the tone are essential in forming a syllable (cf. Lin and Geng 2004: 22–25; Yan, M. M. 2006: 9–10; Wang Li 2004: 18–28; Chen, M. Y.

16 Chinese historical phonetics 2001: 4–5). Thus, the syllable structure can be shown in the following diagram (after Lin and Geng 2004: 23):10 Table 1. Structure of a syllable.11

INITIAL ໄ↡ shƝngmǎ

TONE ໄ䇗 shƝngdiào FINAL ䷉↡ yùnmǎ MEDIAL NUCLEUS ䷉༈ ䷉㝍 yùntóu yùnfù

CODA ䷉ሒ yùnwƟi

2. Middle Chinese tones The tones of modern Chinese dialects are believed to have evolved from the four tonal categories of Middle Chinese pronunciation ˄ ಯ ໄ sìshƝng˅, i.e. the level tone ˄ᑇໄ píngshƝng˅, rising tone ˄Ϟໄ shàngshƝng or shăngshƝng12˅, falling tone ˄এໄ qùshƝng˅ and entering tone ˄ܹໄ rùshƝng˅ (cf. Lin and Geng 2004: 59). The classification of tones in the modern Chinese dialects is closely related to voiceless and voiced ˄⏙⌞ qƯngzhuó˅ initials of Middle Chinese (see Chapter 4.3.). Each of the four classical tones is divided into yƯn ˄䰈˅ and yáng ˄䰇˅ categories ˄䇗㉏ diàolèi˅. The tones deriving from the syllables with voiceless ˄⏙ qƯng˅ initials are called yƯn ˄䰈˅ (namely: 䰈ᑇ yƯnpíng, 䰈Ϟ yƯnshàng, 䰈এ yƯnqù, 䰈ܹ yƯnrù), the ones deriving from the syllables with voiced ˄⌞ zhuó˅ initials – yáng ˄䰇˅ (namely: 䰇ᑇ yángpíng, 䰇Ϟ yángshàng, 䰇এ yángqù, 䰇ܹ yángrù) (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 122; Lin and Geng 2004: 59; Chen, M. Y. 2001: 7– 11) (see Table 2., based on Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 123). The tone values ˄䇗ؐ diàozhí˅ of the respective tone categories ˄䇗㉏ diàolèi˅ are diverse in different modern dialects. The number of tone categories varies as well; the tones have split and merged into different tone categories with different tone values (cf. Chen, M. Y. 2001: 7–13; You Rujie 2000: 24, see also Chapter 9.2.1.2.).

Middle Chinese tones 17 Table 2. Derivation of tones and their names. Middle Chinese name of tone ᑇໄ píngshƝng level tone

Ϟໄ shàngshƝng rising tone

এໄ qùshƝng falling tone

ܹໄ rùshƝng entering tone

Middle Chinese initial

Derived tone name

⏙ໄ↡ qƯng shƝngmǎ voiceless initials ⌞ໄ↡ zhuó shƝngmǎ voiced initials ⏙ໄ↡ qƯng shƝngmǎ voiceless initials ⌞ໄ↡ zhuó shƝngmǎ voiced initials ⏙ໄ↡ qƯng shƝngmǎ voiceless initials ⌞ໄ↡ zhuó shƝngmǎ voiced initials ⏙ໄ↡ qƯng shƝngmǎ voiceless initials ⌞ໄ↡ zhuó shƝngmǎ voiced initials

䰈ᑇ yƯnpíng 䰇ᑇ yángpíng 䰈Ϟ yƯnshàng 䰇Ϟ yángshàng 䰈এ yƯnqù 䰇এ yángqù 䰈ܹ yƯnrù 䰇ܹ yángrù

There is also another way of dividing the tones into two categories, namely the ᑇໄ píngshƝng – level tone and the Ҙໄ zèshƝng – oblique tones. The former category is represented only by the level tone ˄ᑇໄ píngshƝng˅, while the remaining three tones (i.e. rising tone ˄Ϟໄ shàngshƝng˅, falling tone ˄এໄ qùshƝng˅ and entering tone ˄ܹໄ rùshƝng˅ belong to the latter category. Syllables are also divided into two classes depending on the type of ending: “short” or “checked” syllables ˄ ֗ ໄ cùshƝng, literally “short tone” ˅ and “smooth” or “slack” syllables ˄ 㟦 ໄ shnjshƝng, literally “smooth tone”˅. The checked syllables have an occlusive as the ending, and only the syllables in the entering tone ˄ܹໄ rùshƝng˅ belong to this class. The smooth syllables are either open syllables or ones ending with

18 Chinese historical phonetics nasal stops; syllables in the level tone ˄ᑇໄ píngshƝng˅, rising tone ˄Ϟໄ shàngshƝng˅ and falling tone ˄এໄ qùshƝng˅ belong to this class (cf. Chen, M. Y. 2001: 5–6; Feng, Liang and Yang 1997: 119, 522) (see Table 3.). Table 3. Tone categories. ᑇໄ píngshƝng level tone ᑇໄ píngshƝng level tone

Ϟໄ shàngshƝng rising tone

㟦ໄ shnjshƝng smooth tone

এໄ qùshƝng falling tone Ҙໄ zèshƝng oblique tone

ܹໄ rùshƝng entering tone

֗ໄ cùshƝng short tone

3. Middle Chinese initials During the time of the Tang and Song Dynasties the term Ѩ䷇ w·yƯn (literally: “five sounds”) was used to describe the five points of consonant articulation. These “five sounds” were: – ⠭䷇ yáyƯn – “molar teeth sound”, meaning velar sounds – 㟠䷇ shéyƯn – “lingual sounds” – ૛䷇ chúnyƯn – labial sounds – 啓䷇ ch΃yƯn – dental sounds – ଢ଼䷇ hóuyƯn – laryngeal sounds Later, two other sounds were added to the list: – ञ㟠䷇ bànshéyƯn – “half-tongue sounds” – lateral sounds – ञ啓䷇ bànch΃yƯn – “half-teeth sounds” – dorsal sounds13 In this way the ϗ䷇ qƯyƯn (“seven sounds”) concept came into being. Shortly thereafter, there occurred a more detailed classification of the sounds. The ૛䷇ chúnyƯn, 㟠䷇ shéyƯn and 啓䷇ ch΃yƯn underwent further divisions: ૛䷇ chúnyƯn into: – 䞡૛䷇ zhòngchúnyƯn – “heavy labial sounds” – bilabial sounds – 䕏૛䷇ qƯngchúnyƯn – “light labial sounds” – labiodental sounds

Middle Chinese initials 19

㟠䷇ shéyƯn into: – 㟠༈䷇ shétóuyƯn – middle apical plosive, nasal and lateral sounds – 㟠Ϟ䷇ shéshàngyƯn – dorsal plosive and nasal sounds 啓䷇ ch΃yƯn into: – 啓༈䷇ ch΃tóuyƯn – “top-of-teeth sounds” – affricate and fricative apico-dental sounds – ℷ啓䷇ zhèngch΃yƯn – “centre-of-teeth sounds” – affricate and fricative dorsal sounds Altogether ten categories were created, but then the ञ㟠䷇ bànshéyƯn and ञ啓䷇ bànch΃yƯn were treated as one, and thus the б䷇ ji·yƯn (“nine sounds”) were established (cf. Tang Zuofan 2004: 34–36; Lin and Geng 2004: 56–58; Wang Li 2004b: 74–77; Zou Xiaoli 2002: 83–84; Liu Zhicheng 2004: 49–50). As to the manner of articulation, consonants were divided into ⏙ qƯng (voiceless) and ⌞ zhuó (voiced). These were then divided into ܼ⏙ quánqƯng, ⃵⏙ cìqƯng, ܼ⌞ quánzhuó and ⃵⌞ cìzhuó. The features of each of these classes were as follows (cf. Tang Zuofan 2004: 36–38; Lin and Geng 2004: 57; Wang Li 2004b: 77–79; Zou Xiaoli 2002: 84–86; Liu Zhicheng 2004: 51–52): ܼ⏙ quánqƯng – voiceless, unaspirated plosives, affricates and fricatives ⃵⏙ cìqƯng – voiceless, aspirated plosives and affricates ܼ⌞ quánzhuó – voiced plosives, affricates and fricatives ⃵⌞ cìzhuó – voiced nasals, laterals and semivowels Another important concept related to the initials of Middle Chinese is ᄫ ↡ zìm· – a character representing an initial consonant. Shou Wen, a monk who lived at the end of the Tang Dynasty and the beginning of the Five Dynasties, created a list of thirty ᄫ↡ zìm·. Later, in the time of the Song Dynasty a further six ᄫ↡ zìm· were added. The traditional list of thirty six ᄫ↡ zìm· has been used by Chinese phoneticians ever since (cf. Tang Zuofan 2004: 30–36 Wang Li 2004b: 71–80; Zou Xiaoli 2002: 80–83; Liu Zhicheng 2004: 43–49). The thirty six ᄫ↡ zìm· can be put into a table showing their phonetic features (the modern pronunciation in Putonghua is given in pinyin) (after Tang Zuofan 2004: 33; cf. You Rujie 2004: 87):

20 Chinese historical phonetics Table 4. The traditional thirty six ᄫ↡ zìm·.

⠭䷇ yáyƯn 㟠䷇ 㟠༈ shéyƯn ䷇ shétóu yƯn 㟠Ϟ ䷇ shéshàngyƯn ૛䷇ 䞡૛ chún䷇ yƯn zhòngchúnyƯn 䕏૛ ䷇ qƯngchúnyƯn 啓䷇ 啓༈ ch΃yƯn ䷇ ch΃tóuyƯn ℷ啓 ䷇ zhèngch΃yƯn ଢ଼䷇ hóuyƯn ञ㟠䷇ bànshéyƯn ञ啓䷇ bànch΃yƯn

ܼ⏙ quánqƯng 㾕 jiàn

⃵⏙ cìqƯng

⃵⌞ cìzhuó

⑾ xƯ

ܼ⌞ quánzhuó 㕸 qún

ッ duƗn

䗣 tòu

ᅮ dìng

⊹ ní

ⶹ zhƯ

ᕏ chè

╘ chéng

࿬ niáng

ᐂ bƗng

⒖ pƗng

Ϻ bìng

ᯢ míng

䴲 fƝi

ᭋ fú

༝ fèng

ᖂ wƝi

㊒ jƯng

⏙ qƯng

✻ zhào

こ chuƗn

ᕅ yӿng

ܼ⏙ quánqƯng

ܼ⌞ quánzhuó

Ң cóng

ᖗ xƯn

䙾 xié

ᑞ chuáng

ᅵ shČn

⽙ chán

ᰧ xiӽo

ࣷ xiá

⭥ yí

ஏ yù ᴹ lái ᮹ rì

Middle Chinese finals 21

4. Middle Chinese finals14 The basic concept in terms of traditional finals is ䷉㉏ yùnlèi. Various syllables belong to the same ䷉㉏ yùnlèi if their finals are identical, i.e. when the medial, nucleus and coda as well as the tone are the same (cf. Lin and Geng 2004: 54). Syllables belong to the same ䷉ yùn if the ䷉෎ yùnjƯ (i.e. the nucleus and coda) and the tone are the same. A ䷉ yùn can include one or several ䷉ ㉏ yùnlèi (cf. Lin and Geng 2004: 54–55). When the ䷉෎ yùnjƯ is the same, but the tone is not, then they belong to the same ䷉䚼 yùnbù (cf. Lin and Geng 2004: 55). ䷉ᨘ yùnshè (or ᨘ shè) is a category which consists of ䷉ yùn which have the same or a similar nucleus and coda. The number of ䷉ yùn in each ᨘ shè varies (cf. Lin and Geng 2004: 55; Liu Zhicheng 2004: 67–69; Zou Xiaoli 2002: 87–88; Tang Zuofan 2004: 70–71; see also Chapter 4.6.2.). Depending on the type of medial and nucleus, during the time of the Song and Yuan Dynasties, syllables were divided into two classes, called ϸ ੐ li΁nghnj, namely: ᓔষ੐ kƗik΅uhnj (or ᓔষ kƗik΅u) – “open” and ড়ষ ੐ hék΅uhnj (or ড়ষ hék΅u) – “closed”.15 ᓔষ੐ kƗik΅uhnj syllables were ones which did not have the medial nor the nucleus [u], while ড়ষ੐ hék΅uhnj syllables contained the medial or nucleus [u] (cf. Tang Zuofan 2004: 46, Liu Zhicheng 2004: 54–56; Zou Xiaoli 2002: 86–87) (see Table 5.). Table 5. ϸ੐ li΁nghnj. class:

type of final: ᓔষ੐ kƗik΅uhnj ড়ষ੐ hék΅uhnj

without [u] with [u]

Since the time of the Ming Dynasty, due to changes in the phonetic system, Chinese syllables have been divided into four classes ˄ಯ੐ sìhnj˅: ᓔষ ੐ kƗik΅uhnj – syllables without a medial and with a nucleus other than [i], [u] or [y] (e.g. [kan]); 唤啓੐ qíchƱhnj – syllables with the medial or nucleus [i] (e.g. [tÛian]) ; ড়ষ੐ hék΅uhnj – syllables with the medial or nucleus [u] (e.g. [kuan]); ᪂ষ੐ cuǀkǂuhnj – syllables with the medial or nucleus [y] (e.g. [tÛyan]) (cf. Lin and Geng 2004: 23–24; Wang Li 2004b: 22; Tang Zuofan 2004: 46–47; Zou Xiaoli 2002: 86–87).

22 Chinese historical phonetics Table 6. ಯ੐ sìhnj. class: ᓔষ੐ kƗik΅uhnj 唤啓੐ qíchƱhnj ড়ষ੐ hék΅uhnj ᪂ষ੐ cuǀkǂuhnj

type of final: without [i], [u], [y] with [i] with [u] with [y]

The syllables were further divided into four grades – ಯㄝ sì dČng. This division is also based on different categories of medials and finals. Every ䷉㉏ yùnlèi is ascribed to one of the four grades ˄ㄝ dČng˅. Linguists have still not reached a consensus as to the rules of grouping finals into the four grades. What is known is that the categorization is based upon the presence or absence of [i] as the medial and differences in the openness of the nucleus. Finals belonging to the third grade ˄ϝㄝ sƗndČng˅ had [i] as the medial. It is not clear on which basis the other finals were divided into respective grades. The first grade ˄ϔㄝ yƯdČng˅ and the second grade ˄Ѡㄝ èrdČng˅ together are called “vast sound” ˄⋾䷇ hóngyƯn˅; the third grade ˄ϝㄝ sƗndČng˅ and the fourth grade ˄ಯㄝ sìdČng˅ together are called “thin sound” ˄㒚䷇ xìyƯn˅. These names denote that the first two grades were more open than the latter two (cf. Lin and Geng 2004: 55–56).16

5. Fanqie ডߛ f΁nqiè (also called ড f΁n or ߛ qiè) is a traditional method of transcription, in which the pronunciation of a character is indicated by the use of two other characters. The first of these two is called ডߛϞᄫ f΁nqiè shàngzì, the second one – ড ߛ ϟ ᄫ f΁nqiè xiàzì; the character the pronunciation of which is being described – 㹿ডߛᄫ bèi f΁nqiè zì. The first character indicates the initial of 㹿ডߛᄫ bèi f΁nqiè zì, and the second one, the final and tone. For example, the pronunciation of ‘䛑’ is explained as “ᔧᄸߛ”, meaning that one should take the initial of the character ‘ᔧ’ [ta0] and the final together with the tone of ‘ᄸ’ [ku11] to get the reading of ‘䛑’ – [tu11] (in modern Putonghua) (example taken from Tang Zuofan 2004: 19).17

Rhyme books 23

6. Rhyme books 䯴 ䷉к yùnshnj䯵 Rhyme books are rather like dictionaries which arrange Chinese characters into rhyme categories and homophones. The rhymes were to help poets when composing poems. At the same time, the pronunciation of a series of homophones was written down, using the ডߛ fănqiè method (see Chapter 4.5.), in order to correct the dialectal accents. Rhyme books also give an explanation of the meaning of the characters used, so they can also serve as dictionaries (cf. Wang Li 2004: 47). These books show the phonetic system of Middle Chinese, which is selected to be the starting point for the survey of the phonetics of modern Chinese dialects. The most important books of this kind are Qieyun ˄ߛ䷉˅ and Guangyun ˄ᑓ䷉˅. 6.1. Qieyun ˄ߛ䷉˅ Qieyun is one of the most important Chinese rhyme books. It was compiled by Lu Fayan in 601 A.D., i.e. during the time of the Sui Dynasty. The original has not stood the test of time and only a few remnants exist. It consisted of five volumes, including altogether 193 ䷉ yùn and around 11500 characters.18 Although most of the original of Qieyun has perished, it has been the base of Tangyun ˄૤䷉˅19, which in turn has been the basis for writing Guangyun ˄ᑓ䷉˅. 6.2. Guangyun ˄ᑓ䷉˅ The full title of Guangyun is ໻ᅟ䞡ׂᑓ䷉ (Dasong Chongxiu Guangyun) (“The Song Dynasty’s Recompiled Extensive Rhyming Dictionary”). It was written in 1008 A.D. (during the reign of the Song Dynasty) by Chen Pengnian, Qiu Yong and others, on the base of Qieyun and Tangyun and other rhyme books. It consists of five volumes with 26194 characters divided into 206 ䷉ yùn (rhymes). Since it has been preserved, unlike its predecessors, it is at present the most important source of knowledge about the phonetic system of Middle Chinese. The rhymes are sorted into tones. The five volumes include two volumes for the level tone ˄ᑇໄ píngshƝng˅ (28 and 29 rhymes respectively), and one for each of the remaining tones i.e. the rising tone ˄Ϟໄ

24 Chinese historical phonetics shàngshƝng˅ (55 rhymes), the falling tone ˄এໄ qùshƝng˅ (60 rhymes) and the entering tone ˄ܹໄ rùshƝng˅ (34 rhymes) (see Chapter 4.4.). The 206 rhymes of Guangyun have been divided into sixteen ᨘ shè (rhyme groups) (see Chapter 4.4.). These are (the modern pronunciation of the characters in Putonghua is given in pinyin, see also: Lin and Geng 2004: 55; Tang Zuofan 2004: 71; You Rujie 2004: 89–92): 1. 䗮 tǀng 2. ∳ jiƗng 3. ℶ zhӿ 4. 䘛 yù 5. 㷍 xiè 6. 㟏 zhƝng 7. ቅ shƗn 8. ᬜ xiào

9. ᵰ guԁ 10. ‫ ؛‬jiӽ 11. ᅩ dàng 12. ṫ gČng 13. ᳒ zƝng 14. ⌕ liú 15. ⏅ shƝn 16. ઌ xián

Figure 1. Sixteen ᨘ shè of Guangyun.

It is still not clear whether Guangyun is a description of the phonetic system of a single form of speech at one point in time, or if it is a synthetic description of various forms of speech from different regions or from different historical periods. What is certain is that it has been the model for the standard written language for centuries (cf. Li Rulong 2003a: 81).20. Showing the phonetics of the literary language of Middle Chinese, Guangyun can serve as the point of reference for the research of modern dialects. However, it should not be treated as the origin of all the dialects, as it is evident that dialects had already split before the time of the Song Dynasty (cf. Li Rulong 2003a: 81–82, 1996a: 1).

Chapter 5 Classifications of Chinese dialects

1. Criteria The scholar who passes as the first to present quite clear and methodological criteria for the classification of Chinese dialects was Wang Li in 1936 (see Chapter 5.2.5.). The main parameter of division which he used were Middle Chinese ܼ⌞ quánzhuó initials in modern pronunciation (cf. Li Xiaofan 2005: 360). Nowadays, the classification of Chinese dialects is usually made on the basis of both diachronic ˄ग़ᯊ lìshí˅ and synchronic ˄݅ᯊ gòngshí˅ criteria. The diachronic features denote the historical changes in the phonetic system of the Chinese language since the times of Middle Chinese. Comparing the phonetic system of Middle Chinese with those of today has been the most popular method for classifying Chinese dialects in modern dialectology. It has been applied by many scholars, such as Zhao Yuanren (see Chapter 5.2.8.), Li Fanggui (see Chapter 5.2.7.), as well as by Li Rong in the Atlas (see Chapter 6.; Chapter 6.4.) (cf. Zhan Bohui 2002: 347; You Rujie 2000: 50). The synchronic aspects refer to the differences between modern dialects as well as to their special features.

1.1. Phonetic characteristics Traditionally, the phonetic characteristics have been most widely applied and are still considered the most important parameters for dialect classification (cf. Wang Futang 2005: 58–59; Li Rulong 1996b: 20). This chapter presents the views of some of the scholars on phonetic criteria since the beginning of the 1980s.

1.1.1.

Ding Bangxin ˄ϕ䙺ᮄ˅

In 1982 Ding Bangxin published an article in which he discusses the problem of the choice of criteria for dialect classification (Ding Bangxin 1998a).

26 Classifications of Chinese dialects Ding lists the features applied by some of his most renowned predecessors: Li Fanggui (1937, see Chapter 5.2.7.), R.A.D. Forrest (1973, first published in 1948, see Chapter 5.2.9.), Dong Tonghe (1953, see Chapter 5.2.10.), Yuan Jiahua (2003, first published in 1960, see Chapter 5.2.14.), Zhan Bohui (1981, see Chapter 5.1.1.2.). These criteria are as follows (Ding Bangxin 1998a: 167; cf. Yan, M. M. 2006: 14–15): For initials: 1. Evolution of Middle Chinese ܼ⌞ quánzhuó plosive initials 2. Modern continuants of Middle Chinese bilabial plosives before finals belonging to the third grade ˄ϝㄝ sƗndČng˅ of ড়ষ੐ hék΅uhnj 3. Differentiation or merging of [f-] and [xu] 4. Modern continuants of Middle Chinese ⶹ (zhƯ), ᕏ (chè), ╘ (chéng) initials 5. Differentiation or merging of [n-] and [l-] 6. Modern continuants of Middle Chinese ✻ (zhào), こ (chuƗn), ᑞ (chuáng), ᅵ (shČn) and ⽙ (chán) initials 7. Palatalization of Middle Chinese velar initials 8. Denasalization of Middle Chinese nasal initials 9. Presence or absence of voiced affricates and voiced fricatives For finals: 10. Differentiation or merging of medials 11. Monophthongization and diphthongization of vowels 12. Length of vowels 13. Evolution of Middle Chinese plosive codas 14. Evolution of Middle Chinese nasal codas For tones: 15. Differentiation or merging and number of tonal categories 16. Evolution of the Middle Chinese entering tone ˄ܹໄ rùshƝng˅ Both the quality and the number of criteria applied by the scholars are subjects for discussion. The sets of features are composed on rather heterogeneous grounds – some are diachronic, some – synchronic, and the hierarchy is not obvious. Ding tries to find the most thoroughgoing norms. He proposes the following rule (Ding Bangxin 1998a: 168; cf. Yan, M. M. 2006: 15):21

Criteria 27 On the basis of the history of Chinese phonetics, major dialect groups ˄໻ ᮍ㿔 dà fƗngyán˅ are classified according to early historical conditions; sub-dialects ˄⃵ᮍ㿔 cì fƗngyán˅ are classified according to late historical conditions; dialect clusters ˄ᇣᮍ㿔 xi΁o fƗngyán˅ are determined according to synchronic conditions. ‘Early’ and ‘late’ are relative terms; it may not be possible to indicate the exact times. The weight of the criteria should be decided upon according to their sequence in time; the earliest features are most important, the latest ones determine the differences of synchronic nature.

The criteria can be divided in two ways: either depending on the diachronic and synchronic nature, or depending on the general and specific nature. The universal rules are applied to every dialect; specific ones can describe the characteristics of a single dialect (cf. Ding Bangxin 1998a: 168–169). On the basis of the following criteria, Ding classifies the Chinese dialects into seven major groups (Mandarin, Wu, Xiang, Gan, Hakka, Min, Yue) (Ding Bangxin 1998a: 171–172): General criteria: 1. Evolution of Middle Chinese ܼ⌞ quánzhuó plosive initials [b-, d-, g-] 2. Evolution of Middle Chinese plosive codas [-p, -t, -k] Specific criteria: 3. Whether or not Middle Chinese ⶹ (zhƯ), ᕏ (chè), ╘ (chéng) initials are pronounced as [t, t‘] 4. Whether or not the Middle Chinese ⃵⌞ cìzhuó syllables in the rising tone ˄Ϟໄ shàngshƝng˅ (such as 偀 (mӽ), ф (mӽi), ⧚ (lӿ), 乚 (lӿng), ᰮ (wӽn)) are at present pronounced in the 䰈ᑇ yƯnpíng tone Additional criteria: 5. Evolution of Middle Chinese velar initials [k-, k‘-, x-] in front of closed front vowels 6. Evolution of the Middle Chinese tonal categories Ding Bangxin’s article has had a great impact on Chinese dialectologists up to this day and many scholars hold his views in high esteem (cf. Wang Futang 2005: 60; Li Rulong 2003a: 35–36; [www 5]: 10–11; You Rujie 2000: 50–51; Yan, M. M. 2006: 14–16; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 53).

28 Classifications of Chinese dialects 1.1.2.

Zhan Bohui ˄䁍ԃ᜻˅

In 1981 Zhan Bohui presented the following characteristics of the Chinese dialects (Zhan Bohui 1981: 23–46; see also Chapter 5.1.1.1.): 1. Retention and change in the place of articulation of Middle Chinese velars 2. Retention and disappearance of Middle Chinese ܼ⌞ quánzhuó initials 3. Differentiation or merging of [f-] and [xu] 4. Differentiation or merging of [n-] and [l-] 5. Different developments of Middle Chinese initials belonging to the ᄫ↡ zìm· ⶹ (zhƯ) and ✻ (zhào) 6. Differentiation or merging of medials 7. Monophthongization and diphthongization of vowels 8. Evolution of Middle Chinese nasal codas 9. Retention and disappearance of Middle Chinese plosive codas 10. Evolution of the Middle Chinese four tones In ∝䇁ᮍ㿔ঞᮍ㿔䇗ᶹ (Hanyu Fangyan ji Fangyan Diaocha), the work of which Zhan Bohui was the chief editor (Zhan Bohui et al. 2004, first edition published in 1991), Zhan lists the following features as most commonly referred to by Chinese dialectologists (Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 53): 1. Evolution of Middle Chinese ܼ ⌞ quánzhuó plosive initials belonging to the following ᄫ↡ zìm·: Ϻ (bìng), ᅮ (dìng), 㕸 (qún) 2. Modern continuants of Middle Chinese 䕏૛䷇ qƯngchúnyƯn initials 3. Modern continuants of the following Middle Chinese ᄫ↡ zìm·: ⶹ (zhƯ), ᕏ (chè), ╘ (chéng) 4. Modern continuants of Middle Chinese ✻ (zhào), こ (chuƗn), ᑞ (chuáng), ᅵ (shČn), ⽙ (chán) initials 5. Differentiation or merging of Middle Chinese ⊹ (ní) and ᴹ (lái) initials 6. Palatalization of Middle Chinese velar initials 7. Evolution of Middle Chinese nasal codas 8. Evolution of Middle Chinese plosive codas

Criteria 29

9.

10. 11. 12. 13. 14.

Differentiation and merging of Middle Chinese level tone ˄ᑇໄ píngshƝng˅, rising tone ˄Ϟໄ shàngshƝng˅ and falling tone ˄এໄ qùshƝng˅ Evolution of the Middle Chinese entering tone ˄ܹໄ rùshƝng˅ Differentiation or merging of Middle Chinese ড়ষ੐ hék΅uhnj of the 䴲 (fƝi), ᭋ (fú), ༝ (fèng) and ᰧ (xiӽo), ࣷ (xiá) initials Differentiation or merging of medials Monophthongization and diphthongization of vowels Length of vowels

Most of the above mentioned criteria are those reflecting historical changes in the phonetic system. Although the method of diachronic comparison has been widely accepted, it does have disadvantages. Due to the fact that the amount of data about the dialects is constantly growing, the discrepancy between the established knowledge and linguistic reality is becoming clearer (cf. Zhan Bohui 2002: 347–348).

1.1.3.

Li Rulong ˄ᴢབ啭˅

Li Rulong and Zhan Bohui suggest that it is not enough to describe the phonetic system of isolated syllables, but they should be put into context. Thus, features like tone sandhi, mutation, the neutral tone ˄䕏ໄ qƯngshƝng˅, ‫ ࣪ܓ‬érhuà (see Chapter 7.1.4.2.), diminutives, the literary and colloquial variant pronunciations ˄᭛ⱑᓖ䇏 wénbái yìdú˅ (see Chapter 7.1.4.4.) should also be taken into consideration as relevant parameters for dialect classification (cf. [www 5]: 9, 10; Li Rulong 2003a: 35–36; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 56–57). In accordance with the postulate of Ding Bangxin that more general criteria are to be used for the classification of dialects into major dialect groups while more specific criteria define the inner boundaries (cf. Chapter 5.1.1.1.), Li Rulong draws up a list of the following features (Li Rulong 2003a: 36–37): General criteria: 1. Modern continuants of Middle Chinese ܼ⌞ quánzhuó plosive and affricate initials ˄ᄫ↡ zìm· Ϻ (bìng), ᅮ (dìng), 㕸 (qún), Ң (cóng), ╘ (chéng)˅: Whether or not they have devoiced, if so, then whether they are aspirated or not; if there are both aspirated

30 Classifications of Chinese dialects

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

7.

and unaspirated initials, then what are the rules which determine the changes? Differentiation vs. merging of the Middle Chinese ㊒ (jƯng), ᑘ (zhuƗng), ⶹ (zhƯ), ゴ (zhƗng) initials: If ⶹ (zhƯ) has merged with ッ (duƗn) or with ゴ (zhƗng); if the 㒚䷇ xìyƯn of initials belonging to the ㊒ (jƯng) group have merged with 㾕 (jiàn); how many sets of affricate initials are there at present? Modern continuants of Middle Chinese initials belonging to the 䴲 (fƝi) group: If 䴲 (fƝi), ᭋ (fú), ༝ (fèng) initials are pronounced the same way as ᐂ (bƗng), ⒖ (pƗng), Ϻ (bìng); if ᖂ (wƝi) has merged with ᯢ (míng); if the phenomenon of 䕏૛䷇ qƯngchúnyƯn being read as 䞡૛䷇ zhòngchúnyƯn exists, then how many characters22 are concerned, have the ড়ষ੐ hék΅uhnj of ᰧ (xiӽo) and ࣷ (xiá) merged with the [f-] initial? Modern continuants of the finals of the Middle Chinese syllables in the 䰇 yáng tones: How many types of nasal codas are there; does the phenomenon of nasalization or denasalization exist; if part of the syllables have developed into those with nasalized codas or with the disappearance of nasals, then what are the rules for it? Modern continuants of the finals of the Middle Chinese syllables in the entering tone ˄ܹໄ rùshƝng˅: How many types of plosive codas are there; whether or not they have developed into glottal stops, or if the plosive codas have also disappeared; if some of the changes have occurred, then what are the rules? Evolution of the four grades ˄ಯㄝ sì dČng˅ of Middle Chinese ᓔষ੐ kƗik΅uhnj and ড়ষ੐ hék΅uhnj: Whether or not the syllables of the Middle Chinese first and second grade ˄ϔѠㄝ yƯ, ér dČng˅ are today pronounced as 㒚䷇ xìyƯn, whether or not Middle Chinese third and fourth grade ˄ϝಯㄝ sƗn, sì dČng˅ syllables are pronounced as ⋾䷇ hóngyƯn; if there are Middle Chinese ᓔষ ੐ kƗik΅uhnj syllables which are now pronounced as ড়ষ੐ hék΅uhnj and Middle Chinese ড়ষ੐ hék΅uhnj syllables which are now pronounced as ᓔষ੐ kƗik΅uhnj; if there are ᪂ষ੐ cuǀkǂuhnj finals? Modern tones of the Middle Chinese syllables in the entering tone ˄ ܹ ໄ rùshƝng ˅ : Whether or not the ܹ ໄ rùshƝng exists independently; if so, if it is divided into 䰈 yƯn and 䰇 yáng categories; whether or not it is pronounced as a short tone; if there are

Criteria 31

three types of ܹໄ rùshƝng or if there are 㟦ໄ shnjshƝng syllables which are pronounced in the ܹໄ rùshƝng? 8. Whether or not the distinction between the literary and colloquial pronunciation ˄᭛ⱑᓖ䇏 wénbái yìdú˅ exists; is it a widespread phenomenon? 9. Whether or not in polysyllabic words the mutation of initials, finals or tones occurs; if so, does it concern individual syllables or bigger units; what types do the rules for the changes belong to? 10. Whether or not the neutral tone ˄䕏ໄ qƯngshƝng˅, ‫ ࣪ܓ‬érhuà, or phonetic changes of diminutives ˄ ᇣ ⿄ ব ䷇ xi΁ochéng biànyƯn˅ occur (see Chapter 7.1.4.2.), if so, does it concern a small number of characters or is it a large scale phenomenon? Specific criteria: 1. Does the opposition between long and short vowels exist, or does the ܹໄ rùshƝng divide into long and short? (e.g. in the Yue dialect). 2. If there are Middle Chinese syllables with voiced ˄⌞ zhuó˅ initials pronounced in the rising tone ˄Ϟໄ shàngshƝng˅ which have developed into syllables in the 䰈ᑇ yƯnpíng tone; if there is a distinction between syllables in the Ϟໄ shàngshƝng with ܼ⌞ quánzhuó and ⃵⌞ cìzhuó initials? (e.g. in the Hakka dialect). 3. Are there 㟠༈ ䷇ shétóuyƯn which are pronounced as 㟠Ϟ ䷇ shéshàngyƯn; are characters belonging to the ᄫ↡ zìm· ࣷ (xiá) pronounced the same way as those belonging to the ᄫ↡ zìm· 㕸 (qún), if so, how many such characters are there? (e.g. in the Min dialect). 4. Are the ᑇໄ píngshƝng or the Ϟໄ shàngshƝng not divided into 䰈 yƯn and 䰇 yáng categories? (e.g. in the Mandarin dialect, etc.). 5. What kind of specific changes have syllables belonging to the following Middle Chinese ᄫ↡ zìm·: ⊹ (ní), ᮹ (rì) and ᴹ (lái), undergone, e.g. ⊹ (ní) and ᴹ (lái) initials are not distinguished; ᴹ (lái) initials are pronounced as [s-] or [t-], ᮹ (rì) initials are pronounced as [n-] or [h-] or have merged with ᕅ (yӿng) initials and are pronounced with a zero initial. 6. Whether or not Middle Chinese syllables with fricative initials, belonging to the following Middle Chinese ᄫ↡ zìm·: ᖗ (xƯn), 䙾 (xié) к (shnj), ⽙ (chán) are today pronounced with affricate initials, if so, how many characters of this kind are there?

32 Classifications of Chinese dialects 7.

Whether or not the Middle Chinese finals have merged on a large scale: ℠ (gƝ) with ῵ (mó), ℠ (gƝ) with 䈾 (háo), ᇸᑑ (yǀu) with 㧻ᆉ (xiƗo), ૤ (táng) with ϰ (dǀng)? 8. Whether or not Middle Chinese syllables belonging to the ᄫ↡ zìm· ᕅ (yӿng) have merged with other ᄫ↡ zìm· ˄⊹ (ní), ⭥ (yí)˅? 9. Whether or not initials of Middle Chinese syllables belonging to the ⶹ (zhƯ) and ゴ (zhƗng) groups have specific modern pronunciation, such as [k-, k‘-], [pf-, pf‘-], [t-, t‘-]? 10. Whether or not there is tone-aspiration division ˄ 䗕 ⇨ ߚ 䇗 sòngqì fƝndiào˅23; if so, is it a common phenomenon or does it affect only a small number of characters?

1.2. Lexical characteristics and grammatical differences With the development of research of dialectal vocabulary and grammar, phonetic characteristics are no longer viewed as the only criteria for dialect classification. Some scholars prove that lexical and grammatical parameters are as important as phonetic (cf. [www 5]: 9–10; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 57). The methods of research of lexical and grammatical characteristics are similar to those of the research of dialectal vocabulary and grammar in general (see Chapter 7.2.; Chapter 7.3.).

1.2.1.

Lexical criteria

“Specific dialectal words” ˄ᮍ㿔⡍⅞䆡䇁 fƗngyán tèshnj cíy· or ᮍ㿔⡍ ᕕ䆡 fƗngyán tèzhƝng cí˅ are the most important factor for the classification of dialects. They are extracted through comparison of dialectal vocabulary of various places (cf. Li Rulong 2003a: 37–39 Zhan Bohui 2002: 348– 349; see also Chapter 7.2.3.5.). Because the variation of vocabulary is extensive, and the influence of other dialects is quite strong, there are few words which are uniform in the area in question and salient in comparison with other areas. Some words can be specific to a few dialect groups at the same time, while they are not found in other dialects. This is also one of the characteristics (cf. Li Rulong 2003a: 37).

Criteria 33

1.2.2.

Grammatical parameters

Grammatical characteristics are found through the comparison of some features, such as morphological changes, the use of function words, some sentence patterns (cf. Li Rulong 2003 a: 39–40; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 57; see also Chapter 7.3.). Due to the fact that grammatical features are not easy to find and that this aspect of Chinese dialects is still not fully explored, they are seldom applied when making classifications of dialects (cf. Zhan Bohui 2002: 349).

1.2.3.

Jerry Norman’s classification

“Without rejecting the traditional scheme”, Jerry Norman proposes “a new set of criteria or diagnostic features which will provide a framework that both has greater historical depth and shows more clearly the internal relationships which obtain among the various subgroups” (Norman 1988: 181–182). He is the first to choose at the same time phonological, lexical and grammatical features for the classification of Chinese dialects. His criteria are the following (Norman 1988: 182): 1. The third-person pronoun is tƗ [Ҫ] or cognate to it. 2. The subordinative particle is de (di) [ⱘ] or cognate to it. 3. The ordinary negative is bù [ϡ] or cognate to it. 4. The gender marker for animals is prefixed, as in the word for ‘hen’ m·jƯ [↡叵]. 5. There is a register distinction only in the píng [ᑇ] tonal category. 6. Velars are palatalized before i. 7. Zhàn [キ] or words cognate to it are used for ‘to stand’. 8. Z΅u [䍄] or words cognate to it are used for ‘to walk’. 9. Érzi [‫ܓ‬ᄤ] or words cognate to it are used for ‘son’. 10. Fángzi [᠓ᄤ] or words cognate to it are used for ‘house’.

1.3. Mutual intelligibility The criterion of mutual intelligibility between Chinese dialects is not a popular means for dialect classification. So far, no satisfactory method for using this criterion has been found (cf. Zhan Bohui 2002: 349; You Rujie 2000: 52–53).

34 Classifications of Chinese dialects To use mutual intelligibility as the only criterion can cause much confusion. Because the degree of mutual intelligibility between Yue or Min and the other dialects is very low, some people tend to call them separate languages. This idea is rejected by most scholars, as “the prerequisite of the classification of Chinese dialects is: they are all dialects of Chinese” (Zhan Bohui 2002: 349). The feeling for language of the inhabitants of a certain dialectal region, their ability (or the lack of it) to communicate with people of surrounding areas can, however, serve as a supplement for the other criteria (cf. Zhan Bohui 2002: 349–350).

1.4. Compartmentalizing and regrouping The classification of dialects can be divided into two steps. The first is to compartmentalize the dialects into large dialect groups and subgroups.24 The second is to regroup the dialects of individual places into appropriate groups (cf. Zhan Bohui 2002: 344–345; Li Xiaofan 2005: 357–360). The issue is to choose the criteria which can best synthesize the dialectal diversification and to apply an adequate number of them. Some scholars argue that the fewer features are taken into consideration the better, one being the ideal, especially for compartmentalizing (cf. Li Xiaofan 2005: 360–361). Others state that an entire set of criteria should be applied (cf. [www 5]: 9–10; Wang Futang 2005: 61–63). The parameters applied for each level of gradation should be the same (cf. Li Xiaofan 2005: 357, see also Chapter 6.4.1.). The areas which cannot easily be regrouped into appropriate dialect groups are called “intermediate (transitional) dialect areas” ˄ᮍ㿔䖛⏵ऎ fƗngyán guòdùqnj˅ or “mixed dialect areas” ˄⏋ড়ᮍ㿔ऎ hùnhé fƗngyánqnj˅ (cf. Li Xiaofan 2005: 358; Gao Ran 1999b: 17–19).

1.5. Conclusions All the classifications summarized above refer to selected phonological features as the most basic ground for dialect differentiations. However, lexical and grammatical parameters begin to be appreciated. Middle Chinese is generally treated as the point of origin for the modern dialects (cf. Chapter 4.) and its phonetic system constitutes the referential frame and the core for dialect classifications.

Criteria 35

The most salient feature appears to be the evolution of Middle Chinese ܼ⌞ quánzhuó (especially plosive) initials. Li Xiaofan (2005: 362) suggests even that this criterion is so far the most adequate for dialect classification, and uses it to compartmentalize the Chinese dialects into six main groups (Wu, Xiang, Hakka-Gan, Min, Yue, Mandarin). The same criterion is also mentioned by Ding Bangxin, Zhan Bohui, Li Rulong, as well as by all the authors enumerated by Ding (see Chapter 5.1.1.1.; cf. Ding Bangxin 1998a: 167). The evolution of Middle Chinese plosive codas is the second general feature applied by Ding Bangxin along with all the predecessors he refers to, as well as by Zhan Bohui and Li Rulong. Another parameter relating to the finals which seems relevant is the evolution of Middle Chinese nasal codas; both Li Rulong and Zhan Bohui list it. Ding Bangxin does not use this feature in his classification, in opposition to do all the authors mentioned by him (see Chapter 5.1.1.1.). The evolution of Middle Chinese tones is one more important characteristic referred to by Ding Bangxin, Zhan Bohui and Li Rulong. It is the second of the so-called “additional criteria” employed by Ding. He explains that this feature is added because the remaining criteria include those relating to both initials and finals, therefore a need is brought up to take the tones into consideration as well (Ding Bangxin 1998a: 173). Regarding the evolution of Middle Chinese tones, one more parameter is significant for the course of this book, i.e. the evolution of the Middle Chinese entering tone ˄ܹໄ rùshƝng˅. It is listed by Zhan Bohui and Li Rulong. It is also included in the list prepared by Ding Bangxin (1998a: 167). Of all the five authors enumerated by Ding, only Forrest does not refer to this feature. Li Rong (1985a) applies this criterion to classify the Mandarin dialects into eight subordinated units (see Chapter 6.4.; Chapter 6.5.11.). The preservation of the ܹໄ rùshƝng is also the main reason for separating the Jin dialect from the Mandarin supergroup (see also Chapter 6.4.1.). Jerry Norman (1988: 182) is the only author of the above-mentioned, who does not treat Middle Chinese as the referential frame for his division. Generally, he applies the classification “employed by Yuan Jiahua in his 1961 standard handbook…” (Norman 1988: 181; cf. Yuan Jiahua 2003, see also Chapter 5.2.14.), which is based on the comparisons of modern Chinese dialects with the phonetic system of Middle Chinese. Yet Norman employs his own criteria to categorize the seven dialects into three groups

36 Classifications of Chinese dialects (see Chapter 5.2.17.). Moreover, among the ten “diagnostic features” listed by Norman, only two (fifth and sixth) relate to phonology. Traditionally, the phonetic system was analysed without its broader context. Such are the criteria cited by Ding Bangxin (1998a: 167) and Zhan Bohui (Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 53), as well as those applied by them (Ding Bangxin 1998a: 171–172; Zhan Bohui 1981: 23–46). Yet, as the investigation of modern dialects is progressing, it is not only the isolated syllables that are now taken into consideration. Other features, such as the opposition between the literary and colloquial pronunciation ˄ ᭛ ⱑ ᓖ 䇏 wénbái yìdú˅, tone sandhi, ‫ ࣪ܓ‬érhuà, etc. are to be examined for the sake of dialect classification. Lexical and grammatical characteristics begin to play an important role in finding differences between dialects. For example, the most evident dissimilarities between the Gan and Hakka dialects are in the field of vocabulary (cf. Yan Sen 1986: 24). More thoroughgoing studies of this aspect may be helpful in solving the controversies around the grouping of Chinese dialects (see Chapter 5.2.18.). A tendency towards the unification and hierarchization of adequate criteria is also visible, especially since the article of Ding Bangxin (1998a). Universal features should be used for dividing the dialects into large groups, later specific parameters divide the dialects into subordinated units. The significance of criteria should be respected and those of equal importance are to be used at every level of classification. Nonetheless, the question of which criteria to use is still an unsettled matter among scholars (cf. Chapter 5.2.18.; Chapter 6.4.).

2. A historical overview since the end of the nineteenth century Many attempts have been made to categorize the varieties of Chinese in modern times by both Chinese and Western scholars. Some of the attempts have been based upon quite scientific analysis, some do not meet the requirements. Nevertheless, undoubtedly up to this moment this is still a matter of debate with roots in the inquiries of nineteenth century linguistics. This survey presents in chronological order the ideas of a selection of authors.

A historical overview 37

2.1. Paul Georg von Möllendorf The harbinger of modern dialectal classifications of the Chinese language was the German linguist and diplomat Paul Georg von Möllendorf (known in China as Mu Linde). In 1896, in the China Mission Handbook˄Ё೑Ӵ ᬭџᎹᑈ᡹ Zhongguo Chuanjiaoshi Gongnianbao˅ (American Presbyterian Mission ed. 1896), he divided the dialects of China into four groups (cf. You Rujie 2002: 25, 2004: 232; Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 12):25 1. Cantonese ˄㉸䇁 Yuèy·˅ (the dialect of Guangdong ˄ᑓϰ䆱 Gu΁ngdǀnghuà˅ and Hakka dialect ˄ᅶᆊ䆱 KèjiƗhuà˅) 2. Fukien dialect ˄䯑䇁 M΃ny·˅ (the dialects of Zhangzhou ˄┇ Ꮂ˅, Chaozhou ˄╂Ꮂ˅, Fuzhou ˄⽣Ꮂ˅) 3. Wu dialect ˄ਈ䇁 Wúy·˅ (the dialects of Wenzhou ˄⏽Ꮂ˅, Ningbo ˄ᅕ⊶˅, Suzhou ˄㢣Ꮂ˅, Shanghai ˄Ϟ⍋˅) 4. Mandarin ˄ᅬ䆱 GuƗnhuà˅

2.2. Zhang Binglin ˄ゴ⚇味˅ In 1900, Zhang Binglin (also known as Zhang Taiyan) presented his proposal for the arrangement of Chinese dialects. In his work 㿘к Qiushu [Words of urgency] (Zhang Taiyan 1984: 1–348), he divides the dialects into ten groups (see Zhang Taiyan 1984: 205–206; cf. Zhan Bohui et al ed. 2004: 58, Li Rong 1989a: 241–242): 1. From north of the Yellow River up to the region north of the Great Wall, including Zhili Province ˄Ⳉ䲊˅ (modern day Hebei Province), Shandong, Shanxi Provinces, as well as Zhangde˄ᕄᖋ˅, Weihui˄ि䕝˅, Huaiqing˄ᗔᑚ˅cities in Henan Province 2. Shaanxi and Gansu Provinces 3. Henan from west of Kaifeng˄ᓔᇕ˅, as well as Runing ˄∱ ᅕ˅, Nanfang ˄फ䰆˅ and other places, along with the area along the Yangtze River of Hubei Province up to Zhenjiang ˄䬛 ∳˅ 4. Hunan Province 5. Fujian Province 6. Guangdong Province

38 Classifications of Chinese dialects The area east of Kaifeng ˄ᓔᇕ˅ and around Caozhou ˄᳍Ꮂ˅ and Yizhou ˄≖Ꮂ˅ in Shandong Province up to the region between the Yangtze River and Huai River ˄⏂⊇ Huai He˅ 8. The area south of the Yangtze River, Suzhou ˄㢣Ꮂ˅, Songjiang ˄ᵒ∳˅, Changzhou ˄ᐌᎲ˅, Taicang ˄໾ҧ˅, together with Huzhou ˄ ␪ Ꮂ ˅ , Jiaxing ˄ ௝ ݈ ˅ , Hangzhou ˄ ᵁ Ꮂ ˅ , Ningbo ˄ᅕ⊶˅ and Shaoxing ˄㒡݈˅ in Zhejiang Province 9. The area around Huizhou ˄ᖑᎲ˅ and Ningguo ˄ᅕ೑˅ (Jinhua ˄䞥ढ˅, Quzhou ˄㸶Ꮂ˅, Yanzhou ˄ϹᎲ˅ in Zhejiang Province as well as Guangxin ˄ᑓֵ˅, Raozhou ˄佊Ꮂ˅ in Jiangxi Province were also included in this group) 10. Sichuan, Yunnan, Guizhou, Guangxi Provinces

7.

In 1915, in his work Ẕ䆎 Jianlun (Zhang Taiyan 1984: 349–628), Zhang revised the classification into nine groups (Zhang Taiyan 1984: 486– 487), collapsing groups three and four into one (cf. Wang Futang 2005: 52– 53; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 58). Zhang’s classification is not based on any field investigations, he uses his instinctive feel for the language as the criterion (cf. Wang Futang 2004: 514–515). Although Zhang enumerates the phonetic characteristics and the reason of the development of some of the dialects, his classification is mainly based on geographical factors. This kind of division belongs to the traditional way of thinking and it is not recognized as scientific according to modern-day rules (cf. Wang Futang 2005: 54).

2.3. The Christian Occupation of China In 1922 another classification made by western linguists was published. In the work entitled The Christian Occupation of China: A General Survey of the Numerical Strength and Geographical Distribution of the Christian Forces in China (see Stauffer, Wong and Tewksbury 1922), Chinese dialects were classified into two major groups, which were then further divided (cf. You Rujie 2002: 25, 2004: 232–233; Wang Futang 2005: 54; Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 12):26 I. Mandarin ˄ᅬ䆱 GuƗnhuà˅: 1. Mandarin proper, divided into Northern Mandarin ˄࣫䚼ᅬ䆱 BČibù GuƗnhuà ˅ , Southern Mandarin ˄ फ 䚼 ᅬ 䆱 Nánbù

A historical overview 39

GuƗnhuà˅and Western Mandarin ˄㽓䚼ᅬ䆱 XƯbù GuƗnhuà˅ 2. Hakka dialect˄ᅶᆊ䆱 KèjiƗhuà˅ 3. Hangzhou dialect ˄ᵁᎲ䆱 Hángzhǀuhuà˅ 4. Mandarin of Hainan Island ˄⍋फᅬ䆱 H΁inán GuƗnhuà˅ 5. Others II. Coastal dialects ˄⊓⍋ᮍ㿔 Yánh΁i FƗngyán˅: 1. Wu dialect ˄ਈ䇁 Wúy·˅: – Suzhou dialect ˄㢣Ꮂ䆱 Snjzhǀuhuà˅ – Shanghai dialect ˄Ϟ⍋䆱 Shàngh΁ihuà˅ – Ningbo dialect ˄ᅕ⊶䆱 Níngbǀhuà˅ – Taizhou dialect ˄ৄᎲ䆱 TƗizhǀuhuà˅ – Jinhua dialect ˄䞥ढ䆱 JƯnhuáhuà˅ – Wenzhou dialect ˄⏽Ꮂ䆱 WƝnzhǀuhuà˅ – Others 2. Fukien dialect ˄䯑䇁 M΃ny·˅: – Jianyang dialect ˄ᓎ䰇䆱 Jiànyánghuà˅ – Jianning dialect ˄ᓎᅕ䆱 Jiànnínghuà˅ – Shaowu dialect ˄䚉℺䆱 Shàow·huà˅ – Fuzhou dialect ˄⽣Ꮂ䆱 Fúzhǀuhuà˅ – Tingzhou dialect ˄∔Ꮂ䆱 TƯngzhǀuhuà˅ – Xinghua dialect ˄݈࣪䆱 XƯnghuáhuà˅ – Xiamen dialect ˄ॺ䮼䆱 Xiàménhuà˅ – Hainan dialect ˄⍋फ䆱 H΁inánhuà˅ – Others 3. Cantonese ˄㉸䇁 Yuèy·˅: – Shantou dialect ˄∩༈䆱 Shàntóuhuà˅ – Hakka dialect ˄ᅶᆊ䆱 KèjiƗhuà˅ – Sanjiang dialect (~Samkong)˄ϝ∳䆱 SƗnjiƗnghuà˅ – Guangzhou dialect ˄ᑓᎲ䆱 Gu΁ngzhǀuhuà˅ – Others It is not clear why the Hakka dialect was classified as a subgroup of two different dialect groups: Mandarin as well as Cantonese. The classification of the dialect of Shantou ˄∩༈˅ which, according to the list is classified as belonging to the Cantonese subgroup, also raises a problem. In another place in the book, the author writes that it is similar to the Fukien dialect (cf. You Rujie 2002: 25–26, 2004: 233). The classifications made by non-Chinese scholars, i.e. by Möllendorf and the one in The Christian Occupation of China, had no significant im-

40 Classifications of Chinese dialects pact on Chinese dialectologists at that time. However, it was later discovered that they were much more scientific than the contemporary Chinese classifications, and practically all later classifications took these two into consideration (cf. Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 12). 2.4. Li Jinxi ˄咢䫺❭˅ In 1934, Li Jinxi published his book ೑䇁䖤ࡼ৆㒆 Guoyu Yundong Shigang (The history of the National Language Movement). In this work he classifies the Chinese dialects into 12 groups, and names them after the river and water systems (cf. Wang Futang 2005: 53–54; Zhan Bohui et al ed. 2004: 59; Yan, M. M. 2006: 8; Wang Futang 2004: 515): 1. Hebei group ˄⊇࣫㋏ HébČixì˅: Zhili Province ˄Ⳉ䲊˅, Shandong Province, the northern part of Henan Province 2. Henan group ˄⊇फ㋏ Hénánxì˅: the central part of Henan Province, southern part of Shanxi Province, Jiangsu, Anhui Provinces, the area north of the Huai River ˄⏂࣫ Huái BČi˅ 3. Hexi group ˄⊇㽓㋏ HéxƯxì˅: Shaanxi, Gansu, Xinjiang Provinces 4. Jianghuai group ˄∳⏂㋏ JiƗnghuáixì˅: the northern part of Jiangsu Province, and Nanjing ˄फҀ˅, Zhenjiang ˄䬛∳˅ in the western part of Jiangsu Province, as well as Anqing ˄ᅝᑚ˅, Wuhu ˄㡰␪˅ in central Anhui Province and Jiujiang ˄б∳˅ in Jiangxi Province 5. Jianghan group ˄∳∝㋏ JiƗnghànxì˅: the southern part of Henan Province together with Hubei Province 6. Jianghu group ˄∳␪㋏ JiƗnghúxì˅: the eastern part of Hunan Province, the southeastern corner of Hubei Province, and the southern part of Jiangxi Province 7. Jinsha group ˄䞥≭㋏ JƯnshƗxì˅: Sichuan, Yunnan, Guizhou Provinces, the northern part of Guangxi Province, western part of Hunan Province 8. Taihu group ˄໾␪㋏ Tàihúxì˅: Suzhou ˄㢣Ꮂ˅, Songjiang ˄ᵒ∳˅, Changzhou ˄ᐌᎲ˅ along with Hangzhou ˄ᵁᎲ˅, Jiaxing ˄௝݈˅, Huzhou ˄␪Ꮂ˅ in Zhejiang Province

A historical overview 41

Zheyuan group ˄⌭⑤㋏ Zhèyuánxì˅: Jinhua ˄䞥ढ˅, Quzhou ˄㸶Ꮂ˅, Yanzhou ˄ϹᎲ˅ in eastern Zhejiang Province, together with the eastern part of Jiangxi Province 10. Ouhai group ˄⫃⍋㋏ ƿuh΁ixì˅: the southern part of Zhejiang Province, close to the sea 11. Minhai group ˄䯑⍋㋏ M΃nh΁ixì˅: Fujian Province 12. Yuehai group ˄㉸⍋㋏ Yuèh΁ixì˅: Guangdong Province 9.

Li Jinxi quite evidently uses linguistic factors in his classification, as the dividing lines do not simply follow the borders of provinces. Although the first step towards a scientific classification has been made, Li did not break completely free from the traditional geographical method of classification (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. ed. 2004: 59; Wang Futang 2005: 54; Wang Futang 2004: 515). 2.5. Wang Li ˄⥟࡯˅ In 1936, in his work entitled Ё೑䷇䷉ᄺ Zhongguo Yinyunxue27 (Wang Li 1936), Wang Li introduced a new classification of the Chinese dialects. On the basis of phonetic criteria he divided the Chinese dialects into 5 groups, similar to the ones in The Christian Occupation of China (see Chapter 5.2.3.). Not only does he give a detailed description, but he also lists the characteristics of each group and selects cities, each with its phonetic system regarded as representative for each of the groups. Wang himself states, that “until scientific research has been carried out throughout the country, we are not able to say exactly how many dialects of Chinese there are; however, the dialects can be roughly divided into five big phonetic groups” (Wang Li 1982: 563) in the following way:28 1.

2.

Mandarin group ˄ᅬ䆱䷇㋏ GuƗnhuà yƯnxì˅, including Hebei, Shanxi, Shaanxi, Gansu, Shandong, Henan, Hubei, Hunan, Sichuan, Yunnan, Guizhou, Anhui Provinces, as well as the northern part of Jiangsu, the northern part of Jiangxi and the northern part of Guangxi Provinces Wu group ˄ਈ䷇㋏ Wú yƯnxì˅, including: Suzhou ˄㢣Ꮂ˅, Changzhou ˄ᐌᎲ˅, Wuxi ˄᮴䫵˅, Changshu ˄ᐌ❳˅, Kunshan ˄ᯚቅ˅, Shanghai ˄Ϟ⍋˅, Songjiang ˄ᵒ∳˅, Yixing ˄ᅰ݈˅, Liyang ˄⑻䰇˅, Jintan ˄䞥യ˅, Danyang ˄Ѝ䰇˅,

42 Classifications of Chinese dialects Jiangyin ˄∳䰈˅ and other places in Jiangsu Province, as well as Ningbo ˄ᅕ⊶˅, Jiaxing ˄௝݈˅, Huzhou ˄␪Ꮂ˅, Hangzhou ˄ᵁᎲ˅, Zhuji ˄䇌ᱼ˅, Jinhua ˄䞥ढ˅, Quzhou ˄㸶 Ꮂ˅, Wenzhou ˄⏽Ꮂ˅ and other places in Zhejiang Province 3. Min group ˄䯑䷇㋏ M΃n yƯnxì˅, including the major part of Fujian Province and places like Chaozhou ˄╂Ꮂ˅, Shantou ˄∩ ༈˅ and Hainan. Outside of China, it is most influential in the Malaysian Peninsula, Singapore, Sumatra, Siam, Philippines and other places 4. Yue group ˄㉸䷇㋏ Yuè yƯnxì˅, including the greatest part of Guangdong Province and the southern part of Guangxi Province. Outside of China it is most widespread in America (especially San Francisco) 5. Hakka group ˄ᅶᆊ䷇㋏ KèjiƗ yƯnxì˅, including Meixian ˄ṙ ও˅, Dabu ˄໻ඨ˅, Huiyang ˄ᚴ䰇˅, Xingning ˄݈ᅕ˅ and other places in Guangdong Province, as well as Tingzhou ˄∔ Ꮂ˅ in Fujian Province and the southern part of Jiangxi Province. It has also penetrated through to the area around Gaozhou ˄催 Ꮂ˅, Qinzhou ˄䩺Ꮂ˅ and Lianzhou ˄ᒝᎲ˅ in southern Guangdong Province and to the southern part of Guangxi Province. Outside of China, it is most influential in Indonesia (especially Bangka) (Wang Li 1982: 563–564) The main phonetic characteristics of the groups are:29 1. Mandarin group ˄ᅬ䆱䷇㋏ GuƗnhuà yƯnxì˅: – It does not have the voiced initials [b], [d], [g], [v], [z] – It does not have the codas [-m], [-p], [-t], [-k] – It has up to six tonal categories 2. Wu group ˄ਈ䷇㋏ Wú yƯnxì˅: – It does have the voiced initials [b‘], [d‘], [g‘], [v], [z], which correspond to the voiced initials in Middle Chinese – It does not have the codas [-m], [-p], [-t], [-k] – It has more than six tonal categories; it has two kinds of the falling tone ˄এໄ qùshƝng˅ 3. Min group ˄䯑䷇㋏ M΃n yƯnxì˅: – Most of the Middle Chinese syllables in the level tone ˄ᑇໄ píngshƝng˅ with voiced initials have become unaspirated

A historical overview 43

– Some of the ᄫ↡ zìm· ⶹ (zhƯ) ᕏ (chè) ╘ (chéng) have preserved the plosive sounds [t], [t‘] – It does not have the labiodentals [f], [v] – It does have the codas [-m], [-p], [-t], [-k] – It has more than seven tonal categories, not all of them correspond to the tones in Middle Chinese 4. Yue group ˄㉸䷇㋏ Yuè yƯnxì˅: – It does not have the voiced initials [b], [d], [g], [v], [z] – It does have the codas [-m], [-p], [-t], [-k] – It has more than seven tonal categories, which in general correspond to the ones in Middle Chinese 5. Hakka group ˄ᅶᆊ䷇㋏ KèjiƗ yƯnxì˅: – It does not have the voiced initials [b], [d], [g], [z] – Middle Chinese voiced initials, regardless of being pronounced in the level ˄ᑇ píng˅ or oblique ˄Ҙ zè˅ tones, are now all pronounced as aspirated – Except for the following (iv), (v) features, the finals are generally similar to those of the Mandarin group – It has the codas [-m], [-p], [-t], [-k] – It does not have the ᪂ষ੐ cuǀkǂuhnj – The Ϟໄ shàngshƝng and the এໄ qùshƝng only have one category each, the ᑇໄ píngshƝng and ܹໄ rùshƝng both have two categories (Wang Li 1982: 564–565) In his book entitled Ё೑䇁᭛ὖ䆎 Zhongguo Yuwen Gailun30 (Wang Li 1939), Wang Li divides the five dialect groups into various subgroups (see Wang Li 2002b: 9–11): 1. Mandarin Dialect ˄ ᅬ 䆱 ᮍ 㿔 GuƗnhuà FƗngyán ˅ , meaning Northern China Dialect ˄ढ࣫ᮍ㿔 HuábČi FƗngyán˅, Lower Yangtze Mandarin ˄ϟ∳ᮍ㿔 XiàjiƗng FƗngyán˅, Southwest China Dialect ˄㽓फᮍ㿔 XƯnán FƗngyán˅: – Ji-Lu Group ˄‫ݔ‬剕㋏ Jì-L· Xì˅: Hebei, Shandong Provinces and the Northeast China ˄ϰ࣫ DǀngbČi˅, and other places – Jin-Shan Group ˄ᰟ䰩㋏ Jìn-Sh΁n Xi˅: Shanxi, Shaanxi, Gansu Provinces, and other places – Yu-E Group ˄䈿䛖㋏ Yù-È Xì˅: Henan, Hubei Provinces – Xiang-Gan Group ˄␬䌷㋏ XiƗng-Gàn Xì˅: eastern Hunan, western Jiangxi Provinces

44 Classifications of Chinese dialects

2.

3.

4.

– Hui-Ning Group ˄ᖑᅕ㋏ HuƯ-Níng Xì˅: Huizhou ˄ᖑᎲ˅, Ningguo ˄ᅕ೑˅, and other places – Jiang-Huai Group ˄∳⏂㋏ JiƗng-Huái Xì˅: Yangzhou ˄ᡀ Ꮂ˅, Nanjing ˄फҀ˅, Zhenjiang ˄䬛∳˅, Anqing, ˄ᅝ ᑚ˅, Wuhu ˄㡰␪˅, Jiujiang ˄б∳˅, and other places – Chuan-Dian Group ˄Ꮁ⒛㋏ ChuƗn-DiƗn Xì˅: Sichuan, Yunnan, Guizhou Provinces, northern Guangxi Province, western Hunan Province Wu Dialect ˄ਈ䇁 Wúy·˅: – Su-Hu Group ˄㢣≾㋏ Snj-Hù Xì˅: Suzhou ˄㢣Ꮂ˅, Shanghai ˄Ϟ⍋˅, Wuxi ˄᮴䫵˅, Kunshan ˄ᯚቅ˅, Changzhou ˄ᐌᎲ˅, Huzhou ˄␪Ꮂ˅, Jiaxing ˄௝݈˅, and other places – Hang-Shao Group ˄ᵁ㒡㋏ Háng-Shào Xì˅: Hangzhou ˄ᵁ Ꮂ˅, Shaoxing ˄㒡݈˅, Yuyao ˄ԭྮ˅, Ningbo ˄ᅕ⊶˅, and other places – Jin-Qu Group ˄ 䞥 㸶 ㋏ JƯn-Qú Xì ˅ : Jinhua ˄ 䞥 ढ ˅ , Quzhou ˄㸶Ꮂ˅, Yanzhou ˄ϹᎲ˅, and other places – Wen-Tai Group ˄⏽ৄ㋏ WƝn-Tái Xì˅: Wenzhou ˄⏽Ꮂ˅, Taizhou ˄ৄᎲ˅, Chuzhou ˄໘Ꮂ˅, and other places Min Dialect ˄䯑䇁 M΃ny·˅: – Minhai Group ˄ 䯑 ⍋ ㋏ M΃nh΁i Xì ˅ : Fuzhou ˄ ⽣ Ꮂ ˅ , Gutian ˄স⬄˅, and other places – Xia-Zhang Group ˄ॺ┇㋏ Xià ZhƗng Xì˅: Xiamen ˄ॺ 䮼˅, Zhangzhou ˄┇Ꮂ˅, and other places – Chao-Shan Group ˄╂∩㋏ Cháo-Shàn Xì˅: Chaozhou ˄╂ Ꮂ˅, Shantou ˄∩༈˅, and other places – Qiongya Group ˄⨐ዪ㋏ Qióngyá Xì˅: Qiongzhou ˄⨐Ꮂ˅, Wenchang ˄᭛ᯠ˅, and other places – Overseas Group ˄⍋໪㋏ H΁iwài Xì˅: the Min dialect spoken by Chinese abroad, in Singapore, Siam, the Malaysian Peninsula, and other places Yue Dialect ˄㉸䇁 Yuèy·˅: – Yuehai Group ˄㉸⍋㋏ Yuèh΁i Xì˅: Panyu ˄⬾⾎˅, Nanhai ˄फ⍋˅, Shunde ˄乎ᖋ˅, Dongguan ˄ϰ㥲˅, Xinhui ˄ᮄӮ˅, Zhongshan ˄Ёቅ˅, and other places – Tai-Kai Group ˄ৄᓔ㋏ Tái-KƗi Xì˅: Taishan ˄ৄቅ˅, Kaiping ˄ᓔᑇ˅, Enping ˄ᘽᑇ˅, and other places

A historical overview 45

5.

– Xijiang Group ˄㽓∳㋏ XƯjiƗng Xì˅: Gaoyao ˄催㽕˅, Luoding ˄㔫ᅮ˅, Yunfu ˄ѥ⍂˅, Yunan ˄䚕फ˅, and other places – Gao-Lei Group ˄催䳋㋏ GƗo-Léi Xì˅: Gaozhou ˄催Ꮂ˅, Leizhou ˄䳋Ꮂ˅, and other places – Qin-Lian Group ˄䩺ᒝ㋏ QƯn-Lián Xì˅: Qinzhou ˄䩺Ꮂ˅, Lianzhou ˄ᒝᎲ˅, and other places – Guinan Group ˄Ḗफ㋏ Guìnán Xì˅: Wuzhou ˄ṻᎲ˅, Rongxian ˄ᆍও˅, Guixian ˄䌉ও˅, Yulin ˄䚕ᵫ˅, Bobai ˄मⱑ˅, and other places – Overseas Group ˄⍋໪㋏ H΁iwài Xì˅: the Yue dialect spoken by Chinese abroad, in America, Singapore, Vietnam, in areas south beyond the South China Sea ˄फ⋟㕸ቯ Nanyang Qundao˅, and other places Hakka Dialect ˄ᅶᆊ䆱 KèjiƗhuà˅: – Jia-Hui Group ˄௝ᚴ㋏ JiƗ-Huì Xì˅: Meixian ˄ṙও˅, Huiyang ˄ᚴ䰇˅, Dabu ˄໻ඨ˅, Xingning ˄݈ᅕ˅, Wuhua ˄Ѩढ˅, Jiaoling ˄㬝ኁ˅, Fengshun ˄Є乎˅, Longchuan ˄啭Ꮁ˅, Heyuan ˄⊇⑤˅, and other places – Yuenan (“Southern Guangdong”) Group ˄㉸फ㋏ Yuènán Xì˅: spread over the area around Taishan ˄ৄቅ˅, Dianbai ˄⬉ ⱑ˅, Huaxian ˄࣪ও˅, and other places – Yuebei (“Northern Guangdong”) Group ˄㉸࣫㋏ YuèbČi Xì˅: spread over the area around Qujiang ˄᳆∳˅, Ruyuan ˄ч ⑤˅, Lianxian ˄䖲ও˅ – Gannan (“Southern Jiangxi”) Group ˄䌷फ㋏ Gànnán Xì˅: in the southern part of Jiangxi Province – Minxi (“Western Fujian”) Group ˄䯑㽓㋏ M΃nxƯ Xì˅: spread over the area of northwestern Fujian Province – Guangxi Group ˄ᑓ㽓㋏ Gu΁ngxƯ Xì˅: spread over counties in the area of eastern and southern Guangxi Province – Chuan-Xiang Group ˄Ꮁ␬㋏ ChuƗn-XiƗng Xì˅: spread over the area of Sichuan, Hunan Provinces, and other places – Overseas Group ˄⍋໪㋏ H΁iwài Xì˅: the Hakka dialect spoken by Chinese abroad, mostly in areas south beyond the South China Sea, Indonesia

What follows this classification is a comment, that the “boundaries of each of the five big groups are rather clear”, though with an annotation:

46 Classifications of Chinese dialects “yet, some people classify the Xiang dialect as a separate group” (Wang Li 2002b: 11). The problem of whether or not to classify the Xiang dialect as a separate group seems to be solved by Wang Li in his ∝䇁⌙䇜 Hanyu Qiantan, published for the first time in 1964 (Wang Li 2002a). In the third chapter, “The dialects of Chinese” ˄“∝䇁ⱘᮍ㿔” Hanyude Fangyan˅ (Wang Li 2002a: 19–32), Wang discusses the criteria of dialectal classification. He says: “Up to now, linguists usually [classify dialects] according to phonological criteria. For example, one of the criteria of the Wu dialect is that it has preserved the ܼ⌞䷇ quánzhuóyƯn of Middle Chinese. Although the Xiang dialect also generally has the ܼ⌞䷇ quánzhuóyƯn, the method of articulation is not the same as that of the Wu dialect…, that is why the Xiang dialect should be considered to be a separate dialect group.” (Wang Li 2002a: 19). The author presents his new classification into six dialect groups: 1. Mandarin Dialect ˄࣫ᮍᮍ㿔 BČifƗng FƗngyán, lit. “Northern Dialect”˅: It covers the largest area. Although it is called “Northern Dialect”, in reality it extends from the northeast down to the southwest, including the area north of the Yangtze River, the area above Zhenjiang ˄䬛∳˅ and below Jiujiang ˄б∳˅ south of the Yangtze River, Hubei Province (except for the southeastern corner), Sichuan, Yunnan, Guizhou Provinces; the northwestern corner of Hunan Province and the northern part of Guangxi Province. 2. Wu Dialect ˄ਈᮍ㿔 Wú FƗngyán˅: Most of the area in Jiangsu Province south of the Yangtze River and east of Zhenjiang ˄䬛∳˅, as well as the whole of Zhejiang Province. 3. Xiang Dialect ˄␬ᮍ㿔 XiƗng FƗngyán˅: Hunan Province (except for the northeastern part). 4. Gan-Hakka Dialect ˄䌷ᅶᮍ㿔 Gàn-Kè FƗngyán˅: This group can be divided into the Gan Dialect ˄䌷ᮍ㿔 Gàn FƗngyán˅ and Hakka Dialect ˄ᅶᆊᮍ㿔 KèjiƗ FƗngyán˅. The Gan dialect includes most of Jiangxi Province and the southeastern corner of Hubei Province. The Hakka dialect is spread over Guangdong, Guangxi, Fujian, Jiangxi and other Provinces (or autonomous regions). There are also minorities which speak Hakka in Hunan and Sichuan Provinces.

A historical overview 47

Min Dialect ˄䯑ᮍ㿔 M΃n FƗngyán˅: This includes most of Fujian Province, Taiwan, the area around Huzhou ˄␪Ꮂ˅ and Shantou ˄∩༈˅ in Guangdong Province, as well as Hainan Island. The Min dialect can be further divided into Northern Min ˄䯑࣫ 䆱 M΃nbČihuà˅ and Southern Min ˄䯑फ䆱 M΃nnánhuà˅. The representative dialect of Northern Min is that of Fuzhou ˄⽣Ꮂ˅, of Southern Min – Xiamen ˄ॺ䮼˅. 6. Yue Dialect ˄㉸ᮍ㿔 Yuè FƗngyán˅: It includes the central, western and southern part of Guangdong Province, as well as the southern, eastern and western part of Guangxi Province. (Wang Li 2002a: 20)

5.

2.6. Academia Sinica surveys Between 1928 and 1946 the Institute of History and Philology of Academia Sinica (Zhongyang Yanjiuyuan Lishi Yuyan Yanjiusuo Ё༂ⷨお䰶ग़৆䇁 㿔ⷨお᠔˅ dispatched a team of linguists to conduct dialect surveys in several provinces. The team was led by Zhao Yuanren and included Ding Shengshu, Yang Shifeng, Wu Zongji, Dong Tonghe, Bai Dizhou among other scholars. Eight large-scale surveys were accomplished during that time, i.e. in Guangxi and Guangdong, as well as Hainan (1928–1929, 1930); Central Shaanxi (1933); southern Anhui (1934); Jiangxi (1935); Hunan (1935); Hubei (1936); Yunnan (1940); Sichuan (1941–1946). In addition, Zhao Yuanren had carried out his own survey of the Wu dialect (on which basis he published ⦄ҷਈ䇁ⷨお Xiandai Wuyu Yanjiu – Studies in the Modern Wu Dialects in 1928). (cf. Wang Futang 2005: 55; Yan, M. M. 2006: 21–23). On the basis of the information gathered during the surveys, several classifications of the dialects were made. The classifications appeared in the Ёढ⇥೑ᮄഄ೒ Zhonghua Minguo Xin Ditu (Ding, Weng and Ceng 1934) and in Ё೑ߚⳕᮄ೒ Zhongguo Fensheng Xin Tu (a concise version of Ёढ⇥೑ᮄഄ೒ Zhonghua Minguo Xin Ditu (Ding, Weng and Ceng 1939, 1948). The maps were not accompanied by any explanation (cf. Wang Futang 2005: 55; Wang Futang 2004: 515; Li Rong 1989a: 242, 243; Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 13).

48 Classifications of Chinese dialects In 1934 the dialects were divided into 7 groups: 1. Northern China Mandarin ˄ढ࣫ᅬ䆱 HuábČi GuƗnhuà˅ 2. Southern China Mandarin ˄ढफᅬ䆱 Huánán GuƗnhuà˅ 3. Wu dialect ˄ਈᮍ㿔 Wú FƗngyán˅ 4. Hakka dialect ˄ᅶᆊᮍ㿔 KèjiƗ FƗngyán˅ 5. Yue dialect ˄㉸ᮍ㿔 Yuè FƗngyán˅ 6. Min dialect ˄䯑ᮍ㿔 M΃n FƗngyán˅ 7. Hainan dialect ˄⍋फᮍ㿔 H΁inán FƗngyán˅ Compared with Wang Li’s classification, the Mandarin dialect was divided into North-China Mandarin and South-China Mandarin, and the Hainan dialect was separated from the Min dialect (cf. Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 13). In 1939 the dialects were reclassified into 9 groups: 1. Northern Mandarin ˄࣫ᮍᅬ䆱 BČifƗng GuƗnhuà˅ 2. Upper Yangtze Mandarin ˄Ϟ∳ᅬ䆱 ShàngjiƗng GuƗnhuà˅ 3. Lower Yangtze Mandarin ˄ϟ∳ᅬ䆱 XiàjiƗng GuƗnhuà˅ 4. Wu dialect ˄ਈᮍ㿔 Wú FƗngyán˅ 5. Hakka dialect ˄ᅶᆊᮍ㿔 KèjiƗ FƗngyán˅ 6. Yue dialect ˄㉸ᮍ㿔 Yuè FƗngyán˅ 7. Min dialect ˄䯑ᮍ㿔 M΃n FƗngyán˅ 8. Anhui dialect ˄ⱪᮍ㿔 W΁n FƗngyán˅ 9. Chaoshan dialect ˄╂∩ᮍ㿔 Cháoshàn FƗngyán˅ South-China Mandarin was further divided into upper Yangtze Mandarin, lower Yangtze Mandarin and the Anhui dialect. At the same time, the Chaoshan dialect was separated from the Min dialect (cf. Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 13). In 1948 a reclassification into 11 groups took place: 1. Northern Mandarin ˄࣫ᮍᅬ䆱 BČifƗng GuƗnhuà˅ 2. Southwestern Mandarin ˄㽓फᅬ䆱 XƯnán GuƗnhuà˅ 3. Lower Yangtze Mandarin (Xiajiang Mandarin)˄ϟ∳ᅬ䆱 XiàjiƗng GuƗnhuà˅ 4. Xiang dialect ˄␬䇁 XiƗngy·˅ 5. Gan dialect ˄䌷䇁 Gàny·˅ 6. Wu dialect ˄ਈ䇁 Wúy·˅ 7. Hakka dialect ˄ᅶᆊ䇁 KèjiƗy·˅ 8. Yue dialect ˄㉸䇁 Yuèy·˅ 9. Southern Min dialect ˄䯑फ䇁 M΃nnány·˅ 10. Northern Min dialect˄䯑࣫䇁 M΃nbČiy·˅ 11. Huizhou dialect ˄ᖑᎲᮍ㿔 HuƯzhǀu FƗngyán˅

A historical overview 49

The Xiang dialect was extracted from the upper Yangtze Mandarin and the Gan dialect from the lower Yangtze Mandarin. The Min dialect was divided into Northern and Southern Min. The Anhui dialect ˄ⱪᮍ㿔 W΁n FƗngyán˅ was renamed Huizhou dialect ˄ᖑᎲᮍ㿔 HuƯzhǀu FƗngyán˅ (cf. Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 13).

2.7. Li Fanggui ˄ᴢᮍḖ˅ In 1937 Li Fanggui in his article “Languages and dialects” (see Li Fanggui 1973) proposed a classification of Chinese dialects into 9 groups. These groups were (see Li Fanggui 1973: 3–5; cf. Wang Futang 2005: 56; Wang Futang 2004: 515; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 60; Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 13): 1. Northern Mandarin [࣫ᮍᅬ䆱 BČifƗng GuƗnhuà] 2. Eastern Mandarin [ϟ∳ᅬ䆱 XiàjiƗng GuƗnhuà] 3. Southwestern Mandarin [㽓फᅬ䆱 XƯnán GuƗnhuà] 4. Wu ˄ਈ䇁 Wúy·˅ 5. Gan-Hakka ˄䌷ᅶᆊ Gàn-KèjiƗ˅ 6. Min ˄䯑䇁 M΃ny·˅ (divided into Northern and Southern subgroups) 7. Cantonese or Yue ˄㉸䇁 Yuèy·˅ 8. Xiang ˄␬䇁 XiƗngy·˅ 9. Certain isolated groups The differences between his and the classification into 11 groups by Zhao Yuanren and others in 1948 were that Southern and Northern Min were treated as one group, Hakka and Gan were also treated as one group, Huizhou dialect was not a separate dialect group. Li’s article was reprinted in 1973 in the Journal of Chinese Linguistics and was very influential overseas (cf. Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 13). Jerry Norman (1988: 181) says “Li’s scheme has been widely accepted and has become one of the main foundations on which Chinese dialectological research has been based; it is essentially the classification employed by Yuan Jiahua in his 1961 standard handbook Hanyu fangyan gaiyao [An outline of Chinese dialects].”

50 Classifications of Chinese dialects 2.8. Zhao Yuanren ˄䍉‫ܗ‬ӏ˅ In 1948 in the Mandarin Primer (Zhao Yuanren 1948)31 , Zhao Yuanren divided the Chinese dialects 9 groups (see Zhao Yuanren 1985: 189–190; cf. Wang Futang 2005: 56; Wang Futang 2004: 515): 1. Northern Mandarin ˄࣫ᮍᅬ䆱 BČifƗng GuƗnhuà˅ 2. Southwestern Mandarin ˄㽓फᅬ䆱 XƯnán GuƗnhuà˅ 3. Lower Yangtze Mandarin ˄ϟ∳ᅬ䆱 XiàjiƗng GuƗnhuà˅ 4. Yue ˄㉸ Yuè˅ 5. Gan-Hakka ˄䌷ᅶ Gàn-Kè˅ 6. Southern Min˄䯑फ M΃nnán˅ 7. Northern Min˄䯑࣫ M΃nbČi˅ 8. Wu ˄ਈ Wú˅ 9. Xiang ˄␬ XiƗng˅

2.9. R.A.D. Forrest R.A.D. Forrest, in his book The Chinese Language (Forrest 1973), published for the first time in 1948, presents his classification of the Chinese dialects (Forrest 1973: 217–218): 1. Northern Chinese ˄ᅬ䆱 GuƗnhuà˅ 2. Chin ˄ᰟ Jìn˅32 3. Cantonese 4. Wu 5. Min 6. Hakka 2.10. Dong Tonghe ˄㨷ৠ啶˅ In 1953 Dong Tonghe (Tung T’ung-ho) (1953) grouped the dialects into 9 groups. Contrary to Zhao Yuanren, he separated the Gan and Hakka dialects and treated the Min dialects as one. His classification was as follows: 1. Northern Mandarin ˄࣫ᮍᅬ䆱 BČifƗng GuƗnhuà˅ 2. Southwestern Mandarin ˄㽓फᅬ䆱 XƯnán GuƗnhuà˅ 3. Lower Yangtze Mandarin ˄ϟ∳ᅬ䆱 XiàjiƗng GuƗnhuà˅ 4. Wu dialect ˄ਈ䇁 Wúy·˅ 5. Xiang dialect ˄␬䇁 XiƗngy·˅

A historical overview 51

6. Hakka dialect ˄ᅶᆊ䆱 KèjiƗhuà˅ 7. Gan dialect ˄䌷ᮍ㿔 Gàn FƗngyán˅ 8. Yue dialect ˄㉸䇁 Yuèy·˅ 9. Min dialect˄䯑䇁 M΃ny·˅ (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 62–63) 2.11. Ding Shengshu ˄ϕໄᷥ˅ and Li Rong ˄ᴢ㤷˅ In 1955 Ding Shengshu and Li Rong presented a new classification at the Technical Conference on the Standardization of Modern Chinese ˄⦄ҷ∝ 䇁㾘㣗䯂乬ᄺᴃӮ䆂 Xiandai Hanyu Guifan Wenti Xueshu Huiyi˅, held in Beijing (cf. Wang Futang 2005: 56).33 Not having enough data from field investigations, they reclassified the Academia Sinica 11 dialect groups of 1948. They put the Northern Mandarin ˄࣫ᮍᅬ䆱 BČifƗng GuƗnhuà˅, Southwestern Mandarin ˄㽓फᅬ䆱 XƯnán GuƗnhuà˅ and lower Yangtze Mandarin ˄ϟ∳ᅬ䆱 XiàjiƗng GuƗnhuà˅ into one dialect group called the Mandarin dialect ˄ᅬ䆱 GuƗnhuà˅. At the same time, they decided to cancel the Huizhou dialect ˄ᖑᎲᮍ㿔 HuƯzhǀu FƗngyán˅. This way they obtained eight dialect groups (see Ding and Li 1956; cf. Li Rong 1989a: 243; Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 13; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 62; Wang Futang 2005: 56; Wang Futang 2004: 519): 1. Mandarin ˄ᅬ䆱 GuƗnhuà˅ 2. Wu dialect ˄ਈ䇁 Wúy·˅ 3. Xiang dialect ˄␬䇁 XiƗngy·˅ 4. Gan dialect ˄䌷ᮍ㿔 Gàn FƗngyán˅ 5. Hakka dialect ˄ᅶᆊ䆱 KèjiƗhuà˅ 6. Northern Min dialect˄䯑࣫䆱 M΃nbČihuà˅ 7. Southern Min dialect ˄䯑फ䆱 M΃nnánhuà˅ 8. Yue dialect ˄㉸䇁 Yuèy·˅ 2.12. Luo Changpei ˄㔫ᐌ෍˅ and Lü Shuxiang ˄৩⎥␬˅ In a report which was also presented at the Technical Conference on the Standardization of Modern Chinese, Luo Changpei and Lü Shuxiang delivered their classification of the dialects (see [www 6]; cf. DeFrancis 1967: 142; DeFrancis 1984: 57–58):

52 Classifications of Chinese dialects 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

Mandarin dialect ˄࣫ᮍ䆱 BČifƗnghuà˅ Jiangsu-Zhejiang dialect (Wu) ˄∳⌭䆱 JiƗng-Zhè huà˅ Hunan dialect (Xiang) ˄␪फ䆱 Húnán huà˅ Jiangxi dialect (Gan) ˄∳㽓䆱 JiƗngxƯ huà˅ Hakka dialect ˄ᅶᆊ䆱 KèjiƗ huà˅ Northern Min dialect ˄䯑࣫䆱 M΃nbČi huà˅ Southern Min dialect ˄䯑फ䆱 M΃nnán huà˅ Guangdong dialect (Yue) ˄ᑓϰ䆱 Gu΁ngdǀng huà˅

2.13. Pan Maoding ˄┬㣖哢˅ et al. The Technical Conference on the Standardization of Modern Chinese advised the Chinese Academy of Sciences ˄Ё೑⾥ᄺ䰶 Zhongguo Kexueyuan ˅ , the Ministry of Higher Education ˄ 催 ㄝ ᬭ 㚆 䚼 Gaodeng Jiaoyubu ˅ and the Ministry of Education ˄ ᬭ 㚆 䚼 Jiaoyubu ˅ “to jointly map out a draft plan in order to make an initial general investigation of the Chinese dialects in two years’ time” (see [www 9]). Following the advice, in the years 1956–1958, 1849 out of the 2298 planned localities were investigated (cf. Wang Futang 2005: 56, Yuan Jiahua 2003: 22). Thanks to this, the dialectal situation began to be seen in a new perspective. As an outcome of the surveys, Pan Maoding, Li Rulong, Liang Yuzhang, Zhang Shengyu and Chen Zhangtai published an article in 1963 entitled ⽣ ᓎ∝䇁ᮍ㿔ߚऎ⬹䇈 (Fujian Hanyu fangyan fenqu lüeshuo) (Pan Maoding et al. 1963). The authors cancelled the division of the Min dialects into two big groups of Southern Min and Northern Min, but considered them as one big dialectal group. However, this group is highly diversified and can be divided into five smaller groups: Eastern Min ˄䯑ϰ M΃ndǀng˅, Southern Min ˄䯑फ M΃nnán˅, Central Min ˄䯑Ё M΃nzhǀng˅, Northern Min ˄䯑࣫ M΃nbČi˅ and Puxian ˄㥚ҭ PúxiƗn˅ (cf. Wang Futang 2005: 57, Wang Futang 2004: 519–520). This new way of looking at the Min dialects brought about a new classification of the Chinese dialects in general, obtaining the following seven groups (cf. Wang Futang 2005: 57, Wang Futang 2004: 520): 1. Mandarin ˄ᅬ䆱 GuƗnhuà˅ 2. Wu dialect ˄ਈᮍ㿔 Wú FƗngyán˅ 3. Xiang dialect ˄␬ᮍ㿔 XiƗng FƗngyán˅ 4. Gan dialect ˄䌷ᮍ㿔 Gàn FƗngyán˅ 5. Hakka dialect ˄ᅶᆊᮍ㿔 KèjiƗ FƗngyán˅

A historical overview 53

6. 7.

Yue dialect ˄㉸ᮍ㿔 Yuè FƗngyán˅ Min dialect ˄䯑ᮍ㿔 M΃n FƗngyán˅

2.14. Yuan Jiahua ˄㹕ᆊ偙˅ In 1960, under the leadership of Yuan Jiahua, who held a course in Chinese dialectology at Peking University ˄࣫Ҁ໻ᄺ Beijing Daxue˅, a handbook for the course was published – ∝䇁ᮍ㿔ὖ㽕 (Hanyu Fangyan Gaiyao) (Yuan Jiahua 2003, first edition in 1960). The book was re-edited in 1980 and reprinted several times and it still remains one of the most important modern works on Chinese dialects.34 The compilation of the book was made possible by the results of the 1956–1958 surveys (cf. Yuan Jiahua 2003: 22). In the second edition, the contents of the article by Pan Maoding et al. (see Chapter 5.2.13.) were taken into consideration, and the dialects were classified into the following seven groups35 (the numbers in brackets indicate the estimated percentage of speakers of the dialect in question) (see Yuan Jiahua 2003: 22): 1. Mandarin dialect ˄࣫ᮍᮍ㿔 BČifƗng FƗngyán˅ (70%) 2. Wu dialect ˄ਈᮍ㿔 Wú FƗngyán˅ (8.5%) 3. Xiang dialect ˄␬ᮍ㿔 XiƗng FƗngyán˅ (5%) 4. Gan dialect ˄䌷ᮍ㿔 Gàn FƗngyán˅ (2.5%) 5. Hakka dialect ˄ᅶᆊᮍ㿔 KèjiƗ FƗngyán˅ (4%) 6. Yue dialect ˄㉸ᮍ㿔 Yuè FƗngyán˅ (5%) 7. Min dialect ˄䯑ᮍ㿔 M΃n FƗngyán˅ (4%) The geographical distribution of the dialects is as follows: 1. Mandarin dialect ˄࣫ᮍᮍ㿔 BČifƗng FƗngyán˅ Mandarin dialects are further divided into (cf. Yuan Jiahua 2003: 24): – Northern Mandarin ˄࣫ᮍᮍ㿔 BČifƗng FƗngyán˅ – Northwestern Mandarin ˄㽓࣫ᮍ㿔 XƯbČi FƗngyán˅ – Southwestern Mandarin ˄㽓फᮍ㿔 XƯnán FƗngyán˅ – Jianghuai Mandarin ˄∳⏂ᮍ㿔 JiƗnghuái FƗngyán˅ The Mandarin dialects are spread over the area north of the Yangtze River, the strip of land along the south bank of the Yangtze River east of Jiujiang ˄б∳˅ and west of Zhenjiang ˄䬛∳˅, Hubei Province (excluding the southeastern corner), Sichuan, Yunnan,

54 Classifications of Chinese dialects

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

7.

Guizhou Provinces, the northwestern part of Guangxi A.R., the northwestern corner of Hunan Province (cf. Yuan Jiahua 2003: 23). Wu dialect ˄ਈᮍ㿔 Wú FƗngyán˅ In Jiangsu Province: over the area south of the Yangtze River and east of Zhenjiang ˄䬛∳˅ (excluding Zhenjiang itself), Chongming Island ˄ዛᯢቯ Chongming Dao˅, north of the Yangtze River in Nantong ˄फ䗮˅ (its eastern suburbs), Haimen ˄⍋ 䮼˅, Qidong ˄ਃϰ˅, Jingjiang ˄䴪∳˅, as well as most of Zhejiang Province (cf. Yuan Jiahua 2003: 57). Xiang dialect ˄␬ᮍ㿔 XiƗng FƗngyán˅ Depending on the presence or absence of voiced initials, the Xiang dialect can be divided into New Xiang ˄ᮄ␬ XƯn XiƗng˅ and Old Xiang ˄স␬ G· XiƗng˅. Because the differences between the Old and the New Xiang are very big, and because the New Xiang is very influenced by Southwestern Mandarin ˄㽓फᅬ䆱 XƯnán GuƗnhuà˅, some people tend to include the New Xiang into the Southwestern Mandarin group. The author stated however, that this classification lacks a historical basis (cf. Yuan Jiahua 2003: 101). The Xiang dialects are spread over the major part of Hunan Province, as well as in northern Guangxi A.R. in Quanzhou ˄ܼᎲ˅, Guanyang ˄☠䰇˅, Ziyuan ˄䌘⑤˅, Xing’an ˄݈ᅝ˅ (cf. Yuan Jiahua 2003: 101). Gan dialect ˄䌷ᮍ㿔 Gàn FƗngyán˅ The central and northern part of Jiangxi Province (cf. Yuan Jiahua 2003: 126). Hakka dialect ˄ᅶᆊᮍ㿔 KèjiƗ FƗngyán˅ Eastern and northern Guangdong Province, western Fujian Province, southern Jiangxi Province, as well as parts of Taiwan, Guangxi A.R., Hunan, Sichuan Provinces (cf. Yuan Jiahua 2003: 146). Yue dialect ˄㉸ᮍ㿔 Yuè FƗngyán˅ Central and southeastern Guangdong Province, southeastern Guangxi A.R. It is also spoken by Chinese living abroad, mostly in southeast Asia and North America (cf. Yuan Jiahua 2003: 177). Min dialect ˄䯑ᮍ㿔 M΃n FƗngyán˅ The Min dialects are further divided into (cf. Yuan Jiahua 2003: 235): – Eastern Min ˄䯑ϰ M΃ndǀng˅

A historical overview 55

– Puxian ˄㥚ҭ PúxiƗn˅ – Southern Min ˄䯑फ M΃nnán˅ – Central Min ˄䯑Ё M΃nzhǀng˅ – Northern Min ˄䯑࣫ M΃nbČi˅ The Min dialects are spread over most of Fujian Province as well as the Chaoshan ˄╂∩˅ area and the area around Haikang ˄⍋ ᒋ˅ and Xuwen ˄ᕤ䯏˅ on Leizhou Peninsula ˄䳋Ꮂञቯ Leizhou Bandao˅ in Guangdong Province, most of Hainan, in southern Zhejiang the area around Wenzhou ˄⏽Ꮂ˅ and the Zhoushan Archipelago ˄㟳ቅ㕸ቯ Zhoushan Qundao˅, most of Taiwan (cf. Yuan Jiahua 2003: 235). 2.15. Zhou Zhenhe ˄਼ᤃ吸˅ and You Rujie ˄␌བᵄ˅ Zhou Zhenhe and You Rujie (1986) divide the Chinese language into seven groups (the numbers in brackets denote the estimated percentage of speakers of the dialect in question) (Zhou and You 1986: 8): 1. Mandarin dialect ˄࣫ᮍᮍ㿔 BČifƗng FƗngyán˅ (70%) 2. Wu dialect ˄ਈᮍ㿔 Wú FƗngyán˅ (8%) 3. Gan dialect ˄䌷ᮍ㿔 Gàn FƗngyán˅ (2%) 4. Hakka dialect ˄ᅶᆊᮍ㿔 KèjiƗ FƗngyán˅ (4%) 5. Xiang dialect ˄␬ᮍ㿔 XiƗng FƗngyán˅ (5%) 6. Min dialect ˄䯑ᮍ㿔 M΃n FƗngyán˅ (4%) 7. Yue dialect ˄㉸ᮍ㿔 Yuè FƗngyán˅ (5%) Concerning the Xiang dialect, there is a remark that it is traditionally divided into Old and New Xiang. Yet, the authors claim that the New Xiang can be classified as a part of the Southwestern Mandarin, whereas only the Old Xiang should be treated as the Xiang dialect (cf. Zhou and You 1986: 8; Künstler 2000: 252, see also Chapter 5.2.14.).36 2.16. Li Rong ˄ᴢ㤷˅ In 1987, with the publication of The Language Atlas of China (Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan yu Aodaliya Renwen Kexueyuan 1987, 1989, henceforth called Atlas), a new classification was introduced by Li Rong. He extracted the Jin dialect ˄ᰟ䇁 Jìny·˅ out of the Mandarin dialect and

56 Classifications of Chinese dialects added the Hui ˄ᖑ䇁 HuƯy·˅, and Pinghua ˄ᑇ䆱 Pínghuà˅ dialects, obtaining thus 10 groups of Chinese dialects (the numbers in brackets show the percentage of speakers of each dialect group out of 977,270,000 speakers of Chinese) (see Li Rong 1989a: 241; Atlas: A2):37 1. Mandarin dialect ˄ᅬ䆱 GuƗnhuà˅ (67.8%) 2. Jin dialect ˄ᰟ䇁 Jìny·˅ (4.7%) 3. Wu dialect ˄ਈ䇁 Wúy·˅ (7.1%) 4. Hui dialect ˄ᖑ䇁 HuƯy·˅ (0.3%) 5. Gan dialect ˄䌷䇁 Gàny·˅ (3.2%) 6. Xiang dialect ˄␬䇁 XiƗngy·˅ (3.2%) 7. Min dialect ˄䯑䇁 M΃ny·˅ (5.6%) 8. Yue dialect ˄㉸䇁 Yuèy·˅ (4.1%) 9. Pinghua dialect ˄ᑇ䆱 Pínghuà˅ (0.2%) 10. Hakka dialect ˄ᅶᆊ䆱 KèjiƗhuà˅ (3.6%) The new classification caused a lot of discussions on the topic, which have continued to this day. The most controversial problem is the separation of the Jin dialect from Mandarin. Prof. Li Rong, in his article ᅬ䆱ᮍ 㿔ⱘߚऎ (Guanhua fangyande fenqu) (Li Rong 1985a), advocates this division. The arguments for considering Pinghua and Hui as separate dialect groups are also rejected by some scholars (see Chapter 5.2.18.; see also Chapter 6.4.).

2.17. Jerry Norman In his book Chinese (1988), Jerry Norman examines the seven dialectal groups as classified by Yuan Jiahua (2003), proposing “a new set of criteria or diagnostic features” for classifying the Chinese dialects (see Norman 1988: 181–183; see also Chapter 5.1.2.3.). On the basis of these features, he classifies the existing seven dialects into three groups (see Norman 1988: 182–183): 1. Northern group – the Mandarin group 2. Southern group: – Kejia (Hakka) – Yue – Min

A historical overview 57

3.

Central group: – Wu – Gan – Xiang

2.18. Cao Zhiyun ˄᳍ᖫ㗬˅ In 2008 a project under the leadership of Professor Cao Zhiyun of the Beijing Language and Culture University ˄࣫Ҁ䇁㿔໻ᄺ Beijing Yuyan Daxue˅ ̢ the Linguistic Atlas of Chinese Dialects (Cao Zhiyun ed. 2008), was published. It contains 510 maps divided into three volumes (Phonetics, Lexicon and Grammar). The Linguistic Atlas of Chinese Dialects does not draw the borders between dialects, the maps picture the distribution of dialect characteristics. However, the 930 survey sites which have been selected for the project, are classified into the ten dialect groups as presented in The Language Atlas of China, without any comments or discussions on the topic (Cao Zhiyun ed. 2008: Phonetics vol., p. 9).

2.19. Conclusions: How many dialect groups are there? At present, two classifications are the most popular. The division into seven dialect groups seems to be more widely, though not fully, accepted while the classification into ten dialects causes more controversies. The issues at question are the following: 1. Whether the Min dialect should be classified as one group or divided into Northern and Southern Min? (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 63–64; Li Rong 1989a: 252–254) 2. Into how many groups should the Mandarin dialects be classified? (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 64–65; Li Rong 1989a: 245–248; Ding Bangxin 1998b: 212–216) 3. Should the Gan and Hakka dialects be treated as one group or as two separate groups? (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 65; Atlas: B8; Li Rong 1989a: 249–252; Wang Futang 1998; Wang Futang 2005: 67–77; Li Rulong 2003a: 40–42; Yan Sen 1986: 24) 4. Whether or not the Jin dialect should be separated from the Mandarin dialects? (cf. Zhan Bohui 2002: 351; Ding Bangxin 1998b: 213; Wang

58 Classifications of Chinese dialects Futang 2004: 530–531; Zou and You 2001: 31; Wen Duanzheng 1998; Hou Jingyi ed. 2002: 1; Hou Jingyi 1999a: 1–2; Li Xiaofan 2005: 357; Wang Futang 2005: 100–108; Li Rulong 2003a: 42–43; Li Rong 1989a: 245; Li Rong 1985a: 2–3; see also Chapter 6.4.1.) 5. Should Pinghua be treated as an independent group? (cf. Zhan Bohui 2002: 351; Hou Jingyi ed. 2002: 1; Zou and You 2001: 31; Wu Wei 2001; Wang Futang 2005: 117–118; Li Rulong 2003a: 43; Li Rong 1989a: 249; see also Chapter 6.4.3.) 6. Should the Hui dialect be treated as an independent group? (Zhan Bohui 2002: 351; Wang Futang 2005: 84–87; Li Rong 1989a: 248, see also Chapter 6.4.2.) The classification into seven major dialect groups, i.e. Mandarin ˄ᅬ䆱 GuƗnhuà˅, Wu ˄ਈ Wú˅, Xiang ˄␬ XiƗng˅, Gan ˄䌷 Gàn˅, Hakka ˄ᅶᆊ KèjiƗ˅, Yue ˄㉸ Yuè˅, Min ˄䯑 M΃n˅, has been the standard since the article of Pan Maoding (Pan Maoding et al. 1963) and it has been applied in many authoritative works, such as Yuan Jiahua’s second edition of ∝䇁ᮍ㿔ὖ㽕 (Hanyu Fangyan Gaiyao) (Yuan Jiahua 2003; see Chapter 5.2.14.), Zhan Bohui’s ⦄ҷ∝䇁ᮍ㿔 (Xiandai Hanyu fangyan) (1981) as well as Zhan Bohui et al. Hanyu Fangyan ji Fangyan Diaocha ˄∝䇁ᮍ㿔ঞᮍ㿔䇗ᶹ˅ (2004), Zhou Zhenhe’s and You Rujie’s ᮍ㿔Ϣ Ё೑᭛࣪ (Fangyan yu Zhongguo wenhua) (1986), Ё೑໻ⱒ⾥ܼк:·䇁㿔 ᭛ᄫ (Zhongguo Dabaike Quanshu. Yuyan Wenzi) (1988), Huang Jinghu’s ∝䇁ᮍ㿔ᄺ (Hanyu Fangyanxue) (1987), etc. This classification is also popular among scholars in Taiwan (cf. Ding Bangxin 1989a) and overseas (cf. Norman 1988: 181, see also Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 65–66). The classification made by Li Rong in the Atlas is applied in The Great Dictionary..., as well as in ∝䇁ᮍ㿔໻䆡‫( ݌‬Hanyu Fangyan Dacidian) (Xu and Miyata ed. 2000). It is also assumed as obvious in the Linguistic Atlas of Chinese Dialects (Cao Zhiyun ed. 2008). There are also classifications which reject one or more of the controversial groups. For example, in the work edited by Hou Jingyi (2002), Xiandai Hanyu Fangyan Gailun ˄⦄ҷ∝䇁ᮍ㿔ὖ䆎˅, nine dialect groups are described, omitting the Pinghua dialect. Table 7. (on the following pages) summarizes the history of dialect classifications.

62 Classifications of Chinese dialects Generally, a tendency towards gradually dividing the dialects into an increasing number of groups is visible. However, this trend is at present changing, and Chinese linguists incline rather towards classifying the groups into larger entities (cf. Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 13). As the research of Chinese dialects is in constant progress, the classification may be changing. One more big undertaking is carried out at present: a new edition of the Language Atlas of China, by the scholars of the Institute of Linguistics of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences and the Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences ˄Ё೑⼒Ӯ⾥ᄺ䰶⇥ᮣᄺϢҎ㉏ᄺⷨお᠔ Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Minzuxue yu Renleixue Yanjiusuo ˅ (cf. “Xin bian Zhongguo Yuyan Dituji yu fangyan fenqu taolun de gaoyue” 2005). It is already known that this new edition will keep the division into 10 dialect groups, though with slight alterations (cf. Xiong and Zhang 2008). Nevertheless, this project is awaited with great expectation by dialectologists and it may cast a new light upon the classification of Chinese dialects.

Chapter 6 The classification of Chinese dialects according to The Language Atlas of China39

The classification proposed by Li Rong and others in The Language Atlas of China is applied in The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects; therefore it will be described here in detail.

1. The Language Atlas of China The Atlas is a result of cooperation between Chinese and Australian scientists. It appeared in two parts, both of which had an English and a Chinese edition. It consists of 35 maps altogether, divided into three sections. Section A includes general maps, B – maps of Chinese dialects, C – maps of minority languages. Each of the maps is accompanied by a description (cf. Zhongguo Yuyan Dituji chuban 1988; Zhang Zhenxing 1997: 241; Atlas: [preface]; [www 1]).

2. Classification into smaller units There exist two sets of terminology for the division of Chinese dialects into smaller units. The genetic one is (cf. You Rujie 2004: 1, Li Rulong 2003a: 1): 1. Dialect ˄ᮍ㿔 fƗngyán˅ 2. Sub-dialect ˄⃵ᮍ㿔 cì fƗngyán˅ 3. Vernacular (Patois) ˄ೳ䇁 t·y·˅ 4. Accent (Sub-patois) ˄㜨 qiƗng / ⃵ೳ䇁 cì t·y·˅ The geographical hierarchy of division, as applied in the Atlas is as follows (cf. Li Rong 1989a: 243; You Rujie 2004: 1–2): 1. Supergroup ˄໻ऎ dàqnj˅ 2. Group ˄ऎ qnj˅ 3. Subgroup ˄⠛ piàn˅ 4. Cluster ˄ᇣ⠛ xi΁opiàn˅

64 Classification according to The Language Atlas 5. Local dialect, dialect locality ˄⚍ di΁n˅ Among these, group and subgroup are the basic concepts. Groups are usually divided into subgroups, which are sometimes further divided into clusters. Some groups can be brought together into a supergroup. The “local dialects” denote the dialect points which have been examined (cf. Li Rong 1985b: 81–82; Li Rong 1989a: 243–244).

3. The classification 3.1. Mandarin supergroup ˄ᅬ䆱໻ऎ GuƗnhuà dàqnj˅40 3.1.1.

Northeastern Mandarin group 䯴 ϰ ࣫ ᅬ 䆱 ऎ GuƗnhuàqnj䯵 (cf. Li Rong 1989a: 255; Atlas: B1)

DǀngbČi

Distribution:41 The whole of Heilongjiang Province, Jilin Province, most of Liaoning Province, part of eastern Inner Mongolia A.R. 1. Jishen subgroup ˄ঢ়≜⠛ JíshČn piàn˅ a. Jiaoning cluster ˄㲳ᅕᇣ⠛ JiƗoníng xi΁opiàn˅ b. Tongxi cluster ˄䗮⑾ᇣ⠛ TǀngxƯ xi΁opiàn˅ c. Yanji cluster ˄ᓊঢ়ᇣ⠛ Yánjí xi΁opiàn˅ 2. Hafu subgroup ˄જ䯰⠛ HƗfù piàn˅ a. Zhaofu cluster ˄㙛ᡊᇣ⠛ Zhàofú xi΁opiàn˅ b. Changjin cluster ˄䭓䫺ᇣ⠛ Chángj΃n xi΁opiàn˅ 3. Heisong subgroup ˄咥ᵒ⠛ HƝisǀng piàn˅ a. Nenke cluster ˄Ⴝ‫ܟ‬ᇣ⠛ Nènkè xi΁opiàn˅ b. Jiafu cluster ˄Շᆠᇣ⠛ JiƗfù xi΁opiàn˅ c. Zhanhua cluster ˄キ䆱ᇣ⠛ Zhànhuà xi΁opiàn˅

3.1.2.

Beijing Mandarin group 䯴 ࣫Ҁᅬ䆱ऎ BČijƯng GuƗnhuàqnj䯵 (cf. Li Rong 1989a: 255; Atlas: B2, B5)

Distribution: Beijing Municipality area, a small part of Tianjin Municipality, the eastern part of Hebei Province, the western part of Liaoning Province, a small part of eastern Inner Mongolia A.R., the northern part of Xinjiang A.R. 1. Jingshi subgroup ˄ҀᏜ⠛ JƯngshƯ piàn˅ 2. Huaicheng subgroup ˄ᗔᡓ⠛ Huáichég piàn˅

The classification 65

3. 4.

3.1.3.

Chaofeng subgroup ˄ᳱዄ⠛ CháofƝng piàn˅ Shike subgroup ˄⷇‫ܟ‬⠛ Shíkè piàn˅

Jilu Mandarin group 䯴 ‫ݔ‬剕ᅬ䆱ऎ Jìl· GuƗnhuàqnj䯵 (cf. Li Rong 1989a: 255–256; Atlas: B2, B3)

The group is also called ࣫ᮍᅬ䆱 BČifƗng GuƗnhuà. Distribution: Southern part of Hebei Province, northern part of Shandong Province, most of Tianjin Municipality ˄໽⋹Ꮦ TiƗnjƯn Shì˅. 1. Baotang subgroup ˄ֱ૤⠛ B΁otáng piàn˅ a. Laifu cluster ˄⍲䯰ᇣ⠛ Láifù xi΁opiàn˅ b. Dingba cluster ˄ᅮ䴌ᇣ⠛ Dìngbà xi΁opiàn˅ c. Tianjin cluster ˄໽⋹ᇣ⠛ TiƗnjƯn xi΁opiàn˅ d. Jizun cluster ˄㪳䙉ᇣ⠛ Jìznjn xi΁opiàn˅ e. Luanchang cluster ˄Ⓔᯠᇣ⠛ LuánchƗng xi΁opiàn˅ f. Fulong cluster ˄ᡊ啭ᇣ⠛ Fúlóng xi΁opiàn˅ 2. Shiji subgroup ˄⷇⌢⠛ Shíj΃ piàn˅ a. Zhaoshen cluster ˄䍉⏅ᇣ⠛ ZhàoshƝn xi΁opiàn˅ b. Xingheng cluster ˄䙶㸵ᇣ⠛ Xínghéng xi΁opiàn˅ c. Liaotai cluster ˄㘞⋄ᇣ⠛ Liáotài xi΁opiàn˅ 3. Canghui subgroup ˄≻ᚴ⠛ CƗnghuì piàn˅ a. Huangle cluster ˄咘Фᇣ⠛ Huánglè xi΁opiàn˅ b. Yangshou cluster ˄䰇ᇓᇣ⠛ Yángshòu xi΁opiàn˅ c. Juzhao cluster ˄㥦✻ᇣ⠛ J·zhào xi΁opiàn˅ d. Zhanghuan cluster ˄ゴḧᇣ⠛ ZhƗnghuán xi΁opiàn˅

3.1.4.

Jiaoliao Mandarin group 䯴 㛊䖑ᅬ䆱ऎ JiƗoliáo GuƗnhuàqnj䯵 (cf. Li Rong 1989a: 256; Atlas: B3, B1)

Distribution: Jiaozhou Peninsula in Shandong Province, Liaodong Peninsula in Liaoning Province. 1. Qingzhou subgroup ˄䴦Ꮂ⠛ QƯngzhǀu piàn˅ 2. Denglian subgroup ˄ⱏ䖲⠛ DƝnglián piàn˅ 3. Gaihuan subgroup ˄Ⲫḧ⠛ Gàihuán piàn˅

66 Classification according to The Language Atlas 3.1.5.

Central Plains Mandarin group 䯴 Ё ॳ ᅬ 䆱 ऎ Zhǀngyuán GuƗnhuàqnj䯵 (cf. Li Rong 1989a: 256, Atlas: B3, B4, B5, B7)

Distribution: Most of Henan and Shaanxi Provinces, southern Shandong Province, western corner of Jiangsu Province, western Anhui Province, southern Shanxi Province, southern Ningxia A.R., eastern corner of Qinghai Province, a small part in western Gansu Province, central and southwestern Xinjiang A.R. 1. Zhengcao subgroup ˄䚥᳍⠛ Zhèngcáo piàn˅ 2. Cailu subgroup ˄㫵剕⠛ Càil· piàn˅ 3. Luoxu subgroup ˄⋯ᕤ⠛ Luòxú piàn˅ 4. Xinbeng subgroup ˄ֵ㱠⠛ Xìnbèng piàn˅ 5. Fenhe subgroup ˄≒⊇⠛ Fénhé piàn˅ a. Pingyang cluster ˄ᑇ䰇ᇣ⠛ Píngyáng xi΁opiàn˅ b. Jiangzhou cluster ˄㒯Ꮂᇣ⠛ Jiàngzhǀu xi΁opiàn˅ c. Xiezhou cluster ˄㾷Ꮂᇣ⠛ Xièzhǀu xi΁opiàn˅ 6. Guanzhong subgroup ˄݇Ё⠛ GuƗnzhǀng piàn˅ 7. Qinlong subgroup ˄⾺䰛⠛ Qínl΅ng piàn˅ 8. Longzhong subgroup ˄䰛Ё⠛ L΅ngzhǀng piàn˅ 9. Nanjiang subgroup ˄फ⭚⠛ NánjiƗng piàn˅

3.1.6.

Lanyin Mandarin group 䯴 ݄䫊ᅬ䆱ऎ Lányín GuƗnhuàqnj䯵 (cf. Li Rong 1989a: 256; Atlas: B4, B5)

Distribution: most of Ningxia A.R. and Gansu Province, central and eastern parts of Xinjiang A.R. 1. Jincheng subgroup ˄䞥ජ⠛ JƯnchéng piàn˅ 2. Yinwu subgroup ˄䫊ਈ⠛ Yínwú piàn˅ 3. Hexi subgroup ˄⊇㽓⠛ HéxƯ piàn˅ 4. Tami subgroup ˄ศᆚ⠛ T΁mì piàn˅

3.1.7.

Southwestern Mandarin group 䯴 㽓फᅬ䆱ऎ XƯnán GuƗnhuàqnj䯵 (cf. Li Rong 1989a: 256–257; Atlas: B6)

Distribution: Western part of Sichuan Province, almost the whole of Yunnan Province, the whole of Guizhou Province, most of Hubei Province, the

The classification 67

northwestern part of Hunan Province, northwestern Guangxi A.R., a small part of southern Shaanxi Province. 1. Chengyu subgroup ˄៤⏱⠛ Chéngyú piàn˅ 2. Dianxi subgroup ˄⒛㽓⠛ DiƗnxƯ piàn˅ a. Yaoli cluster ˄ྮ⧚ᇣ⠛ Yáol΃ xi΁opiàn˅ b. Baolu cluster ˄ֱ┲ᇣ⠛ B΁olù xi΁opiàn˅ 3. Qianbei subgroup ˄咨࣫⠛ QiánbČi piàn˅ 4. Kungui subgroup ˄ᯚ䌉⠛ Knjnguì piàn˅ 5. Guanchi subgroup ˄☠䌸⠛ Guànchì piàn˅ a. Minjiang cluster ˄ኋ∳ᇣ⠛ MínjiƗng xi΁opiàn˅ b. Renfu cluster ˄ҕᆠᇣ⠛ Rénfù xi΁opiàn˅ c. Yamian cluster ˄䲙ẝᇣ⠛ Y΁mián xi΁opiàn˅ d. Lichuan cluster ˄БᎱᇣ⠛ LìchuƗn xi΁opiàn˅ 6. Ebei subgroup ˄䛖࣫⠛ ÈbČi piàn˅ 7. Wutian subgroup ˄℺໽⠛ W·tiƗn piàn˅ 8. Cenjiang subgroup ˄ብ∳⠛ CénjiƗng piàn˅ 9. Qiannan subgroup ˄咨फ⠛ Qiánnán piàn˅ 10. Xiangnan subgroup ˄␬फ⠛ XiƗngnán piàn˅ 11. Guiliu subgroup ˄Ḗ᷇⠛ Guìli· piàn˅ 12. Changhe subgroup ˄ᐌ吸⠛ Chánghè piàn˅

3.1.8.

Jianghuai Mandarin group 䯴 ∳⏂ᅬ䆱ऎ JiƗnghuái GuƗnhuàqnj䯵 (cf. Li Rong 1989a: 257; Atlas: B3, B10, B11)

Distribution: mainly the area around the lower reaches of the Yangtze River (in Hubei, Anhui, and Jiangsu Provinces). 1. Hongchao subgroup ˄⋾Ꮆ⠛ Hóngcháo piàn˅ 2. Tairu subgroup ˄⋄བ⠛ Tàirú piàn˅ 3. Huangxiao subgroup ˄咘ᄱ⠛ Huángxiào piàn˅

3.1.9.

Unclassified (cf. Li Rong 1989a: 257)

Some dialects, which belong to the Mandarin supergroup are difficult to classify into appropriate groups, therefore they remain unclassified. 1. Hubeihua ˄␪࣫䆱 HúbČihuà˅ (cf. Atlas: B10), a migrational dialect scattered over Anhui Province (Ningguo ˄ ᅕ ೑ ˅ , Guangde ˄ᑓᖋ˅, Xuancheng ˄ᅷජ˅, Jingxian ˄⋒ও˅,

68 Classification according to The Language Atlas

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

Langxi ˄䚢⑾˅), as well as in Anji ˄ᅝঢ়˅ in Zhejiang Province. Henanhua ˄⊇फ䆱 Hénánhuà˅ (cf. Atlas: B10), a migrational dialect scattered over Anhui Province (Guangde ˄ᑓᖋ˅, Langxi ˄䚢⑾˅, Xuancheng ˄ᅷජ˅, Ningguo ˄ᅕ೑˅), as well as Anji ˄ᅝঢ়˅ and Changxing ˄䭓݈˅ in Zhejiang Province. Nanping dialect ˄फᑇᮍ㿔 Nánpíng fƗngyán˅ (cf. Atlas: B12), an isolated Mandarin dialect in Fujian Province, spoken in the area of Nanping city (cf. Zhang Zhenxing 1989: 55). Yangyu ˄⋟ቓ˅ village in Changle ˄䭓Ф˅ county (cf. Atlas: B12). A variety called “Tu Mandarin” ˄Āೳᅬ䆱ā T· GuƗnhuà˅ is spoken in this area (cf. Zhang Zhenxing 1989: 55). In Hainan Province a variety of Mandarin called Junhua ˄‫ݯ‬䆱 Jnjnhuà˅ (lit. “the speech of the army”) is spoken. Junhua is used by the descendants of ancient troops dispatched here by the government at the time of the Ming Dynasty (cf. Atlas: B12).42 On Longmen island ˄啭䮼ቯ Longmen Dao˅ in the area of Qinzhou ˄䩺Ꮂ˅ in Guangxi A.R. a minority of inhabitants speak a variety of Mandarin (cf. Liang Yougang 1986).

3.2. Jin dialect group 䯴 ᰟ䇁ऎJìny· qnj䯵 (cf. Li Rong 1989a: 257; Atlas: B7) Distribution: most of Shanxi Province, the western part of Hebei Province north of the Yellow River, the southern part of Inner Mongolia A.R. west of the Yellow River, northern part of Shaanxi Province. 1. Bingzhou subgroup ˄ᑊᎲ⠛ BƯngzhǀu piàn˅ 2. Lüliang subgroup ˄৩ṕ⠛ L΍liáng piàn˅ a. Fenzhou cluster ˄≒Ꮂᇣ⠛ Fénzhǀu xi΁opiàn˅ b. Xingxi cluster ˄݈䲄ᇣ⠛ XƯngxí xi΁opiàn˅ 3. Shangdang subgroup ˄Ϟ‫ܮ‬⠛ Shàngd΁ng piàn˅ 4. Wutai subgroup ˄Ѩৄ⠛ W·tái piàn˅ 5. Dabao subgroup ˄໻ࣙ⠛ DàbƗo piàn˅ 6. Zhanghu subgroup ˄ᓴ੐⠛ ZhƗnghnj piàn˅ 7. Hanxin subgroup ˄䚃ᮄ⠛ HánxƯn piàn˅ a. Cizhang cluster ˄⺕┇ᇣ⠛ CízhƗng xi΁opiàn˅ b. Huoji cluster ˄㦋⌢ᇣ⠛ Huòj΃ xi΁opiàn˅ 8. Zhiyan subgroup ˄ᖫᓊ⠛ Zhìyán piàn˅

The classification 69

3.3. Wu dialect group 䯴 ਈ䇁ऎ Wúy· qnj䯵 (cf. Li Rong 1989a: 257–258; Atlas: B9, B10) Distribution: most of Zhejiang Province, the whole of Shanghai Municipality, southwestern part of Jiangsu Province, a part of southern Anhui Province, a tiny part of northern Fujian Province. 1. Taihu subgroup ˄໾␪⠛ Tàihú piàn˅ a. Piling cluster ˄↫䱉ᇣ⠛ Pílíng xi΁opiàn˅ b. Suhujia cluster ˄㢣≾௝ᇣ⠛ SnjhùjiƗ xi΁opiàn˅ c. Tiaoxi cluster ˄㢩⑾ᇣ⠛ TiáoxƯ xi΁opiàn˅ d. Hangzhou cluster ˄ᵁᎲᇣ⠛ Hángzhǀu xi΁opiàn˅ e. Linshao cluster ˄Ј㒡ᇣ⠛ Línshào xi΁opiàn˅ f. Yongjiang cluster ˄⬀∳ᇣ⠛ Y΅ngjiƗng xi΁opiàn˅ 2. Taizhou subgroup ˄ৄᎲ⠛ Táizhǀu piàn˅ 3. Oujiang subgroup ˄⫃∳⠛ ƿujiƗng piàn˅ 4. Wuzhou subgroup ˄၎Ꮂ⠛ Wùzhǀu piàn˅ 5. Chuqu subgroup ˄໘㸶⠛ Ch·qú piàn˅ a. Chuzhou cluster ˄໘Ꮂᇣ⠛ Ch·zhǀu xi΁opiàn˅ b. Longqu cluster ˄啭㸶ᇣ⠛ Lóngqú xi΁opiàn˅ 6. Xuanzhou subgroup ˄ᅷᎲ⠛ XuƗnzhǀu piàn˅ a. Tongjing cluster ˄䪰⋒ᇣ⠛ TóngjƯng xi΁opiàn˅ b. Taigao cluster ˄໾催ᇣ⠛ TàigƗo xi΁opiàn˅ c. Shiling cluster ˄⷇䱉ᇣ⠛ Shílíng xi΁opiàn˅ 3.4. Hui dialect group 䯴 ᖑ䇁ऎHuƯy· qnj䯵 (cf. Li Rong 1989a: 258; Atlas: B10) Distribution: the drainage area of the Xin’an River ˄ ᮄ ᅝ ∳ Xin’an Jiang˅ (the area of the former Huizhou Prefecture ˄ᖑᎲᑰ Huizhou Fu˅) in southern Anhui Province, the area of former Yanzhou Prefecture ˄ϹᎲᑰ Yanzhou Fu˅ in central-west Zhejiang Province, and a part of northeastern Jiangxi Province. 1. Jishe subgroup ˄㒽ℭ⠛ Jìshè piàn˅ 2. Xiuyi subgroup ˄ӥ咳⠛ XinjyƯ piàn˅ 3. Qide subgroup ˄⼕ᖋ⠛ Qídé piàn˅ 4. Yanzhou subgroup ˄ϹᎲ⠛ Yánzhǀu piàn˅ 5. Jingzhan subgroup ˄ᮠऴ⠛ JƯngzhàn piàn˅

70 Classification according to The Language Atlas 3.5. Gan dialect group 䯴 䌷䇁ऎGàny· qnj䯵 (cf. Li Rong 1989a: 258; Atlas: B11) Distribution: central and northern Jiangxi Province, eastern part of as well as a small part in southwestern Hunan Province, a small corner of southeastern Hubei Province, southern corner of Anhui Province, and a small part of northwestern Fujian Province. 1. Changjing subgroup ˄ᯠ䴪⠛ ChƗngjìng piàn˅ 2. Yiliu subgroup ˄ᅰ⌣⠛ Yíliú piàn˅ 3. Jicha subgroup ˄ঢ়㤊⠛ Jíchá piàn˅ 4. Fuguang subgroup ˄ᡮᑓ⠛ F·gu΁ng piàn˅ 5. Yingyi subgroup ˄呄ᓟ⠛ YƯngyì piàn˅ 6. Datong subgroup ˄໻䗮⠛ Dàtǀng piàn˅ 7. Leizi subgroup ˄㗦䌘⠛ LČizƯ piàn˅ 8. Dongsui subgroup ˄⋲㒹⠛ Dòngsuí piàn˅ 9. Huaiyue subgroup ˄ᗔኇ⠛ Huáiyuè piàn˅

3.6. Xiang dialect group 䯴 ␬䇁ऎ XiƗngy· qnj䯵 (cf. Li Rong 1989a: 258; Atlas: B11) Distribution: central Hunan Province, northeastern part of Guangxi A.R. 1. Changyi subgroup ˄䭓Ⲟ⠛ Chángyì piàn˅ 2. Loushao subgroup ˄࿘䚉⠛ Lóushào piàn˅ 3. Jixu subgroup ˄ঢ়⑚⠛ Jíxù piàn˅

3.7. Min dialect supergroup 䯴 䯑䇁໻ऎ M΃ny· dàqnj䯵 (cf. Li Rong 1989a: 258 Atlas: B12, B13, B14, B10)43 Distribution: most of Fujian Province, Taiwan, Hainan Province, a small part of southwestern Guangdong Province. There are also minor Minspeaking areas in other provinces (Zhejiang, Guangxi, Jiangsu, Anhui, Jiangxi). 1. Southern Min group ˄䯑फऎ M΃nnán qnj˅ (southern part of Fujian Province, the Min dialect area of Taiwan, southwestern Guangdong Province)

The classification 71

2. 3.

4. 5. 6.

7. 8.

a. Quanzhang subgroup ˄⊝┇⠛ QuánzhƗng piàn˅ b. Datian subgroup ˄໻⬄⠛ Dàtián piàn˅ c. Chaoshan subgroup ˄╂∩⠛ Cháoshàn piàn˅ Puxian group ˄㥚ҭऎ PúxiƗn qnj˅ (central-east Fujian Province) Eastern Min group ˄䯑ϰऎ M΃ndǀng qnj˅ (northeastern part of Fujian Province) a. Houguan subgroup ˄փᅬ⠛ HòuguƗn piàn˅ b. Funing subgroup ˄⽣ᅕ⠛ Fúníng piàn˅ Northern Min group ˄䯑࣫ऎ M΃nbČi qnj˅ (northern Fujian Province) Central Min group ˄䯑Ёऎ M΃nzhǀng qnj˅ (central Fujian Province) Qiongwen group ˄⨐᭛ऎ Qióngwén qnj˅ (Hainan Province) a. Fucheng subgroup ˄ᑰජ⠛ F·chéng piàn˅ b. Wenchang subgroup ˄᭛ᯠ⠛ WénchƗng piàn˅ c. Wanning subgroup ˄ϛᅕ⠛ Wànníng piàn˅ d. Yaxian subgroup ˄ዪও⠛ Yáxiàn piàn˅ e. Changgan subgroup ˄ᯠᛳ⠛ ChƗngg΁n piàn˅ 44 Leizhou group ˄䳋Ꮂऎ Léizhǀu qnj˅ (Leizhou Peninsula ˄䳋 Ꮂञቯ Leizhou Bandao˅ in southwestern Guangdong Province) Shaojiang group ˄䚉ᇚऎ ShàojiƗng qnj˅ (northwestern corner of Fujian Province)

3.8. Yue dialect group 䯴 ㉸䇁ऎYuèy· qnj䯵 (cf. Li Rong 1989a: 259; Atlas: B13, B14) Distribution: Southwestern half of Guangdong Province, eastern and southern Guangxi A.R. 1. Guangfu subgroup ˄ᑓᑰ⠛ Gu΁ngf· piàn˅ 2. Yongxun subgroup ˄䙩⌨⠛ Yǀngxún piàn˅ 3. Gaoyang subgroup ˄催䰇⠛ GƗoyáng piàn˅ 4. Siyi subgroup ˄ಯ䙥⠛ Sìyì piàn˅ 5. Goulou subgroup ˄࣒ⓣ⠛ Gǀulòu piàn˅ 6. Wuhua subgroup ˄ਈ࣪⠛ Wúhuà piàn˅ 7. Qinlian subgroup ˄䩺ᒝ⠛ QƯnlián piàn˅

72 Classification according to The Language Atlas 3.9. Pinghua dialect group 䯴 ᑇ䆱ऎ Pínghuà qnj䯵 (cf. Li Rong 1989a: 259; Atlas: B14) Distribution: central Guangxi A.R. and other areas spread over Guangxi. 1. Guibei subgroup ˄Ḗ࣫⠛ GuìbČi piàn˅ 2. Guinan subgroup ˄Ḗफ⠛ Guìnán piàn˅ 3.10. Hakka dialect group 䯴 ᅶᆊ䆱ऎ KèjiƗhuà qnj 䯵 (cf. Li Rong 1989a: 259 Atlas: B15) Distribution: The Hakka dialect is spread over eight provinces. It is concentrated in central and eastern Guangdong Province, western Fujian Province and southern Jiangxi Province, and scattered over Hainan Province, Guangxi A.R., Taiwan, Hunan Province and Sichuan Province. 1. Yuetai subgroup ˄㉸ৄ⠛ Yuètái piàn˅ a. Jiaying cluster ˄௝ᑨᇣ⠛ JiƗyƯng xi΁opiàn˅ b. Xinghua cluster ˄݈ढᇣ⠛ XƯnghuá xi΁opiàn˅ c. Xinhui cluster ˄ᮄᚴᇣ⠛ XƯnhuì xi΁opiàn˅ d. Shaonan cluster ˄䷊फᇣ⠛ Sháonán xi΁opiàn˅ 2. Yuezhong subgroup ˄㉸Ё⠛ Yuèzhǀng piàn˅ 3. Huizhou subgroup ˄ᚴᎲ⠛ Huìzhǀu piàn˅ 4. Yuebei subgroup ˄㉸࣫⠛ YuèbČi piàn˅ 5. Tingzhou subgroup ˄∔Ꮂ⠛ TƯngzhǀu piàn˅ 6. Ninglong subgroup ˄ᅕ啭⠛ Nínglóng piàn˅ 7. Yugui subgroup ˄ѢḖ⠛ Yúguì piàn˅ 8. Tonggu subgroup ˄䪰哧⠛ Tóngg· piàn˅

3.11. Unclassified non-Mandarin dialects (cf. Li Rong 1989a: 259) 3.11.1. Shehua 䯴 ⭆䆱ShƝhuà䯵 The She nationality ˄⭆ᮣ ShƝzú˅ is scattered over Fujian, Zhejiang, Jiangxi, Guangdong, Anhui Provinces. Most of the She people speak Chinese, with only a small percentage speaking their national language ˄⭆䇁 ShƝy·˅, which belongs to the Miao-Yao (Hmong-Mien) Group ˄㢫⩊䇁 ᮣ Miáoyáo Y·zú˅.45 The Chinese language spoken by the She people is

The classification 73

called Shehua ˄⭆䆱 ShƝhuà˅, to distinguish it from the She language ˄⭆䇁 ShƝy·˅. Shehua is often identified with Hakka.46 3.11.2. Danzhou dialect 䯴 ۟Ꮂ䆱 DƗnzhǀuhuà䯵 The Danzhou dialect is spoken in the area of Danzhou ˄۟ᎲᏖ Danzhou Shi˅ in Hainan Province. On map B12 in the Atlas, this dialect is classified as belonging to the Yue group, but currently it is treated as an unclassified non-Mandarin dialect.47 3.11.3. Xianghua 䯴 е䆱XiƗnghuà䯵 Xianghua is spoken in a small area in western Hunan Province (cf. Atlas: B11).48 3.11.4. Shaoguan Tuhua 䯴 ䷊݇ೳ䆱SháoguƗn T·huà䯵 Shaoguan Tuhua (also called ䷊Ꮂೳ䆱 ShƗozhǀu T·huà) is spoken in northern Guangdong Province, in areas bordering on Jiangxi and Hunan Provinces. 3.11.5. Southern Hunan Tuhua 䯴 ೳ䆱T·huà䯵 The area of southern Hunan Province is classified as belonging to the Xiangnan subgroup of the Southwestern Mandarin group. However, simultaneously in sixteen cities and counties in this area, a speech called Tuhua ˄ೳ䆱 T·huà˅ is used (cf. Atlas: B11).49

3.11.6. Chinese dialects spoken by the Miao nationality The Miao people ˄㢫ᮣ Miáozú˅ in Guangxi A.R. and Guizhou Province speak certain varieties of Chinese, which differ from the dialects spoken in the area which they inhabit (cf. Atlas: C9).

74 Classification according to The Language Atlas 4. Controversial issues The criteria according to which the dialects have been classified are not clarified anywhere in the Atlas in a definite manner, and can only be extracted while analysing the characteristics of the dialects. The main features taken into consideration are phonological parameters, mostly diachronic. Synchronic differences are taken into account while dividing the dialects into smaller units (see Chapter 6.5.11.). The only clearly defined criterion of division is for the grouping of Mandarin dialects, i.e. the evolution of the Middle Chinese syllables in the ܹໄ rùshƝng (cf. Li Rong 1989a: 245–248; see also Li Rong 1985a; Zhang Zhenxing 1997: 244). The second criterion, which becomes apparent after some analysis, is the development of Middle Chinese ܼ⌞ quánzhuó initials (cf. Zhang Zhenxing 1997: 244–245). As was mentioned earlier (cf. Chapter 5.2.16.), the new classification as presented in the Atlas has provoked many discussions. The most divisive points are:

4.1. The separation of the Jin dialect from the Mandarin supergroup The main criterion according to which the Jin dialect is treated as a separate dialect group is the preservation of the Middle Chinese entering tone ˄ܹ ໄ rùshƝng˅. The Jianghuai Mandarin group has also preserved the entering tone; nevertheless, it is not classified as independent from the rest of the Mandarin dialects. The explanation of this fact is that the Jin group also has other characteristics, which distinguish it from the whole of the Mandarin dialects (cf. Li Rong 1989a: 245; Zhang Zhenxing 1997: 243, 246; see also Chapter 6.5.2.). Ding Bangxin (1998b: 213) postulates that the argument for preserving the entering tone is insufficient and that the Jin dialect should be treated as a subgroup of the Mandarin dialects. This is generally the idea which other scholars put forward (cf. Zhan Bohui 2002: 351; Wang Futang 2004: 530– 531). The problem may also lie in the importance of the criterion in question. As Li Xiaofan (2005: 357) points out, the criteria used at every level of division should be the same for every dialect. The preservation of the enter

Controversial issues 75

ing tone, which is treated by Li Rong as the decisive factor for the separation of the Jin dialect, is not equal in quality with the criteria used for the classification into other major dialect groups, i.e. the development of Middle Chinese ܼ⌞ quánzhuó initials (cf. Li Xiaofan 2005: 357). The modern pronunciation of Middle Chinese syllables in the entering tone is the parameter applied for the division of the Mandarin dialects into respective groups (cf. Li Rong 1989a: 245–246; Li Rong 1985a: 3; Wang Futang 2004: 530–531; Wang Futang 2005: 100–108). However, not all scholars are against the concept of the autonomy of the Jin dialect. Wen Duanzheng (1998), Hou Jingyi (Hou Jingyi ed. 2002: 46– 48; Hou Jingyi 1999a: 1–2), Zhang Zhenxing (1997: 246–247) support this view and give reasons for the separation of the Jin dialect. They state that it has more characteristics than the entering tone (see Chapter 6.5.2.), which are sufficient enough to declare independence and give the Jin dialect a status equal to the other major dialect groups. Li Rulong (2003a: 42–43) discusses the arguments for and against the separation of the Jin dialect and comes to the simple conclusion that this problem needs to be further investigated.

4.2. The independence of the Hui dialect The suggestion of separating the Hui dialect had been raised by Zhao Yuanren in 1939 (see Chapter 5.2.6.). In 1962 in his article Jixi Lingbei Yinxi ˄㒽⑾ኁ࣫䷇㋏˅ (Zhao Yuanren 2002), Zhao raises this problem anew, admitting that the Hui dialect is difficult to classify, because it has features both of the Wu dialect (the distinction between 䰈এ yƯnqù and 䰇এ yángqù tones), as well as of the Mandarin dialect (absence of voiced plosive initials). However, in order to avoid the trivialization of the classification of Chinese dialects, Zhao tends rather to categorize the Hui dialect as a part of the Wu group (Zhao Yuanren 2002: 578). Li Rong (1989a: 248) advocates the autonomy of the Hui dialect, as it cannot be fitted into either Mandarin, or Wu. This argument is not rejected by Zhan Bohui (2002: 351), who only implies that this question needs deeper research. Wang Futang (2005: 84–85) discusses the criterion of “being difficult to classify” as the only argument for treating Hui as a disjoined dialect group.

76 Classification according to The Language Atlas Wang argues that it would be more appropriate to classify the Hui dialect as a sub-dialect of Wu (cf. Wang Futang 2005: 84–87). On the other hand, Zhao Rixin (2005: 279) reckons that the question as to whether or not the Hui dialect should be classified as an individual group is not important. What matters is that thanks to the problem being raised, the dialect has been subject to closer investigation.

4.3. The separation of Pinghua from the Yue group In the Atlas, Pinghua has received the status of a separate dialect group, which has sparked a number of controversies. Li Rong (1989a: 249) justifies this classification by the fact that Pinghua has since long ago been regarded as an individual dialect, especially in the popular saying that in Guangxi there are five languages/dialects spoken, namely Āᅬᑇໂⱑᅶ GuƗn, Píng, Zhuàng, Bái, Kè ā – Mandarin, Pinghua, Zhuang, Bai (meaning Yue), Hakka (cf. Zhang Zhenxing 1997: 243). The common feature of Pinghua is that Middle Chinese ܼ⌞ quánzhuó initials, pronounced today as plosives or affricates, are usually unaspirated. This characteristic is also true for the Goulou subgroup of the Yue dialect, which allows many scholars to treat Pinghua as a subgroup of Yue (cf. Hou Jingyi ed. 2002: 1; Li Rulong 2003a: 43). Others tend to classify the Guinan subgroup as a subgroup of Yue, while the Guibei subgroup seems to cause more trouble (cf. Zhan Bohui 2002: 351; Wu Wei 2001: 133; Li Rulong 2003a: 43). Zhang Zhenxing (1997: 247–248) supports the reasons for separating Pinghua from the Yue dialect, giving both linguistic and historical arguments. Wang Futang (2005: 117–118) reminds us of the historical importance of Pinghua, but at the same time admits that it is now rather tending to disappear than gain strength. Therefore it should not be of equal status with the large dialect groups, yet it is difficult to be classified merely as a subgroup of a larger dialect. Apparently, this question also awaits further investigation and more data.

Characteristics of dialect groups 77

5. General characteristics of the ten Chinese dialect groups50 5.1. Mandarin supergroup 䯴 ᅬ䆱໻ऎ GuƗnhuà dàqnj䯵 (cf. You Rujie 2004: 7–8)51 The common features of the Mandarin dialects are: A. Most of the affricate and plosive initials are divided into voiceless aspirated and voiceless unaspirated, there is no distinction between voiceless and voiced. B. There are comparatively few tones, usually four ˄䰈ᑇ yƯnpíng, 䰇ᑇ yángpíng, Ϟໄ shàngshƝng, এໄ qùshƝng˅. Few dialects have preserved the ܹໄ rùshƝng. C. The rules of tone sandhi are comparatively simple. D. The use of specific measure words is becoming simplified, while the use of the general classifier þϾ (gè)ÿ is expanding. E. In word-building, the construction when the modified word stands before the modifier is very rare. F. The vocabulary and grammatical system are comparatively close to the literary language.

5.1.1.

A. B. C.

D.

E. F.

Northeastern Mandarin group 䯴 ϰ ࣫ ᅬ 䆱 ऎ GuƗnhuàqnj䯵 (cf. Atlas: B1; You Rujie 2004: 7)52

DǀngbČi

There are four tones: 䰈ᑇ yƯnpíng, 䰇ᑇ yángpíng, Ϟໄ shàngshƝng, এໄ qùshƝng. Middle Chinese syllables in the ܹໄ rùshƝng with ⏙䷇ qƯngyƯn initials have developed into syllables in all the four tones. Middle Chinese syllables in the ܹໄ rùshƝng with ⏙䷇ qƯngyƯn initials have developed into syllables in the Ϟໄ shàngshƝng more often than in the Beijing dialect. The tone values are similar to those of the Beijing dialect. However, the value of the 䰈ᑇ yƯnpíng tone is mostly lower than in Beijing dialect. Usually there is no [›] initial. Syllables, which have the [›] initial in the Beijing dialect, are generally pronounced with a zero initial. Syllables, which have the [o] final after [p, p‘, m, f] in the Beijing dialect, end with [¢], except for Zhanhua ˄キ䆱 Zhànhuà˅.

78 Classification according to The Language Atlas G.

H.

I.

Syllables which have the zero initial in the Beijing dialect, are pronounced with a zero initial in the Jishen subgroup53, with [n] as the initial in the Hafu subgroup, either with zero initial or with [n] as initial in the Heisong subgroup. Syllables with [t‡, t‡‘, ‡] initial in Beijing dialect are pronounced [t‡, t‡‘, ‡] in some dialect clusters, [ts, ts‘, s] in others, or they can be freely interchanged. Zhanhua ˄キ䆱 Zhànhuà˅ is a dialect spoken by the descendants of people based at post stations in the past. The Zhanhua cluster in Heisong subgroup is scattered over the area of the Nenke cluster. In Zhanhua there are [¡, u¡, ¡u, i¡u] finals, which do not exist in the other clusters of the Northeastern Mandarin group. The main difference between Zhanhua and Nenke clusters lies in the tone values of the 䰈ᑇ yƯnpíng tone.

5.1.2.

Beijing Mandarin group 䯴 ࣫Ҁᅬ䆱ऎBČijƯng GuƗnhuàqnj䯵 (cf. Atlas: B2, B5; You Rujie 2004: 7)

A.

There are mostly four tones: 䰈ᑇ yƯnpíng, 䰇ᑇ yángpíng, Ϟໄ shàngshƝng, এໄ qùshƝng. The development of the Middle Chinese tones into modern tones is as follows: – Middle Chinese syllables in the ᑇໄ píngshƝng with ⏙䷇ qƯngyƯn initials have developed into syllables in the 䰈ᑇ yƯnpíng tone; syllables with ⌞䷇ zhuóyƯn initials – into ones in the 䰇ᑇ yángpíng tone. – Middle Chinese syllables in the Ϟໄ shàngshƝng with ⏙䷇ qƯngyƯn initials, as well as ⃵⌞ cìzhuó initials have developed into syllables in the Ϟໄ shàngshƝng tone. – Middle Chinese syllables in the Ϟໄ shàngshƝng with ܼ⌞ quánzhuó initials as well as in the এໄ qùshƝng have developed into syllables in the এໄ qùshƝng. – Middle Chinese syllables in the ܹໄ rùshƝng with ⃵⌞ cìzhuó initials have developed into syllables in the এໄ qùshƝng, syllables with ܼ ⌞ quánzhuó initials have developed into syllables in the 䰇ᑇ yángpíng tone.

B.

Characteristics of dialect groups 79

C.

D.

5.1.3.

Middle Chinese syllables in the ܹໄ rùshƝng with ⏙䷇ qƯngyƯn initials have developed into syllables in all the four tones ˄䰈ᑇ yƯnpíng, 䰇ᑇ yángpíng, Ϟໄ shàngshƝng, এໄ qùshƝng˅. The tone values are either the same or very close to those of the Beijing dialect. Jilu Mandarin group 䯴 ‫ݔ‬剕ᅬ䆱ऎJìl· GuƗnhuàqnj䯵 (cf. Atlas: B1, B2, B3, B7; You Rujie 2004: 7)54

The A and B features of the Beijing Mandarin group are also true for the Jilu Mandarin group. The main differences between the Beijing Mandarin and Jilu Mandarin groups lie in the development of Middle Chinese syllables in the ܹໄ rùshƝng with ⏙䷇ qƯngyƯn initials, as well as in the values of modern tones. A. Middle Chinese syllables in the ܹໄ rùshƝng with ⏙䷇ qƯngyƯn initials have developed into syllables: – In the 䰈ᑇ yƯnpíng tone in the Shiji subgroup – Mostly in the 䰈ᑇ yƯnpíng tone, rarely in the Ϟໄ shàngshƝng in the Canghui subgroup; however, in the Zhanghuan cluster, the ܹໄ rùshƝng has been preserved, and only a small amount of syllables are pronounced in the 䰈ᑇ yƯnpíng tone – In all the four tones ˄䰈ᑇ yƯnpíng, 䰇ᑇ yángpíng, Ϟໄ shàngshƝng, এໄ qùshƝng˅ in the Baotang subgroup, yet they have developed into more syllables in the 䰈ᑇ yƯnpíng and Ϟໄ shàngshƝng tones than in the Beijing dialect B. Middle Chinese syllables in the ܹໄ rùshƝng with ⃵⌞ cìzhuó initials have developed into syllables in the এໄ qùshƝng.

5.1.4.

Jiaoliao Mandarin group 䯴 㛊䖑ᅬ䆱ऎJiƗoliáo GuƗnhuàqnj䯵 (cf. Atlas: B1, B3; You Rujie 2004: 7)

A.

Middle Chinese syllables in the ܹໄ rùshƝng with ⏙䷇ qƯngyƯn initials have developed into syllables in the Ϟໄ shàngshƝng. Middle Chinese syllables in the ܹໄ rùshƝng with ⃵⌞ cìzhuó initials have developed into syllables in the এໄ qùshƝng. Middle Chinese syllables in the ܹໄ rùshƝng with ܼ⌞ quánzhuó initials have developed into syllables in the 䰇ᑇ yángpíng tone.

B. C.

80 Classification according to The Language Atlas D. E.

Most of the dialect localities have four tones, others have three. In places where there are only three tones, the Middle Chinese tones have evolved in different ways. Nevertheless, their common feature is that the Middle Chinese syllables in the ܹໄ rùshƝng with ⏙䷇ qƯngyƯn initials have developed into the same tones as Middle Chinese syllables in the Ϟໄ shàngshƝng with ⏙䷇ qƯngyƯn initials and with ⃵⌞ cìzhuó initials.

5.1.5.

Central Plains Mandarin group 䯴 Ё ॳ ᅬ 䆱 ऎ  Zhǀngyuán GuƗnhuàqnj䯵 (cf. Atlas: B3, B4, B5, B7; You Rujie 2004: 7)55

A.

There are mostly four tones: 䰈ᑇ yƯnpíng, 䰇ᑇ yángpíng, Ϟໄ shàngshƝng, এໄ qùshƝng, except for two places ˄Luoning ⋯ᅕ and Mianchi ⏥∴˅ where there are three tones ˄ᑇໄ píngshƝng, Ϟໄ shàngshƝng, এໄ qùshƝng˅. The development of Middle Chinese syllables in the ᑇ píng, Ϟ shàng and এ qù tones is the same as in the Beijing dialect. Middle Chinese syllables in the ܹໄ rùshƝng with ⏙䷇ qƯngyƯn and ⃵⌞ cìzhuó initials have developed into syllables in the 䰈ᑇ yƯnpíng tone. Middle Chinese syllables in the ܹໄ rùshƝng with ܼ⌞ quánzhuó initials have developed into syllables in the 䰇ᑇ yángpíng tone.

B. C.

D.

5.1.6.

Lanyin Mandarin group 䯴 ݄䫊ᅬ䆱ऎLányín GuƗnhuàqnj䯵 (cf. Atlas: B4, B5; You Rujie 2004: 7)56

A.

There are three or four tones (not taking the tone sandhi into consideration). Places with four tones have 䰈ᑇ yƯnpíng, 䰇ᑇ yángpíng, Ϟໄ shàngshƝng, এໄ qùshƝng. In other places, there is no distinction between 䰈ᑇ yƯnpíng and 䰇ᑇ yángpíng, 䰇ᑇ yángpíng and Ϟໄ shàngshƝng or 䰈ᑇ yƯnpíng and Ϟໄ shàngshƝng. Middle Chinese syllables in the ܹໄ rùshƝng with ⏙䷇ qƯngyƯn initials have developed into syllables in the এໄ qùshƝng. Middle Chinese syllables in the ܹໄ rùshƝng with ܼ⌞ quánzhuó initials have developed into syllables in the 䰇ᑇ yángpíng tone.

B. C.

Characteristics of dialect groups 81

5.1.7.

Southwestern Mandarin group 䯴 㽓फᅬ䆱ऎXƯnán GuƗnhuàqnj䯵 (cf. Atlas: B6, B11, B14; You Rujie 2004: 7)57

A. B.

This is the most uniform group of the Mandarin dialects. There are four tones: 䰈ᑇ yƯnpíng, 䰇ᑇ yángpíng, Ϟໄ shàngshƝng, এໄ qùshƝng. Middle Chinese syllables in the ܹໄ rùshƝng have developed into syllables in the 䰇ᑇ yángpíng tone. Most places do not distinguish between sharp and rounded initials ˄ᇪಶ䷇ jiƗntuányƯn˅.58

C. D.

5.1.8.

Jianghuai Mandarin group 䯴 ∳ ⏂ ᅬ 䆱 ऎ  JiƗnghuái GuƗnhuàqnj䯵 (cf. Atlas: B3, B10; You Rujie 2004: 7)

The ܹໄ rùshƝng has been preserved.

5.2. Jin dialect group 䯴 ᰟ䇁ऎ Jìny· qnj䯵 (cf. Atlas: B7; You Rujie 2004: 8–9)59 A. B. C.

D. E.

F.

The ܹໄ rùshƝng has been preserved. Syllables in the ܹໄ rùshƝng usually end with a glottal stop [!]. Usually the following pairs of Beijing finals: [‹n : ‹0, in : i0, u‹n : u‹0, yn : y0] are not differentiated and are pronounced with [0] as the coda. In many places the affix þ೾ÿ [k‹!Á] is used. The þᄤÿ suffix pronounced in the neutral tone in Beijing dialect, is pronounced [ts‹!Á] or [z‹!Á ›‹!Á t‹!Á l‹!Á] in many areas of the Jin dialect. In most places there exists a phenomenon called ߚ䷇䆡 fƝnyƯncí (syllable split).60

5.3. Wu dialect group 䯴 ਈ䇁ऎ Wúy· qnj䯵 (cf. Atlas: B9, B10; You Rujie 2004: 9–10)61 A. Middle Chinese ܼ⌞ quánzhuó initials are at present usually still voiced, and Middle Chinese ⏙䷇ qƯngyƯn initials are at present still

82 Classification according to The Language Atlas

B.

C.

D.

E. F.

G.

H.

I.

J.

K.

voiceless. The Middle Chinese distinction between voiceless unaspirated, voiceless aspirated and voiced initials is still present in the Wu dialects. For example, the following Middle Chinese ᄫ↡ zìm· are still usually pronounced as [t, t‘, d] (which is the same as in the reconstructions): ッ (duƗn), 䗣 (tòu), ᅮ (dìng). Syllables which derive from the Middle Chinese ᄫ↡ zìm· ⭥ (yí), at present have a nasal initial and have not merged with the ᄫ↡ zìm· ᕅ (yӿng). ⋾䷇ hóngyƯn syllables have the [0-] initial, 㒚䷇ xìyƯn syllables – [Ñ-]. Syllables which derive from the Middle Chinese ᄫ↡ zìm· ᖂ (wƝi), at present have two pronunciations, the literary ˄᭛䇏 wéndú˅ with a [v-] initial, and colloquial ˄ⱑ䇏 báidú˅ with an [m-] initial. Syllables which derive from the Middle Chinese ᄫ↡ zìm· ᮹ (rì), today have two variant pronunciations, the literary ˄᭛䇏 wéndú˅ with [z-] or [Ā-] initials and colloquial ˄ⱑ䇏 báidú˅ with [Ñ-] or [n-] initials. [m, n, 0] can function as independent syllables. The character þ右ÿ (niӽo) has two variant pronunciations, the literary with [Ñ-] as the initial, and colloquial with [t-] as the initial. The colloquial pronunciation tallies with the Middle Chinese ᄫ↡ zìm· ッ (duƗn). Syllables belonging to the Middle Chinese ᨘ shè ઌ (xián) and ቅ (shƗn) usually do not end with a nasal coda, they have either an oral or a nasalized sound as the final. Syllables belonging to the second grade ˄Ѡㄝ èrdČng˅ of the Middle Chinese ᨘ shè 㷍 (xiè) do not have an [-i] ending, but have open finals. The finals of the syllables belonging to the first and the second grade ˄ϔѠㄝ yƯ, èr dČng˅ of the Middle Chinese ᨘ shè ઌ (xián) and ቅ (shƗn) with the ᄫ↡ zìm· 㾕 (jiàn), are distinct. The finals in the colloquial pronunciation of the syllables belonging to the second grade ˄Ѡㄝ èrdČng˅ of the ᨘ shè ṫ (gČng) have not merged with those of the third and fourth grade ˄ϝಯㄝ sƗn, sì dČng˅ of the same ᨘ shè and of the ᨘ shè ᳒ (zƝng). The pronunciation of the þᠧ (dӽ)ÿcharacter corresponds with the final of þṫ (gČng)ÿ, not that of þ咏 (má)ÿ.

Characteristics of dialect groups 83

All the four Middle Chinese tones, i.e. ᑇ ໄ píngshƝng, Ϟ ໄ shàngshƝng, এໄ qùshƝng and ܹໄ rùshƝng, are divided into 䰈 yƯn and 䰇 yáng categories. M. Syllables in the ܹໄ rùshƝng usually have a glottal stop coda. In some localities the syllables are open, but they are never confused with syllables deriving from the Middle Chinese ᑇໄ píngshƝng, Ϟໄ shàngshƝng and এໄ qùshƝng. N. The character þϡ (bù)ÿ representing the negative particle is pronounced with a labiodental initial. O. The possessive particle þⱘ (de)ÿ is in most places expressed by the word þϾ (gè)ÿ in the neutral tone, in some localities it is pronounced in the entering tone.

L.

5.4. Hui dialect group 䯴 ᖑ䇁ऎHuƯy· qnj䯵 (cf. Atlas: B10; You Rujie 2004: 18–19)62 A. B.

C. D. E.

Middle Chinese ܼ⌞ quánzhuó initials are today all ⏙䷇ qƯngyƯn, in many dialect localities they are also aspirated. Most nasal codas have disappeared. Syllables which carry the [-n] ending are diminutives formed with the ‫( ܓ‬ér) suffix (see Chapter 7.1.4.2.). Syllables which derive from the Middle Chinese ⋾䷇ hóngyƯn ᄫ ↡ zìm· ᕅ (yӿng) have the initial [0-]. Initials of the syllables which derive from the Middle Chinese ⋾䷇ hóngyƯn ᄫ↡ zìm· ⊹ (ní) and ᴹ (lái) are not distinguishable. Most syllables which belong to the ᄫ↡ zìm· ᮹ (rì) today have a zero-initial.

5.5. Gan dialect group 䯴 䌷䇁ऎ Gàny· qnj䯵 (cf. Atlas: B8, B10, B11; You Rujie 2004: 15–17)63 A.

B.

Present day plosive and affricate initials which have developed from Middle Chinese ܼ⌞ quánzhuó initials, regardless of the four tones, are all pronounced as voiceless aspirated. Syllables which derive from the following Middle Chinese syllables, have in many dialect localities ['] as the nucleus:

84 Classification according to The Language Atlas Second grade ˄Ѡㄝ èrdČng˅ of the ䷉ yùn 剐 (yú) of the ᨘ shè 䘛 (yù), – First grade ˄ϔㄝ yƯdČng˅ of the ᨘ shè ⌕ (liú), – First grade ˄ϔㄝ yƯdČng˅ of the ᓔষ੐ kƗik΅uhnj of the ᨘ shè 㟏 (zhƝng) – Second grade ˄Ѡㄝ èrdČng˅ of the ᓔষ੐ kƗik΅uhnj of the ᨘ shè ṫ (gČng) (in the colloquial pronunciation). Syllables belonging to the ᨘ shè ṫ (gČng) have [a0 ua0 ia0] finals in the colloquial pronunciation. Most initials of the syllables which derive from the Middle Chinese ⋾䷇ hóngyƯn ᄫ↡ zìm· ⊹ (ní) and ᴹ (lái) are not distinguishable. Syllables which derive from the Middle Chinese ᓔষ੐ kƗik΅uhnj of the ᄫ↡ zìm· ᕅ (yӿng) have the initial [0-]. The character þṫ (gČng)ÿ (‘stalk or stem of some plants’) is pronounced with medial [u] in most dialect localities. Most of the dialect localities have preserved the ܹໄ rùshƝng. –

C. D. E. F. G.

5.6. Xiang dialect group 䯴 ␬䇁ऎXiƗngy· qnj䯵 (cf. Atlas: B11, B14; You Rujie 2004: 10–12)64 Present day plosive and affricate initials which have developed from Middle Chinese ܼ⌞ quánzhuó initials, no matter if they are voiced ˄⌞䷇ zhuóyƯn˅ or voiceless ˄⏙䷇ qƯngyƯn˅, if the tones are level ˄ᑇ píng˅ or oblique ˄Ҙ zè˅, are all unaspirated. 5.7. Min dialect supergroup 䯴 䯑䇁໻ऎ M΃ny· dàqnj䯵 (cf. Atlas: B8, B12, B13, B14; You Rujie 2004: 12–13)65 The Min dialects are quite diversified. Among the specified groups, the homogeneity between the Southern Min group, the Puxian group and the Eastern Min group is very high. The three can be combined as the three eastern Min groups ˄䯑䇁ϰϝऎ M΃ny· dǀng sƗn qnj˅. The Northern Min group and the Central Min group are together called the two western Min groups ˄䯑䇁㽓Ѡऎ M΃ny· xƯ èr qnj˅. The Qiongwen group is rather close to the three eastern Min groups. The strip of land near the coast in Fujian province is considered to be the centre of the Min dialect. The further to the west, the more the influence of the Hakka dialect can be

Characteristics of dialect groups 85

found, and the western part of Fujian province is occupied by the Hakka dialect only. The common features of the Min dialects are: A. Middle Chinese syllables with ܼ⌞ quánzhuó initials no matter if the tones were level ˄ᑇ píng˅ or oblique ˄Ҙ zè˅, are today usually pronounced as unaspirated voiceless affricates or plosives. Few are pronounced as aspirated affricates or plosives. B. The literary pronunciation of initials which derive from Middle Chinese ড়ষ੐ hék΅uhnj of the ᄫ↡ zìm· 䴲 (fƝi), ᭋ (fú), ༝ (fèng) and ᰧ (xiӽo), ࣷ (xiá) is [h-] or [x-]. C. The colloquial pronunciation of initials which derive from the Middle Chinese ᄫ↡ zìm· ⶹ (zhƯ), ᕏ (chè), ╘ (chéng) is [t-, t‘-], the same as of ᄫ↡ zìm· ッ (duƗn), 䗣 (tòu), ᅮ (dìng). D. A small part of the syllables which derive from the Middle Chinese ᄫ↡ zìm· ࣷ (xiá), have the initial [k-] at present in the colloquial pronunciation. The rest have the zero initial. E. In many dialect localities, the equivalents of the Beijing dialect’s words þ‫ܓ‬ᄤ (érzi)ÿ (‘son’), þ催 (gƗo)ÿ (‘tall; high’), þ䫙 (guǀ)ÿ (‘pot; wok’) are þಱ (jiӽn)ÿ, þ  (xuán)ÿ, þ哢 (dӿng)ÿ respectively.

5.7.1.

Southern Min group 䯴 䯑फऎ M΃nnán qnj䯵 66

There are no ᪂ষ੐ cuǀkǂuhnj syllables.

5.7.2.

Puxian group 䯴 㥚ҭऎPúxiƗn qnj䯵

There are no voiceless fricative initials [s-] and [5-]. In their place, usually the voiceless apical lateral fricative [ -] is used.

5.7.3.

Eastern Min group 䯴 䯑ϰऎM΃ndǀng qnj䯵 67

The word for þ⢫ (gԁu)ÿ (‘dog’) is þ⢀ (quӽn)ÿ.

86 Classification according to The Language Atlas 5.7.4.

Northern Min group 䯴 䯑࣫ऎM΃nbČi qnj䯵

The character þ㰢 (hԃ)ÿ (‘tiger’) is pronounced with a [k‘-] initial in colloquial speech.

5.7.5.

Central Min group 䯴 䯑ЁऎM΃nzhǀng qnj䯵

The word for þྏᄤ (qƯzi)ÿ (‘wife’) is þ䰓࿬ (Ɨniáng)ÿ.

5.7.6. A. B.

5.7.7. A. B. C. D.

5.7.8. A.

B.

Qiongwen group 䯴 ⨐᭛ऎQióngwén qnj䯵 There are two implosive initials: [Ċb-] and [Ċd-].68 Most places do not have the affricate and plosive aspirated initials [p‘, t‘, ts‘, k‘]. Leizhou group 䯴 䳋Ꮂऎ Léizhǀu qnj䯵 (cf. Atlas: B13) The codas include [-m / -p, -0 / -k]. There are no nasalized finals. The glottal stop coda [-!] does not exist. Syllables which derive from the Middle Chinese ᄫ↡ zìm· 䴲 (fƝi), ᭋ (fú) and ༝ (fèng), in the literary pronunciation have the initials [b-] or [h-], in the colloquial pronunciation – [p-] or [p‘-].

Shaojiang group 䯴 䚉ᇚऎShàojiƗng qnj䯵 The Shaojiang group has some of the characteristics of the Gan and Hakka dialect groups, for example that the plosive and affricate initials which have developed from Middle Chinese ܼ⌞ quánzhuó initials are pronounced as voiceless aspirated. This group also has many features characteristic of the Min dialects, which is why it is regarded as a transitional dialect between the Gan/Hakka and Min dialects.

Characteristics of dialect groups 87

5.8. Yue dialect group 䯴 ㉸䇁ऎYuèy· qnj䯵 (cf. Atlas: B13, B14; You Rujie 2004: 13–15)69 A.

B.

C.

D.

E.

F. G. H. I.

There are usually nine to ten tones. The ᑇໄ píngshƝng, Ϟໄ shàngshƝng, এໄ qùshƝng and ܹໄ rùshƝng are all divided into 䰈 yƯn and 䰇 yáng categories. The 䰈ܹ yƯnrù tone is further divided into high and low categories. The 䰇ܹ yángrù tone is also divided into high and low in some places. Middle Chinese syllables in the ᑇ ໄ píngshƝng with ܼ ⌞ quánzhuó initials have developed into syllables with aspirated voiceless initials. Syllables in the oblique tones ˄Ҙໄ zèshƝng˅ are at present pronounced with unaspirated voiceless initials. Syllables which derive from the Middle Chinese first grade ˄ϔㄝ yƯdČng˅ and second grade ˄Ѡㄝ èrdČng˅ of the ড়ষ੐ hék΅uhnj of the ᄫ↡ zìm· ᰧ (xiӽo) today have the initial [f-]. Most of the syllables which derive from the Middle Chinese ᄫ↡ zìm· 㾕(jiàn) group are today pronounced with the velar [k-, k‘-] or the guttural [h-] initials, no matter whether they belong to the ᓔষ ੐ kƗik΅uhnj, 唤啓੐ qíchƱhnj, ড়ষ੐ hék΅uhnj or ᪂ষ੐ cuǀkǂuhnj. In most places, the nucleus [a] in syllables with compound finals, as well as finals with a nasal or a plosive coda, is differentiated into long [a] and short [m]. These two vowels are phonologically relevant In many places there is a set of finals with [] as the nucleus. Most of the dialect localities have the plosive [-p, -t, -k] codas and nasal [-m, -n, -0] codas. There are many words specific for this dialect group, e.g. ᧒ [wan35] (‘to search’), ਪ [l'k6] (‘gifted; talented’), etc. The aspectual system is comparatively rich. Special particles are used to express the various aspects, e.g.: þ䍋౳ (qӿlí)ÿ – ingressive aspect; þ㋻ (jӿn)ÿ, þᓔ (kƗi)ÿ – progressive aspect; þ౳ (lí)ÿ – continuous aspect; þԣ (zhù)ÿ – perfective aspect; þ䖛 (guò)ÿ – experiential aspect; þ㗏 (fƗn)ÿ – iterative aspect.

5.9. Pinghua dialect group 䯴 ᑇ䆱ऎ Pínghuà qnj䯵 (cf. Atlas: B14; You Rujie 2004: 19–20)70 Middle Chinese ܼ⌞ quánzhuó initials, pronounced today as plosives or affricates, are usually unaspirated.

88 Classification according to The Language Atlas 5.10. Hakka dialect group 䯴 ᅶᆊ䆱ऎKèjiƗhuà qnj䯵 (cf. Atlas: B8, B11, B13, B14, B15; You Rujie 2004: 17–18)71 A.

B.

C.

D. E. F. G. H.

I. J. K.

The ܹໄ rùshƝng has been preserved. In places where the distinction between 䰈 yƯn and 䰇 yáng is present, the 䰈ܹ yƯnrù tone is usually low, the 䰇ܹ yángrù is usually high. Some of the Middle Chinese syllables in the Ϟໄ shàngshƝng with ⌞ zhuó initials have developed into syllables in the 䰈ᑇ yƯnpíng tone. Middle Chinese ܼ⌞ quánzhuó initials, today plosive or affricate, are mostly voiceless aspirated. However, there are cases when they are unaspirated as well. The Middle Chinese 㟦ໄ shnjshƝng syllables can have the nasal codas [-m, -n, -0]. The Middle Chinese syllables in the ܹໄ rùshƝng can today have the plosive codas [-p, -t, -k]. Syllables belonging to the ᨘ shè ṫ (gČng) have [a0 ua0 ia0] finals in the colloquial pronunciation. The character þṫ (gČng)ÿ (‘stalk or stem of some plants’) is pronounced with medial [u]. Syllables which derive from the Middle Chinese ᓔষ੐ kƗik΅uhnj of the ᄫ↡ zìm· ᕅ (yӿng) have the zero initial, not [0-] as in the Gan dialect. The character þ㺸 (kù)ÿ is pronounced with initial [f-]. The character þᡊ (fú)ÿ is pronounced with initial [p‘-]. Lexical characteristics include: – For the Beijing pronoun þ៥ (wԁ)ÿ (‘I’), the word þҏ१ (ái)ÿ is used – For Beijing þ៥ⱘ (wԁde)ÿ (‘my’) – þҏ१ Ͼ (áige)ÿ – For Beijing þৗ佁 (chƯfàn)ÿ (‘to eat’), þୱ㤊 (hƝchá)ÿ (‘to drink tea’) – þ亳佁 (shífàn)ÿ, þ亳㤊 (shíchá)ÿ – For Beijing þᰃ (shì)ÿ (‘to be’) – þ֖ (xì)ÿ – For Beijing þϡ (bù)ÿ (the negative particle) – þਦ (m¸)ÿ – For Beijing þ⌏叵 (huó jƯ)ÿ (‘live chicken’), þ⌏剐 (huó yú)ÿ (‘live fish’) – þ⫳叵 (shƝng jƯ)ÿ, þ⫳剐 (shƝng yú)ÿ – For Beijing þ㮣 (cáng)ÿ (‘to hide’) – þᨦ (bìng)ÿ

Characteristics of dialect groups 89

5.11. Conclusions As was mentioned earlier (6.4.), the two main parameters taken into consideration for the grouping of Chinese dialects in the Atlas are the evolution of the Middle Chinese syllables in the ܹໄ rùshƝng (for the Mandarin dialects, as well as for the separation of the Jin dialect) and the development of Middle Chinese ܼ⌞ quánzhuó initials (for the remaining eight dialect groups). These characteristics are presented in Table 8. and Table 9.: Table 8. Development of Middle Chinese syllables in the ܹໄrùshƝng into modern Mandarin dialects (after Li Rong 1985a: 3). MC syllable in ܹໄ rùshƝng

SW

⏙䷇ qƯngyƯn initials

⃵⌞ cìzhuó initials ܼ⌞ quánzhuó initials

Central Plains

Jilu

䰈ᑇ yƯnpíng

䰇ᑇ yángpíng

䰈ᑇ yƯnpíng

Lanyin

এໄ qùshƝng

Beijing

䰈䰇 Ϟএ yƯn, yáng, shàng, qù

এໄ qùshƝng

Jiaoliao

Jianghuai

Ϟໄ shàngshƝng ܹໄ rù shƝng

䰇ᑇ yángpíng

The Northeastern Mandarin group is not to be found in the table presented by Li Rong in his article concerning the classification of Mandarin dialects (1985a: 3). In the description accompanying map A2 in the Atlas, this question is looked upon anew. In the dialects of Northeastern China, Middle Chinese syllables in the ܹໄ rùshƝng with ⏙䷇ qƯngyƯn initials

90 Classification according to The Language Atlas have, similarly to the Beijing Mandarin group, developed into syllables in all the four tones, which is a reason for classifying these two groups together. Yet, due to the fact that these syllables are at present much more often pronounced in the Ϟໄ shàngshƝng, and that the tone values of the 䰈ᑇ yƯnpíng tone are lower than those in the Beijing dialect, as well as the lack of the [›] initial (syllables, which have the [›] initial in Beijing dialect, are generally pronounced with a zero initial), Li Rong decides to classify the Northeastern Mandarin as an individual group (Li Rong 1989a: 247). Table 9. Development of Middle Chinese ܼ⌞ quánzhuó initials into modern dialects (cf. Zhang Zhenxing 1997: 244-245). Dialect group/supergroup Wu Hui Gan Xiang Min Yue

Pinghua Hakka

Continuants of Middle Chinese ܼ⌞ quánzhuó initials usually still voiced all voiceless, in many dialect localities also aspirated plosive and affricate initials voiceless aspirated plosive and affricate initials in some places voiced, in other voiceless, all unaspirated unaspirated voiceless affricates or plosives, in some places also aspirated Middle Chinese ܼ⌞ quánzhuó syllables in the ᑇໄ píngshƝng – aspirated voiceless initials; in the oblique tones ˄ Ҙ ໄ zèshƝng ˅ – unaspirated voiceless initials plosive and affricate initials usually voiceless unaspirated plosive or affricate, mostly voiceless aspirated

The Jin dialect is not included in the tables, as its distinctive feature – the preservation of the Middle Chinese ܹໄ rùshƝng does not agree with the criterion for classifying the remaining dialects.

Chapter 7 Guidelines for field research of Chinese dialects

1. Phonetics Differences between Chinese dialects are most evident in pronunciation. That is why most dialectal research begins with the survey of the phonetic system.72 1.1. ᮍ 㿔 䇗 ᶹ ᄫ 㸼 (Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao) [Questionnaire of characters for dialect survey] (Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo 2002) The most widely used manual for speech sound investigation is also based upon the achievements of traditional Chinese phonology. The questionnaire was written by the scholars of the Institute of Linguistics of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo) in order to help dialectologists with the research of Chinese dialects. Written on the base of ᮍ㿔䇗ᶹ㸼Ḑ (Fangyan Diaocha Biaoge) [the table for dialect research], published in 1930 by the Institute of History and Philology of Academia Sinica (Zhongyang Yanjiuyuan Lishi Yuyan Yanjiusuo Ё༂ⷨお䰶ग़৆䇁㿔ⷨお᠔˅, it was issued for the first time in 1955, and its revised edition was printed in 1981. Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao includes over 3700 characters. The order of characters is based on the sequence in Qieyun ˄ߛ䷉˅ (see Chapter 4.6.1.), Guangyun ˄ᑓ䷉˅ (see Chapter 4.6.2.) and other similar rhyme books (see Chapter 4.6.).

1.1.1.

The use of Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao

At the beginning of the book, there is a sheet where one can write down the information about the interviewed informant or informants (Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo 2002: ix). The data includes his/her name, age, ancestral home (place of descent), occupation, level of education,

92

Guidelines for field research of Chinese dialects

linguistic environment during childhood, places where he/she has lived afterwards, if he/she knows the speech of other places. On the sheet there is also space to write down the number of accents of the given place and which accents the informant speaks, as well as the time of writing down the results. All this information is necessary for estimating the linguistic situation of the informant, all the possible influences on his/her speech. The next part of the book includes a list of characters helpful in describing the rough draft of the phonetic system of the dialect in question. The list consists of three parts: for describing the tones, initials and finals respectively (Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo 2002: x–xii).73 Differentiating the tones74 In the first list of Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao, i.e. the list for describing the tonal system (Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo 2002: x), the characters are listed according to their classical pronunciation, i.e. yƯnpíng ˄䰈ᑇ˅, yángpíng ˄䰇ᑇ˅, yƯnshàng ˄䰈Ϟ˅, yángshàng ˄䰇Ϟ˅, yƯnqù ˄䰈এ˅, yángqù ˄䰇এ˅, yƯnrù ˄䰈ܹ˅, yángrù ˄䰇ܹ˅ (see Chapter 4.2.). The list for investigating the tones is divided into three parts. In the first part there are four groups, and in each of them the characters differ only in tone, the initials and finals being the same. This part allows to roughly indicate if the tones are even, rising, falling, rising and falling or falling and rising, whether or not they differ in length, and then to decide on the values of the tones (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 120–121). The second part of the list focuses on the contrast between the voiceless and voiced ˄⏙⌞ qƯngzhuó˅ initials of Middle Chinese (see Chapter 4.3.). The last part gives 150 more examples of characters arranged according to their origin in order to make a final analysis. The next step in describing the tones of a given dialect is to name them. The names show the roots of the tones in Middle Chinese pronunciation, i.e. yƯnpíng ˄䰈ᑇ˅, yángpíng ˄䰇ᑇ˅, yƯnshàng ˄䰈Ϟ˅, yángshàng ˄ 䰇 Ϟ ˅ , etc. If in a dialect the tones did not evolve into separate subcategories, the names are simply the same as the Middle Chinese ones, i.e. without the yƯn ˄䰈˅ and yáng ˄䰇˅ prefixes. For example, the tones in the modern Beijing dialect are known as yƯnpíng ˄䰈ᑇ˅ (55); yángpíng ˄䰇ᑇ˅ (35); shàngshƝng ˄Ϟໄ˅ (214) and qùshƝng ˄এ ໄ˅ (51) (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 122–123).

Phonetics

93

Differentiating the initials75 The characters in the list for investigating the initials (Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo 2002: xi), are arranged according to the Beijing pronunciation, but at the same time they concentrate on the origin of the words. There are ten lines, each of them focusing on different characteristics of the initials. The first line examines labial sounds, its aim being to verify whether the initials are voiced or unvoiced, aspirated or not. The second line looks for apical sounds; the third line – velar sounds and zero-initials; the fourth and fifth lines – sharp and rounded initials; sixth, seventh and eighth – affricates; the last two lines look for zero initials and initials like [n; 0; ›]. Differentiating the finals76 The list for investigating the initials (Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo 2002: xii) consists of fourteen lines. The characters are arranged according to their pronunciation in the Beijing dialect. The first four lines represent open finals in the Beijing dialect, while investigating them one should pay special attention to the medial and nuclear vowel (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 126). The four following lines all represent characters which were pronounced as syllables in the entering tone ˄ܹໄ rùshƝng˅ in Middle Chinese. Noting down these syllables, one should make sure whether or not the finals end with a plosive and at the same time check if the syllable is pronounced in the entering tone (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 126–127). In the next two lines there are syllables which have a vowel (either [i] or [u]) as the end of the finals in the Beijing dialect; the aim is to find out if these syllables also end with a vowel in the given dialect or if they end with other vowels than [i] or [u] (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 127). The last four lines all belong to the group of syllables whose finals ended with nasal sounds in Middle Chinese (and still end with nasals in the Beijing dialect). The purpose of researching these syllables is to find out if the given dialect has preserved the nasal endings. If so, which nasals can be found? Some dialects have nasalized endings or vowel endings, others have compound endings consisting of a vowel and a nasal sound. In some dialects, syllables from this group have finals made up of single nasal consonants (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 127).

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Guidelines for field research of Chinese dialects

Having noted down the tones, initials and finals, one should prepare rough tables of the phonetic system of the given dialect, in order to use it as a reference and to correct it during further investigations by means of the table proper (see Chapter 7.1.2.).

The structure of the table proper The characters in the table are arranged according to sixteen ᨘ shè (see Chapter 4.4.) in the following order: 1. ᵰ guԁ 2. ‫ ؛‬jiӽ 3. 䘛 yù 4. 㷍 xiè 5. ℶ zhӿ 6. ᬜ xiào 7. ⌕ liú 8. ઌ xián

9. ⏅ shƝn 10. ቅ shƗn 11. 㟏 zhƝng 12. ᅩ dàng 13. ∳ jiƗng 14. ᳒ zƝng 15. ṫ gČng 16. 䗮 tǀng

Figure 2. Order of the sixteen ᨘ shè in Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao.

Each ᨘ shè is then divided into ᓔষ੐ kƗik΅uhnj and ড়ষ੐ hék΅uhnj (see Chapter 4.4.), and these are further divided into the four grades ˄ಯㄝ sìdČng˅. Each unit (e.g. ᵰᨘᓔষϔㄝ gu΅shè kƗik΅u yƯdČng) is divided into the four tones ˄ᑇϞএܹ píng shàng qù rù˅. Vertically, in the first row on each page one finds thirty six initials, based on the thirty six ᄫ↡ zìm· (see Chapter 4.3.). These come in the following order:77 1. ᐂ bƗng˄䴲˅(fƝi) 2. ⒖ pƗng˄ᭋ˅(fú) 3. Ϻ bìng˄༝˅(fèng) 4. ᯢ míng˄ᖂ˅(wƝi) 5. ッ duƗn 6. 䗣 tòu 7. ᅮ ding 8. ⊹ ní˄࿬˅(niáng) 9. ᴹ lái 10. ㊒ jƯng 11. ⏙ qƯng

12. Ң cóng 13. ᖗ xƯn 14. 䙾 xié 15. ⶹ zhƯ 16. ᕏ chè 17. ╘ chéng 18. ᑘ zhuƗng 19. ߱ chnj 20. ዛ chóng 21. ⫳ shƝng 22. ゴ zhƗng

Phonetics 23. ᯠ chƗng 24. 㠍 chuan 25. к shnj 26. ⽙ chán 27. ᮹ rì 28. 㾕 jiàn 29. ⑾ xƯ

95

30. 㕸 qún 31. ⭥ yí 32. ᰧ xiӽo 33. ࣷ xiá 34. ᕅ yӿng 35. ѥ yún 36. ҹ yӿ

Figure 3. Order of the thirty six ᄫ↡ zìm· in Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao.

Example characters have been placed in the table according to their phonological features. The informant should read the separate characters. While questioning the informant, one should note down (using the International Phonetic Alphabet (see Chapter 7.1.5.) all the phonetic features of the given character, i.e. the tone, the initial and the final. The informant should only pronounce the characters in his/her vernacular. (cf. Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo 2002: vi).

1.1.2.

Shortcomings of Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao

Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao contains many characters which are rarely used. Researching particular dialects, the informants may not be able to give the pronunciation. For some dialects, the table is insufficient, there might be syllables in the dialects which are impossible to find through Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao. Thus, the table of single characters (see Chapter 7.1.2.3.) may not include all the existing syllables. Therefore, a table consisting of monosyllabic words which are in everyday use should be prepared with the purpose of completing the deficiencies of Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao (cf. Li Rulong 2003a: 10). The results can also be completed during further research of vocabulary and grammar. One should continuously check and compare the outcome and note down every new discovery.

1.2. Arrangement of the results of research While writing down the results of one’s investigation, one should continuously verify and correct the rough table of the phonetic system, made beforehand. Having noted down the pronunciation of the individual charac-

96

Guidelines for field research of Chinese dialects

ters in the table, one should organize the results into specific tables. In this section the most important kinds of tables will be presented.

1.2.1.

Tables of the phonetic system

Table of tones The table of tones should be divided into as many of the traditional eight tone categories i.e. yƯnpíng ˄䰈ᑇ˅, yángpíng ˄䰇ᑇ˅, yƯnshàng ˄䰈 Ϟ˅, yángshàng ˄䰇Ϟ˅, yƯnqù ˄䰈এ˅, yángqù ˄䰇এ˅, yƯnrù ˄䰈ܹ˅, yángrù ˄䰇ܹ˅ (see Chapter 4.2.), as there are in the given dialect. The adequate tone values should be placed in the blanks, examples should follow (cf. Huang Jinghu 1987: 220–221; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 135–137). For example, the table of tones of the Beijing dialect should look like this: Table 10. Tones of the Beijing dialect. Tone category 䇗㉏ diàolèi Tone value 䇗ؐ diàozhí Example

䰈ᑇ yƯnpíng

䰇ᑇ yángpíng

Ϟໄ shàng-shƝng

এໄ qùshƝng

55

35

214

51

䆫 shƯ ẃ tƯ

ᯊ shí 乬 tí

Փ sh΃ ԧ t΃

џ shì ᳓ tì

Table of initials The table of initials of a given dialect should be arranged according to the features of the consonants, i.e. the place and the manner of articulation. Horizontally, one should have the sounds with the same place of articulation, vertically – the same manner of articulation (cf. Huang Jinghu 1987: 220–221; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 135–137; You Rujie 2004: 62–63). The IPA should be used.

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Table 11. Initials of the Beijing dialect (after You Rujie 2004: 63). p

p‘

m

t ts t‡ tÛ k Ȩ

t‘ ts‘ t‡‘ tÛ‘ k‘

n

f l s ‡ Û x

›

Table of finals The table of finals should take the various features of the medial, nucleus and coda into consideration (cf. Huang Jinghu 1987: 220–223; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 135–137; You Rujie 2004: 63–64). Also here, the IPA should be used. Table 12. Finals of the Beijing dialect (after You Rujie 2004: 64). ÎÏ i u y an ian uan yan

1.2.2.

‹r

‹n in u‹n yn

a ia ua

o uo

a0 ia0 ua0

‹0 i0 u‹0

¢

e ie ue ye

ai

ei

uai

uei

au iau

ou iou

u0 y0

Table of homophonic characters 䯴 ৠ䷇ᄫ㸼 tóngyƯnzìbi΁o䯵

Having written down the pronunciation of individual characters on the basis of Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao, one can organize the characters into a table of homophonic characters. This kind of table arranges the characters according to their pronunciation. Usually each final has its own table, horizontally the table is divided into tones, vertically into initials. Characters are placed in their appropriate position, with all the ones pronounced in exactly the same way being in one blank. It is not necessary to write all the initials existing in a given dialect for each final, one can write only those,

98

Guidelines for field research of Chinese dialects

which form syllables with the specified final (cf. Huang Jinghu 1987: 225– 226; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 138–140; Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 33). For example, we can choose the [in] final in the Beijing dialect: Table 13. Table of homophonic characters for the [in] final in the Beijing dialect (after Huang Jinghu 1987: 226). in 䰇ᑇ yángpíng 35

Ϟໄ shàngshƝng 214

p

䰈ᑇ yƯnpíng 55 ᕀⒼᾳ᭠ᆒ▦

এໄ qùshƝng 51 ⅵ僧

p‘

ྫྷ᢮

䋿乥㣍

ક

⠱㘬

m

⇥ኋᚃ

ᢓ䯑ᬣ⋃ⲓ

n

ᙼ

l

ᵫ䳪⨇Ј䚏劲

tÛ

Ҟ᭸䞥Ꮢㄟ⋹ ⽕㼳

tÛ‘

҆։䩺㹒

Û

ᖗ䕯ᮄ㭾䫠⃷

Ȩ

䷇䰈಴↋㤿࿏

1.2.3.

⾺ࢸ⨈⾑᪦㢍 㡽

⁕ޯᒾ

ৱ䌕䑣

㋻ҙ䫺ሑ ˄~ㅵ˅

䖯ᰟ䖥ࢆ ˄᳝~˅ ⽕˄~ℶ˅⍌ ሑ˄~࡯˅ ≕৷᧓

ᆱ䫧

ֵ㸙ಳ ৳⎿ᆙ䫊

佂˄~䜦˅ል ᓩ䱤Ⱂ

ॄ䩺˄~偀˅ 㤿ぼ

Table of single characters 䯴 ऩᄫ䷇㸼 dƗnzì yƯnbi΁o䯵

The table of single characters is also called the table of syllables ˄䷇㡖㸼 yƯnjiébi΁o˅, or coordinative table of initials, finals and tones ˄ໄ䷉䇗䜡 ড়㸼 shƝngyùndiào pèihébi΁o˅. The table assembles the initials, finals and

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99

tones with one single character as representative for each syllable. The representative character can be chosen from the table of homophonic characters (see Chapter 7.1.2.2.). The table is arranged similarly to the table of homophonic characters (cf. Huang Jinghu 1987: 224–225; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 140–142; Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 33). Table 14. Table of single characters for the [an, ian, uan, yan] finals of the Beijing dialect (after Zhan Bohui ed. 2004: 141–142).

p p‘ m f t t‘ n l ts ts’ s t‡ t‡‘ ‡ › tÛ tÛ‘ Û k k‘ x Ȩ

䰈 ⧁ ᫔ 乳 㗏 ऩ 䋾

ㇾ 令 ϝ ऴ ᧔ ቅ

an 䰇 Ϟ ᵓ Ⲭ 㳂 ⒵ ޵ ড ⶏ 䇜 ⇃ फ 䌻 㪱 ឦ અ ᫦ ⅟ ᚼ Ӳ ᭽ 㴝 䫆 䮾 ✊ ᶧ

এ ᡂ ߸ ᜶ 佁 ⎵ ⚁ 䲒 ⚖ 䌲 ♓ ᬷ キ ᖣ ᠛

ian uan yan 䰈 䰇 Ϟ এ 䰈 䰇 Ϟ এ 䰈 䰇 Ϟ এ 䖍 ᠕ ব ㆛ 停 ⠛ 㓉 ‫ ܡ‬䴶 乴 ⚍ ໽ ⬄ 㟨 㫿 ᑈ ⺒ 䖲 㜌

ᇪ ‫ޣ‬ ⡉ ࠡ ⌙ ‫ ܜ‬䋸 䰽 ⫬ ᛳ ෾ ⷡ 唒 ᆦ 㔩 ᅝ ‫׎‬

ᑆ ⳟ ∝ ᱫ ⚳ Ⲥ ⓨ

ᑫ ッ ⷁ ↉ ᦁ ಶ ᗉ ᱪ 㒗 吒 ॉ х ᫹ 㑖 䩑 √ ば 䝌 ㅫ ϧ 䕀 䌮 こ 㠍 ୬ І 䮽 ⎂ 䕃 㾕 ⃴ ⦄ ᅬ ㅵ ☠ ᆑ ℒ ⃶ ⦃ 㓧 ᤶ 䲕 ᔃ ᅠ ⹫ ϛ

ᤤ ᥆ 㒶 ೜ ܼ ⢀ ࡱ ᅷ ⥘ 䗝 Ἲ

‫ ܗ ݸ‬䖰 䰶

1.3. ∝䇁ᮍ㿔䇗ᶹㅔ㸼 (Hanyu Fangyan Diaocha Jianbiao) [Concise table for the research of Chinese dialects] (Ding and Li ed. 1956a) This table was edited in 1956 by Ding Shengshu and Li Rong, and published by the Institute of Linguistics of the Chinese Academy of Social

100 Guidelines for field research of Chinese dialects Sciences (Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo), with the intention of being used during the general dialectal surveys carried out throughout China at that time. The primary aim of the surveys was to promote Putonghua, therefore the book focuses chiefly on phonetics, but it also contains some material for the research of vocabulary and grammar. The part for the research of phonetics includes five components: tones, initials, finals, basic characters for the phonetic system, and table of single characters. Altogether there are over 2500 characters. The order of characters both in the basic characters for the phonetic system and the table of single characters is based on the phonetics of the Beijing dialect. The part for the research of vocabulary and grammar consists of 172 words or phrases and 37 example sentences. To facilitate the use of the table, simultaneously ∝䇁ᮍ㿔䇗ᶹᄫ䷇ᭈ ⧚व⠛ (Hanyu fangyan diaocha ziyin zhengli kapian) (Ding and Li ed. 1956b) was issued, holding 2136 cards. The characters in this work and in Hanyu Fangyan Diaocha Jianbiao are numbered in corresponding order. While researching dialects of Chinese, either Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao or the Hanyu Fangyan Diaocha Jianbiao can be used. However, since Hanyu Fangyan Diaocha Jianbiao is arranged according to the pronunciation of the Beijing dialect, it is more convenient while investigating dialects of the Mandarin group. Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao is more useful for the research of dialects from other groups (cf. Zhan Bohui ed. 2004: 171; Huang Jinghu 1987: 208; You Rujie 2004: 59). 1.4. Variant pronunciations of one character ˄ᓖ䇏 yìdú˅ As a rule, one Chinese character is read in one way. Nevertheless, some characters have more than one reading. There are two main types of variant readings: one is when the variant readings carry different meanings (e.g. in Putonghua the character 䭓 can be read as cháng, meaning ‘long’ or as zh΁ng – ‘older; senior’); the second type is the opposite – the meaning remains the same despite different pronunciations. This latter type is called ᓖ䇏 yìdú and is the one which is especially important in the investigation of dialects. There are several kinds of ᓖ䇏 yìdú. While researching dialects, one should be careful to take notice and distinguish between them.

Phonetics

1.4.1.

101

Research of sandhi

While researching the phonetic system, one has to bear in mind that it is not sufficient to study separate syllables, but also to survey the changes which appear in the course of speaking, the so-called sandhi. In some dialects (especially Min), changes caused by sandhi are more common, in others (like Hakka, Gan, Xiang ), they are quite rare (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 168). The most frequent kind of sandhi is tone sandhi. To study the tone sandhi of a given dialect, a special list of characters needs to be prepared. The list should include all possible tonal combinations, either only disyllabic words and expressions, or both disyllabic and tri-syllabic ones. A universal list can be made for the research of any dialect, or one can prepare a list for each individual dialect. The universal list should consist of all hypothetical tonal combinations, i.e. of the eight Middle Chinese tones ˄䰈ᑇ yƯnpíng, 䰈Ϟ yƯnshàng, 䰈এ yƯnqù, 䰈ܹ yƯnrù, 䰇ᑇ yángpíng, 䰇Ϟ yángshàng, 䰇এ yángqù, 䰇ܹ yángrù˅. Thus, there should be 64 sets of disyllabic examples and 512 sets of tri-syllabic ones (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 172; You Rujie 2004: 76–77, 2000: 32–34). Examples of such lists can be found in Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 386–393; You Rujie 2004: 247–252; Huang Jinghu 1987: 241 (disyllabic); Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 394–412 (trisyllabic). The list for an individual dialect should include all possible tonal combinations of the given dialect, i.e. if a dialect has 4 tones, there should be 16 disyllabic combinations, if it has 5 tones – 25, and so on. In such a list, specific local words and expressions can be taken into account (cf. You Rujie 2004: 76; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 172). These lists can be helpful in researching both tone sandhi and sandhi of other kinds, checking for changes which may occur in the initials and finals during the process of speaking (cf. You Rujie 2004: 78–79; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 172).78

1.4.2.

Phonetic changes of diminutives 䯴 ᇣ⿄ব䷇xi΁ochéng biànyƯn䯵 (cf. Huang Jinghu 1987: 236–237)

In some dialects there are occasional specific sound changes as a means of indicating diminutives. This kind of phonetic change usually concerns the tones. E.g. in the dialect of Wenzhou ˄⏽Ꮂ˅, besides the basic eight tones, there are two tones which indicate the diminutives: 15 and 51. Thus,

102 Guidelines for field research of Chinese dialects the basic pronunciation of the character þ叵ÿ (‘chicken’) is [tsÎ33], the changed form is [tsÎ15], meaning ‘small chicken’.79

‫ ࣪ܓ‬Érhuà One of the specific kinds of phonetic changes of diminutives is the phenomenon of ‫ ࣪ܓ‬érhuà, which is quite common in the dialects of Chinese. In general, it consists of adding the ‫( ܓ‬ér) suffix which “merges with the syllable it attaches to” (Duanmu, San 2002: 195), forming a retroflexed final. For example in the Beijing dialect: ℠ [k¢] + ‫[ ܓ‬Ǟ] Æ ℠‫[ ܓ‬g¢r] (‘a song’) In most cases, adding the ‫( ܓ‬ér) suffix forms a diminutive, as the word ‫ ܓ‬ér means ‘child; son’, and thus denotes something small. It also indicates endearment. However, the ‫( ܓ‬ér) suffix can also be added to adjectives and some verbs (cf. Duanmu, San 2002: 195).80

1.4.3.

Alternative pronunciations 䯴 জ䇏yòudú䯵

There are cases when a character is pronounced in different ways with no clear explanation (cf. Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 32). For example, the character ⊩ in the Beijing dialect, besides the regular pronunciation in the falling-rising tone (214) (f΁), is also pronounced in the level (55) (fƗ), as well as the rising tone (35) (fá). E.g.: ⊩‫ ܓ‬fƗr (method; way): (1) a. 䖭ৃ≵~њDŽ Zhè kČ méi fƗr le. ‘There is no way of doing it.’ b. ⊩ᄤ fázi (method; way): ᳝ҔМ~˛ Y΅u shénme fázi? ‘How to do it?’ (Examples taken from Xu Shirong ed. 1996: 127)

1.4.4.

The literary and colloquial variant pronunciations 䯴 ᭛ⱑᓖ䇏 wénbái yìdú䯵

The distinction between the pronunciation of the literary and of the colloquial language becomes visible depending on the circumstances in which

Phonetics

103

the specified character is being pronounced. The general rule is that the literary pronunciation occurs when a book is read, and the vernacular one while having a colloquial conversation. Yet, the situation is not at all as straightforward as it may seem. In some cases the two readings can be used alternatively. Usually, the literary reading is then perceived as being “more refined”. In other instances, the literary pronunciation is reserved for the official language, while the vernacular one is used in colloquial speech only and both cannot be freely interchanged (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 130; You Rujie 2000: 27–28). Most commonly, the dissimilarity between the two variant pronunciations lies in finals, but it can just as well happen between initials, tones or all kinds of combinations of the three components of the syllable (cf. Huang Jinghu 1987: 233–234). During the study of a dialect, one should take note of this occurrence and describe it carefully. In order to explore the matter thoroughly, while noting down the pronunciation of the individual characters, it is helpful to put the characters into various words and phrases. At the end of the studies, the diverse forms should be compiled so as to find existing rules of differentiation (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 131–132; 144–145; Huang Jinghu 1987: 234–235). Special care should be taken while interviewing the informant and showing him/her characters in Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao. Seeing the written form, the informant might give the literary pronunciation in a natural way. That is why it is necessary to be very persistent while investigating the subject, at times enquiring again and again (cf. You Rujie 2000: 27; Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo 2002: vi).

1.4.5.

Borrowing the pronunciation of a synonym 䯴 䆁䇏xùndú䯵

䆁䇏 xùndú is a specific phenomenon which can be quite confusing while researching the phonetics of a dialect, especially for those who study the historical sound changes. When a certain character is not used in colloquial speech, its reading may be substituted by the reading of a synonym which is in common use (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 132–133; Huang Jinghu 1987: 235).

104 Guidelines for field research of Chinese dialects The Min dialect of Hainan is very rich in cases of 䆁䇏 xùndú. An example of the phenomenon follows (taken from Chen Hongmai 1993: 45):81 ч is read as ཊ ч and ཊ are synonyms. In the dialect of Qiongzhou ˄⨐Ꮂ˅, ч is seldom read in its original reading [zi33] or [zui33], e.g.: (2) 䈚㜤ч [!dau23hu23zi33] or [!dau23hu23zui33] ‘fermented bean curd’ More often ч is read as ཊ, i.e. [ne23], especially in the colloquial language, e.g.: (3) a. ч⠯ [ne23ku21] ‘milch cow’ b. ч᠓ [ne23!ba021] ‘breast; udder’

1.4.6.

Differences between the new and old varieties 䯴 ᮄ⌒ǃ㗕⌒ᓖ䇏 xƯnpài, l΁opài yìdú䯵

In the dialects of Chinese, some characters are read in a different way by young and old speakers. This phenomenon is tending to become stronger nowadays, since the beginning of the promotion of Putonghua in the 1950ies. Yet, some dialects, except for the influence of Putonghua, are also under the pressure of neighbouring dialects (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 133– 134; Huang Jinghu 1987: 235–236).

1.4.7.

Popular reading 䯴 ֫䇏súdú䯵 and misreading 䯴 䇃䇏wùdú䯵

Some characters are often mispronounced ˄䇃䇏 wùdú˅; for instance, in the Beijing dialect, the word ለሀ should be read [kan55ka51], but due to the elements of the characters which suggest a different reading, it is often mispronounced as [tÛian55tÛi'51] (see Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 32). If the mispronunciation is widespread and has become common practice, the reading is treated as a popular reading ˄֫ 䇏 súdú˅, not a mistake (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 134–135).

Phonetics

1.4.8.

105

Geographical differences

Evident differences between the pronunciation of some characters in the city and in the suburbs or countryside ˄ජеᓖ䇏 chéngxiƗng yìdú˅ are also common. These variations are caused by sociological factors. For example, in the Fuzhou dialect, the character ᮽ is pronounced [tsa] in the city and [tsia] in the suburbs (see Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 33).

1.5. The usage of IPA in the research of Chinese dialects The International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA) is currently generally applied for recording the phonetics of Chinese dialects. However, Chinese dialectology has also developed some specific symbols which are commonly used, as well as adjusted some of the IPA symbols to its own needs (cf. You Rujie 2000: 22–26): The implosives are written down as [˜, È, ‰] in the IPA, but in the field of Chinese dialectology, they are usually written as [!b, !d, !g]. Yet, where the injection is light, consonants are noted down as [’b, ’d], etc. The retroflex vowels [Ï Î Ý ¶], frequent in Chinese dialects, are not listed in the basic IPA, but can be found in the IPA extensions. The IPA uses the symbol [h] to indicate aspiration. Chinese dialectology generally notes down the aspiration with [‘], for instance [p‘, t‘, ts‘]. The tone values are described according to the five point scale, with 1 as the lowest and 5 as the highest point. The tones can be represented by numbers and also by fixed symbols of IPA, e.g. the tones of the modern Beijing dialect are shown as 55 ަަ‫ވ‬, 35 ‫ވޜ‬, 214 ‫އޑޓ‬, 51 g (cf. You Rujie 2000: 23; Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 28).82 To represent the tones, there is also a set of special symbols applied to denote the traditional Middle Chinese names of tones. This method is called থ೜⊩ fƗquƗnf΁. Semicircles are placed in respective corners of the character to indicate the ᑇ píng, Ϟshàng,এ qù, ܹrù tones. If the tones are divided into 䰈 yƯn and 䰇 yáng categories, the symbols for the 䰇 yáng-tones are underlined semicircles. The set of symbols is (the square representing a character):

106 Guidelines for field research of Chinese dialects »ƶ䰈ᑇyƯnpíng ½ƶ䰈ϞyƯnshàng ƶ¿䰈এyƯnqù ƶÁ䰈ܹyƯnrù

¼ƶ䰇ᑇyángpíng ¾ƶ䰇Ϟyángshàng ƶÀ䰇এ yángqù ƶÂ䰇ܹyángrù

Figure 4. Symbols of থ೜⊩ fƗquƗnf΁.

For example, the tones of the Beijing dialect are: »ƶ䰈ᑇyƯnpíng (e.g.»Ѹ [tèiau55]) ¼ƶ䰇ᑇyángpíng (e.g. ¼ಐ [tèiau35]) ½ƶϞshàng (e.g. ½㛮 [tèiau214]) ƶ¿এqù (e.g. ি¿ [tèiau51]) (cf. Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo 2002: v; Lin and Geng 2004: 59–60; Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 28–29; You Rujie 2000: 25). The IPA does not provide any symbols to represent the light tone ˄䕏 䇗 qƯngdiào˅. Customarily, syllables in the light tone are not labelled with any numbers or symbols. One other solution is to mark them with a dot on their left-hand-side. E.g., the Beijing syllables Ԣᨁ [ti55 ·ta]. To record the pronunciation, the narrow transcription ˄Ϲᓣᷛ䷇ yánshì biƗoyƯn˅ or the broad transcription ˄ᆑᓣᷛ䷇ kuƗnshì biƗoyƯn˅ are to be used. While recording the speech sounds on the spot, the narrow transcription should be applied. Later, when describing the phonetic system and the phonemes, the broad transcription is to be employed. The narrow transcription shows the minute differences between the speech sounds, while the broad transcription is sufficient to indicate the distinctive features (cf. You Rujie 2000: 25–26; Zhou Dianfu 2001: 11–15).

2. Vocabulary The research of Chinese dialectal vocabulary, has long been neglected, as is the case with grammar, since linguists concentrated on the phonetic differences rather than on the lexicological or grammatical diversity. This probably happened because of the mistaken idea that surveying dialects was equal to surveying the dialectal phonetics. Also, the promotion of Putonghua in the beginning focused mainly on the teaching of Beijing phonetics. Since the 1980s the interest in dialect vocabulary and grammar has increased (cf. Zhai Shiyu 2003: 271–273).

Vocabulary

107

In the foreword to ᮍ㿔䇗ᶹ䆡∛㸼 Fangyan Diaocha Cihui Biao (Yuyan Yanjiusuo Fangyanzu 1981) (see Chapter 7.2.1.2.), the scholars state that the research of dialects should include all three aspects, i.e. phonetics as well as vocabulary and grammar or even concentrate on the survey of vocabulary and grammar, naturally without neglecting phonetics. This is primarily justified by the duty of improving the promotion of Putonghua, but is also important for the sake of compiling dialect dictionaries (Yuyan Yanjiusuo Fangyanzu 1981: 161–162). The influence of the national standard on dialectal vocabulary is immensely strong. The promotion of Putonghua and the standardization of the language are changing the local lexicons in a natural way. That is why the research of dialectal vocabulary seems to be even more significant (cf. Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 39; Zhan Bohui et al.2004: 174, see also Chapter 3.3.).

2.1. Lists for the research of dialectal vocabulary Depending on the conditions and the purpose of research, various kinds of vocabulary lists can be used. There are two main kinds of such lists: sketchy, for a general survey (such as ᮍ 㿔 䇗 ᶹ 䆡 ∛ ᠟ ‫( ݠ‬Fangyan Diaocha Cihui Shouce) (Ding Shengshu 1989; see Chapter 7.2.1.1.); ᮍ㿔 䇗ᶹ䆡∛㸼 (Fangyan Diaocha Cihui Biao) (Yuyan Yanjiusuo Fangyanzu 1981; see Chapter 7.2.1.2.) and detailed – for a thorough investigation (cf. You Rujie 2000: 35, 2004: 103; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 230–234; Huang Jinghu 1987: 246–248). For specific research of dialect vocabulary, individual lists can be prepared according to needs. One can, for example, investigate the speech of the suburbs of a certain city (see You Rujie 2004: 103–104). Or else, one can concentrate on some particular field of vocabulary, e.g. the names of plants in some region or the influence of neighbouring languages on a dialect, etc. (see Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 233). This chapter concentrates on some of the commonly used lists for general surveys of the vocabulary of dialects.

108 Guidelines for field research of Chinese dialects 2.1.1.

ᮍ㿔䇗ᶹ䆡∛᠟‫(ݠ‬Fangyan Diaocha Cihui Shouce) [A selected word list for Chinese dialectal survey]

This list was published for the first time in 1955 by the Institute of Linguistics of the Chinese Academy of Sciences ˄ Ё ೑ ⾥ ᄺ 䰶 䇁 㿔 ⷨ お ᠔ Zhongguo Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo ˅ and reprinted in 1989 in the periodical Fangyan, with a few entries added (Ding Shengshu 1989). The original included also a sheet to fill in the data about the informants, the same as in the Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao (Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo 2002: ix), which has been omitted in the version printed in Fangyan. This list was created with the purpose of preparing ground for making a language atlas of China. The list is short, containing just over 300 entries. The entries are arranged according to their meaning, divided into 18 categories, of which the last one is a set of grammatical example sentences. Next to each entry, examples of synonyms in various dialects are given for reference (e.g. ໾䰇 (tàiyáng) (‘sun’) —— ᮹༈ (rìtou), ⛁༈ (rètou), 㗕⠋ ‫( ܓ‬l΁oyér), Ding Shengshu 1989: 92, cf. Chapter 9.3.1.). The entries were chosen with the intention of making a general investigation, therefore there are only colloquial words and expressions. No specialized terms have been used. To show the close and distant relationships between dialects, words which are divergent in various dialects have been selected; those words which only differ from the national standard in pronunciation have been omitted. To make it easier to arrange the results and make comparisons, only words with clear meaning and definite scope of meaning have been chosen; that is why there are mostly names of specific objects and a lesser amount of abstract words, verbs, adjectives, etc. (cf. Ding Shengshu 1989: 91). This word list should be used together with the Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao (Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo 2002). Having investigated the phonetics of a dialect, one should not have problems with writing down the words from the list (cf. Ding Shengshu 1989: 91).

2.1.2.

ᮍ㿔䇗ᶹ䆡∛㸼 (Fangyan Diaocha Cihui Biao) [A word list for the survey of Chinese dialects] (Yuyan Yanjiusuo Fangyanzu 1981)

This word list was compiled by the Dialect Section of the Institute of Linguistics of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences˄Ё೑⼒Ӯ⾥ᄺ䰶

Vocabulary

109

䇁㿔ⷨお᠔ᮍ㿔㒘 Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo Fangyanzu˅ in 1958 with the aim of investigating the dialects of Hebei province. It was printed in Fangyan in 1981. The list is rather detailed; it includes over 4000 entries, divided into 31 categories, of which the last one is again a set of sentences for grammatical research. The 30 lexical categories are: (1) astronomy; (2) geography; (3) season, time; (4) agriculture; (5) flora; (6) animals; (7) houses and utensils; (8) people; (9) kinship; (10) body; (11) diseases, medical treatment; (12) clothing; (13) food and drink; (14) weddings and funerals; (15) superstitions; (16) litigation; (17) daily life; (18) communication; (19) commerce; (20) culture and education; (21) recreation; (22) movement; action; (23) positions; (24) pronouns, etc.; (25) adjectives; (26) adverbs; (27) prepositions, etc.; (28) examples of ‫ ࣪ܓ‬érhuà (see Chapter 7.1.4.2.); (29) measure words (classifiers); (30) numerals, etc.

2.1.3.

Handbook of Chinese Dialect Vocabulary ˄ᮍ㿔䆡∛䇗ᶹ᠟‫ݠ‬ Fangyan Cihui Diaocha Shouce˅ (Chinese Linguistics Project 1972)

Published by the Chinese Linguistics Project at Princeton University, the handbook includes 4348 vocabulary entries and 132 example sentences for the research of grammar. It was based on the ∝䇁ᮍ㿔䆡∛ (Hanyu Fangyan Cihui) (Beijing Daxue Zhongguo Yuyan Wenxuexi Yuyanxuejiao Yanjiushi 2005). It has been used by many researchers outside of China in their fieldwork (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 232).

2.1.4.

∝䇁ᮍ㿔䆡䇁䇗ᶹᴵⳂ㸼 (Hanyu Fangyan Ciyu Diaocha Tiaomu Biao) [A list of items for the lexical investigation of Chinese dialects]

The contents of the list (Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo Fangyan Yanjiushi Ziliaoshi 2003) is primarily based upon ᮍ㿔䇗ᶹ䆡∛ 㸼 (Fangyan Diaocha Cihui Biao) (Yuyan Yanjiusuo Fangyanzu 1981) (see Chapter 7.2.1.2.). It is also a revised edition of the list used for the specific purpose of compiling The Great Dictionary..., i.e. ∝䇁ᮍ㿔䆡∛䇗ᶹ㸼 (Hanyu Fangyan Cihui Diaochabiao). The entries are divided into 29

110 Guidelines for field research of Chinese dialects categories, the same as those in the basic version of ∝䇁ᮍ㿔䆡∛䇗ᶹ㸼 (Hanyu Fangyan Cihui Diaochabiao) (see Chapter 8.2.3.) (cf. Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo Fangyan Yanjiushi Ziliaoshi 2003: 6).

2.1.5.

∝䇁ᮍ㿔䆡∛䇗ᶹ᠟‫( ݠ‬Hanyu Fangyan Cihui Diaocha Shouce) (Handbook for Lexicon Based Dialect Fieldwork)

The handbook (Simmons, Gu and Shi 2006) is an outcome of the American-Chinese cooperation during the “Project for the Investigation of the Boundary between Wu and Jiang-Hwai Dialects”. The project was funded by the Henry Luce Foundation U.S. China Cooperative Research Program and the Chinese Foundation for the Social Sciences (cf. Simmons, Gu and Shi 2006: Frontispiece). This handbook does not concentrate solely on nouns, but it also pays attention to verbs and adjectives as well as function words. It also includes a list for the research of tone sandhi (Simmons, Gu and Shi 2006: 179–183). The lists for the research of vocabulary are preceded by tables for the research of phonetics (Simmons, Gu and Shi 2006: 4–14), as well as a sheet to be filled in with data about the time and place of the investigation and about the informant (Simmons, Gu and Shi 2006: 3). This sheet is similar to the one found in the Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao (Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo 2002: ix, see also Chapter 7.1.1.1.). There are three lists for the research of isoglottic lines of dialects: a detailed list, a brief list and a short list, each of them can be used depending on the purpose of the investigation. The entries are arranged alphabetically according to the pinyin transcription of Putonghua pronunciation. The detailed list (Simmons, Gu and Shi 2006: 15–140) includes 1900 entries and is sufficient for thorough investigation. The brief list (Simmons, Gu and Shi 2006: 141–174) holds 450 entries which are more crucial and can be used for a general survey of a number of dialect localities, with the intention of comparing their vocabulary before a thorough investigation. The short list (Simmons, Gu and Shi 2006: 175–178) is made up of 60 items, which are the most crucial, and it can be helpful while drawing maps of dialects and depicting isoglosses.

Vocabulary

111

2.2. Definition of dialectal word and dialectal vocabulary The terms ‘dialectal word’ ˄ᮍ㿔䆡 fƗngyáncí˅ and ‘dialectal vocabulary’ ˄ᮍ㿔䆡∛ fƗngyáncíhuì˅ are always used in comparison with Putonghua. A dialectal word is one which differs from the national standard language in the meaning and morphology. Dialectal vocabulary is a collection of words which differ from Putonghua in these aspects (cf. Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 39; Huang Jinghu 1987: 242–243).

2.3. Characteristics of Chinese dialectal vocabulary Chinese dialectal vocabulary is utterly diverse, though some common features can be found. Usually, the differences are listed in comparison with the national standard. Except for words which vary only in pronunciation, numerous kinds of disparities occur.

2.3.1.

Different origins

Archaisms Putonghua is based mainly on the northern, i.e. Mandarin dialects, which have evolved faster than the southern dialects. That is why many southern dialects have preserved ancient words, which nowadays exist only in the formal or literary language of Putonghua, or are known as সҷ∝䇁 G·dài Hàny· – classical Chinese 83 (cf. Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 39; Huang Jinghu 1987: 245; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 199–201; Li Rulong 1997: 38–40). For example: Guangzhou ˄ᑓᎲ˅ dialect: (1) a. 㸠 [ha021] ‘to walk’ (Putonghua: 䍄 z΅u) 䍄 [tsmu35] b. ‘to run’ (Putonghua: 䎥 p΁o)

112 Guidelines for field research of Chinese dialects Xiamen ˄ॺ䮼˅ dialect: Ⳃ [bak5] (2) ‘eye’ (Putonghua: ⴐ⴯ y΁njing) (Examples taken from Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 39)

Loan words from other languages Many dialects have absorbed words from other languages; either from nationalities living in the same area, or from foreign languages (mostly English) (cf. Huang Jinghu 1987: 245–246; Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 40; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 201; Zhan Bohui 1981: 54–55; Li Rulong 1997: 40). Here are a few examples: Northeastern Mandarin group borrowing from Manchurian (Shenyang ˄≜䰇˅dialect): ඟ*≄* [mai35t‘ai] (3) ‘dirt, filth’ Northeastern Mandarin group borrowing from Russian (Shenyang ˄≜ 䰇˅ dialect): 㺖*Ꮘ* [lie53pa] (4) ‘bread’ (Russian ‘ɯɥɟɛ’ [xl’½p]) Yue dialect borrowing from English (Guangzhou ˄ᑓᎲ˅ dialect): ⊶* [pn55] (5) ‘ball’ Southern Min dialect borrowing from Malaysian (Xiamen ˄ॺ䮼˅ dialect): (6) 䘧*䚢* [to33Æ11ln0] ‘help’ (Malaysian ‘tolong’) (Examples taken from Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 40)

2.3.2.

Partial differences

Some dialectal words denoting the same thing differ partly from each other as regards the morphemes used to form these words. These dissimilarities can be divided into three categories:

Vocabulary

113

Polysyllabic words partially different A number of polysyllabic dialectal words are both partly similar to and partly different from Putonghua. This is because one (or more) of the morphemes used to form them is different from those in other dialects and in the national standard (cf. Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 40; Huang Jinghu 1987: 244–245; Zhan Bohui 1981: 50– 51). For example, the word denoting ‘the palm of the hand’ is: (7) a. In Putonghua: ᠟ᥠ sh΅uzh΁ng b. In Beijing dialect: Ꮘᥠ [pa55·t‡a0] c. In Suzhou˄㢣Ꮂ˅dialect: ᠟ᖗ [s;52sin44Æ23] d. In Shuangfeng˄ঠዄ˅dialect: ᠟ᵓ [èi731p331] e. In Chaozhou˄╂Ꮂ˅dialect: ᠟ᑩ [ts‘iu53Æ34 toi53Æ21] f. In Meixian˄ṙও˅dialect: ᠟Ꮘᥠ [su31pa 44Æ45tsn0] (Examples taken from Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 40)

Presence and absence of affixes; distinct affixes In various words, the root is the same in different dialects, though in some localities, the words are formed with affixes, and in others without them (cf. Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 40; Zhan Bohui 1981: 51; Huang Jinghu 1987: 244). E.g.: (8) a. In Putonghua: ♊ zào (‘cooking stove’) 䔺 chƝ (‘car; vehicle’) b. In Suzhou ˄㢣Ꮂ˅ dialect: ♊༈ [tsa3513Æ55·d;] 䔺ᄤ [ts‘o55·tsƳ] (Examples taken from Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 40) Other words have different affixes in different dialects (cf. Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 40; Zhan Bohui 1981: 51; Huang Jinghu 1987: 244), e.g.: (9) a. In Putonghua: 唏ᄤ bízi (‘nose’) b. In Shanghai˄Ϟ⍋˅dialect: 唏༈ [bie!13Æ11d(13Æ12] c. In Guangzhou˄ᑓᎲ˅dialect: 唏હ [pei22kn55]

114 Guidelines for field research of Chinese dialects d. In Meixian˄ṙও˅dialect: 唏݀ [p‘i53ku044] (Examples taken from Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 40)

Differences in sequence Multiple polysyllabic words are built up of the same morphemes in a variety of dialects, but sometimes in an inverted order (cf. Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 40; Zhan Bohui 1981: 50; Huang Jinghu 1987: 245). For instance:84 (10) a. Putonghua’s ᅶҎ kèrén (‘guest’) in Yue, Min and Hakka dialects is ‘Ҏᅶ’ b. Putonghua’s ⛁䯍 rènao (‘lively; bustling with activity’) in Wu, Min, Gan, Hakka dialects is ‘䯍⛁’. c. Putonghua’s ୰⃶ x΃huan (‘to like; be fond of’) in Yue, Wu, Gan dialects is ‘⃶୰’. (Examples taken from Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 40)

2.3.3.

Semantic differences

Some words are built up of the same morphemes, but denote different things in various dialects (cf. Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 41; Zhan Bohui 1981: 48–50; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 196–197; Huang Jinghu 1987: 244; Li Rulong 1997: 40–42).

Meaning broader than in Putonghua A part of the dialectal vocabulary differs from Putonghua in regard to the scope of the meaning. Sometimes words which denote a certain thing in the national standard, can have a broader sense in certain dialects (cf. Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 41; Zhan Bohui 1981: 49; Huang Jinghu 1987: 244). E.g.: 㱞ᄤ˖ (11) a. Putonghua: wénzi – ‘mosquito’ Changsha ˄䭓≭˅ dialect: [m‹n33tsƳ3] – ‘mosquito; fly’

Vocabulary

b.

115

唏ᄤ˖

Putonghua: bízi – ‘nose’ Yangzhou ˄ᡀᎲ˅ dialect: [pie!4·ts'] – ‘nose; nasal mucus’ (Examples taken from Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 41)

Meaning narrower than in Putonghua Sometimes the scope of the meaning is narrower than that of Putonghua (cf. Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 41; Zhan Bohui 1981: 49; Huang Jinghu 1987: 244), e.g.: (12) 䴶˄咉 in unsimplified characters˅ Putonghua: miàn – ‘flour; powder; noodles’ In many dialects, among others: Wuhan ˄ ℺ ∝ ˅ [mi'n35]; Changsha ˄䭓≭˅ [mie11]; Guangzhou ˄ᑓᎲ˅ [min22] – ‘noodles’ (Examples taken from Zhan Bohui 1981: 49 and Li Rong ed. 2002, 6: 6211) ྞྍ (13) Putonghua: z΃mèi – ‘sisters; elder and younger sisters’ Changshu ˄ᐌ❳˅ dialect: [tsi44me213Æ21] – ‘younger sister’ (Example taken from Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 41)

Shifted meaning There are also words, with the same origin, but where the meaning has changed in a different way in various dialects (cf. Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 41; Zhan Bohui 1981: 49–50). For example: ⱑР啳 (14) a. Putonghua: bái wnjguƯ – ‘white turtle’ Shanghai dialect: [b#!13Æ1u53Æ11tèy53Æ11] – ‘goose’ ݀݀ b. Putonghua: gǀnggong – ‘husband’s father; father-in-law’ Yangzhou ˄ ᡀ Ꮂ ˅ dialect: [ko021·ko0] – ‘maternal grandfather’

116 Guidelines for field research of Chinese dialects (Examples taken from Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 41)

Swapped meaning In some cases, the signification of a dialectal word can be swapped with the signification of another word in the national standard (cf. Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 41; Zhan Bohui 1981: 49; Huang Jinghu 1987: 244). E.g.: (15) In the dialect of Guangzhou ˄ᑓᎲ˅, the word ᠓ [fn021Æ35] is translated into Putonghua as ሟᄤ wnjzi – ‘room (in a house)’, whereas the word ሟ [7k5] is ᠓ᄤ fángzi – ‘house’ – in Putonghua. (Examples taken from Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 41)

2.3.4.

Different conceptualization with the same referential frame

Due to cultural disparities, numerous words referring to the same objects or concepts are completely different in various dialects (cf. Zhan Bohui 1981: 51–53; Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 41–42; Huang Jinghu 1987: 243–244).

Different ways of describing objects Various objects are perceived and described in a different way. For example, the word denoting ‘sunflower’ is described as: (16) a. In Putonghua: ৥᮹㩉 xiàngrìkuí ‘flower facing the sun’ ˄㩉 kuì – ‘certain herbaceous plants with big flowers’˅ b. In Beijing dialect: 䕀᮹㦆 [t‡uan51 ›ƪ51lian35] ‘lotus turning towards the sun’ c. In Jinan ˄⌢फ˅ dialect: ᳱ䰇㢅 [t‡‘n 42Æ45·ia0 xua213] ‘flower facing the sun’ d. In Kunming ˄ᯚᯢ˅ dialect: ᳱ䰇佐‫[ ܓ‬t‡‘au31 ia31pir53] ‘round cake facing the sun’

Vocabulary

117

In Wenzhou ˄ ⏽ Ꮂ ˅ dialect: ໾ 䰇 ԯ 㢅 [t‘a42×i31Æ21 v‹i212Æ31ho44Æ33] ‘Buddha’s flower of the sun’ (Examples taken from Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 41) e.

Another example is the word for ‘kerosene; paraffin’: (17) a. In Putonghua: ✸⊍ méiyóu – ‘coal oil’ b. In Wenzhou ˄⏽Ꮂ˅ dialect: ⋟⊍ [ji31Æ21 jiau31Æ22] ‘oil from overseas; imported oil’ c. In Guangzhou ˄ᑓᎲ˅ dialect: ☿∈ [fn3551y35] ‘fire-water’ d. In Chaozhou ˄╂Ꮂ˅ dialect: ☿⊍ [hue53Æ24iu55] ‘fire-oil’ (Examples taken from Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 42; Beida Zhongwenxi Yuyanxuejiao Yanjiushi 2005: 185)

Fear of breaking a taboo Some words sound the same as words which are believed to be inauspicious. In order to avoid bringing bad luck, other words are chosen to describe those objects. For example: In the word, which in Putonghua is called ⣾㟡༈ zhnj shétou – ‘pig tongue (as food)’, the syllable ‘㟠 shé’ calls up bad associations, because it is homophonous with the word ‘ᡬ shé’, as in ‘ᡬᴀ shébČn’ – ‘to lose money in business’. That is why it is replaced by various words, such as: (18) a. In Beijing dialect: ষᴵ [k‘ou214Æ21t‘iau35] ‘mouth-strip’ b. In Nanchang ˄फᯠ˅ dialect: ᢯䋶 [ts'u42ts‘ai24] ‘bringing in money’ (Examples taken Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 41)

118 Guidelines for field research of Chinese dialects 2.3.5.

Words specific to particular dialects

There are a certain number of dialectal words, used only in a certain area, and their origin is as yet not known. These words are traditionally called ‘specific dialectal words’ ˄ᮍ㿔⡍⅞䆡䇁 fƗngyán tèshnj cíy· or ᮍ㿔⡍ᕕ 䆡 fƗngyán tèzhƝng cí˅. They are colloquial, frequently used every-day words, mostly monosyllabic These kinds of words are especially common in the Southern dialects (cf. Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 42; Zhan Bohui 1981: 53–54 Li Rulong 2003a: 37; see also Chapter 5.1.2.1.).85 For example: Yue dialect (Guangzhou ˄ᑓᎲ˅ pronunciation): ௶ [j'23] (19) a. ‘thing, object’ ˄ϰ㽓 dǀngxi in Putonghua˅ b. а [mmt5] ‘what’ ˄ҔМ shénme in Putonghua˅ Min dialect (Xiamen ˄ॺ䮼˅ pronunciation): ಱ [kia51  ] (20) a. ‘son’ ˄‫ܓ‬ᄤ érzi in Putonghua˅ b. ⱘ*ᣀ* [t+k11kuat11] ‘pleased with oneself’ ˄ᕫᛣ déyì in Putonghua˅

2.4. Noting down the results 2.4.1.

Choosing the characters

Characters used for writing down dialectal words, often cannot be found in the national standard, or they do not function in every-day use. One of the reasons is that the dialects have preserved many ancient words (see Chapter 7.2.3.1.) and, naturally, still use the adequate characters to write them down. Sometimes dialects use characters which exist in Putonghua, but under a different meaning. In such cases, there is no problem in noting down the words, one uses the characters which are known (cf. Huang Jinghu 1987: 248; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 193). However, it is not always easy to find an appropriate Chinese character.86

Vocabulary

119

Dialectal characters 䯴 ᮍ㿔ᄫ fƗngyánzì䯵 Many dialectal words have adequate dialectal characters ˄ᮍ㿔ᄫ fƗngyánzì˅, also called ‘non-standard characters’ ˄֫ԧᄫ sút΃zì or ֫ᄫ súzì˅ (cf. You Rujie 2004: 207). Often the dialectal characters exist concurrently with original characters ˄ᴀᄫ bČnzì˅. For instance, when a Chinese character has a literary and a colloquial pronunciation ˄᭛ⱑᓖ䇏 wénbái yìdú˅ (see Chapter 7.1.4.4.), sometimes they differ so much, that people invent a new character (usually for the colloquial pronunciation) which renders the reading more accurately. At other times, the character is created to clarify the meaning. For example, in Guangzhou ˄ᑓᎲ˅ dialect the word for mud and for dry soil is the same: ⊹ [nmi21]. In order to differentiate the two meanings, dry soil is written down as ‘ു’. There is also a group of dialectal characters, which are constructed on the basis of the original ideogram. For example, a part can be altered or added (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 193). When the dialectal character is used beside the original one, it is not necessary to note down the local variety, but it may be interesting to show the atypical popular forms. If the dialectal shape has already become so popularized as to enter the dictionaries, it is advised to use it (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 193). At times, the dialectal variations do not have an evident origin, still they are commonly applied. For example, the character ‘૨’ [m21] which denotes negation, is widespread in the Yue language area (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 193–194). These types of ideograms should be taken into account and noted down.87

Borrowing homophonic characters There are many dialectal words which cannot be written down in the existing characters, neither standard, nor non-standard. If in a dialect there is a word which is homophonic with the word in question, this homophone is used to write it down, though usually with an asterisk [*] or some other symbol (cf. Huang Jinghu 1987: 248–249; Ding Shengshu 1989: 91; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 194–195; You Rujie 2004: 207). For example, in Suzhou ˄㢣Ꮂ˅ dialect, the word for ‘child’ is pronounced [si331k133Æ35], and can be written down as ‘ᇣᅬ*’, as the word pronounced as [k133] does not

120 Guidelines for field research of Chinese dialects have a character to represent it (example taken from Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 194). Sometimes the homophonic characters become widely used and finally enter the dictionaries. This has happened for instance with the word [ma23t‘mi21Æ35], meaning ‘water chestnut’ in the dialect of Guangzhou ˄ᑓ Ꮂ˅. It is commonly written as ‘偀䐘’ (see Bai Wanru ed. 2003: 3), which in Putonghua is pronounced m΁tí and means ‘horse’s hoof’. However, it can also be found in The Contemporary Chinese Dictionary (Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo Cidian Bianjishi 2002: 1290), with the annotationLJᮍ (FƗng) dial.Ljand the meaning of ‘water chestnut’.

The usage of symbols If there is no homophone which could substitute for a given syllable, an empty square [ƶ] is used instead. This method can cause some confusion, as it indicates neither the reading, nor the meaning. That is why it is necessary to always write down the pronunciation next to the word (cf. Huang Jinghu 1987: 248–249; Ding Shengshu 1989: 91; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 194–195). For example: (21) Meixian ˄ṙও˅ dialect: ƶ䲼 [nem53Æ55 i31] ‘unbroken spell of wet weather’ (Example taken from Li Rong ed. 2002, 6: 6515).

2.4.2.

Transcription

At present, the characters or symbols, which have been noted down, should be supported by an IPA transcription of the pronunciation. 88 While researching the vocabulary, one can discover more sounds and occurrences of sandhi than during the research of phonetics (see Chapter 7.1.4.1.). Every new phenomenon is to be recorded, and the tables of the phonetic system completed (cf. You Rujie 2004: 106; Huang Jinghu 1987: 249; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 185–186).

Grammar

121

Explanation of the meaning Usually the meaning of the dialectal words is explained either in Putonghua or in the literary language ˄к䴶䇁 shnjmiàny·˅. Equivalents in the national standard or literary language are to be used if possible, or else concise definitions should be formed. Examples should also be presented, in order to clarify the meaning (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 186–193, You Rujie 2004: 105–106; Huang Jinghu 1987: 249–250).

3. Grammar The grammar of dialects is still the least explored area in Chinese dialectology. For a very long time a misconception has dominated, namely that the grammar of all dialects is generally the same. This was also stated by Zhao Yuanren in his Grammar of Spoken Chinese (first published in 1968): “Apart from some minor divergencies…, one can say that there is practically one universal Chinese grammar” (Zhao Yuanren 2004a: 41). This statement was based upon the fact that “it is in matters of grammar that the greatest degree of uniformity is found among all the dialects of the Chinese language” (Zhao Yuanren 2004a: 41). This is true with phonetics and vocabulary, but it does not mean that the grammar of dialects is homogeneous. Bao Houxing (cf. 2003: 34) mentions two main reasons for the disregard of dialectal grammar. One is that it is in phonetics that the dialectal differences are most visible; the phonetic divergence has for a long time been the indicator for the classification of dialectal groups, as well as the means for qualitative analysis. The other reason is the great degree of difficulty of dialectal research, including field research. The investigation of phonetics has a long tradition and much experience has been accumulated in this area of knowledge, while the research of grammar still needs to be given much more attention. Turning the focus towards dialectal grammar should be considered both by dialectologists and by researchers of the grammar of Putonghua. It is only since the 1980s that more attention has been paid to this aspect of Chinese dialectology (cf. Wang Futang 2004: 524; Jin and Jin 2004: 242; Zhan Bohui 2001: 2–3). By 1991, over 400 different papers had been published on this topic.

122 Guidelines for field research of Chinese dialects The investigation of dialectal grammar is much more difficult than the research of phonetics and vocabulary. It is not easy to prepare a table for a systematic research of grammar, and the existing tables consist of a limited number of entries. The investigation of dialectal grammar should be carried out on the basis of the results of the research of phonetics and vocabulary. To be able to register all the features of a given dialect, the researcher should be very well acquainted with the speech; the best situation is when the researcher is a native of the area (cf. Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 47; You Rujie 2004: 106; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 239).

3.1. Questionnaires As was mentioned above, the grammar of a dialect is usually researched in comparison with Putonghua, but can also be analysed in opposition with other dialects, especially neighbouring ones (cf. You Rujie 2004: 107). Before starting the investigation of the grammar of a given dialect, it is necessary to prepare a questionnaire. This should include all the items one wants to research. Depending on the purpose of investigation, various kinds of tables can be prepared. It is sufficient to do only some brief research, examine the grammar thoroughly, or one can investigate a special grammatical topic (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 287–289). Most of the questionnaires which are commonly available are not perfect, but can be helpful either as a means for a rough investigation, or as a basis for creating more accurate questionnaires (cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 288). A list of the most commonly used questionnaires follows:

3.1.1.

∝䇁ᮍ㿔䇗ᶹㅔ㸼 (Hanyu Fangyan Diaocha Jianbiao) [Concise table for the research of Chinese dialects]

Hanyu Fangyan Diaocha Jianbiao (Ding and Li ed. 1956a) (see Chapter 7.1.3.) includes 37 example sentences for the research of dialectal grammar. It consists of sentences and phrases in Putonghua which are to be translated into the given dialect, with special attention being given to the underlined words or phrases. The examples are supposed to show the special grammatical features of a dialect (see also Huang Borong et al. 2001: 126– 127).

Grammar

3.1.2.

123

ᮍ㿔䇗ᶹ䆡∛᠟‫( ݠ‬Fangyan Diaocha Cihui Shouce) [Word list for Chinese dialectal surveys]

The list (Ding Shengshu 1989) (see Chapter 7.2.1.1.) holds 53 grammatical examples, placed at the end of the list. It is similar to the above-mentioned list in Hanyu Fangyan Diaocha Jianbiao (Ding and Li ed. 1956a). The researcher should again focus on the underlined parts; their aim is to reveal such problems as different word-order, usage of particles, etc. Several of the items are meant to show differences in vocabulary used in some grammatical constructions (cf. Ding Shengshu 1989: 92).

3.1.3.

ᮍ㿔䇗ᶹ䆡∛㸼 (Fangyan Diaocha Cihui Biao) [A word list for the survey of Chinese dialects]

This list (Yuyan Yanjiusuo Fangyanzu 1981) (see Chapter 7.2.1.2.) has over 300 grammatical entries. The entries are divided into the following categories: word order, comparison, sample sentences, particles њ le, ⴔ zhe, ᕫ de, ⱘ de, elements placed at the end of a construction, elements placed at the beginning of a construction.

3.1.4.

A questionnaire in ∝䇁ᮍ㿔ঞᮍ㿔䇗ᶹ (Hanyu Fangyan ji Fangyan Diaocha) [Chinese dialects and the study of dialects]

One of the most important books in modern Chinese dialectology, (Zhan Bohui et al. 2004), also provides its readers with a list for the investigation of grammar (Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 464–470). It contains more than 70 entries, each of them followed by examples in Wu, Min, Yue and Hakka dialects.

3.1.5.

∝䇁ᮍ㿔䇁⊩䇗ᶹ᠟‫( ݠ‬Hanyu Fangyan Yufa Diaocha Shouce) [a handbook for the research of Chinese dialectal grammar] (Huang Borong et al. 2001)

This handbook is the first systematic manual for the investigation of Chinese dialectal grammar. It was written on the basis of the results of ∝䇁ᮍ 㿔䇁⊩㉏㓪 (Hanyu Fangyan Yufa Leibian) (Huang Borong ed. 1996). It

124 Guidelines for field research of Chinese dialects applies the materials collected in the work mentioned, i.e. data from over 250 dialect localities. Thanks to the fact that the data comes from all corners of China, the handbook can be used as an aid in research on every dialect locality in the country. The book is divided into twelve chapters, of which the first three concern syntax (sentence patterns; syntactic structures; word-order and ellipsis), and the remaining chapters are on morphology (nouns; verbs; adjectives; numerals and measure words; adverbs; pronouns; prepositions and conjunctions; onomatopoeias and exclamations). Each of the chapters is further divided into detailed parts. The entries are all written in the national standard. They are followed by examples of translations into respective dialects; every example has its place of origin noted down, e.g. in the first subchapter (passive sentences) of the first chapter (sentence patterns), the first group of sentences are examples which in some dialects may differ in word-order from Putonghua. For instance: ៥ⱘ䫙≵᳝㹿ᓴϝ⸌⸈DŽ (W΅de guǀ méiy΅u bèi ZhƗng SƗn zápò. – ‘My pot was not broken by Zhang San.’) is followed by the translation: ‫ⱘ׎‬䫙িᓴϝ≵᳝⸌⸈DŽ and the dialect locality it comes from: [ቅϰᵷᑘ Shandong Zaozhuang] (Huang Borong et al. 2001: 1) As appendices, the book supplies lists for the research on dialects from three important works in the field of dialectal grammar research, namely: Hanyu Fangyan Diaocha Jianbiao (Ding and Li ed. 1956a; see Chapter 7.3.1.1.); ᮍ㿔䇗ᶹ䆡∛㸼 Fangyan Diaocha Cihui Biao (Yuyan Yanjiusuo Fangyanzu 1981; see Chapter 7.3.1.3.); ∝䇁ᮍ㿔ঞᮍ㿔䇗ᶹ (Hanyu Fangyan ji Fangyan Diaocha) (Zhan Bohui et al. 2004) (see Chapter 7.3.1.4.). These lists are meant to complete the handbook itself (cf. Huang Borong et al. 2001: 2).

3.1.6.

Comparative Chinese Dialectal Grammar: Handbook for Investigators.

The handbook (Yue-Hashimoto 1993) “constitutes part of a research project on Comparative Chinese Dialectal Grammar…” (Yue-Hashimoto 1993: i). The Project was set up at the University of Washington under the leadership

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of Anne Yue Hashimoto. At the time of the Handbook being published, the Project had accumulated computerized data on syntactic constructions of over one hundred dialects (see Yue-Hashimoto 1993: ii; cf. Yan, M. M. 2006: 57–58). As the author says in the acknowledgement, “the aim of publishing this handbook is to encourage the study of dialectal grammar and to draw attention to the syntactic differences across dialects” (Yue-Hashimoto 1993: ii). The book consists of fourteen chapters, each of which is meant to investigate a certain grammatical feature. Every chapter is made up of a theoretical part, followed by a set of example sentences (for a detailed explanation of the structure of the book, see Yue-Hashimoto 1993: iv–v). The content is supplemented by three appendices: Informant Background (Yue-Hashimoto 1993: 263–264), Sources (265–268) and Bibliography of Chinese Dialectal Syntax (269–312). The Informant Background is more detailed than the one included in Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao (Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo 2002: ix, cf. Chapter 7.1.1.1.). The Sources list the origin of unpublished data. The Bibliography gives an exhaustive record of works concerning Chinese dialectal grammar, divided into several categories.

3.2. Relevant dialectal features Dialectal grammar in China is, as a matter-of-course, multifarious. Grammatical characteristics are usually looked for in comparison with Putonghua. It would be very difficult to research every grammatical feature of a dialect. That is why one can choose to look for the most important aspects, commonly found in various dialects. He Wei (1992: 170–171) proposes the following aspects:89 – Reduplication – Use of measure words – Pronouns – Forms and usage of adjectives – Types of verb-complement phrases – Patterns of sentences – Usage of specific dialectal words – Geographical distribution of grammatical characteristics.

126 Guidelines for field research of Chinese dialects There are, naturally, many more features which can be taken into consideration, such as the relationship between grammar and pronunciation, affixes, auxiliary words, etc.

3.3. Different sources As is suggested by many authors (cf. You Rujie 2000: 38–39, 2004: 108; Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 47–48; Zhan Bohui et al. ed. 2004: 241–242; Huang Jinghu 1987: 277–278), in preparing the research on dialectal grammar, one should remember to use different linguistic sources for the research. One important factor is to prepare a questionnaire of sample sentences and phrases (see Chapter 7.3.1.). Nevertheless, the list should never be the only basis for the investigation. The necessary materials should also include various forms of longer samples to put the issues into context. You Rujie (2000: 38–39) lists the following four sources of linguistic samples:

3.3.1.

Samples of colloquial speech

A lot of linguistic data can only be discovered during the investigation of natural colloquial speech. Asking the informants for example sentences and phrases, one must keep in mind that the answers may not be fully natural. That is why it is important to investigate everyday conversations and listen for special grammatical features. There are two methods of noting down the materials. One is to directly write down what one has heard, though this is rather problematic and requires high-level skills. The other way is to record samples of speech and write them down afterwards. However, in order to make the samples natural and reliable, one should make sure that the people, whose speech is being recorded, are not aware of this fact.

3.3.2.

Samples of folklore

Folklore includes proverbs, riddles, folk songs, tongue twisters, folk tales, folk performing art, local opera, etc. This kind of data can either be recorded on the spot, or one can use the material collected in book-form. For

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comparative purposes, the informants can, for example, be asked to translate a story into their dialect.

3.3.3.

Samples of language spoken on radio and television

One can also collect samples of speech from local radio and television. This can be useful while researching social dialects, for instance comparing the official broadcasting language with colloquial speech.

3.3.4.

Samples of dialectal literary language

The dialectal literary language includes dialectal literature, translations of the Bible into the vernacular, local textbooks, etc. These materials can be used while investigating the historical dialectal grammar.

Chapter 8 Analysis of The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects

1. Introduction The project of creating The Great Dictionary... was decided upon during the second meeting of the Press and Publication Administration ˄ᮄ䯏ߎ ⠜㕆 Xinwen Chubanshu˅ on the planning of issuing dictionaries and reference books in 1988 (cf. Chen Fengying 1995: 107). The Great Dictionary... is a result of the work of over sixty linguists over a period of more than ten years. The convener of this project was Li Rong, other members of the leadership group included Rong Wenmin, Xiong Zhenghui, Xu Zongwen, Yang Muzhi, Zhang Zhenxing and Zhou Fang. The undertaking was supervised by the Institute of Linguistics of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (cf. Chen Fengying 1995: 107; Yan, M. M. 2006: 33). The authors compiled the data for the dictionary through on-the-spot research. The work was divided into two steps. Firstly, they were going to compile forty dictionaries of dialects of individual localities, although in the end there were forty two volumes.90 Secondly, on the basis of these forty two volumes, a comprehensive edition was published. The whole dictionary, i.e. the dictionaries of individual local dialects and the comprehensive dictionary, were published by the Jiangsu Educational Press ˄∳㢣ᬭ㚆ߎ⠜⼒ Jiangsu Jiaoyu Chubanshe˅ (cf. Li Rong 1993: 1; Chen Fengying 1995: 103). The work on the project of The Great Dictionary... began in the spring of 1991, and in the autumn of 1992 the first dictionaries started being printed. By the end of 1998 the compilation of the individual local dialect dictionaries was completed, excluding Jixi Fangyan Cidian (㒽⑾ᮍ㿔䆡‫)݌‬ [Jixi Dialect Dictionary] (Zhao Rixin 2003). After another four years, the comprehensive edition was published (cf. Li Rong 2002: 1). The two aims of writing the individual dialect dictionaries were “to prepare conditions for editing the comprehensive volume, and to reflect the characteristics of the local dialects” (see Li Rong 1992: 246, 1993: 1).

Introduction

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The Chinese characters in The Great Dictionary... are the unsimplified characters ˄㐕ԧᄫ fánt΃zì˅. For the most part, regular characters are used, though sometimes the non-standard forms are applied (see Li Rong 1992: 253–254, cf. [www 10]).91 If a character is not possible to write down (i.e. a word or a part of it does not have an existing character to write it down), then a square (ƶ) is used to represent it (cf. Chapter 7.2.4.1.). The pronunciation is written down in the IPA. The tones are also noted down according to the IPA transcription, i.e. by the fixed symbols based on the five point scale (cf. Chapter 7.1.5.). 1.1. The composition of the individual local dialect dictionaries92 The forty two individual dialect dictionaries are as follows (in alphabetical order according to the places’ names in pinyin, mentioning all names of authors): Changsha Fangyan Cidian ˄䭓≭ᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Changsha dialect dictionary] ed. Bao Houxing, Cui Zhenhua, Shen Ruoyun and Wu Yunji (1998). Chengdu Fangyan Cidian ˄៤䛑ᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Chengdu dialect dictionary] ed. Liang Deman and Huang Shangjun (1998). Chongming Fangyan Cidian ˄ ዛ ᯢ ᮍ 㿔 䆡 ‫[ ˅ ݌‬Chongming dialect dictionary] ed. Zhang Huiying (1998). Danyang Fangyan Cidian ˄Ѝ䰇ᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Danyang dialect dictionary] ed. Cai Guolu (1998). Dongguan Fangyan Cidian ˄ϰ㥲ᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Dongguan dialect dictionary] ed. Zhan Bohui and Chen Xiaojin (1997). Fuzhou Fangyan Cidian ˄⽣Ꮂᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Fuzhou dialect dictionary] ed. Feng Aizhen (1998). Guangzhou Fangyan Cidian ˄ ᑓ Ꮂ ᮍ 㿔 䆡 ‫[ ˅ ݌‬Guangzhou dialect dictionary] ed. Bai Wanru (2003). Guiyang Fangyan Cidian ˄䌉䰇ᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Guiyang dialect Dictionary] ed. Wang Ping (1998). Haikou Fangyan Cidian ˄⍋ষᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Haikou dialect dictionary] ed. Chen Hongmai (1996). Hangzhou Fangyan Cidian ˄ᵁᎲᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Hangzhou dialect dictionary] ed. Bao Shijie (1998).

130 Analysis of The Great Dictionary Ha’erbin Fangyan Cidian ˄જᇨⒼᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Harbin dialect dictionary] ed. Yin Shichao (1997). Jian’ou Fangyan Cidian ˄ᓎ⫃ᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Jian’ou dialect dictionary] ed. Li Rulong and Pan Weishui (1998). Jinan Fangyan Cidian ˄⌢फᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Jinan dialect dictionary] ed. Qian Zengyi (1997). Jinhua Fangyan Cidian ˄䞥ढᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Jinhua dialect dictionary] ed. Cao Zhiyun (1998). Jixi Fangyan Cidian ˄㒽⑾ᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Jixi dialect dictionary] ed. Zhao Rixin (2003). Leizhou Fangyan Cidian ˄䳋Ꮂᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Leizhou dialect dictionary] ed. Zhang Zhenxing and Cai Yeqing (1998). Lichuan Fangyan Cidian ˄咢Ꮁᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Lichuan dialect dictionary] ed. Yan Sen (1995). Liuzhou Fangyan Cidian ˄᷇Ꮂᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Liuzhou dialect dictionary] ed. Liu Cunhan (1998). Loudi Fangyan Cidian ˄࿘ᑩᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Loudi dialect dictionary] ed. Yan Qinghui and Liu Lihua (1998). Luoyang Fangyan Cidian ˄⋯䰇ᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Luoyang dialect dictionary] ed. He Wei (1996). Meixian Fangyan Cidian ˄ṙওᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Meixian dialect dictionary] ed. Huang Xuezhen (1998). Muping Fangyan Cidian ˄⠳ᑇᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Muping dialect dictionary] ed. Luo Futeng (1997). Nanchang Fangyan Cidian ˄फᯠᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Nanchang dialect dictionary] ed. Xiong Zhenghui (1998). Nanjing Fangyan Cidian ˄फҀᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Nanjing dialect dictionary] ed. Liu Danqing (1995). Nanning Pinghua Cidian ˄फᅕᑇ䆱䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Nanning Pinghua Dictionary] ed. Qin Yuanxiong, Wei Shuguan and Bian Chenglin (1997). Ningbo Fangyan Cidian ˄ᅕ⊶ᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Ningbo dialect dictionary] ed. Tang Zhenzhu, Chen Zhongmin and Wu Xinxian (1997). Pingxiang Fangyan Cidian ˄㧡еᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Pingxiang dialect dictionary] ed. Wei Gangqiang (1998). Shanghai Fangyan Cidian ˄Ϟ⍋ᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Shanghai dialect dictionary] ed. Xu Baohua and Tao Huan (1997). Suzhou Fangyan Cidian ˄㢣Ꮂᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Suzhou dialect dictionary] ed. Ye Xiangling (1998).

Introduction

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Taiyuan Fangyan Cidian ˄໾ॳᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Taiyuan dialect dictionary] ed. Shen Ming (1998). Wanrong Fangyan Cidian ˄ϛ㤷ᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Wanrong dialect dictionary] ed. Wu Jiansheng and Zhao Hongyin (1997). Wenzhou Fangyan Cidian ˄⏽Ꮂᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Wenzhou dialect dictionary] ed. You Rujie and Yang Ganming (1998). Wuhan Fangyan Cidian ˄℺∝ᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Wuhan dialect dictionary] ed. Zhu Jiansong (1998). Wulumuqi Fangyan Cidian ˄ Р 剕 ᳼ 唤 ᮍ 㿔 䆡 ‫[ ˅ ݌‬Ürümqi dialect dictionary] ed. Zhou Lei (1998). Xi’an Fangyan Cidian ˄㽓ᅝᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Xi’an dialect dictionary] ed. Wang Junhu (1996). Xining Fangyan Cidian ˄㽓ᅕᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Xining dialect dictionary] ed. Zhang Chengcai (1998). Xiamen Fangyan Cidian ˄ॺ䮼ᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Xiamen dialect dictionary] ed. Zhou Changji (1998). Xinzhou Fangyan Cidian ˄ᗏᎲᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Xinzhou dialect dictionary] ed. Wen Duanzheng and Zhang Guangming (1998). Xuzhou Fangyan Cidian ˄ᕤᎲᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Xuzhou dialect dictionary] ed. Su Xiaoqing and Lü Yongwei (1996). Yangzhou Fangyan Cidian ˄ᡀᎲᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Yangzhou dialect dictionary] ed. Wang Shihua and Huang Jilin (1996). Yinchuan Fangyan Cidian ˄䫊Ꮁᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Yinchuan dialect dictionary] ed. Li Shuyan and Zhang Ansheng (1996). Yudu Fangyan Cidian ˄Ѣ䛑ᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Yudu dialect dictionary] ed. Xie Liuwen (1998). These dictionaries are all arranged according to the same pattern, however aberrations can be found. At the very beginning of each volume, there is a general introduction by Professor Li Rong (which can also be found in Fangyan [Li Rong 1993]). The rest is composed of three parts: an introduction, the dictionary proper and indexes (cf. Zhang Zhenxing 2000b: 99). The introduction usually includes eight parts (cf. Zhang Zhenxing 2000b: 108–109; Li Rong 1992: 246–247; [www 10]): 1. A brief description of the geographical features of the place, its history and population, i.e. various factors which have an influence on the linguistic situation. 2. Internal differences of the local dialect, including geographical differences and differences depending on the age of the users. The

132 Analysis of The Great Dictionary question of age divergence is closely bound with the dissimilarities between the language of the younger and the older generations. The geographical differences include disparities between the city and the suburbs or countryside, as well as between various parts of the town. 3. A description of the phonetic system of the dialect, i.e. the initials, final and tones; including tone sandhi and other phenomena. 4. Table of single characters ˄ऩᄫ䷇㸼 dƗnzì yƯnbi΁o˅ (see Chapter 7.1.2.3.). Each syllable is represented by one character. If an existing syllable does not have a character to represent it, an empty circle is placed in its place93 All the syllables written down as circles, as well as non-standard characters, are explained below the table. 5. The characteristics of the given dialect, in pronunciation, vocabulary and grammar. This is the most important part of the introduction. 6. A guide to the use of the dictionary, the explanation of symbols used etc. 7. An annotation of the characters frequently used in the examples in the dictionary. This part is intended to be a help to the user, so that there is no need to search the dictionary for every word in the examples. 8. A list of syllables of the given dialect. The syllables written down in the IPA are arranged according to the order in the table of single characters (see above). Next to each syllable, the number of the page on which it appears in the dictionary is given. The entries in the dictionary proper are arranged phonetically according to the final, initial and tone. The order of the syllables is written down in point (3) of the introduction. Entries with the same pronunciation are arranged according to the number of strokes. To make it easier to look up words, there are two indexes at the end of each volume. The first one arranges the entries in thematic order. In the other one the entries are put in the order according to the number of strokes of the first character. The average number of entries is 8000, though the largest number is around 10000 (the dictionaries of Guangzhou and Fuzhou), the smallest one is 7000 (Xining and Jian’ou) (cf. Zhang Zhenxing 2000b: 99). In order to make comparisons possible, the Committee of the Dialect Dictionary Compilation prepared a list especially for the study of dialects

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for The Great Dictionary... – Chinese Dialect Lexicon Survey List ˄∝䇁 ᮍ 㿔 䆡 ∛ 䇗 ᶹ 㸼 Hanyu Fangyan Cihui Diaochabiao ˅ , containing around 2000 entries (for further details concerning the Lexicon Survey List, see also Chapter 8.2.3.) (cf. Zhang Zhenxing 2000b: 109–110). The Committee decided on 3500 obligatory entries for each dictionary, the rest of the entries are specific local words (cf. [www 10]; Zhang Zhenxing 2000b: 99). Entries in the thematic index are arranged roughly according to the list, taking the specific local words into consideration. If the meaning of an entry does not differ from the standard use i.e. from the meaning the characters have in Putonghua, then the explanation is based on the Xiandai Hanyu Cidian˄⦄ҷ∝䇁䆡‫( ˅݌‬The Contemporary Chinese Dictionary) (Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo Cidian Bianjishi 2002).94 If the meaning of an entry differs from the standard one, the explanation is given in Putonghua. If the entry is specific to the region, the explanation also comes in Putonghua (see Li Rong 1992: 251–252).

1.2. The composition of the comprehensive edition The comprehensive edition of The Great Dictionary... (Li Rong 2002) consists of six volumes. Beside the preface and the guide to the use of the dictionary, there are three main parts: introductions to all the forty two local dialects which were investigated for the project (pp. 1–263); an index of characters, arranged according to the number of strokes (pp. 1–33); the dictionary proper (pp. 1–6556). The introductions to the individual dialects include uniformed points 1, 2, 3, 5 and 7 from the separate volumes: 1. A brief description of the geographical features of the place, its history and population 2. The geographical differences and differences between generations within the dialect of the place 3. A description of the phonological system of the dialect 4. The characteristics of the given dialect in pronunciation, vocabulary and grammar 5. A list of the characters frequently used in the examples in the dictionary. The entries in the dictionary proper are arranged according to the number of strokes. If an entry has the same meaning in several dialects, first the

134 Analysis of The Great Dictionary pronunciation in each of them is given, then the explanation in Putonghua. The entries are collected from all the separate volumes. The comprehensive edition is a collection of the individual dictionaries, but improvements have been made. A few years had passed between the publication of the individual dictionaries, especially the earliest ones, and the comprehensive edition. Naturally, the linguistic situation of the dialects had already changed by then, and so the comprehensive edition takes this fact into account. Most of the explanations in the comprehensive edition remain the same as in the individual dictionaries, but some have been corrected and improved. Over 500 entries have been added compared with the separate volumes (cf. Xiandai Hanyu Fangyan Da Cidian zongheben chuban 2003: 197).

2. Methods of research for The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects95 Most of the authors of The Great Dictionary... are either native speakers of the dialect they have described, or they have lived in the place for a long time and are well acquainted with the local speech. In this way, they have been able to study the dialect thoroughly (cf. Zhang Zhenxing 2000b: 99). The list of authors includes probably all of the outstanding modern Chinese dialectologists.

2.1. The choice of informants Questionees were chosen according to the following rules: One could choose individuals belonging to different age groups, to make the results more accurate. Elderly people were rather supposed to be chosen for describing the phonetic system, as they are believed to preserve the local characteristics of the dialect, while younger generations tend to succumb to influences of the outer world, especially to the influence of Putonghua (cf. Li Rong 1992: 243). The best type of informant was to be of rather old age. He/she should not have experienced a lot of influence of other dialects and should be able to speak an unadulterated variety of the particular dialect.96 A note about the main informants can usually be found at the end of the second part (or at other places, including postscripts) of the introductions to the individual dialect dictionaries and in the collected introductions in the

Methods of research for The Dictionary

135

comprehensive edition. Unfortunately, nearly half of all the dictionaries do not contain this information (Harbin, Wuhan, Guiyang, Liuzhou, Xi’an, Xining, Xinzhou, Jixi, Chongming, Hangzhou, Changsha, Nanchang, Pingxiang, Guangzhou, Dongguan, Jian’ou, Xiamen, Haikou). Where the information exists, the number of main informants listed varies from one (Xuzhou, Jinhua, Loudi) to five (Nanjing). The version of a certain dialect which has been chosen for the description is usually that of the urban area, the oldest part of town, and at the same time of the old generation (Wenzhou, where the language of the new generation is the basis, is an exception, cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 166; You and Yang ed. 1998: 6). The informants belong generally to the old generation; nevertheless younger varieties are also taken into consideration, especially for the analysis of vocabulary. Most of the informants are of Han nationality, though in some dictionaries, other Chinese-speaking nationalities have been interviewed in addition (the Hui in Jinan, Nanjing, Yinchuan, Ürümqi). Some of the introductions include additional information about the informants’ background, such as place of residence, place of birth and where he/she has lived, if not one’s whole life was spent in the same place (which is the most frequent situation), education and occupation. The professions of the informants include teachers, medical doctors, folk-art performers, workers, housewives, office workers, farmers, businessmen, a hairdresser. There are both men and women, with a slight majority of men. What raises some doubts is the number of people interviewed. Where the names are mentioned, only one to five are listed as main informants, which might mean that they are dictionaries of idiolects, not dialects. The choice of elderly people who have not spent much time outside their place of living, seems rational as the aim was to record the oldest and most “genuine” variety, although Chambers and Trudgill (2003: 47) suggest that this group of informants does not necessarily represent the most typical dialect of a place, but the most conservative variety. On the other hand, the description of the cross-section of the language can be found in the chapters about internal diversification.

136 Analysis of The Great Dictionary 2.2. Phonetics The foundation for the research of the phonetic system of the local dialects was Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao (Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo 2002, see Chapter 7.1.1.). The phonetic system was described on the basis of consultations with native speakers of the given speech. To begin with, the method of writing down what one had heard was to be used. Gradually, this turned into a systematic method, but one had to complement the system permanently, as new phenomena could appear (cf. Li Rong 1992: 244–245).

2.3. Vocabulary As was mentioned above (see Chapter 8.1.1.), a special list was made for the purpose of studying the vocabulary of the dialects, ∝䇁ᮍ㿔䆡∛䇗ᶹ 㸼 (Hanyu Fangyan Cihui Diaochabiao) [Chinese dialect lexicon survey list]. The list consists of around 2000 entries, which were mainly words in common use (cf. Zhang Zhenxing 2000b: 109). It included all the entries from Ding Shengshu 1989 (see Chapter 7.2.1.1.), the main entries from Yuyan Yanjiusuo Fangyanzu 1981 (see Chapter 7.2.1.2.), as well as new entries (cf. Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo Fangyan Yanjiushi Ziliaoshi 2003: 6). Authors were allowed to extend the list with entries characteristic for the given dialect. The basic list included 29 categories (see Zhang Zhenxing 2000b: 112): (1) astronomy; (2) geography; (3) season, time; (4) agriculture; (5) flora; (6) animals; (7) houses, buildings; (8) utensils; (9) terms of address; (10) kinship; (11) body; (12) diseases, medical treatment; (13) clothing; (14) food and drink; (15) weddings and funerals; (16) daily life; (17) litigation; (18) communication; (19) commerce, transportation; (20) education; (21) recreational and sport activities; (22) movement; action; (23) positions; (24) pronouns and the like; (25) adjectives; (26) adverbs, prepositions and the like; (27) measure words; (28) affixes; (29) numerals and the like. These categories were further divided into subcategories and complemented with local features. The authors were at liberty to add categories, as long as the order was not changed too much. The list was also used as the thematic index (see Chapter 8.1.1.; Chapter 9.3.1.).

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137

2.4. Grammar The grammatical system of dialects was not analysed according to any specific guidelines, there was no list which was to be used as a model, and thus there is a lack of a common paradigm. The authors designed the materials for research in grammar to suit their particular needs. Generally, the characteristics of Putonghua served as the base, and special features of the dialect in question were added. One could also study the grammar through recordings of linguistic material.97

3. The choice of dialect localities for The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects The number of local dialects included in one dictionary is truly impressive and there is no doubt about the monumental role which The Great Dictionary... plays in the course of Chinese dialectology. However, some deficiencies are also perceptible. The forty two local dialects ˄ᮍ㿔⚍ fƗngyándi΁n˅ chosen for The Great Dictionary... are to be representatives of the most important dialect groups and subgroups as divided in the Language Atlas of China (cf. Zhang Zhenxing 2000b: 98; Xiandai Hanyu Fangyan Da Cidian fenjuanben chuban zuotanhui 1999: 87–88). For big dialect groups, usually three or four dialect localities were chosen, in order to make comparisons possible (cf. [www 10]). Originally there were also plans to compile a dictionary of the Beijing dialect to cover the Beijing Mandarin group, and of Shexian ˄ℭও˅ in Anhui Province as a representative of the Hui dialect group, but due to some mishap, this never happened (cf. Zhang Zhenxing 2000b: 98). Later, the Jixi ˄㒽⑾˅ dialect was added to cover the latter of these gaps (cf. Zhao Rixin ed. 2003: 410). The places were also chosen according to the actual situation and possibilities. Surely, many more localities could be found and their dialects described, but there were not enough specialists who could do this appropriately, mainly because of the Cultural Revolution, which has left a gap in the continuation of Chinese dialectology. A question which can cause some trouble to the reader of The Great Dictionary... is that the linguistic affiliation of each dialect locality is not always clearly defined. A large number of the descriptions seem to take it

138 Analysis of The Great Dictionary for granted that everybody knows which dialect group and subgroup the local dialect belongs to. Such is the case with the descriptions of Harbin, Xuzhou, Liuzhou, Luoyang, Xining, Wanrong, Taiyuan, Xinzhou, Jixi, Ningbo, Pingxiang, Haikou. In other introductions only an unspecified affiliation can be found (or guessed at), for example indicating the dialect group only, not the subgroup (Nanjing, Wuhan, Chengdu, Guizhou, Danyang, Chongming, Shanghai, Suzhou, Meixian, Nanning, Dongguan, Fuzhou). When the dialectal affiliation of a locality is fully defined, it does not appear at the same place in all the introductions, it can be found either in the first, second or fifth part, which may be confusing. In a work strictly concerning dialects, such relevant information should rather be stated in a definite manner, preferably at the same place in all the introductions.

3.1. Representativeness of dialect localities included in The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects While referring to such an extraordinary work as The Great Dictionary..., the question arises whether or not the described local dialects are representatives of their groups and subgroups, and if they fully cover the dialectal areas of China.

3.1.1.

Proportion between representatives of various dialect groups

The following table pictures the number of local dialects chosen for each of the groups and subgroups. The dialect localities are written next to each subgroup into which they have been classified according to the Atlas (see Chapter 6.3.):98 Table 15. Dialect groups and subgroups and their representatives in The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects. Dialect group/subgroup Northeastern Mandarin group Jishen subgroup Hafu subgroup Heisong subgroup

Representatives of dialects in The Great Dictionary... Harbin ˄જᇨⒼ˅ -

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[Table 15. cont.] Dialect group/subgroup Beijing Mandarin group Jingshi subgroup Huaicheng subgroup Chaofeng subgroup Shike subgroup Jilu Mandarin group Baotang subgroup Shiji subgroup Canghui subgroup Jiaoliao Mandarin group Qingzhou subgroup Denglian subgroup Gaihuan subgroup Central Plains Mandarin group Zhengcao subgroup Cailu subgroup Luoxu subgroup Xinbeng subgroup Fenhe subgroup Guanzhong subgroup Qinlong subgroup Longzhong subgroup Nanjiang subgroup Lanyin Mandarin group Jincheng subgroup Yinwu subgroup Hexi subgroup Tami subgroup Southwestern Mandarin group Chengyu subgroup Dianxi subgroup Qianbei subgroup Kungui subgroup Guanchi subgroup Ebei subgroup Wutian subgroup Cenjiang subgroup

Representatives of dialects in The Great Dictionary... Jinan ˄⌢फ˅ Muping ˄⠳ᑇ˅ Xuzhou ˄ᕤᎲ˅ Luoyang ˄⋯䰇˅ Wanrong ˄ϛ㤷˅ Xi’an ˄㽓ᅝ˅ Xining ˄㽓ᅕ˅ Yinchuan ˄䫊Ꮁ˅ Ürümqi ˄Р剕᳼唤˅ Chengdu ˄៤䛑˅ Guiyang ˄䌉䰇˅ Wuhan ˄℺∝˅ -

140 Analysis of The Great Dictionary [Table 15. cont.] Dialect group/subgroup Qiannan subgroup Xiangnan subgroup Guiliu subgroup Changhe subgroup Jianghuai Mandarin group Hongchao subgroup Tairu subgroup Huangxiao subgroup Jin dialect group Bingzhou subgroup Lüliang subgroup Shangdang subgroup Wutai subgroup Dabao subgroup Zhanghu subgroup Hanxin subgroup Zhiyan subgroup Wu dialect group Taihu subgroup

Taizhou subgroup Oujiang subgroup Wuzhou subgroup Chuqu subgroup Xuanzhou subgroup Hui dialect group Jishe subgroup Xiuyi subgroup Qide subgroup Yanzhou subgroup Jingzhan subgroup

Representatives of dialects in The Great Dictionary... Liuzhou ˄᷇Ꮂ˅ Nanjing ˄फҀ˅ Yangzhou ˄ᡀᎲ˅ Taiyuan ˄໾ॳ˅ Xinzhou ˄ᗏᎲ˅ Danyang ˄Ѝ䰇˅ Suzhou ˄㢣Ꮂ˅ Shanghai ˄Ϟ⍋˅ Chongming ˄ዛᯢ˅ Hangzhou ˄ᵁᎲ˅ Ningbo ˄ᅕ⊶˅ Wenzhou ˄⏽Ꮂ˅ Jinhua ˄䞥ढ˅ Jixi ˄㒽⑾˅ -

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[Table 15. cont.] Dialect group/subgroup Gan dialect group Changjing subgroup Yiliu subgroup Jicha subgroup Fuguang subgroup Yingyi subgroup Datong subgroup Leizi subgroup Dongsui subgroup Huaiyue subgroup Xiang dialect group Changyi subgroup Loushao subgroup Jixu subgroup Min dialect supergroup Southern Min group Puxian group Eastern Min group Northern Min group Central Min group Qiongwen group Leizhou group Shaojiang group Yue dialect group Guangfu subgroup Yongxun subgroup Gaoyang subgroup Siyi subgroup Goulou subgroup Wuhua subgroup Qinlian subgroup Pinghua dialect group Guibei subgroup Guinan subgroup Hakka dialect group Yuetai subgroup Yuezhong subgroup

Representatives of dialects in The Great Dictionary... Nanchang ˄फᯠ˅ Pingxiang ˄㧡е˅ Lichuan ˄咢Ꮁ˅ Changsha ˄䭓≭˅ Loudi ˄࿘ᑩ˅ Xiamen ˄ॺ䮼˅ Fuzhou ˄⽣Ꮂ˅ Jian’ou ˄ᓎ⫃˅ Haikou ˄⍋ষ˅ Leizhou ˄䳋Ꮂ˅ Dongguan ˄ϰ㥲˅ Guangzhou ˄ᑓᎲ˅ Nanning ˄फᅕ˅ Meixian ˄ṙও˅ -

142 Analysis of The Great Dictionary [Table 15. cont.] Dialect group/subgroup

Representatives of dialects in The Great Dictionary...

Huizhou subgroup Yuebei subgroup Tingzhou subgroup Ninglong subgroup Yugui subgroup Tonggu subgroup

Yudu ˄Ѣ䛑˅ -

The rough percentage of subgroups of each group covered by The Great Dictionary... is shown in the following diagram: 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 1

2

3

4

5

6

1. Northeastern Mandarin group 2. Beijing Mandarin group 3. Jilu Mandarin group 4. Jiaoliao Mandarin group 5. Central Plains Mandarin group 6. Lanyin Mandarin group 7. Southwestern Mandarin group 8. Jianghuai Mandarin group 9. Jin dialect group

7

8

9

10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18

10. Wu dialect group 11. Hui dialect group 12. Gan dialect group 13. Xiang dialect group 14. Min dialect supergroup 15. Yue dialect group 16. Pinghua dialect group 17. Hakka dialect group 18. Overall

Diagram 1. Percentage of subgroups of each dialect group covered by The Great Dictionary...

The Mandarin supergroup has 16 representative dialects altogether, described in The Great Dictionary.... Percentage-wise, the best described Mandarin group is the Lanyin group (50% of all subgroups are covered).

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143

Of all the dialects, the Xiang dialect group is best covered in terms of percentage. Two out of three subgroups have their representatives in The Great Dictionary.... The dialect group, which has the smallest percentage of subgroups described, is Yue. Only one of seven subgroups is taken into account. Even though there are two dialect localities in The Great Dictionary..., they belong to the same subgroup. Some of the subgroups have more than one exemplary dialect included in the dictionary. For example, the Luoxu subgroup of the Central Plains Mandarin group, the Hongchao subgroup of the Jianghuai Mandarin group, the Guangfu subgroup of the Yue dialect group, each has two dialect localities described. The best described subgroup is clearly the Taihu subgroup of the Wu dialect group – it has six representatives, of which the Suhujia cluster has three dialect localities, Piling, Hangzhou and Yongjiang clusters – one each. Overall, 34 out of 97 of all the existing subgroups, which constitutes 35%, have been included in the dictionary. The maps on the following pages show the distribution of the examined localities. Map 1. and Map 2. are a compilation of two sources: The Great Dictionary... and the Atlas. The distribution of the ten main dialect groups has been drawn in accordance with the Atlas (map A2) and the forty two dialect localities of The Great Dictionary… have been placed within the borders. An analysis of these maps denotes forthcoming conclusions on the imperfect correlation between three factors: territorial extent, number of speakers and density of the forty two dialect localities.

11144 Analysis of the Great Dictionary44

Map 1. Distribution of the forty two dialect localities of The Great Dictionary of Dictionaty of Modern Modern Chinese Chinese Dialects Dialects

The choice of dialect localities

Map 2. Distribution of the dialect localities of The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects in southern China

145

146 Analysis of The Great Dictionary The absence of the Beijing dialect The lack of an example of the Beijing Mandarin group constitutes a large deficiency. Zhang Zhenxing (2000b: 98) claims, that this shortcoming can be overcome by existing dictionaries of the Beijing dialect, of which he lists a few. Nevertheless, it is a serious shortcoming that it has not been added to this large-scale project, especially as the Beijing dialect is used as a point of reference for describing the characteristics of many of the forty two dialects in The Great Dictionary....

3.1.2.

Geographical coverage of The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects

Table 16. illustrates the geographical coverage of The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects. Table 16. Provinces/A.R./Municipalities/S.A.R. and their representatives in The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects. Province/A.R./Municipality/S.A.R. Anhui Province Beijing Municipality Chongqing Municipality Fujian Province

Gansu Province Guangdong Province

Guangxi Zhuang A.R. Guizhou Province Hainan Province Hebei Province Heilongjiang Province Henan Province Hong Kong S.A.R.

Dialect localities Jixi Fuzhou Jian’ou Xiamen Dongguan Guangzhou Leizhou Meixian Nanning Liuzhou Guiyang Haikou Harbin Luoyang -

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147

[Table 16. cont.] Province/A.R./Municipality/S.A.R. Hubei Province Hunan Province Inner Mongolia A.R. Jiangsu Province

Jiangxi Province

Jilin Province Liaoning Province Macau S.A.R. Ningxia Hui A.R. Qinghai Province Shaanxi Province Shandong Province Shanghai Municipality Shanxi Province

Sichuan Province Taiwan Tianjin Municipality Tibetan A.R. Xinjiang Uygur A.R. Yunnan Province Zhejiang Province

Dialect localities Wuhan Changsha Loudi Danyang Nanjing Suzhou Xuzhou Yangzhou Lichuan Nanchang Pingxiang Yudu Yinchuan Xining Xi’an Jinan Muping Chongming Shanghai Taiyuan Wanrong Xinzhou Chengdu Ürümqi Hangzhou Jinhua Ningbo Wenzhou

Not every province (or other provincial-level administrative unit) has a representative in The Great Dictionary..., while others have several each.

148 Analysis of The Great Dictionary Most of the provinces covered by The Great Dictionary... have their capitals included in the descriptions. It is a shame that the dialects of Hong Kong and Macau S.A.R., as well as of Taiwan, have not been included on the list, as these regions are, due to their specific status, without doubt a very interesting field of investigation for dialectologists. There are unquestionably regions which still need to be explored and their dialects described. On the other hand, some areas are portrayed in great detail. This may, however, be explained in part by the diversity of some dialectal areas, and general uniformity of others. The Mandarin dialect is comparatively uniform in nature, disregarding the large expanse, while the dialects in the southeast are much more diversified. Most of the non-described provinces (Beijing, Chongqing, Gansu, Hebei, Jilin, Liaoning, Tianjin, Yunnan) belong either wholly or in the largest part to the Mandarin dialect area. The Inner Mongolia and Tibetan A.R. belong (except for minor regions in Inner Mongolia) to areas of non-Chinese languages (cf. Atlas: A1, A2).

3.1.3.

Proportions between number of speakers and number of described dialect localities

The following diagram illustrates the comparison between the percentage of users of each dialect group and the percentage of dialect localities (i.e. volumes of the Dictionary) belonging to each group out of the forty two included in The Great Dictionary.... The columns on the left-hand-side represent the volumes in The Great Dictionary..., the columns on the righthand-side – the percentage of speakers. The percentage of speakers has been calculated according to the data found in Li Rong 1989a: 241, out of 977,270,000 speakers of the Chinese language.

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149

70

60

50

40

30

20

10

0 1

1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

2

3

Mandarin (16 localities) Jin (2 localities) Wu (8 localities) Hui (1 locality) Gan (3 localities)

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

6. Xiang (2 localities) 7. Min (5 localities) 8. Yue (2 localities) 9. Pinghua (1 locality) 10. Hakka (2 localities)

Diagram 2. Percentage of volumes in The Great Dictionary... against the percentage of speakers of each dialect group.

The Mandarin dialect, which is spoken by 67.8% of all users of Chinese, has also the most representatives in The Great Dictionary.... Although there is a disproportion between the two numbers in terms of percentage, it is justified by the general uniformity of Mandarin dialects. The two smallest dialect groups (Hui and Pinghua) have only one representative dialect described in The Great Dictionary.... The Wu, Min and Gan dialects have proportionally the most dialect localities included in The Great Dictionary....

150 Analysis of The Great Dictionary 3.2. Representatives of dialects in previous surveys Authors who describe the characteristics of Chinese dialect groups choose representative places as the basis for their description. In Table 17. a choice of the most prominent works, in which such descriptions are present, is included and the portrayed dialect localities are listed. The chosen works are as follows: 1. Wang Li 1982. Hanyu Yinyunxue ˄ ∝ 䇁 ䷇ ䷉ ᄺ ) [Chinese Phonology] See Chapter 5.2.5. Yuan Jiahua 2003. Hanyu Fangyan Gaiyao (Di’er Ban) ˄∝䇁ᮍ 㿔ὖ㽕˄㄀Ѡ⠜˅˅ [An Outline of Chinese Dialects (Second edition)] See Chapter 5.2.14. 2. Beijing Daxue Zhongguo Yuyan Wenxuexi Yuyanxuejiao Yanjiushi 2003. Hanyu Fangyin Zihui. Di’er Ban Chongpai Ben. ˄∝䇁ᮍ ䷇ᄫ∛DŽ㄀Ѡ⠜䞡ᥦᴀ˅ [Dictionary of pronunciation of characters in Chinese dialects. Second edition recomposed] and Beijing Daxue Zhongguo Yuyan Wenxuexi Yuyanxuejiao Yanjiushi 2005. Hanyu Fangyan Cihui. Di’er Ban. ˄∝䇁ᮍ㿔䆡∛DŽ㄀Ѡ ⠜˅ [Lexicon of Chinese dialects. Second edition]. Two classic works in the field of Chinese dialectology. They consist of a large amount of data for the comparison of dialect pronunciation of characters and vocabulary. The first editions (∝ 䇁ᮍ䷇ᄫ∛ Hanyu Fangyin Zihui in 1962, ∝䇁ᮍ㿔䆡∛ Hanyu Fangyan Cihui in 1964) were compiled under the leadership of Yuan Jiahua, the re-editions (first published in 1989 and 1995 respectively) – led by Wang Futang (cf. Gan Yu’en 2005: 238–239). 3. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004. Hanyu Fangyan ji Fangyan Diaocha ˄∝ 䇁ᮍ㿔ঞᮍ㿔䇗ᶹ˅ [Chinese Dialects and the Study of Dialects]. One of the basic handbooks for the students of Chinese dialects (cf. Gan Yu’en 2005: 234, see also Chapter 5.1.1.2.). 4. You Rujie 2004. Hanyu Fangyanxue Jiaocheng ˄∝䇁ᮍ㿔ᄺᬭ ⿟˅ [A Course in Chinese Dialectology]. A popular manual in Chinese dialectology. 5. Hou Jingyi ed. 2004. Xiandai Hanyu Fangyan Yinku˄⦄ҷ∝䇁ᮍ 㿔䷇ᑧ˅ [Sound database of Chinese dialects]. A sound database of 40 dialect localities.

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155

Compared with the earlier works, The Great Dictionary..., apart from including a larger number of dialect localities, differs somewhat in the choice of representatives. The Beijing dialect has been described by all the six authors in question as an example of the Mandarin group, but has been omitted in The Great Dictionary... (see Chapter 8.3.1.1.). All the places, except for Hefei ˄ড় 㙹˅, chosen by Beijing Daxue Zhongguo Yuyan Wenxuexi Yuyanxuejiao Yanjiushi, are listed in The Great Dictionary.... The Taiyuan ˄໾ॳ˅ dialect, due to a different classification in The Great Dictionary..., belongs to the Jin group. Suzhou ˄㢣Ꮂ˅ is the most often chosen representative of the Wu dialect, also included in The Great Dictionary.... Wenzhou ˄⏽Ꮂ˅, mentioned by Beijing Daxue Zhongguo Yuyan Wenxuexi Yuyanxuejiao Yanjiushi, as well as Shanghai ˄Ϟ⍋˅, by Zhan Bohui, are also part of The Great Dictionary.... The Yongkang ˄∌ᒋ˅ dialect, selected by Yuan Jiahua in order to supplement the description of the dialects of southern Zhejiang (Yuan Jiahua 2003: 57), is not listed in The Great Dictionary.... The authors seem to agree about the importance of Nanchang ˄फᯠ˅, Changsha ˄䭓≭˅, Xiamen ˄ॺ䮼˅, Fuzhou ˄⽣Ꮂ˅, Guangzhou ˄ᑓᎲ˅, and Meixian ˄ṙও˅ as representatives of their respective dialect groups. Shuangfeng ˄ঠዄ˅ which seems to play an important role in other classifications as an example of the Xiang group (in the earlier works it was to represent the Old Xiang variety), is not mentioned by The Great Dictionary..., nor by Hou Jingyi ed. 2004. Wang Li (1982) uses the classification into five dialect groups; Yuan Jiahua (2003), Beijing Daxue Zhongguo Yuyan Wenxuexi Yuyanxuejiao Yanjiushi (2003, 2005), Zhan Bohui et al. (2004) – into seven. Therefore there is no comparison with respect to the Jin, Pinghua and Hui groups. You Rujie (2004) is of the same opinion as The Great Dictionary... regarding Taiyuan ˄໾ॳ˅ as the model dialect for the Jin group, Jixi ˄㒽⑾˅ – for Hui and Nanning ˄फᅕ˅ – for Pinghua. Hou Jingyi’s edition (2004) portrays a comparative number of dialect localities as The Great Dictionary..., namely 40. Both works share ten of the local dialects chosen for the Mandarin supergroup. Regarding the Jin dialect, Taiyuan ˄໾ॳ˅ is the common choice, while the remaining localities are not the same. The cities chosen by Hou Jingyi ed. for the Wu dialect are all included in The Great Dictionary..., though the latter does contain a bigger number of them. Concerning the Hui dialect, there is a full discrepancy: The Great Dictionary... has chosen Jixi, while Hou Jingyi –

156 Analysis of The Great Dictionary Shexian ˄ℭও˅ and Tunxi ˄ቃ⑾˅. Nonetheless, as mentioned previously (see Chapter 8.3.), Shexian ˄ℭও˅ was originally supposed to be included in The Great Dictionary.... There is no big disagreement as regards the Min dialect. Only the absence of a representative of the dialects of Taiwan in The Great Dictionary... can cause some feeling of regret. Hou Jingyi does not take into account the classification of Pinghua as a separate group (cf. Chapter 6.4.3.), hence the Nanning ˄फᅕ˅ dialect appears as an example of Yue. The dialect of Hong Kong ˄佭␃ Xianggang˅ is an interesting representative of this dialect group, which has not been described in The Great Dictionary.... The Meixian ˄ṙও˅ dialect is selected by both works as representative for Hakka, however the second choice is different – Taoyuan ˄ḗು˅ in Hou Jingyi’s work and Yudu ˄Ѣ䛑˅ in The Great Dictionary....

3.3. Conclusions The forty two local dialects chosen for The Great Dictionary... give the best panoramic overview hitherto of the linguistic situation in China, though not without some shortcomings. One of the decisive factors for choosing the dialect localities for The Great Dictionary... was the availability of specialists. Most of the places which are commonly considered as the models for particular dialects have been included. At the same time, prominent dialectologists were asked to describe their native dialects and thus these localities also became a part of the project.99 Once the dialectal affiliation is defined, it becomes clear that almost all of the dialect groups have been covered by The Great Dictionary.... The only deficiency is the Beijing Mandarin Group. The proportions between the numbers of representatives of various subgroups are not even, mostly because of the number of specialists who were “at hand”. And thus for example the Wu dialect has the most representatives, simply because there are comparatively many specialists in this particular dialect group.100 Geographically, not all the provinces have been included in the project, but this problem is of secondary importance, as the linguistic factors are decisive. Nonetheless, the lack of representatives of some of the geographical areas, such as Taiwan, Hong Kong and Macau, leave some feeling of regret because of their importance in the communication with the outside world.

Background overview of explored places

157

The proportion between the number of speakers and number of dialect localities described in The Great Dictionary... has been essentially kept, with the exception of the Wu dialect which has proportionally the most representatives. In comparison with earlier dialectologists, most of the dialect localities regarded by them as models of the groups in question have been included in The Great Dictionary..., yet some important ones have been omitted (see Table 17).

4. Background overview of explored places In this section, territorial guidelines of the places whose dialects have been chosen for The Great Dictionary... are presented, on the basis of introductions to individual volumes. The information which can be found in the introductions (both in the individual volumes and in the comprehensive edition) lacks uniformity. The data about the population, for example, comes from very different periods of time and different sources. The percentage of various nationalities is not always given. In some of the dictionaries a lot of linguistically relevant information is provided (e.g. about migrations, influence of minorities, etc.), while others do not give a clear account of the factors which have shaped the dialect. The places are arranged in the same order as in the first volume of the comprehensive edition of The Great Dictionary.... The data concerning population is also given according to the information in the comprehensive edition (Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 1–263); it may differ slightly from the figures found in the individual dictionaries. Where it is not stated otherwise, the Han is the major nationality, constituting over 99% of the population. In such cases the ethnic minorities are not listed, as they do not have a great influence on the dialect of the place. The numbers of the populations are most often outdated, yet they were more or less valid at the time of the compilation of the dictionaries.101 Only the most important facts which could have an impact on the dialects in question are described below, based on the introductions to the individual dictionaries (also found in the comprehensive edition, Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 1–263). Due to the diversity of the introductions, the amount of information put forward here varies. For more details, especially regarding the history of the places, the reader is referred to the introductions.

158 Analysis of The Great Dictionary 4.1.

Harbin ˄જᇨⒼ˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 1; Yin Shichao ed. 1997: 3)

– Dialect affiliation: Northeastern Mandarin group, Hafu subgroup, Zhaofu cluster ˄ϰ࣫ᅬ䆱ऎજ䯰⠛㙛ᡊᇣ⠛ DǀngbČi GuƗnhuàqnj HƗfù piàn Zhàofú xi΁opiàn˅ – Administrative affiliation: Heilongjiang Province, Harbin Municipality 102 ˄જᇨⒼᏖ Ha’erbin Shi˅ – Status: provincial capital – Population of the whole municipality in 2001: 9,270,000 inhabitants – Major nationalities: Han ˄∝ᮣ Hànzú˅, Manchu ˄⒵ᮣ M΁nzú˅, Hui ˄ಲᮣ Huízú˅, Korean ˄ᳱ剰ᮣ Cháoxi΁nzú˅, Mongolian ˄㩭সᮣ MČngg·zú˅ As the capital of Heilongjiang, Harbin is the cultural, economical and political centre of the Province (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 1; Yin Shichao ed. 1997: 3). Compared with all the varieties of Chinese, the Harbin dialect is the closest to the Beijing dialect, both in the aspect of phonetics, and of vocabulary and grammar (cf. Yin Shichao ed. 1997: 12; Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 2). Being a point of connection between China and Russia (later the Soviet Union), Harbin has incorporated both Chinese and Western elements (cf. Dai Zhaoming 1998: 192–193). In the linguistic aspect, this becomes apparent especially while analysing the vocabulary of the dialect of Harbin, where the Russian influence is clear. The ethnical diversity is not very large, yet noticeable. In 1990, the Han nationality constituted 94.28% of the population (cf. Yin Shichao ed. 1997: 3).

4.2.

Jinan ˄⌢फ˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 4–5; Qian Zengyi ed. 1997: 3–4)

– Dialect affiliation: Jilu Mandarin group, Shiji subgroup, Liaotai cluster ˄‫ݔ‬剕ᅬ䆱ऎ⷇⌢⠛㘞⋄ᇣ⠛ Jìl· GuƗnhuàqnj Shíj΃ piàn Liáotài xi΁opiàn˅ – Administrative affiliation: Shandong Province, Jinan Municipality ˄⌢ फᏖ Jinan Shi˅

Background overview of explored places

159

– Status: provincial capital – Population of the whole municipality in 2000: 5,580,000 inhabitants – Major nationalities: Han ˄∝ᮣ Hànzú˅ (98%), Hui ˄ಲᮣ Huízú˅, Manchu ˄⒵ᮣ M΁nzú˅ In Jinan, the roads between north and south, east and west of China intersect, therefore the capital of Shandong Province is the communication hub of eastern China (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 5; Qian Zengyi ed. 1997: 3). The dialect of Jinan is the standard of central-western Shandong. It plays an important role as the basic language of two forms of folk art: ᖿк kuàishnj – clapper ballad103, and Lü Opera ˄৩࠻ L΍jù˅ – one of the local operas in Shandong104 (cf. Qian Zengyi ed. 1997: 16; Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 9).

4.3.

Muping ˄⠳ᑇ˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 14–15; Luo Futeng ed. 1997: 3)

– Dialect affiliation: Jiaoliao Mandarin group, Denglian subgroup ˄㛊䖑 ᅬ䆱ऎⱏ䖲⠛ JiƗoliáo GuƗnhuàqnj DƝnglián piàn˅ – Administrative affiliation: Shandong Province, Yantai Municipality ˄⚳ৄᏖ Yantai Shi˅, Muping District ˄⠳ᑇऎ Muping Qu˅ – Population of the whole district in 2000: 490,000 inhabitants Muping lies on the route between Yantai ˄⚳ৄ˅ and Weihai ˄࿕⍋˅ on the Shandong Peninsula ˄ቅϰञቯ Shandong Bandao˅. In the past it was a place of military importance, today it is still a significant point in the transportation between the main cities of the peninsula. The dialect of Muping is said to be representative of the area (cf. Muping Fangyan Cidian chuban 1998: 278–279).

4.4.

Xuzhou ˄ᕤᎲ˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 23; Su and Lü ed. 1996: 3–4)

– Dialect affiliation: Central Plains Mandarin group, Luoxu subgroup ˄Ёॳᅬ䆱ऎ⋯ᕤ⠛ Zhǀngyuán GuƗnhuàqnj Luòxú piàn˅ – Administrative affiliation: Jiangsu Province, Xuzhou Municipality ˄ᕤ ᎲᏖ Xuzhou Shi˅

160 Analysis of The Great Dictionary – Population of the whole municipality in 2000: 8,780,000 inhabitants Located in the northwestern corner of Jiangsu Province, on the intersection of the railroad connecting the north with the south and the east with the west, Xuzhou is one of the communication hubs of China (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 23; Su and Lü ed. 1996: 3–4).

4.5.

Yangzhou ˄ᡀᎲ˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 30–31; Wang and Huang ed. 1996: 3–4)

– Dialect affiliation: Jianghuai Mandarin group, Hongchao subgroup ˄∳ ⏂ᅬ䆱ऎ⋾Ꮆ⠛ JiƗnghuái GuƗnhuàqnj Hóngcháo piàn˅ – Administrative affiliation: Jiangsu Province, Yangzhou Municipality ˄ᡀᎲᏖ Yangzhou Shi˅ – Population of the whole municipality in 2000: 4,470,000 inhabitants Yangzhou lies in the central part of Jiangsu Province, on the northern bank of the Yangtze River and by the Grand Canal ˄໻䖤⊇ Da Yunhe˅. The dialect of Yangzhou has been shaped essentially by three events in the history of China. One was the migration caused by the Yongjia Turmoil ˄∌௝Пх Yongjia zhi luan˅ (which started in 311 A.D. during the rule of the Jin Emperor Huai ˄ᗔᏱ Huai Di˅), when the people moved southwards. Many of them settled in the area of today’s Yangzhou (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 31; Wang and Huang ed. 1996: 4; Ge, Cao and Wu 1993: 612–613). The second wave of migration which reached Yangzhou was at the end of the Northern Song Dynasty. Emperor Huizong built a temporary palace in the city. The emperor and his entourage stayed in Yangzhou for a year and a half and thus many northern people settled down in the area (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 31; Wang and Huang ed. 1996: 4; Ge, Cao and Wu 1993: 613–614). The third moment in history which had an impact on the Yangzhou dialect was the massacre conducted by the Yuan army on Ming rebels at the end of the reign of the Yuan Dynasty. Records reveal that only eighteen families had survived (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 31; Wang and Huang ed. 1996: 4).

Background overview of explored places

4.6.

161

Nanjing ˄फҀ˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 37–38; Liu Danqing ed. 1995: 3–4)

– Dialect affiliation: Jianghuai Mandarin group, Hongchao subgroup ˄∳ ⏂ᅬ䆱ऎ⋾Ꮆ⠛ JiƗnghuái GuƗnhuàqnj Hóngcháo piàn˅ – Administrative affiliation: Jiangsu Province, Nanjing Municipality ˄फ ҀᏖ Nanjing Shi˅ – Status: Provincial capital – Population of the whole municipality in 2000: 5,370,000 inhabitants Nanjing is the capital of Jiangsu Province, located at the southern bank of the Yangtze River. It has played a particularly important role in Chinese history. Not only has it been the capital city of the country several times, but it has also served as a cultural, political and economic centre. The modern dialect of Nanjing is an outcome of many historical events, of which some had the strongest influence on both the people as well as the language. The records show that during the time of Eastern Jin ˄ϰᰟ Dong Jin˅ (317–420), the dialect spoken in this area was Wu. When the Jin ˄ᰟ˅ Dynasty escaped southwards, it settled down in the area of modern Nanjing and established its capital Jiankang ˄ᓎᒋ˅ at the site. Together with the Emperor, many soldiers and ordinary people migrated to the new capital, and thus the people from the north outnumbered the local residents and the language of Nanjing began to change from Wu into Mandarin (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 37; Liu Danqing ed. 1995: 4; Ge, Cao and Wu 1993: 612–613). During the reign of Emperor Wu ˄℺Ᏹ Wu Di˅ of the Liang ˄ṕ˅ Dynasty (one of the Southern Dynasties), the rebellion of Hou Jing ˄փ᱃ Пх Hou Jing zhi luan˅ ruined most of Jiankang. When the Sui Dynasty was overthrowing the Chen ˄䰜˅ Dynasty in 589, the Sui Emperor Wen ˄᭛Ᏹ Wen Di˅ commanded that the capital be destroyed. In 1129 the Jin ˄䞥˅ troops invaded Jiankang and the next year the city was burnt down (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 37; Liu Danqing ed. 1995: 4). At the beginning of the Ming Dynasty, Emperor Taizu ˄໾⼪˅ reestablished the capital in Nanjing (under the name ᑨ໽ᑰ Yingtianfu – “responding to Heaven”), bringing with him many craftsmen and other people from south of the Yangtze River. From 1853 until 1864, the Taiping Kingdom ˄໾ᑇ໽೑ Taiping Tianguo˅ set up its capital in Nanjing, giving it the name Tianjing ˄໽Ҁ˅. Once again Nanjing became the victim of war and the people were deci-

162 Analysis of The Great Dictionary mated. In 1937 the Japanese invaded the then capital of China and carried out yet another massacre (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 37; Liu Danqing ed. 1995: 4). The present dialect of Nanjing is much diversified internally. In various districts of the town, different influences are salient. Therefore it is believed that the speech of only three districts in the southern part of the city can be representative of the Nanjing dialect. But also here, a strong effect of the Beijing dialect and Putonghua is visible, especially since the time when Nanjing was declared the capital of the Republic of China (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 37–38; Liu Danqing ed. 1995: 4).

4.7.

Wuhan ˄℺∝˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 49; Zhu Jiansong ed. 1998: 3)

– Dialect affiliation: Southwestern Mandarin group, Wutian subgroup ˄㽓फᅬ䆱ऎ℺໽⠛ XƯnán GuƗnhuàqnj W·tiƗn piàn˅ – Administrative affiliation: Hubei Province, Wuhan Municipality ˄℺∝ Ꮦ Wuhan Shi˅ – Status: Provincial capital – Population of the whole municipality in 2000: 7,400,000 inhabitants Wuhan is a hub of land and water communication and the largest economic centre of central China. It is often referred to as the “thoroughfare of nine Provinces” ˄бⳕ䗮㸶 Ji· shČng tǀngqú˅. The present city of Wuhan was established in 1949 out of three towns: Wuchang ˄℺ᯠ˅, Hankou ˄∝ষ˅ and Hanyang ˄∝䰇˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 49; Zhu Jiansong ed. 1998: 3). The Wuhan dialect is the easternmost point of the Southwestern Mandarin group, from the north, east and south it is encircled by the region of Jianghuai Mandarin (cf. Hu Huibin 1995: 110).

4.8.

Chengdu ˄៤䛑˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 52–53; Liang and Huang ed. 1998: 3–4)

– Dialect affiliation: Southwestern Mandarin group, Chengyu subgroup ˄㽓फᅬ䆱ऎ៤⏱⠛ XƯnán GuƗnhuàqnj Chéngyú piàn˅

Background overview of explored places

163

– Administrative affiliation: Sichuan Province, Chengdu Municipality ˄៤䛑Ꮦ Chengdu Shi˅ – Status: Provincial capital – Population of the whole municipality in 2000:10,040,000 inhabitants As the capital of Sichuan, Chengdu is the political, economic, cultural and communications centre of the Province (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 52–53; Liang and Huang ed. 1998: 3).

4.9.

Guiyang ˄䌉䰇˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 60; Wang Ping ed. 1998: 3–4)

– Dialect affiliation: Southwestern Mandarin group, Kungui subgroup ˄㽓फᅬ䆱ऎᯚ䌉⠛ XƯnán GuƗnhuàqnj Knjnguì piàn˅ – Administrative affiliation: Guizhou Province, Guiyang Municipality ˄䌉䰇Ꮦ Guiyang Shi˅ – Status: Provincial capital – Population of the whole municipality in 2000: 3,220,000 inhabitants – Major nationalities: Han ˄∝ᮣ Hànzú˅, Bouyei ˄Ꮧձᮣ BùyƯzú˅, Miao ˄㢫ᮣ Miáozú˅ In the past, the inhabitants of Guiyang were mostly non-Chinese, but since the beginning of the Ming Dynasty, Han people began to settle down in this area. The Han people living in Guiyang believe that their ancestors migrated from the area of Yingtianfu ˄ᑨ໽ᑰ˅ (present day Nanjing, see Chapter 8.4.6.) (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 60; Wang Ping ed. 1998: 3). During the War of Resistance against Japan (1937–1945), refugees from the north and the coastal areas moved to Guiyang. After the war, many of them went back to their homes, but a large number settled down. A large proportion of the inhabitants of Guiyang today are those (or their descendants) who arrived during that period from many parts of China. Among them, most came from Sichuan and Hunan (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 60; Wang Ping ed. 1998: 3). In the 1950s, as a result of the country’s efforts to minimize the differences between the inland and coastal areas, numerous enterprises were established in Guiyang and the whole of Guizhou, bringing quick development, and at the same time many new inhabitants (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 60; Wang Ping ed. 1998: 3–4).

164 Analysis of The Great Dictionary The urban area is mostly populated by the Han nationality, while a comparatively large number of people from the Bouyei and Miao nationalities live in the suburbs. The minorities usually use their own languages, but to communicate with the Han, they speak the colloquial dialect of Guiyang (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 60; Wang Ping ed. 1998: 4). 4.10. Liuzhou ˄᷇Ꮂ˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 65–66; Liu Cunhan ed. 1998: 3–4) – Dialect affiliation: Southwestern Mandarin group, Guiliu subgroup ˄㽓 फᅬ䆱ऎḖ᷇⠛ XƯnán GuƗnhuàqnj Guìli· piàn˅ – Administrative affiliation: Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region, Liuzhou Municipality ˄᷇ᎲᏖ Liuzhou Shi˅ – Population of the whole municipality in 2000: 4,790,000 inhabitants – Major nationalities: Han ˄ ∝ ᮣ Hànzú ˅ (84%), Zhuang ˄ ໂ ᮣ Zhuàngzú˅, Hui ˄ಲᮣ Huízú˅, Yao ˄⩊ᮣ Yáozú˅, Dong ˄իᮣ Dòngzú˅, Mulam ˄ҿՀᮣ Mùl΁ozú˅, Miao ˄㢫ᮣ Miáozú˅, Manchu ˄⒵ᮣ M΁nzú˅ Liuzhou is an important communications link between the provinces of the central-south and southwest as well as the major industrial base of Guangxi Province (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 65; Liu Cunhan ed. 1998: 3). The inhabitants of Liuzhou are mostly descendants of migrants from different historical periods. Since the Qin and Han dynasties, soldiers from the area of Hunan, Hubei and the Central Plains have been immigrating to the region. In the times of the Yuan and Ming Dynasties, Liuzhou served as a military base. During the Ming and Qing Dynasties, troops which were meant to open up the wasteland were stationed in the city. Many of the soldiers settled in the area (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 65; Liu Cunhan ed. 1998: 4). Liuzhou has long been an industrial and commercial centre of the region covering today’s Guangxi and Guangdong Provinces. During the Qing Dynasty, a large number of industrialists and traders from other provinces arrived in Liuzhou. Presently, there are many guilds associating traders from various places outside of Guangxi (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 65; Liu Cunhan ed. 1998: 4). Due to the frequent migration waves, a choice of variants of Chinese is spoken in Liuzhou: Mandarin, Yue, Hakka, Xiang, Pinghua, Min. Besides

Background overview of explored places

165

the speakers of Chinese, which include the Hui and Man nationalities, other ethnic minorities speak their own languages. There are also many speakers of Putonghua, these are military men and workers of the railways, large factories and building companies (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 65; Liu Cunhan ed. 1998: 4).

4.11. Luoyang ˄⋯䰇˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 70; He Wei ed. 1996: 3–4) – Dialect affiliation: Central Plains Mandarin group, Luoxu subgroup ˄Ёॳᅬ䆱ऎ⋯ᕤ⠛ Zhǀngyuán GuƗnhuàqnj Luòxú piàn˅ – Administrative affiliation: Henan Province, Luoyang Municipality ˄⋯ 䰇Ꮦ Luoyang Shi˅ – Population of the whole municipality in 1986: 1,063,475 inhabitants Luoyang has a history dating back to 770. It has been the capital of many dynasties, and as such a political, economic, cultural and communications centre (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 70; He Wei ed. 1996: 3).

4.12. Xi’an˄㽓ᅝ˅(cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 76; Wang Junhu ed. 1996: 3) – Dialect affiliation: Central Plains Mandarin group, Guanzhong subgroup ˄Ёॳᅬ䆱ऎ݇Ё⠛ Zhǀngyuán GuƗnhuàqnj GuƗnzhǀng piàn˅ – Administrative affiliation: Shaanxi Province, Xi’an Municipality ˄㽓 ᅝᏖ Xi’an Shi˅ – Status: Provincial capital – Population of the whole municipality in 1990: 6,179,552 inhabitants In the area Xi’an is located in today, capitals of ancient Chinese dynasties (Zhou, Qin, Han among others) were established since the eleventh century B.C. (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 76; Wang Junhu ed. 1996: 3). At present it is the capital of Shaanxi Province.

166 Analysis of The Great Dictionary 4.13. Xining ˄㽓ᅕ˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 82; Zhang Chengcai ed. 1998: 3–4) – Dialect affiliation: Central Plains Mandarin group, Qinlong subgroup ˄Ёॳᅬ䆱ऎ⾺䰛⠛ Zhǀngyuán GuƗnhuàqnj Qínl΅ng piàn˅ – Administrative affiliation: Qinghai Province, Xining Municipality ˄㽓 ᅕᏖ Xining Shi˅ – Status: Provincial capital – Population of the whole municipality in 1990: 1,085,155 inhabitants – Major nationalities: Han ˄ ∝ ᮣ Hànzú ˅ (85.1%), Hui ˄ ಲ ᮣ Huízú˅, Tibetan ˄㮣ᮣ Zàngzú˅, Manchu ˄⒵ᮣ M΁nzú˅, Tu ˄ೳᮣ T·zú˅, Mongolian ˄㩭সᮣ MČngg·zú˅, Salar ˄ᩦᢝᮣ SƗlƗzú˅ Xining is the capital of Qinghai Province, which was created in 1928. Lying on the routes connecting Qinghai with Gansu and with Tibet, it is an important communications centre. The city is ethnically very diversified (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 82; Zhang Chengcai ed. 1998: 3).

4.14. Yinchuan ˄䫊Ꮁ˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 87–88; Li and Zhang ed. 1996: 3–4) – Dialect affiliation: Lanyin Mandarin group, Yinwu subgroup ˄݄䫊ᅬ 䆱ऎ䫊ਈ⠛ Lányín GuƗnhuàqnj Yínwú piàn˅ – Administrative affiliation: Ningxia Hui Autonomous Region, Yinchuan Municipality ˄䫊ᎱᏖ Yinchuan Shi˅ – Status: Capital of the autonomous region – Population of the whole municipality in 1992: 501,332 inhabitants – Major nationalities: Han ˄ ∝ ᮣ Hànzú ˅ (80.08%), Hui ˄ ಲ ᮣ Huízú˅, Manchu ˄⒵ᮣ M΁nzú˅ When the Ningxia Hui Autonomous Region was established in 1958, Yinchuan became the capital. Since then it developed a great deal, and a large number of immigrants began to inhabit the city. The Hui nationality constitutes a large percentage of the population (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 87–88; Li and Zhang ed. 1996: 3–4).

Background overview of explored places

167

4.15. Ürümqi ˄Р剕᳼唤˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 94; Zhou Lei ed. 1998: 3) – Dialect affiliation: Lanyin Mandarin group, Tami subgroup ˄݄䫊ᅬ䆱 ऎศᆚ⠛ Lányín GuƗnhuàqnj T΁mì piàn˅ – Administrative affiliation: Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, Ürümqi Municipality ˄Р剕᳼唤Ꮦ Wulumuqi Shi˅ – Status: Capital of the autonomous region – Population of the whole municipality in 1992: 1,366,492 inhabitants – Major nationalities: Han ˄∝ᮣ Hànzú˅ (72.7%), Uygur ˄㓈਒ᇨᮣ Wéiwú’Črzú˅, Hui ˄ಲᮣ Huízú˅, Kazak ˄જ㧼‫ܟ‬ᮣ HƗsàkèzú˅, Manchu ˄⒵ᮣ M΁nzú˅, Mongolian ˄㩭সᮣ MČngg·zú˅, Xibe ˄䫵ԃᮣ XƯbózú˅, Russian ˄֘㔫ᮃᮣ ÉluósƯzú˅ In 1884 Xinjiang was established as a province with Ürümqi as the capital (under the name Dihua ˄䖾࣪˅). In 1954, the name was changed into Ürümqi and in 1955 the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region was established, Ürümqi remaining the capital. The city is ethnically heterogeneous, with the Uygur nationality as the biggest minority (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 94; Zhou Lei ed. 1998: 3).

4.16. Wanrong ˄ϛ㤷˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 98–99; Wu and Zhao ed. 1997: 3) – Dialect affiliation: Central Plains Mandarin group, Fenhe subgroup, Xiezhou cluster˄Ёॳᅬ䆱ऎ≒⊇⠛㾷Ꮂᇣ⠛ Zhǀngyuán GuƗnhuàqnj Fénhé piàn Xièzhǀu xi΁opiàn˅ – Administrative affiliation: Shanxi Province, Yuncheng Municipality ˄ 䖤 ජ Ꮦ Yuncheng Shi ˅ , Wanrong County ˄ ϛ 㤷 ও Wanrong Xian˅ – Population of the whole county in 1990: 376,445 inhabitants The Wanrong County was established in 1954, as the result of a fusion of Wanquan County ˄ϛ⊝ও Wanquan Xian˅ and Ronghe County ˄㤷⊇ ও Ronghe Xian˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 98–99; Wu and Zhao ed. 1997: 3). It is located in Shanxi Province, very close to the area of the Jin dialect (cf. Atlas: B7).

168 Analysis of The Great Dictionary 4.17. Taiyuan ˄໾ॳ˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 106–107; Shen Ming ed. 1998: 3) – Dialect affiliation: Jin dialect group, Bingzhou subgroup ˄ᰟ䇁ऎᑊᎲ ⠛ Jìny· qnj BƯngzhǀu piàn˅ – Administrative affiliation: Shanxi Province, Taiyuan Municipality ˄໾ ॳᏖ Taiyuan Shi˅ – Status: Provincial capital – Population of the whole municipality in 1990: 2,710,500 inhabitants The history of the city started around 2400 years ago, with the founding of Jinyang ˄ᰟ䰇˅. During the Qin Dynasty, the name was changed to Taiyuan. The city is quite homogeneous ethnically (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 106–107; Shen Ming ed. 1998: 3).

4.18. Xinzhou ˄ᗏᎲ˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 112; Wen and Zhang ed. 1998: 3) – Dialect affiliation: Jin dialect group, Wutai subgroup ˄ᰟ䇁ऎѨৄ⠛ Jìny· qnj W·tái piàn˅ – Administrative affiliation: Shanxi Province, Xinzhou Municipality ˄ᗏ ᎲᏖ Xinzhou Shi˅ – Population of the whole municipality in 1990: 456,120 inhabitants – Major nationalities: Han ˄∝ᮣ Hànzú˅, Manchu ˄⒵ᮣ M΁nzú˅, Mongolian ˄㩭সᮣ MČngg·zú˅, Hui ˄ಲᮣ Huízú˅, Tu ˄ೳᮣ T·zú˅, Korean ˄ᳱ剰ᮣ Cháoxi΁nzú˅ Xinzhou has traditionally been a crossroads between the south and the north. It is still a very important communication hub of Shanxi (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 112; Wen and Zhang ed. 1998: 3). The ethnic minorities living in Xinzhou all speak only the Xinzhou dialect, not their native tongues (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 112; Wen and Zhang ed. 1998: 3).

Background overview of explored places

169

4.19. Jixi ˄㒽⑾˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 115–116; Zhao Rixin ed. 2003: 3–4) – Dialect affiliation: Hui dialect group, Jishe subgroup ˄ᖑ䇁ऎ㒽ℭ⠛ HuƯy· qnj Jìshè piàn˅ – Administrative affiliation: Anhui Province, Xuancheng Municipality ˄ᅷජᏖ Xuancheng Shi˅, Jixi County ˄㒽⑾ও Jixi Xian˅ – Population of the whole county in 1987: 179,468 inhabitants Jixi is divided by a mountain ridge into a northern and a southern part. This natural barrier has caused not only social differences, but also disparities in language (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 115; Zhao Rixin ed. 2003: 3, 4). The dialect of Jixi has been the focus of attention of Luo Changpei, Zhao Yuanren, Yang Shifeng in the 1930s and 40s. Hirata Shoji has also taken the dialect into consideration in his research during the 1990s (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 116; Zhao Rixin ed. 2003: 4). 4.20. Danyang ˄Ѝ䰇˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 121–122; Cai Guolu ed. 1998: 3–4) – Dialect affiliation: Wu dialect group, Taihu subgroup, Piling cluster ˄ਈ䇁ऎ໾␪⠛↫䱉ᇣ⠛ Wúy· qnj Tàihú piàn Pílíng xi΁opiàn˅ – Administrative affiliation: Jiangsu Province, Zhenjiang Municipality ˄䬛∳Ꮦ Zhenjiang Shi˅, Danyang City ˄Ѝ䰇Ꮦ Danyang Shi˅ – Population of the whole city in 1992: 800,854 inhabitants Danyang is a city with its history reaching back to the times of the Qin Dynasty. It lies on the borderland between the Wu and Jianghuai Mandarin dialects, which is why the speech of Danyang is internally much diversified (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 121–122, 126; Cai Guolu ed. 1998: 3–4, 19). 4.21. Chongming ˄ዛᯢ˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 130; Zhang Huiying ed. 1998: 3) – Dialect affiliation: Wu dialect group, Taihu subgroup, Suhujia cluster ˄ਈ䇁ऎ໾␪⠛㢣≾௝ᇣ⠛ Wúy· qnj Tàihú piàn SnjhùjiƗ xi΁opiàn˅

170 Analysis of The Great Dictionary – Administrative affiliation: Shanghai Municipality ˄Ϟ⍋Ꮦ Shanghai Shi˅, Chongming County ˄ዛᯢও Chongming Xian˅ – Population of the whole county in 1982: 215,452 inhabitants Chongming lies within the administrative borders of Shanghai Municipality. The county governs the Chongming Island ˄ዛᯢቯ Chongming Dao˅ and some small neighbouring islands. The dialect of Chongming is rather homogeneous (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 130; Zhang Huiying ed. 1998: 3). 4.22. Shanghai ˄Ϟ⍋˅(cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 133; Xu and Tao ed. 1997: 3–4) – Dialect affiliation: Wu dialect group, Taihu subgroup, Suhujia cluster ˄ਈ䇁ऎ໾␪⠛㢣≾௝ᇣ⠛ Wúy· qnj Tàihú piàn SnjhùjiƗ xi΁opiàn˅ – Administrative affiliation: Shanghai Municipality ˄Ϟ⍋Ꮦ Shanghai Shi˅ – Population of the whole municipality in 1993: 13,000,000 inhabitants Shanghai is one of the largest cities in China and one of the biggest economic, communications and cultural centres of the country. Shanghai has experienced a very dynamic growth, from around 500,000 inhabitants in 1852, over 2,500,000 in 1927 up to 13,000,000 in 1993.105 The growth of population has been caused mostly by a wave of immigrants to this economic mecca. In 1934 the indigenous people constituted only 25% of the population. Most of the new settlers came from Jiangsu and Zhejiang (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 133; Xu and Tao ed. 1997: 3–4). The surge of incomers has induced great changes in the language spoken in the district. The strongest is the influence of the dialects of northern Jiangsu, especially of Ningbo ˄ᅕ⊶˅ and Suzhou ˄㢣Ꮂ˅, as well as the Beijing dialect and foreign languages. The impact of the Beijing dialect has increased since the founding of People’s Republic of China, while the remaining sources were strongest before 1949 (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 133; Xu and Tao ed. 1997: 4). Besides the Shanghai dialect, other forms of Chinese are used in Shanghai, mainly Yue, Ningbo dialect and Jianghuai Mandarin (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 134; Xu and Tao ed. 1997: 5).

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4.23. Suzhou ˄㢣Ꮂ˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 143–144; Ye Xiangling ed. 1998: 3–4) – Dialect affiliation: Wu dialect group, Taihu subgroup, Suhujia cluster ˄ਈ䇁ऎ໾␪⠛㢣≾௝ᇣ⠛ Wúy· qnj Tàihú piàn SnjhùjiƗ xi΁opiàn˅ – Administrative affiliation: Jiangsu Province, Suzhou Municipality ˄㢣 ᎲᏖ Suzhou Shi˅ – Population of the whole municipality in 1993: 1,965,900 inhabitants The ancient name (dating back to the beginning of the Zhou Dynasty) of Suzhou is Wu ˄ਈ˅, which is the present name of the dialect spoken in the surrounding area (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 143; Ye Xiangling ed. 1998: 3). Suzhou is located by the Grand Canal, as well as on other major communication routes.

4.24. Hangzhou ˄ᵁᎲ˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 149–150; Bao Shijie ed. 1998: 3–4) – Dialect affiliation: Wu dialect group, Taihu subgroup, Hangzhou cluster ˄ਈ䇁ऎ໾␪⠛ᵁᎲᇣ⠛ Wúy· qnj Tàihú piàn HángzhƗu xi΁opiàn˅ – Administrative affiliation: Zhejiang Province, Hangzhou Municipality ˄ᵁᎲᏖ Hangzhou Shi˅ – Status: Provincial capital – Population of the whole municipality in 1992: 5,824,000 inhabitants Hangzhou is one of the ancient capitals of China and a city with a very long history (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 149–150; Bao Shijie ed. 1998: 3–4). Located in the delta of the Yangtze River, it has for a long time been an important communication point. Several important traffic routes pass through the city. The region in which the Hangzhou dialect is spoken is rather small and it covers only the urban area (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 150; Bao Shijie ed. 1998: 4).

172 Analysis of The Great Dictionary 4.25. Ningbo ˄ᅕ⊶˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 156; Tang, Chen and Wu ed. 1997: 3) – Dialect affiliation: Wu dialect group, Taihu subgroup, Yongjiang cluster ˄ਈ䇁ऎ໾␪⠛⬀∳ᇣ⠛ Wúy· qnj Tàihú piàn Y΅ngjiƗng xi΁opiàn˅ – Administrative affiliation: Zhejiang Province, Ningbo Municipality ˄ᅕ⊶Ꮦ Ningbo Shi˅ – Population of the whole municipality in 1996: 5,300,800 inhabitants Ningbo is located in the northeastern part of Zhejiang, south of Hangzhou Bay ˄ᵁᎲ⑒ Hangzhou Wan˅. It has a history going back to the Spring and Autumn Period (722–481 B.C.) (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 156; Tang, Chen and Wu ed. 1997: 3).

4.26. Wenzhou ˄⏽Ꮂ˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 164–165; You and Yang ed. 1998: 3–4) – Dialect affiliation: Wu dialect group, Oujiang subgroup ˄ਈ䇁ऎ⫃∳ ⠛ Wúy· qnj ƿujiƗng piàn˅ – Administrative affiliation: Zhejiang Province, Wenzhou Municipality ˄⏽ᎲᏖ Wenzhou Shi˅ – Population of the whole municipality in 1993: 6,726,000 inhabitants Wenzhou is located in the southeastern part of Zhejiang, near the border with Fujian and, at the same time, on the borderland between the Wu and Min dialects (cf. Atlas: A2).

4.27. Jinhua˄䞥ढ˅(cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 171; Cao Zhiyun ed. 1998: 3) – Dialect affiliation: Wu dialect group, Wuzhou subgroup ˄ਈ䇁ऎ၎Ꮂ ⠛ Wúy· qnj Wùzhǀu piàn˅ – Administrative affiliation: Zhejiang Province, Jinhua Municipality ˄䞥 ढᏖ Jinhua Shi˅ – Population of the whole municipality in 1990: 836,030 inhabitants

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Jinhua is situated in central Zhejiang, near the area of the Hui dialect (cf. Atlas: A2). It lies on important communication routes.

4.28. Changsha ˄䭓≭˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 176–177; Bao Houxing et al. ed. 1998: 3–4) – Dialect affiliation: Xiang dialect group, Changyi subgroup ˄␬䇁ऎ䭓 Ⲟ⠛ XiƗngy· qnj Chángyì piàn˅ – Administrative affiliation: Hunan Province, Changsha Municipality ˄䭓≭Ꮦ Changsha Shi˅ – Status: Provincial capital – Population of the whole municipality: 5,200,000 inhabitants As the capital of Hunan, Changsha is a political, economic and cultural centre of the Province. The dialect of Changsha is regarded as one of the most representative of the Xiang dialect group (cf. Table 17.).

4.29. Loudi˄࿘ᑩ˅(cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 181; Yan and Liu ed. 1998: 3) – Dialect affiliation: Xiang dialect group, Loushao subgroup ˄␬䇁ऎ࿘ 䚉⠛ XiƗngy· qnj Lóushào piàn˅ – Administrative affiliation: Hunan Province, Loudi Municipality ˄࿘ᑩ Ꮦ Loudi Shi˅ – Population of the whole municipality in 1990: 301,300 inhabitants Loudi is located in the central part of Hunan Province. The city is divided into northern and southern parts by the railroad linking Hunan with Guizhou. The southern part was built after 1978; the northern part is the original site of the town (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 181; Yan and Liu ed. 1998: 3).

174 Analysis of The Great Dictionary 4.30. Nanchang ˄फᯠ˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 185–186; Xiong Zhenghui ed. 1998: 3–4) – Dialect affiliation: Gan dialect group, Changjing subgroup ˄䌷䇁ऎᯠ 䴪⠛ Gàny· qnj ChƗngjìng piàn˅ – Administrative affiliation: Jiangxi Province, Nanchang Municipality ˄फᯠᏖ Nanchang Shi˅ – Status: Provincial capital – Population of the urban area in 1990: 1,369,125 inhabitants The history of Nanchang reaches back to 201 B.C. It became the provincial capital after 1949. During the Second Sino-Japanese war (1937–1945), Nanchang was attacked and many residents fled from the city. After the war, a large number of people from the rural areas moved into town. The city has been developing rapidly since it became the capital of Jiangxi (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 185–186; Xiong Zhenghui ed. 1998: 3–4).

4.31. Pingxiang ˄㧡е˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 189; Wei Gangqiang ed. 1998: 3) – Dialect affiliation: Gan dialect group, Yiliu subgroup ˄䌷䇁ऎᅰ⌣⠛ Gàny· qnj Yíliú piàn˅ – Administrative affiliation: Jiangxi Province, Pingxiang Municipality ˄㧡еᏖ Pingxiang Shi˅ – Population of the urban area in 1990: 1,388,427 inhabitants Pingxiang is situated near the border with Hunan and on the railroad route between Zhejiang and Jiangxi. At the turn of the Ming and Qing Dynasties, people from the area of Fujian and Guangdong used to move to Hunan and Jiangxi to set up sheds to cultivate the land. In the beginning, they only stayed for the season, but later many of them settled down at their place of work and were called Pengmin ˄Ắ⇥ Péngmín˅ (lit. “shed people”). Present day Pingxiang lies close to the Hakka-speaking region, however in the city itself there are no people who refer to themselves as Hakkas (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 189; Wei Gangqiang ed. 1998: 3).

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175

4.32. Lichuan ˄咢Ꮁ˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 195–196; Yan Sen ed. 1995: 3–4) – Dialect affiliation: Gan dialect group, Fuguang subgroup ˄䌷䇁ऎᡮᑓ ⠛ Gàny· qnj F·gu΁ng piàn˅ – Administrative affiliation: Jiangxi Province, Fuzhou Municipality ˄ᡮ ᎲᏖ Fuzhou Shi˅, Lichuan County ˄咢Ꮁও Lichuan Xian˅ – Population of the whole county in 1986: 197,174 inhabitants Lichuan is located in western Jiangxi, very close to the border with Fujian and with the area of the Min dialect. It is a rather small county, ethnically homogeneous, with only a small percentage of ethnic minorities. The main industries are agriculture and forestry (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 195–196; Yan Sen ed. 1995: 3–4).

4.33. Yudu ˄Ѣ䛑˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 200–201; Xie Liuwen ed. 1998: 3–4) – Dialect affiliation: Hakka dialect group, Yugui subgroup ˄ᅶᆊ䆱ऎѢ Ḗ⠛ KèjiƗhuà qnj Yúguì piàn˅ – Administrative affiliation: Jiangxi Province, Ganzhou Municipality ˄䌷ᎲᏖ Ganzhou Shi˅, Yudu County ˄Ѣ䛑ও Yudu Xian˅ – Population of the whole county in1985: 678,029 inhabitants Located in southern Jiangxi, Yudu is a county whose economy is based mainly on agriculture and farming as well as traditional handicraft industries. Most of the ancestors of present residents of the county settled down in the area after moving from the north since the Tang Dynasty. Yet not many came directly from the north, most of the settlers wandered around different places before they stayed in Yudu (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 200– 201; Xie Liuwen ed. 1998: 3–4).

176 Analysis of The Great Dictionary 4.34. Meixian ˄ṙও˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 206–207; Huang Xuezhen ed. 1998: 3) – Dialect affiliation: Hakka dialect group, Yuetai subgroup, Jiaying cluster ˄ᅶᆊ䆱ऎ㉸ৄ⠛௝ᑨᇣ⠛ KèjiƗhuà qnj Yuètái piàn JiƗyƯng xi΁opiàn˅ – Administrative affiliation: Guangdong Province, Meizhou Municipality ˄ṙᎲᏖ Meizhou Shi˅, Meixian County ˄ṙও Meixian˅ – Population of the whole county in 1992: 580,000 inhabitants Meixian lies in northeastern Guangdong Province, near the borders with Fujian and Jiangxi, in the central part of the Hakka dialect area. The Meixian dialect is considered to be the most representative of the Hakka group (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 209; Huang Xuezhen ed. 1998: 16; Table 17.).

4.35. Nanning ˄फᅕ˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 213–214; Qin, Wei and Bian ed. 1997: 3–4) – Dialect affiliation: Pinghua dialect group Guinan subgroup ˄ᑇ䆱ऎḖ फ⠛ Pínghuà qnj Guìnán piàn˅ – Administrative affiliation: Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region, Nanning Municipality ˄फᅕᏖ Nanning Shi˅ – Status: Capital of the Autonomous Region – Population of the whole municipality in 1990: 2,608,566 inhabitants – Major nationalities: Zhuang ˄ໂᮣ Zhuàngzú˅ (63.6%), Han ˄∝ᮣ Hànzú˅ (35.6%) In Nanning, three varieties of the Chinese language are spoken: Yue (known here as ⱑ 䆱 báihuà), Southwestern Mandarin and Pinghua. Pinghua is distributed mainly in the suburbs and the area surrounding the city. The language of the Zhuang people is also an important factor, as they constitute the largest part of the population (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 214; Qin, Wei and Bian ed. 1997: 4).

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4.36. Guangzhou ˄ᑓᎲ˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 218; Bai Wanru ed. 2003: 3) – Dialect affiliation: Yue dialect group, Guangfu subgroup ˄㉸䇁ᑓᑰ⠛ ऎ Yuèy· qnj Gu΁ngf· piàn˅ – Administrative affiliation: Guangdong Province, Guangzhou Municipality ˄ᑓᎲᏖ Guangzhou Shi˅ – Status: Provincial capital – Population of the whole urban area in 1996: 3,853,000 inhabitants Guangzhou has been a trading port since the times of the Qin and Han Dynasties and still remains one of the most important ports in China (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 218; Bai Wanru ed. 2003: 3). The dialect of Guangzhou is regarded as the standard form of the Yue dialect. Due to ongoing social changes, the circulation of residents and of functionaries, the dialect is going through changes. Since the implementation of the policies of Reform and Openness ˄ᬍ䴽ᓔᬒ G΁igé KƗifàng˅, more people from the rural areas have been moving into town (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 218; Bai Wanru ed. 2003: 3–4). 4.37. Dongguan ˄ϰ㥲˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 224; Zhan and Chen ed. 1997: 3–4) – Dialect affiliation: Yue dialect group, Guangfu subgroup ˄㉸䇁ᑓᑰ⠛ ऎ Yuèy· qnj Gu΁ngf· piàn˅ – Administrative affiliation: Guangdong Province, Dongguan Municipality ˄ϰ㥲Ꮦ Dongguan Shi˅ – Population of the whole municipality in 1990: 1,311,892 inhabitants Dongguan is located about 50 km southeast of the capital of Guangdong Province – Guangzhou. The number of people residing in Dongguan is only the official statistical data. It is very difficult to estimate the real number of inhabitants, as many of them are unregistered migrant workers; in some areas of the municipality they even outnumber the native residents by far (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 224; Zhan and Chen ed. 1997: 3). A number of inhabitants of Dongguan speak the Hakka dialect; however Hakka is spoken only in a relatively small area of the municipality with

178 Analysis of The Great Dictionary speakers who constitute around 16% of the population (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 224; Zhan and Chen ed. 1997: 3–4). 4.38. Jian’ou ˄ᓎ⫃˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 229–230; Li and Pan ed.1998: 3–4) – Dialect affiliation: Min dialect supergroup, Northern Min group ˄䯑䇁 ໻ऎ䯑࣫ऎ M΃ny· dàqnj M΃nbČi qnj˅ – Administrative affiliation: Fujian Province, Nanping Municipality ˄फ ᑇᏖ Nanping Shi˅, Jian’ou City ˄ᓎ⫃Ꮦ Jian’ou Shi˅ – Population of the whole city in 1992: 489,300 inhabitants Jian’ou is the largest city in Fujian Province as regards area. It is located in northern Fujian (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 229, 230; Li and Pan ed. 1998: 3, 4). The northern part of Fujian started to develop first of all as the whole Province and Jian’ou has been the political, economic and cultural centre of this part of Fujian up till the time of the Republic of China (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 229–230; Li and Pan ed.1998: 3). 4.39. Fuzhou ˄⽣Ꮂ˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 235; Feng Aizhen ed. 1998: 3–4) – Dialect affiliation: Min dialect supergroup, Eastern Min group, Houguan subgroup ˄䯑䇁໻ऎ䯑ϰऎփᅬ⠛ M΃ny· dàqnj M΃ndǀng qnj HòuguƗn piàn˅ – Administrative affiliation: Fujian Province, Fuzhou Municipality ˄⽣ ᎲᏖ Fuzhou Shi˅ – Status: Provincial capital – Population of the whole municipality in 1990: 5,340,927 inhabitants Fuzhou is located in the eastern part of Fujian, at the lower reaches of the Min River ˄䯑∳ Min Jiang˅. It has a long history, reaching back to the times of the Spring and Autumn Period (722–481 B.C.). Ethnically, it is not very diversified (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 235; Feng Aizhen ed. 1998: 3–4). The dialect of Fuzhou has been very influential both in the area of Fujian Province, and abroad, as many Chinese from this part of China have

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migrated to Hong Kong, Macau, Taiwan and overseas (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 235; Feng Aizhen ed. 1998: 3–4). The Fuzhou dialect is often studied in comparison with Qi Lin Bayin ˄៮ᵫܿ䷇˅, a rhyme book compiled in the eighteenth century (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 235–236; Feng Aizhen ed. 1998: 4–5). 4.40. Xiamen ˄ॺ䮼˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 246–247; Zhou Changji ed. 1998: 3–4) – Dialect affiliation: Min dialect supergroup, Southern Min group, Quanzhang subgroup ˄䯑䇁໻ऎ䯑फऎ⊝┇⠛ M΃ny· dàqnj M΃nnán qnj QuánzhƗng piàn˅ – Administrative affiliation: Fujian Province, Xiamen Municipality ˄ॺ 䮼Ꮦ Xiamen Shi˅ – Population of the whole municipality in 1989: 1,093,299 inhabitants – Major nationalities: Han ˄ ∝ ᮣ Hànzú ˅ , Hui ˄ ಲ ᮣ Huízú ˅ , Gaoshan ˄催ቅᮣ GƗoshƗnzú˅ Xiamen lies in the southeastern part of Fujian, looking out to the Taiwan Strait ˄ৄ⑒⍋ኵ Taiwan Haixia˅. The main part of the city is located on the Xiamen Island ˄ॺ䮼ቯ Xiamen Dao˅. In 1981 Xiamen was declared a Special Economic Zone (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 246–247; Zhou Changji ed. 1998: 3–4). Since the middle of the seventeenth century and especially since the middle of the nineteenth century, when Xiamen became a treaty port, it gradually turned into the political, economic and cultural centre of southern Fujian. Furthermore, the dialect of Xiamen became the dominant language of the area (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 249–250; Zhou Changji ed. 1998: 19). 4.41. Leizhou ˄䳋Ꮂ˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 254–255; Zhang and Cai ed. 1998: 3) – Dialect affiliation: Min dialect supergroup, Leizhou group ˄䯑䇁໻ऎ 䳋Ꮂऎ M΃ny· dàqnj Léizhǀu qnj˅ – Administrative affiliation: Guangdong Province, Zhanjiang Municipality ˄␯∳Ꮦ Zhanjiang Shi˅, Leizhou City ˄䳋ᎲᏖ Leizhou Shi˅ – Population of the whole city in 1994: 1,116,000 inhabitants

180 Analysis of The Great Dictionary Leizhou is situated in the central part of Leizhou Peninsula ˄䳋Ꮂञቯ Leizhou Bandao˅ in southern Guangdong. In some parts of the Peninsula, the Yue and Hakka dialects are spoken (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 254–255; Zhang and Cai ed. 1998: 3). 4.42. Haikou ˄⍋ষ˅ (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 259–260; Chen Hongmai ed. 1996: 3) – Dialect affiliation: Min dialect supergroup, Qiongwen group, Fucheng subgroup ˄ 䯑 䇁 ໻ ऎ ⨐ ᭛ ऎ ᑰ ජ ⠛ M΃ny· dàqnj Qióngwén qnj F·chéng piàn˅ – Administrative affiliation: Hainan Province, Haikou Municipality ˄⍋ ষᏖ Haikou Shi˅ – Status: Provincial capital – Population of the whole municipality in 1990: 370,420 inhabitants Lying at the northern coast of Hainan Island ˄⍋फቯ Hainan Dao˅, Haikou is the capital of Hainan Province and is its political, economic, cultural and communications centre (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 259–260; Chen Hongmai ed. 1996: 3).

4.43. Conclusions The dialect localities of The Great Dictionary... are of a different nature. Looking through the prism of this assortment, factors which are of great importance in shaping the language of an explored place can be extracted: 1. Administrative status Many of the localities included in The Great Dictionary... are capitals of provinces / autonomous regions. This is explained by the influence of the language spoken in a city of such great political, economic and cultural importance. 2. Ethnical diversity Interactions between the majority and minority languages play a significant role. Where the percentage of the Han nationality is comparatively low, the minority languages sometimes have a strong impact on the local variety of Chinese (e.g. Harbin, Liuzhou, Xining, Yinchuan, Ürümqi, Nanning).

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3. Linguistic status Some of the listed localities are considered to be standards for the dialect group they belong to (e.g. Taiyuan, Shanghai, Suzhou, Nanchang, Changsha, Fuzhou, Xiamen, Guangzhou, Meixian). This opinion is often based on the linguistic tradition (cf. Chapter 8.3.2.). 4. Transportation When a city is a transportation hub, its language can be receptive to the influence of other dialects (or languages), and at the same time it can have the power to change them. 5. Migrations Big migrations have played a significant role in the forming of dialects. The history of migration waves which have had an impact on Chinese dialects are described in more detail in Ge, Cao and Wu 1993. 6. Historical significance Most of the cities in question have a long history. Some of them have played an extraordinarily important role as ancient capitals of the country or communication centres. The language of the city where the seat of the government is located has always been significant in the process of standardization. Table 18. summarizes the most salient features of the dialect localities, i.e. the administrative status, the population and ethnic diversity. All these characteristics play an important role in determining the status of the dialect of a place (for scale figures see the bottom of the table). Table 18. A choice of features of the forty two dialect localities of The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects. Dialect locality Harbin Jinan Muping Xuzhou Yangzhou Nanjing Wuhan Chengdu Guiyang

Administrative status provincial capital provincial capital county-level district prefecture-level municipality prefecture-level municipality provincial capital provincial capital provincial capital provincial capital

Population

Ethnical diversity

4 4 1

2 1 0

4

0

3

0

4 4 5 3

0 0 0 ?

182 Analysis of The Great Dictionary [Table 18 cont.] Dialect locality

Population

Ethnical diversity

3

3

3

0

4 3 2 3 1 3 1

0 3 3 4 0 0 ?

1 2 1 5

0 0 0 0

3

0

4 4

0 0

4

0

2

0

4 1

0 0

3 3

0 0

Lichuan Yudu Meixian Nanning

Administrative status prefecture-level municipality prefecture-level municipality provincial capital provincial capital capital of A.R. capital of A.R. county provincial capital prefecture-level municipality county county-level city county municipality directly under the jurisdiction of the State Council prefecture-level municipality provincial capital prefecture-level municipality prefecture-level municipality prefecture-level municipality provincial capital prefecture-level municipality provincial capital prefecture-level municipality county county county capital of A.R.

1 2 2 3

0 0 0 5

Guangzhou

provincial capital

3

0

Liuzhou Luoyang Xi’an Xining Yinchuan Ürümqi Wanrong Taiyuan Xinzhou Jixi Danyang Chongming Shanghai

Suzhou Hangzhou Ningbo Wenzhou Jinhua Changsha Loudi Nanchang Pingxiang

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[Table 18 cont.] Dialect locality Dongguan Jian’ou Fuzhou Xiamen Leizhou Haikou

Administrative status prefecture-level municipality county-level city provincial capital prefecture-level municipality county-level city provincial capital

Population

Ethnical diversity

3

0

1 4 3

0 0 ?

3 1

0 0

Ethnic diversity scale (according to the percentage of Han nationality): 0 – >99% 1 – 98%̢99% 2 – 94%̢98% 3 – 80%̢94% 4 – 70%̢80% 5 – <70% Population scale: 1 – 100,000–500,000 inhabitants 2 – 500, 000–1,000,000 inhabitants 3 – 1,000,000–5,000,000 inhabitants 4 – 5,000,000–10,000,000 inhabitants 5 – > 10,000,000 inhabitants

Chapter 9 Information gathered from The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects

The Great Dictionary... is a rich source of information about the current situation of Chinese dialects. Vocabulary is naturally the most important feature of the dictionary, nonetheless a lot of material about the phonetic and grammatical system can also be found, especially through the introductions.

1. Internal diversification The descriptions of internal differences of the individual dialects, which can be found in the second section of most of the introductions, present an overview of the diversity of speech in a certain area, and also reveal the phenomena which are occurring in the evolution of dialects at present. Some of the introductions contain very detailed descriptions of the internal diversification of the dialects, in others only a rough sketch can be found. The differences include phonetic, grammatical and lexical features.

1.1. Territorial divergence The territorial divergence of a certain dialect is visible in nearly all the dialect localities taken into consideration in The Great Dictionary.... The described territorial differences include the following kinds (cf. Chapter 7.1.4.8.): 1. Between urban and rural/suburb areas (Harbin, Xuzhou, Yangzhou, Nanjing, Chengdu, Liuzhou, Luoyang, Xi’an, Xining, Taiyuan, Danyang, Shanghai, Suzhou, Ningbo, Wenzhou, Jinhua, Nanchang, Fuzhou, Xiamen, Haikou) 2. Inside the urban area (Nanjing, Wuhan, Chengdu, Changsha, Pingxiang, Jian’ou)

Internal diversification

3.

4.

185

Between various parts of districts (Muping, Wanrong, Danyang, Chongming, Jinhua, Lichuan, Meixian, Nanning, Dongguan, Jian’ou, Fuzhou, Leizhou) Between the main dialect and other dialect islands (Chengdu, Ürümqi, Shanghai, Nanning, Leizhou)

1.2. Differences between generations The differences between the generations reflect the changes which are ongoing in the dialects of Chinese. The influence of Putonghua is the most prominent factor (though not without exceptions 106 ). The changes affect mostly the phonetic system, but they also occur in the lexical and grammatical sphere (cf. Chapter 7.1.4.6.): 1. Phonetic changes (Harbin, Jinan, Muping, Xuzhou, Yangzhou, Nanjing, Wuhan, Chengdu, Guiyang, Liuzhou, Xi’an, Wanrong, Taiyuan, Danyang, Shanghai, Suzhou, Hangzhou, Ningbo, Wenzhou, Jinhua, Changsha, Nanchang, Pingxiang, Lichuan, Guangzhou, Fuzhou) 2. Lexical changes (Jinan, Yangzhou, Wuhan, Chengdu, Yinchuan, Danyang, Shanghai, Fuzhou) 3. Grammatical changes (Yangzhou, Wuhan, Wanrong, Danyang, Shanghai, Changsha) Sometimes the territorial and generational differences correspond, i.e. people living in the rural area speak the same variety as the old generation, while inhabitants of the urban area use the same language as the new generation (Harbin, Liuzhou). The generational diversification is also linked with the differences in educational level. Educated people usually speak the newer variety of the dialect (Yangzhou, Yinchuan, Ürümqi). 1.3. Differences between the literary and colloquial pronunciation 䯴 ᭛ⱑ ᓖ䇏 wénbái yìdú䯵 The opposition between literary and colloquial pronunciation (see Chapter 7.1.4.4.) is quite strong in some dialects (Lichuan). In some cases, this feature is described in more detail in the fifth part of the introductions

186 Information gathered from The Great Dictionary (Characteristics) (Wanrong, Taiyuan, Jixi, Hangzhou, Changsha, Loudi, Pingxiang, Yudu Xiamen, Leizhou). Often the literary pronunciation is close to that of the Beijing dialect, or Putonghua. At the same time, the variety spoken by the young generation is getting closer to the national standard, thus the literary and new pronunciation are similar (Jinan, Nanjing, Yinchuan).

1.4. Other In the dialects there are also internal differences which are due to other factors. The ones described in The Great Dictionary... are the following: 1. Differences between the language of Han and Hui nationalities (Jinan, Xi’an, Xining, Yinchuan, Ürümqi) 2. Family background (Nanjing) 3. Occupation (Nanjing)

2. Phonetics 2.1. Phonetic systems The phonetic system of each of the dialects is described in great detail in the introductions. The following data has been extracted in order to present an outline of the phonetics of modern dialects.

2.1.1.

Number of initials, finals and tones

The initials, finals and tones of Chinese dialects form a much diversified organism. The minute details shall not be analysed here, but the number of initials, finals and tones give a general idea of their multifarious nature. Table 19. Numbers of initials, finals and tones in the forty two dialect localities and Putonghua. Dialect group

Dialect locality Putonghua

Initials107

Finals108

Tones109

22

39

4

Phonetics [Table 19. cont] Dialect group

Mandarin

Jin Hui

Wu

Xiang

Gan Hakka Pinghua Yue

Dialect locality 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37.

Harbin Jinan Muping Xuzhou Yangzhou Nanjing Wuhan Chengdu Guiyang Liuzhou Luoyang Xi’an Xining Yinchuan Ürümqi Wanrong Taiyuan Xinzhou Jixi Danyang Chongming Shanghai Suzhou Hangzhou Ningbo Wenzhou Jinhua Changsha Loudi Nanchang Pingxiang Lichuan Yudu Meixian Nanning Guangzhou Dongguan

Initials

Finals

Tones

22 25 22 23 17 21 19 20 19 19 23 26 23 23 25 28 21 25 20 22 35 27 27 29 29 29 29 23 24 19 23 23 24 17 22 16 19

38 38 39 40 47 49 43 36 32 41 36 39 33 42 32 35 36 47 40 48 53 54 49 53 50 35 52 41 40 67 39 59 52 73 49 94 40

4 4 4 4 5 5 4 4 4 5 4 4 4 4 3 4 5 4 6 6 8 6 7 7 7 8 7 6 5 7 4 7 6 6 10 9 8

187

188 Information gathered from The Great Dictionary [Table 19. cont] Dialect group

Dialect locality 38. 39. 40. 41. 42.

Min

Jian’ou Fuzhou Xiamen Leizhou Haikou

Initials

Finals

Tones

15 15 17 17 16

34 48 82 47 46

6 7 7 8 8

The proportions between the number of initials and finals are very different. The Mandarin dialects are roughly uniform in this aspect, with Yangzhou having the largest disproportion and Ürümqi and Wanrong with the two amounts closest to each other. Among the remaining dialect groups, the Guangzhou dialect of the Yue group has the least initials compared with the number of finals. The amount of initials and finals is not closely linked with the affiliation to a certain dialect group, though some similarities can be found within each group. The number of tones has clearly a much more decisive role in the classifications of dialects. The Mandarin dialects only have 3–5 tones, while the other groups have much more diversified tonal systems. The tonal categories and values are analysed more closely below.

2.1.2.

Tonal categories and values

The Middle Chinese tonal categories (see Chapter 4.2.) have evolved into multiple tones in modern dialects. The categories and their tone values are of a very complicated nature. The Great Dictionary... shows a broad spectrum of this issue, as presented in Table 20.:110 Table 20. Tonal categories and their values in the forty two dialect spots and Putonghua. Dialect group

Dialect locality

Putonghua

Píng ᑇ YƯn- Yáng píng -píng 䰈ᑇ 䰇ᑇ 55 35

Sháng Ϟ YƯnYáng sháng -shàng 䰈Ϟ 䰇Ϟ 214

Qù এ YƯn- Yáng qù -qù 䰈এ 䰇এ 51

Rù ܹ YƯn- Yángrù rù 䰈ܹ 䰇ܹ -

189

Phonetics [Table 20. cont.] Dialect group

Mandarin

Jin

Hui

Dialect locality

1. Harbin 2. Jinan 3. Muping 4. Xuzhou 5. Yangzhou 6. Nanjing 7. Wuhan 8. Chengdu 9. Guiyang 10. Liuzhou 11. Luoyang 12. Xi’an 13. Xining 14. Yinchuan 15. Ürümqi 16. Wanrong 17. Taiyuan 18. Xinzhou 19. Jixi

Píng ᑇ YƯn- Yáng píng -píng 䰈ᑇ 䰇ᑇ 44 24 213 42 42 553 (51) (53) 213 455 (55) 21 34 (11) (35) 31 23 (24) 55 213 45 21 (55) 55 21 (31) 44 31

Sháng Ϟ YƯnYáng sháng -shàng 䰈Ϟ 䰇Ϟ 213 55 213

Qù এ YƯn- Yáng qù -qù 䰈এ 䰇এ 53 21 131

Rù ܹ YƯn- Yángrù rù 䰈ܹ 䰇ܹ -

24 (35) 42

51

-

55

4

11

44

5

42 53

35 213

-

53

24

-

54

24

5

33

31

53

412

-

21 44

24 24

53 53

44 213

-

44

53

53

13

-

44

51

-

213

-

51

24

55

33

-

53

45

11 31 31

313 44

2

53 213

35

54 2

22

32

190 Information gathered from The Great Dictionary [Table 20. cont.] Dialect group

Wu

Xiang

Gan

Hakka

Pinghua

Dialect locality

20. Danyang 21.Chongming 22. Shanghai 23. Suzhou 24. Hangzhou 25. Ningbo 26. Wenzhou 27. Jinhua 28. Changsha 29. Loudi 30. Nanchang 31. Pingxiang 32. Lichuan 33. Yudu 34. Meixian 35. Nanning

Píng ᑇ YƯn- Yáng píng -píng 䰈ᑇ 䰇ᑇ 33 24

Sháng Ϟ YƯnYáng sháng -shàng 䰈Ϟ 䰇Ϟ 55

Qù এ YƯn- Yáng qù -qù 䰈এ 䰇এ 11

Rù ܹ YƯn- Yángrù rù 䰈ܹ 䰇ܹ 3 4 (5) 5 2

55

24

424

242

33

313

53

13

-

35

-

55

44 (55) 33

23 (13) 213

44 (55) 51

-

31

5

53

-

13

5

2

53

24

35

-

412 (513) 445 (55) 44

12 (13) 3

213

55

12

33

31

11

313

212

313

34 (24) -

42

334 (33) 33

45 (35) 535

55

24

4

212 (12)

13

41

44 42

13 24

42 213

45 (55) 35 35

21 (11) 11 11

13

44

35

22

35

44

53

31 44

44 11

35 31

22

53

21

33

24 5

11

13

55

3

42 53

24

2

22

5 5

1

5

Ϟ 5 ϟ 3

Ϟ 23 ϟ 2

Phonetics

191

[Table 20. cont.] Dialect group

Dialect locality

36.Guangzhou

Píng ᑇ YƯn- Yáng píng -píng 䰈ᑇ 䰇ᑇ 53 21 55

Sháng Ϟ YƯnYáng sháng -shàng 䰈Ϟ 䰇Ϟ 35 23

Qù এ YƯn- Yáng qù -qù 䰈এ 䰇এ 33 22

Yue

Min

37. Dongguan

213

38. Jian’ou 39. Fuzhou 40. Xiamen 41. Leizhou 42. Haikou

54

-

21

33

55

বܹ 24 24 42

55

53

33

212

242

24

5

55

24 (35) 22 (11) 21

32 11 5

55

35 (24) 24

21

35

13

32

Rù ܹ YƯn- Yángrù rù 䰈ܹ 䰇ܹ Ϟ 22 55 Ё 33 44 22

53

-

21

31

33

21

22 (11) 55

213

-

35

33

1

5 3 䭓ܹ 55

As can be seen from the figures above, the tonal categories and their values do not correspond. Tones of the same value in different dialects can belong to different categories, e.g. the tone with value 213 belongs to the following categories in the dialects in question: – 䰈ᑇ yƯnpíng in Jinan, Xuzhou, Dongguan – 䰇ᑇ yángpíng in Wuhan, Hangzhou – Ϟໄ shàngshƝng in Harbin, Muping, Jixi, Nanchang – 䰈Ϟ yƯnshàng in Haikou – এໄ qùshƝng in Chengdu, Xining, Ürümqi – 䰇এ yángqù in Ningbo The presence or absence of the ܹໄ rùshƝng, which is an important feature in the classification of dialects (cf. Chapter 5.1.5.), is also visible in the table. Among the dialect localities belonging to the Mandarin supergroup, three have preserved the ܹໄ rùshƝng: Yangzhou, Nanjing and Liuzhou. This is the distinctive feature of the Jianghuai Mandarin group, which Yangzhou and Nanjing both belong to. Liuzhou, on the other hand, belongs

192 Information gathered from The Great Dictionary to the Southwestern Mandarin group, together with Wuhan, Chengdu and Guiyang, and the presence of the ܹໄ rùshƝng is not its characteristic. This fact contradicts the description in the Atlas (A2, B14), where it is said that the Southwestern Mandarin group, with Guilin ˄Ḗᵫ˅ and Liuzhou as examples of the Guiliu subgroup, has not preserved the ܹໄ rùshƝng. The dialect of Liuzhou is clearly an exception from the rule. In the description of the phonetic characteristics of the Liuzhou dialect it is said, however, that there are only remnants of the ܹໄ rùshƝng and that it is rare (Liu Cunhan ed. 1998: 15; Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 68). Most of the non-Mandarin dialect localities do have syllables in the ܹ ໄ rùshƝng, except for Loudi (Xiang group) and Pingxiang (Gan group). Most of them have the 䰈 yƯn and 䰇 yáng categories. In some cases this division goes further, as in Nanning Pinghua, where both the categories are split into upper ˄Ϟ shàng˅ and lower ˄ϟ xià˅. A more thoroughgoing analysis of tones and their categories and values reveals a large field for many interesting discoveries, and The Great Dictionary... can be of great value in such studies.

2.2. Secondary parameters The evolution of Middle Chinese plosive ܼ⌞ quánzhuó initials is also one of the most often used criteria in the classifications of Chinese dialects. The modern continuants of Middle Chinese plosive and nasal codas play an important role, as well (cf. Chapter 5.1.5.). In Table 21., the opposition between voiced and voiceless plosive initials, the presence and kinds of plosive as well as nasal and nasalized codas in the forty two dialect localities is shown: Table 21. Opposition between voiced and voiceless plosive initials; plosive codas; nasal and nasalized codas in the forty two dialect localities and Putonghua. Dialect group

Dialect locality

Putonghua

Opposition between voiced and voiceless plosive initials -

Plosive codas

Nasal and nasalized codas

-

-n; -0

Phonetics

193

[Table 21. cont.] Dialect group

Mandarin

Jin Hui

Dialect locality

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21.

Harbin Jinan Muping Xuzhou Yangzhou Nanjing Wuhan Chengdu Guiyang Liuzhou Luoyang Xi’an Xining Yinchuan Ürümqi Wanrong Taiyuan Xinzhou Jixi Danyang Chongming

22. Shanghai Wu 23. Suzhou

24. Hangzhou 25. Ningbo

Opposition between voiced and voiceless plosive initials p-ļ bt-ļ dk-ļ gp-ļ bt-ļ dk-ļ gp-ļ bt-ļ dk-ļ gp-ļ bt-ļ dk-ļ gp-ļ bt-ļ dk-ļ g-

Plosive codas

Nasal and nasalized codas

-! -! -! -! -! -! -! -!

-n; -0 -ã; -Ӂ; -0 -n; -0 -æ; -Ӂ; -0 -æ; -Ӂ; -õ; -n; -0 -n; -0 -n; -0 -n; -0 -n; -0 -ã; -ɋ; -n; -0 -n; -0 -ɋ; -æ; -0 -ã; -·Ğ; -»Ğ -n; -0 -n; -0 -æ; -0 -æ; -³Ğ; -0 -²Ğ; -½Ğ; -·Ğ; -0 -²Ğ; -ɋ; -õ -0 -ã; -²Ğ; -n;-0

-!

-ã; -²Ğ; -0

-!

-ã; -²Ğ; -n; -0; mę; nę; 0ȩȩ

-!

-½Ğ; -õ; -n; -0

-!

-ã; -·Ğ; -ȶ; -0

194 Information gathered from The Great Dictionary [Table 21. cont.] Dialect group

Dialect locality

26. Wenzhou Wu 27. Jinhua

Xiang

Gan

Hakka Pinghua Yue

Min

28. Changsha 29. Loudi 30. Nanchang 31. Pingxiang 32. Lichuan 33. Yudu 34. Meixian 35. Nanning 36. Guangzhou 37. Dongguan 38. Jian’ou 39. Fuzhou 40. Xiamen 41. Leizhou 42. Haikou

Opposition between voiced and voiceless plosive initials p-ļ bt-ļ dk-ļ gp-ļ bt-ļ dk-ļ g-

Plosive codas

Nasal and nasalized codas

-

-0

-!

-ã; -0

-

-n; -0; -õ; -»Ğ; -ɋ

p-ļ bt-ļ d-

-t; -! -

-n; -0;-ã; -ɋ; -·Ğ; -ȯ -n; -0 -ã; -õ; -ɋ; -0

-

-p; -! -! -p; -t; -k -p; -t; -k

-m; -n; -0 -ȯ; -ã; -·Ğ; -ɋ; -0 -m; -n; -0 -m; -n; -0

-

-p; -t; -k

-m; -n; -0

-

-p; -t; -k; -!

-m; -n; -0

p-ļ bk-ļ gp-ļ b-

-! -p; -t; -k; -!

-0 -0 -m; -n; -0; -ȯ -ã; -·Ğ; -ɋ; -ȶ -m; -0 -m; -n; -0

-p; -k -p; -t; -k

The following conclusions can be drawn from the table (cf. Chapter 6.5.): 1. The Mandarin, Jin, Hui, Gan, Hakka, Pinghua, Yue dialects have not preserved the opposition between voiced and voiceless plosive initials.

Phonetics

2.

3. 4.

5. 6. 7.

8. 9. 10.

11. 12. 13.

195

The opposition between voiced and voiceless plosive codas is present in almost all of the Wu dialect localities, except for Danyang, which gives it a unique place in the area of the Wu dialect group. This phenomenon is an outcome of the influence of the neighbouring Jianghuai Mandarin dialects (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 126–127; Cai Guolu ed. 1998: 19). In the remaining dialect groups, some of the places have partly preserved this opposition. The plosive codas (glottal stop) are only found in the dialects which have preserved the ܹໄ rùshƝng in the Mandarin dialect supergroup (Yangzhou, Nanjing, Liuzhou). These two features are often linked together also in the remaining dialects, syllables in the entering tone often end with a glottal stop or other plosive coda. Plosive codas have been preserved in most of the Jin, Hui, Gan, Hakka, Pinghua, Yue, Min dialect localities. The Pinghua, Yue and Min dialects have the largest range of plosive codas. The Mandarin dialects have only preserved the [-n; -0] (or only one of them) of the nasal codas, some have also retained the nasal codas in the form of nasalized vowels. The Xining dialect only has the nasalized endings. Both of the Jin dialects only have the [-0] coda and a few nasalized vowels. The Jixi dialect of the Hui group has lost all the nasal codas and only kept the nasalized vowels. The situation of the Wu dialects concerning nasal endings is similar to that of the Mandarin group, yet percentage-wise less have kept the [-n] ending. Both of the Xiang dialects have retained the [-n; -0;] codas and have some nasalized vowels. The presence and kinds of nasal codas among the Gan and Hakka, as well as Min dialects follow no rule. The Pinghua and Yue dialects have preserved the three nasal codas [-m; -n; -0].

196 Information gathered from The Great Dictionary 2.3. Other phonetic phenomena Many phonetic phenomena are described in the introductions. Most of them relate to tonal changes, but some also show the alterations of initials and finals. The following occurrences are the most salient: 1. Initial mutations (Chongming, Fuzhou) 2. ‫ ࣪ܓ‬érhuà (Harbin, Jinan, Muping, Xuzhou, Nanjing, Luoyang, Xi’an, Ürümqi, Wanrong, Xinzhou, Jixi, Ningbo, Jinhua, Meixian) 3. Tone sandhi (Harbin, Jinan, Muping, Xuzhou, Yangzhou, Nanjing, Wuhan, Chengdu, Guiyang, Luoyang, Xi’an, Xining, Yinchuan, Ürümqi, Wanrong, Taiyuan, Xinzhou, Jixi, Danyang, Chongming, Shanghai, Suzhou, Hangzhou, Wenzhou, Jinhua, Changsha, Loudi, Nanchang, Pingxiang, Lichuan, Yudu, Meixian, Dongguan, Fuzhou, Xiamen, Leizhou) 4. Neutral tone (Jinan, Xuzhou, Yangzhou, Nanjing, Wuhan, Luoyang, Yinchuan, Wanrong, Suzhou, Loudi, Lichuan, Fuzhou) An analysis of these cases can be of great help in depicting the current state of affairs in the field of phonetic changes in dialects.

3. Vocabulary Vocabulary is, as a matter of course, the best described aspect of Chinese dialects in The Great Dictionary.... The two parts of the dictionary, i.e. the individual volumes and the comprehensive edition, create an opportunity to look at the dialectal vocabulary from two different angles.

3.1. Comparison through the thematic indexes The individual volumes make it possible to carry out a thorough study of the lexicon of a single dialect, as well as to make comparisons between selected dialects. The thematic indexes (see Chapter 8.1.1.; Chapter 8.2.3.) can serve as the basis for comparison. The entries in the index are arranged more or less in the same order in each volume. The categories listed can provide an account of the characteristics of a dialect, especially if there are any specific ones, which are uncommon in other dictionaries. For example, in many of the volumes the category

Vocabulary

197

“Other” ˄݊Ҫ qítƗ˅ is added at the end. In the Jinan dialect dictionary, subcategories of this category are listed: common nouns, natural states and changes, interjections and onomatopoeia, idioms, etc. In the Guiyang dialect dictionary, the 28th category (affixes, etc.) has several subcategories: suffixes, prefixes, function words, interjections, exclamations, onomatopoeia. The Liuzhou dialect dictionary has an additional category: 䱤䇁 y΃ny· (jargon). Adding categories may imply that words of the supplementary kinds are exceptionally plentiful in the dialects. Through the thematic index, one can also trace the local words for selected entries. Unfortunately, this is not an effortless task, as the entries in each category are not the same in all volumes. However, one can try to locate the names for certain objects or phenomena under the domain which they belong to. The basic concepts can be found quite easily. Two examples of such cases are presented in the following table (see also Zhang Zhenxing 2000b: 106–107 for other examples): Table 22. Words denoting ‘sun’ and ‘spring’ in the forty two dialect localities and Putonghua. Dialect group

Dialect locality Putonghua

‘sun’

‘spring’

໾䰇 tàiyáng

᯹ᄷ chnjnjì ᯹໽ chnjntiƗn ᯹໽ tð‘u»n44 t‘ian44

1.

Harbin

2.

Jinan

3. 4.

Muping Xuzhou

໾䰇 t‘ai53·ia0 ᮹༈ ›Ï53·t‘ou 㗕⠋‫ ܓ‬lau213 i½r24 ໾䰇 t‘½21 ia042 ᮹༈ ›Ï21ĺ44 ·t‘ou ᮹༈ i213 ·t‘ou ໾䰇 t‘½51 ·i0 (or·ia0)

5.

Yangzhou

໾䰇 t‘½55 ·ia0

6.

Nanjing

7.

Wuhan

໾䰇 t‘ae44 ·ia0 ᮹༈ ›Ï!5 t‘»•24 ᮹༈ •213ĺ21 ·t‘ou ໾䰇 t‘ai35 ·ia0

8.

Chengdu

Mandarin

໾䰇 t‘ai213 ia021

᯹໽ tð‘ue¿213ĺ23 t‘ia¿213 ᯹໽ ts‘u»n51 t‘ian51 ᯹໽ tð‘ue¿213ĺ35 t‘i3¿213 (or·t‘i3¿) ᯹ ts‘u»n11 ᯹Ϟ ts‘u»n11 ·sa0 ᯹໽ tð‘un 31ĺ33 t‘ien31 ᯹ᄷ t¸‘yn55 t¸i35 ᯹໽ t¸‘yn55 ti ½n55 ᯹Ϟ t¸‘yn55 ·sa0 ᯹໽˄ᆊ˅ ts‘u»n55 t‘i½n55 (t¸ia55)

198 Information gathered from The Great Dictionary [Table 22. cont.] Dialect group

Dialect locality 9. Guiyang 10. Liuzhou 11. Luoyang

12. Xi’an

Mandarin

13. Xining

14. Yinchuan

15. Ürümqi 16. Wanrong

Jin

17. Taiyuan

18. Xinzhou Hui

19. Jixi

20. Danyang

‘sun’ ໾䰇 t‘ai24 ia031 ᮹༈ i31 tmu31 ໾䰇 t‘324 i#031 ᮹༈ ›ï33 ·t‘ԥu ໾䰇 t3412 ·ia0 ᮹༈˄⠋˅ ԥr21 t‘ou (i½44) ⠋ i½44 ⛁༈‫½› ܓ‬44ĺ21 t‘•24ĺ21 ½24ĺ53 ໽⇨˄‫ ˅ܓ‬t‘ia¿44 t¸i213 (·½) ᮹༈ ›Ï13ĺ11·t‘ԥu ໾䰇 t‘½13 ·ia0 ໾䰇 t‘ai213ĺ13 ·i#0 ໾䰇 t‘ai33 ·i¡0 ⠋⠋ ia24 ia24ĺ33 ᮹༈ ›Ï55 ·t‘ԥu ໾䰇 t‘ai45 i³¿53 䰇ယ˄⠋˅ i³¿11 p‘ù11 (ie11) ⠋⠋ i½31 i½31 ᮹༈ Ñie!32 t‘i44 ᮹༈ᄨ Ñie!32 t‘i44 k‘#¿213 ໾䰇 t‘#24ĺ42 ie24 ᮹༈ ni!5ĺ5 te24

Wu

21. Chongming

᮹༈ ÆÑiԥ!2 dä24ĺ55

‘spring’ ᯹໽ ts‘u»n55 t‘ian55 ᯹໽ ts‘umn44 t‘e¿44 ᯹ᄷ‫ ܓ‬tð‘un33 t¸i•412 ᯹໽ tð‘un33 ·t‘ian ᯹Ϟ tð‘un33 ·ða0 ᯹䞠 pf‘e¿21 ·ni

᯹໽ tð‘uԥ¿44 tia¿44

᯹Ϟ tð‘uԥ044 ·ðÏ ᯹໽ tð‘uԥ044 t‘ian44 ᓔ᯹ k½44 tð‘uԥ044 ᯹໽ tð‘u044 ·t‘ian Ѡϝ᳜ ԥr33 ·s3¿ ·y¢ ᯹໽ pf‘ei51ĺ23 t‘i3¿51 ᯹໽ ts‘u011 t‘ie11

᯹ᳳ ts‘uԥ0313ĺ33 t¸‘i313ĺ31 ᯹Ϟ t¸‘y#¿31 ·¸io¿ ᯹Ϟ༈ t¸‘y#¿31ĺ33 ¸io¿22ĺ53 t‘i44 ᯹໽˄༈˅ t¸ye033ĺ55 t‘Í33ĺ11 (te24ĺ11) ᯹ᄷ t¸ye033ĺ55 t¸i24ĺ55 ᯹༈ t¸ye033ĺ55 te24ĺ11 ᯹䞠 ts’ԥn55 li242ĺ0 ᯹໽ ts’ԥn55 t‘ie55

Vocabulary

199

[Table 22. cont.] Dialect group

Dialect locality 22. Shanghai

᮹༈ Ñiԥ!3 ·d;

24. Hangzhou 25. Ningbo

໾䰇 t‘½55 Æi#0213ĺ31 ᮹༈ Ñi+!12ĺ22 dœ;24ĺ44 ໾䰇 t‘a44ĺ44 Æia¿24ĺ44

26. Wenzhou

໾䰇 t‘a42ĺ11 ji31ĺ13 ໾䰇ԯ t’a42ĺ53 ji31ĺ42 vai212ĺ13 ⛁༈ Ñi212ĺ0 dŭu31ĺ13 ⛁༈ԯ Ñi212ĺ53 dŭ u31ĺ53 vai212ĺ13 ᮹༈ Ñiԥ!12ĺ21 diu313ĺ24 ᮹༈ᄨ Ñiԥ!12ĺ21 diu313ĺ24 [t
27. Jinhua

28. Changsha 29. Loudi

Gan

໾䰇 t‘#35ĺ33 Æia¿13ĺ53 ᮹༈ Ñie!13ĺ11 dù13ĺ13

23. Suzhou

Wu

Xiang

‘sun’

30. Nanchang

‘spring’ ᯹໽ ts‘ԥ053ĺ55 t‘ie53ĺ53 ᯹എ䞠 ts‘ԥ053ĺ55 za¿13ĺ55 li13ĺ31 ᯹⌾*৥* ts‘ԥ053ĺ55 l#¿13ĺ33 ¸ia¿35ĺ31 ᯹⌾* ts‘ԥ053ĺ55 l#¿13ĺ31 ᯹໽ ts‘ԥn55 t‘i+55ĺ21 ᯹䭓䞠 ts‘ԥn55 za¿13ĺ33 ·li ᯹໽ ts‘Ýen33 t‘i½¿33 ᯹໽Ӌ ts‘Ýø053ĺ55 t‘i53ĺ55 ko53ĺ55 ᯹໽ ts‘Ýø053ĺ55 t‘i53ĺ53 ᯹䞠 t¸‘yo033 lei24ĺ0

᯹໽ t¸yԥ033 t‘ia33ĺ55

᯹໽ t¸‘yn33 t‘ie¿33 ᯹Ϟ t‘yn44 (or t‘un44) Ùin011ĺ1 ᯹໽ ƍts‘un42 sn011

200 Information gathered from The Great Dictionary [Table 22. cont.] Dialect group

Dialect locality 31. Pingxiang

Gan 32. Lichuan Hakka

Pinghua Yue

Min

33. Yudu 34. Meixian 35. Nanning 36. Guangzhou 37. Dongguan 38. Jian’ou 39. Fuzhou

40. Xiamen 41. Leizhou 42. Haikou

‘sun’

‘spring’

᮹༈ Ñi13 t‘œ44ĺ4 ᮹༈⡃ Ñi13 t‘œ44ĺ4 ku35ĺ5 ᮹ 0i!5 ⛁༈ 0i½!5 ·h½u ᮹༈ Ñi½!22ĺ5 t‘eu44 ໾䰇 t‘æ22 in¿44 ᮹༈ 0it1 t‘eu11 ⛁༈ áit23 tԥu21 ᮹༈ áԥt23 tԥu ⛁༈ it22 t‘mu21ĺ35

᯹Ϟ໽ ƍtð‘¶013 ðõ11ĺ1 t‘iӁ13 ᯹Ϟ䞠 ƍtð‘¶013 ðõ11 li4 ᯹Ϟ ts‘ԥn22·sn0

⛁༈ zit22 t‘au21ĺ35 ᮹༈ mi42 t‘e33 ᮹༈ ni!5ĺ33 t‘au53

᯹໽ ts‘mn213 t‘in213 ᯹໽ ts‘y054 t‘i054 ᯹ ts‘u055 ᯹໽ ts‘u055 nie055 (t‘-) ᯹䞠 ts‘un55 ·li ᯹ ts‘u024 ᯹ᄷ sun24 kui35

᮹༈ lit5ĺ21 t‘au35 ᮹༈ ziek1 t‘au11 ᮹ zit3 ᮹༈ zit3 hau21

᯹໽ tð‘uӁ31 t‘ƭ 31 ᯹ƶ tð‘uӁ31 t‘n31 ᯹໽ ts‘un44 t‘ien44 ᯹໽ ts‘ԥn53 t‘in53 (no data available)

With these two simple examples, the great diversification of dialectal vocabulary is shown. Some of the words have the same form in various places, for example þ໾䰇 (tàiyáng)ÿ and þ᮹༈ (rìtou)ÿ are the most frequent ways to indicate ‘the sun’, while þ᯹໽ (chnjntiƗn)ÿ indicates ‘spring’. However, many words specific to individual dialects can also be found, such as: þ㗕⠋‫( ܓ‬lӽoyér)ÿ, þ⛁༈‫( ܓ‬rètour)ÿ, þ䰇ယ˄⠋˅ (yángpó (yé))ÿ, þ⠋⠋ (yéye)ÿ for ‘the sun’; þ᯹䞠 (chnjnli)ÿ, þᓔ ᯹ (kƗichnjn)ÿ, þѠϝ᳜ (èrsƗnyuè)ÿ for ‘spring’.

3.2. Comparison via the comprehensive edition One can compare the meaning of a certain entry in various dialects in the comprehensive edition of The Great Dictionary.... For example, the word

Grammar

201

þ᯹ (chnjn)ÿ, which in Putonghua means: 1. ‘spring’; 2. ‘a year’; 3. ‘love between a man and a woman’; 4. (fig.) ‘life, vitality’: (1) ᯹ a. Yangzhou – [ts‘u»n11] – 1. ‘spring’; 2. (fig.) ‘life, vitality’ b. Guangzhou – [ts‘øn55] – ‘common name for egg, ovum’ c. Fuzhou – [ts‘u055] – 1. ‘spring’; 2. ‘love between a man and a woman’ d. Leizhou – [ts‘u024] – ‘spring’ e. Haikou – [sun24] – 1. ‘spring’; 2. ‘the season of growth (of plants)’; 3. ‘testicles of male poultry’

3.2. Lexical characteristics The introductions to the individual dialect localities portray the main features specific to each of the dialects, including the vocabulary. The following characteristics are the most significant (cf. Chapter 7.2.2.): 1. Loanwords from other languages (Harbin, Ürümqi, Shanghai, Guangzhou) 2. Loanwords from other dialects (Shanghai, Hangzhou) 3. Archaisms (Guangzhou) 4. Specific usage of certain words (Liuzhou, Ürümqi, Shanghai, Changsha, Loudi, Nanchang, Jian’ou, Fuzhou) 5. Meaning broader than in Putonghua (Jinan, Muping, Guiyang) 6. ড় ䷇ 䆡 / ᄫ héyƯncí/zì 111 (Xuzhou, Yangzhou, Luoyang, Xi’an, Ürümqi, Taiyuan, Xinzhou, Danyang, Suzhou, Ningbo, Jinhua, Changsha, Nanning, Xiamen) 7. ߚ䷇䆡 fƝnyƯncí112 (Xuzhou, Taiyuan, Xinzhou, Fuzhou) 8. Differences in sequence compared with Putonghua (Xuzhou, Wuhan, Wanrong, Taiyuan, Xinzhou, Guangzhou) 9. Fear of breaking a taboo (Changsha, Loudi, Guangzhou) 10. Words specific to particular dialects (Xining, Jixi, Hangzhou, Loudi, Nanning, Leizhou)

4. Grammar The grammatical features for The Great Dictionary... have been investigated without any directives from the editing committee, therefore

202 Information gathered from The Great Dictionary there is no apparent parallelism between the respective descriptions. Only the most salient characteristics, which distinguish a given dialect from others and Putonghua, are described. Another question is that some grammatical parameters are treated as lexical ones, or either in different volumes. This is the case of pronouns, adjectives, adverbs, prepositions, measure words (classifiers), affixes, numerals, which can all be found at the end of the list of categories in the thematic index. Some authors describe these aspects as a part of the vocabulary, and others as grammar. Nevertheless, the reader can get a good account of the complexity of Chinese dialectal grammar (cf. Wang Guosheng 2003). The most commonly mentioned grammatical parameters are the following: 1. Word classes: – Pronouns (personal, demonstrative, interrogative) – Adjectives (especially the categorial comparison) – Adverbs – Verbs and their aspects – Auxiliary words – Measure words – Modal particles 2. Word-formation: – Affixes – Reduplication (of verbs, nouns, adjectives) 3. Syntax: – Complements – Types of sentences (comparative, interrogative, negative) – Word order other than in Putonghua – Specific phrases

Chapter 10 Summary and conclusions

The linguistic situation in China is much more complex than might seem at first to a viewer from the outside. The innumerable languages of national minorities, the many varieties of Chinese form a complicated pattern. Right now, the dialects are going through changes due to the economic, social and political transformations. In this light the study of dialects is a real challenge and the responsibility of Chinese dialectologists is great. The Great Dictionary... is an example of the work which scholars are trying to perform in order to record the current linguistic state of affairs.

1. Dialects or languages? Although many of the speakers of Chinese cannot communicate with each other in their mother tongues, the varieties of language used by the Han nationality are still persistently called þᮍ㿔 fƗngyánÿ, or ‘dialects’. The question whether or not the lack of mutual intelligibility does determine the linguistic borders goes beyond the domain of linguistics and enters the area of politics, anthropology and history. The question touches also upon the feeling of ethnic identity and linguistic ideology, which may, as in many cases in for example Europe, dominate the controversies around linguistic diversification. This is why it is probably best to leave this question aside and concentrate on scientific research of the tongues spoken by the inhabitants of China. The dictionary confirms that differences between Chinese dialects are enormous and that the various groups are in a great part mutually unintelligible. Even dialect localities which are geographically close can be very different, such as some of the example localities of the Wu dialect or Mandarin dialects neighbouring with Wu, etc. However, they are all treated as dialects of one language, a problem which is not questioned by The Great Dictionary.... There is obviously a need for a thorough study of the issue of mutual intelligibility between dialects of Chinese, a study which could reflect the extent of this problem.

204 Summary and conclusions 2. The language of the majority The language of the Han people dominates the numerous languages of ethnic minorities in China. The influence of Chinese on minority languages is overwhelming. Yet, the minority languages also do change the Chinese. This is highlighted in some of the volumes of The Great Dictionary... referring to regions, where the percentage of minorities is significant (e.g. Harbin, Liuzhou, Xining, Yinchuan, Ürümqi, Nanning; see Chapter 8.4.43).113 Some of the ethnic minorities do not have their own language and speak only the local variety of Chinese. This is the case of Hui and Manchu nationalities. The She people also use a kind of language similar to the Hakka Chinese. However, these problems deserve a thorough investigation and they are not the object of this book.

3. Language policy The dialects are undergoing rapid changes due to the language policy in China. This is observable especially in the internal diversification between the old and the young generations. The young people are absorbing the standard language while the old are much more conservative (see Chapter 9.1.2.; see also You Rujie 2000: 206–208, 2004: 198–199). The dialects also affect Putonghua, but not to a symmetrical extent (see Chapter 3.3.). From the point of view of the central authorities, the unification of the language is explicitly desired (cf. Chapter 3.2.). The motivation is practical; it is justified, as it makes communication between the citizens easier. But on the other hand, looking at it from the linguistic perspective, this rapid assimilation of dialects to Putonghua is a rather alarming phenomenon. Chinese dialectologists are undoubtedly aware of it, as one can notice that there is lately an increase in the interest towards dialects. Many varieties of them are being studied, in order to preserve as much information about them as possible. This is the only way to protect them from oblivion. One of the most important contributions in this domain is The Great Dictionary.... The Great Dictionary... is at the same time viewed by Chinese scholars as a medium in promoting Putonghua, fulfilling its responsibility (cf. Chen Fengying 1995: 107; see also Chapter 3.4.). The language policy of the

Different classifications

205

People’s Republic of China on the one hand encourages dialectal research, but on the other hand treats the investigations as a tool for promoting the national standard. This way, paradoxically, the study of dialects is supposed to become the means of eliminating the local varieties of Chinese.

4. Criteria While studying the dialects of Chinese, one encounters the disputes over the criteria for classification. The Middle Chinese phonetic system is still considered the “zero-point” from which all the dialects evolved, even if the scholars are aware that this is but a hypothetical construct which needs critical revisions (cf. Chapter 4.6.2.). Nonetheless, the phonetics are now being looked upon in a broader context, the syllables are no longer treated as individual beings, but various phonetic changes and other parameters are surveyed as well. It is encouraging that at present not only phonetic factors are taken into consideration, but also grammatical and lexical parameters are being valued. The linguists tend to standardize the common theoretical paradigm which they apply for the classifications and try to reach an agreement, yet the issue requires further discussions.

5. Different classifications As the criteria have been changing throughout time, so have the classifications. The number of dialect groups has been fluctuating, and at present the two divisions – into seven and into ten groups – are the most popular. Both of these classifications cause many controversies (see Chapter 5.2.18.; Chapter 6.4.). Nowadays, there appears to be a tendency towards regrouping the dialects into fewer groups (cf. 5.2.18.). The Great Dictionary... applies the classification presented in the Atlas, i.e. into ten dialect groups (Mandarin, Jin, Wu, Hui, Gan, Xiang, Min, Yue, Pinghua and Hakka), despite the most intense controversies around the classifications of Jin, Hui and Pinghua. The homogeneity constitutes a practical advantage as it increases the usefulness of both monumental works. In the nearest future, new points of view may be presented in the forthcoming project of the new edition of the Language Atlas of China (see Chapter 5.2.18.). They may bring some consensus, or raise new arguments.

206 Summary and conclusions Whichever the case, they will surely reveal the current state of research of Chinese dialects and cause discussions, which will hopefully lead to deeper investigations on the topic.

6. Research methods The study of Chinese dialects is currently progressing and becoming more and more advanced. Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao is still used as the most common means for the study of phonetics, even though it is rather old. So far no better questionnaire has been invented for the investigation of isolated syllables. Since the syllables are being put into context, other features are investigated (see Chapter 7.1.4.). Thus many aspects need to be taken into consideration, for example: sandhi (especially tone sandhi), phonetic changes of diminutives ˄ᇣ⿄ব䷇ xi΁ochéng biànyƯn˅ (especially ‫࣪ܓ‬ érhuà), alternative pronunciations ˄জ䇏 yòudú˅, (such as the literary and colloquial variant pronunciations ˄᭛ⱑᓖ䇏 wénbái yìdú˅, borrowing the pronunciation of a synonym ˄䆁䇏 xùndú˅, differences between the new and the old varieties ˄ᮄ⌒ǃ㗕⌒ᓖ䇏 xƯnpài, l΁opài yìdú˅, popular reading ˄֫䇏 súdú˅, geographical diversification. The study of vocabulary and grammar does not have such a long tradition as that of phonetics. For the investigation of vocabulary, there exist a few lists which can be used depending on the purpose of research; however none has established such a status as Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao. The investigation of dialectal vocabulary is more irregular than that of the phonetic system and it requires more thorough analysis. The Great Dictionary... is one of the greatest modern achievements regarding the study of dialectal vocabulary. It gives a broad look at the various characteristics which occur in this field, many of which are described in great detail in the introductions (see Chapter 9.3.). Hitherto, there are no clear rules as regards the methods of research on dialectal grammar. Usually, the grammatical system is compared with that of the national standard. This way, only features which are found in a different form in Putonghua can be found, neglecting those which are specific only to a certain region. The methods of investigation of grammar clearly need improvement.

Chinese abroad

207

In The Great Dictionary..., this aspect has not been standardized and the descriptions of grammar concentrate on features in some way or other characteristic to the dialect in question. Although the grammatical descriptions are not homogeneous, yet The Great Dictionary... is a dictionary, thus detailed grammatical explanations are not the core of it, but they do provide a lot of important information.

7. Other aspects of modern dialectology Modern dialectology does not concentrate only on dialects in terms of territorial diversification. There are other fields of interest, such as social dialects, but this facet is only beginning to develop in China (cf. You Rujie 2000: 11).114 Other features which need to be thoroughly investigated and described are (to mention a few) diglossia (cf. You Rujie 2000: 208–211, 2004: 200–201; Wang Futang 2004: 526–527), dialect islands (cf. Wang Futang 2004: 526), mixed dialect areas and transitional dialects (Wang Futang 2004: 526, 527), etc. The Great Dictionary... touches upon some of these questions, for instance the internal diversification of dialects, such as differences between generations, geographical and ethnical divergencies as well as differences between the literary and colloquial pronunciation (see Chapter 9.2.).

8. Chinese abroad The Chinese language is naturally spoken not only within the borders of mainland China. It has many speakers who live in the neighbouring countries, but also overseas. There are a significant number of Chinese people living in Singapore, Malaysia, Indonesia, as well as in the USA, Australia and in several countries in Europe. Specific Chinese dialects are spoken in these regions and they are developing in their own directions. Unfortunately, this aspect is not included at all in The Great Dictionary..., not even the regions which are considered an integral part with mainland China, i.e. Taiwan, Macau, Hong Kong.115

208 Summary and conclusions 9. Are the dialects of China endangered? The persistent promotion of Putonghua is beyond any doubt a big threat to the dialects. The main aspect of language planning in China, i.e. the promotion of Putonghua, is not balanced by a protection of local vernaculars (cf. 3.2.). No matter how many times one will hear the declarations that it is not the intention of the language policy to eliminate the dialects, it is generally known that these measures do not remain without any influence on the dialects. The Great Dictionary... reveals the process of younger generations using a more and more standardized variety of their tongue. Nonetheless, a complete extinction of the local varieties of Chinese does not seem possible, at least because of the largeness of the country. At this point, one can but hope that the transformation of dialects will be a very long and never completed process.

10. Tasks of Chinese dialectology The most urgent responsibilities of Chinese dialectology at present seem to be the following: – To deepen the ground for dialect classification. – To clarify the classification and to decide on the borders between dialects. – To create universal research methods which would enable comparisons. – To establish a homogeneous theoretical frame in respect to the hypothesis of Middle Chinese as the point of origin of modern dialects. – To preserve data about modern dialects before they assimilate to Putonghua.

11. The role of The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects The Great Dictionary... is a milestone in Chinese dialectology. Although not faultless, it constitutes a great contribution to Chinese linguistics and dialectology. Probably the greatest of its achievements is that it has pushed forward the state of dialectal research in China. Thanks to The Great Dictionary..., the status of dialectal vocabulary has risen. The phonetic aspect of dialects

The role of The Great Dictionary

209

is no longer the only and the most important focus of dialectal research (cf. Zhang Zhenxing 2000b: 100–105; [www 11]). The attainments in the field of vocabulary are not the only input of The Great Dictionary.... The dictionary also contains a lot of information about the phonetic system and about the grammar of dialects, providing a clearer overview of the linguistic situation in China as well as providing an opportunity for dialectal comparison (cf. Wang Guosheng 2003; [www 11]). Through The Great Dictionary... one can also verify the characteristics described in the Atlas, see if they agree with the real situation and if the dialect localities chosen for the dictionary have been classified correctly. In recognition of its merits, The Great Dictionary... was awarded prestigious prizes. In May 1999 it got the first grade prize of the Third National Reference Books Awards granted by the Press and Publication Administration of the People’s Republic of China. In September 1999 it got the highest prize at the Fourth National Books Awards (Xiandai Hanyu Fangyan Da Cidian (fenjuanben) huo jiang 2000: 4; Zhang Zhenxing 2000b: 97). Nevertheless, The Great Dictionary... does have some shortcomings. One of the more significant is the lack of dictionaries of some important places, such as Beijing, Taiwan, Hong Kong, Macau. The question which causes some difficulties to the reader is the lack of uniformity of the introductions to the individual volumes. Not all of them contain the same kind of data. Some do not provide the information about the dialectal affiliation of the dialects in question or about the informants and researched variety. The statistics about population could be made more homogeneous, especially in the comprehensive edition, so that it would be possible to evaluate the status of the dialect localities. It is also not clear whether or not the informants engaged in the project are representative. Despite the deficiencies, The Great Dictionary... is unquestionably a great source of knowledge about the current situation of Chinese dialects, not only for researchers at present, but also for the generations to come. It has chronicled the present state of forty two dialect localities, at a time when the language in China is changing rapidly. This is an inestimable achievement (cf. Liu and Lu 2003). Though not without any objections, the dictionary portrays a large part of the actual linguistic situation in China from the point of view of Chinese dialectologists.

A brief chronology of Chinese history since the Qin Dynasty

Qin ˄⾺˅ Dynasty Han ˄∝˅ Dynasty

Three Kingdoms ˄ϝ೑˅ Jin ˄ᰟ˅ Dynasty Southern and Northern Dynasties ˄फ࣫ᳱ˅ Sui ˄䱟˅ Dynasty Tang ˄૤˅ Dynasty Five Dynasties and Ten States ˄Ѩҷक೑˅

Song ˄ᅟ˅ Dynasty Liao ˄ 䖑 ˅ (Qidan ༥ Ѝ ) Dynasty Jin ˄䞥˅ (Jurchen) Dynasty Xixia ˄㽓໣˅ (Tangut) Dynasty Yuan ˄‫ ˅ܗ‬Dynasty Ming ˄ᯢ˅ Dynasty Qing ˄⏙˅ Dynasty Republic of China ˄Ёढ⇥೑˅ People’s Republic of China ˄ЁढҎ⇥݅੠೑˅

221 BC–206 BC 206 BC–220 AD Western Han ˄㽓∝˅ Eastern Han ˄ϰ∝˅ 220–280 265–420 386–589 581–618 618–907 Five Dynasties ˄Ѩҷ˅

Ten States ˄क೑˅ 960–1279 907–1125 1115–1234 1038–1227 1279–1368 1368–1644 1644–1911 1912–1949 1949–

206 BC–25 AD 25–220

907–960

902–979

China’s main administrative units

Province/A.R./ Municipality/ S.A.R. Anhui Province Beijing Municipality Chongqing Municipality Fujian Province Gansu Province

Chinese name ᅝᖑⳕ ࣫ҀᏖ

ƖnhuƯ ShČng BČijƯng Shì

Chinese abbreviation ⱪ W΁n Ҁ JƯng

䞡ᑚᏖ

Chóngqìng Shì

⏱ Yú

⽣ᓎⳕ ⫬㙗ⳕ

Fújiàn ShČng GƗnsù ShČng

Guangdong Province Guangxi Zhuang A.R.

ᑓϰⳕ

Guizhou Province Hainan Province Hebei Province

䌉Ꮂⳕ

Gu΁ngdǀng ShČng Gu΁ngxƯ Zhuàngzú Zìzhìqnj Guìzhǀu ShČng

䯑 M΃n ⫬ GƗn or 䰛 L΅ng ㉸ Yuè

⍋फⳕ

H΁inán ShČng

咨 Qián or 䌉 Guì ⨐ Qióng

⊇࣫ⳕ

HébČi ShČng

‫ ݔ‬Jì

Heilongjiang Province Henan Province

咥啭∳ⳕ

HƝilóngjiƗng ShČng Hénán ShČng

咥 HƝi

Hong Kong S.A.R.

佭␃⡍߿㸠 ᬓऎ

␃ G΁ng

Hubei Province Hunan Province

␪࣫ⳕ ␪फⳕ

XiƗngg΁ng Tèbiéxíng Zhèngqnj HúbČi ShČng Húnán ShČng

Inner Mongolia A.R.

‫ݙ‬㩭স㞾⊏ ऎ

NèimČngg· Zìzhìqnj

Jiangsu Province

∳㢣ⳕ

JiƗngsnj ShČng

‫ݙ‬㩭স NèimČngg· 㢣 Snj

ᑓ㽓ໂᮣ㞾 ⊏ऎ

⊇फⳕ

Pinyin

Ḗ Guì

䈿 Yù

䛖È ␬ XiƗng

Capital/seat of government ড়㙹 Hefei ࣫Ҁ Beijing 䞡ᑚ Chongqing ⽣Ꮂ Fuzhou ݄Ꮂ Lanzhou ᑓᎲ Guangzhou फᅕ Nanning

䌉䰇 Guiyang ⍋ষ Haikou ⷇ᆊᑘ Shijiazhuang જᇨⒼ Harbin 䚥Ꮂ Zhengzhou 佭␃ Hong Kong ℺∝ Wuhan 䭓≭ Changsha ੐੠⌽⡍ Hohhot फҀ Nanjing

212 China’s main administrative units

Province/A.R./ Municipality/ S.A.R. Jiangxi Province Jilin Province

Chinese name

Pinyin

∳㽓ⳕ

JiƗngxƯ ShČng

Chinese abbreviation 䌷 Gàn

ঢ়ᵫⳕ

Jílín ShČng

ঢ় Jí

Liaoning Province Macau S.A.R.

䖑ᅕⳕ

䖑 Liáo

Ningxia Hui A.R. Qinghai Province Shaanxi Province Shandong Province Shanghai Municipality Shanxi Province Sichuan Province

ᅕ໣ಲᮣ㞾 ⊏ऎ 䴦⍋ⳕ

Liáoníng ShČng Àomen Tèbiéxíng Zhèngqnj Níngxià Huízú Zìzhìqnj QƯngh΁i ShČng

䰩㽓ⳕ ቅϰⳕ

Capital/seat of government

▇ Ào

फᯠ Nanchang 䭓᯹ Changchun ≜䰇 Shenyang ▇䮼 Macau

ᅕ Níng

䫊Ꮁ Yinchuan

䴦 QƯng

㽓ᅕ Xining

Sh΁nxƯ ShČng

⾺ Qín

㽓ᅝ Xi’an

剕 L·

⌢फ Jinan

Ϟ⍋Ꮦ

ShƗndǀng ShČng Shàngh΁i Shì

≾ Hù

Ϟ⍋ Shanghai

ቅ㽓ⳕ ಯᎱⳕ

ShƗnxƯ ShČng SìchuƗn ShČng

໾ॳ Taiyuan ៤䛑 Chengdu

Taiwan116 Tianjin Municipality Tibetan A.R.

ৄ⑒ ໽⋹Ꮦ

TáiwƗn TiƗnjƯn Shì

ᰟ Jìn Ꮁ ChuƗn or 㳔 Sh· ৄ Tái ⋹ JƯn

ৄ࣫ Taipei ໽⋹ Tianjin

㽓㮣㞾⊏ऎ

XƯzàng Zìzhìqnj

㮣 Zàng

ᢝ㧼 Lhasa

Xinjiang Uygur A.R.

ᮄ⭚㓈਒ᇨ 㞾⊏ऎ

ᮄ XƯn

Р剕᳼唤 Ürümqi

Yunnan Province Zhejiang Province

ѥफⳕ

XƯnjiƗng Wéiwú’Čr Zìzhìqnj Yúnnán ShČng

⒛ DiƗn or ѥ Yún ⌭ Zhè

ᯚᯢ Kunming

▇䮼⡍߿㸠 ᬓऎ

⌭∳ⳕ

ZhèjiƗng ShČng

ᵁᎲ Hangzhou

Notes

1. 2.

3. 4.

5. 6. 7.

8.

9.

10.

11. 12.

13.

This division is also questioned by some scholars (cf. Ruhlen 2004: 121–123). The new edition of the Atlas, which is due to be published in 2010, lists 130 languages spoken in China (see Xiong, Zhang and Huang 2008: 194, 201– 202). See also Chapter 6.3.11.1. The Atlas describes the three languages as ‘non-defined’, although recent research classifies them into the following language families: Korean as Altaic, Gin as Austro-Asiatic (Viet-Muong Group); Huihui as Austronesian (cf. [www 3]). Formerly known as Summer Institute of Linguistics. For information about SIL International see: [www 7]. Cf. Kurpaska 2005. ‘Colloquial speech’, the written form of the vernacular, which was recognized as the standard language after the May the Fourth Movement in 1919 (see also Crystal 2003: 315). To find out more about the standard language as a prestigious form of speech and about dialect status, see Yule 2000: 227–228; Poole 2000: 111–112; Robins 2000: 54–58. Only the terms essential for dialect study are presented here, for more detailed information on traditional Chinese phonology and Middle Chinese cf.: Lin and Geng 2004; Liu Zhicheng 2004; Zou Xiaoli 2002; Tang Zuofan 2004; Wang Li 2004b; Li Xinkui 2000; Gao Benhan 2003; Karlgren 1915–1926; Wang Li 1982. The traditional partition differs from the present one, however in this book only the traditional point of view will be presented, as it is usually employed during the study of dialects. For a discussion on the differences between the traditional and the present analysis of the syllable, and for arguments for the present analysis, see Duanmu, San 2002: 79–95. The tone is pictured here as an integral part of the whole syllable, yet separate from the initial and final. In reality it is realized on the nucleus. There are two optional pronunciations of ĀϞໄā, in the falling tone (51) and in the falling-rising tone (214). However, in this book it will be written down in the falling tone, according to the rule presented by Wang Ping (2003: 34–35). The sound which has been classified as ञ啓䷇ bànch΃yƯn is the initial of the character “᮹ (rì)”. The reconstruction of this sound causes many controversies. One concept claims that this is the nasal dorsal [Ñ];Karlgren’s concept says that the sound was a combination of a nasal and fricative – [nĀ]; Wang

214 Notes

14.

15.

16.

17.

18.

19.

20.

21. 22.

Li proposes the flap [ë] (see Tang Zuofan 2004: 36; Lin and Geng 2004: 58; Wang Li 2004b: 77). An inconsistency exists in translating the Chinese terms concerning the parts of a final and other related terms into English. This is especially visible when it comes to the term “rhyme (rime)” in English. Some linguists (cf. Chen, M. Y. 2001: 4–5; Duanmu, San 2002: 80) call “rhyme” what is known as ䷉෎ yùnjƯ in Chinese, i.e. the nucleus and coda. But at the same time, Duanmu has a remark, that “in some analyses, the final is called the rhyme (…)” (2002: 80). Other terms, such as ䷉ yùn; ䷉㉏ yùnlèi are translated as “rhyme” in the Chinese Encyclopaedia (Zhongguo Dabaike Quanshu. Yuyan Wenzi 1988: 109; 504). Some of the terms are difficult to translate, as there are no English equivalents. In order to avoid confusion, the Chinese original terms will be used in this book. The word ੐ hnj originally meant “to pronounce; pronunciation”, it was later adopted as a linguistic term, indicating whether the final of a syllable contains a medial and which kind of medial or nucleus it contains (cf. Zou Xiaoli 2002: 86–87). For more details and various theories about the four grades (ಯㄝ sì dČng) see: Wang Li 2004b: 105–108; Tang Zuofan 2004: 67–70; Zou Xiaoli 2002: 86; Lin and Geng 2004: 55–56; Liu Zhicheng 2004: 56–62; You Rujie 2004: 92– 93. For a discussion about ㄝ dČng, ੐ hnj and medials and how to survey them, see Li Rong 1983: 1–4. For more information on ডߛ f΁nqiè see: Zhongguo Dabaike Quanshu. Yuyan Wenzi 1988: 71–73; Wang Li 2004b: 29–46; Liu Zhicheng 2004: 18–42; Tang Zuofan 2004: 19–28; Feng, Liang and Yang. 1997: 169–171. For more details on Qieyun ˄ߛ䷉˅ see: Zhongguo Dabaike Quanshu. Yuyan Wenzi 1988: 317–318; Lin and Geng 2004: 87–136; Liu Zhicheng 2004: 106–198; Zou Xiaoli 2002: 62–66; Feng, Liang and Yang 1997: 453–454; Li Sijing 2001: 47–96; Wang Li 2004a: 60–72. Tangyun (૤䷉) is a revised edition of Qieyun, written by Sun Mian during the time of the Tang Dynasty (618–907 A.D.). The original has not been preserved. See Zhongguo Dabaike Quanshu. Yuyan Wenzi 1988: 505–506; Feng, Liang and Yang 1997: 546. For more information about Guangyun see: Tang Zuofan 2004: 75–192; Lin and Geng 2004: 104–136; Wang Li 2004b: 47–59; Zou Xiaoli 2002: 66–67; You Rujie 2004: 85–102; Feng, Liang and Yang 1997: 250–251; Zhongguo Dabaike Quanshu. Yuyan Wenzi 1988: 115–116; Wang Li 2004a: 60–72. For a discussion on the principles proposed by Ding Bangxin see: [www5]: 10–11; Li Rulong 2003a: 35. The term “ᄫ”zì, meaning ‘character’ is often used by Chinese scholars as equivalent to ‘syllable’. Each “ᄫ”zì represents a morpheme and most morphemes in Chinese are monosyllabic (cf. Lin, Yen-Hwei 2007: 5–6), therefore

Notes

23.

24. 25.

26.

27.

28. 29. 30.

31.

32.

33. 34.

35.

215

characters used in the rhyme books usually represent syllables. In this book “ᄫ”zì is usually referred to as ‘syllable’, however in some cases, the two terms are not fully interchangeable. The tone-aspiration division means that apart from the split of Middle Chinese tones into 䰈 yƯn and 䰇 yáng categories, depending if the initials were voiceless ˄⏙ qƯng˅ or voiced ˄⌞ zhuó˅(see Chapter 4.2.), the tones were also divided depending on the aspiration or the lack of it. In dialects where this phenomenon has occured, there can be up to 12 tone categories (Li Xiaofan, personal communication). For details about the gradation of division of dialects and the terminology used see Chapter 6.2. The author has not been able to acquire the original names of the dialects proposed by von Möllendorf, therefore alternative names have been applied in this book. The names of the dialects are written in pinyin or after Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 12 , as the author has not been able to find the original text. Wang Li’s Ё೑䷇䷉ᄺ Zhongguo Yinyunxue [Chinese phonology] was renamed in 1955 ∝䇁䷇䷉ᄺ Hanyu Yinyunxue [the phonology of Chinese]. It was later reprinted several times under the new name. Wang Li uses the term ᮍ䷇ fƗngyƯn, meaning the phonetic aspects of dialects. For explanations of phonological terms, see Chapter 4. Wang Li’s Ё೑䇁᭛ὖ䆎 Zhongguo Yuwen Gailun, depending on the editions, is also known under the names: Ё೑䇁᭛䆆䆱 Zhongguo Yuwen Jianghua [a talk on Chinese language], ∝䇁䆆䆱 Hanyu Jianghua [a talk on Chinese], 䇁 ᭛䆆䆱 Yuwen Jianghua [a talk on language]. Mandarin Primer was translated into Chinese in 1952 by Li Rong under the title ࣫Ҁষ䇁䇁⊩ (Beijing kouyu yufa) [“the grammar of the colloquial speech of Beijing] (Zhao Yuanren 1985). Due to the fact that the author did not have access to the original version, the Chinese translation is applied in this book. The Chin (Jin) dialect described by Forrest is not equivalent to the Jin ˄ᰟ˅ dialect as described in Atlas (Atlas: A2; Li Rong 1989a: 257; cf. Wen Duanzheng 1998: 247). For more information about the Technical Conference on the Standardization of Modern Chinese, see DeFrancis 1967: 139–142; [www 8]; [www 9]. The book by Yuan Jiahua was made known outside of China by a translation into Russian (Juan Czja-Hua 1965). Its contents have also been presented in great detail by Søren Egerod (1967). In the original 1960 edition, the Min dialects were divided into the Northern and the Southern groups.

216 Notes 36. The New Xiang is also called Northern Xiang ˄࣫⠛␬䇁 BČipiàn XiƗngy·˅ and the Old Xiang – Southern Xiang ˄फ⠛␬䇁 Nánpiàn XiƗngy·˅. For more information about the classification of the Xiang dialect see: Zhan Bohui 1981: 124–125; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 78–79; Zhou and You 1985: 259–262; Künstler 2000: 255–259. 37. For a more detailed description of the classification presented by Li Rong in the Atlas see Chapter 6. 38. The classifications made by Zhang Binglin and Li Jinxi are not included in this table, as they do not correspond with the divisions of the remaining authors. 39. See Li Rong 1989a: 255–259; Atlas: A2. 40. For details about the classification of Mandarin dialects established in the Atlas see Li Rong 1985a. 41. Only a rough description of the distribution of dialects is presented here. 42. For more information about Junhua see Pan Jiayi 1998. 43. In the Atlas, the Min dialect is classified as a supergroup divided into groups, with an annotation that it might as well be classified as a group divided into subgroups, etc. in order to put it on a more equal footing with other nonMandarin dialects (cf. Li Rong 1989a: 258). For this reason, the classification is not as meticulous as that of the Mandarin supergroup. 44. On the maps in the Atlas (A2, B13), the Leizhou group figures as a subgroup of the Southern Min group, though in the descriptions it is treated as a separate group. 45. See Chapter 2.2. 46. For more information about the language of the She people see You Wenliang 2002. For information about relationships between the language of the She people with the Hakka dialect see You Wenliang 2002: 519–577; Dai Qingxia ed. 1992: 300–309. 47. For more information about the Danzhou dialect, see Wu Yingjun 1988; Liu Xinzhong 2001: 49–50; Liang Yougang 1984b: 266–267. 48. For more information on Xianghua, see Bao and Yan 1986: 276. 49. For more information on Tuhua, see Bao Houxing 2004; Xie Qiyong 2002; Qin Yuanxiong 2007. 50. For explanations of linguistic terms see Chinese-English index-glossary of basic linguistic terminology and Chapter 4. 51. For more general information about the Mandarin dialects see: Hou Jingyi ed. 2002: 3–40; Ding Bangxin 1998b. 52. For more information about the Northeastern Mandarin dialects see He Wei 1986; Zhang Zhimin 2005. 53. The full names of the subgroups and clusters together with the notation in Chinese characters and pinyin can be found in 6.3. 54. For more information about the Jilu Mandarin dialects see Liu Shuxue 2006.

Notes

217

55. For more information about the Central Plains Mandarin dialects see He Wei 2005. 56. For more information about the Lanyin Mandarin dialects see Zhou Lei 2005. 57. For more information about the Southwestern Mandarin dialects see Huang Xuezhen 1986. 58. Today sharp initials (ᇪ䷇ jiƗnyƯn) include [ts-, ts‘-, s-] combined with [i] or [y] medials or finals; rounded initials (ಶ䷇ tuányƯn, also called ೚䷇ yuányƯn) include [t㯂-, t㯂‘-, 㯂-] combined with [i] or [y] medials or finals. 59. For more information about the Jin dialect see Hou Jingyi ed. 2002: 41–66; Hou Jingyi 1999; Qiao Quansheng 2000; Hou Jingyi 1989; Hou Jingyi 1986; Shen Ming 2006. 60. See also Chapter 9.3.3. 61. For more information about the Wu dialects see Hou Jingyi ed. 2002: 67–87; Shanghai Shi Yuwenxuehui and Xianggang Zhongguo Yuwenxuehui 2003, 2005; Cao Zhiyun 2002; Yan Yiming 1994; Qian Nairong 2003; Wuyu de bianjie he fenqu 1984; Fu Guotong et al. 1986. 62. For more information about the Hui dialects see Hou Jingyi ed. 2002: 88–115; Zhao Rixin 2005. 63. For more information about the Gan dialects see Hou Jingyi ed. 2002: 141– 153; Xie Liuwen 2006. 64. For more information about the Xiang dialects see Hou Jingyi ed. 2002: 116– 140; Peng Fengshu 1999; Bao and Chen 2005. 65. For more information about the Min dialects see Hou Jingyi ed. 2002: 207– 248; Huang Diancheng 1984; Zhang Zhenxing 1989, 2000a. 66. For more information about the Southern Min dialects see Zhou Changji 1991. 67. For more information about the Eastern Min dialects see Lin Hansheng 2002. 68. For the notation of implosives see Chapter 7.1.5. 69. For more information about the Yue dialects see Hou Jingyi ed. 2002: 174– 206; Zhan Bohui ed. 2004; Wu Wei 2007. 70. For more information about the Pinghua dialect see Liang and Zhang 1999; Li Lianjin 2007; Qin Yuanxiong 2007. 71. For more information about the Hakka dialect see Hou Jingyi ed. 2002: 154– 173; Li Rulong et al. ed. 1999; Luo and Deng 1995; Xie Liuwen 2003; He Gengyong 1993. 72. For more detailed descriptions on research of phonetics of dialects, different ways of recording the results and analysis see: Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 119– 173; You Rujie 2004: 57–84, 2000: 22–34; Li Rulong 2003: 81–94; Yuan Jiahua 2003: 309–316; Huang Jinghu 1987: 207–241. 73. For a more detailed description of the use of this list see Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 120–127; You Rujie 2004: 59–68; Huang Jinghu 1987: 209–219. 74. Cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 120–124; You Rujie 2004: 60–62; Huang Jinghu 1987: 209–213.

218 Notes 75. Cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 124–125; You Rujie 2004: 62–63; Huang Jinghu 1987: 213–219. 76. Cf. Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 126–127; You Rujie 2004: 63–64; Huang Jinghu 1987: 213–219. 77. For more information on the structure of Fangyan Diaocha Zibiao see Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo 2002: viii. 78. For more details on tone sandhi research see You Rujie 2004: 76–80. For exhaustive details about tone sandhi itself, especially in Chinese dialects, see Chen, Matthew Y. 2001. 79. For details about the phonetic changes of diminutives in some dialects see: Zhao Rixin 1999; Zhuang and Lin 2000; Huang Qunjian 1993; Qian Huiying 1991; Zhou Zuyao 1987. 80. For more information about ‫ ࣪ܓ‬érhuà see: Duanmu, San 2002: 195–208; Wang Futang 2005: 150–181; You Rujie 2004: 49–50; Zhang Shifang 2004; Hu Guangbin 1994; Li Yuming 1996; Zhang Shuzheng 1996; Xing Xiangdong 1996; Li Bing 1981; Ying Yutian 1990. 81. For more details on 䆁䇏 xùndú, especially in the dialect of Qiongzhou, see Chen Hongmai 1993; Liang Yougang 1984a; Zhang Shengyu 1984. 82. The inventor of this five-point scale system was Zhao Yuanren. For a detailed explanation of the system of “tone-letters” see Zhao Yuanren 1980. 83. In this sense, the term সҷ∝䇁 G·dài Hàny· denotes the literary form of Chinese, mostly equal to ᭛㿔 wényán. 84. The pronunciation in dialects is not given here, as it is not relevant to the issue discussed. 85. For detailed descriptions of specific dialectal words from various dialects see Li Rulong ed. 2002. For more information see also Li Rulong 2003b; Li Rulong 2003a: 108–11. 86. For a detailed description of characters used for writing down dialectal words see Dong Shaoke 2002: 238–266. 87. For more details on the forming and kinds of dialectal characters see You Rujie 2004: 206–208. 88. For information about systems of recording the dialectal pronunciation in the past see You Rujie 2004: 209–210. 89. For detailed descriptions of grammatical characteristics of Chinese dialects, see: Huang Borong ed. 1996; Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi 2004: 43–46; Huang Jinghu 1987: 260–275; Zhan Bohui 1981: 57– 91; Zhan Bohui et al. 2004: 257–287; Li Rulong 2003a: 132–141. The problem will be further discussed at 9.4. 90. The last one, Jixi Fangyan Cidian (㒽⑾ᮍ㿔䆡‫[ )݌‬Jixi Dialect Dictionary] (Zhao Rixin 2003), was added when most of the work on the dictionary was completed, that is why some articles concerning the The Great Dictionary... mention only 41 volumes (cf. Zhao Rixin 2003: 410; Li Rong 2002: 1; Zhang

Notes

219

Zhenxing 2000b: 97; Xiandai Hanyu Fangyan Da Cidian zongheben chuban 2003: 193. 91. All the non-standard usage in the comprehensive edition is explained in the guide to the use of the dictionary (Li Rong 2002: 3–4). 92. Cf. Li Rong 1993: 1 and the general introduction to the separate volumes, found at the beginning of each of them. 93. Unlike the empty squares used throughout the dictionary proper (see Chapter 8.1.). 94. The first edition of Xiandai Hanyu Cidian˄⦄ҷ∝䇁䆡‫˅݌‬was published in 1978. In this book the author used the 2002 Chinese-English edition. 95. Cf. Chapter 7. 96. Xie Liuwen, personal communication. 97. Xie Liuwen, personal communication. 98. The affiliation of each local dialect has been found through Xu and Miyata ed. 2000, vol 5, appendix ܼ೑৘ওᏖ∝䇁ᮍ㿔㋏ሲㅔ㸼 Quanguo ge xian shi Hanyu fangyan xishu jianbiao [Brief table of the dialectal affiliation of Chinese dialects of every city and county]. 99. Xie Liuwen, personal communication. 100. Xie Liuwen, personal communication. 101. Official statistical data always leaves a place for discussion as to whether or not this is the real state of affairs. The official numbers can differ greatly from the actual situation, especially with the large number of so-called migrant workers and unregistered inhabitants. 102. The Chinese term Ā Ꮦ shi ā can carry different meanings in terms of administrative divisions. It can imply: a municipality directly under the jurisdiction of the State Council at the same level as a Province ˄Ⳉ䕪Ꮦ zhixia shi˅, e.g. Beijing Municipality ˄࣫ҀᏖ Beijing Shi˅; a municipality at prefecture-level ˄ഄ㑻Ꮦ diji shi˅, e.g. Harbin Municipality ˄જᇨ ⒼᏖ Harbin Shi˅; a city at county-level ˄ও㑻Ꮦ xianji shi˅, e.g. Danyang City ˄Ѝ䰇Ꮦ Danyang Shi˅. 103. ᖿк kuàishnj is a folk art form in which the performer tells stories accompanied by rhythmic bamboo or copper clappers (cf. Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo Cidian Bianjishi 2002: 1120). 104. Lü Opera ˄৩࠻ L΍jù˅ has developed on the basis of a local form of storytelling to the accompaniment of a dulcimer (cf. Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo Cidian Bianjishi 2002: 1265). 105. According to the fifth National Census, the population of Shanghai Municipality in 2000 was 16,740,000 people (cf. [www 13]). 106. In the dialect of Danyang, the new generation has been influenced by the language from the suburbs and countryside (cf. Li Rong ed. 2002, 1: 124–125; Cai Guolu ed. 1998: 7–8). 107. Including zero-initial.

220 Notes 108. Basic finals, excluding ‫ ࣪ܓ‬érhuà and mutations; including nasal consonants which can form individual syllables. 109. Excluding neutral tone and tone sandhi. 110. In some of the introductions, the tone values used in the dictionary are not the actual ones, but are used for convenience and clearness of notation. The real values are then added in annotations. In this table, the real values are written down without brackets, while those applied in the dictionaries are in brackets. 111. The term ড়䷇䆡 héyƯncí (or ড়䷇ᄫ héyƯnzì) means the contraction of two syllables into one, which has the initial of the first and the final of the second syllable. This is also sometimes called syllable fusion or syllable merger (information consulted with Moira Yip). 112. ߚ䷇䆡 fƝnyƯncí (syllable splitting) is the inverse of ড়䷇䆡 héyƯncí. It consists of dividing a single syllable into two, of which the first one contains the initial of the original syllable, and the second one – the final. According to the information gained from Moira Yip, the term ডߛ f΁nqiè is often used by English authors to describe this. ߚ䷇䆡 fƝnyƯncí is especially common in the Jin dialect group (cf. Xing Xiangdong 2002: 254–265; Hou Jingyi 1999b: 330–333, Li Lan 2002: 46-47). 113. For more details on the topic, see for example: Dai Qingxia ed. 1992; Dai and Gu ed. 2003; Hanyu fangyan he minzu yuyan 2001; Liang and Zhang 1988; Hong Bo 2004; Wang Jun 2004: 58–85; Gan Yu’en ed. 2005: 108–109. 114. For more information about social dialectology in China, see: You Rujie 2000: 211–215, 2004: 201–203; Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi: 2–3; Wang Futang 2004: 527–528. 115. For more information about Chinese abroad, see Li Rulong ed. 1999; Zheng Ding’ou ed. 1997; Liu Zhenfa 2001; Zhang Zhenxing 1983; Sheng Yan 1997; Xu, Chew and Chen 2005; Zhou and Chew 2000; Chen Xiaojin 2003; Ha Mawan 1994; Zou and You 2001: 48–83; 183–195; 209–285; Beijing Shi Yuyanxuehui 2004: 250. 116. Due to the specific political status of Taiwan, it is not called ‘Province’ in this book, but is included in this table as it is culturally an integral part of China.

References

Names of Chinese authors, who have published some of their works in English under a different than pinyin spelling of their names, are written in pinyin, with cross-references at their original form. English translations of Chinese titles of books and articles made by the author are written in square brackets. Instances where the English translation appears in the source book or periodical are indicated by round brackets and left in their original form. References to website addresses can be found on a separate list which follows the main list of references (see Technical notes for explanations).

American Presbyterian Mission, (ed.) 1896 The China Mission Handbook. Shanghai ˄Ϟ⍋˅: The American Presbyterian Mission Press. Anshen, Frank 2001 Language Planning. In The Handbook of Linguistics, Mark Aronoff and Janie Rees-Miller (eds.), 704–713. Beijing ˄࣫Ҁ˅: Waiyu Jiaoxue yu Yanjiu Chubanshe ˄໪䇁ᬭᄺϢⷨおߎ⠜⼒˅ and Blackwell Publishers Ltd. Atlas (see Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan yu Aodaliya Renwen Kexueyuan ˄Ё೑ ⼒Ӯ⾥ᄺ䰶Ϣ▇໻߽ѮҎ᭛⾥ᄺ䰶˅ 1987, 1989). Bai Wanru ˄ⱑᅯབ˅ (ed.) 2003 Guangzhou Fangyan Cidian ˄ᑓᎲᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Guangzhou dialect dictionary]. Nanjing ˄फҀ˅: Jiangsu Jiaoyu Chubanshe ˄∳㢣ᬭ 㚆ߎ⠜⼒˅. Bao Houxing ˄剡८᯳˅ 2003 Fangyan yufa yanjiu yu tianye diaocha ˄ᮍ㿔䇁⊩ⷨおϢ⬄䞢䇗 ᶹ ˅ [The study and fieldwork of dialectal grammar]. In Hanyu Fangyan Yufa Yanjiu he Tansuo – Shoujie Guoji Hanyu Fangyan Yufa Xueshu Yantaohui Lunwenji. ˄∝䇁ᮍ㿔䇁⊩ⷨお੠᥶㋶üü 佪ሞ೑䰙∝䇁ᮍ㿔䇁⊩ᄺᴃⷨ䅼Ӯ䆎᭛䲚˅ [The study and research of Chinese dialectal grammar – writings from the First International Conference on Chinese Dialect Grammar]. Dai Zhaoming ˄᠈ ᰁ 䫁 ˅ (ed.) 31–36. Harbin ˄ જ ᇨ Ⓖ ˅ : Heilongjiang Renmin Chubanshe ˄咥啭∳Ҏ⇥ߎ⠜⼒˅. 2004 Xiangnan Tuhua xishu wenti ˄ ␬ फ ೳ 䆱 ㋏ ሲ 䯂 乬 ˅ (On the classification of Tuhua in southern Hunan). Fangyan ˄ᮍ㿔˅ (Dialect) 4: 301–310.

222 References Bao Houxing ˄剡८᯳˅ and Chen Hui ˄䰜ᰪ˅ 2005 Xiangyude fenqu (gao) ˄␬䇁ⱘߚऎ˄〓˅˅ (The classification of Xiang group). Fangyan ˄ᮍ㿔˅ (Dialect) 3: 261–270. Bao Houxing ˄剡८᯳˅, Cui Zhenhua ˄የᤃढ˅, Shen Ruoyun ˄≜㢹ѥ˅, Wu Yunji ˄ӡѥ࿀˅(eds.) 1998 Changsha Fangyan Cidian ˄䭓≭ᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Changsha dialect dictionary]. Nanjing ˄फҀ˅: Jiangsu Jiaoyu Chubanshe ˄∳㢣ᬭ 㚆ߎ⠜⼒˅. Bao Houxing ˄剡८᯳˅ and Yan Sen ˄买Ể˅ 1986 Hunan fangyande fenqu ˄␪फᮍ㿔ⱘߚऎ˅ (The grouping of the dialects of Hunan Province). Fangyan ˄ᮍ㿔˅ (Dialect) 4: 273– 276. Bao Shijie ˄剡຿ᵄ˅ (ed.) 1998 Hangzhou Fangyan Cidian ˄ᵁᎲᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Hangzhou dialect dictionary]. Nanjing ˄फҀ˅: Jiangsu Jiaoyu Chubanshe ˄∳㢣ᬭ 㚆ߎ⠜⼒˅. Beijing Daxue Zhongwenxi Xiandai Hanyu Jiaoyanshi ˄࣫Ҁ໻ᄺЁ᭛㋏⦄ҷ∝ 䇁ᬭⷨᅸ˅ [The Modern Chinese Section of Peking University Sinology Department] 2004 Hanyu Fangyanxue Jichu Jiaocheng ˄∝䇁ᮍ㿔ᄺ෎⸔ᬭ⿟˅ [A basic course in Chinese dialectology]. Unpublished textbook. Beijing Daxue Zhongguo Yuyan Wenxuexi Yuyanxuejiao Yanjiushi ˄࣫Ҁ໻ᄺ Ё೑䇁㿔᭛ᄺ㋏䇁㿔ᬭⷨおᅸ˅ [The Linguistics Section of Peking University Sinology Department] 2003 Hanyu Fangyin Zihui. Di’er Ban Chongpai Ben. ˄∝䇁ᮍ䷇ᄫ∛DŽ ㄀Ѡ⠜䞡ᥦᴀ˅ [Dictionary of pronunciation of characters in Chinese dialects. Second edition recomposed]. Beijing ˄࣫Ҁ˅: Yuwen Chubanshe ˄䇁᭛ߎ⠜⼒˅. 2005 Hanyu Fangyan Cihui. Di’er Ban. ˄∝䇁ᮍ㿔䆡∛DŽ㄀Ѡ⠜˅ [Lexicon of Chinese dialects. Second edition]. Beijing ˄࣫Ҁ˅: Yuwen Chubanshe ˄䇁᭛ߎ⠜⼒˅. Beijing Shi Yuyanxuehui ˄࣫ҀᏖ䇁㿔ᄺӮ˅ [Beijing City Linguistic Association] 2004 Zhongguo Yuyanxue Bainian Conglun ˄Ё೑䇁㿔ᄺⱒᑈϯ䆎˅ [A collection of works on the hundred years of linguistics in China]. Beijing ˄࣫Ҁ˅: Beijing Yuyan Daxue Chubanshe˄࣫Ҁ䇁㿔໻ᄺߎ ⠜⼒˅. Bussman, Hadumod 2000 Routledge Dictionary of Language and Linguistics. Beijing ˄࣫Ҁ˅: Waiyu Jiaoxue yu Yanjiu Chubanshe ˄໪䇁ᬭᄺϢⷨおߎ⠜⼒˅ and Routledge.

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Cai Guolu ˄㫵೑⩤˅ (ed.) 1998 Danyang Fangyan Cidian ˄ Ѝ 䰇 ᮍ 㿔 䆡 ‫[ ݌‬Danyang dialect dictionary]. Nanjing ˄फҀ˅: Jiangsu Jiaoyu Chubanshe ˄∳㢣ᬭ 㚆ߎ⠜⼒˅. Cao Zhiyun ˄᳍ᖫ㗬˅ 2002 Nanbu Wuyu Yuyin Yanjiu ˄फ䚼ਈ䇁䇁䷇ⷨお˅ [Investigation of the phonology of southern Wu dialects]. Beijing ˄࣫Ҁ˅: Shangwu Yinshuguan ˄ଚࡵॄк佚˅. Cao Zhiyun ˄᳍ᖫ㗬˅ (ed.) 1998 Jinhua Fangyan Cidian ˄䞥ढᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Jinhua dialect dictionary]. Nanjing ˄फҀ˅: Jiangsu Jiaoyu Chubanshe ˄∳㢣ᬭ㚆ߎ⠜ ⼒˅. Cao Zhiyun ˄᳍ᖫ㗬˅(ed.) 2008 Hanyu Fangyan Dituji ˄∝䇁ᮍ㿔ഄ೒˅ (Linguistic Atlas of Chinese Dialects). Beijing ˄࣫Ҁ˅: Shangwu Yinshuguan ˄ଚࡵॄк 佚˅. (In three volumes: Phonetics, Lexicon, Grammar) Chambers, J. K. and Peter Trudgill 2003 Dialectology. Second Edition. Beijing ˄࣫Ҁ˅: Peking University Press ˄࣫Ҁ໻ᄺߎ⠜⼒˅ and Cambridge University Press. Chao, Yuen Ren (see Zhao Yuanren ˄䍉‫ܗ‬ӏ˅) Chen Fengying ˄䰜޸㣅˅ 1995 Wenhua jianshede yixiang jichu gongcheng ˄᭛࣪ᓎ䆒ⱘϔ乍෎⸔ Ꮉ⿟˅ (A basic project in cultural establishments). Fangyan ˄ᮍ 㿔˅(Dialect) 2, 107–108. Chen Hongmai ˄䰜吓䖜˅ 1993 Qiongzhou fangyan xunduzi bu ˄⨐Ꮂᮍ㿔䆁䇏ᄫ㸹˅(A supplement to kun reading words in the Qiongzhou dialect). Fangyan ˄ᮍ 㿔˅(Dialect) 1, 42–52. Chen Hongmai ˄䰜吓䖜˅ (ed.) 1996 Haikou Fangyan Cidian ˄⍋ষᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Haikou dialect dictionary]. Nanjing ˄फҀ˅: Jiangsu Jiaoyu Chubanshe ˄∳㢣ᬭ㚆ߎ⠜ ⼒˅. Chen, Matthew Y. [= 䰜⏞⊝ Chen Yuanquan] 2001 Tone Sandhi: Patterns across Chinese Dialects. Beijing ˄࣫Ҁ˅: Waiyu Jiaoxue yu Yanjiu Chubanshe ˄໪䇁ᬭᄺϢⷨおߎ⠜⼒˅ and Cambridge University Press. Chen Xiaojin ˄䰜ᰧ䫺˅ 2003 Malaixiyade Sange Hanyu Fangyan ˄偀ᴹ㽓ѮⱘϝϾ∝䇁ᮍ㿔˅ [Three Chinese dialects in Malaysia]. Beijing ˄࣫Ҁ˅: Zhongguo Shehui Kexue Chubanshe ˄Ё೑⼒Ӯ⾥ᄺߎ⠜⼒˅.

224 References Chen Zhangtai ˄䰜ゴ໾䯵 2005 Yuyan Guihua Yanjiu ˄䇁㿔㾘ߦⷨお˅ [Studies on language planning]. Beijing ˄࣫Ҁ˅: Shangwu Yinshuguan ˄ଚࡵॄк佚˅. Chinese Linguistics Project 1972 Handbook of Chinese Dialect Vocabulary ˄ᮍ㿔䇗ᶹ䆡∛᠟‫ݠ‬ Fangyan Diaocha Cihui Shouce䯵 . Princeton: Princeton University Press. Chomsky, Noam 2002 Knowledge of Language: Its Nature, Origin and Use. Beijing ˄࣫ Ҁ˅: Waiyu Jiaoxue yu Yanjiu Chubanshe ˄໪䇁ᬭᄺϢⷨおߎ⠜ ⼒˅ and Greenwood Publishing Group. Crystal, David 2003 The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Language. Second Edition. Beijing ˄࣫Ҁ˅: Waiyu Jiaoxue yu Yanjiu Chubanshe ˄໪䇁ᬭᄺϢⷨお ߎ⠜⼒˅ and Cambridge University Press. Dai Qingxia ˄᠈ᑚॺ˅ (ed.) 1992 Hanyu yu Shaoshu Minzu Yuyan Guanxi Gailun ˄∝䇁Ϣᇥ᭄⇥ᮣ 䇁㿔݇㋏ὖ䆎˅ [An introduction to the relations between Chinese and the minority languages]. Beijing ˄࣫Ҁ˅: Zhongyang Minzu Xueyuan Chubanshe ˄Ё༂⇥ᮣᄺ䰶ߎ⠜⼒˅. Dai Qingxia ˄᠈ᑚॺ˅ and Gu Yang ˄乒䰇˅ (eds.) 2003 Xiandai Yuyanxue Lilun yu Zhongguo Shaoshu Minzu Yuyan ˄⦄ҷ 䇁㿔ᄺ⧚䆎ϢЁ೑ᇥ᭄⇥ᮣ䇁㿔˅ (Modern Linguistic Theory and Minority Languages in China). Beijing ˄࣫Ҁ˅: Minzu Chubanshe ˄⇥ᮣߎ⠜⼒˅. Dai Zhaoming ˄᠈ᰁ䫁˅ 1998 Ping Harbin Fangyan Cidian ˄䆘જᇨⒼᮍ㿔䆡‫( ˅݌‬A review of a Harbin Dialect Dictionary). Fangyan ˄ᮍ㿔˅ (Dialect) 3: 192– 197. Dao Bu ˄䘧Ꮧ˅ 2004 Zhongguode Yuyan Zhengce he Yuyan Guihua ˄Ё೑ⱘ䇁㿔ᬓㄪ ੠䇁㿔㾘ߦ˅ [China’s language policy and language planning] In: Yuyan Guihua yu Yuyan Zhengce: Lilun yu Guobie Yanjiu ˄䇁㿔㾘 ߦϢ䇁㿔ᬓㄪ˖⧚䆎Ϣ೑߿ⷨお˅ [Language planning and language policy: theory and research of particular countries], Zhou Yuzhong ˄਼⥝ᖴ˅ and Wang Hui ˄⥟䕝˅ (eds). 67–86. Beijing ˄࣫Ҁ˅: Zhongguo Shehui Kexue Chubanshe ˄Ё೑⼒Ӯ⾥ᄺߎ ⠜⼒˅. DeFrancis, John 1967 Language and Script Reform. In Current Trends in Linguistics, vol. 2: Linguistics in East Asia and South East Asia, Thomas A. Sebeok (ed.), 130–150. The Hague/Paris: Mouton.

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246 References Zhao Rixin ˄䍉᮹ᮄ˅ (ed.) 2003 Jixi Fangyan Cidian ˄㒽⑾ᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Jixi dialect dictionary]. Nanjing ˄फҀ˅: Jiangsu Jiaoyu Chubanshe ˄∳㢣ᬭ㚆ߎ⠜⼒˅. Zhao Yuanren ˄䍉‫ܗ‬ӏ˅[=Yuen Ren Chao] 1928 Xiandai Wuyu Yanjiu ˄⦄ҷਈ䇁ⷨお˅ [Studies in the modern Wu dialects]. Beijing ˄࣫ Ҁ˅: Tsinghua College Research Institute ˄⏙ढᄺ᷵ⷨお䰶ॄ㸠˅. 1930 Fangyan Diaocha Biaoge ˄ᮍ㿔䇗ᶹ㸼Ḑ˅ [The table for dialect research]. Beiping ˄࣫ᑇ˅: Zhongyang Yanjiuyuan Lishi Yuyan Yanjiusuo ˄Ё༂ⷨお䰶ग़৆䇁㿔ⷨお᠔˅ [Institute of History and Philology of Academia Sinica]. 1948 Mandarin Primer: an Intensive Course in Spoken Chinese. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. (see also Zhao Yuanren 1985) 1980 A system of “tone-letters” (Yitao biaodiaode zimu ϔ༫ᷛ䇗ⱘᄫ↡). Fangyan ˄ᮍ㿔˅ (Dialect) 2: 81–83. 1985 Beijing kouyu yufa ˄࣫Ҁষ䇁䇁⊩˅ [The grammar of the colloquial speech of Beijing]. In Yuwen Lunheng ˄䇁᭛䆎㸵˅ [Linguistic discourses], Li Rong ˄ᴢ㤷˅, 187–215. Beijing ˄࣫Ҁ˅: Shangwu Yinshuguan ˄ଚࡵॄк佚˅. (translation of Zhao Yuanren 1948) 2002 Jixi Lingbei Yinxi ˄㒽⑾ኁ࣫䷇㋏˅ (Phonology of Ling-bei, Ji-xi (Anhui)). In: Zhao Yuanren Yuyanxue Lunwenji ˄䍉‫ܗ‬ӏ䇁㿔ᄺ䆎 ᭛䲚 ˅ [Zhao Yuanren’s collected writings on linguistics], Zhao Yuanren ˄ 䍉 ‫ ܗ‬ӏ ˅ , 578–581. Beijing ˄ ࣫ Ҁ ˅ : Shangwu Yinshuguan ˄ଚࡵॄк佚˅ 2004a A Grammar of Spoken Chinese. In Zhao Yuanren Quanji. Di 3 Juan ˄䍉‫ܗ‬ӏܼ䲚g㄀  ो˅[The complete collection of the writings of Zhao Yuanren, vol. 3), Zhao Yuanren ˄䍉‫ܗ‬ӏ˅, 1–856. Beijing ˄࣫Ҁ˅: Shangwu Yinshuguan ˄ଚࡵॄк佚˅. 2004b Language and Symbolic Systems. In Zhao Yuanren Quanji. Di 3 Juan ˄䍉‫ܗ‬ӏܼ䲚g㄀  ो˅[The complete collection of the writings of Zhao Yuanren, vol. 3). Zhao Yuanren ˄䍉‫ܗ‬ӏ˅, 857–1133. Beijing ˄࣫Ҁ˅: Shangwu Yinshuguan ˄ଚࡵॄк佚˅. Zheng Ding’ou ˄䚥ᅮ⃻˅ (ed.) 1997 Xianggang Yueyu Cidian ˄佭␃㉸䇁䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Dictionary of Hong Kong Cantonese]. Nanjing ˄ फ Ҁ ˅ : Jiangsu Jiaoyu Chubanshe ˄∳㢣ᬭ㚆ߎ⠜⼒˅. Zhongguo Dabaike Quanshu. Yuyan Wenzi Fence ˄Ё೑໻ⱒ⾥ܼкg䇁㿔᭛ ᄫߚ‫[ ˅ݠ‬Chinese encyclopaedia. language and writing fascicle] 1988 Beijing ˄࣫Ҁ˅, Shanghai ˄Ϟ⍋˅: Zhongguo Dabaike Quanshu Chubanshe ˄Ё೑໻ⱒ⾥ܼкߎ⠜⼒˅.

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248 References Zhou Changji ˄਼䭓Ἷ˅ and Chew Cheng Hai ˄਼⏙⍋ [Zhou Qinghai]˅ 2000 Xinjiapo Minnanhua Gaishuo ˄ᮄࡴവ䯑फ䆱ὖ䇈˅ [The Southern Min dialect in Singapore]. Xiamen ˄ॺ䮼˅: Xiamen Daxue Chubanshe ˄ॺ䮼໻ᄺߎ⠜⼒˅. Zhou Dianfu ˄਼↓⽣˅(ed.) 2001 Guoji Yinbiao Zixue Shouce ˄೑䰙䷇ᷛ㞾ᄺ᠟‫[ ˅ݠ‬A teach-yourself handbook of the International Phonetic Alphabet]. Beijing ˄࣫ Ҁ˅: Shangwu Yinshuguan ˄ଚࡵॄк佚˅. Zhou Lei ˄਼⺞˅ 2005 Lanyin Guanhua de fenqu (gao) ˄݄䫊ᅬ䆱ⱘߚऎ˄〓˅˅ (The classification of Lanyin Mandarin). Fangyan ˄ᮍ㿔˅ (Dialect) 3: 271–278. Zhou Lei ˄਼⺞˅ (ed.) 1998 Wulumuqi Fangyan Cidian ˄Р剕᳼唤ᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Ürümqi dialect dictionary]. Nanjing ˄फҀ˅: Jiangsu Jiaoyu Chubanshe ˄∳㢣ᬭ 㚆ߎ⠜⼒˅. Zhou Qingsheng ˄਼ᑚ⫳˅ 2003 Duoyangxing zhong de tongyixing yu tongyixing zhong de duoyangxing: Zhongguo yuyan zhengce yu yuyan guihua yanjiu ˄໮ḋ ᗻЁⱘ㒳ϔᗻϢ㒳ϔᗻЁⱘ໮ḋᗻ˖Ё೑䇁㿔ᬓㄪϢ䇁㿔㾘ߦⷨ お˅[Unity in diversity and diversity in unity: Chinese language policy and studies of language planning] In Guojia, Minzu yu Yuyan – Yuyan Zhengce Guobie Yanjiu ˄೑ᆊǃ⇥ᮣϢ䇁㿔ü䇁㿔ᬓㄪ೑ ߿ⷨお˅ (Nation, Ethnicity and Language – Language Policy Studies of Individual Countries), Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Minzu Yanjiusuo “Shaoshu Minzu Yuyan Zhengce Bijiao Yanjiu” Ketizu and Guojia Yuyan Wenzi Gongzuo Weiyuanhui Zhengce Faguishi ˄Ё೑⼒Ӯ⾥ᄺ䰶⇥ᮣⷨお᠔Āᇥ᭄⇥ᮣ䇁㿔ᬓㄪ↨䕗ⷨおā䇒 乬㒘೑ᆊ䇁㿔᭛ᄫᎹ԰ྨਬӮᬓㄪ⊩㾘ᅸ˅ (Anthology Editorial Staff, Institute of Ethnic Studies of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences and The Division of Policy and Legislation, State Language Commission) (eds.), 250–275. Beijing ˄࣫Ҁ˅: Yuwen Chubanshe ˄䇁᭛ߎ⠜⼒˅. Zhou Zhenhe ˄਼ᤃ吸˅ and You Rujie ˄␌∱ᵄ˅ 1985 Hunan Sheng fangyan quhua ji qi lishi beijing ˄␪फⳕᮍ㿔ऎ⬏ঞ ݊ग़৆㚠᱃˅ (The grouping of the Chinese dialects of Hunan Province and its historical background). Fangyan ˄ᮍ㿔˅ (Dialect) 4: 257–272. 1986 Fangyan yu Zhongguo wenhua ˄ᮍ㿔ϢЁ೑᭛࣪˅ [Dialects and Chinese culture]. Shanghai ˄Ϟ⍋˅: Shanghai Renmin Chubanshe ˄Ϟ⍋Ҏ⇥ߎ⠜⼒˅.

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Zhou Zuyao ˄਼⼪⩊˅ 1987 Guangxi Rongxian fangyan xiaocheng bianyin ˄ᑓ㽓ᆍওᮍ㿔ⱘᇣ ⿄ব䷇˅ (Sound change as a means of indicating diminutives in the dialect of Rongxian). Fangyan ˄ᮍ㿔˅ (Dialect) 1: 58–65. Zhu Jiansong ˄ᴅᓎ乖˅ (ed.) 1998 Wuhan Fangyan Cidian ˄℺∝ᮍ㿔䆡‫[ ˅݌‬Wuhan dialect dictionary]. Nanjing ˄फҀ˅: Jiangsu Jiaoyu Chubanshe ˄∳㢣ᬭ㚆ߎ⠜ ⼒˅. Zhuang Chusheng ˄ᑘ߱छ˅ and Lin Lifang ˄ᵫゟ㢇˅ 2000 Qujiang Xian Baisha Zhen Dacun Tuhua de xiaocheng bianyin ˄᳆ ∳ওⱑ≭䬛໻ᴥೳ䆱ⱘᇣ⿄ব䷇˅ (Diminutive of Dacun Tuhua in Qujiang county, Guangdong province). Fangyan ˄ᮍ㿔˅ (Dialect) 3: 236–242. Zou Jiayan ˄䚍௝ᔺ˅ and You Rujie ˄␌བᵄ˅ 2001 Hanyu yu Huaren Shehui ˄∝䇁ϢढҎ⼒Ӯ˅ [The Chinese language and Chinese people]. Shanghai ˄ Ϟ ⍋ ˅ : Fudan Daxue Chubanshe and Xianggang Chengshi Daxue Chubanshe ˄໡ᮺ໻ᄺ ߎ⠜⼒佭␃ජᏖ໻ᄺߎ⠜⼒˅. Zou Xiaoli ˄䚍ᰧБ˅ 2002 Chuantong Yinyunxue Shiyong Jiaocheng ˄Ӵ㒳䷇䷉ᄺᅲ⫼ᬭ⿟˅ [A handbook of practical traditional phonology]. Shanghai ˄Ϟ⍋˅: Shanghai Cishu Chubanshe ˄Ϟ⍋䕲кߎ⠜⼒˅.

Website addresses [www 1] [City University of Hong Kong 䯴 佭␃ජᏖ໻ᄺ Xianggang Chengshi Daxue䯵 ] 2003-10-15 The Language Atlas of China. (2007-10-01). [www 2] Lewis, M. Paul (ed.) 2009a Ethnologue: Languages of the World, Sixteenth edition. Dallas, Tex.: SIL International. (2009-07-21). [www 3] Lewis, M. Paul (ed.) 2009b Languages of China. http://www.ethnologue.com/show_country.asp?name=cn (2009-0721).

250 References [www 4] Lewis, M. Paul (ed.) 2009c Languages of Taiwan. (200907-21). [www 5] Li Rulong 䯴 ᴢབ啭䯵 Guanyu Hanyu Fangyan Fenqu 䯴 ݇Ѣ∝䇁ᮍ㿔ⱘߚऎ 䯵 [On the classification of Chinese dialects]. (2007-09-17). also at: (2007-0525). [www 6] Luo Changpei 䯴 㔫ᐌ෍䯵 and Lü Shuxiang 䯴 ৩⎥␬䯵 Xiandai Hanyu Guifanhua Wenti 䯴 ⦄ ҷ ∝ 䇁 㾘 㣗 ࣪ 䯂 乬䯵 [Problems of the standardization of modern Chinese]. (2007-06-15). [www 7] SIL International SIL International. Partners in Language Development. (2009-07-21). [www 8] Xiandai Hanyu Guifan Wenti Xueshu Huiyi Jiyao 䯴 ⦄ҷ∝䇁㾘㣗䯂乬ᄺᴃӮ䆂 㑾㽕䯵 [Summary of the Technical Conference on the Standardization of Modern Chinese]. <www.china-language.gov.cn/doc/guifan/jiyao.doc> (2007-06-15). [www 9] Xiandai Hanyu Guifan Wenti Xueshu Huiyi Jueyi 䯴 ⦄ҷ∝䇁㾘㣗䯂乬ᄺᴃӮ䆂 ‫އ‬䆂䯵 [Resolution of the Technical Conference on the Standardization of Modern Chinese]. <www.china-language.gov.cn/doc/guifan/jueyi.doc> (2007-06-15). [www 10] [Zhongguo Shehui Kexueyuan Yuyan Yanjiusuo 䯴 Ё೑⼒Ӯ⾥ᄺ䰶䇁㿔ⷨお᠔䯵 ] 2003-01-10 Xiandai Hanyu Fangyan Da Cidian fenjuanben jianjie. ˄⦄ҷ∝ 䇁ᮍ㿔໻䆡‫ߚ݌‬ोᴀㅔҟ䯵 [An introduction to the individual dialect dictionaries of The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects]. (2009-07-22).

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1

The Chinese edition of The Language Atlas of China was published in two stages. Two first parts (maps A5, B3, B5, B9, B10, B12, B14, C2, C3, C4, C5, C7, C8, C9, C11, C12) were published in 1987, the remaining maps in 1989.

Chinese-English index-glossary of basic linguistic terminology

Chinese term ⱑ䆱

Pinyin transcription báihuà

࣫ᮍᮍ㿔

BƟifƗng fƗngyán

࣫ᮍ䆱

BƟifƗnghuà

㹿ডߛᄫ

bèi f΁nqiè zì

啓༈䷇ 啓䷇

chƱtóuyƯn chƱyƯn

૛䷇

chúnyƯn

⃵ᮍ㿔

cì fƗngyán

⃵⏙

cìqƯng

⃵ೳ䇁

cì t·y·

English translation Page no. 1. “Colloquial speech”, the written form of the vernacular, which was recognized as the standard language after May the Fourth Movement in 1919. 10 2. The name for the Yue dialect spoken in Nanning 176 Northern Dialects, see also ᅬ䆱 GuƗnhuà 1. 10, 46, 53, 55 same as ᅬ䆱 GuƗnhuà 1. 52 the character, the pronunciation of which is described by the use of the f΁nqiè method (see also ডߛ fănqiè; ডߛϞᄫ f΁nqiè shàngzì; ডߛϟᄫ f΁nqiè xiàzì) 22 see б䷇ ji·yƯn dental sound (see also Ѩ䷇ wǎyƯn; б䷇ ji·yƯn) 18, 19, 20 labial sound (see also Ѩ䷇ wǎyƯn; б䷇ ji·yƯn) 18, 20 sub-dialect 27, 63 voiceless, aspirated plosives and affricates (see also ⏙䷇ qƯngyƯn) 19, 20 same as 㜨 qiƗng 63

Index-glossary of basic linguistic terminology Chinese term ⃵⌞

Pinyin transcription cìzhuó

֗ໄ

cùshƝng

᪂ষ੐ ໻ᮍ㿔

cuǀkǂuhnj dà fƗngyán

໻ऎ

dàqnj

ㄝ

dČng

⚍

di΁n

䇗㉏

diàolèi

䇗ؐ

diàozhí

‫࣪ܓ‬

érhuà

Ѡㄝ

èrdČng

থ೜⊩

fƗquƗnfă

ডߛϞᄫ

f΁nqiè shàngzì

253

English translation Page no. voiced nasals, laterals and semivowels (see also ⌞䷇ zhuóyƯn) 19, 20, 27, 31, 78, 79, 80, 89 checked tone, i.e. the entering tone (ܹໄ rùshƝng), as opposed to 㟦ໄ shnjshƝng (see also ಯໄ sìshƝng) 17, 18 see ಯ੐ sìhnj major dialect group (see also ᮍ㿔໻ऎ fƗngyán dàqnj) 27 see ᮍ㿔໻ऎ fƗngyán dàqnj 63 see ಯㄝ sì dČng 22, 214 see ᮍ㿔⚍ fƗngyán di΁n 64 tone category 16, 96 tone value; tone pitch 16, 96 one of the types of phonetic changes of diminutives; it consists in adding the ‫ܓ‬ (ér) suffix which “merges with the syllable it attaches to” (Duanmu, San 2002: 195), forming a retroflexed final 29, 31, 36, 102, 109, 196, 206, 218, 219 the second of the four grades of traditional finals (see also ಯㄝ sì dČng) 22, 30, 82, 84, 87 a method of describing the tones of a Chinese character (see also ಯໄ sìshƝng) xi, xx, 105, 106 the first of the two characters used in the fanqie method (see ডߛ fănqiè); this character indicates the initial of the character described (see also ডߛϟᄫ f΁nqiè xiàzì; 㹿ডߛᄫ bèi f΁nqiè zì) 22

254 Index-glossary of basic linguistic terminology Chinese term ডߛϟᄫ

Pinyin transcription f΁nqiè xiàzì

ᮍ㿔

fƗngyán

ᮍ㿔

FƗngyán

ᮍ㿔䆡

fƗngyáncí

ᮍ㿔䆡∛

fƗngyáncíhuì

ᮍ㿔໻ऎ

fƗngyán dàqnj

ᮍ㿔⚍

fƗngyán di΁n

ᮍ㿔䖛⏵ऎ

fƗngyán guòdùqnj

ᮍ㿔⠛

fƗngyán piàn

ᮍ㿔ऎ

fƗngyán qnj

ᮍ㿔⡍⅞䆡 䇁

fƗngyán tèshnj cíy·

ᮍ㿔⡍ᕕ䆡

fƗngyán tèzhƝng cí

English translation Page no. the second of the two characters used in the fanqie method (see ডߛ fănqiè); this character indicates the final and tone of the character described (see also ডߛϞ ᄫ f΁nqiè shàngzì; 㹿ডߛᄫ bèi f΁nqiè zì) 22 dialect ix, 1, 2, 3, 63, 203 Dialectology, the first Chinese work on dialects, written by Yang Xiong at the time of the Eastern Han Dynasty. The full title is: 䔊䔽Փ㗙㒱ҷ䇁䞞߿೑ᮍ㿔 (YóuxuƗn ShƱzhƟ Juédài Yǎshì Biéguó FƗngyán) 1 dialectal word 111 dialectal vocabulary 111 dialect supergroup (see also ໻ᮍ㿔 dà fƗngyán) 63 local dialect; dialect locality 137 intermediate (transitional) dialect areas (see also ⏋ড়ᮍ㿔ऎ hùnhé fƗngyánqnj) 34 dialect subgroup 63 dialect group 63 specific dialectal words, also ᮍ㿔⡍ᕕ䆡 fƗngyán tèzhƝng cí 32, 118 same as ᮍ㿔⡍⅞䆡䇁 fƗngyán tèshnj cíy· 32, 118

Index-glossary of basic linguistic terminology Chinese term ᮍ㿔ᇣ⠛

Pinyin transcription fƗngyán xi΁opiàn

ᮍ㿔ᄫ

fƗngyánzì

ߚ䷇䆡

fƝnyƯncí

䌷ᮍ㿔 䌷䇁

Gàn fƗngyán Gànyǎ

স␬

G· XiƗng

ᅬ䆱

GuƗnhuà

255

English translation Page no. dialect cluster (see also ᇣᮍ㿔 xi΁o fƗngyán) 63 dialectal character (see also ֫ԧᄫ sút΃zì) 119 fenyinci, syllable split 81, 201, 220 same as 䌷䇁 Gànyǎ Gan dialect, also 䌷ᮍ㿔 GànfƗngyán 27, 35, 36, 43, 45, 46, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 60, 61, 70, 83–84, 86, 88, 90, 101, 114, 141, 142, 149, 174, 175, 187, 190, 192, 194, 195, 199, 200, 205, 217 Old Xiang dialect (see also ␬䇁 XiƗngyǎ) 54, 55, 61, 155, 215 1. Mandarin dialects, also ࣫ᮍ䆱 BƟifƗnghuà, ࣫ᮍᮍ㿔 BƟifƗng fƗngyán 2, 10, 27, 31, 35, 37, 38, 39, 41, 42, 43, 46, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 64–68, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77– 81, 89, 90, 100, 111, 112, 137, 138, 139, 142, 143, 146, 148, 149, 155, 156, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 169, 170, 176, 187, 188, 189, 191, 192, 193, 194, 195, 197, 198, 203, 205, 216, 217 2. Mandarin, the standard language since the Ming Dynasty. 3, 10

ᑓϰ䆱

Gu΁ngdǀnghuà

dialect of Guangdong, Cantonese (see also ㉸ Yuè) 37, 52

256 Index-glossary of basic linguistic terminology Chinese term

ᑓ䷉

Pinyin transcription Gu΁ngyùn

ᅶᆊ ∝䇁

Hakka (KèjiƗ) Hànyǎ

∝䇁䷇䷉ᄺ

Hàny· yƯnyùnxué

ড়ষ੐ ড়䷇䆡/ᄫ

hékǂuhnj héyƯncí/zì

⋾䷇

hóngyƯn

੐ ᖑᮍ㿔 ᖑ䇁

hnj HuƯ fƗngyán HuƯyǎ

⏋ড়ᮍ㿔ऎ

hùnhé fƗngyánqnj

English translation Page no. full title – ໻ᅟ䞡ׂᑓ䷉ (Dàsòng Chóngxinj Guăngyùn), a rhyme book (䷉к yùnshnj) written in 1008 A.D. by Chen Pengnian, Qiu Yong and others, on the basis of Qièyùn ˄ߛ䷉˅, Tángyùn ˄૤䷉˅ and other rhyme books xx, 15, 23–24, 91, 214 same as ᅶᆊ䆱 KèjiƗhuà the Chinese language; language spoken by the Han people 5 Chinese historical phonetics; traditional phonology 15–24 see ಯ੐ sìhnj; ϸ੐ li΁nghnj heyinci (zi), contraction of two syllables into one, which has the initial of the first and the final of the second syllable (also called syllable fusion or syllable merger) 201, 220 “vast sound”; the first grade (ϔㄝ yƯdČng) and the second grade (Ѡㄝ èrdČng) of finals, as opposed to 㒚䷇ xìyƯn (see also ಯㄝ sì dČng) 22, 30, 82, 83, 84 see ಯ੐ sìhnj; ϸ੐ li΁nghnj same as ᖑ䇁 HuƯyǎ Hui dialect, also ᖑᮍ㿔 HuƯ fƗngyán 56, 58, 61, 69, 75, 76, 83, 90, 137, 140, 142, 149, 155, 169, 173, 187, 189, 193, 194, 195, 198, 205, 217 mixed dialect areas (see also ᮍ㿔䖛⏵ऎ fƗngyán guòdùqnj) 34

Index-glossary of basic linguistic terminology Chinese term ᇪಶ䷇

ᇪ䷇ ҟ䷇ ᰟᮍ㿔 ᰟ䇁

б䷇

㟠䷇ 1.㟠༈䷇

2.㟠Ϟ䷇ ૛䷇ 3.䞡૛䷇ 4.䕏૛䷇ 啓䷇ 5.啓༈䷇

Pinyin transcription jiƗntuányƯn

257

English translation Page no. sharp and rounded initials in Chinese phonology; today sharp initials (ᇪ䷇ jiƗnyƯn) include [ts-, ts‘-, s-] combined with [i] or [y] medials or finals; rounded initials (ಶ䷇ tuányƯn, also called ೚䷇ yuányƯn) include [t㯂-, t㯂‘-, 㯂-] combined with [i] or [y] medials or finals 81, 217 jiƗnyƯn see ᇪಶ䷇ jiƗntuányƯn jièyƯn same as ䷉༈ yùntóu JìnfƗngyán same as ᰟ䇁 Jìnyǎ Jìnyǎ Jin dialect, also ᰟᮍ㿔 JìnfƗngyán xi, 35, 43, 55, 56, 57, 61, 68, 74, 75, 81, 89, 90, 140, 142, 149, 155, 167, 168, 187, 189, 193, 194, 195, 198, 205, 215, 217, 220 ji·yƯn “nine sounds” – the nine points of consonant articulation in traditional phonology (see also Ѩ䷇ wǎyƯn and ϗ䷇ qƯyƯn): 19 shéyƯn “lingual sounds”, divided into: 18, 19, 20 shétóuyƯn middle apical plosive, nasal and lateral sounds 19, 20, 31 shéshàngyƯn dorsal plosive and nasal sounds 19, 20, 31 chúnyƯn labial sounds, divided into: 18, 20 zhòngchún-yƯn bilabial sounds 18, 20, 30 qƯngchúnyƯn labiodental sounds 18, 20, 28, 30 chƱyƯn dental sounds, divided into: 18, 19, 20 ch΃tóuyƯn affricate and fricative apico-dental sounds 19, 20

258 Index-glossary of basic linguistic terminology Chinese term 6.ℷ啓䷇

Pinyin transcription zhèngch΃yƯn

7.⠭䷇

yáyƯn

8.ଢ଼䷇

hóuyƯn

9.ञ㟠䷇; ञ啓䷇

bànshéyƯn and bànch΃yƯn

ᓔষ੐ ᅶ䆱 ᅶᆊᮍ㿔 ᅶᆊ䆱

kƗikǂuhnj Kèhuà KèjiƗ fƗngyán KèjiƗhuà

ᅶ䇁 ϸ੐

Kèyǎ li΁nghnj

1.ᓔষ੐

kƗikǂuhnj

2.ড়ষ੐

hékǂuhnj

䳊ໄ↡

língshƝngm·

䯑ᮍ㿔 䯑䇁

MƱn fƗngyán MƱnyǎ

English translation Page no. affricate and fricative dorsal sounds 19, 20 velar sounds 18, 20 laryngeal sounds 18, 20 lateral sounds and dorsal sounds 18, 19, 20, 213 see ಯ੐ sìhnj; ϸ੐ li΁nghnj same as ᅶᆊ䆱 KèjiƗhuà same as ᅶᆊ䆱 KèjiƗhuà Hakka dialect, also ᅶ䆱 Kèhuà, ᅶ䇁 Kèyǎ, ᅶᆊᮍ㿔 KèjiƗfƗngyán xi, xii, 27, 31, 35, 36, 37, 39, 42, 43, 45, 46, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 72, 73, 76, 84, 85, 86, 88, 90, 101, 114, 123, 141, 142, 149, 156, 164, 174, 175, 176, 177, 180, 187, 190, 194, 195, 200, 204, 205, 216, 217 same as ᅶᆊ䆱 KèjiƗhuà the two classes of syllables before the Ming Dynasty period (see also ಯ੐ sìhnj): xix, 21 without the medial nor the nucleus [u] 21 with [u] as the final or a final beginning with [u] 21 zero initial 15 same as 䯑䇁 MƱnyǎ Min dialect, also 䯑ᮍ㿔 MƱnfƗngyán 27, 31, 34, 35, 42, 44, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 70– 71, 84–86, 90, 101, 104, 112, 114, 118, 123, 141, 142, 149, 156, 164, 172, 175, 178, 179, 180, 188, 191, 194, 195, 200, 205, 215, 216, 217

Index-glossary of basic linguistic terminology Chinese term

Pinyin transcription

⠛ ᑇ䆱

piàn Pínghuà

ᑇໄ

píngshƝng

᱂䗮䆱

P·tǀnghuà

ϗ䷇

qƯyƯn

6. ञ㟠䷇

bànshéyƯn

7. ञ啓䷇

bànch΃yƯn

唤啓੐ 㜨

qíchƱhnj qiƗng

ߛ

ߛ䷉

qiè Qièyùn

䕏૛䷇ 䕏䇗 䕏ໄ

qƯngchúnyƯn qƯngdiào qƯngshƝng

⏙ໄ↡

qƯng shƝngmǎ

259

English translation Page no. see ᮍ㿔⠛ fƗngyán piàn Pinghua dialect 56, 58, 61, 72, 76, 87, 90, 130, 141, 142, 149, 155, 156, 164, 176, 187, 190, 192, 194, 195, 200, 205, 217 level tone, as opposed to Ҙໄ zèshƝng (see also ಯໄ sìshƝng) 17, 18 Putonghua (lit. “common speech”) – the national standard language of China ix, xi, xii, xix, xx, 10, 11, 12, 13, 19, 22, 24, 100, 104, 106, 107, 110, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 120, 121, 122, 124, 125, 133, 134, 137, 162, 165, 185, 186, 188, 192, 197, 201, 202, 204, 206, 208 “seven sounds” – the seven points of consonant articulation in traditional phonology, i.e. Ѩ䷇ wǎyƯn (see) plus: 18 lateral sounds (see also б䷇ ji·yƯn) 18, 19, 20 dorsal sounds (see also б䷇ ji·yƯn) 18, 19, 20, 213 see ಯ੐ sìhnj accent (sub-patois) ( also ⃵ೳ䇁 cì t·y·) 63 see ডߛ f΁nqiè one of the most important Chinese rhyme books (䷉к yùnshnj), compiled by Lu Fayan in 601 A.D. 23, 91, 214 see б䷇ ji·yƯn same as 䕏ໄ qƯngshƝng neutral tone; light tone, also 䕏䇗 qƯngdiào xi, 29, 31, 106 voiceless initials 17

260 Index-glossary of basic linguistic terminology Chinese term ⏙䷇

Pinyin transcription qƯngyƯn

⏙⌞

qƯngzhuó

ऎ এໄ ܼ⏙

qnj qùshƝng quánqƯng

ܼ⌞

quánzhuó

ܹໄ ϝㄝ

rùshƝng sƗndČng

Ϟໄ 㟠Ϟ䷇ 㟠༈䷇ 㟠䷇ ᨘ ໄ䇗

shàngshƝng shéshàngyƯn shétóuyƯn shéyƯn shè shƝngdiào

ໄ↡

shƝngmǎ

к䴶䇁

shnjmiàny·

㟦ໄ

shnjshƝng

English translation Page no. voiceless sound, as opposed to ⌞䷇ zhuóyƯn 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 83, 84, 89 voiceless and voiced sounds (see also ⏙䷇ qƯngyƯn; ⌞䷇ zhuóyƯn) 16, 92 see ᮍ㿔ऎ fƗngyán qnj see ಯໄ sìshƝng voiceless, unaspirated plosives, affricates and fricatives (see also ⏙䷇ qƯngyƯn) 19, 20 voiced plosives, affricates and fricatives (see also ⌞䷇ zhuóyƯn) xix, 19, 20, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 31, 35, 46, 74, 75, 76, 78, 79, 80, 81, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 192 see ಯໄ sìshƝng the third of the four grades of traditional finals, see ಯㄝ sì dČng 22, 26, 30, 82 see ಯໄ sìshƝng see б䷇ ji·yƯn see б䷇ ji·yƯn see Ѩ䷇ w·yƯn; б䷇ ji·yƯn same as ䷉ᨘ yùnshè the tone of Chinese characters (also ᄫ䇗 zìdiào) 15, 16 initial (onset) 15, 16, 17 literary language; written language 121 smooth tone, i.e. the level, rising and falling tones, as opposed to ֗ໄ cùshƝng (see also ಯໄ sìshƝng) 17, 18, 31, 88

Index-glossary of basic linguistic terminology Chinese term ಯㄝ

Pinyin transcription sì dČng

ಯㄝ

sìdČng

ಯ੐

sìhnj

1.ᓔষ੐

kƗikǂuhnj

2.唤啓੐

qíchƱhnj

3.ড়ষ੐

hékǂuhnj

4.᪂ষ੐

cuǀkǂuhnj

ಯໄ

sìshƝng

1. ᑇໄ

píngshƝng

2. Ϟໄ

shàngshƝng

3. এໄ

qùshƝng

4. ܹໄ

rùshƝng

261

English translation Page no. the four grades of traditional finals, divided according to the openness of the nucleus and depending on the absence or presence of the vowel [i] as the medial 22, 30, 94, 214 the fourth of the four grades of traditional finals, see ಯㄝ sì dČng 22, 30, 82 the four classes of syllables since the Ming Dynasty period (see also ϸ੐ li΁nghnj): xix, 21–22 with sounds other than [i], [u], [y] as the final 21, 22, 30, 84, 87, 88, 94 with [i] as the final or a final beginning with [i] 21, 22, 87 with [u] as the final or a final beginning with [u] 21, 22, 26, 29, 30, 85, 87, 94 with [y] as the final or a final beginning with [y] 24, 33, 46, 93, 95 the four tones of classical Chinese pronunciation: 16 level tone 16, 17, 18, 23, 29, 31, 42, 43, 78, 80, 83, 87, 90 rising tone xi, 16, 17, 18, 23, 27, 29, 31, 43, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 83, 87, 88, 89, 90, 92, 96, 98, 191, 213 falling tone 16, 17, 18, 24, 29, 42, 43, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 83, 87, 89, 92, 96, 98, 191 entering tone xix, 16, 17, 18, 24, 26, 29, 30, 31, 35, 43, 74, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 83, 84, 87, 88, 89, 90, 93, 191, 192, 195

262 Index-glossary of basic linguistic terminology Chinese term 䗕⇨ߚ䇗

Pinyin transcription sòngqì fƝndiào

֫ԧᄫ

sút΃zì

֫ᄫ

૤䷉

súzì Tángyùn

ೳ䇁

t·y·

ಶ䷇ ᭛ⱑᓖ䇏

tuányƯn wénbái yìdú

ਈᮍ㿔 ਈ䇁

Wú fƗngyán Wúyǎ

Ѩ䷇

w·yƯn

1. ⠭䷇

yáyƯn

2. 㟠䷇

shéyƯn

3. ૛䷇

chúnyƯn

4. 啓䷇

ch΃yƯn

English translation Page no. tone-aspiration division 32, 215 non-standard characters (also ֫ᄫ súzì), see also ᮍ㿔ᄫ fƗngyánzì) 119 same as ֫ԧᄫ sút΃zì a revised edition of ߛ䷉ Qièyùn, written by Sun Mian during the time of Tang Dynasty 23, 214 vernacular (patois) 63 see ᇪಶ䷇ jiƗntuányƯn literary and colloquial variant pronunciations 29, 31, 36, 102, 119, 185, 206 same as ਈ䇁 Wúyǎ Wu dialect, also ਈᮍ㿔 WúfƗngyán 2, 27, 35, 37, 39, 41, 42, 44, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 69, 75, 76, 81–83, 90, 110, 114, 123, 140, 142, 143, 149, 155, 156, 157, 160, 161, 167, 169, 170, 171, 172, 187, 190, 193, 194, 195, 198, 199, 203, 205, 217 (literally: “five sounds”) the five points of consonant articulation in traditional phonology (see also ϗ䷇ qƯyƯn; б䷇ ji·yƯn): 18 velar sounds 18, 20 “lingual sounds” 18, 19, 20 labial sounds 18, 20 dental sounds 18, 19, 20

Index-glossary of basic linguistic terminology Chinese term 5. ଢ଼䷇ 㒚䷇

␬ᮍ㿔 ␬䇁

ᇣ⿄ব䷇ ᇣᮍ㿔

ᇣ⠛ ᮄ␬ ⠭䷇ 䰇ᑇ

䰇এ

䰇ܹ

䰇Ϟ

ϔㄝ

Pinyin transcription hóuyƯn

263

English translation Page no. laryngeal sounds 18, 20 xìyƯn “thin sound”; the third grade (ϝㄝ sƗndČng) and the fourth grade (ಯㄝ sìdČng) of finals as opposed to ⋾䷇ hóngyƯn; see also ಯㄝ sì dČng 22, 30, 82 XiƗng fƗngyán same as ␬䇁 XiƗngyǎ XiƗngyǎ Xiang dialect, also ␬ᮍ㿔 XiƗng fƗngyán 27, 35, 43, 45, 46, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 60, 61, 70, 84, 90, 101, 141, 142, 143, 149, 155, 164, 173, 187, 190, 192, 194, 195, 199, 205, 215–216, 217 xi΁ochéng biànyƯn phonetic changes of diminutives 31, 101–102, 206 xi΁o fƗngyán dialect cluster (see also ᮍ㿔ᇣ⠛ fƗngyán xi΁opiàn) 27 xi΁opiàn see ᮍ㿔ᇣ⠛ fƗngyán xi΁opiàn XƯn XiƗng New Xiang dialect, see also ␬䇁 XiƗngyǎ 54, 55, 61, 215 yáyƯn see Ѩ䷇ w·yƯn; б䷇ ji·yƯn yángpíng the yangping tone, see also ಯໄ sìshƝng 16, 17, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 89, 92, 96, 98, 101, 106, 188, 189, 190, 191 yángqù the yangqu tone 16, 17, 75, 92, 96, 101, 106, 188, 189, 190, 191 yángrù the yangru tone xi, 16, 17, 87, 88, 92, 96, 101, 106, 188, 189, 190, 191 yángshàng the yangshang tone 16, 17, 92, 96, 101, 106, 188, 189, 190, 191 yƯdČng the first of the four grades of traditional finals, see ಯㄝ sì dČng 22, 30, 82, 84, 87

264 Index-glossary of basic linguistic terminology Chinese term ䷇㡖

Pinyin transcription yƯnjié

䷇䷉ᄺ ䷇㓔 䰈ᑇ

yƯnyùnxué yƯnzhuì yƯnpíng

䰈এ

yƯnqù

䰈ܹ

yƯnrù

䰈Ϟ

yƯnshàng

䇁㿔

y·yán

㉸ᮍ㿔 ㉸䇁

Yuè fƗngyán Yuèyǎ

䷉

yùn

䷉䚼

yùnbù

䷉㝍

yùnfù

䷉㉏

yùnlèi

English translation Page no. syllable (also ䷇㓔 yƯnzhuì) 15 see ∝䇁䷇䷉ᄺ Hàny· yƯnyùnxué same as ䷇㡖 yƯnjié the yinping tone, see also ಯໄ sìshƝng 16, 17, 27, 31, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 88, 89, 90, 92, 96, 98, 101, 106, 188, 189, 190, 191 the yinqu tone 16, 17, 75, 92, 96, 101, 106, 188, 189, 190, 191 the yinru tone 16, 17, 87, 88, 92, 96, 101, 106, 188, 189, 190, 191 the yinshang tone 16, 17, 92, 96, 101, 106, 188, 189, 190, 191 language 1 same as ㉸䇁 Yuèyǎ Yue dialect, also ㉸ᮍ㿔 YuèfƗngyán 2, 27, 31, 34, 35, 42, 43, 44, 45, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 58, 59, 60, 61, 71, 73, 76, 87, 90, 112, 114, 118, 119, 123, 141, 142, 143, 149, 156, 164, 170, 176, 177, 180, 187, 188, 191, 194, 195, 200, 205, 217 “rhyme” 21, 23, 84, 214 “rhyme category” 21 nucleus (the essential vowel of a final, nuclear vowel) (also Џ㽕‫ ䷇ܗ‬zhǎyào yuányƯn) 15, 16 “full rhyme” 21, 22, 214

Index-glossary of basic linguistic terminology Chinese term ䷉↡

Pinyin transcription yùnmǎ

䷉ᨘ

yùnshè

䷉к

yùnshnj

䷉༈

yùntóu

䷉ሒ

yùnwƟi

Ҙໄ

zèshƝng

ℷ啓䷇ Ёস䷇

zhèngch΃yƯn zhǀngg·yƯn

䞡૛䷇ Џ㽕‫䷇ܗ‬ ⌞ໄ↡

zhòngchúnyƯn zhǎyào yuányƯn zhuó shƝngmǎ

⌞䷇

zhuóyƯn

ᄫ↡

zìm·

265

English translation Page no. final 15, 16 “rhyme group” (also ᨘ shè) xi, xx, 21, 24, 82, 88, 94 rhyme book 23–24 medial (the head vowel of a final, nuclear vowel) (also ҟ䷇ jièyƯn) 15, 16 coda (the ending of a final, tail vowel) 15, 16 oblique tone, i.e. the rising tone (Ϟໄ shàngshƝng), falling tone (এໄ qùshƝng) and entering tone (ܹໄ rùshƝng), as opposed to the level tone (ᑇໄ píngshƝng). See also ಯໄ sìshƝng. 17, 18, 87, 90 see б䷇ ji·yƯn Middle Chinese, a period in the history of the Chinese language, the time of the Sui, Tang and Song Dynasties (sixth – tenth century A.D.) ix, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 21, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 34, 35, 42, 43, 46, 74, 74, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 92, 93, 101, 105, 188, 192, 205, 208, 213, 215 see б䷇ ji·yƯn same as ䷉㝍 yùnfù voiced initial 17 voiced sound as opposite to ⏙䷇ qƯngyƯn 78, 84 a character representing an initial consonant in ∝䇁䷇䷉ᄺ Hàny· yƯnyùnxué xi, xix, xx, 19, 20, 28, 29, 31, 32, 43, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 94, 95

Index of personal names

Anshen, Frank, 11, 221 Bai Dizhou ⱑ⍸⌆, 47 Bai Wanru ⱑᅯབ, 120, 129, 177, 221 Bao Houxing 剡८᯳, 121, 129, 173, 216, 217, 221, 222 Bao Shijie 剡຿ᵄ, 129, 171, 222, 226 Bian Chenglin ल៤ᵫ, 130, 236, 176 Bussman, Hadumod, 1, 222 Cai Guolu 㫵೑⩤, 129, 169, 195, 219, 223 Cai Yeqing 㫵৊䴦, 130, 179, 180, 245 Cai Yongfei 㫵࢛亲 , 226 Cao Zhiyun ᳍ᖫ㗬, 57, 58, 130, 172, 217, 223, 245 Ceng Shiying ᳒Ϫ㣅, 47, 225 Chambers, J. K., 1, 135, 223 Chao, Yuen Ren, see Zhao Yuanren Chen Fengying 䰜޸㣅, 128, 204, 223 Chen Hongmai 䰜吓䖜, 104, 129, 180, 218, 223 Chen Hui 䰜ᰪ, 217, 222 Chen Pengnian 䰜ᕁᑈ, 23 Chen Ruli 䰜∱ゟ, 229 Chen Songcen 䰜ᵒብ, 220, 242 Chen Xiaojin 䰜ᰧ䫺, 129, 177, 178, 220, 223, 244 Chen Yunlong 䰜ѥ啭, 232 Chen Zhangtai 䰜ゴ໾, 10, 13, 52, 224, 231, 235 Chen Zhongmin 䰜ᖴᬣ, 130, 172, 238

Chen, Matthew Y. (䰜⏞⊝ Chen Yuanquan), 218, 223 Chew Cheng Hai ਼⏙⍋ (Zhou Qinghai), 220, 242, 248 Chomsky, Noam, 2, 224 Ceng Yiping ᳒↙ᑇ, 232 Crystal, David, 2, 4, 213, 224 Cui Zhenhua የᤃढ, 129, 222 Dai Qingxia ᠈ᑚॺ, 216, 220, 224 Dai Zhaoming ᠈ᰁ䫁, 158, 221, 224 Dao Bu 䘧Ꮧ, 4, 10, 11, 224 DeFrancis, John, 2, 51, 215, 224– 225 DeLancey, Scott, 4, 225 Deng Xiaohua 䙧ᰧढ, 217, 234 Ding Bangxin (Ting Pang-Hsin) ϕ 䙺ᮄ, 25–27, 29, 35, 36, 57, 58, 74, 214, 216, 225, 226 Ding Shengshu ϕໄᷥ, 47, 51, 99, 107, 108, 119, 120, 123, 136, 225 Ding Wenjiang ϕ᭛∳, 47, 225 Dong Shaoke 㨷㒡‫ܟ‬, 218, 226 Dong Tonghe (Tung T’ung-ho) 㨷ৠ 啶˄੠˅, 26, 47, 50–51, 226 Duanmu, San ッ᳼ϝ, 102, 213, 214, 218, 226 Egerod, Søren, 215, 226 Fang Songxi ᮍᵒ➍, 226 Feng Aizhen ‫ރ‬⠅⦡, 129, 178, 179, 226 Feng Chuntian ‫ރ‬᯹⬄, 18, 214, 226 Forrest, Robert Andrew Dermod, 26, 35, 50, 60, 215, 226 Fu Guotong ٙ೑䗮, 217, 226

Index of personal names Fu Zuozhi ٙԤП, 226 Gan Yu’en ⫬Ѣᘽ, 150, 220, 226 Gao Benhan˄催ᴀ∝˅, see Karlgren, Bernhard Gao Mingkai 催ৡ߃, 1, 227 Gao Ran 催✊, 2, 34, 227 Ge Jianxiong 㨯ࠥ䲘, 160, 161, 227 Geng Zhensheng 㘓ᤃ⫳, 15, 16, 19, 21, 22, 24, 106, 213, 214, 233 Gu Qian 乒咨, 110, 237 Gu Yang 乒䰇, 220, 224 Guo, Longsheng, 13 Ha Mawan જ⥯ᅯ, 220, 227 He Gengyong ԩ㘓䬯, 1, 217, 227 He Wei 䌎Ꭱ, 125, 130, 165, 216, 217, 228 Hirata Shoji ᑇ⬄ᯠৌ, 169 Hong Bo ⋾⊶, 220, 228 Hou Jingyi փ㊒ϔ, 58, 75, 76, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 216, 217, 220, 228 Hu Guangbin 㚵‫ܝ‬᭠, 218, 229 Hu Huibin 㚵᜻᭠, 162, 229 Hua Xuecheng ढᄺ䆮, 234 Huang Borong 咘ԃ㤷, 122, 123, 124, 218, 229, 244 Huang Diancheng 咘‫݌‬䆮, 217, 229 Huang Jiajiao 咘ᆊᬭ, 231, 244 Huang Jilin 咘㒻ᵫ, 131, 160, 239 Huang Jinghu 咘᱃␪, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 103, 104, 107, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 116, 118, 119, 120, 121, 126, 217, 218, 229 Huang Qunjian 咘㕸ᓎ, 218, 229 Huang Shangjun 咘ᇮ‫ݯ‬, 129, 162, 163, 233 Huang Xing 咘㸠, 213, 241 Huang Xuezhen 咘䲾䋲, 130, 176, 217, 229

267

Jin Xinxin 䞥⃷⃷, 121, 229 Jin Youjing 䞥᳝᱃, 121, 229 Künstler, Mieczysáaw Jerzy, 55, 216, 230 Kurpaska, Maria, 213, 230 Lewis, M. Paul, 249, 250 Li Bing ढ़݉, 218, 230 Li Fanggui (Fang-kuei Li) ᴢᮍḖ, 8, 25, 26, 49, 60, 227, 230 Li Jian ᴢ‫ع‬, 232 Li Jinxi 咢䫺❭, 40–41, 216, 230 Li Lan ᴢ㪱, 220, 230 Li Lianjin ᴢ䖲䖯, 217, 230 Li Rong ᴢ㤷,4, 5, 25, 35, 37, 47, 51, 55–56, 57, 58, 60, 61, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 74, 75, 76, 89, 90, 99, 100, 115, 120, 122, 123, 124, 128, 129, 131, 133, 134, 135, 136, 148, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 168, 169, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177, 178, 179, 180, 192, 195, 214, 215, 216, 218, 219, 225, 231, 246 Li Rulong ᴢབ啭, 10, 13, 24, 25, 27, 29–32, 33, 35, 52, 57, 58, 63, 75, 76, 95, 111, 112, 114, 118, 130, 178, 214, 217, 218, 220, 231–232, 235, 244, 250 Li Shuyan ᴢּᷥ, 131, 166, 232 Li Sijing ᴢᗱᭀ, 214, 232 Li Xiaofan ᴢᇣ޵, 25, 34, 35, 58, 74, 75, 215, 232 Li Xinkui ᴢᮄ儕, 213, 233 Li Yuming ᴢᅛᯢ, 218, 233 Li, Fang-kuei, see Li Fanggui Lian Chunzhao 㒗᯹᢯, 232 Liang Deman ṕᖋ᳐, 129, 162, 163, 233

268 Index of personal names Liang Min ṕᬣ, 217, 220, 233 Liang Yougang ṕ⤋߮, 68, 216, 218, 233 Liang Yuan ṕ㢥, 18, 214, 226 Liang Yuzhang ṕ⥝⩟ 52, 235 Lin Dao ᵫ⛬, 15, 16, 19, 21, 22, 24, 106, 213, 214, 233 Lin Hansheng ᵫᆦ⫳, 217, 233 Lin Lifang ᵫゟ㢇, 218, 249 Lin, Yen-Hwei, 2, 214, 233 Liu Cunhan ߬ᴥ∝, 130, 164, 165, 192, 234 Liu Danqing ߬Ѝ䴦, 130, 161, 162, 234 Liu Junhui ߬৯ᚴ, 1, 234 Liu Lihua ߬Бढ, 130, 173, 242 Liu Shuxue ߬⎥ᄺ, 216, 234 Liu Xiaonan ߬ᰧफ, 209, 234 Liu Xinzhong ߬ᮄЁ, 216, 234 Liu Zhenfa ߬䬛থ, 220, 234 Liu Zhicheng ߬ᖫ៤, 19, 21, 213, 214, 234 Lo Ch’ang-p’ei, see Luo Changpei Lu Fayan 䰚⊩㿔, 23 Lu Guoyao 剕೑ᇻ, 209, 234 Lü Jiping ৩‫ݔ‬ᑇ, 10, 12, 235 Lü Shuxiang ৩⎥␬, 51–52, 250 Lü Yongwei ৩∌ӳ, 131, 159, 160, 238 Luo Changpei (Lo Ch’ang-p’ei) 㔫 ᐌ෍, 51–52, 169, 227, 250 Luo Futeng 㔫⽣㝒, 130, 159, 234 Luo Meizhen 㔫㕢⦡, 217, 234 Majewicz, Alfred Franciszek, 4, 235 Miyata Ichiro ᅿ⬄ϔ䚢, 58, 219, 242 Mu Linde 〚味ᖋ, see von Möllendorf, Paul Georg Norman, Jerry, 2, 33, 35, 36, 49, 56– 57, 58, 61, 235

Pan Jiayi ┬ᆊ៓, 216, 235 Pan Maoding ┬㣖哢, 52–53, 58, 61, 235 Pan Weishui ┬␁∈, 130, 178, 232 Peng Fengshu ᕁ䗶╡, 217, 235 Poole, Stuart C., 213, 235 Qi Xiaojie ៮ᰧᵄ, 229 Qian Dianxiang 䪅༴佭, 232 Qian Huiying 䪅ᚴ㣅, 218, 235 Qian Nairong 䪅З㤷, 217, 235 Qian Zengyi 䪅᳒ᗵ, 130, 158, 159, 235 Qiao Quansheng Шܼ⫳, 217, 236 Qin Yuanxiong 㽗䖰䲘, 130, 176, 216, 217, 232, 236 Qiu Yong Ϭ䲡, 23 Ramsey, S. Robert, 9, 236 Robins, Robert H., 213, 236 Rong Wenmin ២᭛ᬣ, 128 Ruhlen, Merrit, 4, 213, 236 Shen Ming ≜ᯢ, 131, 168, 217, 237 Shen Ruoyun ≜㢹ѥ, 129, 222 Shen Zhongwei ≜䩳ӳ, 228, 237 Sheng Yan ⲯ♢, 220, 237 Shi Anshi ⷇ᅝ⷇, 1, 227 Shi Feng ⷇䫟, 228, 237 Shi Guanxin ৆‫ݴ‬ᮄ, 229 Shi Rujie ⷇∱ᵄ 110, 237 Shou Wen ᅜ⏽, 19 Simmons, Richard VanNess [Shi Haoyuan ৆Ⱨ‫(ܗ‬೚)], 110, 237 Song Xinqiao ᅟ⃷ḹ, 10, 237 Stauffer, Milton Theobald, 38, 59, 237 Su Xiaoqing 㢣ᰧ䴦, 131, 159, 160, 238 Sun Lindong ᄭᵫϰ, 229

Index of personal names Sun Mian ᄭᛤ, 214 Tan Dazheng 䇜໻ℷ, 10, 238 Tang Zhenzhu ∸⦡⦴, 130, 238, 172 Tang Zuofan ૤԰㮽, 19, 21, 22, 24, 213, 214, 238 Tao Huan 䱊ᇄ, 130, 170, 241 Tewksbury, Malcolm Gardner, 38, 237 Ting Pang-Hsin, see Ding Bangxin Trudgill, Peter, 1, 135, 223 Tung T’ung-ho, see Dong Tonghe von Möllendorf, Paul Georg ˄Mu Linde 〚味ᖋ˅, 37, 59, 215 Wang Futang ⥟⽣ූ, 25, 27, 34, 38, 40, 41, 47, 49, 50, 51, 52, 57, 58, 74, 75, 76, 121, 150, 207, 218, 220, 232, 238 Wang Guosheng ∾೑㚰, 202, 209, 238 Wang Hui ⥟ᰪ, 224, 229 Wang Jun ⥟ഛ, 220, 238–239 Wang Junhu ⥟‫ݯ‬㰢, 131, 165, 239 Wang Li ⥟࡯, 15, 19, 21, 23, 25, 41–47, 59, 60, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 213, 214, 215, 226, 239 Wang Ping ∾ᑇ, 129, 163, 164, 213, 239 Wang Shihua ⥟Ϫढ, 131, 160, 239 Wei Gangqiang 儣䩶ᔎ, 130, 174, 240 Wei Shuguan िᷥ݇, 130, 176, 236 Wen Duanzheng ⏽ッᬓ, 58, 75, 131, 168, 215, 240 Weng Wenhao 㖕᭛☣, 47, 225 Wong, Tsinforn C., 38, 237 Wu Jiansheng ਈᓎ⫳, 131, 167, 240 Wu Songdi ਈᵒᓳ, 160, 161, 181, 227

269

Wu Wei ӡᎡ, 58, 76, 217, 240 Wu Xinxian ਈᮄ䋸, 130, 172, 238 Wu Yingjun ਈ㣅֞, 216, 240 Wu Yunji ӡѥ࿀, 129, 222 Wu Zongji ਈᅫ⌢, 47 Xie Liuwen 䇶⬭᭛, 131, 175, 217, 219, 241 Xie Qiyong 䇶༛࢛, 216, 241 Xing Xiangdong 䙶৥ϰ, 218, 220, 241 Xiong Zhenghui ❞ℷ䕝, 62, 128, 130, 174, 241 Xu Baohua 䆌ᅱढ, 130, 170, 232, 241, 242, 244 Xu Daming ᕤ໻ᯢ, 220, 242 Xu Hui ᕤ᜻, 232 Xu Shirong ᕤϪ㤷, 101, 242 Xu Zongwen ᕤᅫ᭛, 128 Yan Qinghui 买⏙ᖑ, 130, 173, 242 Yan Sen 买Ể, 36, 57, 130, 175, 216, 222, 242 Yan Yiming 买䘌ᯢ, 217, 242 Yan, Margaret Mian, 1, 2, 15, 26, 27, 40, 47, 59, 125, 128, 242 Yang Gang ᴼ䩶, 234 Yang Ganming ᴼђᯢ, 131, 135, 172, 243 Yang Muzhi ᴼ⠻П, 128 Yang Shifeng (Yang Shih-Feng) ᴼ ᯊ䗶, 47, 169 Yang Shih-Feng, see Yang Shifeng Yang Shumin ᴼ⎥ᬣ, 18, 214, 226 Yang Xiong ᡀ䲘, 1 Ye Xiangling ৊⼹㢧, 130, 171, 242 Yin Shichao ልϪ䍙, 130, 158, 242 Ying Yutian ᑨ䲼⬄, 218, 242 You Rujie ␌∱ᵄ, 1, 4, 10, 13, 16, 19, 24, 25, 27, 33, 37, 38, 39, 55, 58, 61, 63, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 83, 84, 87, 88, 96, 97, 100,

270 Index of personal names 101, 103, 105, 106, 107, 119, 120, 121, 122, 126, 131, 135, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 172, 204, 207, 214, 216, 217, 218, 220, 243, 248 You Wenliang ␌᭛㡃, 216, 243 Yu Aiqin ԭ䴁㢍, see YueHashimoto, Anne O. Yuan Jiahua 㹕ᆊ偙, 1, 26, 35, 49, 52, 53–55, 56, 58, 61, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 215, 217, 230, 243 Yue-Hashimoto Oi-kan Anne, see Yue-Hashimoto, Anne O. Yue-Hashimoto, Anne O. (Yu Aiqin; Yue-Hashimoto Oi-kan Anne) ԭ䴁㢍, 124, 125, 232, 243 Yule, George, 213, 243 Zhai Shiyu 㖳ᯊ䲼, 106, 243 Zhan Bohui 䁍ԃ᜻, 1, 16, 25, 26, 27, 28–29,32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 40, 41, 49, 51, 57, 58, 74, 75, 76, 92, 93, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 103, 104, 107, 109, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 116, 118, 119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124, 126, 129, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 177, 178, 216, 217, 218, 231, 244 Zhang Ansheng ᓴᅝ⫳, 131, 166, 232 Zhang Binglin ゴ⚇味 (Zhang Taiyan ゴ໾♢), 37–38, 216, 245 Zhang Chengcai ᓴ៤ᴤ, 131, 166, 244 Zhang Guangming ᓴ‫ܝ‬ᯢ, 131, 168, 240 Zhang Huiying ᓴᚴ㣅, 129, 169, 170, 244 Zhang Junru ᓴഛབ, 217, 220, 233

Zhang Shengyu ᓴⲯ㺩, 52, 218, 232, 235, 244 Zhang Shifang ᓴϪᮍ, 218, 244 Zhang Shuzheng ᓴᷥ䫂, 218, 244 Zhang Taiyan ゴ໾♢, see Zhang Binglin ゴ⚇味 Zhang Zhenxing ᓴᤃ݈, 62, 63, 68, 74, 75, 76, 90, 128, 130, 131, 132, 133, 134, 136, 137, 179, 180, 197, 209, 213, 217, 220, 241, 245 Zhang Zhimin ᓴᖫᬣ, 216, 245 Zhao Hongyin 䍉ᅣ಴, 131, 167, 240 Zhao Rixin 䍉᮹ᮄ, 76, 128, 130, 137, 169, 217, 218, 245, 246 Zhao Yuanren (Yuen Ren Chao) 䍉 ‫ܗ‬ӏ, xii, 2, 25, 47, 49, 50, 60, 75, 121, 169, 215, 218, 223, 227, 246 Zheng Ding’ou 䚥ᅮ⃻, 220, 246 Zhengzhang Shangfang 䚥ᓴᇮ㢇, 226 Zhou Changji ਼䭓Ἷ, 131, 179, 217, 247, 248 Zhou Dianfu ਼↓⽣, 106, 248 Zhou Fang ਼ᮍ, 128 Zhou Lei ਼⺞, 131, 167, 217, 248 Zhou Qinghai ਼⏙⍋ see Chew Cheng Hai Zhou Qingsheng ਼ᑚ⫳, 4, 12, 14, 248 Zhou Zhenhe ਼ᤃ吸, 55, 61, 216, 248 Zhou Zuyao ਼⼪⩊, 218, 249 Zhu Jiansong ᴅᓎ乖, 131, 162, 249 Zhuang Chusheng ᑘ߱छ, 218, 232, 249 Zou Jiayan 䚍௝ᔺ, 4, 58, 220, 249 Zou Xiaoli 䚍ᰧБ, 19, 21, 213, 214, 249

Index of Chinese place names

The index includes Chinese place names which are mentioned in the book, it does not cover the pages of the References and Appendices. The names of the forty two dialect localities of The Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects are given in boldface. Anhui ᅝᖑ, 40, 41, 47, 48, 49, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 72, 137, 146, 169 Anji ᅝঢ়, 68 Anqing ᅝᑚ, 40, 44 Aomen, see Macau ▇䮼 Beijing ࣫Ҁ, xi, xii, xix, 2, 10, 13, 51, 53, 57, 64, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 85, 88, 89, 90, 92, 93, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 102, 104, 105, 106, 113, 116, 117, 137, 139, 142, 146, 148, 151, 155, 156, 158, 162, 170, 186, 209, 215, 219 Bobai मⱑ, 45 Caozhou ᳍Ꮂ, 38 Chang Jiang 䭓∳, see Yangtze River Changle 䭓Ф, 68 Changsha 䭓≭, 114, 115, 129, 135, 141, 147, 153, 155, 173, 181, 182, 184, 185, 186, 187, 190, 194, 196, 199, 201 Changshu ᐌ❳, 41, 115 Changxing 䭓݈, 68 Changzhou ᐌᎲ, 38, 40, 41, 44 Chaoshan ╂∩, 48, 55, 60, 71 Chaozhou ╂Ꮂ, 37, 42, 44, 113, 117, 154 Chengdu ៤䛑, 129, 138, 139, 147, 151, 162–163, 181, 184, 185,

187, 188, 191, 192, 193, 196, 197 Chongming Dao ዛᯢቯ, see Chongming Island Chongming Island (ዛᯢቯ Chongming Dao), 54, 170 Chongming ዛᯢ, 129, 135, 138, 140, 147, 152, 169–170, 182, 185, 187, 190, 193, 196, 198 Chongqing 䞡ᑚ, 146, 148 Chuzhou ໘Ꮂ, 44, 69 Da Yunhe ໻䖤⊇, see Grand Canal Dabu ໻ඨ, 42, 45 Danyang Ѝ䰇, 41, 129, 138, 140, 147, 152, 169, 182, 184, 187, 190, 193, 196, 198, 201, 219 Danzhou ۟Ꮂ, 73, 216 Dianbai ⬉ⱑ, 45 Dihua 䖾࣪ (old name for Ürümqi Р剕᳼唤), 167 Dongbei ϰ࣫, see Northeast China Dongguan ϰ㥲, 44, 129, 135, 138, 141, 146, 154, 177–178, 183, 185, 187, 191, 194, 196, 200 Enping ᘽᑇ, 44 Fengshun Є乎, 45 Fujian ⽣ᓎ, 37, 41, 42, 45, 46, 47, 52, 54, 55, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 84, 85, 146, 172, 174, 175,

272 Index of Chinese place names 176, 178, 179 Fuzhou ᡮᎲ, 175 Fuzhou ⽣Ꮂ, 37, 39, 44, 47, 105, 129, 132, 138, 141, 146, 154, 155, 178–179, 181, 183, 184, 185, 188, 191, 194, 196, 200, 201 Gansu ⫬㙗, 5, 6, 7, 37, 40, 41, 43, 66, 146, 148, 166 Ganzhou 䌷Ꮂ, 175 Gaoyao 催㽕, 45 Gaozhou 催Ꮂ, 42, 45 Grand Canal (໻䖤⊇ Da Yunhe), 160, 171 Guangde ᑓᖋ, 67, 68 Guangdong ᑓϰ, 6, 37, 41, 42, 45, 46, 47, 52, 54, 55, 61, 70, 71, 72, 73, 146, 164, 174, 176, 177, 179, 180 Guangxi ᑓ㽓, 5, 6, 38, 40, 41, 42, 44, 45, 46, 47, 54, 59, 67, 68, 70, 71, 72, 73, 76, 146, 164, 176 Guangxin ᑓֵ, 38 Guangzhou ᑓᎲ, 39, 111, 112, 113, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 129, 132, 135, 141, 146, 154, 155, 177, 181, 182, 185, 187, 188, 191, 194, 200, 201 Guanyang ☠䰇, 54 Guixian 䌉ও, 45 Guiyang 䌉䰇, 129, 135, 139, 146, 151, 163–164, 181, 185, 187, 189, 192, 193, 196, 197, 198, 201 Guizhou 䌉Ꮂ, 5, 6, 38, 40, 41, 44, 46, 54, 66, 73, 138, 146, 163, 173 Gutian স⬄, 44 Ha’erbin, see Harbin જᇨⒼ

Haikang ⍋ᒋ, 55 Haikou ⍋ষ, 129, 135, 138, 141, 146, 154, 180, 183, 184, 188, 191, 194, 200, 201 Haimen ⍋䮼, 54 Hainan Dao ⍋फቯ, see Hainan Island Hainan Island (⍋फቯ Hainan Dao), 39, 47, 180 Hainan ⍋फ, 39, 42, 47, 48, 55, 59, 60, 68, 70, 71, 72, 73, 104, 146, 180 Hangzhou Bay (ᵁᎲ⑒ Hangzhou Wan), 172 Hangzhou Wan ᵁᎲ⑒, see Hangzhou Bay Hangzhou ᵁᎲ, 38, 39, 40, 42, 44, 59, 69, 129, 135, 140, 143, 147, 152, 171, 182, 185, 186, 187, 190, 191, 193, 196, 199, 201 Hankou ∝ষ, 162 Hanyang ∝䰇, 162 Harbin જᇨⒼ (Ha’erbin), 130, 135, 138, 146, 151, 158, 180, 181, 184, 185, 187, 189, 191, 193, 196, 197, 201, 204, 219 Hebei ⊇࣫, 37, 40, 41, 43, 64, 65, 68, 109, 146, 148 Hefei ড়㙹, 151, 155 Heilongjiang 咥啭∳, 6, 64, 146, 158 Henan ⊇फ, 37, 40, 41, 43, 66, 68, 146, 165 Heyuan ⊇⑤, 45 Hohhot ੐੠⌽⡍ (Huhehaote), 152 Hong Kong 佭␃ (Xianggang), 146, 148, 154, 156, 179, 207, 209 Huai He, see Huai River Huai River (⏂⊇ Huai He), 38, 40 Huaiqing ᗔᑚ, 37 Huaxian ࣪ও, 45

Index of Chinese place names Hubei ␪࣫, 5, 37, 40, 41, 43, 46, 47, 53, 66, 67, 70, 147, 162, 164 Huhehaote, see Hohhot ੐੠⌽⡍ Huiyang ᚴ䰇, 42, 45 Huizhou ᖑᎲ, 38, 44, 48, 49, 51, 60, 69, 72, 142 Hunan ␪फ, 5, 6, 37, 40, 41, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 52, 54, 61, 67, 70, 72, 73, 147, 163, 164, 173, 174 Huzhou ␪Ꮂ, 38, 40, 42, 44, 47 Inner Mongolia (‫ݙ‬㩭স Neimenggu), 6, 8, 64, 68, 147, 148 Jian’ou ᓎ⫃, 130, 141, 146, 154, 178, 183, 188, 194, 200 Jiangsu ∳㢣, 40, 41, 42, 46, 52, 54, 61, 66, 67, 69, 70, 128, 147, 159, 160, 161, 169, 170, 171 Jiangxi ∳㽓, 38, 40, 41, 42, 43, 45, 46, 47, 52, 54, 61, 69, 70, 72, 73, 147, 174, 175, 176 Jiangyin ∳䰈, 42 Jiankang ᓎᒋ (old name for Nanjing फҀ), 161 Jianning ᓎᅕ, 39 Jianyang ᓎ䰇, 39 Jiaoling 㬝ኁ, 45 Jiaxing ௝݈, 38, 40, 42, 44 Jilin ঢ়ᵫ, 6, 64, 147, 148 Jinan ⌢फ, 116, 130, 135, 139, 147, 151, 158–159, 181, 185, 186, 187, 189, 191, 193, 196, 197, 201 Jingjiang 䴪∳, 54 Jingxian ⋒ও, 67 Jinhua 䞥ढ, 38, 39, 41, 42, 44, 130, 135, 140, 147, 152, 172–173, 182, 184, 185, 187, 190, 194, 196, 199, 201

273

Jintan 䞥യ, 41 Jinyang ᰟ䰇 (old name for Taiyuan ໾ॳ), 168 Jiujiang б∳, 40, 44, 46, 53 Jixi 㒽⑾, 75, 128, 130, 135, 137, 138, 140, 146, 153, 155, 169, 182, 186, 187, 189, 191, 193, 195, 196, 198, 201, 218 Kaifeng ᓔᇕ, 37, 38 Kaiping ᓔᑇ, 44 Kunming ᯚᯢ, 116, 151 Kunshan ᯚቅ, 41, 44 Langxi 䚢⑾, 68 Lanzhou ݄Ꮂ, 151 Leizhou Bandao 䳋Ꮂञቯ, see Leizhou Peninsula Leizhou Peninsula (䳋Ꮂञቯ Leizhou Bandao), 55, 71, 180 Leizhou 䳋Ꮂ, 45, 55, 71, 86, 130, 141, 146, 154, 179–180, 183, 185, 186, 188, 191, 194, 196, 200, 201, 216 Lianxian 䖲ও, 45 Lianzhou ᒝᎲ, 42, 45 Liaoning 䖑ᅕ, 6, 64, 65, 147, 148 Lichuan 咢Ꮁ, 67, 130, 141, 147, 153, 175, 182, 185, 187, 190, 194, 196, 200 Liuzhou ᷇Ꮂ, 130, 135, 138, 140, 146, 151, 164–165, 180, 182, 184, 185, 187, 189, 191, 192, 193, 195, 197, 198, 201, 204 Liyang ⑻䰇, 41 Longchuan 啭Ꮁ, 45 Longmen Dao 啭䮼ቯ, see Longmen Island Longmen Island (啭䮼ቯ Longmen Dao), 68 Loudi ࿘ᑩ, 130, 135, 141, 147, 153, 173, 182, 186, 187, 190, 192,

274 Index of Chinese place names 194, 196, 199, 201 Luoding 㔫ᅮ, 45 Luoning ⋯ᅕ, 80 Luoyang ⋯䰇, 130, 138, 139, 146, 151, 165, 182, 184, 187, 189, 193, 196, 198, 201 Macau ▇䮼 (Aomen), 147, 148, 156, 179, 207, 209 Meixian ṙও, 42, 45, 113, 114, 120, 130, 138, 141, 146, 154, 155, 156, 176, 181, 182, 185, 187, 190, 194, 196, 200 Meizhou ṙᎲ, 176 Mianchi ⏥∴ 80 Min Jiang 䯑∳, see Min River Min River (䯑∳ Min Jiang), 178 Muping ⠳ᑇ, 130, 139, 147, 151, 159, 181, 185, 187, 189, 191, 193, 196, 197, 201 Nanchang फᯠ, 117, 130, 135, 141, 147, 153, 155, 174, 181, 182, 184, 185, 187, 190, 191, 194, 196, 199, 201 Nanfang फ䰆, 37 Nanhai फ⍋, 44 Nanjing फҀ, 40, 44, 130, 135, 138, 140, 147, 151, 161–162, 163, 181, 184, 185, 186, 187, 189, 191, 192, 193, 195, 196, 197 Nanning फᅕ, 130, 138, 141, 146, 154, 155, 156, 176, 180, 182, 185, 187, 190, 192, 194, 200, 201, 204 Nanping फᑇ, 68, 178 Nantong फ䗮, 54 Nanyang Qundao फ⋟㕸ቯ (areas south beyond the South China Sea), 45 Neimenggu ‫ݙ‬㩭স, see Inner Mongolia

Ningbo ᅕ⊶, 37, 38, 39, 42, 44, 130, 138, 140, 147, 152, 170, 172, 182, 184, 185, 187, 190, 191, 193, 196, 199, 201 Ningguo ᅕ೑, 38, 44, 67, 68 Ningxia ᅕ໣, 66, 147, 166 Northeast China (ϰ࣫ Dongbei), 43, 64, 77, 158 Panyu ⬾⾎, 44 Pingxiang 㧡е, 130, 135, 138, 141, 147, 153, 174, 182, 184, 185, 186, 187, 190, 192, 194, 196, 200 Pingyao ᑇ䘹, 152 Qidong ਃϰ, 54 Qingdao 䴦ቯ, 151 Qinghai 䴦⍋, 5, 6, 7, 66, 147, 166 Qinzhou 䩺Ꮂ, 42, 45, 68 Qiongzhou ⨐Ꮂ, 44, 104, 218 Quanzhou ܼᎲ, 54 Qujiang ᳆∳, 45 Quzhou 㸶Ꮂ, 38, 41, 42, 44 Raozhou 佊Ꮂ, 38 Ronghe 㤷⊇, 167 Rongxian ᆍও, 45 Runing ∱ᅕ, 37 Ruyuan ч⑤, 45 Samkong, see Sanjiang ϝ∳ Sanjiang ϝ∳ (Samkong), 39 Shaanxi 䰩㽓, 37, 40, 41, 43, 47, 66, 67, 68, 147, 165 Shandong Bandao ቅϰञቯ, see Shandong Peninsula Shandong Peninsula (ቅϰञቯ Shandong Bandao), 159 Shandong ቅϰ, 37, 38, 40, 41, 43, 65, 66, 124, 147, 158, 159 Shanghai Ϟ⍋, 2, 37, 39, 41, 44, 69,

Index of Chinese place names 113, 115, 130, 138, 140, 147, 152, 153, 155, 170, 181, 182, 184, 185, 187, 190, 193, 196, 199, 201, 217, 219 Shantou ∩༈, 39, 42, 44, 47, 154 Shanxi ቅ㽓, 37, 40, 41, 43, 66, 68, 147, 167, 168 Shaowu 䚉℺, 39 Shaoxing 㒡݈, 38, 44 Shenyang ≜䰇, 112 Shexian ℭও, 137, 153, 156 Shuangfeng ঠዄ, 113, 153, 155 Shunde 乎ᖋ, 44 Sichuan ಯᎱ, 5, 38, 40, 41, 44, 45, 46, 47, 53, 54, 66, 147, 163 Songjiang ᵒ∳, 38, 40, 41 Suzhou 㢣Ꮂ, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 44, 113, 119, 130, 138, 140, 147, 152, 153, 155, 170, 171, 181, 182, 184, 185, 187, 190, 193, 199, 201 Taibei ৄ࣫, 154 Taicang ໾ҧ, 38 Taishan ৄቅ, 44, 45 Taiwan Haixia ৄ⑒⍋ኵ, see Taiwan Strait Taiwan Strait (ৄ⑒⍋ኵ Taiwan Haixia), 179 Taiwan ৄ⑒, 4, 7, 9, 47, 54, 55, 58, 70, 72, 147, 148, 156, 179, 207, 209, 220 Taiyuan ໾ॳ, 131, 138, 140, 147, 151, 152, 155, 168, 181, 182, 184, 185, 186, 187, 189, 193, 196, 198, 201 Taizhou ৄᎲ, 39, 44, 69, 140 Taoyuan ḗು, 154, 156 Tianjin ໽⋹, 64, 65, 147, 148, 151, 161 Tianjing ໽Ҁ (old name for Nanjing फҀ), 161

275

Tibet (㽓㮣 Xizang), 5, 9, 147, 148, 166 Tibetan A.R. 㽓㮣㞾⊏ऎ Xizang Zizhiqu, see Tibet Tingzhou ∔Ꮂ, 39, 42, 72, 142 Tunxi ቃ⑾, 153, 156 Ürümqi Р剕᳼唤 (Wulumuqi), 131, 135, 139, 147, 151, 152, 167, 180, 182, 185, 186, 187, 188, 189, 191, 193, 196, 198, 201, 204 Wanquan ϛ⊝, 167 Wanrong ϛ㤷, 131, 138, 139, 147, 151, 167, 182, 185, 186, 187, 188, 189, 193, 196, 198, 201 Weihai ࿕⍋, 159 Weihui ि䕝, 37 Wenchang ᭛ᯠ, 44, 71 Wenzhou ⏽Ꮂ, 37, 39, 42, 44, 55, 101, 117, 131, 135, 140, 147, 152, 153, 155, 172, 182, 184, 185, 187, 190, 194, 196, 199 Wu ਈ (old name for Suzhou 㢣Ꮂ), 171 Wuchang ℺ᯠ, 162 Wuhan ℺∝, 115, 131, 135, 138, 139, 147, 151, 152, 162, 181, 184, 185, 187, 189, 191, 192, 193, 196, 197, 201 Wuhu 㡰␪, 40, 44 Wuhua Ѩढ, 45 Wulumuqi, see Ürümqi Р剕᳼唤 Wuxi ᮴䫵, 41, 44 Wuzhou ṻᎲ, 45 Xi’an 㽓ᅝ, 131, 139, 147, 151, 152, 165, 182, 187, 189, 193, 198 Xiamen Dao ॺ䮼ቯ, see Xiamen Island Xiamen Island (ॺ䮼ቯ Xiamen

276 Index of Chinese place names Dao), 179 Xiamen ॺ䮼, 39, 44, 47, 112, 118, 131, 135, 141, 146, 154, 155, 179, 181, 183, 184, 186, 188, 191, 194, 196, 200, 201 Xianggang, see Hong Kong 佭␃ Xiangtan ␬╁, 153 Xin’an Jiang ᮄᅝ∳, see Xin’an River Xin’an River (ᮄᅝ∳ Xin’an Jiang), 69 Xing’an ݈ᅝ, 54 Xinghua ݈࣪, 39 Xingning ݈ᅕ, 42, 45 Xinhui ᮄӮ, 44 Xining 㽓ᅕ, 131, 132, 135, 138, 139, 147, 152, 166, 180, 182, 184, 186, 187, 189, 191, 193, 195, 196, 198, 201, 204 Xinjiang ᮄ⭚, 6, 7, 8, 40, 64, 66, 147, 167 Xinzhou ᗏᎲ, 131, 135, 138, 140, 147, 152, 168, 182, 187, 189, 193, 196, 198, 201 Xuancheng ᅷජ, 67, 68, 169 Xuwen ᕤ䯏, 55 Xuzhou ᕤᎲ, 131, 135, 138, 139, 147, 152, 159–160, 181, 184, 185, 187, 189, 191, 193, 196, 197, 201 Yangjiang 䰇∳, 154 Yangtze River (䭓∳ Chang Jiang), 37, 38, 46, 53, 54, 67, 160, 161, 171 Yangyu ⋟ቓ, 68 Yangzhou ᡀᎲ, 44, 115, 131, 140, 147, 151, 152, 160, 181, 184, 185, 187, 188, 189, 191, 192, 193, 195, 196, 197, 201

Yantai ⚳ৄ, 159 Yanzhou ϹᎲ, 38, 41, 44, 69, 140 Yinchuan 䫊Ꮁ, 131, 135, 139, 147, 152, 166, 180, 182, 185, 186, 187, 189, 193, 196, 198, 204 Yingtianfu ᑨ໽ᑰ (old name for Nanjing फҀ), 161, 163 Yixing ᅰ݈, 41 Yizhou ≖Ꮂ, 38 Yongkang ∌ᒋ, 152, 155 Yudu Ѣ䛑, 131, 142, 147, 154, 156, 175, 182, 186, 187, 190, 194, 196, 200 Yulin 䚕ᵫ, 45 Yunan 䚕फ, 45 Yuncheng 䖤ජ, 167 Yunfu ѥ⍂, 45 Yunnan ѥफ, 5, 6, 7, 38, 40, 41, 44, 46, 47, 53, 66, 147, 148 Yuyao ԭྮ, 44 Zaozhuang ᵷᑘ, 124 Zhangde ᕄᖋ, 37 Zhangzhou ┇Ꮂ, 37, 44 Zhanjiang ␯∳, 179 Zhejiang ⌭∳, 38, 40, 41, 42, 46, 52, 54, 55, 61, 68, 69, 70, 72, 147, 155, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174 Zhengzhou 䚥Ꮂ, 152 Zhenjiang 䬛∳, 37, 40, 44, 46, 53, 54, 169 Zhili Ⳉ䲊 (old name for ⊇࣫ Hebei), 37, 40 Zhongshan Ёቅ, 44 Zhoushan Archipelago (㟳ቅ㕸ቯ Zhoushan Qundao), 55 Zhoushan Qundao 㟳ቅ㕸ቯ, see Zhoushan Archipelago Zhuji 䇌ᱼ, 42 Ziyuan 䌘⑤, 54