1
Genesis
he origins of miliary aviation in Australia may be traced to flights made by a Royal Engineer balloon secti...
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1
Genesis
he origins of miliary aviation in Australia may be traced to flights made by a Royal Engineer balloon section at the Sydney Agricultural Showground on 7–8 January 1901. However, it was not until 8 September 1909 that the Federal Government announced that it would offer the prize of £5000 for the construction of a military aircraft in Australia. The winner, designed by John R. Duigan, flew at Spring Plains, Mia Mia, Victoria on 16 July 1910. Late in 1910 a plan for an Australian aviation corps was submitted to the Military Board. A decision on the matter was deferred and it was not until the Minister for Defence, Senator George Pearce, returned from the 1911 Imperial Conference in London that the resolution was made to create a flying school and seek the appointment of ‘Two Competent Mechanists and Aviators’. Henry Petre and Eric Harrison, who had learnt to fly in England, were selected as pilots, and four mechanics—R.H. Chester, G.A. Fonteneau, C.V. Heath and A.E. Shortland—were appointed. Final approval for the establishment of the Flying Corps in Australia was promulgated in Military Order No. 570 of 22 October 1912. Orders were placed for two BE-2As, two Deperdussins and a Bristol Boxkite to equip the new air arm. Various sites for the location of the flying school were considered. On 9 March 1912, Captain Oswald Watt recommended that the school should be located near the Royal Military College, Duntroon, at Canberra. However, his recommendation was held in abeyance until Petre, given the charter of establishing the new flying school, inspected the site and declared that the altitude (500 metres above sea level) and the terrain made the area unsafe for flying. He finally recommended that a site at Point Cook, Victoria be purchased. Approximately 300
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The Brotherhood of Airmen
hectares of grazing land was acquired at a cost of over £6000, and the creation of the Central Flying School was announced on 7 March 1913. The first flying training course at the Central Flying School, Point Cook commenced on 17 August 1914. The four candidates on the course were Lieutenant R. Williams, Captain T.W. White, Lieutenant G.P. Merz and Lieutenant D.P. Manwell. Initial instruction was given on the Bristol Boxkite. The student and instructor were seated in tandem on the lower mainplane. There were no dual controls. The Boxkite had a wingspan of fifteen metres, was twelve metres long and was powered by a 50hp rotary engine that propelled it through the air at a maximum speed of 70 kph. The aircraft was so sensitive to any variations in atmospheric conditions that flying was undertaken early in the morning, and then only after the orderly officer had tested the presence of wind by hanging his handkerchief in the air by one corner. Only if it remained static would flying be undertaken. As an early morning breeze was prevalent at Point Cook, flying instruction was usually completed by 8.00 am. Actual flying training was conducted within the boundaries of the airfield, at a height of between fifteen and sixty metres. When not flying, the students were instructed about the theory of internal combustion engines, the functions of the magneto and ignition timing, and basic aerodynamics. The aim of the flying course was to train the officers to fly and to understand the rudiments of meteorology, aerial observation and photography, air navigation, signalling and warship identification. The Boxkite was flown during the initial flying training phase, and one of the BE-2As for the remainder. To obtain the Royal Aero Club aviator’s certificate as qualified international pilots, the trainees had to complete a series of flying tests. They included flying ‘figures of eight’, landing from a gliding approach and coming to rest within a circle of 50 metres’ diameter marked on the ground. On 12 November, the first trainees completed their tests, and it was Lieutenant Richard Williams who gained the honour of being the first military pilot to receive this qualification from an Australian flying institution. Between August 1914 and June 1917, a total of 90 personnel passed through the eight flying training courses conducted at the Central Flying School, Point Cook. Of these, twelve from the fifth course (August 1916) were posted for active service before completing the course. Similarly, 24 officers were transferred from the sixth course to the newly formed 4 Squadron in November 1916 before completing their training.
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Building the tradition
he four graduates of the first pilot training course at Point Cook had little opportunity for immediate employment as aviators. Williams was appointed as the Director of Training at the Australian Imperial Force Training Depot at Broadmeadows, Victoria. Merz chose to follow his medical vocation as a regimental medical officer and White, seeking to retain the friendship that had developed during flying training, chose to follow Merz. However, the presence of the German East Asia Squadron and the harbour facilities at Rabaul in New Britain that were capable of supplying this force, led to an Australian amphibious assault on Rabaul on 10 September 1914. Potentially, the BE-2A and a Farman seaplane that accompanied the force aboard HMAS Una could have been the first Flying Corps units to see active service. Unfortunately, Lieutenants Eric Harrison and George Merz, the two pilots entrusted to undertake aerial reconnaissance during the campaign, did not practise their skills. The aircraft were not unpacked and returned from Rabaul to Australia.
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Mesopotamia, 1915–16 On 8 February 1915, the Government of India sought the assistance of Australia to supply trained airmen, aircraft and transport for service in Mesopotamia (Iraq). The Australian Government replied that men and transport would be provided, but that aircraft could not. The unit (known as the Mesopotamian Half-Flight, Royal Flying Corps) was quickly raised from senior non-commissioned officers serving at the Central Flying School and from volunteer trainee riggers and mechanics from the staff of the motor-engineering shops at the army depot at
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The Brotherhood of Airmen
Broadmeadows. Captain Petre, the commander of the force, departed for Bombay on 14 April to make arrangements for the Half-Flight’s arrival, leaving Captain T.W. White in temporary command. White, Lieutenant W.H. Treloar, an officer from the 72nd Infantry Battalion who had learned to fly in England before the war, and 37 men departed from Melbourne aboard the Morea for Bombay six days later. The premonsoonal heat, oppressive to Australians used to moderate climates, engendered in them an unquenchable thirst. The culture and sights of Bombay took a toll on the Australians’ three months’ advance pay before they boarded the SS Bankura. The vessel was bound for the town of Basra on the Shatt el Arab, downstream from the confluence of the Tigris and Euphrates rivers in south-eastern Mesopotamia. The Australians arrived at Basra on 26 May, joining two Indian Army officers, Captains P.W.L. Broke-Smith and H.L. Reilly, and nine mechanics from the Indian Flying Corps. A New Zealander, Lieutenant W.W.A. Burn, completed the Dominion nature of the Half-Flight. An Indian Army pioneer unit had completed a road made of date palm logs from the waterway to an Arab cemetery, the only high ground in the area suitable for an airfield. The surrounding swampland was a breeding ground for mosquitoes, forcing the troops to take quinine twice daily to counter the insidious effects of malaria. The novelty of Basra, its culture unchanged from biblical days, was a marked contrast to the Australian lifestyle. The clay buildings offered little relief for the Half-Flight members toiling in the oppressive summer heat to prepare the aircraft for operations. Even by the standards of 1915, the aircraft initially supplied to the Half-Flight were not modern. With two Maurice Farman Shorthorn and a single Longhorn aircraft, with a maximum speed of 80 kph on a calm day, the Half-Flight was ordered to fly reconnaissance missions in support of the advance of forces under the command of Major General C.V.F Townshend along the Tigris River to Amara. Operations commenced on 31 May when two crews (Petre and Burn, and Reilly and Broke-Smith) flew from a landing ground south of Kurna and supplied useful intelligence to the force commander. Below them, the infantry force advanced upstream through the saturated landscape by using 500 Arab war canoes, supported by artillery mounted on barges and steamers. They succeeded in forcing the defending Turks to retreat. White and Reilly, who had battled a dust storm for two hours to fly the Shorthorn the 100 kilometres from Basra on 1 June, reported the fact to navy authorities. En route, the airmen attempted to drop three
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20-pound bombs on one of the Turkish paddle steamers that was retreating in disarray. Although the bombs missed the intended target, they exploded ahead and astern of one of the smaller ships, the crew of which, having interpreted this action as the aerial equivalent to a naval ‘shot across the bows’, drew into shallow water where they waited and later surrendered to the first British vessel that appeared. Townshend took advantage of the Turkish confusion and, in company with Captain W. Nunn, Royal Navy, and 22 men, accepted the surrender of Amara in the early hours of 3 June. To guard the left flank of the advance up the Tigris River toward Kut, a force was drawn from the 6th and 12th Divisions to capture Nasiriyah, on the Euphrates River. Reilly, Treloar, Petre and Burn were again instrumental in the capture of this township. They flew Caudron aircraft that had been ordered forward from Basra over the Euphrates marshes. The capture of Nasiriyah paved the way for the advance on Kut. Although more suitable for training than active service, the Caudron was an improvement on the Shorthorn and Longhorn aircraft. Despite the construction of a brick engine-overhaul workshop (augmented by the repair-shop lorries that had been supplied from Australia) and an iron hangar at Basra that improved maintenance facilities, the unreliability of the aircraft engines had fateful repercussions. During the first reconnaissance flights towards Nasiriyah, Reilly had force landed in the floodwaters near Suk-esh-Sheyukh, where, with the assistance of the garrison, he was able to save the aircraft. Reilly and Merz planned to fly their aircraft back to Basra in company on 30 July to try to overcome engine problems. But the two aircraft became separated, with Reilly and his mechanic being forced to land 40 kilometres from a refilling station established at the island of Abu Salibiq. Merz and his companion, Burn, pressed on alone. They were never seen again. Eyewitness evidence suggested that Merz and Burn had landed 35 kilometres from Abu Salibiq, where a well-armed force of Arabs attacked them. The two Australians attempted to retreat to Abu Salibiq, using their revolvers in a spirited defence, killing one and wounding five of the Arab assailants, before one of the Australians was wounded. Gallantly, the two officers fought together until the end, showing great personal commitment and devotion to each other. Search parties, sent out from Basra and Abu Salibiq, found that the Caudron had been reduced to matchwood, but discovered no sign of Merz or Burn.
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The Brotherhood of Airmen
Engine failure was a common occurrence for the Half-Flight with, as will be seen, dramatic and tragic ramifications. For the members of the Half-Flight it was a period of frustration, with tent hangars being destroyed by the ubiquitous hot, sandy winds, leaving frail aircraft subject to the vagaries of an insatiable climate. Moreover, the poor standard of workmanship at the maintenance facilities in Egypt and England meant that the engines required considerable upkeep. And yet it was also a period of innovation—to enable the Half-Flight to operate in the watery maze of the Mesopotamian river system two barges were constructed: one on which two aircraft could be transported and the second to serve as a floating workshop. Given the terrain, floatplanes would have been an asset, but attempts to modify one of the Maurice Farman aircraft to fly with floats proved unsuccessful. In August the nucleus of a seaplane flight, under the command of Major R. Gordon, was transferred from East Africa and proved its worth in the reconnaissance before and after the attack on Kut. Four Martinsyde single-seat scouts also reinforced the unit, now known as 30 Squadron, Royal Flying Corps (RFC), in August. The first of these aircraft was test flown by Petre on 29 August, who found the performance of the aircraft a disappointment—it took the aircraft 23 minutes to reach an altitude of 2000 metres, and the maximum speed of 80 kph was only a marginal improvement on the Maurice Farman and Caudron types that it supplemented. Early in September, 30 Squadron concentrated at Ali Gharbi, halfway between Amara and Kut. The squadron, due to aircraft unserviceability, could only deploy a single Maurice Farman, a single Caudron and two Martinsydes to support the Indian 6th Division’s attack on Kut. However, a series of accidents, and the capture of Treloar and Captain B.S. Atkins of the Indian Army after they suffered an engine failure while reconnoitring Es-Sinn on 16 September, reduced the aircraft strength to a single Martinsyde. To reinforce the aerial component four aircraft (all that were available) were ordered upriver from Basra on two seaplane barges. One Maurice Farman was damaged on an overhanging tree after a strong wind blew the barges into the riverbank. This aircraft was repaired in time for battle where, based at Nakhilat, it joined a Martinsyde to participate in the attack on Es-Sinn. Commencing on 27 September, Townshend instigated a flanking manoeuvre, made possible by air reconnaissance, which discovered a practical route through the marshes for elements of the 17th Infantry Brigade and cavalry to deploy against the left flank of the Turkish
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position. The action of this force, combined with an infantry bayonet charge, culminated in the rout of the Turkish defenders and the fall of Es-Sinn and Kut. The two 30 Squadron aircraft played a crucial role in these events, maintaining communications between Townshend and Brigadier W.S. Delamain, the commander of the flanking mobile column, before bombing the retreating enemy. With the fall of Kut, the aircraft sought indications of the enemy strength located at Nasiriyah, on the Shatt el Hai (an ancient waterway linking the Tigris and Euphrates rivers), in the marshes to the north of Kut and along the Tigris river approaches to Baghdad. These operations were hampered by the difficulty of supplying replacement aircraft and supplies from Basra, and by the fragility of the Martinsyde. Difficulties aside, Reilly found that the Turkish defence of Baghdad centred on strong entrenchments at Ctesiphon, with an advanced guard twenty kilometres distant at Zeur. A second force of 2000 cavalry and camel-mounted troops at Kutaniyeh required constant surveillance to warn of any threat to the British position at Aziziyeh, only eight kilometres distant. In addition the enemy defences at Ctesiphon and Seleucia had to be carefully mapped, a task that was undertaken on a daily basis by White and Major E.J. Fulton. These flights, due to a combination of strong winds and the slow speed of the aircraft, took about two and a half hours, and engine failures (despite regular overhauling every 27 hours), were frequent. White and Captain F.C.C. Yeates-Brown, Indian Army, undertook a photographic reconnaissance of Ctesiphon one early autumn morning. After flying at 1500 metres and evading Turkish anti-aircraft fire, the two airmen completed their mission, and turned for home and breakfast. Then the aircraft engine lost power. White opened the throttle and dived steeply for 60 metres in an attempt to remedy the problem. Initially, engine revolutions increased. White was forced to use a combination of prevailing wind, judicious use of available power and gliding to clear the general Ctesiphon area before landing adjacent to the Turkish redoubt at Zeur. The arrival of the aircraft confused the defenders long enough for White and Yeates-Brown to attempt to seek safety. Yeates-Brown, rifle in hand, stood in the observer’s seat to warn off possible pursuit and to indicate a safe passage through the broken terrain. Taxiing at speed over the cracked earth and aware of the possibility of pursuit, the airmen approached the vicinity of Kutaniyeh with some trepidation—White had dropped bombs on the troops during his previous return flights from Ctesiphon. By continuing in their sputtering aircraft along a roadway over a ridge some distance from the Tigris
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River, the airmen were able to bypass Kutaniyeh. Jolting overland for a further 25 kilometres, the obstruction to the fuel line or carburettor cleared, and the aircraft became airborne, miraculously enabling the crew to keep its breakfast appointment. The seaplane flight also had its share of engine failures, one of which also involved White when he flew a Maurice Farman in the search for another flown by Gordon. Gordon’s absence was particularly distressing because with him was the Chief of the General Staff in Mesopotamia, Major General G.V. Kemball. The aircraft they were flying had suffered engine failure en route from Kut to Aziziyeh, and was discovered near the river by White, close to a large Arab camp. Circling the downed Farman, White came under attack by ground fire from the camp. It damaged an aileron rib and the propeller of White’s aircraft before he landed about a thousand metres from the downed seaplane. The Australian pilot ran to the riverbank with a spare rifle, located Kemball and returned to the aircraft to take flight for Aziziyeh. Gordon, who had left the site of the downed Farman, was saved by an Indian cavalry patrol that had noticed the descent of the floatplane. White was not so fortunate on 13 November. He and Yeates-Brown volunteered to attempt to destroy telephone lines to the north and west of Baghdad before the British attack on Ctesiphon. The task involved the two airmen flying a round trip of 200 kilometres, meaning they had to carry cans of fuel on the aircraft. After bypassing the Turkish defences, White and Yeates-Brown discovered that their target ran parallel to a main thoroughfare used by bodies of soldiers in formation. The two airmen planned to land fourteen kilometres from the city where the telegraph line was within two hundred metres of the road. Locating the site, White circled to land. As he made his final approach he sighted a uniformed Turkish horseman calmly noting the landing of the aircraft, which could indicate the presence of enemy troops. Unfortunately the aircraft landed with the wind astern, forcing White to turn sharply to prevent damage to the front elevator. Despite judicious use of aileron and rudder, the pilot could not prevent the lower left mainplane colliding with a telegraph pole. White traded shot after shot with the approaching Arabs, while Yeates-Brown successfully cut the wire by igniting several necklaces of gun cotton around two of the telegraph poles. The first explosion gave the Australians a brief respite from the advancing Arabs. Returning to the Maurice Farman under Arab crossfire, the airmen decided to attempt to taxi to safety. As they started the aircraft engine, a second charge exploded, snapping the telegraph wire and causing it to flail
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about. As they watched in horror, the wire swung around and coiled itself onto the aircraft. The only option for the airmen was to surrender. Both men were roughly handled and only the presence of a body of Turkish gendarmerie prevented them from being severely beaten. Both men became prisoners of war. After the Turkish first and second defensive lines at Ctesiphon had been captured by Townshend’s force on 21 November, Turkish reinforcements forced the attackers to withdraw down the Tigris to Kut, where 13 000 British and Indian troops were surrounded. Two damaged BE-2C aircraft, half of the squadron reinforcements that had been sent from England, and a damaged Martinsyde remained at Kut. These had been operated and maintained by the British aircrew and the noncommisioned officers and mechanics, who joined their army colleagues in captivity. Nine Australians, of which only Flight Sergeant J.McK. Sloss and Air Mechanic K.L. Hudson subsequently survived captivity, also remained at Kut. Petre made flights from Al Gharabi over the beleaguered township to drop bags of grain (and a millstone to grind it) before he was posted to Egypt and, subsequently, to command a training squadron in England. The eight Australians at Basra were also sent to join the newly formed Australian Flying Corps in Egypt early in 1916.
Palestine, 1916–18 In his autobiography, the first Air Marshal of the AFC, Sir Richard Williams claims that he had been selected to command another unit similar to the Half-Flight, but that the Indian Government had refused this offer. Instead, with the decision made in December 1915 to raise an Australian Flying Corps (AFC), he was promoted to the rank of captain and offered the appointment as a flight commander with 1 Squadron, AFC. This unit was formed at Point Cook in January 1916 and embarked for Egypt on the Orsova on 16 March. After arrival at Suez on 11 April 1916, the pilots were either sent to England or attached to 14 and 17 Squadrons RFC for further training and experience. Originally, the squadron had no aircraft, and this was remedied when 1 Squadron inherited the aircraft and facilities of 17 Squadron at Heliopolis. The RFC squadron had been transferred to Salonica. Aircraft had been deployed to Sherika, Kantara and Point Said, before being concentrated at Heliopolis on 17 December. During the period from June to December, the Sherika-based aircraft flew reconnaissance flights over the Senussi tribal areas west
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of the River Nile. Some of these missions entailed flights of five hours in very hot conditions. As Captain A. Murray Jones learnt after searching for a missing British camel patrol on 7–8 September, nature was only one threat that had to be considered. If forced down, the aircrew would have been in mortal danger, as it was later discovered that the patrol Murray Jones was seeking had been captured and killed by Senussi tribesmen. To the east of Suez, the Australians joined members of 14 Squadron at Kantara to hinder and observe the Turkish advance on the British defensive position at Romani. In addition to spotting for naval gunfire, the antiquated BE-2Cs were the only aerial protection against German aircraft that attacked Port Said and the only aircraft available for undertaking retaliatory bombing of enemy bases. In a series of operations that pre-empted the Turkish assault at Romani, German aircraft bombed British positions. The British countered by attacking enemy concentrations near the northern end of the Suez Canal. On 1 August, seven aircraft from 14 Squadron, two flown by Lieutenant A.W.L. Ellis and Lieutenant L.J. Wackett (later Sir Lawrence, of the Commonwealth Aircraft Corporation fame) raided the enemy. The Turks deployed antiaircraft guns to give protection to their troops and, although the British aerial forces suffered no casualties, the landing ground was subjected to artillery fire during the subsequent battle for Romani. The Turks were repulsed with heavy losses, but the Australian Light Horse units were not equipped to pursue the retreating enemy; the harassing of the enemy was the responsibility of 14 Squadron aircraft. The Romani victory also brought a response from the German Air Force. An attack on Port Said led to British counterstrikes on Turkish positions at Bir el Mazar. These operations established the pattern of operations that were to dominate the aerial campaign in the Middle East. The initial forays in Mesopotamia and Palestine involving tactical reconnaissance and army cooperation are indicative of the original military concept for the utilisation of aircraft. As aircraft developed in performance and reliability, the potential of the aeroplane as an offensive weapon became apparent. The use of air power in the Middle East after the Battle of Romani confirmed this promise. Due to the inability of cavalry and infantry to deploy rapidly through the Sinai Desert, the responsibility for remaining in contact with the Turkish withdrawal to the Gaza-Beersheba defensive line fell on the two RFC squadrons. It was aerial reconnaissance that discovered the Turkish concentrations at Magdhaba and Rafa, both of which were besieged by the Anzac Mounted Division. During the 9 January 1917 attack on Rafa, radio-
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fitted aircraft reported the progress of the battle to Light Horse headquarters. In preparation for the two abortive British attacks on Gaza, the aircraft photographed the complete enemy trench system and conducted long-range strategic reconnaissance flights over areas such as Beit Jibrin, Bethlehem, Jerusalem and Jericho. Aerial reconnaissance had a vital role to play in the successful third Gaza battle instigated by General Sir Edmund Allenby on 31 October 1917 and the subsequent campaign that resulted in the occupation of Jerusalem (9 December), Damascus (1 October 1918) and the capitulation of the Turkish forces on 31 October 1918. The Australian squadron mounted aggressive bombing raids against enemy facilities, transport systems and airfields. These attacks were prosecuted vigorously. However, a forced landing in enemy territory, caused either by battle damage or the unreliability of the aircraft engines, was a prospect that could lead to capture or worse by the defenders. On 9 March 1917, Lieutenant L.W. Heathcote, flying one of eight aircraft operating against the Turkish supply depot at Junction Point, force landed north of Gaza and was captured. Although it was the practice of British and Australian pilots to make every effort to extract downed airmen in these situation, Captain P.W. Snell, flying in formation with Heathcote, was unable to find a suitable landing site to land to save him. Next day four 1 Squadron aircraft (two Martinsydes flown by Lieutenants F.H. McNamara and A.W.L. Ellis and two BE-2Cs piloted by Captain D.W. Rutherford and Lieutenant R.M. Drummond) were briefed to attack a railway line some thirty kilometres south of Junction Station. The four aircraft, each fitted with six 4.5-inch howitzer shells that had been modified due to the unavailability of normal bombs, departed from Kilo 143 at 9.00 am. Ellis dropped his shells on the railway line, but the attention of the airmen was diverted from the railway to a construction train that was approaching along the track. McNamara dropped three shells on the train and a fourth onto the railway line. On his fifth run over the target, McNamara released his shell, but the projectile did not immediately drop. The delay resulted in the shell exploding ten metres below the aircraft, sending shell fragments through it luckily without hitting any vital components. McNamara was not so fortunate. He was hit in the legs and a large piece of shrapnel penetrated the pilot’s seat and tore a jagged hole in his right buttock. As McNamara turned south, he sighted an aircraft on the ground not far from the railway. It was Rutherford’s, and a body of galloping Turkish cavalry was approaching fast. Despite his painful wounds,
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McNamara followed custom and landed within two hundred metres of the downed BE-2C. Rutherford, who had unsuccessfully attempted to follow standard procedure and destroy his aircraft, sprinted to the apparent safety of McNamara’s Martinsyde. McNamara warned Rutherford of the approaching cavalry. The fact that the Martinsyde was a single-seat aircraft meant that Rutherford had to climb onto the wing and drape himself over the engine cowling for them to escape. McNamara applied full power. The aircraft gathered speed, bouncing over the uneven ground. The extra weight and drag of Rutherford pulled the aircraft to the left. McNamara, his right leg numb, was unable to control the swing. The Martinsyde lurched into a gully at 60 kilometres per hour, shearing off the undercarriage and breaking the lower left wing and the propeller as it did so. Capture appeared imminent. Both airmen had been uninjured in the crash. After extricating themselves, they fired a bullet and a verey cartridge into the fuel tank of the Martinsyde, setting it alight. McNamara, suffering from the effects of his wound, could not walk unassisted. As they hobbled towards the BE-2C, the remaining undropped shell fitted to the burning Martinsyde exploded, serving to distract the approaching enemy troops. The explosion gave the two men the opportunity to reach Rutherford’s BE-2C, which had been relatively undamaged in his forced landing. Under enemy fire, Rutherford assisted McNamara into the pilot’s seat, then turned to swing the propeller, an essential motion to start the engine. The efforts of the two escapees would have been in vain if the other pilots, Drummond and Ellis who were still airborne, had not commenced to strafe the approaching troops. The BE-2C’s engine started on the first swing of the propeller. Rutherford climbed onto the wing and into the observer’s cockpit as McNamara opened the throttle and commenced his take-off run. Enemy troops fired at the fleeing aircraft from point blank range but could not prevent the aircraft from becoming airborne. Although the airmen were not hit in the fusillade, they still had to reach Kilo 143. McNamara fought to maintain consciousness. The pain was unendurable. He fought faintness, caused by the loss of blood, by putting his head outside the cockpit into the buffeting slipstream. The aircraft was in no better condition. When it landed twenty minutes later at Kilo 143, the BE-2C was found to be so structurally unsound that it was a miracle that it survived the stress of landing. McNamara collapsed in his cockpit, unaware that three unexploded bombs were still attached underwing; he could only emit exhausted expletives
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before lapsing into unconsciousness. McNamara was evacuated by hospital train to the field hospital at Kantara, where he was x-rayed and his wound further tended. In contemporary military hospitals a standard treatment for wounds was the administration of a tetanus injection. Even though his body had endured significant trauma, McNamara’s reaction to this routine procedure was almost fatal. Only urgent resuscitation efforts saved his life. It was these brave actions that won McNamara the award of the Victoria Cross, announced on 8 June 1917. The aggressive operations undertaken by the British squadrons, so eloquently illustrated by the action in which McNamara displayed such valour, could not have been undertaken unless the British squadrons had gained air superiority. As the two air forces contested the control of the air over the battlefield, the differing attitude of the two protagonists became obvious. In August 1918, the German Air Force proved ineffective in reporting accurately on Allenby’s dispositions and preparations for the forthcoming offensive. By comparison, the British squadrons roamed over, and beyond, the enemy lines with relative impunity, photographing and attacking enemy positions, supply depots and airfields. This tactical freedom was gained by a combination of technical equality and personal aggression. However, before the third battle of Gaza, the four German Air Force squadrons in the Middle East were equipped with aircraft of a higher performance than those flown by the British, and showed signs of increased activity. As a result, British reconnaissance flights, despite flying in pairs of aircraft for mutual defence, were hazardous. The 8 July 1917 incident illustrates this perfectly. Three 1 Squadron aircraft departed on a patrol over Gaza. Lieutenants T. Taylor and F.W.F. Lukis, the crew of the BE-2E undertaking the reconnaissance, were escorted by Captain C.A. Brookes in a Martinsyde and Lieutenant C.H. Vautin flying a BE-12A, when two enemy fighters intercepted the formation. One dived on Brookes, who spun away to evade his attacker, but as a result of the severe aerodynamic forces of his manouevre, the wings of the aircraft collapsed—its tail disintegrated, and the aircraft plummeted to the ground. The remaining Australian aircraft came under attack, but Taylor managed to beat off his attacker with two accurate bursts of machine-gun fire. The German pilot sheered off to assist his comrade in a grim contest with Vautin, who was finally forced to land by the combination of superior performance and numbers. The Australian was taken prisoner but his mission was accomplished: Taylor and Lukis reached home safely.
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On 13 July, two BE-2Es flown by Lieutenants A.H. Searle and G.L. Paget, and Captain R.F. Baillieu and Lieutenant A.S. Barle (a Scot serving with 1 Squadron) were due to rendezvous with escorting aircraft from 14 Squadron over Esani. The escorting aircraft did not appear and the two aircraft departed on the planned reconnaissance. It was a tragic decision. An enemy fighter attacked the lumbering BE-2Es from the sun. Searle and Paget were killed. Baillieu and Barle were fortunate not to suffer the same fate. Coinciding with the build-up of forces for Allenby’s Gaza attack, the unit strength of the British Air Force grew to seven squadrons. Of greater importance than the increased unit strength was the introduction of more capable modern aircraft types like the RE-8 and Bristol fighter. The Australians received their first RE-8 on 17 October and flew two reconnaissance missions per day over the Turkish lines, both of which were escorted by Bristol fighters from 111 Squadron. The third battle of Gaza commenced with the brilliant attack on Beersheba by the Australian Light Horse on 31 October, followed by the main attack on Gaza by British forces next day in which 1 Squadron had a role to play. Williams dropped twelve bombs on Gaza and reported the retreat of the Turkish defenders. This established the pattern where the British aircraft reported on the movements of the retreating enemy. Occasionally the German Air Force made its presence felt. On 6 November, a formation of two RE-8 and two BE-12A aircraft from 1 Squadron were mauled when intercepted by four Albatross fighters. However, a combination of the rapid retreat of the Turkish Army and aerial strikes on enemy airfields severely hampered the capability of the German Air Force to interfere with the reconnaissance and strike operations flown by the British. This was to be the pattern of operations until the end of the war. Allenby’s forces occupied Jerusalem on 9 December 1917, and he decided to seize Jericho and the crossing of the Jordan River at Ghoraniye to ease enemy pressure to the north-east of Jerusalem and to facilitate cooperation with the Arab forces under the King of the Hejaz. 1 Squadron was intimately involved with these and subsequent operations. The British squadrons ranged to a depth of a hundred kilometres to photograph the area of operations and commenced a policy of bombing and strafing enemy railways, roads and camps once the prime mission had been completed. The German Air Force made desultory attempts to prevent these flights. During the morning of 17 January 1918, Lieutenant L.T.E. Taplin was flying a BE-12A on a photographic reconnaissance over the
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Nablus hills when his camera jammed. He was attempting to dismantle the camera and readjust it when an Albatross fighter attacked him from behind. Taplin turned his BE-12A to face his aggressor and fired a single burst before his machine-gun jammed. The enemy pilot attempted to dive below the BE-12A as Taplin worked to clear the stoppage. Taplin finally manoeuvred his aircraft onto the enemy fighter, before firing a burst of machine-gun bullets from a range of six metres. The enemy aircraft went into a vertical dive and Taplin left the guns and calmly proceeded to mend his camera and complete his photographic sortie. The aggressive nature of the aerial campaign is ably demonstrated by the action on 3 January 1918. A report had just been received about the presence of aircraft at two newly constructed airfields at El Afule, as well as the location of ammunition depots and major activity at the adjacent railway station. A force of sixteen aircraft, half of the number from 1 Squadron, attacked El Afule, dropping 1500 kilos of bombs to good effect on the hangars and ammunition depots. An enemy two-seater aircraft was destroyed by a direct hit and 40 enemy soldiers were killed. Two enemy Albatross fighters attempted to intercept the formation as it returned home, but Lieutenants R.A. Austin and L.W. Sutherland, flying one of the escorting Bristol fighters, shot one of the attackers down to claim 1 Squadron’s first aerial victory. The second enemy fighter pilot showed his inexperience when he attempted to shoot at an RE-8 from above and behind—the area in which the RE-8 was best protected by its rearward-facing Lewis 0.303 machinegun, operated by the observer. The observer, by sustained and accurate machine-gun fire, forced the Albatross into a vertical dive. Aerial combats such as these between the British and Germans resulted, in conjunction with the constant attention given to the enemy’s airfields, in the total demoralisation of the enemy air force. In June 1918, enemy aircraft had appeared over the British front line on a hundred occasions. In August this figure had fallen to eighteen, and during the first three weeks in September only four enemy aircraft attempted the task. In this period 1 Squadron, which had been fully equipped with Bristol fighters during March, claimed the destruction of fifteen enemy aircraft. The lack of aerial defences forced the enemy to increase their anti-aircraft artillery capability to protect key facilities. Some batteries were mounted on trucks in the interests of mobility. As the strength of the German aerial forces declined, it was the enemy gunners at Keram and Kalkilieh who gained the respect of the British pilots, due to their accuracy and the intensity of their fire.
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This hard-fought aerial supremacy gave Allenby’s forces a considerable tactical advantage over their opponents. During the advance on Jericho in February 1918, the enemy held a series of precipitous heights from Tubk el Kaneiterah, near the Dead Sea, through Talat ed Dumm on the Jericho road to beyond the Wady Fara. The difficult terrain was ideal for defence as cavalry could only proceed in single file. Often the Australian Light Horsemen were force to haul each other over a cliff and then fight a tenacious enemy hand-to-hand. For three days 1 Squadron played a vital role in ensuring the final clearance of the enemy from the area. The squadron bombed and machine-gunned the Turkish forces, and reported the progress of the advance to the headquarters. By dropping messages to forward troops, the airmen were able to warn them of enemy strongholds on reverse slopes or in possible ambush positions. On occasion, they attacked these concentrations themselves. Williams had progressed through the hierarchy of command from a Flight Commander in 1 Squadron to command the unit in May 1917. Finally he was appointed, as a lieutenant colonel, to the command of 40 Wing during June 1918. He became the senior ranking officer of the AFC. The wing strength when Allenby began the Battle of Nablus on 19 September 1918 consisted of two squadrons of SE-5A fighter aircraft, one of two-seat DH-9 bomber aircraft and 1 Squadron’s Bristol fighters. Lieutenant Colonel C.S. Burnett, who, although a RAF officer later in his career, was to serve as RAAF Chief of the Air Staff (CAS) 1940–42, commanded the three squadrons of RE-8s allocated for army cooperation duties. Although the German Air Force had received superior new Pfalz fighters, it was unable to hinder British aerial operations—operations that were to establish the usefulness of air power beyond doubt. The Australian squadron had been saddled with the responsibility for strategic reconnaissance and bombing, and allocated the only Handley Page 0/400 bomber to serve in the Middle East. With a wingspan of 30 metres and a load capacity of either eight 250-pound bombs or sixteen 112-pound bombs, the Handley Page gave the squadron a great increase in offensive capability. Captain Ross Smith was to highlight the capability of the aircraft when, at 1.15 am on 19 September 1918, he dropped sixteen 112-pound bombs on the Turkish headquarters at El Afule. The telephone exchange was also destroyed which, when added to the destruction of the exchange at Nablus by DH-9s, ensured that the Turkish command was ignorant of the British Army attacks that commenced at 4.30 am. The British reconnaissance aircraft reported the retreat of the Turkish force. But they did more than report.
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At 6.00 am on 21 September 1918, two 1 Squadron aircraft, flown by Lieutenants R.A. Brown, G. Finlay, S.A. Nunan and F.C. Conrick, sighted the retreating Turkish Seventh Army in full retreat along the Balata–Jordan road. Brown had a radio fitted into his machine and reported back to base that about 800 horsedrawn wagons and guns were in the vicinity of Balata, and that there were long columns of enemy cavalry and infantry at either end of the Wady Fara. The terrain, with steep hills on one side and sheer precipices on the other, gave the troops absolutely no room to manoeuvre. The two Australian aircraft attacked the enemy troops on the precipitous road between Balata and Khurbet Freweh to commence what can only be described as a massacre. Six tonnes of high explosives were dropped and 44 000 rounds of machine-gun ammunition expended during the day in an operation that sickened the battle-hardened veteran flyers. Turkish soldiers could be seen deserting their vehicles to find cover from the relentless airmen. Others were dragged over the cliffs by crazed horses. The stench of death was overwhelming. When British cavalry passed along the road two days later they counted 87 guns, 44 lorries, four staff cars, 75 carts, 837 horsedrawn wagons and scores of water carts and kitchens wrecked or abandoned. The bloated corpses of man and beast were mixed among the wreckage. The Seventh Army was utterly destroyed as a fighting force. The destruction of the Seventh Army can be seen as the climax of the Middle East air campaign. There was still work to be done by the air force—the final raid by 1 Squadron was on the Aleppo railway station on 23 October—and the squadron harassed small parties of Turks retiring north until the final victory could be claimed. The Australian Light Horse entered Damascus on 1 October 1918 before British armoured cars and the Hejaz Arab forces occupied Aleppo on the 26th. Meanwhile, the British Cavalry was riding towards Alexandretta. Turkish defeat was inevitable and, on 31 October 1918, an armistice was signed between the two belligerents. The campaign in the Middle East has been described in other military histories as a sideshow. Despite this, the operations undertaken by the scholar, archaeologist and adventurer Colonel T.E. Lawrence (the famous Lawrence of Arabia) and the irregular Arab forces on the desert flank of Allenby’s forces, although ‘a sideshow of a sideshow’, have captured the imagination of many. The Australian squadron was intimately involved with Lawrence’s force. On 16 May 1918, Ross Smith flew Lawrence from Allenby’s headquarters to El Kutrani. Australian mechanics formed part of
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‘X’ Flight, RAF, that landed at Akaba with two BE-12A aircraft before trekking to the headquarters of the Arab leader, Prince Faisal, near Maan. The BE-12As proved unsuitable, and a 1 Squadron Bristol fighter was flown from Ramleh by Lieutenants A.W. Murphy and F.C. Hawley on 12 August to support the Arab force. The Australians were part of Lawrence’s Arab Northern Army that struck across the desert to Azrak, from where they were to attack the important Deraa railway. The Arab irregular forces depended on the sometime tentative allegiance of Bedouin tribes. The presence of German aircraft at Deraa, and the raids undertaken by them, threatened the fragile friendship. Murphy and Hawley destroyed a German raider on 16 September. This victory strengthened the Arab–Bedouin alliance, enabling sections of the railway north and south of Deraa to be destroyed on the 16th and 17th. Allenby’s intention was to use the Arab force to harass the Turks during the British advance. In a daring move, Lawrence established camps near El Umtaiye and Um es Surab, close to Turkish positions. German aircraft attacked El Umtaiye on the 18th and 19th. In the absence of the Bristol fighter at Akaba, the two BE-12s were both destroyed. Lawrence sought the personal assistance of Allenby, resulting in three Bristol fighters arriving at Um es Surab, where the Arab force had concentrated, on the 22nd. The result was emphatic. The airmen were having a delayed breakfast at ten o’clock when two Pfalz fighters and a DFW two-seater were sighted. Ross Smith and Lieutenant E.S. Headlam scrambled and intercepted the formation, shooting down the two-seater near Mafrak. They had only just landed to finish their disrupted breakfast when another formation of three Pfalz fighters was reported. Smith and Lieutenant E.A. Mustard took off once more and, as a result of the combat, forced all three to land. But that was still not the end of that eventful day. During the afternoon, an enemy DFW bombed the camp. Retribution, in the guise of Lieutenants J.H. Traill and G.C. Peters, was swift. The DFW was forced to land, smoking, near Deraa, and was subsequently destroyed by strafing. Next morning Deraa was bombed by aircraft from Ramleh, and the Handley Page attacked the airfield that night. The threat of German interference with the Arab force had been neutralised. Even so, the Australian Bristol fighters remained at Um es Surab until 27 September, bombing Turkish railway repair working parties and, due to their presence, attracting wavering Bedouin groups to the Arab cause.
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Australians in France, 1917–19 The AFC also operated three squadrons over the Western Front during World War One—that bloody line of trenches that extended through Belgium and France to the Swiss border. This was ‘The Front’, where the war would be won or lost, where the blood of nations seeped into the soil of Europe and major success was measured in metres, with horrendous loss of life. The casualties among the pilots of the RFC reflected this operational pattern and the Australians were no different. When the Battle of the Somme ended in November 1917, the British had lost 252 pilots. But the reality that life was as cheap in the RFC as in the army below—a twenty-year-old tyro pilot on the Western Front had an 80 per cent chance of being killed before he completed twenty missions—was not the public image of a pilot. In the Homefront’s imagination, the popular image of pilots was the ‘ace’, the valiant knight of the air, fighting with age-old chivalry and élan, embodied in the personae of Albert Ball, ‘Mick’ Mannock and Australia’s own ‘Harry’ Cobby. When the first AFC unit arrived in France in September 1917 the period when radical technical innovation (for example, the synchronised forward-firing machine-gun) had influenced the outcome of aerial combat was replaced by the evolutionary, not revolutionary, progression in armament and aircraft design. The nature of military technology had developed from a situation that permitted the amateur, brilliant individual to one in which only the sophisticated, professional team could succeed. There is some conjecture as to the origins of 2 Squadron, AFC. A second Australian squadron was formed, under the auspices of the British War Office, in Egypt during September 1916 and moved to England on 30 January 1917 for training. However, the Australian Military Force independently formed another Australian squadron (also known as 2 Squadron, AFC) at Point Cook in August 1916. The squadron personnel from Point Cook arrived in the United Kingdom in December 1916, and the squadron was later renumbered as 3 Squadron, AFC. By the end of 1917, two AFC fighter squadrons had been formed (1 and 4) and 3 Squadron, AFC, commanded by Major D.V.J. Blake, was operational in the less glamorous, but equally important, corps reconnaissance role that entailed the mapping of trench systems, the directing of artillery and the close support of infantry operations. The squadron was equipped with RE-8s (‘Harry Taits’) and completed training in Lincolnshire before being sent to Savy, France, where it arrived on 4 September. The deployment was marred by the
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loss of Lieutenant F.G. Shapira and Air Mechanic W.D. Sloane. Shapira’s aircraft suffered engine failure and force landed in Kent. After the problem had been rectified, Shapira took off, but inexplicably his aircraft spun into the ground and both airmen were killed. Subsequently, 3 Squadron was attached to 1 Wing, 1 Brigade, RFC and worked with the Canadian Corps and XIII Corps. Just before the Australians commenced operations the Canadians had captured Vimy Ridge, and the tempo of operations decreased as a result. With minor operations being undertaken by the two corps, it was an ideal scenario for the squadron to gain experience. Although the RE-8 was a relatively large aircraft with a top speed of only 160 kph, the aircrew of 3 Squadron flew it aggressively, ensuring that they were not easy victims to marauding German fighters. On 21 October, Captain W.H. Anderson and Lieutenant J.R. Bell were over Lens, reporting the fall of shot to a 4.5-inch howitzer battery, when five enemy aircraft attacked them. Bell stoutly defended the aircraft until the enemy were forced to break off the action by the arrival of two other 3 Squadron aircraft. Ten days later Anderson was again attacked. His observer, Lieutenant K.C. Hodgson, engaged the enemy fighters until Lieutenants E.J. Jones and E.R. Dibbs, in another 3 Squadron RE-8, joined the combat. The combined defence by the two Australian aircraft forced the enemy to withdraw. The squadron moved to Bailleul on 12 November, where, as part of 2 Wing, 2 Brigade, RFC, it became the corps reconnaissance squadron for I ANZAC Corps. The squadron arrived during the closing stages of the Third Battle of Ypres, and was responsible for reconnaissance over the corps front from Frelinghien to Hollebeck. Bad weather contributed to the loss of one of its ‘B’ Flight commanders, Captain H.H. Storrer, and his observer, Lieutenant W.N.E. Scott, on 2 December. Their aircraft, on the day it crashed, was to patrol over the lines in an attempt to locate and assist in the neutralisation of a troublesome enemy battery. After taking off into a gusty westerly wind over the town of Bailleul, the aircraft was seen to bank to avoid trees, lose speed and crash into a brick wall. Lieutenant H.N. Wrigley then assumed the command of ‘B’ Flight until Captain J.R. Duigan, who had designed and flown the first Australian-designed aircraft in 1908, arrived on 8 December. Bad weather, despite causing crashes, did not prevent the squadron from completing its artillery-spotting role. It was during one such sortie on 6 December that Anderson and Bell were credited with the squadron’s first aerial victory. Anderson sighted a DFW Aviatik two-
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seater below and engaged the enemy. Bell fired a hundred rounds into the Aviatik, which crashed in the enemy lines east of Messines. On 17 December the squadron was involved in one of the most macabre incidents of the air war. Lieutenant J.L. Sandy and Sergeant H.F. Hughes were observing fire from a battery of 8-inch howitzers, when they were attacked by a formation of six Albatross D-5A fighters. Sandy turned to engage the enemy, succeeding in shooting down one of the enemy aircraft. Lieutenants E.J. Jones and K.C. Hodgson in another RE-8 came to assist Sandy, causing the enemy to retire to their own lines. The two 3 Squadron aircraft were joined by a third, flown by Lieutenants H.N. Wrigley and J.R. Blair. Both Jones and Wrigley observed that Sandy and Hughes appeared to be unharmed, as both were sitting upright in the cockpit, and their RE-8 was banking slowly, so they departed the scene. However, the RE-8 did not later return to Bailleul, and enquiries were made in an attempt to discover the fate of Sandy and Hughes. Advice was received that the RE-8 had crashed in a field eight kilometres northeast of St Pol. It turned out that an armour-piercing bullet had passed through Hughes’ left lung, then into the base of Sandy’s skull, killing both airmen. The aircraft had flown in wide left-hand circles until it ran out of fuel and crashed eighty kilometres miles from the scene of the combat. During the winter of 1917–18, 3 Squadron continued its routine photographic sorties over the enemy lines. The RE-8 aircraft were usually escorted during these flights, but the Australian airmen were capable of defending themselves if necessary. On 25 January 1918, Lieutenant C.C. Matheson and his observer, C.T. Brown, shot down an enemy two-seater in flames. Unfortunately for the enemy crew, Brown had just been declared the winner of the 3rd Brigade, RAF machinegun competition. This success did something to balance the loss of Lieutenants C. Donahay and J.R. Blair the next day, when their aircraft was so badly damaged by German anti-aircraft fire that it crashed at Dranoutre. When not combating enemy fighters or evading enemy anti-aircraft fire, the corps reconnaissance pilots faced another danger: friendly artillery. Three weeks after the loss of Donahay and Blair, the RE-8 flown by Lieutenants H. Streeter and F.J. Tarrant was seen to disintegrate in mid-air over Wytschaete. The Australians had been reporting the fall of a British heavy artillery battery. As no enemy anti-aircraft fire had been observed, it was assumed that a British shell in flight had hit the RE-8.
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The signing of the Brest-Litovsk Treaty that formalised the cessation of hostilities between Germany and Russia in February 1918 gave the German Army a significant increase in manpower that could break the Western Front stalemate. With no threat from the east, the German High Command could, by March 1918, deploy 192 divisions against 178 Allied divisions in France and Belgium. Throughout the early spring of 1918, 3 Squadron and other corps reconnaissance units observed signs of the German concentration, but gained no evidence as to where the German offensive was likely to take place. The tempo of enemy operations increased. On 12 March, a long-range artillery bombardment of the Bailleul area commenced. The town and airfield were also subjected to day and night raids by Gotha bombers. As a result, the airfield became untenable, and the squadron was withdrawn to Abeele on the 22nd. Next day a 14-inch shell hit the old officers’ quarters, killing 1st Class Air Mechanic E.R. Dewhurst and wounding Lieutenant J.P. Jeffries and Corporal W.J. Sinclair, who were members of the rear party that remained to clear the aerodrome. On 21 March the German Army attacked the Allied line at the weak link between the British Fifth Army and the French Army on the Somme, pushing the Allies back 70 kilometres before its advance was stemmed on 5 April. A second German advance in Flanders met limited success; Bailleul was now behind the enemy lines, vindicating the decision to withdraw from the airfield. During March, 3 Squadron was influential in containing this advance by actively seeking, and then directing, friendly artillery fire against enemy artillery batteries. Lieutenants R.G.D. Francis and R. Hainsworth achieved a moraleraising victory on 1 April, when in full view of all the squadron’s personnel at Abeele, they forced an Aviatik down between Poperinghe and Vlamertinghe. The Australian Corps established its headquarters at Bertangles, and 3 Squadron was deployed to the airfield at Poulainville on 8 April, from where it commenced operations in support of the Australian Corps. It was here that the squadron became involved in the most controversial event of the war in the air: the death of Baron von Richthofen, the famous ‘Red Baron’. Two RE-8s were photographing the Australian Corps front and were intercepted by members of Richthofen’s unit. In the general melee, the German ace was shot down and killed. Captain A.R. Brown of 209 Squadron was credited with this victory. However, the opinion of Major D.V.J. Blake, the commander of 3 Squadron, that Richthofen had been shot down by ground fire has been vindicated by modern forensic evidence. A medical examination
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of the body, which was recovered from no-man’s after dark by 1st Class Air Mechanic C.C. Collins, indicated that the fatal entry wound was some eight centimetres lower than the exit wound. The downed aircraft and the mortal remains of the ‘Red Baron’ were brought to Poulainville. Richthofen was buried with full military honours on the afternoon of the 22nd, with 3 Squadron personnel supplying the firing party. On 4 May, the squadron moved to an airfield at Villers Bocage from where it supported the many minor actions undertaken by the Australian Corps in preparation for the Allied offensive in August that culminated in the breaking of German resistance on the Western Front. These operations, that resulted in an extensive photographic coverage of the front-line trenches being made available, was undertaken in the face of adverse weather conditions and considerable danger from ground fire. Shortly after the squadron’s move to Villers Bocage, Lieutenants W.V. Herbert and F.A. Sewell were enveloped in a dense fog while flying a reconnaissance near Corbie. Herbert attempted to climb out of the murk, but the engine lost power and the aircraft spiralled earthwards. He switched off the engine in an attempt to regain control by gliding a short distance. The danger of crashing into the ground forced Herbert to resort to restarting the engine and flying under power, which resulted in the aircraft flying at a height of ten metres above the enemy lines. Several times they passed over German batteries, and Sewell took the opportunity of spraying them with machine-gun fire. Herbert decided to land. As he did so, an enemy battery could be seen limbering up. Sewell fired at this target as Herbert attempted to climb. Unfortunately, he hit the branches of a tree, resulting in the port aileron becoming jammed. Despite this malfunction, the Australian airmen climbed to 600 metres, where they succeeded in freeing the aileron. After fifteen minutes, they cleared the fog, but were over unknown territory. After heading west, the crew finally landed at Trouville, near Rouen. The RE-8 had been hit by rifle and machine-gun fire. The belligerence of the German Air Force was also a factor that could not be ignored by the Australian Flying Corps. On 6 May, Captain H.D.F. Ralfe and Lieutenant W.A.J. Buckland were shot down and killed when intercepted by five enemy fighters. Lieutenant A.D. Taylor was killed during a combat with six Fokker triplanes on the 20th. His pilot, Jones, although wounded, managed to evade his tormentors and return to base. While these flights were taking place, the squadron instigated a combination of technical and training innovations that were to prove
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effective during the Battle of Hamel and subsequent operations. Captain L.J. Wackett, who had improvised machine-gun mountings for use on 1 Squadron aircraft in the Middle East, used his technical acumen to modify the bomb racks fitted to the RE-8 to enable canisters of small arms ammunition to be dropped to troops in action. Over 87 000 rounds of ammunition were successfully dropped by 3 Squadron (and 9 Squadron, RAF) to the advancing troops on 4 July, the first day of the battle of Hamel. Important information on the enemy defences had been supplied by 3 Squadron to enable Lieutenant General Sir John Monash and his staff to undertake meticulous planning. To ensure the execution of these plans, artillery and infantry officers undertook four-day courses at 3 Squadron to secure the closest possible cooperation between all arms. To guarantee surprise, the approach of tanks to the start line was masked by aircraft flying at low level over the front line and by bombing the village of Hamel. ‘Contact’ procedures, where aircraft would call for flares from the advancing troops to mark their positions, made sure that the Corps headquarters was aware of the situation on the ground. RAF fighter squadrons also flew patrols to prevent enemy aircraft from interfering with the corps reconnaissance squadrons. Some did evade the fighter screen. Two enemy fighters engaged Lieutenants A.E. Grigson and H.B. James over Tailloux Wood. In the subsequent combat, one enemy fighter crashed into Hamel Wood. Other squadron aircrew, although harried by enemy fighters, were able to protect themselves, and no aircraft were lost. The Battle of Amiens commenced on 8 August. The techniques used at Hamel were again employed, and, until the armistice was signed on 11 November, 3 squadron followed this familiar pattern of operations. After the cessation of hostilities, the squadron was based at Tarcienne in Belgium. The unit was employed on communications duties before being disbanded in England during February 1919. During its period of active service it suffered 23 fatal casualties, lost eleven aircraft and claimed to have destroyed sixteen enemy aircraft in combat. It gained the reputation as one of the best corps reconnaissance squadrons on the Western Front.
Two other Australian fighter squadrons were deployed to France in late 1917. The first to do so was 2 Squadron, which after completing training
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deployed to St Omer, France on 21 September. Next day Major Oswald Watt led the squadron to Baizieux, where it was attached to 13 (Army) Wing, Royal Flying Corps. After familiarising themselves with the area of operations, the airmen of the unit commenced flying close offensive patrols aimed at controlling the airspace above the trenches and ten kilometres beyond. On 2 October, the squadron fought its first action. ‘A’ Flight, led by Captain Wilfred McClaughry, was over St Quentin when an enemy two-seater was sighted. Even though the Australian fighters had a height advantage, they were unable to overtake the fleeing enemy aircraft. Fifteen minutes later the same flight attempted to intercept another enemy two-seater, with the same result. To add insult to injury, a member of the flight, Lieutenant Ivor Agnew, was captured after having force landed behind enemy lines. It was not an auspicious operational debut, and matters did not improve when Lieutenants Douglas Morrison and Robert McKenzie were shot down on the 13th. The performance of the DH-5, with a maximum speed of only 160 kph, was inadequate for air-to-air combat. It was also plagued with engine problems. However, the DH-5 was suitable as a ground strafing machine and the squadron trained at the Baizieux weapons range, where the pilots practised low-level strafing and bombing attacks. Early in the morning mist of 20 November, the British Third Army unleashed the first mass armoured assault of World War I. Simultaneously 2 Squadron took to the air with eighteen aircraft to support the initial attack. After a brilliant advance, a lack of British initiative and the subsequent German counterattack the fighting stalled, and ended on 7 December. Despite the easing of the offensive, 2 squadron suffered heavy losses while flying low-level strafing and bombing sorties against enemy trenches and communications. On the first day, seven aircraft and three pilots were lost. Even though the squadron casualty rate was a high 30 per cent overall, the spirit of the men did not break. For example, during the first day of operations, Lieutenant Harry Taylor was brought down in no-man’s-land. After climbing out of his crashed aircraft, he discovered an enemy rifle and engaged enemy snipers until he met up with a British patrol that was searching for wounded soldiers. German counterattacks, supported by the aircraft of the Richthofen ‘Circus’, commenced on 30 November. Heavy fighting continued until 7 December. During the period of the Battle of Cambrai the unit claimed nine victories over enemy aircraft and six pilots were awarded the Military Cross (MC) for gallantry. In addition, four members of the ground crew were awarded the
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Military Medal (MM) for salvaging wrecked aircraft while under fire on the front line. The last combat mission flown by a 2 Squadron DH-5 occurred on 12 December, before the type was replaced by the SE-5A, one of the finest Allied fighters of the First World War alongside the Sopwith Camel and SPAD XIII. Despite its reputation as an eminently stable and manoeuvrable gun platform, the squadron learned that the SE-5A was tricky to land. Unless a perfect ‘three point’ landing was made, it had a tendency to bounce. To compound things, as the undercarriage of the aircraft was not as sturdy as that fitted to other planes, imperfect landing technique could result in the undercarriage collapsing. Once the aircrew attained competence with the new aircraft though, the squadron was moved to Auchal, where it came under the control of 10 Wing, First Army. Sadly, 2nd Lieutenant Percy Lawson was one of the first fatalities after the move, when he was killed during an approach to land at Auchal, burnt on impact after losing control of his aircraft in a deadly flat spin. The squadron then moved from Auchal to Savy, an airfield twenty kilometres south of Arras, on the 22nd, from where it undertook its first combat mission—a photographic reconnaissance escort—on 24 January. Although bad weather hindered operations throughout February it did not prevent Lieutenant Fred Huxley from claiming the squadron’s first victory with the SE-5A when he forced down an Albatross fighter and a DFW two-seater on the 18th. Later in the morning, Captains Richard Howard and Les Holden attacked a formation of six Albatross fighters, leaving one in a vertical spin. For the remainder of the month, 2 squadron successfully engaged enemy formations. On the morning of the 21st, two victories were claimed, but Lieutenant G.C. Logan, a Canadian-born RFC officer who had been attached to the squadron to gain combat experience, was shot down by ground fire and captured during the afternoon. When the major German offensive erupted on 21 March 1918, 2 Squadron deployed ten aircraft 150 kilometres to the area south-east of St Quentin. Even though two fighters turned back to Savy with engine trouble, the remaining eight engaged in a combat with five enemy 2-seaters and their escort. The squadron claimed seven victories on the day, but lost Captain Richard Howard. Despite the valiant efforts of the RFC units they could not prevent the breakthrough of the German advance, which forced the British Third Army to fall back onto the vicinity of Amiens. On the 25th, the SE-5As of 2 Squadron escorted the ground-strafing Sopwith Camel fighters of 4 Squadron,
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AFC. This combination, which was to be formalised later, assisted in stabilising the front.
The road to this union of AFC squadrons commenced in December 1917, when the second AFC fighter squadron, No. 4, arrived in France. On the 18th, after completing their training at Castle Bromwich, eighteen of its Sopwith Camel aircraft departed for St Omer. The flight was hampered by heavy fog but this did not prevent all the aircraft arriving the next day. Four days later the squadron moved to Bruay, but it did not commence operations until 7 January 1918. Tragically, the squadron had suffered its first fatalities in France during the previous day, when Lieutenant R.H. Curtis, J.N. Cash and A.M. Anderson collided while crossing over during a turn, with fatal results. Its first combat loss occurred when a Camel was forced to land behind enemy lines on the 13th. The pilot, Lieutenant F.B. Wilmott, following the precedent set by the first 2 Squadron casualty, was taken prisoner. Although bad weather prevented offensive air operations initially, the conditions did not prevent Captain A.H. O’Hara-Wood from claiming 4 Squadron’s first victory on 24 January, when he shot down an enemy DFW two-seater over La Basse. As the German Air Force husbanded its resources for the forthcoming March offensive, combats were infrequent. However, on 3 March O’Hara-Wood led Lieutenants E.F. Pflaum and A.H. ‘Harry’ Cobby in search of trouble, and each pilot claimed a victory in the subsequent combat—for Cobby the first of a subsequent 29, which made him the highest scoring ‘ace’ of the AFC. As already noted, the unit participated in the defeat of the German March 1918 offensive. The Camels, flying below 150 metres in rain and fog, evaded the combination of enemy fighters and intense ground fire to attack enemy troops with machine-guns and 25-pound Coopers bombs. Despite the intensity of operations during March, squadron casualties were remarkably light: two killed and three wounded. They also more than held their own in air-to-air combat. On the 21st, Cobby, leading a formation of eight Camels, shot down two enemy aircraft from a mixed formation of fifteen enemy Albatrosses, Pfalz and triplanes. Lieutenants Pflaum and Robertson each claimed a victory. During 9 April, the German Army assaulted the Portuguese-held line before Fleurbaix and Laventie and penetrated the Allied line. A desperate resistance by the Allies stemmed the tide short of
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Hazebrouck. The 4 Squadron aircraft played an important role in the retardation of the German flood. The airmen maximised their effort in the face of the crisis; on the 10th the first strike was flown at 6.00 am, followed by a second at 8.00 am and five others before lunch. The aerial attacks broke up troop concentrations and, by destroying supply wagons and roadwork, hindered the orderly supply of the attacking troops. The effort was not without cost: 4 Squadron lost Lieutenants H.K. Love and F.S. Woolhouse to enemy ground fire on 10 April. The German Air Force made strenuous efforts to counter the obvious effect of the RAF (formed on 1 April 1918) close support operations. German night bombers consistently targeted the squadron base at Bruay during the month. The township came within range of enemy artillery, and it was decided that it would be prudent to evacuate to Clairmarais. This move was completed on 28 April, and 4 Squadron became a unit of 11th Wing, Second Army.
The SE-5As of 2 Squadron moved to Bertangles, 22 kilometres from Arras, on 2 April, from where they operated to counter the German attack in the La Bassé and Armentières area. As mentioned earlier, during April and May the squadron joined with the Camels of 43 and 80 Squadrons to form a new wing. These large formations were designed to gain air superiority over the battlefront and behind the enemy lines, and instituted tactical innovations that were followed until the end of hostilities. The SE-5As, flying at between 5000 and 6000 metres, flew top cover over the Camel formations that were staggered down at 600-metre intervals below them. The formation accounted for the different attributes of the dissimilar aircraft. The SE-5A, with its superior high-altitude performance compared to the Camel, was not, however, as manoeuvrable at lower altitudes. Using the height advantage, the SE-5A pilots could use ‘dive and zoom’ tactics, while the Camel, with its agility, was a capable ‘dog fighter’ at the lower levels. On 1 July, Australian Squadrons 2 and 4 joined Squadrons 46 and 103 RAF, equipped with Camel fighters and DH-9 bombers respectively, to form 80 Wing. The two AFC squadrons were based at Reclington. From this base the two squadrons participated in the massed attack on enemy aerodromes at Haubourdin and Lomme on 16 and 17 August 1918. A total of 80 aircraft from 2 and 4 Squadrons, AFC,
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88 Squadron (Bristol fighters) and 92 Squadron (SE-5As) of the RAF attacked at Haubourdin at midday. Cobby led the nineteen 4 Squadron aircraft, which were joined by an identical number of 2 Squadron aircraft as the low-level bombing force. The Australians dropped down to ground level. Bombing and machine-gunning runs over the airfield destroyed hangars, buildings, motor vehicles and caused numerous casualties to enemy troops. They were also able to claim one air-to-air victory. Lieutenant F.W. Follett from 2 Squadron engaged an enemy two-seater. Cobby confirmed that the enemy aircraft crashed as a result of the engagement. The attackers suffered no casualties. The Australians celebrated their success that evening. As a result, many of them were weary when called to take-off (some threw their heavy flying suits over their pyjamas) at 7.30 next morning to repeat the operation against the airfield at Lomme. The previous day’s successful tactics were reproduced, but the German defences were alert, and met the low-flying Australian intruders with fierce antiaircraft fire. Lieutenant E.P.E. McCleery was killed, his Camel shot down by ground fire while engaging a German machine-gun post. As tragic as it was, this was the only loss suffered by the two AFC units, which left a swathe of burning hangars and seventeen enemy aircraft destroyed on the ground.
Operations such as this contributed to the demoralisation and decimation of the German Air Force. However, there were three months of hard fighting before the dispirited German Army withdrew before the unstoppable momentum of the Allied forces. During this period the AFC matured immeasurably. The spirit of the corps was epitomised by Lieutenant Frank Alberry, who, as an infantryman, had lost a leg. So keen was he to fly in combat that, after being fitted with an artificial limb, he obtained the personal recommendation from King George V that he be accepted for flying training. He did not disappoint his monarch, ending the war with seven victories to his credit. At war’s end, 4 Squadron, now equipped with the new Sopwith Snipe fighter, was selected to remain in Germany as an element of the British Army of Occupation and moved to Cologne on 7 December 1918. After occupation duties, the squadron departed for England in March 1919. During its period of active service it had claimed 228 victories and lost sixteen pilots. No. 2 Squadron flew its last operation
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on 9 November, when it joined 103, 54 and the Bristol fighters of 88 Squadron, RAF, as well as the Snipes of 4 Squadron on a sweep over the retreating enemy forces. After several further moves, it handed its SE-5As over to 32 Squadron, RAF at Serny. The squadron personnel moved back to Havant, near Wiltshire, where they waited for repatriation to Australia. On operations, the squadron claimed 190 victories for the loss of eighteen pilots killed in action. Overall, the three operational squadrons on the Western Front were awarded, at least, one Order of the British Empire (OBE), fifteen Military Crosses (MC), 36 Distinguished Flying Crosses (DFCs), seven Military Medals (MM), three Distinguished Service Orders (DSO), six Meritorious Service Medals (MSM), nine Mentions in Dispatches (MID), one American Distinguished Service Cross (DSC), one Croix de Guerre (Belgium) and a Cross of Virtute Militara II Class. For the original members of the AFC who arrived home on the Kaiser I Hind in June 1919 it was an impressive legacy.
Training in England, 1917–18 No account of the AFC would be complete without mention of the Australian training units based in the United Kingdom, which were formed during September 1917. Known as 1 Wing, AFC, the organisation had its headquarters at Tetbury, Gloucestershire, from where Colonel Oswald Watt, who had been the initial leader of 2 Squadron, commanded 5 and 6 Squadrons. These flew from the fields of Aston Farm and Down Farm, near Minchinhampton. The remaining two units, 7 and 8 Squadrons, occupied the field at Leighterton, adjacent to the estates of the Duke of Beaufort. The rudimentary training that the first airmen had received at Point Cook in 1914 had been replaced by the professional system developed by R. Smith-Barry at Gosport. A flying instructor’s lot was no sinecure—even Cobby, with his wealth of combat flying experience, had to refine his technique and precision flying ability before passing the six-week instructor’s course at Gosport. The revolutionary development of professional flying instruction within the AFC, and the success of the AFC training units in producing competent replacement pilots, had a significant impact on the achievements of the combat squadrons deployed to France. The highest scoring ace of 4 Squadron (and of the AFC) was Captain A.J.H. Cobby, who was credited with 29 aerial victories. He was awarded the DSO, DFC (with two bars) and a MID. However, he
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was not the highest scoring Australian of the First World War. This honour belongs to Captain Robert Alexander Little, Royal Naval Air Service, DSO (and bar) DSC (and bar), Croix de Guerre, MID, who is credited with 47 victories. Second on the Australian list of ‘aces’ was Major R.S. Dallas, with a score of 39, who was shot down by two Albatross fighters while on a lone patrol on 1 June 1918. Like Little, he served with the Royal Naval Air Service. Dallas was awarded a DSO, DFC (and bar) and the Croix de Guerre for his courage and leadership. Other Australian airmen served with distinction with Royal Flying Corps, Royal Naval Air Service and Royal Air Force units in a multitude of roles. Many of the personalities of the nascent Royal Australian Air Force had distinguished careers in Europe and the Middle East. S.J. Goble (later Air Vice Marshal) flew operationally with the Royal Naval Air Service and commanded a squadron in France. Indeed, many of the pioneers of civil aviation (Charles Kingsford-Smith, Ross and Keith Smith and Hudson Fysh, for example) gained their basic flying experience in the skies over France and the Middle East.
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Pioneering flights and nation building, 1921–39
efore the Royal Australian Air Force was officially raised on 31 March 1921, the members of the interim Australian Air Corps (AAC) undertook one of the epic flights of Australian aviation, and were involved in a tragic search and rescue mission.
B
Epic flights On 19 March 1919, the Australian Government announced that it would sponsor a prize of £10 000 for the first Australians to fly from England to Australia. On 16 November 1919, Captain Henry Wrigley, with his old schoolmate Sergeant Arthur ‘Spud’ Murphy as his mechanic, departed from Point Cook for Darwin to survey a route that was to be followed by the participants in this pioneering flight from London. The BE-2E advanced trainer eventually selected for the flight from Point Cook to Darwin, with a maximum speed of 116 kilometres per hour, had been fitted with two extra fuel tanks to give the aircraft a range of 644 kilometres. The two airmen traversed 4500 kilometres of Central Australia across inhospitable, unmapped and largely uninhabited terrain. The journey took them 27 days. They were airborne for 46 hours and 50 minutes before arriving at Darwin on 12 December, two days after the arrival of Ross and Keith Smith’s Vickers Vimy, inbound from London. Both Wrigley and Murphy were awarded the Air Force Cross in recognition of the first Australian transcontinental flight. After dismantling and shipping the trusty BE-2E south, Wrigley and Murphy were present at Point Cook when the Vimy arrived on 25 February 1920. On 22 September 1920, two DH-9A aircraft departed from Point
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Cook to search for the missing 350-tonne schooner Amelia J. One aircraft, flown by Major William Anderson and Sergeant Herbert Chester, unsuccessfully searched the Tasmanian east coast seeking the missing vessel, before landing at Brighton, north of Hobart. Captain W.J. Stutt and Sergeant Abner Dalzell, in the second DH-9A, accompanied Anderson and Chester. The two aircraft lost contact in cloud above Cape Barren Island. Despite a report of an aircraft flying over Vansittart Island in Bass Strait with an obvious engine malfunction and a sighting of a ball of fire dropping into the sea, an extensive sea and air search sadly failed to discover any wreckage of Stutt’s and Dalzell’s aircraft. Wing Commander S.J. Goble and Flying Officer I. McIntyre, flying a Fairey III-D, completed the first aerial circumnavigation of the Australian continent in 1924. They departed on the first stage of the journey, from Point Cook to Thursday Island, in the early hours of 6 April. On passing Paynesville on the East Gippsland coast, the aircraft flew into bad weather, which continued until Gabo Island. After landing at Eden for fuel at 11.40 am, the airmen took off for Sydney at 1.30 pm, where they landed at Rose Bay at 2.00 pm. The final 1180 kilometres had been through driving rain and minimal visibility that forced the aircraft down to an altitude of 50 metres. Similar flying conditions were met during the flight along the east coast to Thursday Island, where a Corporal Gurr had been deployed to prepare for the arrival of the aircraft and to overhaul the aircraft engine. The two airmen arrived at Darwin on 24 April, where the Fairey III-D was lifted onto the jetty to enable it to be serviced. Three days later, the aircraft was stranded by the tide at Mission Bay, a float was damaged and it became half waterlogged. The aircraft struggled to Broome, where Corporal George Gottschalk, who had been dispatched to rendezvous with the aircraft and accompany it to Perth, met the two airmen. This arrangement was providential. The trio pressed on to Carnarvon, where major engine trouble became apparent. After spending two days attempting to remedy the problem, it was decided that the only solution was to replace the engine. Arrangements were made for a replacement engine to be shipped by rail to Mullewa and then placed on a motor truck for final delivery to Carnarvon. Gottschalk and his team showed innovation and initiative in exchanging the engines. The aircraft was put under a railway bridge on which a small railway crane had been positioned to lift the engine from its mounting and insert the serviceable unit.
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Gottschalk joined Goble and McIntyre for the flight to Perth, and the three men departed from Carnarvon on 11 May. They reached Geraldton on the same day, where refuelling was hampered by swarms of exuberant children who were splashing about in the surf and using the tailplane bracing wires as props for gymnastic exercises. Due to the combination of the children’s behaviour and the heavy surf, the three men decided to fly to Perth. Forty minutes later, as they flew south at extremely low altitude through incessant rain and low visibility, the fuel flow from the auxiliary tank stopped. The aircraft, without power, lost height. McIntyre switched to the main tank, just in time to start the engine before the aircraft reached the water. To ascertain the reason for the lack of fuel, a force landing was made in the open sea, which, although successful, found the bottom planes were completely awash. The subsequent inspection of the fuel lines showed that the children at Geraldton had, in their boisterous play, removed the bonding wire from the fuel tank drain cock, which had meant the fuel tank was gradually running dry. The take-off in the heavy seas was not eased by the presence of the 90 kilogram weight of Gottschalk. The trio faced continuous rain for the remainder of the trip before the seaplane landed on the Swan River at 4.15 pm. The third stage of the epic flight commenced on 12 May. Gottschalk remained in Perth, while Goble and McIntyre headed for Albany, where the attention of still more curious children forced the assistance of local police in protecting the aircraft. At 2.00 pm, 19 May, the Fairey III-D arrived over Point Cook, where it was met by twelve RAAF aircraft and escorted to St Kilda. There a crowd of 10 000 greeted the triumphant airmen. Both Goble and McIntyre were made Commanders of the Order of the British Empire (CBE) to honour their achievement. Early in 1925, the Royal Aero Club announced that they were to be awarded the Britannia Challenge Trophy for the ‘most meritorious performance in the air during the year [1924]’. Two years after their historic, award-winning flight, on 25 September 1926, Wing Commander Williams, McIntyre and a mechanic, Flight Sergeant Les Trist, departed from Point Cook in a DH-50 aircraft on a survey flight to New Guinea, New Britain and the Solomon Islands. The engine of the DH-50 had to be replaced at Sydney. However, a defective throttle control forced the aircraft to land in the open sea sixteen kilometres from Southport, Queensland. The fault was remedied, but the sea state prevented the seaplane from becoming airborne, and it was taxied to the shore, where it was beached south of Southport. As a result of the battering from the heavy sea, the
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propeller was damaged, and a replacement had to be manufactured and forwarded from the Experimental Station in Sydney. The propeller was received at Southport on 4 October. These delays, however, were a matter of concern to the Acting Minister for Defence, who was of the opinion that there would not be enough time for the party to complete the survey of the Solomon Islands before the monsoon season. Williams did not reply until the party had safely reached Rabaul. He advised the minister on 18 October that the flight through the Solomon Islands was practicable. However, due to a requirement for the engine of the aircraft to be overhauled, the trio did not depart for the flight from New Island to Nissan Island until the 29th. At Nissan Island it was discovered that the cylinder head of the engine required replacement, but the decision was made to press on to Tulagi, near Guadalcanal. At Tulagi the engine failed completely and nineteen days passed before a replacement engine could be shipped from Australia and installed. By this time the decision had been made in Melbourne that there was no advantage to be gained in continuing the flight, and Williams was ordered to return to Point Cook. When the three airmen arrived on 7 December, a formation of twelve RAAF aircraft and a 300-man guard of honour met them. The flight had encompassed 16 000 kilometres, and the crew had visited 23 sites in Papua New Guinea and the Solomon Islands. It had been the first flight made by a RAAF aircraft outside Australia. For their achievements, Williams was awarded a CBE, McIntyre an Air Force Cross (AFC) and Trist an Air Force Medal (AFM). Williams was also involved in another Australian ‘first’ in 1938. During the period 3–23 February, he flew to Singapore to attend the official opening of the dry dock on the island. Squadron Leader Allen Waters, Sergeant K.P. Connelly and Corporal W.T. Taylor joined Williams to share the first flight of an Australian designed and constructed aircraft (a Tugan Gannet) outside of Australian territory.
Search and rescue flights, 1929–35 In addition to the search for the Amelia J, RAAF aircraft were involved in many search and rescue operations during the interwar years. The most famous was the search for the Kookuburra in April 1929. In March, Sir Charles Kingsford-Smith had departed from the RAAF base at Richmond in the Southern Cross to attempt a record-breaking flight to England. Bad weather forced the aircraft to land in north-western
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Australia, resulting in a comprehensive search to discover its whereabouts. One of the aircraft to join the search was the Kookaburra, a Westland Widgeon, flown by Keith Anderson and his mechanic, Bob Hitchcock. The Kookaburra had departed from Alice Springs on 10 April, but did not arrive at its destination, Wyndham. Next day the air force was directed to supply two DH-9As to effect a search. Under the command of Flight Lieutenant Charles ‘Moth’ Easton, the two aircraft were joined at Alice Springs by another three DH-9As that had flown from Laverton on 17 April. It was not the military aircraft, but a commercial Qantas DH-50 airliner, which discovered the stranded Widgeon in the Tanami Desert, 130 kilometres east-south-east of Wave Hill. It was considered impractical to land an aircraft near the landing site, so, after discussion between the searchers, a ground party was raised. Comprising Eaton, Sergeant Eric Douglas, a local civilian and three Aborigines, the party set out by vehicle and on horseback. Debilitating heat hampered them. A plague of flies settled on the perspiring horses and, even though a supporting aircraft gave daily guidance to the men, the rescue party was in a pitiful state when it arrived at the landing site to discover the extent of the tragedy. The Kookaburra had been forced to land by a loose push rod that caused a cylinder to cut out. After making the necessary adjustment to rectify the problem, Anderson and Hitchcock had attempted to clear a runway to enable the aircraft to take off, but were overcome by heat and thirst. The rescue party arrived back at Wave Hill on 1 May. Only two of the five DH-9As returned to Laverton. The other three were lost due to engine problems. There is a tragic epilogue to this incident. The pilot of the Hudson aircraft which crashed while attempting to land at Canberra on 13 August 1940 was Robert Hitchcock, the son of Bob Hitchcock. The VIP passengers aboard the aircraft included J.V. Fairbairn, the Minister for Air; Brigadier Street,, the Minister for the Army; General Sir Brudenel White, Chief of the General Staff; and Sir Henry Gullett, the Vice President of the Executive Council; and members of their staffs. There were no survivors. ‘Moth’ Eaton, who participated in the search for the Kookaburra, also led two DH-60G Moth trainers away from Point Cook on 8 November 1930 to join the search for Mr Errol Coote, the pilot of the aircraft attached to the expedition organised by Harold Bell Lasseter that was attempting to discover the fabled ‘Lasseter’s Lost Reef’. On 1 January 1931, Eaton again led a rescue party that succeeded in finding two employees of the Central Australian Gold Exploration Company who
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had been reported missing on a flight from Alice Springs to Ilbilla, 350 kilometres to the west. The original two air force DH-60Gs were augmented by a further two that joined the search party at the Hermannsburg Mission before the stranded airmen, Pittendrigh and Hamre, were sighted at Dashwood Creek on the 10th. Food and water were delivered by air, and two ground parties arrived on the scene to return the survivors to Alice Springs. The downed aircraft was discovered and flown back to Alice Springs by Flying Officers Arthur Evans and Robert Dalton. Another rescue of a party searching for Lasseter’s lost gold reef involved two 1 Squadron Wapiti aircraft. A Western Australian Airlines DH-50, flown by H.F. Baker, with prospector Patrick Whelan and mining engineer Norman Stuckey as passengers, had been damaged in a forced landing on a salt flat 400 kilometres north of Forrest. Repairs had been made to the aircraft, but it could only be flown with a reduced load. The decision was made for Whelan to remain behind, and the two Wapitis arrived at Forrest on 30 December from where they flew water and food to Whelan. On 5 January 1932, they escorted Baker in the DH-50 to the salt flat to fly the prospector back to Forrest. This rescue served to raise the issue of recovering the considerable cost in air force resources expended in search and rescue missions that were, essentially, supporting private profit ventures. The legal negotiation between the Commonwealth and the civilian companies had a good outcome: all claims and counter claims made by all the parties were foregone. However, as a result, the Minister for Defence, Senator George Pearce, released a statement to the press on 24 January 1933 to the effect that the Government expected the costs involved in such support to be met by the requesting organisation. The matter of cost recovery for military resources deployed in search and rescue missions in support of civilian interests has been a perennial issue. It may be argued that the training and operational value of the task outweigh pure financial considerations. Such was the case in 1935 when Squadron Leader ‘George’ Hempel and Pilot Officer Lance Burt, flying a Southampton III Flying Boat, were ordered to divert from survey operations being undertaken in the Gulf of Carpentaria to search for a Short Scion amphibian that was missing in the swamps of the Fly River region of Papua New Guinea. The missing aircraft, flown by Stuart Campbell, an ex-RAAF officer, was on a flight from Daru to Liunga when it was forced to land on the river. On 27 July, Hempel and his crew discovered the Scion moored to the jetty at Madiri plantation. After landing to ascertain
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the situation—the engine of the Scion had suffered a cracked crankcase—the Southampton returned to Daru, where it struck a coral reef on landing. The hull was repaired, but it was then discovered that one of the two engines fitted to the aircraft needed to be replaced. After taking five weeks for a substitute engine to be supplied and fitted, the Southampton was flown to Port Moresby where a survey of possible landing sites was made. The replacement engine also proved defective, and it was not until 27 September that the aircraft was flown south to Thursday Island, from where it completed a circumnavigation of Australia, noting possible landing areas en route. Although Papua Concession, the company that had hired the Scion, offered to pay all out-of-pocket expenses related to the search for Campbell, it was considered that the value of the data gained regarding possible landing sites at Daru and in New Guinea far outweighed the cost of the search, and no claim was made against the company.
Survey operations, 1923–36 In April 1936, Hempel reported on the suitability of landing sites in northern Australia as staging bases for the proposed Empire Air Mail service that was to be operated by Qantas from Sydney to Singapore. The development of bases along this route had both commercial and military ramifications—the Qantas base at Groote Eylandt, for example, was used as a wartime staging base for operations against the Japanese. Other interwar nation-building activities of the RAAF cannot be ignored. In 1921 the decision was made by the Australian Government to commit defence resources to a survey of the treacherous waters of the Great Barrier Reef, but it was not until April–June 1923 that a Fairey III-D was sent from Sydney to participate in photographic experiments in the area. A single Fairey III-D operated in conjunction with HMAS Geranium in 1924, photographing over 2000 square kilometres of the reef. Overall, the results were not as useful as expected. It had been planned that the aerial photographs were to be used to construct a mosaic from which maps could be drawn, but it was discovered that the exposures did not give adequate definition below a depth of five fathoms. The aircraft were therefore employed in conjunction with the survey vessel in the more conventional survey role. To support this task, the RAAF raised 101 Fleet Cooperation
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Flight at Point Cook in July 1926. The flight moved to Bowen, Queensland in August 1926, from where it operated until November 1928. The Seagull III amphibians operated by the flight cooperated with the crew of HMAS Moresby, who used the aerial mosaics as an aid to their own survey activity. Much effort was made to discover navigable passages through the Barrier Reef and to photograph the coastline between Proserpine and Mackay. In the period of its tenure at Bowen, the flight had established itself at the Port Denison Sailing Club and in the local drill hall. Individual airmen were evidently held in high regard by the citizens of Bowen—at least three local girls married members of the flight. Two Seagull IIIs, under the command of Flight Lieutenant Ellis ‘Punch’ Wackett, departed from Laverton on 27 September 1927 to undertake a survey of the mandated territory of New Guinea to seek oil deposits. Known as the Papua Survey Flight, the two Seagulls commenced survey work from Daru on 16 October. The sluggish performance of the aircraft, its lack of range and its inability to maintain height with a full load restricted its usefulness. Although surveys of areas as far west as Aitape on the north coast of New Guinea were made, the dense vegetation and consistent cloudy conditions made it difficult to identify reliable geological features from the 350 photographs exposed. Overall, the flight had examined 130 000 square kilometres of the country and there was some encouragement from geologists for the survey to be repeated. However, the government of the day decided in November 1929 that a repetition would not be financially feasible. On 21 July 1927, Williams departed from Laverton with a DH-50A and two DH-9s to undertake a survey of Central Australia by flying down the coast of Western Australia, back to Alice Springs and then into Queensland. The flight continued through western New South Wales back to Laverton. This was a precursor to other survey flights undertaken over outback Australia during the next decade that sought potential oilfields. In March 1928, Williams approved the establishment of a special survey flight, but this initiative foundered on the economic restraints brought about by the Great Depression. Despite these financial constraints, three flights were made in 1932. The first, which involved two 1 Squadron Wapiti aircraft, was over an area covering Roma, Charleville, Tambo, Blackall, Barcaldine and Longreach. These aircraft were flown by Flight Lieutenant Alan Charlesworth, who had undergone specialist photographic experience with an RAF survey flight on the border between British and Italian
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Somaliland, and by Flying Officer John Miles. After completing the survey the two aircraft, although tethered against a forecast gale-force wind, were destroyed at the aerodrome at Bourke. On another occasion, Charlesworth and Miles, with accompanying technical support, departed from Laverton on 12 July to undertake a survey that was to last two months and to take the party over the area previously photographed and then on to Darwin. While at Darwin, Bathurst and Melville Islands were surveyed. From Darwin the two Wapitis were flown down the Western Australian coastline through Derby, Broome, Port Hedland, Onslow, Carnarvon and Geraldton before arriving at Perth and heading home. The same two pilots flew another two 1 Squadron Wapitis to Tasmania. The aerial party departed from Laverton on 16 December. No facilities were available for the maintenance of the aircraft, the comfort of the flight members or the development of photographs. Where Williams’ 1928 proposal to raise a RAAF survey flight had foundered due to the economic vicissitudes of the Great Depression, efforts to organise a comprehensive aerial mapping survey of Australia came to fruition in 1935. As expensive tenders had been received from civilian companies to undertake the task, Williams was approached to ascertain whether the RAAF could undertake the task more economically. The RAAF chief advised that his service would undertake the task for a mere £4000—some £22 000 less than the civilian quotes—and the North Australian Survey Flight was established by 1 Squadron to undertake the mission. The flight of two Wapiti aircraft, flown by Flight Lieutenants Robert Simms and Tony Carr, departed on 29 April from Laverton for Cloncurry. A third Wapiti, flown by Charlesworth, joined the flight before it transferred to Alice Springs. The addition of this aircraft proved fortuitous. On 13 May, one Wapiti force landed south of Tennant Creek and, although a new cylinder was flown from Laverton to repair the engine, unsatisfactory engine performance plagued the aircraft during subsequent operations at Alice Springs and Port Hedland. This resulted in it being replaced before the flight flew to Darwin to survey the Bynoe Harbour–Cape Hotham area. The flight returned to Cloncurry, then went to Brisbane before flying north to survey the Cairns–Cooktown area. When it arrived back at Laverton on 16 September 8 990 square kilometres of northern Australia had been photographed. On 17 September, Squadron Leader George Jones departed from Laverton in a De Havilland Dragon Rapide aircraft, the first of the type, which had been delivered to the RAAF in August. In his twin-
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engine aircraft, Jones flew a group of prominent Australians on a geological survey of north-western Australia, Queensland and the Northern Territory. The party included Sir Herbert Gepp, Director of the North Australian Aerial Geological and Geophysical Survey; P.B. Nye, a geologist; James Stopford, the Queensland Minister for Mines; and the survey executive officer, L.C. Bell. The survey was not without its anxious moments. On the flight to Broome the Dragon Rapide battled strong headwinds to land with only enough fuel in the tanks for a further ten minutes’ flying. At Tennant Creek a combination of a jammed throttle and clogged magnetos forced Jones to abort its take-off, with the aircraft coming to rest among the anthills at the edge of the field. Tragedy was only just averted on 13 October. Jones had decided on an early morning take-off for the flight to Brisbane. In the heavy rain and darkness Stopford almost walked into one of the propellers. The visibility was so bad that a mechanic had to walk in front of the aircraft to guide Jones onto the runway for take-off, and he flew blind until daybreak. The aircraft, crew and passengers then returned to Laverton. The following year’s survey program did not meet expectations. Even though two survey flights were deployed, one each from 1 and 3 Squadrons, a series of mishaps combined to ensure that only 15 500 square kilometres were covered. The 1 Squadron flight, under the command of Carr, departed on 14 April for Cloncurry, where the Tugan Gannet it operated was to be utilised to photograph selected areas of Queensland, including an area 160 kilometres south-east of Normanton. Unfortunately the 3 Squadron Dragon Rapide, with Flying Officer (later Air Vice Marshal) ‘Bill’ Hely at the controls, became lost and disappeared in the desert between Newcastle Waters and Wave Hill. The subsequent extensive search by the Gannet, two Demons from Richmond and two civilian aircraft resulted in the discovery of Hely and his crew 145 kilometres north-west of Newcastle Waters on 22 April, ten days later. The Dragon Rapide had to be dismantled for shipment back to Richmond. This mishap, combined with damage to the engine of the Gannet, delayed the commencement of photography in Queensland until 8 May. Two Wapiti aircraft were flown to Port Hedland to replace the Dragon Rapide. Overall it had been a disappointing season. Even attempts by Seagull V aircraft from 5 Squadron, which had been deployed from Richmond in August, to photograph the coastline from Lloyd Bay to Portland Roads on Cape York proved abortive due to the constant presence of masses of cumulus cloud.
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Antarctic flights, 1929–36 While the surveyors were occupied in the far north, another group of air force personnel were creating a legacy in the windswept reaches of the frozen south. The British Australia and New Zealand Antarctic Expedition (BANZARE), led by Sir Douglas Mawson, was organised to undertake scientific studies and exploration of King George V Land and Enderby Land on the Antarctic continent. Aboard the expedition ship RMS Discovery (the depot ship of the ill-fated 1911 attempt by Captain Scott, RN to reach the South Pole) was a DH-60G Gipsy Moth floatplane and two RAAF pilots, Flying Officer S.A.C. (Stewart) Campbell and Pilot Officer G.E. (Eric) Douglas. The two pilots joined the Discovery at Cape Town, from where the expedition departed, bound for Kerguelen Island on 19 October 1929. After taking scientific observations at Kerguelen, the expedition departed on 24 November to study Heard Island, where they remained until 4 December. It was not until 19 December that Campbell and Douglas began to erect the little biplane, enabling the first flight to be made on the 31st. After overcoming problems related to the heating of the engine lubricants they coaxed the engine to start. Campbell, from a height of 2000 metres, sighted land to the south that Mawson named MacRobertson Land. The fragility of the aircraft was well illustrated in the subsequent weather conditions, in which a severe blizzard threatened to blow the aircraft overboard. Icicles penetrated the hessian protecting the fabric on the wings. To secure the aircraft against the elements, the floats were removed—a hazardous undertaking in the prevailing conditions—and the aircraft was bolted to the deck. On 13 January 1930, Mawson claimed the land lying between 73 degrees east longitude and 47 degrees east longitude on behalf of King George V at Proclamation Island, before attempting to survey Enderby Land. However, ice conditions forced the ship to return to the vicinity of Proclamation Island, where, on the 25th, the noted photographer Frank Hurley joined Douglas to film the mountain range that had been sighted from the air during the previous day. Hurley, who proved himself an ardent aviator, used the aircraft as a photographic platform on many other occasions. On 18 February, the Discovery was running short of coal and was forced to return to Kerguelen. But this did not prevent Campbell and Hurley undertaking another photographic sortie. Hurley was ecstatic at the results obtained. These photographic flights continued until the Discovery departed for Melbourne, where it arrived on 8 April 1930.
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Mawson was impressed with the potential of the Gipsy Moth to broaden the scope of geographic observation and to discover passages through the ice packs. When the second expedition departed from Hobart on 22 November 1930, the Gipsy Moth was secured aboard. Campbell had also received a strange parcel accompanied by a request that the contents (an extremely well-endowed brass monkey) be taken to the deep south for experimental purposes. The Discovery travelled to Commonwealth Bay, via Macquarie Island, where preparations were made for the Gipsy Moth to survey the area. However, the aircraft was not flown until 7 January 1931, when it was employed reconnoitring the thick pack ice, during which it sighted land. Mawson named this discovery ‘Banzare Land’, and was keen to undertake a personal aerial survey. On 27 January, Douglas and Mawson, despite adverse weather conditions and a difficult take-off, climbed though cloud to an altitude of 2000 metres and sighted undulating, ice-covered land. Threequarters of an hour later, Douglas, after letting down through the cloud, spotted the ship seven kilometres away. Douglas taxied the aircraft to the ship, which was steaming slowly into the swell to decrease the roll of the vessel and thereby reduce the likelihood of damage to the Moth as it was hoisted aboard. On this occasion the surge of the wash carried the aircraft away from the ship, and it took three attempts to engage the lifting hook. Mawson had just engaged the sling on the lifting hook when the ship rolled, jerking the aircraft clear of the water and submerging the starboard wing. The aircraft then tilted vertically. Mawson fell forward, just grasping a strut only metres away from the freezing sea. Douglas unstrapped himself and clambered to the nose of the aircraft in an attempt to stabilise the Moth. At this moment the lifting sling broke, leaving the Moth with the tail and rear portion of the fuselage under water. Douglas and Mawson clambered to the front of the aircraft floats, and the frantic crew of the Discovery launched a boat to recover the airmen. The Moth was repaired before it flew an ice reconnaissance on 6 February, but only flew twice more in Antarctic waters. However, Campbell ensured that the RAAF presence was noted by hoisting the RAAF flag at Cape Bruce before the Discovery berthed at Hobart on 19 March. Mawson was impressed with the operation of the aircraft and in the professional skill and camaraderie of Campbell and Douglas. The Gipsy Moth did not, like Campbell and Douglas, fly over southern waters again. VH-ULD was sold to the Australian Aero Club (Western Australian Division) on 24 July 1931. The aircraft returned to RAAF service on 22 July 1940, where it served with 4 Service Flying
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Training School until it was dismantled for spare parts after, ironically, crashing into the sea on 10 May 1942. Douglas was to be involved in the dramatic rescue of American adventurer Lincoln Ellsworth and his pilot, Hollick Kenyon, who were reported missing after attempting to fly from Dundee Island, 800 kilometres south of Cape Horn, across the Antarctic continent to the Bay of Whales in the Ross Sea during November 1935. The Australian organiser of the expedition, Sir Hubert Wilkins, assumed the worst, as did the Australian Government. Agreement was reached with the British Government for the RRS Discovery II to be used to search for the missing airmen. During January 1936, Eric Douglas led an RAAF search party, which included Flying Officer Alister Murdoch (later Air Marshal Sir Alister, Chief of the Air Staff 1965–69). The airmen were to operate a Wapiti and a Gipsy Moth embarked on the ship. Discovery II departed from Melbourne on 24 December, bound for Dunedin, New Zealand, where it was refuelled. The ship departed for the Bay of Whales on 2 January 1936, and the Gipsy Moth was flown on the 12th to plot a course for the ship through the ice floes. Despite the guidance of the aircrew, the passage of the Discovery II was hampered by the prevailing ice condition before it eventually broke through the ice floes into the Ross Sea. The Moth was launched on the 15th, enabling Murdoch to fly over the Little America base. Suddenly a man appeared, gesticulating to gain their attention. This was Kenyon, who gratefully accepted the bag of food and cigarettes dropped to him from the aircraft. Kenyon trekked to the ice shelf, where he met a rescue party that had been landed from the ship. Both Ellsworth and Kenyon were returned to the ship, where they waited for Wilkins to arrive in the Ellsworth expedition support ship, Wyatt Earp. The Moth was only flown once during the voyage to Melbourne—on an ice reconnaissance flight that was made on the 28th.
Expansion On 31 March 1921, the RAAF comprised 21 officers, 128 other ranks and 153 aircraft (which included 127 bombers and fighters donated by the British Government). During the 1930s the RAAF had commenced training of aircrew (a number, as will be mentioned later, for the Royal Air Force). Lawrence Wackett had headed the RAAF Experimental Section at Randwick, New South Wales from 14 January 1924 until
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2 April 1930. During this time the establishment had produced four Wackett-designed aircraft, the Widgeon I and II, and the Warrigal I and II. Although they were not successful designs, Wackett, after his resignation from the air force, designed the Tugan Gannet and was a prime instigator in the establishment of the Commonwealth Aircraft Corporation (CAC) in February 1938. Despite the lack of success of the indigenous designs, attempts had been made to modernise RAAF. The original ‘Imperial Gift’ aircraft were, by the end of the 1920s, obsolescent. The first of 43 Wapiti aircraft were delivered during 1929 to replace the DH-9 and DH-9As, and twelve of the Bristol Bulldog fighters replaced the SE-5As as the standard RAAF fighter in 1930. The elegant Hawker Demon twin-seat fighter was introduced into service in 1934, and this aircraft also served in the army cooperation role. During 1935 two types were introduced into service. The Seagull V had been designed to meet an RAN requirement for a amphibious aircraft capable of being catapulted from the RAN’s new cruisers, and the 48 Avro Anson, the first RAAF aircraft fitted with a retractable undercarriage, was used as an interim maritime patrol aircraft. In total, 1020 Ansons were operated in that role and, more importantly, as a crew trainer and communications aircraft until the mid-1950s. In July 1939, the first CAC-built Wirraway advanced trainer was delivered to the RAAF, to be followed by the first of 34 Avro Cadet trainers in August. From the lone base at Point Cook, the facilities available to the RAAF had expanded with the acquisition of Laverton in Victoria (1921), Richmond in New South Wales (1923), Pearce in Western Australia (1934), Darwin in the Northern Territory, Archerfield in Queensland and Rathmines in New South Wales, all in 1939. As at September 1939, the service comprised 310 officers, 3179 airmen and a total of 246 aircraft. However, the RAAF was far from being a viable operational force when war was declared on 3 September 1939.
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Australians in Coastal Command When Flight Lieutenant Keith Campbell and his group of fourteen airmen arrived at the RAF base at Pembroke Dock in Wales on 15 August 1939, they were not aware that 10 Squadron, of which they were members, would be serving in Britain for the duration of the Second World War. The commanding officer, Squadron Leader Leon Lachal, and Flight Lieutenant William ‘Bull’ Garing had departed from Darwin on 17 July to commence training on the operation of large seaplanes at RAF Calshot. The members of the squadron were to take delivery of nine Short Sunderland flying boats that had been purchased by the RAAF. However, the declaration of war against Germany by Britain changed these plans. On 6 October 1939, the Australian War Cabinet acceded to the request made by the British dominions officer for the retention of 10 Squadron and its Sunderland flying boats in Britain. To bring the squadron to an operational strength, two officers and 183 volunteers departed from Fremantle, Western Australia, aboard RMS Orontes, bound for Britain, on 27 October. Although Flight Lieutenants Charles Pearce and Dick Cohen, as well as Flying Officers Ivan Podger and Hugh Birch had gained experience with 210 and 228 RAF Coastal Command Squadrons based at Felixstowe and Pembroke Dock, respectively on anti-submarine patrols over the Atlantic Ocean, it was not until 10 October that ‘Bull’ Garing flew 10 Squadron’s first operational flight: a non-stop flight to Bizerte, Tunisia to deliver a spare engine to a 228 Squadron Sunderland. The squadron was fully committed to training and familiarisation with the newly delivered aircraft before it was incorporated into No. 15 Group, RAF on 3 January and was deemed operational on
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1 February 1940. Five days later, Charles Pearce and his crew flew the first ‘warlike’ sortie: an anti-submarine escort for the battle cruiser HMS Repulse and her escorting destroyers. At this time, 10 Squadron operated over the south-western approaches, protecting shipping from marauding U-boats south of Ireland. Convoy escort and anti-submarine patrols were characterised by tedium interspersed with rare bouts of pure adrenalin. Early Sunderland flying boats had to be hand-flown—they were not fitted with automatic pilots—and the crews experienced the full gamut of nature’s moods. Heavy fog, rain and sleet combined with a leaden swell conspired to ensure that the probability of sighting a U-boat on the surface was negligible. Even if one were sighted, the anti-submarine bombs and the early depth charges carried by maritime aircraft were ineffective. The maritime war developed into a contest between technological advances in weaponry and tactics between the protagonists, and 10 Squadron was to be intimately involved in the process. It was essential for national survival that Britain win the Battle of the Atlantic in 1940; it was also a precondition for the final Allied invasion of Europe in 1944. Special operations eased the monotony of normal patrols. On 17 June 1940, Flight Lieutenant Johnny ‘Dinger’ Bell and Sergeant C.W. Harris were joined by two RAF airmen to fly a Walrus amphibian aircraft from the squadron’s base at Mount Batten to land at Carantec, on the coast of Brittany. The flight, organised with the aim of evacuating the wife of General Charles de Gaulle, had been authorised by Prime Minister Winston Churchill himself, but ended in tragedy. The circumstances involved will never fully be known. Early in the morning, a Frenchwoman recalled seeing an aircraft on fire, flying low over her home village. Thick fog enveloped the countryside, and it was evident that the pilot was having difficulty in selecting a suitable field for a forced landing. Unfortunately, the field selected by Bell was fairly level, and the aircraft hit a small embankment, nosed over, and broke apart. The crew of four, the first fatalities suffered by 10 Squadron, were buried in the grounds of St Yve’s Church in the village of Ploudaniel. Attempts to rally the beleaguered French resulted in 10 Squadron Sunderlands flying several special missions to French territory. On 19 June 1940, ‘Bull’ Garing and his crew flew the Secretary of State for the Colonies, Lord Lloyd, from Mount Batten to Biscarrosse in an attempt to obtain a commitment from the French Government that France would continue to oppose the Germans from bases in North
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Africa. Next morning a haggard Lord Lloyd, after hours of intense negotiations, admitted defeat and was flown back to England. There was compensation for the airmen: Lloyd donated a crate of champagne to the airmen—a gift that could not be refused. Despite the French rebuff, efforts were made to involve France in further prosecution of the war. Flight Lieutenant Dick Cohen and his crew flew the British Commander-in-Chief, Lord Gort, and the British Minister of Information, Duff Cooper, to Rabat, French Morocco on 25 June. It was obvious that the visit was not welcome, as Cohen discovered when he was required to deliver an urgent message to Lord Gort. His initial attempt to land was thwarted by a police patrol boat. By illuminating the interior lights in the aircraft (thus breaking the blackout imposed on the city), he was able to attract a small boat crew, who were persuaded by Cohen at pistol point to transport him ashore. After contacting the British Consulate and by hiding under a blanket in the back of a consular car to remain hidden from the two police cars that were following him, he was able to access the hotel where Lord Gort and Duff Cooper were negotiating with the French. Cohen, apprehended as he entered the hotel, drew his revolver and dashed to escape. There was an exchange of shots in the blackout. Cohen managed to evade his pursuers before returning to pass the message to Lord Gort. Cohen returned to the aircraft. An armed party continuously circled the Sunderland in a launch until the Allied negotiating team returned and the flying boat was able to take off and fly to Gibraltar. The German attacks on Allied merchantmen by U-boat and aircraft, and the deployment of one of the three RAF Sunderland squadrons to the Mediterranean Sea, placed a heavy burden on 10 Squadron crews in the latter months of 1940. They saw the evidence of U-boat success, often directing escort vessels to pitiful groups of survivors in lifeboats. One of the most famous incidents occurred on 25 September—an incident that ‘Bull’ Garing was to remember with pride for the rest of his life. Thirty minutes after farewelling a convoy they sighted a lifeboat under sail. The lifeboat had been launched by the City of Benares, which had been sailing independently with hundreds of children evacuees as passengers for Canada. On 17 September, the ship was torpedoed by U-48. The lifeboat sighted by Garing, under the command of the ship’s fourth officer, had 46 survivors aboard, including the heroine of the disaster, Mary Cornish, and the six children under her care. They had sailed 300 kilometres in an easterly direction and were running low on water and food when sighted. Garing made three attempts to land near the life-
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boat, but his effort was thwarted by the heavy swell. The crew then dropped supplies to the survivors before returning to the convoy. An escorting destroyer was guided back to the lifeboat and rescued the survivors. The crews of the Royal Navy escorts, weak and ill-equipped as they were, were heartened by an aerial presence. On 1 July, Flight Lieutenant W.N. ‘Hoot’ Gibson and his crew proved that their presence was more than of moral benefit. The Sunderland crew received notification that the Zarian had been torpedoed by U-26 as they taxied for take-off. The U-boat had in return been damaged by depth charges dropped from HMS Gladiolus. Gibson and his crew were ordered to join the search for the damaged submarine, and discovered it on the surface, some 50 kilometres from the sinking. As Gibson dived to attack, U-26 submerged. Gibson dropped four 250-pound antisubmarine bombs. As a result of the explosions the bows of the U-boat broke the surface of the water at a steep angle. Gibson attacked a second time, one bomb falling within 40 metres of the conning tower. The U-boat crew abandoned ship as HMS Rochester joined the battle and rescued 41 survivors. This victory, shared with the crew of HMS Gladiolus, was the first of six U-boats claimed to have been sunk by 10 Squadron crews. The Australian Sunderland squadrons of Coastal Command, 10 and 461 Squadrons, all-up laid claim to twelve enemy U-boats in the duration of the war. This figure indicates the difficulty in finding and sinking enemy submersibles. Both squadrons were intimately involved with the technological and tactical innovations that really made the difference between success and failure. Although the pressure hull of a U-boat made it a difficult vessel to sink, a U-boat on the surface was vulnerable to air attack. The advent of the Mk VII depth charge in April 1941 and the development of low-level attack techniques gave maritime aircraft a weapon that was capable of sinking a U-boat. When the German Navy U-boats operated out of the Brittany ports they gained access via the Bay of Biscay to the Atlantic convoy routes. The bay, therefore, became the main area of operations for both Australian squadrons. Air-to-Surface Vessel (ASV) radar was first trialled in 1939 and 10 Squadron took the opportunity of training with the ASV Mk I during August 1940. This rudimentary set, due to its unreliability and technical shortcomings, offered little advantage over binoculars and the naked eye. But it evolved into the Mk II, with improvements in power, sensitivity and aerial arrays giving it superior performance to the earlier model. This radar system enabled patrolling
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aircraft to track surfaced submarines and attack them without warning until U-boats were fitted with Metox warning devices that were set to pick up the radar’s frequency wavelength. This temporary German advantage was overcome by the introduction of the Mk III ASV, which operated on a new, ten-centimetre wavelength, in November 1943. Airmen of 10 Squadron had been involved with testing of the Mk III ASV, and the two Australian squadrons were also to make a contribution to the improvement of the armament and performance of the Sunderland. During July 1943, the Australian commander of Pembroke Dock (and a previous 10 Squadron commander), Group Captain Jim Alexander, approved the fitting of four 0.30 calibre machine-guns in the nose compartment of the Sunderland. These guns, controlled by the pilot, could be used to sweep the decks of surfaced U-boats to suppress any anti-aircraft fire. Other modifications developed by the technicians at 10 and 461 Squadrons were the fitting of a Fraser Nash FN-5 twin-gun, belt-fed nose turret and the 0.50 calibre machine-gun mounting in the galley hatch. However, with the increase in the quantity of operational equipment that was being fitted to the aircraft and the operational strain on the engines, the Pegasus radial engines that powered the aircraft became increasingly unreliable. To remedy this problem, Alexander instituted a program to fit the aircraft with Pratt and Whitney Twin Wasp radial engines. Engineers and technicians from 10 Squadron successfully fitted the engines to one of the Sunderland Mk III aircraft. The Australian initiative was accepted by the aircraft manufacturers, who conducted a parallel program in conjunction with the squadron to produce the Sunderland Mk V in December 1944. Despite their role in its development, 10 Squadron was not equipped with this aircraft until July 1945, after the cessation of hostilities. The fact that on average 461 Squadron flew 1554 operational hours for each U-boat sinking gives some indication of the nature of coastal command anti-submarine operations. Even so, of the 52 U-boats that were claimed by all aircraft, 23 per cent fell to the two Australian squadrons, five during the period 1 May–31 August 1943. A contribution to this success was the tactical decision made by the U-boat commander, Admiral Dönitz, that U-boats would travel in company through the Bay of Biscay, depending on the heavy anti-aircraft guns with which they had been fitted for their protection from marauding Allied aircraft. Although not necessarily due to the new German tactic, 10 Squadron Sunderlands, captained by Flight Lieutenants Geoffrey Rossiter and Max Mainprize, respectively, sank U-465 on 7 May and
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shared in the destruction of U-563 on the 31st. Three U-boats fell to 461 Squadron. Flight Lieutenant E. Smith sunk U-332 on 2 May, and Flight Lieutenant J. Clark shared the sinking of U-106 with a 228 Squadron crew on 2 August. The third U-boat was sunk by Flight Lieutenant Dudley Marrows of 461 Squadron on 30 July in what can only be described as an improbable coincidence. Three U-boats, two 1600-tonne ‘milch cows’ (large refuelling submarines used to replenish active submarines at sea with fuel and torpedoes, thus extending the time that they could remain in action) and a 740-tonne vessel, were sighted on the surface by a patrolling Consolidated Liberator aircraft. Six aircraft concentrated above the little enemy convoy that was prepared to use its combined firepower to ward off any aerial attack. The submarines succeeded in protecting themselves until a Handley Page Halifax penetrated the anti-aircraft fire and dropped three 600-pound bombs that damaged one of the trio. Marrows, who was returning from a patrol along the Spanish coastline, arrived on the scene to see black smoke emerging from the target of the Halifax’s attack. He made two attacks on the circling submarine, but could not penetrate the anti-aircraft barrage emanating from the three enemy vessels. Taking advantage of a diversion caused when a Liberator attempted a low-level depth charge attack, Marrows closed to within 1000 metres of his target. The gunners spotted the danger and switched their attention to the low-flying Sunderland, hitting it in the starboard wing. Marrows’ gunners swept the decks of the U-boat before the Sunderland dropped a perfect pattern of depth charges. The submarine split in half, leaving foam and debris on the surface as it sank. The Halifax crew sank another U-boat, but the third evaded attacks by Marrows and the frigates of Captain Walker’s famous Second Escort Group. Amazingly, the Sunderland that Marrows flew that day was UT (the 461 Squadron code) U (the specific aircraft recognition letter); the submarine that he was credited with sinking was the 1600-tonne U-461. Coastal Command and the Royal Navy won a decisive victory in the hard-fought battle between the U-boat packs and the combination of Allied aircraft and naval escort groups in mid-1943. Aircraft operating over the Bay of Biscay had more than the considerable firepower of the surfaced U-boats to counter. Long-range Junkers JU-88 fighters were patrolling the bay, attempting to disrupt the flow of antisubmarine aircraft. Indeed, the Luftwaffe had played a significant role against convoys in 1940, when four-engine Focke-Wulfe Condors shadowed them and directed U-boats to intercept them. They were
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successful in sinking many merchant ships on their own account. Also, German medium bombers were active, attacking British convoys and independently routed shipping when given the opportunity. One such action took place on 31 July 1940 when the pugnacious ‘Bull’ Garing intercepted a JU-88 when escorting HMAC Mooltan. Four hours after the initial combat two more JU-88 aircraft attempted to dive-bomb the ship. Garing closed to intercept and engaged the enemy aircraft with his front and rear turrets in a passing sweep, forcing one of the enemy aircraft to bomb inaccurately. He intercepted another JU-88 early in the afternoon. Garing’s decisive tactics prevented any serious damage to the ship and earned him a DFC. Although the Sunderland was a large aircraft, it was not an easy target for marauding fighters. A famous example of the ability of a well-trained Sunderland crew to protect itself occurred on 2 June 1943. Flight Lieutenant C. Walker and crew were on patrol over the Bay of Biscay when they sighted a force of eight JU-88 aircraft. The navigator, Flying Officer K. Simpson, positioned himself in the astrodome to coordinate the defensive firepower, recently augmented by the fitting of the new galley guns. The attacks commenced with Walker evading single JU-88 attacks from each beam by corkscrewing left and right as he dived for the sea. The port engine of the Sunderland was set afire. The compass in the cockpit, hit by an incendiary bullet, exploded, spraying Walker with burning alcohol. The German fighters made twenty attacks over a 45-minute period as Walker and his co-pilot, Pilot Officer W. Dowling, manoeuvred the thirty-tonne flying boat to counter the attacks. Flight Sergeant A. Fuller, the mid-upper gunner, saw a JU-88 crash into the sea as a result of his accurate shooting. A second attacker was hit, caught fire and crashed. A third, after hitting a wall of bullets from Fuller and the rear turret gunner, Flight Sergeant R. Goode, arced into the sea at 500 kph. So accurate was the defensive fire that all the enemy aircraft suffered damage before the attacks ceased. The crew had won a memorable victory, but the cost was high. Sergeant A. Miles, RAF, one of the galley gunners, died of stomach wounds. Walker was badly burned. Simpson bled profusely from a leg wound. There were over 500 holes in the fuselage and mainplane of the aircraft, and it was obvious that a water landing was impossible. To further add to the crew’s problems the propeller fell off the port outer engine, and Walker was forced to order the removal of all the heavy equipment, including the radio, to lighten the aircraft. For two and a half hours the crew struggled to remain airborne, before Walker was
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able to land the battered aircraft within wading distance of a Cornish beach. As a result of the action, Walker was awarded a DSO, Simpson a DFC and Fuller and Goode each a DFM. If U-boats and enemy aircraft caused moments of high tension and a rush of adrenalin, nature was a more insidious enemy. Atrocious weather over a leaden sea, low cloud and hours of boredom were the lot of a Coastal Command flying boat crew. Pure humanitarianism inspired some flying boat crews to make open sea landings to rescue survivors, often with fatal results. A flying boat was not designed for open ocean operations, and the combination of airmanship, seamanship and courage could not always prevail over that of wind, swell and current. As a result landing a flying boat in the open sea was forbidden in mid-1943—the first commander of 461 Squadron, Wing Commander Neville Halliday, RAF, had been killed attempting an open sea landing on 12 August 1942. Nature could not be ignored. An example of its brute power occurred during January 1945, when gales swept the moorings at Pembroke Dock. Despite the gallant efforts of air and ground crews, 461 Squadron lost three Sunderlands. The Allied success in the battles of mid-1943 were significant events in the Battle of the Atlantic, but the technological war did not cease. The German Navy had developed the schnorkel, a device that enabled submarines to run on diesel engines and charge their batteries without surfacing, in an attempt to wrest the initiative from the Allies. Later Coastal Command, and the two Australian squadrons, were involved with the sealing of the Normandy invasion beaches from any U-boat molestation, and it was not until the final victory on land that the threat of submarine attack could be totally discounted. The two Australian flying boat squadrons had played a significant role in the campaign. They created a record second to none in Coastal Command. Among those who served with 461 Squadron, and who made their mark in different fields of endeavour, were the creators of the Simon Black boys’ adventure series (and several popular wartime unit histories), Ivan Southall, DFC, and the last Permanent Head of the Department of the Army (February–November 1973), J.B.R. Livermore, DFC. The third Australian unit to serve with Coastal Command was 455 Squadron. This unit had commenced its career as a unit of Bomber Command before being transferred to Coastal Command in July 1942. The squadron flew Handley Page Hampden torpedo bombers from Leuchars in Scotland, from where it commenced strikes against German shipping along the coast of Norway, Holland, Belgium and
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Germany. The importance of the anti-shipping campaign has not been fully appreciated, and its success deprived the German war machine of valuable high-grade iron ore and other raw materials from Norway and neutral Sweden. However, as so often happens in wartime, the squadron was diverted from this prime role to deploy to Russia. Along with 144 Squadron, RAF, the Hampdens were to counter possible forays by the German battleship Tirpitz, which would have resulted in the destruction of the vital Arctic convoys headed for the Russian ports of Archangel and Murmansk. The two squadrons deployed from Leuchars to Sunburgh, in the Shetland Islands, from where the aircraft flew over the North Sea to Norway, Sweden and Finland to the airfield at Vaenga, south of Murmansk. The two squadrons’ ground crews had preceded the aircraft, taking passage aboard the USS Tuscaloosa from Scapa Flow. Led by Wing Commander Grant Lindeman, sixteen Hampdens departed from Sunburgh on 4 September 1942. Fourteen arrived at Vaenga. Sergeant Edward Smith and his crew were killed when their aircraft crashed off the Swedish coast. Squadron Leader Jimmy Catanach was forced to make a wheels-up landing on a beach in northern Norway and was captured. (Sadly, Catanach was one of the 50 Allied airmen executed by the Gestapo as a result of the mass breakout from Stalag Luft III, Sagan, on 24 March 1944.) The English strike force was called out on one occasion when the German warships Admiral Scheer, Hipper and Köln moved to Alten Fjord, in the extreme north of Norway on 10 September. These German naval units were a direct threat to convoy PQ18, which was north of Bear Island en route for Murmansk at the time. On 14 September, Flight Lieutenant Jack Davenport led the sole strike mounted from Vaenga to counter a possible foray by the German warships. Eleven 455 Squadron aircraft flew an uneventful patrol—except for extreme turbulence that resulted in even experienced aircrew being violently airsick. Admiral Scheer and her consorts had not left Alten Fjord. Nevertheless, PQ18 lost thirteen merchantmen to the combination of enemy aircraft and submarines. The Hampden aircraft remained in Russia when the squadron personnel returned to Scotland by sea in November. Although the Hampden aircraft that 455 Squadron had left in Russia were replaced, the combination of weather conditions along the Norwegian coast and the Hampdens’ vulnerability to German ground defences and fighters resulted in limited success. As the German merchantmen were mounting more anti-aircraft guns and were being
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protected by units of the German Navy, strike wings were established. Bristol Beaufighters, armed with rockets and 20-mm cannon, suppressed the anti-aircraft fire as torpedo-carrying aircraft made their lowlevel attacks. Later, American built long-range P-51 Mustang fighters became available for operations with the strike wings, giving added protection against defending fighters. During April 1943, Beaufighters escorted the Hampdens of 455 Squadron, and the presence of the twinengine fighter saved several of the Hampdens when they were intercepted by Focke-Wulf FW-190 and Messerschmitt BF-109 fighters off the Norwegian coast on the 12th. On 13 December 1943, 455 Squadron, now commanded by Wing Commander Jack Davenport, was declared non-operational and commenced rearmament with Beaufighter aircraft. The squadron was declared operational on 1 March 1944 and joined 489 Squadron, Royal New Zealand Air Force (RNZAF) to form the ‘Leuchars Wing’. Squadron Leader Colin Milson led the first Beaufighter strike on 6 May 1944. Eight 455 Squadron aircraft were to supply anti-aircraft suppression for four New Zealanders during an anti-shipping patrol off Norway. What ensued was typical of strike wing operations. The ANZAC formation found an enemy convoy of six merchantmen that was protected by nine escort vessels, four BF-109 fighters and a single Blohm & Voss flying boat near the Egero Light. The Beaufighters attacked from seaward through the anti-aircraft fire from the ships and shore batteries. A BF-109 harassed one of the 455 Squadron aircraft, flown by Flight Sergeant John ‘Tiger’ Payne during his attack run, but his aircraft was not hit. The Australians could see their 20-mm cannon shells hitting the decks and superstructure of the merchantmen and escorts, thus enabling three of the four New Zealand torpedo bombers to drop their projectiles. The fourth was forced to seek the cover of cloud after being attacked by a defending BF-109. One merchantman was seen to explode, and another was later confirmed to have been sunk. It had been a most successful first strike. Bad weather limited opportunities to repeat this success before the two squadrons moved from Leuchars to Langham in Norfolk, as part of the Coastal Command forces deployed to prevent any German naval intervention with the Allied naval forces involved in the June invasion of Europe. The Langham Wing initiated operations on 19 April 1944. One memorable attack took place on 6 May, when a reconnaissance flight sighted an enemy convoy off Borkum, Holland. The Langham Wing was ordered to attack. Eighteen Beaufighters
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flew at low level across the wave-tops, before climbing to 250 metres when the convoy was sighted. With the sun behind them, the cannonfiring Beaufighters attacked the ships head-on, penetrating the furious anti-aircraft barrage to pave the way for the torpedo bombers. It had been a brilliant attack, marred by the loss of Flight Lieutenant Byron ‘Pip’ Atkinson, RAF, and Flight Sergeant ‘Shorty’ Whitburn. As the formation withdrew, it left two merchantmen on fire and eight others damaged. The Australians flew a combination of anti-aircraft suppression for the Langham wing strikes and armed reconnaissance missions, seeking out small German naval vessels and attacking them with 500-pound bombs and cannon. The tempo of operations increased as the D-day landings approached. By September 1944, the strategic bombing campaign had its effect on the German transportation system, increasing the importance of coastal convoys to overcome these difficulties. To protect the convoys, the Germans used ships armed with a potent combination of 88-mm, 37-mm and 20-mm anti-aircraft weapons. To counter these measures, strike wings operations involved all the squadrons of a particular wing, and it was acknowledged that the rocket projectile, with its greater tactical flexibility compared with the aerial torpedo, had become a potent anti-shipping weapon. On 6 July, 455 Squadron fired its first salvo of rockets during an attack on ten merchantmen and their escorts off the Frisian Islands. Flight Sergeant Jack Costello was killed when his aircraft hit the water and sank, and the tail of the aircraft flown by Flying Officer Bill Barbour was shot off. German authorities sought to lessen the effects of Coastal Command anti-shipping attacks by scheduling convoys to travel at night and shelter in the protection of ports such as Den Helder. Coastal Command strike wings often sought enemy ships in harbour. An example of these operations was that of 25 September 1944, when 455 Squadron contributed twelve aircraft to a strike force of 65. To avoid detection by enemy radar, the strike force approached at 50 metres, before sighting 23 enemy vessels at anchor in the Marsdiep, between the island of Texel and the Dutch mainland near Den Helder. Davenport, flying his final combat mission with 455 Squadron, led his formation to 800 metres and ordered the attack. A wall of anti-aircraft fire from shipboard and coastal guns met the Beaufighters before they opened fire at a range of 1000 metres. At 500 kph the cannon and rocket attack took less than a minute, leaving a merchant ship on fire, a minesweeper destroyed in an explosion, a second burning (as were
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three tugs and four trawlers) for the loss of three aircraft. One of these was flown by Flying Officer Colin Cock and his navigator, Warrant Officer Bob Lyneham, from 455 Squadron. The squadron moved to Dallachy, near Inverness, Scotland at the end of October 1944, where it combined with 489 Squadron, RNZAF, 144 Squadron, RAF, and 404 Squadron, Royal Canadian Air Force (RCAF) to form the wing of the same name. From Scotland the wing sought enemy maritime transport seeking refuge in the Norwegian fjords. Several navigational and strategic initiatives significantly improved operational effectiveness. The technique of dropping a circle of flame floats at a prearranged point improved navigation by giving a focal point from where patrols could be undertaken. The development of ‘outrider’ patrols (one or two aircraft flying ahead of the main force to discover and identify targets) also led to a better choice of targets. Ships were often hidden under the precipitous cliffs of the fjords, and successful attacks necessitated the penetration of the narrow reaches of these waterways, followed by a sharp climb to clear the cliffs. It was heady, exciting and dangerous flying, even without the attention of German anti-aircraft gunners and fighters. The last strike on a target in the Norwegian fjords flown by 455 Squadron took place on 26 April 1945. Flying Officer Bill Edwards led a 455 section as an element of a Beaufighter formation ordered to penetrate Fede Fjord and attack the Palmyra, two other merchantmen and their escorts in Brevigen Bay. Only the Palmyra and a single escort were exposed—the other ships were under the protection of the cliffs. One of the escorts fired a wire trailing rocket across the path of one of the Beaufighters closing on the Palmyra. A Beaufighter from 144 Squadron, RAF, was hit and crashed into the entrance of the bay as a result of the barrage from the ships and shore guns. As the force withdrew, enemy fighters shot down the Beaufighter flown by Warrant Officer Keith Hamilton, and, if not for the timely intervention of an escorting 19 Squadron P-51 Mustang, Warrant Officer Ian Murray would have shared the same fate. The last strike flown by 455 Squadron—against a convoy sighted off Langeland—was led by Wing Commander Colin Milson on 3 May 1945. Pilot Officer Peter Ilbery and Warrant Officer Ian Murray flew the final wartime operation—an anti-U-boat patrol along the Norwegian coast—on 21 May. Next day the aircraft were grounded and the squadron was disbanded on the 25th.
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Empire Air Training Scheme and Bomber Command During the period that 10 Squadron was establishing itself in Wales, negotiations were taking place that had a profound effect on the outcome of the air war. On 27 November 1939, representatives of Great Britain, Canada, Australia and New Zealand at Ottawa, Canada agreed to establish the Empire Air Training Scheme (EATS). This scheme was to train aircrew for service with the RAF. Basic training was to be undertaken in Australia before trainees were shipped to Canada, from where 9606 Australians successfully completed advanced training. An additional 674 personnel undertook training in Rhodesia before service with the RAF. The first 34 Australians graduated from RAAF Service Flying Training Schools on 18 November 1940. At the time of cessation in March 1943, 37 730 aircrew had been trained in Australia. The RAAF had established two Air Navigation Schools, three Air Observers Schools, three Bombing and Gunnery Schools, twelve Elementary Flying Training Schools, six Initial Flying Training Schools and eight Service Flying Training Schools to meet this commitment. In addition, seven Schools of Technical Training and other specialised technical schools had been established to train ground crews in the maintenance of aircraft and equipment. EATS-trained Australian airmen saw service in the United Kingdom, Europe, the Middle East, India, Burma and Brazil. Under Article XV of the agreement, the dominions were to retain their own individuality. This would manifest itself in the gathering of nationals in dominion squadrons with equipment and facilities being supplied by the RAF. Australian squadrons in the RAF were numbered from 450 to 467. (465 was not allocated.) Of these, seven operated fighters in the Far East, Middle East and Fighter Command, and seven were associated with Bomber Command. The first of these was 455 Squadron, which, as noted above, had a short career in Bomber Command. It was formed at Swinderby, Lincolnshire on 6 June 1941, but did not receive its first Hampden aircraft until 10 July. The operational debut of the squadron was delayed due to tardiness in supplying ground crew. The RAAF Air Board in Australia had assembled the requisite number of ground personnel to man the squadron at Williamtown, New South Wales, but delays in obtaining transport resulted in 455 Squadron being formed with a skeleton RAF ground crew. Squadron Leader French flew the only available Hampden on its first combat operation—an attack on Frankfurt-on-Main—on 29 September. On the 1st of that month, Wing
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Commander N.G. Mulholland formed 458 Squadron at Holme-onSpalding Moor in Yorkshire. This unit was equipped with Vickers Wellington bombers and launched ten aircraft on its first operation six weeks later. As the aircrew of the two squadrons were relatively inexperienced, they flew a limited number of operations between August 1941 and February 1942, striking at targets such as Berlin, Huls, Cologne, Mannheim, Essen, Dusseldorf and Hanover. They also attacked enemy ports and the German battle cruisers Scharnhorst and Gneisenau that were berthed in Brest Harbour. The third squadron to be formed was 460 Squadron (15 November at Molesworth), followed by another, 466 Squadron (10 October 1942 at Driffield). These units preceded 467 Squadron (7 November 1942 at Scampton) and 463 Squadron (25 November 1943 at Waddington). This quartet was joined by 462 Squadron, that had, as we will see, operated in the Middle East before being renumbered as 614 Squadron, RAF, and then reformed as a Bomber Command squadron at Driffield on 14 August 1944. For the Australian squadrons 1942 was a year of innovation and reorganisation. In February, 458 Squadron deployed to the Middle East, 455 Squadron transferred to Coastal Command in April, and 460 Squadron exchanged its Wellington bombers for the Halifax, and then on 20 October the decision was made to equip it with the Avro Lancaster bomber. These arrangements reflected the policy changes and technical innovations that were being implemented by Bomber Command. On 14 February 1942, Bomber Command was instructed to utilise navigational developments, such as ‘Gee’ (a radio navigation aid with a range of 580 kilometres), and to divert its aim from transport to factories and industrial targets. Bomber Command also sought to destroy civilian morale. Air Marshal Arthur Harris assumed command of Bomber Command a fortnight after the date of this directive; he had 42 squadrons under command, two of them Australian. His influence on the outcome of the controversial strategic bombing campaign cannot be understated. Soon after assuming command, Harris took the brave decision to attack Cologne with 1042 bombers. This attack proved the effect of the bomber ‘stream’ where individual crews were given precise navigation information and the raid was concentrated in time—over Cologne, the attack was concentrated to an hour and a half. The bomber stream was, theoretically, capable of swamping German defences, and the battle between the Allied offence and German defensive measures is reflected in the history of the Australian bomber squadrons.
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The statistical record of the Australian squadrons is impressive: 460 Squadron flew 6234 operational sorties, dropped 24 856 tonnes of bombs and lost 169 aircraft and 1018 aircrew before flying its last operation, against Berchtesgaden, on 25 April 1945; 463 Squadron flew 2525 sorties and dropped 11 430 tonnes of bombs; 466 flew 3328 sorties and dropped 8804 tonnes of bombs; and the 3833 sorties flown by 467 Squadron resulted in 17 578 tonnes of bombs being dropped. As 462 Squadron became a member of 100 Group, specialising in electronic countermeasures and diversionary raids, operational statistics are not readily available. However, statistics do not reflect the hazards from nature, anti-aircraft defences and enemy night fighters which were faced on a nightly basis by the crews of Bomber Command. Of the 6344 casualties suffered by the RAAF in Europe, Bomber Command operations were responsible for more than half: 3751. The Australians participated in all the major Bomber Command campaigns: those aimed at the industrial cities of the Rühr Valley— ‘Happy Valley’—(5 March to 24 July 1943); the capital, Berlin (3 August to 18 November 1943) and in support of Normandy landings of June 1944. During the period of the Battle of the Rühr, 460 Squadron lost 29 crews and many of its airmen had harrowing experiences. Although the focus of Bomber Command was on the German industrial heartland, this did not prevent raids on other targets. On the night of 22 March, the U-boat pens at St Nazaire were attacked. Sergeant White was on his bombing run in a 460 Squadron Lancaster, when a JU-88 night fighter appeared out of the haze, slightly below the bomber. After warning the pilot to take evasive action, the gunners, Sergeant N.R. Simpson and Flight Sergeant R.H. Baker engaged the enemy. The JU-88 pilot responded, hitting the Lancaster in the wing. The Lancaster then became the target of another night fighter, which had positioned itself 100 yards below, and was hit in the tail, fuselage and bomb bay. White evaded the fighter while his gunners gave a spirited defence, claiming to have damaged the JU-88. The troubles of the crew were not yet over. White returned to England, to make an emergency landing at South Cernay. The starboard outer engine caught fire as the Lancaster made its landing approach forcing the crew to effect a rapid disembarkation once they had landed before the aircraft was completely incinerated. As a result of the night’s action, White was awarded a DFM. The position of the enemy fighter during these attacks indicates that they may have been fitted with the deadly Schrage Musik, where twin 20-mm MG 151 cannon were mounted at an angle behind the
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cockpit to enable the turret blind spot behind and below British heavy bombers to be exploited. If bomber crews did not succumb to the everpresent night fighters, there was always the danger of the anti-aircraft defence. The searchlight and anti-aircraft artillery defences of the Rühr were the most powerful in Germany. For example, the Lancaster flown by Sergeant V.O. Vaughan was pinned by a number of searchlights during a raid on Wuppertal on 29 May. Vaughan commenced violent evasive action to escape from the searchlight beams. Terrifyingly, the Lancaster went into a flat spin, but Vaughan regained control of the bomber at 350 metres. During the same night searchlights prevented Pilot Officer F.N. Robinson from attacking Wuppertal. His Lancaster was continuously illuminated by a series of searchlight batteries and Robinson’s incessant evasive efforts resulted in the aircraft losing height and going off course. As a result, Witten, 25 kilometres northeast of Wupperal, was bombed. Although the development of marking techniques using Mosquito aircraft fitted with ‘Oboe’ navigation equipment meant that targets in the Rühr Valley could be found and marked accurately, Berlin was beyond ‘Oboe’ range. German night fighters proved effective in countering Bomber Command incursions during the period of the Battle of Berlin (18 November 1943 to 31 March 1944). The use of ‘window’—vast, confusing clouds of aluminium strips cut to the frequency of German radar which could appear on equipment as aircraft—had, ironically, freed defending night fighters from the strict tactical control that had been imposed. With the introduction of 100 Group (of which the Halifax aircraft of 462 Squadron were prominent), the electronic war took on a new dimension. More aircraft were being fitted with H2S radar, which gave a rudimentary radar picture of the countryside over which the aircraft was flying and assisted with longrange navigation. This period was certainly one of rapid, leap-frogging technical innovation; and the development of operational techniques by the adversaries threatened the concept of night strategic bombing. On 30 March 1944, 795 bombers were dispatched to attack the Nazi stronghold of Nuremberg. The plan for the attack was based on a forecast of high-level cloud, which would give protection on the outward journey but would not prevent the target being marked by ground indicators. Although a subsequent weather reconnaissance reported the lack of cloud en route, the operation was not cancelled. The German air commander did not to react to diversionary raids and night fighters infiltrated the bomber stream, flying in brilliant moonlight. A running battle was fought between the defending fighters and
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the bombers from the Belgian frontier to Nuremberg. Bomber Command lost 95 aircraft, 11.9 per cent of the force. It had been a costly failure. The demise of the night strategic bombing offensive would have been assured had this loss rate been repeated. All four Australian squadrons were involved, and the defending fighters intercepted twenty of their aircraft. 460 Squadron lost Squadron Leader E.A.G. Utz, DFC, who was nearing the completion of his second tour of duty, and two new crews, commanded by Flight Sergeants C.H. Hargreaves and P.R. Anderson. So intense was the battle that Flight Lieutenant M.F. Smith, a 467 Squadron captain, reported the sighting of 30 burning aircraft between Aachen and Nuremberg. On 14 April 1944, control of the strategic bombing force was vested with General Eisenhower, the Allied Supreme Commander, to isolate the Normandy beaches selected as landing sites for the invasion of Europe. Bomber Command was also to operate its heavy bomber force against enemy coastal defence prior to the actual landing. A prerequisite for the successful landing was the gaining of air supremacy over the beachheads; hence raids were made on German airfields and centres of aircraft production. Examples of operations undertaken to meet this aim were the raids made by 226 Lancasters, 27 of which were contributed by 463 and 467 Squadrons, on the manufacturing facilities at Schweinfurt during the night of 26 April. However, 460 Squadron lost three crews during the Friedrichshafen raid on the night of 27 April. The Strasbourg anti-aircraft guns damaged one aircraft, flown by Flying Officer D.J. Cullen, as a result of it being off course during the outward journey. Despite this, Cullen pressed on to the target and returned his crippled aircraft to England. Flight Lieutenant R.G. Peter, an Australian serving with 35 Squadron, RAF, was the captain of a pathfinder Halifax that was attacked by a German night fighter. The rear fuselage was alight and the bomber was forced into a virtually uncontrollable spin. Peter did not regain control until it had reached 1000 metres. Two crew members managed to bail out. The two gunners, who had suffered severe burns, and the wireless operator were without parachutes. Incredibly, Peter managed to ditch the Halifax into Lake Constance, and the survivors paddled southward toward the refuge of neutral Switzerland. During March and April 1944, the four Australian squadrons joined in the campaign to destroy the French transport system. Loaded with 500-pound bombs, the units created havoc among the marshalling yards. Enemy night fighters were active on the night of 10 May, resulting in 463 and 467 Squadrons loosing six crews. On 2 June, 466 lost two
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crews to marauding night fighters, but Flight Lieutenant J.H. Stevens, his Halifax severely damaged by a Messerschmitt ME-210, managed to limp back to England. Bomber Command also struck at German Army concentrations. On the night of 3 May, 460, 463 and 467 Squadrons contributed 39 of the 338 heavy bombers that raided the tank depot at Mailly-le-Camp. To ensure that the bombing would be as accurate as possible, the force was dispatched on a bright moonlit night, with clear visibility. The Luftwaffe reacted violently, shooting down 42 bombers, seven of which were from the Australian squadrons. Despite these losses, the damage inflicted on the depot was severe. Early in June, the heavy bombers sought out German radar stations, the destruction of which assisted in ensuring that the invasion fleet remained undetected during its approach to the Normandy beachhead. On the night of 5 June 1944, Australian heavy bombers combined with other Bomber Command units to attack the shore batteries at Fountenay-Crisbecq, St Martin de Varreville, Merville-Francevell, Maisy, La Pernelle, Houlgate, Longues, Mont Fleury, Pointe du Hoe and Ouistreham. The first, against a battery of 155-mm guns, was made at 11.35 am. The raid on St Martin de Varreville followed this, fifteen minutes later. 460 Squadron participated in both strikes, which were marred by cloud and frequent rain showers that prevented all but two of the target-marking Mosquitoes from dropping their indicators. The Halifax aircraft of 466 Squadron bombed Maisy, where a shore battery was a threat to the US Army’s landing beaches Utah and Omaha. Wing Commander Rollo Kingsford Smith led fourteen Lancaster bombers from 463 Squadron and a like number of bombers from 467 Squadron to bomb Pointe du Hoe. Despite the crews taking pains to ensure that the bombing was as accurate as the poor visibility would allow, the battery was not silenced. Although the bombing had variable results, it contributed to the tactical surprise obtained by the Allied landing force. The role of Bomber Command was not limited to support of the initial D-day landings. The breakout from the British sector of the bridgehead near Caen, Operation Goodwood, depended upon the ability of heavy bombers to create a carpet of destruction through which an armoured spearhead of three divisions would advance, with the II Canadian and I British Corps protecting the flank. This action, timed for 18 July, preceded the American breakout into Brittany, Operation Cobra, by two days. Wing Commander W.A. Forbes from 463 Squadron reported that the bombing of Colombelles in direct support of the attacking troops was extremely accurate. Despite the
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effort of the bomber force, Operation Goodwood stalled as a result of enemy resistance and heavy rain that turned the battlefield into a sea of mud. The American offensive, with the support of the strategic bombers of the USAAF 8th Air force, were more successful. The ground victory in Europe was now guaranteed. Bomber Command returned to the strategic bombing campaign in May, attacking enemy oil facilities before turning its attention to the pounding of German cities. As the Luftwaffe fighter strength was eroded, the Command was able to fly daylight raids into Germany, enabling it to attack railway marshalling yards and other transportation and communications centres by day and night. The Australian squadrons were so prominent in these operations that 460 Squadron and 463 Squadron were selected to join the RAF ‘Tiger Force’, the strategic bomber force planned to be deployed to the Pacific to join in the bombing of Japan. However, there were two humanitarian missions that were more gratifying. The former squadron participated in Operation Manna, where much needed supplies and foodstuffs were dropped to Dutch civilians at The Hague, Rotterdam and Leiden. The squadron was also involved in the repatriation of prisoners of war to England. Australian aircrew served with all squadrons of the RAF, and individuals played prominent roles in the strategic bombing campaign and during individual operations. A master navigator, Donald Bennett, had pioneered the trans-Atlantic ferry service before assuming the command of 77 Squadron, RAF. His Halifax was shot down during a low-level attack on the Tirpitz, which was berthed in Trondheim, on the night of 28 April 1942. Bennett bailed out of his burning bomber over Norway and evaded the enemy to reach neutral Sweden, from where he was repatriated back to England. Bennett became famous as the AOC of 8 Group RAF—the famous Pathfinders. The Australian and New Zealand connection was maintained by the codenames given to the various marking techniques employed by 8 Group: ‘wanganui’, for example, specified the method of marking a target with coloured flares that burst at a preset altitude above cloud when weather conditions prevented accurate ground marking. The advent of the Pathfinder Force enabled Bomber Command to achieve a higher degree of bombing accuracy than was previously possible. However, one of the most publicised precision raids of the war did not involve Bennett’s elite crews. On the night of 16–17 May 1943, nineteen specially modified Lancaster aircraft of 617 Squadron took off from Scampton with the aim of breaching the four dams
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located in the upper Rühr and Weser river valleys that supplied hydroelectric power to the industrial cities of the Rühr. They were to use a unique rounded bouncing bomb, designed to ‘skip’ over the surface of the dam’s water and slide down the face of the dam wall. The bomb was developed by Barnes Wallis, the architect of the Wellington bomber. The plan called for nine aircraft, under the squadron commander, Wing Commander Guy Gibson, to attack the Möhne and Eder dams. Five aircraft were to breach the wall of the Sorpe. The remaining five aircraft departed three hours later as reserve to attack the prime targets if required. If not, they were to attempt to breach the Lister, Ennerpe and Diemel. The raid was one of high drama. The little force was the only RAF force over Germany that night. The approach flight over Germany was made at low level, and the actual attack called for precision flying and a cool nerve. To successfully drop the bouncing bombs, the aircraft had to be flown exactly at twenty metres above the water. This was guaranteed by fitting two searchlights on the aircraft, the beams of which converged at that height. The force succeeded in breaching the Möhne and Eder dams. The Australian pilot of the last aircraft, Pilot Officer Les Knight, was aware that he had the last bouncing bomb available. He made a dummy run over the difficult terrain surrounding the Eder dam before obtaining a direct hit. A cascade of water exploded into the valley below the dam, sweeping away bridges, roadway and creating havoc downstream. Eight air-craft—half of the number of the force that actually penetrated enemy territory to complete the raid—were lost during the operation. Thirteen Australian airmen participated in this historic raid, including Flight Lieutenant J.F. Leggo (the squadron navigation officer), Flight Lieutenant R.C. Hay (bombing leader), Flying Officer F.M. Spafford (Gibson’s bomb aimer), Flight Lieutenant (later Air Marshal) H.B. Martin, Flight Lieutenant Dave Shannon, Flight Lieutenant Norm Barlow and his wireless operator/air gunner, Flying Officer Charles Williams and Knight. The ‘Dam Buster’ raid was an atypical Bomber Command operation. It was a romantic, debonair jaunt that, by the audacity of its execution and the perseverance of Barnes Wallis to make it technically possible, has commanded the public imagination ever since. The courage of Bomber Command crews is exemplified by the actions of Flight Sergeant Rawdon Middleton. On the night of 28 November 1942, he was the captain of a Short Stirling bomber of 149 Squadron, RAF that attacked Turin, in northern Italy. After making three deliberate runs over the target, Middleton was wounded.
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A shell splinter hit the right side of his face, destroyed his right eye and exposed the bones over his other eye. He was probably also wounded in the body and legs. Fighting extreme pain, he struggled to control his badly damaged aircraft as it flew across the Alps and occupied France to the refuge of England. Once the aircraft reached the English coast, Middleton insisted that the surviving crew members bail out. He flew the Stirling parallel to the coast to enable five of his crew to escape. The front gunner and flight engineer, after attempting to help Middleton, jumped too late and were drowned. The Stirling crashed into the sea. Middleton’s body was washed up at Shakespeare Beach, Dover on 1 February, and the Pilot Officer (his commission was announced just after his death) was buried with full military honours. His posthumous award of the VC is insufficient acknowledgement to his great personal courage and of his self-sacrifice. Despite exhibiting exemplary courage, the crews of Bomber Command never gained the public acclaim that accrued to the pilots of Fighter Command.
Australians in Fighter Command The influence of Churchillian rhetoric and the obvious success of the RAF during the Battle of Britain, where ‘The Few’ gallantly defended the bastion of English culture against the encroaching barbaric Nazi hordes, left a lasting impression on public opinion. Australian fighter pilots serving with the RAF had contributed to this heroic image. From the early 1930s, the RAAF trained pilots who would then be offered short service commissions with the RAF. Among them was Don Bennett, of Pathfinder fame, and Hugh Edwards, VC. Another officer who joined the RAF under this scheme was Flying Officer Les Clisby. In September 1939, Clisby was a member of 1 Squadron, RAF that deployed its Hawker Hurricane fighters to France as part of the Advance Air Striking Force. After claiming his first victory (a Messerschmitt BF-110 on 31 March 1940), he gained a reputation for unrelentingly prosecuting his attack. This was typified by an incident that occurred on 10 May, when he landed near a Heinkel HE-111 bomber that he had forced down in a French field. Sighting a crew member attempting to escape, he gave chase, bringing down the runaway with a classic rugby tackle, before handing the German airman over to the French authorities. On 14 May 1940, Clisby, in the manner of the First World War hero Albert Ball, VC, was shot down in flames when he engaged an overwhelming number of enemy fighters single-
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handedly. He was credited with sixteen victories. Another Australian who followed a similar path was Flight Lieutenant Paterson ‘Pat’ Hughes. He was a 234 Squadron, RAF, flight commander who made his mark during the Battle of Britain. After sharing three victories, he opened his personal score on 14 August 1940 with a victory over a BF-109. Between 4 and 7 September he destroyed seven Luftwaffe raiders—three Messerschmitt BF-110s on the 4th, two BF-109s next day and another during the following day. This remarkable sequence of success concluded on the 7th, when he destroyed a Dornier DO-17. Hughes had fired at short range to guarantee success. The bomber exploded, and in the wake Hughes could not control his Spitfire. He was killed in the subsequent crash. With a total of fifteen victories, Hughes shared the honour of being the third highest scorer of the Battle of Britain. It was 452 Squadron that was destined to uphold the tradition established by Clisby and Hughes and was the first EATS Article XV Australian fighter squadron to serve in Britain. The squadron was formed as Fighter Command was flying aggressive patrols over France and the Low Countries, escorting bombers on strikes in an attempt to reduce the Luftwaffe strength in France. The squadron, commanded by Squadron Leader R.G. Dutton, RAF, was formed with Spitfire Mk I fighters at Kirton-on-Lindsay, Lincolnshire on 8 April 1941. Dutton’s outstanding work in training the squadron was continued by an Australian, Squadron Leader R.W. Bungey, after he assumed command of the squadron on 15 June. Ably assisted by his flight commanders, the Irish Flight Lieutenant B.E. ‘Paddy’ Finucane and the Welsh Flight Lieutenant A.G. Douglas, Bungey set an outstanding example for the tyro Australian fighter pilots. These included Flight Lieutenant Keith ‘Bluey’ Truscott, Pilot Officer R.E. Thorold-Smith and Sergeant Keith Chisholm, all of whom would subsequently achieve ‘ace’ status (meaning five or more aerial victories). The squadron was declared operational on 22 May 1941, but was involved in defensive patrols. Although uneventful, these operations gave the pilots confidence in their new Spitfire Mk IIa fighters and time to hone gunnery and tactical skills. On 11 June, 452 Squadron combined with other units of 12 Group to support a ‘circus’ operation over the French coast east of Dunkirk. After refuelling at Manston, 452 joined the sweep over France. Eight BF-109 fighters intercepted the formation. During the subsequent action, Finucane destroyed one enemy fighter. However, Sergeant A.C. Roberts’ aircraft fell to the enemy. He parachuted safely before being
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assisted by the French Underground to escape to Spain. This action was followed by routine patrols, so the news that 452 Squadron was to join 11 Group as part of the fighter wing based at Kenley was heartening. Operations over France commenced on 22 July, but it was not until August that the Australians proved their worth. By the end of the month they had been credited with 24 victories. When Douglas was posted to command another squadron, ‘Bluey’ Truscott was appointed a flight commander. He assumed command of the squadron on 25 January 1942, and the Australian tenure in the appointment was continued when Thorold-Smith followed on 18 March. As in World War I, the performance advantage that opponents held over each other depended on type improvement and the introduction of totally new aircraft. The Supermarine Spitfire Mk V that 452 Squadron operated in early 1942 was the equal to the equivalent new variant of the BF-109 fighters, but could not complete with the new Focke-Wulf FW-190 that was being introduced into Luftwaffe service. Thorold-Smith was the first 452 pilot to contact the German radial engine FW-190. On 4 November 1941, the squadron was escorting three Curtis Tomahawks, which were directing the Dover coastal batteries firing across the English Channel. The formation was intercepted by eight BF-109s. Thorold-Smith turned his section hard to port to engage, and scored hits. Seeing tracer fire, he glanced over his shoulder to discover a FW-190 attacking him from a range of fifty metres. The German pilot had shot down Thorold-Smith’s number two. He pulled into a steep climbing turn, pulled back on the throttle, and flicked into a vertical turn in the opposite direction. These manoeuvres positioned the FW-190 slightly below and ahead of the Spitfire. Thorold-Smith fired and had the satisfaction of seeing the enemy fighter crash into the sea. After moving to Redhill on 21 November, the squadron continued operation over France until it was withdrawn from operations in preparation for return to Australia. On 12 October 1941, Chisholm was shot down during a 452 ‘circus’ over Boulogne. He was picked up by a German air-sea rescue launch and finally entered the prisoner of war camp at Lamsdorff, where he met Sergeant A.R. Stuart, another 452 pilot, who had been shot down on 18 September. The two Australians escaped by exchanging identities with two soldiers and escaping from a railway repair party working near the town of Freudental. Chisholm and two soldiers found their way to Brno in Czechoslovakia, where they were recaptured. This was the precursor to a series of amazing adventures. Chisholm escaped from the Gleiwitz work camp into Poland, where members of the
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Cracow resistance gave him safe haven until July 1943. Due to the Gestapo capturing key personnel involved with the Warsaw–Paris underground railway, by which Chisholm was to escape from Poland, alternative arrangements had to be made. A plan where the Australian airman would join fugitive Belgian workmen and be smuggled into their homeland did not eventuate, so Chisholm joined forces with two Dutchmen who were willing to join him in an attempt to reach Belgium. Unfortunately, while walking with Chisholm, one of the Dutchmen was challenged by the Polish police. Although the two men escaped after Chisholm overpowered the policeman and threw him into the Vistula River—the Dutchman urged Chisholm and their companion to proceed without him. This they did, blatantly boarding a military train bound for Brussels, via Berlin. After a delay, the two evaders crossed the border and reached Brussels, where Chisholm waited for a month for a guide to take him to Paris. He reached the French capital on 10 May, and was billeted with the family of a French policeman. He subsequently joined the French Forces of the Interior and fought in the streets of Paris during the uprising that preceded the Allied occupation of the city. Chisholm returned to England on 30 August 1944. The second fighter Squadron, 457, was formed at Bagington on 16 June 1941. During August, under the command of Squadron Leader P.M. Brothers, RAF, the squadron moved to Jurly (and then to Andreas) on the Isle of Man. During this period Australian ground crew members shipped from Williamtown, New South Wales joined it. The operations, mainly uneventful convoy patrols over the Irish Sea, were not popular with the aircrew. The squadron also undertook the training of pilots who went on to serve with 452 Squadron. On 11 December, Spitfire Mk Vc fighters began to arrive in preparation for the squadron’s move to Redhill, where it replaced 452 Squadron. On 26 March, the Kenley Wing escorted 26 Douglas Boston bombers attacking the docks at Le Havre. Squadron Leader Brothers destroyed a BF-109, but Flying Officer B.J. Halse was shot down. The superiority of the FW-190 to the Spitfire V was accentuated during a combat between the Kenley Wing and a formation of about fifty BF-109s and FW-190s over Cape Gris Nez on 28 March. Twelve Australians were flying at 5500 metres when they were engaged. Although Flight Lieutenant R.H.C. Sly claimed to have shot a FW-190 down in flames, 457 lost two pilots in the melee. One pilot was forced to bail out over the channel. Flight Lieutenant W.H. Wright, who had been wounded in the knee, had difficulty landing his damaged Spitfire at Redhill.
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During its two-month operational tour with 11 Group, 457 Squadron had contributed to the escort of light bomber strikes on maritime and tactical targets along the French coast, as well as the attempts made by Fighter Command to bring the Luftwaffe fighter force to battle. The caution of the defenders and the technical superiority of the FW-190 ensured that the defences were not drawn. When combat took place the balance was, in general, favourable to the Luftwaffe. For example, during a raid on the railway station at St Omer on 4 April, eleven Spitfires were shot down with only four enemy aircraft being claimed as destroyed. The squadron was withdrawn to Kirton-on-Lindsay on 31 May, preparatory to returning to Australia. After being mauled in the Singapore campaign, 453 Squadron was re-formed on 18 June 1942 at Drem, on the Firth of Forth. Training followed the familiar pattern followed by the two other Australian squadrons, and it was not until September that the squadron relocated to Hornchurch, in Kent. In September, Squadron Leader J.R. Ratten assumed command of the squadron, replacing Squadron Leader R.V. Morello, RAF, who suffered from continued ill health. Ratten was, in turn, superseded as commander by one of the squadron flight commanders, Squadron Leader Kel Barclay, on 11 May 1943. The squadron now had a full complement of Australian aircrew, one of whom was Flight Lieutenant J.W. ‘Slim’ Yarra, an ‘ace’ who had experienced the heavy fighting over Malta. Hornchurch operations commenced with convoy patrols over the Thames Estuary and sweeps over France. On 31 October, Pilot Officer J. Barrien and Flying Officer G. Galway were members of a standing patrol over the Kentish coast, which engaged a formation of FW-190s. Galway’s Spitfire was destroyed and he was thrown clear of the cockpit. He was able to pull the ripcord of his parachute and landed in the sea. After spending an uncomfortable night in his dinghy, he was picked up by an air-sea rescue launch next morning. The squadron moved to Southend in December, from where it continued to fly a combination of defensive patrols and offensive flights against ground and maritime targets. Low-level strafing attacks of this nature were deadly. On 10 December, ‘Slim’ Yarra and Pilot Officer ‘Bill’ De Cosier were shot down and killed by anti-aircraft fire when six Spitfires attacked four enemy merchantmen near Flushing in Holland. One merchantman was left on fire as a result of the strafing. In April 1943, Spitfire Mk IX fighters replaced the Squadron’s Mk Vs, thus giving the pilots the chance to fight the FW-190 on more even terms. However, before the squadron moved to Ibsley and
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reverted to the older Mk V Spitfire on 28 June, it flew ‘ramrods’ (operations aimed at the destruction of a specific target by a bomber force, escorted by fighters) and escorted Boeing B-17 Flying Fortress bombers of the USAAF 8th Air Force on raids into occupied France. The American connection was personalised during July and August, when four USAAF pilots—Lieutenants R.D. Weast, J.T. Riggins and C.E. Louden, and Captain R.O. Swenning—were attached to the squadron to gain operational experience. In addition to the escort role, the pilots also commenced training in close air support with army units. Training was dangerous, and could prove fatal. On 17 July, two sections were making dummy attacks on armoured vehicles parked beside a road on Salisbury Plain. At the end of the run, the aircraft had to pull up to clear hills. Unfortunately, a telephone line was strung between two of the hills. The section leader, Flight Lieutenant Don Andrews, flew under the wires, clipping off the top of the fin of the aircraft as he did so. The Spitfire struggled for enough height to enable Andrews to invert the aircraft and make a safe parachute descent before it crashed and burned. His number two, Warrant Officer R. Currie, had the pitot head destroyed by the wire, making the airspeed indicator useless. He had to fly in formation with another aircraft, the pilot of which gave instruction on airspeed to ensure that the Spitfire did not stall while landing. Andrews again showed his superb airmanship on 15 August when 453 Squadron escorted Martin B-26 Marauder bombers on a raid to Woensdrecht airfield. On the return flight the formation was intercepted by twelve FW-190s. Andrews was ‘bounced’ and attempted to evade the enemy by diving vertically from 5000 metres. He attempted to gain the sanctuary of the coast, but the constant multidirectional attacks by the twelve FW-190s forced him down. By the time the Australian Spitfire was within sixteen kilometres of the coast, only two enemy fighters remained in contact. Andrews fired at one of his tormentors, which crashed into the sea, before finally landing his bullet-ridden aircraft at Manston. On 8 October, Andrews led seven Spitfires on a patrol over the English Channel that encountered eight BF-110 twin-engine fighters, en route to hunt and destroy Coastal Command aircraft over the Bay of Biscay. During the ensuing dog fight, Pilot Officer C.R. ‘Rusty’ Leith and Flying Officer P.V. McDade each claimed the destruction of two enemy fighters. Flight Lieutenant R.H.S. Ewers destroyed the fifth, but was forced to bail out when the engine of his Spitfire failed. He was picked up from
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the sea by a British destroyer and returned to the squadron next day. Flying Officer Harold Parker was shot down during the action. The squadron moved to Detling in January 1944, where it again received the newer Spitfire Mk IX. It was now attached to 125 Wing, 2nd Tactical Air Force, the close support element of the Allied Expeditionary Air Force that would sustain the army invasion of Europe. Prior to this move the pilots had gained experience at the other end of the flying spectrum: high-altitude interceptions. On 2 December 1943, Flight Lieutenants E.A.R. Esau and L. McAuliffe shared in the destruction of a JU-88. From Detling the Spitfires escorted B-17 and B-24 Liberator bombers returning from raids over Germany; and to prepare themselves for the close support role, most of the pilots trained in air firing and bombing practice at Peterhead in Scotland. The unit was then ready for offensive operations dive-bombing known V-1 robot bomb launch sites (‘No-balls’) in France. The tactic used was to dive from 2500 metres and release a 500-pound bomb from a height of 1200 metres. No-ball sites were not easy targets as antiaircraft defences were intense and accurate. The No-ball site near Abbeville, which was attacked on 14 April 1944, was no exception. ‘Slim’ Yarra’s brother, Bob, was killed after the wings of his Spitfire were torn off and the aircraft disintegrated from a direct hit by a 37-mm shell. At 8.00 am, 6 June 1944, the first of 43 sorties flown by the pilots of 453 Squadron over the Normandy beachhead took off. On the 11th the commander, Squadron Leader Don Smith, led twelve Spitfires over the invasion area, before landing and spending the night at St Criex sur Mer. The Spitfires continued to protect the bridgehead from possible incursions by the Luftwaffe, and claimed five victories over BF-109s before it moved to France on the 25th. Initially, it operated from an advanced landing ground near Longues, from where it continued to combat enemy fighters and to strafe enemy motor vehicles. On at least three occasions Spitfires were forced to land in enemy territory. The first was on 6 July, when Flying Officer Norm Baker successfully evaded the enemy for six weeks after his Spitfire was hit by flak. A week later, Warrant Officer ‘Froggie’ Lyal was captured after belly landing his Spitfire near Failaise. Lyal was captured by the SS, but managed to escape and was liberated by American troops. He returned to the squadron on 13 August. ‘Rusty’ Leith force landed, after sharing a victory over an enemy BF-109 with Warrant Officer Alan Harris, near St Philbert des Champs on 25 July—the day that Operation Cobra, the American Army breakout, commenced. Leith was hidden by patriotic
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Frenchmen until the presence of Canadian troops enabled him to return to the squadron. Until 9 September, 453 Squadron was based on the continent. It then flew to Coltishall in Norfolk. Its final operations were in support of the unsuccessful effort made by the British 30 Corps to relieve the beleaguered British 1st Airborne Division at Arnhem. Thus, for a short period, 451 Squadron was the only Australian single-seat fighter squadron based in Europe. From its base on Corsica, this unit had covered the 15 August Allied forces landing in southern France, before being based in the liberated area at Cuers. The squadron, as will be seen, had flown basic garrison duties in the Middle East, and it was feared that it would follow a similar operational pattern in France. However, during December the squadron personnel, having handed their aircraft over to 251 Wing, RAF, arrived at Hawkinge in southern England, where they received Spitfire Mk XVIs. The two Australian Spitfire squadrons followed a similar operational mode until the end of the war. The most important task was the destruction of mobile German V-2 rocket launching sites and of essential liquid oxygen fuel supplies in Holland, from where the Germans were undertaking a long-range bombardment of England. Both squadrons doubled the bomb load of the Spitfires by carrying two 250pound bombs underwing to augment the 500-pounder slung under the fuselage. As the Spitfire’s range was relatively short, the pilots would strike at a target in Holland, then land in Belgium to refuel and rearm, before reversing the process. Losses to flak were not uncommon: Warrant Officers John Carmichael and Bill Gadd, of 453 Squadron, were both shot down on 21 February 1945 and were hidden by Dutch civilians. Sometimes the Spitfire pilots came too close to V-2 rockets. The commander of 451 Squadron, Squadron Leader C.W. Robertson, had a close encounter with a V-2 rocket, when one, having just been launched, passed within 150 metres of his Spitfire. The aircraft was buffeted by the exhaust gas, and within seconds all that Robertson could see was the vapour trail of the rocket as it accelerated through 15 000 metres. The Australian Spitfire squadrons were selected for duty with the British occupying force in Germany. The first British fighter squadron to serve in Berlin was 453 Squadron. The unit was based at Gatow from 16 September until 18 October 1945, when it moved to Wunsdorf, where it joined 451 Squadron that had arrived on 27 September. Both squadrons remained in Germany until they were disbanded on 21 January 1946.
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The remaining two Australian EATS Article XV squadrons that operated over Europe flew the outstanding wooden De Havilland Mosquito aircraft. The first formed was 456 Squadron, a night fighter unit that initially operated the single-engine Boulton Paul Defiant, then Beaufighter Mk IIF twin-engine fighters from Valley, on the Isle of Anglesea. The Beaufighter was fitted with the Airborne Interception Mk IV (AI Mk IV) radar. Squadron Leader Hamilton and his observer, Pilot Officer Dan Norris-Smith, claimed the unit’s first victory, a Dornier DO-217 bomber, during the night of 10 January 1942. Although the AI radar-equipped Beaufighter was a capable bad weather interceptor, no enemy aircraft were destroyed while undertaking this daylight role. Despite being in a relatively inactive sector, the squadron destroyed a JU-88 on 18 May and a Heinkel HE-111 during July. These victories were achieved in the more powerful Beaufighter Mk VI, but it was not until the squadron was re-equipped with the Mosquito NF-II, fitted with AI Mk V radar in mid-January 1943 and had moved to Middle Wallop, that the unit found its operational niche. Wing Commander K.M. Hampshire assumed command of the squadron on 14 December 1943. Under his inspiring leadership, 456 Squadron flew ‘ranger’ operations, stalking trains on the French rail network and disrupting the transport system. One of the most successful crews employed were Pilot Officer I.G. ‘Peter’ Panitz and his navigator, Flying Officer ‘Dickie’ Williams. After being promoted to the rank of wing commander, Panitz assumed the command of 464 Squadron on 22 June 1944. Tragically, on 22 August 1944, he and Williams did not return from an attack on railway communications located in central France. In February 1944, the squadron moved to Ford, in Sussex, and reverted to a traditional night fighter role to counter Luftwaffe bombing raids on London and southern England. During the period March–May, the squadron destroyed seven Junkers JU-88 and three Junkers JU-188 bombers, and, for variety, a single Messerschmitt ME-410 night fighter. On 6 June, the squadron flew night patrols over the Normandy beachhead. Flying Officer Ron Pratt and Flight Lieutenant Stew Smith obtained a radar contact on an Heinkel HE-177, which they destroyed. An hour later Flying Officer Fred Stevens and Pilot Officer Andy Kellett shot down another HE-177 heavy bomber. Another HE-177 was destroyed by the commanding officer; and Pilot Officer ‘Butch’ Hodgen and his English navigator, Flight Sergeant A. McCormick, claimed the destruction of a fourth. The Australians noted that the German bombers were each fitted with two glider bombs, an
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anti-shipping weapon, that was a real threat to the invasion fleet. The squadron Mosquitoes were then used exclusively to counter the incursion of V-1s over southern England. Being small, and with a speed of up to 650 kph, the flying bombers were a difficult target. The radar sites along the south-east coast were capable of detecting the incoming missiles at a range of 80 kilometres, which gave the intercepting fighters a six-minute window in which to intercept. Once the incoming flying bomb had crossed the coast, its position would be passed on a common radio frequency by ground controllers to intercepting fighters. Once a sighting was made, the Mosquito would dive at 500 kph to as low as 300 metres, opening fire at a range of 200 to 300 metres. By July, the defensive system and the threat to the V-1 launching sites in France forced the Luftwaffe to modify Heinkel HE-111 bombers from which two V-1s could be air launched from over the North Sea. To counter this, 456 Squadron flew patrols over the sea. On 19 November, Flying Officers Doug Arnold and John Stickley claimed the unit’s first victory, shooting down a HE-111 just after it had launched its missiles. Mosquito NF-30 aircraft were delivered to 456 Squadron in December 1943. During the early months of 1944, the squadron commenced training for bomber support operations from Church Fenton. From this base it moved to Bradwell Bay. However, before the squadron began operating in its new role, it was called on to counter Luftwaffe intruders that were targeting Northumberland and Oxfordshire RAF Bomber Command bases. On 3 March, the German intruders succeeded in shooting down 22 RAF bombers. But it was a short-lived success for, on the following night, the Luftwaffe lost twenty fighters. Although 456 Squadron scrambled five Mosquitoes, it only had two inconclusive contacts. These activities were a diversion from bomber support operations that commenced on 27 March. The Mosquitoes patrolled over enemy night fighter bases to shoot down enemy fighters as they took off or landed. A second priority was to attack targets of opportunity, such as railway locomotives. There is another claim of which 456 Squadron can be justifiably proud. When it introduced the Mosquito NF-II, the crew entrance door of their aircraft proudly portrayed the ‘kangaroo in motion’ motif that was, in 1956, accepted as the official roundel of all RAAF aircraft. While 456 Squadron was training in the north, Wing Commander R.H. Young was forming 464 Squadron at Feltwell, in Norfolk. The squadron’s first operation set the tone for the future. On 6 December 1942, Young led a force of 47 Ventura bombers from 464, 487 and 21 Squadrons, 36 Bostons and 10 Mosquitoes to attack the Phillips
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Radio factory at Eindhoven. This factory produced over one-third of Germany’s requirement for radio valves. After attacking at low level, evading low-flying birds and accurate anti-aircraft fire, the destruction caused by Young’s force stopped production at the plant for six months. The cost was thirteen aircraft, three from 464 Squadron. Until June 1943, the Venturas attacked transport targets, oil refineries and airfields in Belgium, France and Holland. The performance of the Ventura in this role was unsatisfactory. Consequently, the squadron was transferred to Fighter Command and allotted to the 2nd Tactical Air Force. It was then re-equipped with the Mosquito FB Mk VI, armed with four nose-mounted 20-mm cannon and four 500-pound bombs, in June 1943. The squadron specialised in low-level attacks on enemy power stations, V-1 sites and intruder operations. Low-level attacks by Mosquitoes that involved 464 Squadron have become legendary. The first was the famous Amiens prison raid of 18 February 1944. The aim of this operation was to enable 180 members of the French Resistance to escape, and thus avoid execution by the Germans. A force of nineteen Mosquito aircraft, led by the commander of 140 Wing, Group Captain P.C. Pickard, who flew with 464 Squadron, were assigned the task of breaching the prison wall and striking at the guards’ accommodation. The formation swept over the coast at fifteen metres, before turning north of Amiens to follow the poplar-lined Albert to Amiens road that led direct to the prison. Wing Commander R.W. Iredale led the 464 Squadron contingent. Its target was the guards’ quarters. The results were outstanding, but Pickard did not live to garner the fruits of his leadership. A defending FW-190 fighter shot him down. Squadron Leader A.J. McRitchie flew the second 464 Squadron aircraft to be lost. His navigator, Flight Lieutenant R.W. Sampson, RNZAF, was killed when their Mosquito was hit by flak. McRitchie, suffering from a paralysed right arm and temporary blindness, crash landed the aircraft and was captured. The Mosquitoes reverted to No-ball attacks and ranger missions to prepare the ground for the Normandy invasion. During the consolidation phase of the invasion, it harassed German transports and, on the night of 30 June, joined with 487 Squadron to attack the 9th and 10th Waffen-SS Panzer Divisions that were moving from Paris to reinforce the German defenders at Normandy in the town of Villers Bocage. These operations forced the German Army to mount light anti-aircraft guns on modified rolling stock. Flying Officer Horace Woodward and his navigator, Ern Dunkley, were hit by flak while attacking a train north of Tours. The Mosquito lost an engine and was badly damaged;
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the crew were forced to bail out, luckily over Allied territory. The squadron continued to support the Allied forces’ expansion out of the bridgehead, doing its utmost to inhibit the German retreat. Targets included strikes on ammunition trains in the Chagny marshalling yards on 22 August (Panitz and Williams were shot down and killed during this raid) and targets in Germany. On the night of 31 August, Flying Officers P. Geldart and B.V. Goldswain strafed a stationary ammunition train near Saarbrucken. Three larges explosions were seen, and Warrant Officer Ivo de Souza and his navigator, Sergeant E.F.G. Dean, also had similarly spectacular success. They obtained a direct bomb hit on a locomotive as it was crossing a bridge, and several carriages were seen to fall into the river below. However, the success of these operations was overshadowed by three low-level attacks, the first on the Gestapo headquarters at Aarhus, the second on the Shellhus in Copenhagen and a third on Odense, also in Denmark. On 30 October, Mosquitoes of 140 Wing departed from Swanton Morley for the 2000-kilometre round trip to attack three of the colleges at Aarhus University in Denmark. These buildings housed personnel and the records of the notorious Danish Gestapo. The 26 aircraft were each armed with two 500-pound bombs and 100-pound incendiaries to ensure that the Gestapo records would be burned as a result of the attack. Although the Air Officer Commanding 2nd Tactical Air Force, Air Vice Marshal Basil Embry, participated under the pseudonym of Wing Commander Smith, the strike was under the overall leadership of Wing Commander R.W. Reynolds, who flew a 464 Squadron aircraft. Flying at tree-top level in line astern, the formation achieved complete surprise. The bombing was so precise that the missiles were seen to enter through the doors and windows of the buildings. Although the subsequent attacking waves of Mosquitoes had difficulty sighting the target due to the dust and smoke, the bombing accuracy was outstanding. Two of the colleges were completely destroyed, and other buildings that housed German troops were severely damaged, while the nearby hospital went unscathed. The second strike against Gestapo facilities, though, resulted in the loss of two of 464 Squadron’s Mosquitoes. The target was the Shellhus in Copenhagen. Eighteen Mosquitoes departed from Fersfield, Norfolk, before rendezvousing with an escort of P-51 Mustang fighters to fly across the North Sea, Jutland and the Kattegat for Copenhagen. At 11.14 am on 20 March 1945, Group Captain R.N. Bateson led the first strike, leaving the building ablaze. The second strike included Embry, who escaped by flying below building-top level down one of
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the city streets. But one of the 21 Squadron Mosquitoes hit a light tower. The damaged aircraft was last seen to climb vertically, then crash along a city boulevard behind the Jeanne d’Arc school. Although the other two Mosquitoes took violent evasive action and bombed the Shellhus, the burning Mosquito, and the explosion of its bombs and ammunition, diverted the attacks of five aircraft. Tragically, 86 innocent children were killed as a result. The 464 Squadron leader, Wing Commander R.W. ‘Bob’ Iredale, attested to the difficulty of identifying the target. He bombed accurately, but the confusion caused by the burning Mosquito in the close proximity of the Shellhus made target identification difficult. The crews of several aircraft, identifying the mistake and noting that the Shellhus had been destroyed, did not bomb. The whole raid lasted a mere five minutes. Two 464 Squadron crews, Flying Officer R.G. ‘Shorty’ Dawson and Fergus ‘Fergie’ Murray, RAFVR, and Flying Officer J.H. ‘Spike’ Palmer and SubLieutenant Herman Becker, Royal Norwegian Air Force, were lost when their aircraft ditched in the North Sea during the return flight. The third operation against Gestapo facilities occurred on 17 March. Six aircraft, again led by Bateson, departed from Melsbroeck in Belgium, with a bomb load of 1000 kilos slung in the bomb bays and under the wings. The target was a camouflaged former agricultural school on the Island of Fy, north-west of Odense. The raid was undertaken with the wing’s usual precision, but the lone 464 Squadron participants, Flight Lieutenant ‘Mac’ McClelland and Sergeant Jack Barr, suffered damage. The bomb blast damaged one engine, and McClelland made a precautionary landing at Eindhoven. On the night of 2 May 1945, Flight Lieutenant Hal Hobson and Flight Sergeant Jack Barnard, along with Flight Lieutenant Wallace Killingworth and Flight Sergeant Don Watson, flew the 3076th, and final, operational sortie of 464 Squadron. Australian airmen and RAAF units, while serving in Great Britain and over Europe, suffered a total of 5397 fatal casualties. The European theatre was only one in which Australians heeded the call of empire. Thousands more served in the Mediterranean Sea, the Middle East and Burma.
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The desert campaigns, 1939–43 On 20 September 1939, the Australian Government approved the plan to raise a six-squadron air expeditionary force for service overseas. Although this plan was later negated by the decision in November that RAAF resources should be employed to ensure the success of the Empire Air Training Scheme, a RAAF flying unit was deployed to the Middle East to assist the 6th Division of the Second Australian Imperial Force as an element of General Wavell’s army that was protecting the Suez Canal and Egypt. This unit was 3 Squadron, which had been flying Hawker Demon two-seat biplane fighters from Richmond. Under the command of Squadron Leader I.D. McLachlan, the squadron personnel departed from Sydney aboard the Orontes on 5 July 1940. The personnel arrived at Port Tewfik on 20 August. They commenced training with Westland Lysander army cooperation aircraft at Ismailia, before moving to Helwan, south of Cairo, on 16 September. At Helwan 3 squadron was finally equipped with two flights of Gloster Gladiator biplane fighters, four Gloster Gauntlet biplane fighters, and a flight of army cooperation Lysander aircraft from RAF sources. The Gladiator pilots trained in air fighting tactics, the Gauntlets were used as improvised dive-bombers and the Lysander crews practised for their tactical reconnaissance role, before the Gladiators and the Gauntlets were flown to Gerawla, east of Mersa Matruh, early in November. The squadron fought the Italian Air Force (Regia Aeronautica) for the first time on 19 November 1940. Flight Lieutenant B.R. Pelly, escorted by Squadron Leader P.R. Heath, and Flying Officers A.C. Alan Rawlinson and H.H. Alan Boyd, was reconnoitring east of Rabia, when the formation was intercepted by eighteen Fiat CR-42 fighters.
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The Australian Gladiators, for the loss of the popular Heath, claimed to have shot down or damaged six Italian fighters. From this time until the commencement, on 9 December, of Wavell’s offensive to force the Italians from Sidi Barrani, the squadron maintained three fighters on stand-by to counter any enemy aerial incursions. The fighters were not required, but the unit did undertake practice dive-bombing exercises with the Western Desert Force. In a brilliant campaign, General Richard O’Connor forced the more numerous Italian forces from the fortress of Bardia and captured Tobruk. After cutting off the retreating Italian Army at Beda Fomm on 7 February, the Western Desert force was poised to attack Tripoli. However, the situation that developed in Greece during January 1941 resulted in the weakening of the desert force to bolster the Greek Army against German invasion. The Regia Aeronautica proved ineffectual in combating the superiority of the three RAF fighter squadrons, one of which was the Gladiator-equipped 3 Squadron, which, for the loss of five Gladiators and two pilots (Flight Lieutenant C.B. Gaden and Flying Officer J.C. Campbell), was credited with the destruction of twelve enemy aircraft. During February the Australian squadron was equipped with Hawker Hurricane monoplane fighters and, from its base at Benina, was assigned the task of defending Benghazi from attacks by Luftwaffe aircraft based in Sicily and Tripolitania. Due to the lack of early warning facilities and the Luftwaffe tactics of attacking just before dawn or after dusk, 3 Squadron could claim only one success—on 15 February, Flying Officer J.H.W. Saunders succeeded in destroying a Junkers JU-88. Luftwaffe operations indicated that General Erwin Rommel, who had arrived in Tripoli during the later days of February with the Afrika Korps to assist the Italians, would not be prepared to accept a passive role. On 24 March, he initiated an offensive which resulted in the capture of Benghazi on 3 April, and the subsequent retreat of the British forces to the vicinity of Bardia by the 11th, leaving the 9th Australian Division surrounded in Tobruk. The RAF fighter squadrons had limited success in covering the retreat and protecting the British forces from the Luftwaffe. During the ten-day, 800-kilometre retreat, 3 Squadron operated from nine separate bases. After evacuating from Benini on 3 April, it undertook a fighting withdrawal. Although it was impossible to supply adequate cover for the retreating troops, the squadron did claim some victories against the Luftwaffe. Eight Hurricanes destroyed five Junkers JU-87s during the afternoon of 5 April while they were covering the withdrawal of the 2nd Armoured
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Division near Charruba. An hour later Flight Lieutenant J.R. ‘Jock’ Perrin led a formation of nine Hurricanes that surprised twelve JU-87s and claimed the destruction of nine of the enemy. On 14 April, the squadron was operating from Sidi Barrani when Flying Officer W.S. ‘Wulf’ Arthur and Lieutenant A.A. Tennant (South African Air Force) combined to shoot down two twin-engined BF-110s near Tobruk. The following day Squadron Leader Peter Jeffrey shot down a Junkers JU-52 transport and successfully strafed three more that had just landed near the Bardia–Capuzzo road. The Australian squadron was withdrawn to Aboukir, for rest, on 20 April. The reverses in the Western Desert, the fall of Greece and the invasion of Crete marked the nadir of British fortunes in the Middle East and Mediterranean. There was no respite for the hard-pressed Wavell and his forces. As 3 Squadron was being withdrawn for rest, the situation in Vichy French-controlled Syria compelled military action to prevent the potential that German aircraft could refuel at Syrian bases and threaten the oilfields of Persia and Iraq. Wavell, who was preparing for Operation Battleaxe, an offensive to be mounted in June with the aim of relieving Tobruk, was ordered, in combination with Free French Forces, to invade Syria to prevent any such incursions. The force assigned for the Syrian campaign comprised the 7th Australian Division, the 5th Indian Brigade, some composite mechanised units and the Free French Division. A light-bomber squadron, one army cooperation and one fleet air arm squadron, as well as two and a half fighter squadrons supplied air support. Having converted to the American Curtis P-40 Tomahawk fighter at Lyddia in Palestine, 3 squadron was to play a prominent role in the campaign. Their first operation was a strike by five Tomahawks that left six French Morane fighters destroyed on the ground at the Rayak airfield on 8 June. That afternoon four Tomahawks escorted Bristol Blenheims that attacked oil tanks at Beirut. The squadron flew various roles over the next two weeks: interceptions, naval patrols, tactical reconnaissance, close air support of the ground troops and bomber escort duties, all of which gave the opportunity to engage the enemy in combat. On 14 June, Peter Jeffery led eight Tomahawks into combat against a like number of JU-88s (with Italian markings) during which three of the German bombers were shot down. The Anglo-French advance proceeded quickly until 12 June, when the Australians were halted by Vichy French counterattacks near Merdjayoun. The Free French had advanced to within sixteen kilometres of Damascus, and the British fighter units supported both forces
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by offensive patrolling. On the 15th, 3 Squadron reconnaissance flight sighted twelve Vichy tanks and 30 motor vehicles near Sheikh Meskine, and Jeffrey and Flying Officer Peter Turnbull each destroyed a Vichy Glenn Martin bomber. Attacks on enemy targets in the Kuneitra area failed to prevent the Vichy French ground forces from threatening the British line of communications. The Vichy Air Force was active, and the demand for protective patrols by the limited British fighter force could not be met. The hardening of Vichy French resistance led to a reorganisation and reinforcement of the attacking forces. Lieutenant General Lavarack assumed command of I Australian Corps, which had been augmented by a brigade from the 6th British Division and an independent force (Habforce) moved from Iraq to threaten Palmyra. Air reinforcements consisted of the combined 260 Hurricane squadron (comprising RAF pilots and RAAF ground crew) and a Blenheim bomber squadron, thus enabling 3 Squadron to be allocated to support the Australian Corps. The Australian Tomahawks attacked tactical targets and the aggressive strafing of enemy airfields destroyed many enemy aircraft on the ground. Tomahawks also escorted the Blenheims on raids to assist Habforce. On the 28th, nine 3 Squadron Tomahawks escorted Blenheims on a raid before intercepting and shooting down all six enemy Glen Martin bombers that were attacking Habforce units. Flight Lieutenant Alan Rawlinson was credited with three victories; Peter Turnbull was credited with the destruction of two bombers and Sergeant R.K. Wilson claimed the remaining bomber. However, action was not always in the Australians’ favour. On 10 July, they were escorting Blenheims on a raid near Hammara when five Dewoitine fighters, attacking from below the formation, shot down three of the Blenheims before the Tomahawks could intervene. But retribution was swift. Peter Turnbull shot down two Dewoitines and Flying Officer John Jackson, Pilot Officer E.H. Lane and Sergeant G.E. Hiller claimed one each. When Syrian operations were suspended on 12 July, 3 Squadron moved to protect Beirut from possible German air reaction from bases in the Dodecanese Islands and Crete, before returning to the Western Desert, where it resumed operations from Sidi Haneish on 3 September. Many of the original pilots, like Rawlinson, Perrin and Turnbull, returned to Australia toward the end of 1941. In May, Squadron Leader Gordon Steege had been posted from 3 Squadron to assume the command of 450 Squadron, which finally became operational with Australian ground and aircrews in January 1942. The
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dilution of experience within 3 Squadron continued with the appointment, on 13 June 1941, of Flight Lieutenant B.R. Pelly to command the newly arrived 451 Squadron. When Pelly returned to Australia he passed the command to Squadron Leader V.A. Pope, RAF on 25 June 1941. Despite its lack of experience, the unit built its proficiency during a series of artillery shoots, photographic and tactical reconnaissance sorties. Operation Battleaxe proved a failure and the lull in ground operations resulted in 451 Squadron flying only 372 sorties in the period 1 July–14 October. On 9 August, Pope inaugurated photographic sorties to photograph the German positions surrounding Tobruk, and plans were made for a detachment of two Hurricanes from the squadron to operate from within the perimeter. These aircraft operated for some months, where, despite almost daily aerial reconnaissance missions and air raids, the Axis forces were never aware of the underground shelters in which they were housed. Despite increasing Luftwaffe activity in September—the squadron lost six aircraft—the unit was able to report the presence of enemy tanks near Acroma on 11 September and to closely monitor the movements of this column as it advanced to Rabia and then its withdrawal to its start line. Operation Crusader, the offensive planned by General Auchinleck, the new Commander-in-Chief of the Allied Forces in the Middle East, to destroy the German Army’s armoured forces, relieve Tobruk and clear Tripolitania, commenced on 18 November. Both the Australia fighter squadrons were involved in the preparatory and subsequent operations. The RAF fighter squadrons were reorganised into three groups: one party would move to a forward airfield to prepare for the arrival of the aircraft; a second party would maintain the aircraft and then follow and relieve the first party that would then be available to move further forward. These two groups preceded the third group— the headquarters, workshops, stores and transport—thus ensuring the mobility of the squadron. Given the fluidity of the subsequent actions in North Africa, this proved a sensible arrangement. Although the BF-109F flown by the Luftwaffe was superior to the desert-modified British Tomahawk and Hurricane fighters, the Luftwaffe did not seriously impair the tactical reconnaissance operations of 451 Squadron or engage 3 Squadron fighter sweeps. On 22 November, two aerial battles were fought that established the superiority of the British fighter units. During the morning 3 Squadron escorted a formation of Blenheim bombers when they were intercepted by fifteen BF-109s. In the ensuing melee, three Tomahawks and two BF-109s were shot
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down. That afternoon 3 Squadron joined with 112 Squadron, RAF, in a battle with twenty BF-109s. Although the Germans had the height and speed advantage, the two formations assumed defensive circling manoeuvres, with individual pilots seeking to exploit any momentary vulnerability of their opponents. Being further from their home bases that the British, the German fighters, due to lack of fuel, were forced to break the stalemate by disengaging and flying west. Although the ebb and flow of the ground battle between the Eighth Army and the Afrika Korps fluctuated between the combatants, the Axis aerial situation, despite the balance of aircraft losses being in favour of the Luftwaffe, did not, in general terms, threaten RAF freedom of action during the campaign. The 451 Squadron Hurricanes, allotted to undertake tactical reconnaissance for XIII Corps, did so with little interference from enemy aircraft. The squadron did, however, lose personnel as a result of the fluid ground battle. On 27 November, Flight Lieutenant Carmichael, Sergeant ‘Nil’ Fisher, Corporal Keith Taylor and Aircraftman Don Bailey, Arthur Baines, ‘Tubby’ Ward and five other airmen were captured by an enemy column that attacked the landing site at Sidi Azeies. The fighters however, were able to give substantial cover to the ground forces. For example, on the afternoon of 25 November Peter Jeffery led 3 and 112 Squadrons over Sidi Rezegh, where they encountered an enemy formation of 70 BF-110s and JU-87s that were attacking New Zealand troops. The RAF Squadron engaged the top cover of German and Italian fighters, while 3 Squadron attacked the BF-110s and JU-87s. Much to the delight of the ground troops, the Tomahawk pilots dispatched seven of the enemy, probably destroyed one and damaged another eight, for the loss of one Tomahawk. The British force destroyed a total of ten enemy aircraft. Early in December, 3 Squadron re-equipped with the Curtis P-40E Kittyhawk. This aircraft was a development of the basic P-40, but was more heavily armed than its predecessors. In the meantime 450 Squadron had deployed to Gambut Main, where it joined the Desert Air Force on 16 February 1942. Six days later Sergeant R. Shaw claimed its first aerial victory: a JU-88 shot down in flames. Rommel, with his usual resilience, mounted a counterattack in January 1942. The Eighth Army withdrew to Gazala, where Auchinleck planned to hold the Germans prior to initiating a British offensive. The defence was based on a series of strong points such as Bir Hacheim and Knightsbridge, which, together with the armoured killing ground that became known as ‘The Cauldron’, was synonymous with the heavy
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fighting. The two Australian fighter squadrons, 3 and 450, were active from the opening of the battle on 27 May. During that day 3 Squadron Kittyhawks dropped 22 250-pound bombs, damaging several tanks. Consequent actions were a mix of ground attack sorties in support of the British Army or protecting the same from the incursions of the Luftwaffe: the Free French defensive position at Bir Hacheim was the target for 350 enemy sorties per day. The statistics for operations flown on 16 June indicate the intensity of the Australian squadrons’ effort. From only thirteen aircraft available, 3 Squadron flew 62 operational sorties while 450 Squadron flew 25 bomber escort missions and then another fifteen fighter-bomber missions later in the day. After the bloody battles of June, the Eighth Army was forced to withdraw under the wings of the Desert Air Force to a defensive position with its right flank resting on the Mediterranean Sea and its left protected by the impassable Qattara Depression. On 1 July Rommel opened the first Battle of El Alamein, advancing toward El Alamein and the approaches to El Ruweisat. The Desert Air Force opposed this advance with vigour. The two Australian squadrons flew with Boston light bombers to attack Deir el Shein, fighting a running battle with BF-109s during the outward journey that resulted in the loss of a Kittyhawk. With the priority given to close support of the troops on the ground and the interdiction of German transport, aerial victories were few. One was claimed on 4 July—a relatively typical operational day during the battle. The two Australian units reconnoitred the coastal road to Daba and strafed a supply column near Ras Gibeisa. That afternoon they bombed landing grounds west of Daba before 450 Squadron machine-gunned a long column of enemy transport on the road. Flight Sergeant D.H. McBurnie shot down a BF-110 reconnaissance aircraft. To finalise the operations for the day, 3 Squadron bombed trucks at Sidi Abd el Rahman and 450 Squadron spied on enemy movements as far west as Fuka. Although 3 and 450 Squadrons were active in covering the British retreat, 451 was withdrawn to Haifa in Palestine during February 1942. During March the squadron deployed to Cyprus to protect the island from high-flying German reconnaissance aircraft. The squadron removed the armour and half the guns to lighten the Hurricanes to improve their performance. One pilot, Flight Lieutenant R.T. Hudson, claimed to have flown his Hurricane to an altitude of 12 000 metres (2000 metres above the fighter’s normal service ceiling), but only one success was claimed. Flying Officers Lin Terry and Jack Cox combined to shoot down an Italian Cant 107-C reconnaissance aircraft. On
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8 January 1943, the unit moved to Mersa Matruh, from where they were involved in mundane patrols over the Nile Delta. Even the attachment of three Supermarine Spitfires did not improve morale. In the first six months of 1943, the unit had a single action. On 22 February, a JU-88 had the better of a brief fight. On 23 July 1943, 451 Squadron lost three of six Hurricanes that had joined a strike force of Martin Baltimore light bombers, Beaufighters and Spitfires on an ineffective strike on targets on Crete. The squadron was re-equipped with Spitfires and commenced a new phase of operations from Poretta, Corsica on 23 April 1944, when it escorted a formation of 24 North American B-25 Mitchell bombers to attack a railway bridge at Orvieto, Italy. During the return flight the formation was intercepted, and Flying Officer Wallis claimed a share in the destruction of a FW-190 fighter. Even though the majority of the bomber escort and armed reconnaissance flights from Poretta were unopposed, the Luftwaffe was still capable of making its presence felt. On the night of 11 May, a JU-88 dropped anti-personnel bombs on Poretta, killing two pilots and six of the squadron ground staff. In the air the Luftwaffe was less deadly. On 25 May, Flight Lieutenants House, Thomas and Bray each claimed the destruction of a FW-190 after a sharp encounter over Roccalbegna, north of Rome, accounting for three of the seven enemy aircraft shot down by 451 Squadron during the month. Another highlight was the covering of the landing by French commandos on the island of Elba. Squadron Leader W.W.B. Gale assumed the command of 451 Squadron early in July, but was shot down a week later while engaged in a reconnaissance flight over the bridges spanning the Arno River between Florence and Empoli. Squadron Leader G.W. Small assumed command on 7 July. Next day the squadron moved to St Catherine, from where it flew fighter sweeps over Marseilles and Toulon prior to flying cover for the Allied landing on the coast of southern France on 15 August. The unit moved to St Cuer, from where, as has been already noted, it deployed to Hawkinge. While 451 Squadron was stalled in Palestine, the two other Australian fighter squadrons were withdrawn for rest before participating in the second Battle of El Alamein. During this period Flying Officer A.W. ‘Nicky’ Barr enhanced his reputation. On 11 January 1942, he claimed victories over a single Italian Fiat G-50, and two BF-109s. During the combat Barr was wounded in the legs, and his Kittyhawk was badly damaged, forcing Barr to crash land behind enemy lines. Assisted by the local tribesmen, Barr was able to gain information on
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enemy dispositions that proved valuable after his return to the unit. Barr was promoted to the rank of squadron leader and assumed temporary command of 3 Squadron. On 30 May, Nicky made a spectacular high-speed crash landing, but was able to return to the Allied lines on foot, having passed though a tank battle en route. However, on 25 June Barr, badly wounded, bailed out of his severely battle-damaged Kittyhawk. He was captured, but managed to escape from captivity. In an eight-month period evading recapture in Austria and Italy, he eluded the enemy again and again, finally becoming involved with an Allied Airborne Special Services unit, for which he was awarded the Military Cross. He had previously been awarded a DFC and bar, and remains, with a score of twelve enemy aircraft to his credit, the highest scoring 3 Squadron pilot of the Second World War. At the end of September the Kittyhawks reverted to the fighterbomber role, when they attacked Axis positions near Sidi Abd el Rahman and Ghazal. Sorties during October were a mixture of interceptions, fighter-bomber and bomber-escort missions. These missions enabled the respective commanders of 3 and 450 Squadrons, Squadron Leaders R.H. ‘Bobby’ Gibbes and J.E.A. Williams, to blood new pilots, thus ensuring that the units were at peak efficiency for duties during the forthcoming battle at El Alamein. General Montgomery began the battle on 23 October 1942, but it was not until 4 November that the Axis forces were in full retreat. The British fighter units escorted light bomber formations, undertook tactical reconnaissance flights and strikes against Luftwaffe bases. Throughout the battle, the Luftwaffe resisted stoutly, despite the longrange efforts of the Kittyhawks to disturb their airfields. Although profitable, these operations were not without cost; 450 Squadron lost its commander when he was forced down near Buq Buq on 31 October. Williams was captured and, like Catanach, was imprisoned in Stalag Luft III, one of the Gestapo victims to be executed as a result of his efforts in the ‘Great Escape’. Once the Eighth Army broke through the Axis lines, the Desert Air Force was utilised to hinder the enemy retreat. Between 6 and 19 November, the fighter units were based at seven separate airfields. One task was escorting light bomber formations. On 9 November, Sergeant Dave Borthwick, of 450 Squadron, was part of the high cover for a formation of Bostons when he was shot down. Although wounded, he managed to parachute to the relative safety of the desert. On landing, he used his parachute material to bind his wounds. Despite his bindings, he could not walk, and crawled on hands and one leg for four
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days, eating beetles and licking the early morning dew from desert plants to sustain him. He finally found an Arab tomb, and was discovered by a King’s Royal Rifle Regiment patrol. He had lost 25 kilos in weight during his ordeal. Borthwick was awarded an MID for his fortitude. So keen was the fighter force that on 9 November the advance parties of the 3 and 450 Squadron’s ‘B’ echelons appear to have been leading the whole Allied Forces pursuit. For example, a 3 Squadron party was located to the west of Sidi Barrani when they were strafed by BF-109s while watching the forward element of the Eighth Army’s armoured spearhead advancing behind them. Similarly, a 450 Squadron ‘B’ echelon was advised by the surprised armoured column commander who found them that it may be wiser for them to wait on the fall of Sidi Barrani before proceeding to the airfield. The advance from Amiriya, near Alexandria, was so rapid that 3 Squadron had advanced 800 kilometres in ten days and operated from five separate airfields. On 18 December the Australians had reached the airfield at Marble Arch in Libya. The effort was marred by the loss of five 3 Squadron ground crew members, the victim of an enemy landmine that had been laid near the landing field. Despite the Allied landing in Morocco during November 1942, ensuring that the Axis forces in North Africa could not recover the initiative in the theatre, hard fighting ensued before the final African victory. The Australians had a reputation of making every effort to rescue downed pilots during the campaign—successful rescues had been previously completed by, among others, Peter Jeffery and Flying Officer Lou Spence—and the effort of Bobby Gibbes to rescue Sergeant Rex Bayley on 21 December 1942 is an excellent example of the hazards involved. Six 3 Squadron aircraft successfully strafed the German airfield at Hun, leaving six enemy fighters destroyed in their wake. Defending anti-aircraft fire shot down two of the attackers. One of the victims was Rex Bayley, who, after successfully crash landing his Kittyhawk, radioed that he was unhurt. Gibbes, despite Bayley’s protestations, landed his aircraft. After releasing the half-full drop tank from the Kittyhawk’s fuselage, Gibbes unstrapped himself from the cockpit and moved the ejected tank from under the aircraft. When Bayley arrived, Gibbes removed his own parachute and sat on his lap. The take-off was hazardous. There was only 300 metres available before the ground dropped off into a wadi. Under full power, the Kittyhawk became airborne, but not before the port wheel of the undercarriage was demolished when it hit the earth on the opposite
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side of the wadi. On landing at Marble Arch, Gibbes skilfully balanced the aircraft on its remaining starboard wheel on landing. The aircraft ground looped, but suffered only minor damage. Incidentally, Gibbes was himself shot down on 14 January 1943, but evaded capture for five days before returning to Allied lines. The Allies accepted the final surrender of Axis forces in Tunisia on 13 May 1943. During the March 1943 breakthrough of Rommel’s defensive line at Mareth, the squadrons flew similar roles to those at El Alamein, and contributed to the inability of the Luftwaffe to resupply and protect the Axis troops in Tunisia. For 3 Squadron to have been— with the exception of Operation Battleaxe—involved in every major operation during the North African campaign was a proud achievement. With over 200 victories, it was the highest scoring Desert Air Force squadron. 450 Squadron had, with less opportunity, also made its mark. In sixteen months of operations this squadron destroyed 47 enemy aircraft in air-to-air combat, and, to give some credence to the varied role of fighter-bombers with the Desert Air Force, destroyed 584 enemy motor vehicles. Australian fighter pilots also served with the RAF. The most outstanding was Clive Robertson Caldwell, who, with 28 confirmed victories, was the highest scoring Australian ‘ace’ of the Second World War. By the time he arrived back in Australia during September 1942, he had scored at least twenty victories and commanded 112 Squadron, RAF. He was acknowledged as a superb shot, and his ‘shadow shooting’ technique—a pilot would fire live rounds at the ground shadow of an accompanying aircraft, thus honing his skills in deflection shooting as well as allowing for the time taken for the projectiles and targets to meet at the same spot (leading the target). He was awarded a DSO, DFC and bar and the Polish Cross of Valour while in the Middle East. A contemporary was John Lloyd Waddy, who served in 250 Squadron, RAF, and 4 Squadron, South African Air Force (SAAF), before returning to Australia in February 1943. During his service in the Middle East he was awarded a DFC and scored twelve aerial victories.
Australian bomber squadrons in the Middle East Before returning to the vicissitudes of the Australian fighter squadrons and their role in the campaigns in Sicily and Italy, the operations of the Australian bomber units in the Middle East must be related. The
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first Wellingtons and crews of 458 Squadron departed from Stanton Harcourt on 22 February 1942, bound for Malta and Egypt. The aircraft flown by the squadron commander, Wing Commander N.G. Mulholland, overshot Malta and was shot down by enemy fighters. The Wellingtons, on arrival, were rapidly refuelled and new crews embarked to fly them to Egypt. The 458 Squadron ferry crews often remained at Malta for lengthy periods before proceeding to the Nile Delta. On arrival the aircrew were employed with 37, 70, 104, 108 and 148 Squadrons, RAF. Early in August 1942 Sergeant Alec Barras was one of four survivors of a Wellington that had been forced to land in the desert after raiding Tobruk. He led the survivors on a remarkable trek to safety—700 kilometres in 22 days—for which he was awarded the Military Medal. After experiencing a nine-week journey around the Cape of Good Hope to Egypt, the ground crew were split up, many specialists serving with the hard-pressed RAF units. Another 110 men, under the leadership of Flying Officer R.C. Chessell, were employed servicing the new American Consolidated B-24 Liberator bombers at Lydda. It was not until 1 September that the squadron was reunited at Shallufa, Egypt. At Shallufa the squadron commenced training in their new Wellington Mk VIIIs, fitted with ASV radar and capable of carrying two torpedoes for use in nocturnal attacks on enemy shipping and as anti-submarine weapons. Pilot Officer R.H. Prior, RAF, and his crew flew the first operation in this new role on 1 November. Prior made a seven-hour sortie, during which he unsuccessfully attacked an enemy merchantman north-west of Tobruk. Next night he attacked an enemy destroyer, and two nights later his crew was one of four searching for trade off Benghazi. After the Alamein victory, detachments of the squadron struck at shipping off Tripoli, often based at the airfield at Berca, near Benghazi. One major detachment flew to Malta on 17 January 1943 to interdict enemy shipping attempting to aid the Axis forces in Tunisia. At Malta, the squadron absorbed the Special Duties flight of 69 Squadron, RAF. Flying at a height of 15 metres above the sea in pitch-black darkness to launch torpedoes was a hazardous occupation, and two crews, that of Flight Sergeant L.L. Laver and Flight Lieutenant Geoff Jackson, disappeared without explanation. Another danger was predatory night fighters, and Sergeant J.F. Cobb belly landed his Wellington at Luqa after action with a JU-88 on 25 January. The operational tempo was intense, and equipment failures not uncommon. For example, on the 22nd, a Wellington was forced to
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jettison its torpedoes when one of its engines caught fire. The aircraft returned to Luqa. The brakes failed on landing. The pilot was forced to retract the undercarriage to prevent the Wellington careering into the notorious Luqa quarry. Flight Sergeant L.H. Gleason became a victim of the quarry on 12 February after overshooting the runway on landing. The price of success was that five ships and a U-boat were sunk by the squadron—for the loss of nine crews. The crews that remained at Shallufa raided targets on Crete, and it was during one such a raid that the aircraft flown by Flight Sergeant J. Elliot crashed into the desert. The point of impact was only a few hundred metres from the 458 Squadron camp. Luckily, the crew escaped from the blazing aircraft. Some would-be rescuers enjoyed the spectacular light show created by exploding bombs and incendiaries from the relative safety of depressions in the sand. The squadron also flew anti-submarine patrols over Allied convoys, and during one of these sorties Flight Sergeant J.M. Scott ditched his aircraft when it suffered engine failure. After an uncomfortable night in their rubber dinghy, the crew was rescued by a merchantman and returned to Alexandria. After five months of separation, the squadron was reunited at Protville, near Tunis, from where it commenced operations on 18 June 1943, ranging over the Tyrrhenian Sea and the waters off Sardinia and Corsica seeking victims for their torpedoes. During the month, Lieutenant Colonel B.R. McKenzie, SAAF, after assuming command of the squadron from Wing Commander L.L. Johnston, set high operational standards. While screening the Sicilian landing from possible intervention by the Italian Navy between 18 June and the end of August, 458 Squadron flew 174 sorties and sank seven enemy vessels. The first was on the night of the 18th, when Flight Sergeant Bishop torpedoed a 7000-tonne tanker, but the success achieved was balanced by the loss of ten crews. One was that of a Belgian national, Flight Lieutenant J. Douglas. Douglas had extended his patrol off the Sardinian and Corsican coasts by an extra hour, which resulted in his making a daylight attack on an enemy light cruiser. Douglas decided to position himself to make a torpedo attack with the sun behind the aircraft. Whether the wing of the low-flying aircraft hit the water, or the Wellington became the victim of the cruiser’s anti-aircraft defences, will never be known. For whatever reason, the Wellington hit the water in a sheet of flame. The radar operator, Sergeant K. McClellan and the observer, Sergeant Basil Wheatley, escaped from the burning aircraft, to join Douglas and the
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wireless operator, Sergeant Ryan, on the surface. An Italian seaplane rescued the survivors and, finally, the officers and non-commissioned officers were separated at Rome. Wheatley and McClellan escaped from the prisoner of war camp at Fara Sabina and, after evading German patrols and facing the equivocal attitude of the local Italian population, found safety with Canadian troops at the town of Frosolone. Another story of survival was that of Sergeant B.A. Watson, who was the sole survivor of a Wellington that had ditched, after engine failure, on 5 August. He was adrift for eight days before being sighted and rescued by a Catalina flying boat. After the squadron deployed to Bone in Algeria on 1 October, it flew anti-submarine patrols and convoy escort flights to counter the increased number of German U-boats reportedly operating in the Mediterranean Sea. These were not without loss: Warrant Officer W.J. Doude and his crew failed to return on the night of 17 October; Flying Officer D.G. Howie drowned on 2 November after he ditched his Wellington; and Flight Sergeant J. Richards and his crew crashed at Cape Bougaroun on the 26th. In January 1944 the squadron began to receive new Wellington Mk XIV aircraft, fitted with Mk III ASV and the Leigh Light, but this process was interrupted by the deployment of thirteen aircraft to Blida on 8 January to search for U-boats between Ibixa Island and Cape Gaeta on the Spanish coast. Other detachments operated from Grottaglie, in Italy and Ghisonaccia, Corsica on a similar task during February. The squadron flew 267 operational hours during this period, and Pilot Officer J. Markey made two attacks on enemy submarines. The first was on 9 January when Markey attacked a U-boat with six depth charges from a height of fifteen metres off Alicante, leaving behind an oil slick, but no other evidence of damage to the target. Next day the same pilot straddled a diving submarine with six depth charges. Again, there was no visible damage to verify the destruction of the submarine. Regrettably, Markey was lost when he was forced to ditch his Wellington after an engine fire, later in the month. The Ghisonaccia detachment had some success, with enemy shipping being attacked near Pionasa Island and San Vincenzo. Unfortunately, Flying Officer R.H. Male was forced to ditch his aircraft in the Straits of Bonifacio, with the only survivors being the pilot and Flight Sergeants Harry Baines and C. Percy. The squadron continued with these operations from airfields at Bone, Malta, Alghero (in Sicily), Ancona and Foggia in Italy and, finally, Gibraltar. When no maritime targets were available, the Wellingtons
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attacked land targets: for example, on the night of 22–23 July, three Wellingtons attacked an oil refinery near the town of Imperia, leaving the facility ablaze. Occasionally the Luftwaffe made its presence felt. On the night of 4–5 August 1944, Flying Officer J.S. Aitken encountered two twin-engine night fighters, one of which made a head-on attack on the Wellington. Aitken countered by turning steeply and diving toward the fighter to gain the safety of low altitude. Not deterred, Aitken continued his patrol. Ninety minutes later he sighted two enemy ships and three barges, which put up an intense protective anti-aircraft barrage. After reporting his sighting to base, the Wellington remained in contact with the convoy for a further ninety minutes, then diverted to bomb Portofino. Aitken then set course for home, but, due to the port engine running rough and streaming black smoke, was forced to attempt a landing on the grass airfield at Ajaccio. The crew’s travails were not over—only one wheel of the undercarriage could be lowered, resulting in the Wellington being destroyed on landing. The crew was unhurt, but it had been an eventful patrol. Operations from Ancona and Foggia were designed to intercept traffic between Trieste and Venice and attacks ships in Yugoslavian ports. Warrant Officer G. Simons and his crew were one of six crews detailed to undertake a reconnaissance. Deteriorating weather resulted in the aircraft being diverted to alternative airfields. Simons was refused permission to land at Falconara, and was diverted to land at the airfield at Jesi, ten kilometres away. He overshot the runway and none of the crew survived the subsequent crash into a hillside. The squadron operated in Italy until 17 January 1945, when it was ordered to proceed to Gibraltar. The advance party was flown to ‘The Rock’ by Dakota transport, where they were joined by the shipborne main party on 13 February. In the meantime the aircrew had commenced training and operations, flying just outside Spanish territorial waters seeking the presence of German U-boats. Flight Sergeant W.J. Fox and his crew became the final casualties suffered by 458 Squadron. Early in the morning of 12 February, the crew were training in radar homing and Leigh Light illumination techniques with an RAF pinnace that was acting as the target vessel, when the aircraft flew into the sea and caught fire. Only Sergeant ‘Shorty’ Taylor and another crew member survived the impact. The major operational effort during this period was the escorting of Allied convoys, after a U-boat sank a US liberty ship, Millhall J. Stone, and a British tanker, Regent Lion, on 17 February 1945. Two days later the perpetrator, U-300, was cornered and disposed of by naval gunfire. The final
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operation flown by 458 Squadron was an uneventful northern patrol made by Flying Officer W. Addinall, and the squadron was disbanded on 8 June 1945. The personnel manning 458 Squadron—native-bred Australians, New Zealanders, Canadians and South Africans, as well as many from the British Isles and continental Europe—reflected the international nature of the EATS Article XV RAAF squadrons. During its operational life it suffered 139 fatal casualties. In the period between October 1942 and August 1944, it flew 1765 sorties and expended 57 torpedoes, 39 mines, 135 depth charges and 2047 bombs. It was credited with the sinking of three vessels, probably sinking another two (including a submarine), and damaging another eighteen. In addition, 71 other enemy marine craft were attacked without result. While 458 Squadron was operating in the eastern Mediterranean, the three other Article XV squadrons that served in the Middle East were making their mark. The only Australian heavy bomber squadron, 462, flew Handley-Page Halifax bombers from their base at Fayid, Egypt from 6 September 1942. The squadron was an amalgamation of 10, 76 and 227 Squadrons, RAF, but it was not until January 1943 that the unit gained some Australian character, with the arrival of 60 ground crew. At the end of March there were only 120 Australian nationals on strength, but by the end of August the RAAF members had gained enough experience and numbers to be able to undertake the full maintenance of the aircraft. Operations commenced from Sollum, Cyrenaica on 28 January 1943, when six aircraft attacked the rail ferry at Messina, Sicily. This and following raids met only light anti-aircraft fire, but the crews faced other hazards. On 6 May, one Halifax, flown by Warrant Officer N. Vertican, RAF, was en route to a Tunisian target when it lost power in three engines and was forced to ditch in rough seas. After ten and a half days adrift, the crew washed ashore beween Homs and Tripoli. Much of the credit for the survival of the crew was attributed to the leadership of the flight engineer, Sergeant C. D. Curnow. Vertican was awarded the Conspicuous Gallantry Medal (CGM) and Curnow the DFM. The commander of 462 Squadron, Wing Commander P.G.B. Warner, RAF, was shot down by an enemy night fighter while attacking Messina. Only two of the crew survived the action. On 20 August, Warner was replaced by another RAF officer, Wing Commander W. Russell, who supervised the squadron move to Terria, Cyrenaica on 1 October. Despite the move 462 Squadron still flew 886 operational
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hours in October, targeting aerodromes and ports in Greece and the Dodecanese islands. Although the squadron deployed to El Adem on 1 January 1944, it continued routine operations over the Aegean Sea, culminating in the dropping of propaganda leaflets over Greece, Crete, Rhodes, Leros and Samos before departing for Italy. As mentioned in the previous chapter, 462 Squadron was re-formed as 614 Squadron and served with distinction in Bomber Command. The two light bomber squadrons, 454 and 459 Squadrons, followed a different path to final operations over the Aegean Sea and the eastern Italian coast. The first was formed in the Middle East at Aqir, Palestine, where it commenced training with Bristol Blenheim Mk V light bombers on 30 September 1942. Given the high casualty rate of this particular aircraft type, the crews were heartened to receive new Martin Baltimore light bombers in February. From its base at Amiriya South, 454 Squadron flew its first operational sortie on 4 March 1943, and continued with daylight convoy escorts and anti-submarine patrols supporting Allied convoys, including tankers emanating from the Levant oil terminals, which were supplying the Eighth Army. It was during this period that the crews began to seek enemy targets in the Aegean Sea. The Germans had established a formidable defensive ring, ensuring that these incursions were hazardous. The Baltimore, with a maximum speed of just over 500 kph, and an armament of four wing-mounted 0.303 machine-guns, twin 0.303 guns in the mid-upper turret and two 0.303 guns in a rear ventral mounting, was capable of self-defence. This was proved by Flight Lieutenant Dave Lewis when he and his crew destroyed one, and damaged another, BF-109 on 18 July 1943. This firepower, when combined with a 2000-pound bomb load, made the Baltimore a potent weapon. However, 454 Squadron was mainly utilised flying unarmed long-range reconnaissance missions into the Aegean to find targets for RAF Beaufighters. An example of this cooperation occurred on 21 February 1944, when Squadron Leader J. Cashmore discovered the 5300-tonne Livenza in Milos Harbour. As a result of this sighting, the target did not tarry in port: but this was a contingency that the operations staff of 454 expected. Next day a Baltimore flew to Milos to confirm that the Livenza had sailed, while other aircraft made a wide search. A New Zealand member of the squadron, Warrant Officer D.H. McMurray, sighted the ship with a naval escort and accompanied by two aircraft south of Folegandros. The Australians continued to shadow the convoy, but lost Flight Sergeant B.E. Rawlings to a number of other enemy aircraft which flew to protect the convoy. It was obvious that the
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convoy was making a dash for Heraklion, in Crete, so a strike force of Mitchell bombers and Beaufighters was assembled. The Mitchell crews diverted the attention of the defending JU-88s and BF-109s, thus enabling the Beaufighters to torpedo the Livenza and one of the escorts. The importance of Milos Harbour to the German maritime trade was indicated by the increase in both anti-aircraft and fighter defences in the area. On 27 February, Flying Officer A.W. Dawes failed to return from a sortie along the west coast of Greece, and another Baltimore was intercepted by two BF-109s near Antikithera. Despite these setbacks, the Australian Baltimores continued to seek enemy shipping in the western Aegean Sea. Flight Sergeant A.W. J. Kempnich was flying one of two Baltimores that fell afoul of the enemy defences on 3 March. While investigating Milos to confirm the presence of an enemy convoy in the harbour, Kempnich had been forced down to 300 metres to avoid the anti-aircraft fire, before being intercepted by two BF-109s. The Baltimore was attacked four times, leaving the aircraft intercommunications system in a shambles, the port engine dead and the starboard engine on fire. Kempnich ditched his aircraft. Although badly burned while swimming through pools of ignited petrol, Kempnich assisted in saving the crew from the aircraft and securing them in the survival dinghy. For days the three survivors, sustained by a small bar of chocolate, drifted helplessly. On the sixth day Kempnich, in acute pain from his burns and aware that his companions were becoming delirious from the lack of water and rations, attempted to swim ashore to seek assistance. Tragically, he drowned in the attempt. To add a bitter coda to his death, his two friends survived their ordeal. Wing Commander Mike Moore assumed command of the squadron on 1 April 1944, He maintained the pattern of operations over the Aegean Sea and the littoral ports, which culminated in a series of highly successful strikes aimed at the destruction of a well-defended convoy during 1–2 June. Baltimores from 454 Squadron shadowed the convoy throughout the day, thus enabling a strike force of Baltimores, Marauders, Beaufighters (and their fighter escort) to attack the enemy ships that evening. Three 454 Squadron Baltimore crews claimed hits on the Gertrude, a 1960-tonne merchantman and near misses on the 2300tonne Sabina. The surviving ships sought the sanctuary of Heraklion, but the harbour was bombed by Liberator and Wellington bombers during the night, leaving the Gertude on fire but the remaining merchantman, the Tanais, still afloat. That evening 454 Squadron contributed three aircraft and crews to a formation intent on administering the coup
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de grâce. After a deliberate bombing run over the harbour at 3500 metres, and despite intense anti-aircraft fire, the Allied formation sank the Gertrude, left an enemy destroyer capsized at its mooring and the Tanais afloat but visibly showing the effects of intense fire. The squadron commenced a new operational phase when it moved to Pescara as a unit of the Desert Air Force. The Desert Air Force light bombers struck at marshalling yards, shipping, fuel and storage targets. The bombers operated in boxes of six Baltimores, each loaded with two 500-pound bombs and three 250-pound bombs, which were usually dropped on a signal from the lead aircraft. This technique enabled a good concentration of bombs on the target, but did make the formations susceptible to the ravages of the increasingly efficient German anti-aircraft defences. Two Baltimores were shot down on 23 August, and many of its aircraft returned from raids with splinter damage, evidence of the accuracy of the German defences. As the weather deteriorated during September, it became more difficult for the crews to identify small targets, and although the squadron gained experience in tight formation flying, the weather restricted the effectiveness of the bombers. On 14 November, the Baltimore crews supported the Balkan Air Force, striking at shipping and littoral targets on the Yugoslavian coast. When not flying these missions, the squadron participated in blind bombing experiments. The first target using this technique was a munitions factory near Ravenna. The theory was for three Baltimores to bomb individually on the command of a ground radar controller. As both controllers and pilots became more experienced, confidence in this blind bombing technique grew. However, the versatility of the Desert Air Force fighter-bombers in the interdiction role moved 454 Squadron into a night intruder role. In so doing, the crews used the blind bombing techniques outlined above, being guided to the general area of the selected target by radar. Flares would then be dropped to enable positive identification of the target. Intruder operations commenced on the night of 5 March 1945, when Squadron Leader Phil Strickland flew the first of 390 sorties aimed at enemy communications, troop concentrations and enemy fortifications. The effectiveness of these operations was exhibited on the night of 9 April when the squadron flew 28 sorties, targeting German gun positions and generally supporting the breakthrough of the Senio River Line by the Eighth Army. On 1 May, 454 flew its last operational sortie, and was disbanded on 14 August 1945.
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The other RAAF Article XV squadron that was to operate the Baltimore was 459, which was formed at Burg-el-Arab, halfway between El Alamein and Alexandria on 10 February 1942. The squadron, which was equipped with two Lockheed Hudson aircraft and four Blenheims, commenced operations on 14 February when Flight Lieutenant Ian Campbell and his crew flew its first operational sortie. This was an eventful patrol. The Hudson crew, while escorting a convoy, sighted a JU-88 and also dropped a stick of four bombs on a submarine periscope. Two failed to explode and the remaining two exploded within ten yards of the target. Seven Hudson aircraft were ferried from Great Britain to fill the unit’s complement of aircraft. The first operation flown by the new Hudson crews, a submarine sweep toward Tobruk on 1 June 1942, is memorable for the squadron’s first fatalities. The aircraft flown by Frank Keavey crashed, killing all the crew and the three passengers. Later in the month, on the 14th, Pilot Officer Dave Blackstock was killed. On the same day an Italian Navy force was sighted, and 459 Squadron contributed four aircraft to the search for this force on the next day. While searching for the Italian warships, Pilot Officer J. Cowan-Hunt and his crew had a successful combat with three JU-88s, shooting down one of the formidable twin-engine fighters; tragically Cowan-Hunt and his crew failed to return from operations on the 30th. When the Afrika Korps forced the Eighth Army to retreat to El Alamein, 459 Squadron was ordered to operate from the small airfield at Idku, from where they made daring low-level attacks on enemy supply convoys, often in the face of intense anti-aircraft fire. Pilot Officer Tony Gurry was shot down on 10 July and rescued by a German Dornier DO-24 seaplane for transportation to Tobruk. Finally, after being a prisoner of the Italians, he was transferred to a German prisoner of war camp after the Italian capitulation. Low-level strikes continued, targeting German ‘F’ boats—50-metre-long barges powered by three diesel engines and a cargo capacity of 85 tonnes—that were fitted with a formidable anti-aircraft suite. During these operations the squadron was credited with the destruction of nineteen ‘F’ boats for the loss of five Hudsons. In August, the Australian squadron aimed at larger targets, which resulted in a marked success by Pilot Officer Donald Beaton on 4 September when he sank the 1030-tonne convoy escort Polluce. The last of this series of operations was flown on 8 September, when Pilot Officer Proctor attacked and probably damaged an enemy
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ship, before the squadron reverted to flying convoy escort and antisubmarine duties. Although during December the squadron moved its main base to Gambut, Libya, it detached flights to Aden on the Red Sea and to St Jean in Palestine. The former operated from the airfield at Khormaskar and staged thought bases in Italian Somaliland when undertaking anti-submarine and convoy escorts in the area. A Hudson from the St Jean detachment attacked and sank U-97, which had previously torpedoed the 8995-tonne tanker Athelmonarch off Haifa on 16 June 1943. Flight Sergeant David Barnard and his crew were to cooperate with a naval force seeking the culprit on their third operational sortie. Barnard climbed to a 1000 metres in an attempt to sight the submarine and after two and a quarter hours he spotted U-97 seven kilometres away. Barnard took advantage of cloud to making a diving attack from astern of the submarine. Of the four depth charges dropped, three were near misses. The fourth, a direct hit, not only proved fatal for the U-boat, but the blast affected the aircraft to such a degree that after it returned to base it never flew again. Using radar, 459 Sqaudron continued to supply night convoy escorts until the Italian surrender when the Allies attempted to create a presence in the Aegean Islands. A planned invasion of the island of Rhodes was pre-empted by a German force, and the pro-British forces focused on the island of Kos in lieu. The Australian Hudson squadron joined other units bombing enemy airfields in Greece, Rhodes and Crete, harassing shipping and covering naval forces operating in the Aegean Sea. The first Hudson operation of the campaign involved sixteen aircraft that bombed the Greek airfield of Kalamaki. Similar operations failed to prevent the Germans from retaking Kos, which fell on 4 October. During October, the Hudson crews contributed to night raids on Heraklion and anti-shipping strikes at Kos. As the Hudson aircraft were becoming difficult to maintain, the type was replaced by the new Lockheed Ventura, the first of which was delivered on 24 December 1943. The Ventura did not meet expectations: its endurance was not as long as expected and, being a new aircraft, there were teething troubles with the equipment fitted to the aircraft. It did not have an auspicious operational debut. The squadron lost its first aircraft on 3 February, followed by four more (and three crews), during the subsequent month. To retain the unit aircraft numbers, it was reissued with its old Hudson aircraft that had, as fate would have it, been transferred from the squadron to an operational training unit on receipt of the Ventura. The squadron then moved to Palestine, where Baltimore light bombers replaced the
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remaining Venturas, before moving to Berka, Libya, on 16 February 1945. However, the military situation in the Middle East was so propitious for the Allied cause that the presence of 459 Squadron was considered an extravagance. The personnel of 459 Squadron were, therefore, shipped to Britain, and the squadron was disbanded at Chivenor, Devon on 10 April 1945.
Fighter operations in Sicily and Italy, 1943–45 After the Allied victory in North Africa, British and American forces invaded Sicily and the Italian mainland. Both the Australian fighter squadrons, 3 and 450, participated in these campaigns. They deployed advance parties to Malta on 3 and 4 July respectively. From Malta, the Kittyhawks supported the Sicily invasion until the airfield at Pachino, Sicily became available for operations. Many of the ground crew of 450 Squadron had served all through the desert campaign, and discontent with the standard of personnel administration surfaced on 31 July 1943. The ground crew had valid grievances, including the lack of promotion, inadequate policy concerning periods of overseas service, paucity of leave and a general lack of interest shown in the welfare of the men by the RAAF Middle East Liaison Office. The commander, Squadron Leader J.P. Bartle, listened to the grievances and advised the men that he would take their concerns to higher authority. Bartle was as good as his word. On 11 September the Air Officer Commanding, RAAF Overseas Headquarters, Air Vice Marshal H.N. Wrigley, arrived and personally interviewed some 70 airmen. He also discussed the issues with members of 459 Squadron, and his presence largely placated the dissidents. Operational commitments took precedence above these administrative matters, and 450 Squadron did not slacken its operational tempo. Although the air power available to the Allies was lavish, the Luftwaffe was still able to make an impact on local units. During the night of 11 August, JU-88s, in an hour-long raid, dropped antipersonnel, high explosive and incendiary ordnance on the airfield at Agnone. Fortuitously, the 450 Squadron camp site been moved for health reasons to high ground, and only one RAAF member was injured during the raid. A total of eighteen RAAF aircraft were destroyed or damaged, eleven from 450 Squadron and a further seven from 3 Squadron. Despite this setback the Australians were able to
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mount 22 sorties next day. On the 14th, a patrol of twelve Australian Kittyhawks was intercepted by six Italian Macchi 202 fighters, one of which was destroyed and three of which were damaged. The Australians came through unscathed. Sicily fell after a 38-day campaign, paving the way for the invasion of Italy. On 3 September 1943, the British Eighth Army landed at Calabria, on the toe of Italy, with the two Australian fighter squadrons supporting the troops on the ground. However, although enemy opposition was light and the squadrons claimed little success, 3 Squadron lost Warrant Officer R.C. Percival to ground fire. The Calabria landing was followed by Operation Avalanche, the Allied landing in the Salerno Bay, south of Naples, on the 9th. On 12 September, Squadron Leader Brian Eaton, the 3 Squadron commander, led twelve Kittyhawks to the airfield at Catania. The advance party of 450 Squadron arrived at Grottaglie, near Taranto five days later, and these deployments initiated the long association that the squadrons were to have with the Italian campaign. Both squadrons operated over the length and breadth of the Italian peninsula, flying from Lavarino, Bari, Foggia, Cutella, San Angelo, Jesi, Milene and Crevia in support of the bloody Allied advance. The squadrons flew ‘cab rank’ close air support missions to assist troops on the ground and attacked enemy communications facilities such as bridges, railways and port facilities. In addition to the ever-present anti-aircraft fire, the men had to combat the heat and dust of Italian summers and the mud, or the ice and snow of the Latin winter. An intriguing Australian link with Italy was discovered on an airfield north of Rome. On the airfield Australian ground crew were mystified by the presence of a Savoia aircraft with a RAAF badge and the inscription ‘Pt Cook’ emblazoned on its fuselage. It was later learned that this aircraft had visited Point Cook in 1925 during the world circumnavigation by an Italian aviation pioneer, the Marquis Di Pineado. It appears that the current tradition of ‘badging’ visiting foreign aircraft with the ‘kangaroo in motion’ motif has a sound historic precedent. The activities of the two fighter-bomber squadrons during the campaign that hinged on the monastery at Cassino in May 1944 are indicative of Italian operations. On 22 January 1944, Allied troops landed at Anzio in an effort to break the stalemate on the Gustav Line. The failure of the Allied commander to exploit the intitial success enabled the German commander, Field Marshal Albert Kesselring, to contain the beachhead and counterattack. At the end of February, and
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during the first two weeks of March, 239 Wing, which included the two Australian fighter squadrons, flew a series of operations designed to assist the Allies at Anzio. On 2 March, 450 Squadron Kittyhawk fighterbombers struck at a train that had sought the sanctuary of a railway tunnel. Next day Flight Lieutenant J.C. Doyle led a 3 Squadron patrol which discovered and strafed enemy motor transport in fields near Galliano, leaving 29 vehicles in flame. After assuming command of 3 Squadron on 22 February, Squadron Leader P.M. Nash led a covering force for an Italian air–sea rescue aircraft that engaged four BF-109s in a rare air-to-air combat on 11 March. One BF-109 was damaged, but a decisive victory was claimed when an unmarked Italian SM-79 was shot down. Two days later 3 Squadron destroyed a Junkers JU-52 transport and Flight Lieutenant W.D. Hogg was involved in a confused melee with two BF-109s south of Rome on the 17th. On 15 March, the Monte Cassino monastery was destroyed by Allied air power, and Brian Eaton led the 3 Squadron contribution in this controversial action. The Allied attempt to break the Gustav Line ended in failure. The Australian fighter squadrons combined to prepare for the third attempt to advance, flying a total of 744 sorties between them in April. These sorties were aimed at preventing the Luftwaffe from interfering with the build-up for the final assault by the US Fifth Army to liberate Rome. One operation, undertaken by 3 Squadron, 5 Squadron, SAAF, and 260 Squadron, RAF, was the breaching of a dam on the Pescara River on 5 May. Operation Diadem opened on 11 May. Next day the Australian squadrons joined in six of the thirteen attacks made to silence strong enemy gun positions near Atina, fifteen kilometres from Cassino. The Gustav Line crumbled from the 18th, and the breakout from Anzio on 23 May resulted in the withdrawal of the enemy to the north of Rome. Operations over Italy gave rise to exciting experiences and memories. On 25 January 1944, Pilot Officer Garry Blumer was pulling out of his dive after dropping a bomb aimed at the bridge at Popolion, when the engine of his Kittyhawk failed. Blumer managed a ‘dead stick’ landing on a beach north-east of Sulmona. After destroying the Identification Friend or Foe (IFF) equipment onboard, he collected his maps and headed inland. Blumer had only covered a short distance when he was redirected by two Italian children to a village to the north. As German troops were seeking the downed pilot, the Italian villagers hid Blumer in a cave, before it was considered safe enough to move him to the sanctuary of a farmhouse. Blumer met an English escapee from a prisoner of war camp. The two men were moved to another
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farmhouse, where they met up with two more evaders. To avoid the Germans Blumer was moved between various houses in the village. On one occasion he was forced to hide for an hour and a half under the floor while a group of drunken German soldiers visited every house in the village. Two days later the party, that had grown to ten escapees and some twenty Italian women and children, walked to Sulmona to reach the safety of the Allied lines. The walk along precipitous mountain tracks through ice and snow was so harrowing that three Italian children and one of the women died before reaching the dubious sanctuary of a run-down mountain hut. A report was received next morning that a body of Germans barred further progress, and some of the party elected to return to Sulmona. Freedom was the reward for those who persisted. An Italian party joined forces with the escapees and led then over the heights of Mount Maiella. Exhausted, without food and water, the party struggled though the snow until Blumer led the party to the base of the mountain. It was dark when they reached lower altitudes, and small arms fire could be heard. Blumer sent an Italian youth to make contact with Allied troops. Eventually Blumer returned to 450 Squadron, and on 10 March his leg was broken after being hit by a 20-mm bullet while attacking barges near Cavarzere. He led his section home, where he belly landed his Kittyhawk. Blumer was later awarded a DSO for his consistent leadership and courage. On 24 August 1944, the Kittyhawk fighters of 3 Squadron were replaced with one of the best Allied fighters of the Second World War, the P-51 Mustang, which were flown until the squadron flew its final wartime operation from Cierva. It was then moved to Udine, on the Gulf of Venice, before being ordered back to Australia and disbandment. 450 Squadron was based at Lavarino at the end of the war, and was disbanded on 20 August 1945.
Air Ambulance Unit There was one unique permanent air force unit that served in the Middle East that was attuned to the humanitarian, rather than destructive, aspects of war. When it was formed at Laverton on 15 February 1941, 1 Air Ambulance Unit was equipped with three DH-86 four-engine biplanes, each of which was capable of carrying eight patients as an air ambulance. The unit ground staff embarked from Sydney on the Queen Mary for the Middle East on 11 April 1941, and the first two aircraft departed from Laverton on 30 April. The third aircraft departed early in
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September. The deployment had been hampered by mechanical failures en route, and it was not until 29 July that the commander, Flight Lieutenant J.G. MacDonald, was able to base a single aircraft at Gaza, in close proximity to the 1st Australian General Hospital. Although MacDonald had flown the unit’s first mercy mission (the evacuation of three patients from Cyprus) on 3 August, the lack of spare parts for the aircraft hampered operations. This situation was remedied with the dispatch of essential spares from Australia in September. During October the unit, having built up to its full complement of three DH-86 aircraft, moved to Gerawla in the Western Desert to participate in Operation Crusader. Here the unit was joined by two South African Air Force (SAAF) Lockheed Lodestars, twin-engine transports from which the Ventura bomber was developed, and the combination evacuated 454 casualties to a hospital at Mersa Matruh. These operations were not without operational hazard. On 8 December, the three DH-86 aircraft were being flown by Flying Officers B. Bates and A.J.R. Duffield, and Captain Nel of the SAAF, on a flight to evacuate wounded from the savage fighting at Sidi Resegh. The little formation was attacked by BF-110s, resulting in Duffield’s aircraft being shot down. The other two were damaged. Early in February 1942, one of two DH-86 aircraft based at El Adem was severely damaged by bomb shrapnel. Superhuman efforts by the ground crew enabled it and the other DH-86 to be withdrawn to Heliopolis, where they were extensively overhauled. But evil fortune prevailed: one of the DH-86s was damaged, prior to being air tested, when a Beaufighter collided with it on the ground. The RAF supplied a replacement DH-86, enabling the unit to return to operations in time to support to the El Alamein battle and subsequent ground actions. At the end of 1942, the unit was based at Benina. On 9 January 1943, the commanding officer, Flight Lieutenant J.P. Bartle (later commander of 450 Squadron), was requested to fly urgently needed blood supplies to Sedada. Bartle sighted a mine-damaged truck and obviously injured survivors near the Wadi Zemzen and landed on the lip of the wadi to enable the two medical officers aboard to give immediate first aid before the injured men were transported to Tamet for further treatment. On 13 February 1942, the first of eleven lumbering Bristol Bombay transports, capable of carrying 27 patients, arrived for service with 1 Air Ambulance Unit. The unit deployed a two-aircraft detachment to Malta, prior to deployment to Pachino in Sicily on 20 July 1943. In conjunction with the SAAF Lodestars, the detachment evacuated
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1646 patients to Malta and Tunisia, but suffered the loss of an DH-86 to fire after a explosion in the cockpit. Prompt action by air and ground crews averted any human casualties. Although 1 Air Ambulance Unit operated from Reggio di Calabria on 13 September, a combination of the lack of suitable petrol for the DH-86 aircraft, reservations regarding the airworthiness of the Bristol Bombay aircraft that had seen hard service with the RAF since 1939, and the availability of more modern types resulted in the unit depending upon the two SAAF Lodestars to enable it to function. These aircraft were withdrawn in February 1944. Thus, after evacuating 8252 patients, the members of 1 Air Ambulance Unit boarded a ship at Taranto for the voyage back to Australia, where the unit was disbanded on 27 June 1944.
Australians in Burma The route followed by 1 Air Ambulance Unit during its flight to the Middle East was through the Netherlands East Indies, Singapore, Malaya, Burma and India, bringing it into contact with an area in which individual Australian airmen were to serve with distinction. Burma also had links with the Middle East, for units were drawn from this theatre to bolster its fragile defensive force. As at January 1942, there were eleven Tomahawks and twelve Brewster Buffalo fighters. This force was augmented by the arrival of the twelve Bristol Blenheim light bombers of 113 Squadron, RAF, and these aircraft made their initial foray against the Japanese when they raided the Bangkok docks on the night of 8 January. One of the crews was all Australian: it comprised Flying Officers G.W.N. Brassingthwaite and D.F. Gordon, and Sergeant W.J. McKerrache, who pressed home their individual attack though intense anti-aircraft fire and searchlight beams. Although the combined forces of the RAF and the American Volunteer Group (AVG), of Flying Tigers fame, defeated enemy efforts to gain air supremacy over Rangoon, the Japanese Air Force could not be denied. The Allied airmen were outnumbered in the bitter air battles over Rangoon, as is exemplified by the action fought by Pilot Officer W.J. Storey on 6 February 1942. Storey was leading six Hurricanes to intercept a force of 30 enemy aircraft approaching Rangoon. From a height of 5000 metres he sighted the enemy 1500 metres above and ten kilometres distant. He was climbing steadily with his formation and positioning it to gain the tactical advantage of the sun when three enemy fighters bounced the Hurricanes. Storey evaded the first pass by spiralling
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vertically, then, after increasing speed and climbing into the sun, shot down an enemy fighter. Another enemy engaged. Storey repeated his tactic, with the same result. Storey then fired at another fighter but, due to pressure from other enemy aircraft, did not see the result. The Japanese turned their attention to denying the base at Mingaladon to the Allied air forces, and forced the withdrawal of surviving aircraft to Magwe, from where the old AVG training base at Tougoo was used as a staging base for attacks on airfields in southern Burma and Thailand. On 26 February, during one of these incursions over Moulmein in Thailand, Flying Officer M.C.C. Cotton shot down two enemy aircraft. Later he scrambled alone to shoot down a Mitsubishi Zero fighter. While climbing to position himself for a second attack, he was hit by a burst of fire that shattered his left leg and his Hurricane’s fuel tanks. Cotton made a perfect landing, but subsequently collapsed. His wounded leg required considerable medical attention, and he was unable to fly for a period of eight months. Cotton did return to operations, and later successfully commanded 17 Squadron. Despite gallant efforts, the RAF was incapable of preventing the British withdrawal from Burma. On 20 May 1942, General Alexander’s troops reached the Imphal plain, which was to be the scene for the climactic battle of the Burma campaign in 1944. The RAF had been forced to withdraw its headquarters to Chittagong to prepare for the re-entry into Burma. The Japanese Air Force attempted to raid Calcutta and other eastern Indian cities, but met with a spirited defence. An Australian, Flying Officer C.A. Crombie, symbolises the spirit. He and his observer, Warrant Officer R.C. Mills, were on patrol in a Beaufighter night fighter during the night of 19 January 1944. They made contact with four Japanese Type 97 ‘Sally’ twin-engine bombers south of Calcutta. Crombie attacked, but the port engine of his Beaufighter was set alight by the Japanese defensive fire. Despite this, Crombie shot down one of the bombers, before ordering Mills to abandon the burning Beaufighter. Crombie then attacked and destroyed a second ‘Sally’. Although the engine fire was spreading, Crombie, after badly damaging a third raider, was seeking a fourth victim when the Beaufighter’s fuel tank exploded. The Australian bailed out, landing in the water some 30 kilometres from Calcutta. In a tragic coda, Crombie died from injuries suffered in a Beaufighter accident near Newcastle, New South Wales, on 26 August 1945. The years 1942 and 1943 constituted a period of both learning and frustration. The first Arakan campaign failed, but the RAF and Indian Air Force gained in confidence, matériel and skill to ensure that there
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would be no repetition of the debacle. The year 1944 would definitely see the supremacy of Allied arms over those of the Japanese in Burma. The second Arakan campaign illustrated the strength of air power. The advance planned by the 7th Indian Divison was pre-empted by the Japanese advance on 4 February 1944. Although cut off, the division stood its ground in the famous ‘Admin Block’. The divison was suppled by air, and the fighter squadrons ensured that the Japanese Air Force was unable to restrict these operations. Flight Lieutenant Wilfred Goold, a pilot with 607 Squadron, succeeded in damaging a Nakajima KI-43 Hayabusa ‘Oscar’ during the air battles. He was to have further success on 21 May. He shot down another Oscar and damaged two more when flying from the Imphal plain. By the end of 1944 he had been credited with the destruction of three more enemy aircraft. His actions may be seen as a symbol of the priority given to protecting the all-important transport lifelines to Imphal and the divebombers and fighter-bombers that were supplying close air support to the troops and interdicting the Japanese lines of communications. The most famous innovation that emerged from Burma was the concept of long-range penetration espoused by Brigadier General Orde Wingate. In 1943, he had infiltrated a force behind the Japanese lines, and on 5 March 1944 an ambitious operation was initiated by the ‘Chindits’. A force of 12 000 troops was inserted east of the Chindwin River to break the Japanese lines of communications. This force was dependent on air supply and was allocated its own ‘Air commando Group’ for close air support. Australian aircrew, including Squadron Leader G.G. Furmage and Flight Lieutenants D. St John, T. O’Brien, L.G. George, A.C Roberts, R.C. Houlgrave, P.L. McMillan, and Warrant Officers H.W. Stewardson and C.R. Tulloh were accepted as volunteers to serve with the 4th, 23rd and 77th Brigade of Wingate’s force. These air force officers were assigned the task of organising supply drops, overseeing the construction of airfields suitable for light aircraft to evacuate casualties and the control of close air support. In July 1944, the peak strength of Australian personnel serving in Burma stood at 1091. They served in every squadron and in every endeavour, whether it was flying close air support mission, long-range bombing, clandestine flights inserting and extracting agents from behind enemy territory, maritime patrols or transport duties. Many were captured by the Japanese, and suffered unimaginable treatment. But they had the final victory. When a reconnaissance aircraft flew over the prisoner of war camp at Rangoon prior to the amphibious landing at the city, they saw on the roof the sign ‘Japs gone’.
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The Malaya campaign, December 1941–February 1942 The presence of a Royal Navy battle fleet at Singapore was the cornerstone of British Far East strategy between the wars. The fleet presence was considered as a deterrent to an expansionist and belligerent Japan after the invasion of Manchuria. As it became more obvious that the Royal Navy would be fully committed to home waters and the Mediterranean Sea after the outbreak of war with Germany and Italy, and therefore would lack the capacity to maintain a battle fleet east of Suez, the importance of aircraft in protecting Singapore increased. The British Government and the RAF exerted pressure on Australia to contribute squadrons to the defence of Singapore and the Malay peninsula, resulting in four squadrons being based at RAAF Base Sembawang from July 1940. The first of these units, 1 Squadron, landed its Hudson general reconnaissance aircraft at the base on 4 July 1940. Wing Commander A.L. Walters commanded this unit until Wing Commander R.H. Davis assumed the role on 8 May 1941. The second Hudson unit, 8 Squadron (commanded by Wing Commander F.N. Wright), landed on 5 August, and the last squadron to deploy from Australia was 21 Squadron. The latter unit arrived at Sembawang with its Wirraway two-seat advanced trainers on 26 October. The final RAAF unit to be based at Sembawang was 453 Squadron, an EATS Article XV squadron equipped with the Brewster Buffalo fighter, which arrived on 15 August 1941. This fighter type replaced the Wirraways of 21 Squadron from 28 August 1941. At the beginning of December the 1 Squadron Hudson aircraft were flying seaward reconnaissance missions out of Kota Bahru on the Malayan west coast. The Hudson was the most modern type
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operated by the RAAF in Malaya, and it is fitting that a 1 Squadron aircraft of this type should bear the honour of engaging in the first aerial offensive action against the Japanese by the Allies in the Pacific War. At 2.08 am, 8 December 1941, Flight Lieutenant J.H. Lockwood and his crew were airborne from Kota Bahru with instructions to attack the enemy invasion fleet that was in the process of landing troops. Lockwood’s attack set the tone for the morning’s operations. He made two runs over a transport, dropping two of his four 250-pound bombs from fifteen metres during each pass. The second salvo was seen to score a direct hit. Over the next four hours the Hudsons continuously harassed the Japanese landing, bombing and strafing the transports and the landing barges to positive effect. One transport was blown up and 24 landing barges sunk. But the spirited offensive actions were not without casualties. Flight Lieutenant J.G. Jones and his crew did not return from the first series of attacks and, later in the morning, Flight Lieutenant J.C. Ramshaw suffered the same fate. Flight Lieutenant O.N. Diamond, after bombing and strafing a transport and leaving it on fire, returned to base with an unserviceable engine, having borne the brunt of accurate anti-aircraft fire from a Japanese cruiser that was escorting the transports. The Hudson flown by Flight Lieutenant J.K. Douglas was also damaged, and one of his gunners, Sergeant R.R. Hart, injured. The aircraft of 8 squadron made further attacks on the invasion barges and the withdrawing Japanese fleet from the base at Kuantan. One, flown by Flight Lieutenant C.D. ‘Spud’ Spurgeon, crash landed at Kota Bahru after being badly damaged by the bomb blast following a low-level attack on an enemy transport. The gunner of Flight Lieutenant G.J. Hitchcock’s crew may have achieved the first aerial success against a Japanese fighter, shooting one down into the sea. Japanese fighters became more active as the day progressed. At 9.00 am a mixed formation of Mitsubishi A6M ‘Zeke’ and Nakajima Type 97 ‘Nate’ fighters strafed the airfield at Kota Bahru. These enemy strikes continued throughout the day, making bomber operations difficult. By the end of the day the airfield had become untenable, and it was prudent to withdraw the surviving machines to Kuantan. On 9 December, all the aircraft at Kuantan, with the exception of a dozen obsolete Vickers Vildebeeste biplane torpedo bombers and thirteen RAAF Hudsons from 1 and 8 Squadrons, had withdrawn to Singapore. A parallel search to seaward by three Hudson crews from the latter unit discovered an enemy convoy, but efforts to strike at this naval force were prevented by a surprise attack by nine Mitsubishi
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Type 96 ‘Nell’ bombers. The sole defence of the airfield was through a few Thompson submachine-guns. The valiant effort made by Flight Lieutenant R. Widmer and his Hudson crew, who attacked any aircraft that came into range of their guns, did little to upset the enemy bombing run. Once the bombing was completed, the Nell flight strafed the airfield. As it was obvious that the enemy advance could not be stopped, the surviving aircraft were withdrawn to Singapore, where they became responsible for reconnaissance flights along the east coast of Malaya, and around Natuna and Banka Islands. On 10 December, the loss of the British warships HMS Prince of Wales and HMS Repulse became the international symbol of British failure in Malaya. The two icons of British naval strength in the Far East were torpedoed 100 kilometres east of Kuantan by a force of 86 Nell torpedo bombers, operating from bases in Thailand. Eleven Buffaloes from 453 Squadron, under the leadership of Flight Lieutenant Tim Vigors, had been briefed to give air cover to Force ‘Z’. The Buffaloes scrambled six minutes after a radio message from HMS Repulse, to the effect that the ships were under attack, had been received. After flying the 300 kilometres to the scene the fighters arrived in time to witness the rescue operations being undertaken by the escorting destroyers. Another Australian, Flight Lieutenant Herb Plenty, who was flying a Hudson, also witnessed the disaster. At the time 1 Squadron was battling the Japanese invaders, 21 Squadron was being blooded at Sungei Patani, near Penang in northern Malaya. Due to a misunderstanding between the station and squadron commanders, the squadron suffered the destruction of two Buffaloes on the ground as a result of bombing by a formation of Mitsubishi Type 97 ‘Sally’ bombers. Two fighters managed to scramble, but the bombers were flying too high for the fighters to reach and the machine-guns of both fighters were inoperable—a common event with the armament fitted to the Buffalo. Two hours later, Flying Officer J.B. Hooper climbed to attack a formation of Sally bombers, but was intercepted by six Mitsubishi A6M ‘Zeke’ fighters. Outnumbered and outclassed, Hooper turned his Buffalo on its back and dived to safety. After two more aircraft had been made serviceable, Flight Lieutenant J.R. ‘Congo’ Kinninmont and Sergeant N.R. Chapman made a reconnaissance in the direction of Singora, but twelve Japanese Mitsubishi Type 96 ‘Claude’ fighters intercepted the two Buffaloes. The two Australians evaded the fighters and returned to Sungei Patani. With only four fighters serviceable, the squadrons withdrew down the peninsula, initially 70 kilometres south to the RAF airfield at Butterworth.
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On 9 December, four Buffaloes were ordered to provide an escort for Blenheims attacking enemy aircraft at Singora. The aircraft had been airborne for two hours, but could not rendezvous with the Blenheims and landed at Butterworth. As Flight Lieutenants C.R. McKenny and F.H. Williams landed, the airfield became the target for Japanese dive-bombers and fighters. The two Australians gallantly attempted to intercept. McKenny bailed out from his burning aircraft after an exchange of fire with a Zeke. Williams, with his guns jammed, had no alternative than to dive away from the harassment of three Zekes, before landing. His pursuers swept the runway with machinegun fire as he leapt from the cockpit into the relative haven of a trench. The third Buffalo pilot, Flying Officer H.V. Montefiore, was shot down but claimed the destruction of a Zeke. Flight Lieutenant A.M. White fought on until his aircraft, riddled with bullets, force landed on Penang Island. On 10 December, 21 Squadron withdrew to Ipoh, where attempts were made to reinforce the battered unit. On 13 December, 453 Squadron dispatched four flights of Buffaloes bound for Ipoh. One flight of three, having become disoriented in bad weather, lost all its aircraft (and two pilots) in force landings. Another flight of three staged through Butterworth, where they had just refuelled when the base was attacked by enemy bombers. The three Buffaloes retaliated. Sergeants M.N. Read and V.A. Collyer shared in the destruction of three divebombers. Flight Lieutenant R.D. Vanderfield, despite being unable to retract the undercarriage of his Buffalo, claimed the destruction of two enemy bombers. In the meantime, another flight had arrived at Ipoh, where it was refuelled to join a maximum effort aimed at countering over 40 enemy fighters over Penang. Tim Vigors engaged the enemy until the petrol tank of his aircraft exploded. After bailing out, he landed on Penang Mountain, from where he was rescued and carried to hospital to have his burns treated. Two other pilots, Pilot Officer G.L. Angus and Flying Officer B.A. Grace, barely became airborne. Angus, wounded in one leg, crash landed in a paddy field. Grace, although set upon just after leaving the ground, managed to shoot down one fighter. Next day the attrition continued. White and Sergeant R.R. Oelrich were killed while strafing enemy transport columns; Sergeant G.E.G. Seagoe was severely injured when hit in the shoulder by an explosive bullet. On 15 December, the two squadrons could only field three serviceable Buffaloes between them, so the arrival of the 453 Squadron commander, Squadron Leader W.J. Harper, with ten reinforcements
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from Sembawang, was welcome. A further seven departed under the leadership of Squadron Leader W.F. Allshorn, resulting in two being written off in landing accidents due to extremely bad weather. Allshorn and Kinninmont landed on the emergency airfield at Fort Swettenham, but the latter’s aircraft ran off the runway and overturned in a swamp. The remaining aircraft were scattered in the storm. One landed in a paddy field and somersaulted three times. The Australian fighter squadron withdrew through Kuala Lumpur and, finally, to Sembawang on Singapore island by the end of December. En route they had fought in some memorable actions. On 22 December, while at Kuala Lumpur, a dozen Buffaloes under Vanderfield joined battle with a mixed force of Zekes and Kawasaki 61 ‘Tony’ fighters. Four were lost as a result of enemy action, but the Australians had exacted a toll of six on the enemy formation. But there was no respite. A fresh force of enemy fighters made a low-level attack on the airfield at Kuala Lumpur, shooting down Sergeant E.A. Peterson, who was flying the only Buffalo to take off. The strength of 453 Squadron had been eroded to three, and it was ordered to retire to Sembawang where, due to the unavailability of fighter aircraft, it was combined with 21 Squadron on 24 December. Harper commanded the composite unit. The combined squadron flew tactical reconnaissance missions in support of III Indian Corps, and also made three aborted attempts to interfere with the Japanese build-up of aircraft at Kuantan. Other duties included the covering of a convoy on 13 January 1942 that included 51 crated Hurricane fighters. Much was expected of these new fighters, but the Buffaloes were still the only fighter defence of Singapore. On 15 January, although outnumbered seven to one, ‘Congo’ Kinninmont, Vanderfield and Flying Officer Leigh Bowes succeeding in shooting down two Sally bombers and, probably, a third. This action gives some indication of the mediocre performance of the Buffalo. Although considerable work had been undertaken to lighten the aircraft by replacing 0.5 inch machine-guns with 0.303 calibre weapons and by removing non-essential fittings, they still did not possess a speed advantage over the Sally bomber to enable more than one pass. The relentless advance of the Japanese Army down the Malayan peninsula continued despite the efforts of British and Australian army units—Singapore was coming under increased pressure. Three Buffaloes were destroyed when Sembawang was bombed on the 17th. Next day, with the exception of the Wirraways at Kahang, the Allied air
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assets (28 fighters and 74 bombers and general reconnaissance aircraft) were concentrated on Singapore Island, from where the Australian squadrons attempted to support the hard-pressed troops that were fighting on the Muar River. Six Hudsons of 8 Squadron did not sight any barges on the Muar, but did attract the attention of enemy fighters. Sergeant Norm Chapman, flying an escorting Buffalo, was shot down in flames. Flight Lieutenant Russ Bell and Bob Arnold, flying their Hudsons in close formation for mutual defence, dropped to sea level, where a lone Zeke attacked them. The Japanese pilot obtained hits on Arnold’s aircraft, but then made the mistake of flying into the arc of fire of Bell’s gunner, who reported obtaining hits on the fighter’s fuselage. Bell and Arnold stayed in formation until they commenced their approach to land at Sembawang. Arnold was to land first. However, when the undercarriage and flaps were lowered, only one flap operated, and the Hudson spun into the ground and exploded on impact. Early next morning ‘Congo’ Kinninmont shot down a two-seat Japanese reconnaissance aircraft south of Malacca. Later, a formation of four Dutch Glen Martins and five Wirraways, escorted by eight Buffaloes, made another attempt to harass Japanese troops on the Muar River. The Dutch bombers were all shot down, as was a single Wirraway, the crew of which parachuted into the jungle, where they were saved by an AIF patrol. The Buffalo pilots were successful, with Kinninmont, Vanderfield, Flight Lieutenant Bob Kirkman and Sergeant K. Gorringe each victorious over a Japanese fighter. The air forces, bereft of aircraft, flew gallantly in attempts to prevent Japanese landings, but the enemy prevailed and forced the retirement of the British defenders to the island of Singapore on 30 January. Sembawang and the other northern airfields, Tengah and Seletar, were within range of Japanese artillery, causing the surviving Buffaloes and Hudsons of 1, 8 and 21 Squadrons to be withdrawn to Sumatra and Java; 453 squadron arrived at Fremantle, Western Australia on 15 March via Java and Ceylon (Sri Lanka).
Netherland East Indies and Darwin, 1942 At the outbreak of war, 2 Squadron was flying Hudsons from the airfield at Penfoi in Timor, and commenced operations on a positive note when Squadron Leader R.R. Law-Smith led a formation that disabled the Japanese radio ship Nanyo Maru. But 13 Squadron was not so fortunate. On 10 December, the squadron was ordered to attack
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Japanese flying boats based at Tobi Island with six aircraft. The formation was led by the squadron commander, Wing Commander J. McDonald, who took off over Ambon Bay at 3.30 am. After take-off, he slowed to enable the following Hudsons to form up, but the aircraft stalled and crashed into the bay. Consequently Flight Lieutenant Arch Dunne assumed command of the strike force. The raid was a success. The operations during the rest of the month were less memorable. The Japanese advance had caused such confusion that three Hudsons attacked the US destroyer Peary on 28 December, damaging the ship’s steering gear. The destroyer limped into port in the Halmaheras. On the 30th the Japanese raided Babo, and three 13 Squadron Hudsons were dispatched from Laha to supply aerial protection. A flight of Hudsons, under the command of Flight Lieutenant Bob Cuming, was ordered from Penfoi to Namlea. By the end of December the two Hudson squadrons were coordinating their operations, but even their combined efforts failed to delay Japanese plans. Laha was raided by Japanese flying boats on 7 January. The Hudsons gained retribution when they bombed a Japanese naval force off the north-east Celebes on the 11th. Flying at low level, the Hudsons claimed a direct hit on a cruiser and a near miss on a transport. Another five Hudsons from Namlea scored hits on a destroyer. A subsequent strike from Namlea by four Hudsons claimed to have left a transport in flames. Moreover, when intercepted by Japanese floatplane fighters the Hudsons shot down two in flames, saw another spinning out of the combat and damaged a fourth. However, the Japanese on the 12th turned the tables, when a force of Zekes intercepted a force of five Hudsons en route to Menado. Only one aircraft survived the onslaught. The crews of Flight Lieutenants P.H.R. Hodge, G. Sattler and A.R. Barton, and Flying Officer P.C. Gorrie did not survive the combat. Another Hudson force made an unsuccessful attack on an enemy cruiser. However, Japanese pressure was intensifying. On 15 January, twelve Zekes strafed Laha, and the surviving Hudsons were withdrawn to the relative safety of Namlea. However, this airfield was the target for sixteen enemy twin-engine bombers on the 25th. At this stage the two Australian squadrons had lost thirteen Hudsons, but the information that their gallant reconnaissance flights had gathered proved valuable. But the effort could not be maintained. Next day, four of the invaluable Hudsons were destroyed on the ground at Laha and Namlea, forcing the decision to evacuate the bases. One of the Hudsons required a new tailplane, so the ground crew worked all night
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on it to enable it to participate in the evacuation next day. With a load of 23, Flight Lieutenant Ron Cornfoot required all his skill to coax the aircraft into the air for the four and a half hour flight to Darwin. The Japanese invaded Ambon, and the survivors of the Hudson squadrons attempted to reach the northern coast of the island, where they discovered a boat and attempted to make the passage to Ceram Island. Unfortunately, they were captured by a Japanese patrol in Piru Bay. In one of the worst acts of barbarism of the war in the Pacific, the escapees were among 234 Australian servicemen who were executed by the Japanese at Laha over the three-day period 17–20 January. Squadron Leader A.B. ‘Tich’ McFarlane was in command at Namlea. A flight of three Hudson aircraft arrived on the evening of 30 January, but one collided with a Hudson that had been damaged during an earlier Japanese air raid. After slaving all night the airmen (including cooks and other non-technical trades) successfully transferred the tail from the bombed aircraft to the damaged Hudson. With the repair completed the difficult selection was made between those who were to seek safety and those who were to remain with McFarlane to carry out the demolition of the airfield. McFarlane and Flight Lieutenant J.E. Handbury and seven airmen immobilised the airfield and then began the arduous trek through wild mountainous terrain to Tifu on the south coast. After this ordeal, the nine men were rescued by an Empire flying boat, A18-13, on 13 February and flown to Darwin, where they were reunited with the 60 squadron personnel that had been flown out aboard the three Hudsons. One more evacuation bears mentioning. When the last 2 Squadron Hudsons were evacuated from the airfield at Penfoi, Timor to Darwin on 19 February, a small band remained to destroy the airfield and its facilities. The meteorological officer, Flying Officer Bryan Roffe, who been left in command of this small force, realised that there was little hope of immediate help for the 29 men. During the morning of the 20th, Japanese warships shelled the airfield and news was received that the Japanese were landing to the east at Dili. The party was forced to trek into the precipitous mountains of Timor. Under threat from Japanese forces that were attempting to quell the stout resistance of Sparrow Force, the airmen finally reached Toeakaoe, where they waited for rescue. Through improvisation and good fortune, they had been able to remain in contact with Darwin by radio and arrange for a rendezvous with the US submarine Sea Raven, resulting in the airmen being embarked on the submarine over the period 17–18 April. But the process was potentially dangerous.
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The presence of a Japanese patrol at the other end of the bay curtailed the transport of all the evacuees from the beach to the submarine during the first night, leaving the final seventeen escapees to be loaded during the following night. While the Hudson units had been attempting to stem the Japanese advance, the danger to northern Australia was becoming evident. On 18 February, a Kawanishi H6K ‘Mavis’ flying boat was sighted shadowing an Allied convoy transporting reinforcements for the defence of Java. An American P-40E Kittyhawk was scrambled to intercept. Lieutenant Robert J. Buel succeeded in shooting down the Japanese flying boat, but was killed when his fighter, hit by defending fire, crashed into the sea. Next day the convoy was bombed by Japanese bombers, and the convoy was ordered to retrace its course to Darwin, where it anchored in the harbour on the evening of 18 February. Darwin was to receive its baptism to fire next day Although warning had been received from Lieutenant John Gribble at 9.15 am that an enemy formation was passing over Bathurst Island, the only fighter defence of Darwin was in the form of the American Kittyhawks of the USAAF 33 Squadron. Having taken off for the flight to Java, the Kittyhawks were forced to return to Darwin by bad weather. The US commander, Major Floyd Pell, landed with half his force, leaving the remaining five on patrol. Lieutenant Robert Oestreicher spotted the approaching Japanese raiders and called a warning, but it was too late. Lieutenant Jack Peres died when his aircraft was shot down and crashed near Gunn Point. Lieutenant Elton Perry also fell to the marauding Japanese, and Lieutenant William Walker, although wounded, was able to land at the RAAF Station, only to watch as his aircraft burned. Pell and Lieutenant Charles Hughes were both killed while attempting to take off. Lieutenants Robert McMahon, Bert Glover and Burt Rice became airborne, but were immediately attacked. McMahon bailed out over the harbour. Rice also bailed out and he spent a night in the mangroves while Glover crashed on the airfield, where enemy strafing subsequently destroyed his aircraft. Twenty-one ships were sunk in Darwin Harbour on 19 February; ironically, one was the USS Peary. To this must be added 26 aircraft and considerable damage to the RAAF base, civilian airport, port facilities and the township itself. The cost to the Japanese was insignificant. Oestreicher was credited with the destruction of two Aichi D3A ‘Val’ carrier-based bombers, and another was observed to have crashed into the sea off East Point. A Zeke fell to the machinegun of Gunner Wilbert Hudson, and another was forced to land on
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Melville Island, where the pilot, Petty Officer Toyoshima Hajime, was captured.
New Britain and Papua New Guinea, 1942–44 The attack on Darwin on 19 February marked the first attack made on continental Australia by an enemy force. It was not the first attack on Australian territory. On 4 January 1942, 22 Nells bombed the airfield at Lakunai, near Rabaul, New Britain, part of the Australian Mandate of Papua New Guinea. The defence of the strategically important Rabaul, with its deep-water port and facilities, was the responsibility of 24 Squadron, commanded by Wing Commander John Lerew, which had deployed with four Hudson and thirteen Wirraway aircraft early in December 1941. Flight Lieutenant R.A. Yeowart and his 6 Squadron crew made a long-range photographic reconnaissance flight in a specially modified long-range Hudson over Truk, the Japanese fleet base in the Caroline Islands on 6 January 1942. When Yeowart returned, after evading defending aircraft and anti-aircraft fire, his report of the presence of twelve warships, a hospital ship, transports and many aircraft at all adjacent airfields made Lerew aware of the vulnerability of his base to invasion. On the same day, Japanese flying boats bombed Vunakanua airfield, destroying a Wirraway and damaging a Hudson. The aircraft flown by Flight Lieutenant B.H. Anderson was the only one of the four Wirraway aircraft that attempted to intercept the flying boats to make contact. He made a climbing attack from the rear of one flying boat and expended all his ammunition, without visible effect, from 275 metres. The attrition of the defending aircraft continued on the 7th, when a Hudson and three Wirraways were destroyed by a formation of Nells, despite the valiant effort of three Wirraways to attempt to intercept. Clearly the Wirraway was totally outclassed by the attacking aircraft, and Lerew requested modern fighters as reinforcements for his meagre force. None were available. The climax to the gallant defence of Lae came on 20 January. A formation of 50 enemy high-level bombers, divebombers and fighter escorts were sighted over Duke of York Island. Seven Wirraways attempted the interception, but Anderson and Pilot Officer C.A. Butterworth crashed on take-off due to engine failure. Three aircraft were lost in the ensuing combat, one destroyed on takeoff and two seriously damaged in crash landings. Six crewmen had been
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killed and five wounded in the ten-minute combat. It was as a result of this action that Lerew sent his famous signal to the Air Board: Nos morituri te salutamus (we who are about to die salute you). With an invasion imminent, Lerew evacuated wounded men on 22 January, when Squadron Leader J. Sharp flew the remaining serviceable Hudson to Port Moresby. Lerew withdrew his men to the Wide Bay area, where flying boats from Port Moresby could evacuate the survivors. Next day a total of 96 men were evacuated by 33 Squadron Short Empire flying boats flown by Squadron Leaders J.L. Grey and M.V. Mather. Grey flew to Tol next day, where he successfully embarked 49 airmen and soldiers. A trio led by the radio officer at Sum Sum, Sergeant F.G. Higgs, who had remained behind to secure the communications link with Port Moresby until the 27th, were ordered to withdraw. Higgs and the two other airmen appropriated a five-metre sailing boat and, after an epic 21-day voyage, reached Cairns. While 24 Squadron was fighting for its existence at Rabaul, the Catalina flying boats of 11 and 20 Squadrons were also attempting to curb the Japanese advance. When it moved to Port Moresby in September 1939, 11 Squadron was equipped with two Short ‘C’ class Empire flying boats that had been pressed into service from Qantas, and two Supermarine Seagull amphibians. The famous Empire flying boats may have been successful on the commercial route to England, but when armed with a single Lewis machine-gun and bomb racks, it was of limited usefulness as an offensive maritime reconnaissance aircraft. Consequently, 11 Squadron welcomed the delivery of the first of its new Consolidated Catalina flying boats in March 1941. This aircraft, with power supplied by two 1200 hp Pratt and Whitney Twin Wasp engines, had a maximum speed of 315 kph and a range of 4989 kilometres. It was to equip four active RAAF squadrons and prove to be a versatile, reliable aircraft. The advent of this aircraft, and the raising of 20 Squadron at Port Moresby on 1 August 1941, gave the Australian defences a robust maritime reconnaissance force. The Catalina squadrons were the only units capable of taking advantage of the information provided from Yeowart’s successful reconnaissance of Truk and other long-range reconnaissance missions. A force of six flying boats from the combined squadrons attempted to attack Truk on 11 January, but foul weather en route forced the aircraft to return to Port Moresby. Another attempt was made on the 16th, but Squadron Leader T.H. Davis and his crew were lost when their aircraft crashed on take-off after refuelling at Kavieng. Three of the four aircraft that proceeded with the attack were unable to find the target
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due to poor visibility. Flight Lieutenant Ern Beaumont, who arrived an hour later, made two bombing runs to drop sixteen 250-pound bombs, but to no apparent effect. Squadron Leader J.A. ‘Dick’ Cohen flew a long-range reconnaissance mission that showed the extraordinary endurance of the Catalina. On 13 January he departed from Tulagi, a small island adjacent to Guadalcanal where an advanced operational base had been established, to undertake a 19 hour 37 minute reconnaissance of the northern Gilbert Islands. Reconnaissance missions could be lethal. On 21 January, Corporal T.H. Keen was the sole survivor of a Catalina, captained by Lieutenant G.H. Hutchinson, US Navy, that had been shot down in flames over Salamaua by five enemy fighters. Flight Lieutenant Robert Thompson had departed from Gizo on the same date to search for the Japanese task force that had attacked Rabaul on the previous day. Thompson found the task group and was ordered to shadow the warships. His aircraft had come under accurate antiaircraft fire and, worst of all, he could see fighters taking off from the aircraft carriers below. The inevitable damage to the Catalina in the subsequent action forced the burning flying boat to force land in the open sea. The survivors, fearing that the burning aircraft would explode, abandoned the aircraft. They were later picked up by a Japanese cruiser and became prisoners of war. After the fall of Rabaul the Port Moresby-based Catalinas and the ten Hudsons of the newly formed 32 Squadron, under Wing Commander Deryck Kingwell, were the only RAAF strike force in Papua New Guinea. The Catalinas striking at Rabaul met considerable resistance. For example, on the night of 3 February, Pilot Officer B.G. ‘Tubby’ Higgins was flying one of five Catalinas bombing Simpson Harbour, when, at 10.00 pm, the flying boat was attacked by a Zeke. The enemy fighter hit the Catalina, wounding the wireless operator in both ankles. Higgins evaded the Zeke by diving to sea level through the cloud billowing up from one of the active volcanoes that perpetually threaten the town of Matupi. Flight Lieutenant G.E. Hemsworth was also attacked. His aircraft was hit in the port engine, forcing him to jettison the bomb load and take evasive action. Sergeant Douglas Dick, on his first operational flight, returned fire from the port blister. As a result of his fire an enemy fighter was seen to spin and crash into the sea. Hemsworth made a five-hour, singleengine flight to Salamaua, where he made a perfect landing just before dawn. After making temporary repairs, he was able to take off using both engines, but once the aircraft had climbed to 600 metres, the port
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engine had to be shut down. After the Catalina landed at Port Moresby, 157 bullet holes were counted. Attrition of the flying boats and crews resulted in an operational combination of the two squadrons. Aircraft, crews and tasks were shared, but men and machines could not be replaced. Lieutenant Ern Beaumont was lost on the night of 24 February. On the same day, five Zekes escorted eleven enemy bombers and raided Port Moresby, with a disastrous result for the flying boat squadrons. Three Catalinas were destroyed, and another damaged, at their moorings. It was obvious that the increasing number of Japanese raids would make the position of the three squadrons at Port Moresby untenable. Although Squadron Leader Deryck Kingwell, the commander of 32 Squadron, recorded a direct hit on a 6 000-tonne transport, part of the Japanese invasion force of eleven ships in Salamaua Harbour on 7 March, enemy pressure resulted in 32 Squadron being completely withdrawn to Horn Island on 26 April. The two Catalina squadrons withdrew further south to Bowen, Queensland, from where they made long-range strikes on targets such as Tulagi and along the northern coast of New Guinea and the island of New Britain. Unfortunately, in January 1942, there were no RAAF fighter squadrons in Australia to contest for aerial superiority with the Japanese over the important airfields at Port Moresby. It was not until 4 March that the first Kittyhawk fighter squadron, 75, was raised at Townsville. The raising of 76 Squadron at Archerfield, Queensland on the 14th and 77 at Pearce, Western Australia two days later, followed this unit. On the 21st, Wing Commander Peter Jeffery, although having handed the command of 75 Squadron to a fellow 3 Squadron veteran, Squadron Leader J.F. ‘Old John’ Jackson, survived being shot at by defending anti-aircraft gunners while landing with the first four Kittyhawks to arrive at the Seven Mile airfield. Within hours the squadron made its presence felt. Flying Officer Wilbur Wackett, the son of Lawrence Wackett, and Flying Officer Barry Cox scrambled at 3.53 pm to intercept the daily Japanese reconnaissance aircraft. The two Kittyhawks closed with their prey, and after several well-directed bursts of machine-gun fire, the bomber exploded and dived into the sea west of Baslik Point. The combat, an emphatic victory in full view of the defending ground troops, was a great tonic to morale. But Jackson was not satisfied with this initial victory. Next day, 22 March, Jackson led nine aircraft from the Seven Mile to take the battle to the Japanese. Photographic evidence had been
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produced that indicated that a force of Mitsubishi G-4M ‘Betty’ bombers and Zeke fighters was based on the airfield at Lae. To attack this attractive target, Jackson led five strafing Kittyhawks. Flight Lieutenant Peter Turnbull (another 3 Squadron veteran) led the top cover of four fighters. The ground strafers made two runs over the airfield, so low that the aircraft flown by Flight Lieutenant John Piper collided with the propeller of one of the parked enemy fighters, tearing one of the Kittyhawk’s wing guns from its mount and severely damaging the wing main spar. It was reported that nine Zekes and three Bettys were left burning as a result. Anderson, of 24 Squadron Rabaul fame, fell foul of the defending fighters. Turnbull and Sergeant J.H.S. Pettett, members of the top cover, succeeded in destroying a Zeke each. Wilbur Wackett had a combat that resulted in his being forced to ditch his engine-damaged fighter in the sea halfway between Lae and Salamaua. He swam ashore. After an epic adventure that entailed crossing the Owen Stanley Ranges on foot, Wackett returned to Port Moresby on 22 April. On an almost daily basis, the pilots of 75 Squadron fought against overwhelming odds and tactical limitations. But the presence of the fighters enabled United States Army Air Corps Douglas A-24 bombers to attack targets at Lae, and also enabled American medium bombers to stage through the Port Moresby airfields with a degree of safety. It was John Jackson’s leadership that was inspirational, and his failure to return from a lone reconnaissance of Lae on 9 April was met with great sadness, and also a spirit of vengeance. On the 18th, the news that he was safe and well at Navos was greeted with relief. But this was to be short-lived. John Jackson’s final mission highlights the heroic defence mounted by 75 Squadron. At 11.15 am, 28 April 1942, Jackson led five Kittyhawks to intercept a superior force of Japanese bombers and fighters north of Port Moresby. Jackson and Barry Cox died fighting the Zeke escort that had the advantage of height over the slow climbing Kittyhawks. Flying Officer Peter Masters spun out of the combat, and Flying Officer Le Gay ‘Cocky’ Brereton was slightly wounded when his Kittyhawk was hit in the wings and fuselage. Jackson’s aircraft was seen to crash on Mount Lawes. When the crash site was located, the engine was found embedded two metres into the ground from the force of the impact. In its epic 44-day defence of Port Moresby 75 Squadron destroyed eighteen and damaged 29 enemy aircraft in aerial combat for the loss of 21 aircraft and twelve pilots. When the unit was withdrawn on 7 May, the Japanese tide had reached its height; the US Navy was in the
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process of fighting, and ultimately winning, the Battle of the Coral Sea. The engagement was the result of strategic intelligence and the efforts of Australian long-range reconnaissance missions that warned of the Japanese approach. Enemy fighters attacked Hemsworth and his crew after they reported the presence of two enemy destroyers south-east of Misima Island on 6 May. Later in the afternoon, Flight Lieutenant P.J.E. Pennycuick, flying a 32 Squadron Hudson, reported an aircraft carrier, six destroyers and four enemy merchantmen in the same area. The build-up of Japanese naval force was noted through daily reconnaissance flights and the situation built to a climax on 7 March, when the American Admiral Frank J. Fletcher launched the air groups of the aircraft carriers USS Yorktown and USS Lexington to sink the Japanese aircraft carrier Shoho and badly damage the larger Shokaku. Lexington was lost, but a strategic victory had been won; most importantly, the Japanese invasion force that had planned to attack Port Moresby was forced to withdraw. The turning point of the Pacific War, the carrier battle centred on the island of Midway, was fought on 4 June. The outcome of the battles fought in the last six months of 1942 in Papua New Guinea and Guadalcanal were pivotal to the defeat, or victory, of either of the protagonists. On 21 July, the Japanese landed at Gona, and commenced to advance toward Kokoda, thence across the Owen Stanley Ranges toward Port Moresby. However, the focus for the Australian fighter squadrons was further east, at Milne Bay. Peter Turnbull had assumed command of 76 Squadron in May, and led the squadron there at the end of July. En route they flew the first Kittyhawk fighter-bomber mission in the South Western Pacfic Area, an aborted strike on Napapo on 22 July. The presence of enemy fighters above the seven Kittyhawks forced the Australians to drop their bombs before closing with the enemy. In the subsequent inconclusive action, Turnbull’s aircraft was slightly damaged, but this did not prevent him from landing at Milne Bay. The only aircraft loss was that flown by Flight Lieutenant V. Sullivan, who was forced to land eight kilometres from Port Moresby due to engine failure. From 25 July, 76 Squadron was based at the newly constructed airfield at Milne Bay, Gurney strip. The first action was an unsuccessful attempt to intercept a Kawanishi H8K ‘Emily’ flying boat that had bombed Townsville that night. A rejuvenated 75 Squadron deployed to Milne Bay at the end of July. There was an expectation that the Japanese would attempt to capture it as a base for a pincer movement to take Port Moresby, and Hudson aircraft arrived on 6 August to give some long-range warning of any approaching enemy. Two days before,
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the Japanese showed interest in the Allied developments, when Zekes strafed Gurney and destroyed a Kittyhawk. Flying Officer P.H. Ash evened the score when he destroyed an enemy Zeke. The second Japanese air raid occurred on the 11th. The two Australian squadrons lost four pilots, but claimed the destruction of two Zekes, the possible destruction of two, and to have damaged a further six. Another brisk combat took place on the 24th. Next day, John Piper led nine 75 Squadron Kittyhawks to strafe Japanese landing barges and enemy troops that had been sighted at Cape Watts, Goodenough Island. This force was intended to land at Taupota, and the successful destruction of the barges eliminated a northern threat to the defenders of Milne Bay. Also on the 25th, an American Boeing B-17 crew reported the presence of a Japanese naval force en route for Milne Bay. As inclement weather prevented any long-range B-17 attacks on this force, it was left to a combination of the Australian Kittyhawk and Hudson aircraft to defend Milne Bay. At mid-afternoon of the 25th, Peter Turnbull and ‘Cocky’ Brereton led a force of twelve Kittyhawks and a single Hudson to contest the Japanese approach. Armed with a single 300-pound bomb, the fighters were restricted to making low-level strafing and bombing attacks, instead of the preferred high-level dive-bombing approach, because of the overcast conditions. The strike force returned to Gurney strip and rearmed. Unfortunately the low cloud and failing light prevented any further contact. It was left to Pilot Officer Martin Law from 6 Squadron to make two bombing passes out of the cloud later in the evening. Despite having inflicted minor casualties on the enemy, the air assault did not prevent the landing of Japanese troops at Ahioma, from where the Japanese troops advanced along the northern shore of Milne Bay toward the airfields. Squadron Leader Les Jackson, who had assumed command of 75 Squadron on the death of his elder brother, ‘Old John’, led six Kittyhawks on a strike on the Japanese landing barges that had been sighted on the beach near the KB Mission. This sortie was the first of a pattern of operational flights made by the two fighter squadrons to supply close support to the hard-pressed Australians. When not so involved, the fighters defended the bay from any enemy aerial encroachments. On 27 August, Les Jackson and Sergeant Roy Riddell each shot down a Zeke, but not before an American B-24 Liberator bomber burned as a result of the enemy strafing the Gurney strip. Flight Sergeant Stewart Munro was reported missing after the fight. Later, 76 Squadron lost its commander. Late in the afternoon Peter
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Turnbull was killed when his aircraft crashed as he attempted to strafe a Japanese light tank. Squadron Leader Keith ’Bluey’ Truscott, of 452 Squadron fame, assumed command of the squadron. He remained in this appointment until his death on 28 March 1943, when he crashed into the sea while undertaking fighter training with a flying boat off Exmouth Gulf in Western Australia. The expectation of an enemy assault on the airfield complex on the night of 28 August resulted in the overnight withdrawal of the fighters to Port Moresby. The expected attack did not eventuate, and the aircraft returned to Milne Bay on the 29th. Group Captain W.H. Garing also arrived to assume the overall command of the RAAF units involved in the battle, which reached its climax during the early morning of the 31st. Desperate, but unsuccessful, attempts by the Japanese to overwhelm the Australian defences at Turnbull airfield (No. 2 airfield had been renamed to commemorate Peter Turnbull) proved the apogee of the Japanese advance. Steady pressure by the Australians forced the withdrawal of the invaders on the night of 5 September. The Japanese Navy had made its presence felt during the campaign. On the night of 7 September a salvo of shells hit the supply ship Anshun, which capsized at the Gili Gili wharf. Garing was particularly perturbed at the enemy navy’s freedom of action. He was aware of the raising of 100 Squadron and its new Beaufort torpedo bombers. As a result of his pleadings Wing Commander J.R. ‘Sam’ Balmer led six Beauforts north from Laverton on 4 September. En route the Beauforts were loaded with American Mk XIII torpedoes at the RAAF base at Nowra. During the morning of 7 September, two 6 Squadron Hudsons attacked a Japanese cruiser and a destroyer and reported the incident to Milne Bay. An attack force of six Beauforts, three 30 Squadron Beaufighters and ten Kittyhawks took off to strike at the force off Normanby Island. The strike force did not discover the enemy vessels and returned to Milne Bay. However, they were not to be denied. At 4.55 pm three Beaufighters, and the eight 76 Squadron Kittyhawks led by Truscott, closed to within 800 metres of the enemy before commencing to strafe the bridge and upper works of a cruiser. The enemy formed a defensive circle as the Beauforts commenced their low-level run. Under fire from the cruiser’s heavy guns, the Beauforts dropped their torpedoes from a range of 1500 metres. Results were disappointing. No hits were made, but lessons were learnt that were to be applied in future anti-shipping operations. Unfortunately, from the perspective of the torpedo bomber force, this strike was indicative of the problems that were faced. The torpedo used proved
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unreliable, and the subsequent eighteen torpedo bomber operations were to prove disappointing. Squadron Leader Noel Quinn was shot down and captured after flying the RAAF’s final torpedo bomber sortie against Rabaul on 4 December 1943. The Kittyhawk squadrons returned to Australia for rest and reequipment. 76 Squadron flew to Batchelor in the Northern Territory, and Truscott was able to add the last entry to his list of claims: a Betty destroyed on 21 January. After serving at Horn Island and Cairns, 75 Squadron returned to Milne Bay in January 1943. In the meantime, the Allied airfields had been developed in the Port Moresby area. The efforts of 1 Mobile Works Squadron (later 5 Airfield Construction Squadron) from July 1942 resulted in the development of Ward’s airfield to enable the Beaufighters of 30 Squadron and Boston light bombers of 22 Squadron to operate against the Japanese forces along the Kokoda Track and at Buna, Gona and Sanananda. It is also a period where the influence of air power in the theatre was becoming apparent. For example, the difficultly of supplying the forward troops on the Kokoda Track resulted in the deployment of the Special Transport Flight of Hudson aircraft from 1 Operational Training Unit to Ward’s airfield to augment the sparse aerial transport resources in the theatre. The flight made its first supply drop at Soputa on 14 December 1942. Next day the hazards of these operations became evident. Three Hudsons departed from Ward’s, penetrated the overcast conditions over the notorious ‘Gap’ in the Owen Stanley Range and dropped much needed ammunition at Soputa. Squadron Leader W.A. Pedrina made two circuits before dropping his stores on the third. The aircraft then went into a steep turn and crashed, with Flight Sergeant L. Callaghan the only survivor. The short operational career of Flight Lieutenant W.E. Newton is typical of the tasks that were being undertaken by the Australian squadrons at Port Moresby during this period. After joining 22 Squadron, Newton flew his first operational sortie on 1 January 1943, strafing Japanese positions near Sanananda Point, landing at Dobodura due to a mechanical problem with his Boston light bomber. On 22 January 1943, the Australian and American forces finally secured the area from Gona to Buna. The Australian Bostons had played an effective role in supporting the land battle, and Newton was to participate in an action in March that sealed the fate of the Japanese defenders at Lae. Prior to this climactic event, Newton flew missions to prevent the Japanese from capturing the airfields at Wau. During February, Newton flew five of eight sorties supporting the hard-pressed
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infantry in the Wau–Mubo–Salamaua area. Using photographs exposed by the Wirraways of 4 Tactical Reconnaissance Squadron, the Bostons flew at 400 kph through anti-aircraft fire, between ridges and mountains, often battling through monsoonal rain and clouds to bomb and strafe enemy positions. These operations, which required courage and flying skill, contributed to the heavy Japanese casualties. On 2 March, Bill Newton flew one of six Boston bombers, which in the face of heavy anti-aircraft fire, swept across the airfield at Lae, leaving a trail of destruction. This action was aimed at destroying enemy fighters that had been deployed to Lae to give protection to a Japanese convoy. The ships had departed from Rabaul on 28 February to reinforce the garrison at Lae. The convoy was attacked by American B-17 bombers during the 2nd, but it persevered. Next day it came within range of the specially trained Australian 30 Squadron Beaufighter and American B-25 Mitchell bomber crews, who vindicated the many hours of low-level ‘skip bombing’ training that they had undertaken on the wreckage of the SS Pruth. To prevent interception of the attacking force, Newton and two other Boston captains attacked the Lae airfield early in the morning. The three Bostons, armed with four nose-mounted 0.303 machine-guns and a 2000-pound bomb load caught the enemy fighters as they prepared for take-off, leaving many burning on the cratered runway. Out in the Bismarck Sea the Japanese convoy was bombed by a force of B-17 Flying Fortress bombers, thirteen 30 Squadron Beaufighters and a number of Mitchells, leaving a swathe of burning and sinking vessels in their wake. Ammunition expended, the Allied aircraft returned to Port Moresby to rearm and refuel. The Allied aircraft returned during the afternoon. Wing Commander C.C. Learmonth led five 22 Squadron Bostons to join in the fray, claiming two direct hits on enemy vessels. The Australians were under pressure from defending Zekes. Flying Officer H.B. Craig attracted four of them. By boldly turning into his attackers with all guns blazing, Craig forced the enemy to break away. Newton did not participate in the later attacks. On 16 March, Newton was flying one of a formation of six Bostons that attacked newly constructed fuel tanks on the Salamaua isthmus. From a height of 1500 metres, Newton dived on the tanks, while his wingman, Dick Fethers, strafed the adjacent gun sites. The tanks exploded, and the resultant fireball and column of smoke could be seen for 80 kilometres. As the other Bostons dropped their bombs, Newton returned to strafe the area. His aircraft received four direct hits and,
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with instruments, hydraulics and control surfaces badly damaged, Newton turned south-east for safety. To further compound the situation, one engine had to be shut down. Newton, with superb airmanship and luck, coaxed the Boston back to Ward’s. For his action on this day, Newton was awarded the Victoria Cross. But it was a posthumous award. On 18 March, Newton and his crew, along with Sergeant Basil Eastwood and John Lyons, ditched after attacking Salamaua. Eastwood was killed in the crash, and Newton and Lyons were captured. Lyons was bayoneted to death soon after, and on 29 March 1943 the 23-year-old Flight Lieutenant W.E. Newton was executed by his Japanese captors. Admiral Yamamoto had established an advanced headquarters at Lae to attempt to counter the reverses at Guadalcanal and along the northern New Guinea coast. He identified the growing Allied air strength as the major threat, and instigated a series of air attacks on Guadalcanal, Oro Bay, Port Moresby and Milne Bay to redress the balance. In this he was unsuccessful. At Milne Bay the enemy efforts were intercepted by the Lockheed P-38 Lightning fighters of the USAAF 9th Fighter Squadron and the Kittyhawks of 75 and 77 Squadrons. The latter had arrived in November 1942, and 75 Squadron returned on 13 February 1943. The action, the last major aerial combat to which the RAAF fighter force contributed in the South West Pacific Area, took place on 14 April 1943. The two Australian units’ contribution was the destruction of six Betty bombers, a Aichi D3A ‘Val’ and three Zekes. Squadron Leader W.A. ‘Wulf’ Arthur, the 75 Squadron commander, epitomised the courage of the Australian pilots. Finding that his guns would not fire, he requested permission to land. While diving across Milne Bay, he sighted six Vals and made dummy attacks on the formation, before unsuccessfully attempting, by aggressive flying, to force another Val to land. To facilitate the westward advance from Milne Bay, 6 ACS deployed to Goodenough Island and to Kiriwina to prepare airfields to be used by Kittyhawks and Beauforts to strike at targets at Gasmata and Rabaul. During this period, 75 Squadron operated two Lockheed F-4, the photographic reconnaissance version of the P-38 Lightning fighter, on missions over Cape Gloucester, Gasmata and the Trobriand Islands for the US Sixth Army and RAAF 9 Operational Group. Squadron Leader Geoff Atherton and Flight Lieutenant ‘Monty’ Mountseer flew the majority of the flights. The squadron operated from the new airfields at Vivigani on Goodenough Island and Kiriwina that had been developed by 6 ACS. In the meantime, 7 ACS
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contributed to the construction of the airfield complex at Nadzab, the communication road from the complex to Lae and the construction of a fuel pipeline from that port to the airfield. This area became a major base for American heavy and medium bombers preparing for the subsequent landings at Cape Gloucester in New Britain and at Aitape and Hollandia. From 19 January 1944, 75 squadron operated from Newton Field, one of the Australian contributions to the Nadzab complex. Then they commenced operations with the newly arrived 78 Squadron. The operation of the two units included escorting formations of USAAF B-24 Liberators and B-25 Mitchells. In addition, the two Kittyhawk units flew close escort for the Vultee Vengeance divebombers of 21, 23 and 24 Squadrons that were flying precision strikes against enemy facilities at Alexishafen, Sair Island, Hansa Bay and Madang. The three dive-bomber units had deployed to New Guinea between 30 August and 15 February 1944. Although the aircraft supported the Australian 9th Division at Sattelberg and gained a reputation for close air support to ground troops, they did not remain operational in the theatre for long. On 8 March, 23 Squadron flew its last sortie; 21 Squadron was only based in New Guinea for fifteen days before all the dive-bomber units were returned south. Ultimately, they were to form the nucleus of the RAAF Liberator heavy bomber force. When not involved in escort duties, the Kittyhawks struck at enemy targets and flew close support missions. These were risky. On 27 January 1944, 75 Squadron lost Flight Sergeant J.N. Stirling and Pilot Officer Hunt when they collided while strafing Jombo Island, south of Madang. Flying Officer E.H. Weber was shot down over Malala on 2 March 1944, to become 78 Squadron’s first operational casualty. Squadron Leader Col Lindeman gained some revenge when he damaged two Oscars that had attempted to intercept the Liberator formation that he was escorting. Japanese sources state that two Oscars were lost on this day, but they do not state whether this was the result of air-to-air combat or to another cause. This was to prove the last combat of this type that involved 75 Squadron. On 12 March, 75 Squadron commenced operations from Cape Gloucester in New Britain in support of the 1st Marine Division that had landed as part of the operations to isolate the Japanese Rabaul garrison and to prepare bases for the next step forward: the landings at Aitape during March. The personnel of 7 ACS were in the second wave of troops that landed at Aitape, and the members of 5 ACS on the 23rd reinforced them. These highly professional units had a fighter strip operational on the 24 April, and a bomber strip two weeks later. The
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Kittyhawks of 78 Squadron landed at Aitape on 25 April, and 75 Squadron aircraft joined them next day. The two squadrons directed operations against the Japanese defences between Hyaparake and Cape Boram, as well as covering the progress of the naval bombardment force that included HMAS Australia and HMAS Shropshire. Both were to be involved in the landing at the island of Biak in May. The two RAAF fighter squadrons moved westwards to Hollandia on 25 May. On 27 May, they covered the landing of the US 41st Division at Biak. These operations were undertaken at the extreme range of the Kittyhawks, and the flights gave little opportunity for the fighters to close with the enemy. However, when the opportunity was presented, the Australians took full advantage. In one of the last major air-to-air combats in Papua New Guinea, 78 Squadron shot down eight Japanese aircraft on 3 June. Fifteen Kittyhawks intercepted a Japanese formation of twelve Oscars and three Nakajima B5N ‘Kate’ attack bombers. Flight Lieutenant R.S. Osment, the formation leader, shot down a Kate in flames. Pilot Officer R.R. Cowley closed to within 50 metres of an Oscar before shooting it down, also in flames. Blue section joined the furious dog fight. The leader, Flight Lieutenant G.H. White, shot the wing off an Oscar before disposing of a Kate, which was seen to invert just before it hit the water. Other victorious pilots were Flight Lieutenant D.R. Baker, Flight Sergeant C.I. Smith, Flight Lieutenant J.C. Smith, Flight Lieutenant J.C. Griffiths, and Flying Officer R.E. Barker, who were credited with the destruction of one Oscar apiece. In addition, Griffiths and Flying Officer N.F. Blessing shared in the destruction of another enemy fighter. On 10 June, Flight Lieutenants D.R. Baker and G. Giles scored the final air-to-air victory credited to RAAF fighters over New Guinea when they destroyed an enemy aircraft while covering an Allied convoy near Japen Island. The next phase of MacArthur’s advance was the capture of the island of Noemfoor, from where air power could be projected over the Vogelkop peninsula and the Ambon–Ceram area. To ensure the rapid utilisation of the Noemfoor airfields, Group Captain W.C. Dale, the commander of 62 Works Wing, was appointed as the chief engineer to oversee the rehabilitation and construction of the airfields at Kamiri and Kornsoren. The airfield construction troops landed within thirty minutes of the initial assault, and Kamiri was suitable for 78 Squadron to fly to Noemfoor on 20 July, where 75 and 80 Squadrons joined it on the 22nd. The three squadrons harassed enemy forces in the Geelvink Bay and Vogelkop peninsula as indirect support to the Allied landing at
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Sansapor, and were joined in this task by 22 Squadron Bostons and the 30 Squadron Beaufighters early in August. When Morotai was taken after an unopposed assault on 14 September 1944, the men of 3 and 14 ACSs were among the first to land. By 20 September, they had completed preparatory work and commenced the upgrading of the Wama airfield. Morotai was to become a main concentration point for RAAF front-line units assigned to the RAAF’s 1st Tactical Air Force. These included 1 (Mosquito), 13 (Ventura), 21, 23 and 24 (Liberator), 30 and 93 (Beaufighter), and 452 and 457 (Spitfire) Squadrons. To this must be added the assets of 22 Squadron that had deployed to Morotai on 17 November 1944 with sixteen Bostons. Nine Bostons were either destroyed or extensively damaged during Japanese air raids on the night of 22–23 November, forcing the unit to be withdrawn to Noemfoor for rearming with Beaufighters. The fighters, Bostons and Beaufighters operated extensively over the Halmaheras to ensure that the Japanese forces could not be deployed to reinforce the defences of the Philippines. These operations were to act as a catalyst for the so-called ‘Morotai Mutiny’ of April 1945, when a group of senior commanders took action to bring the futility of these operations to the attention of higher authority.
Darwin operations, 1943–45 The air forces based in the Northern Territory protected the left flank of the Allied forces as they advanced along the north coast of Papua New Guinea. A complex of 44 airfields was developed along, or adjacent to, ‘the track’ south of Darwin. These airfields ranged from fighter strips in close proximity to Darwin, such as Strauss and Livingstone, to the medium bomber fields at Coomalie Creek and MacDonald, and the heavy bomber airfields at Fenton and Long. The role of 1 Fighter Wing defines the initial defensive nature of operations in the area. The wing, under the command of Group Captain A.L. Walters, with Wing Commander C.R. Caldwell as the wing leader, arrived in Darwin during January 1943. The wing comprised three squadrons—54 RAF (Darwin), 452 (Strauss) and 457 (Livingstone)—and had its first combat on 2 March, in which Caldwell and Squadron Leader E.M Gibbes each claimed the destruction of a Zeke. On 15 March, 27 Spitfires intercepted a formation of 24 Japanese bombers and its escort of 25 fighters. The defending Spitfires claimed
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the destruction of two bombers and six Zekes, but lost Flight Sergeant L. Varney and Sergeant A.E Cooper, both of 54 Squadron. The third loss was that of Squadron Leader R.E. Thorold-Smith, the commander of 452 Squadron. The most contentious action occurred on 2 May, when fourteen Spitfires were lost in an action involving 21 Betty bombers and 20 fighters. Five Spitfires fell in combat with the Japanese fighters and nine others were lost due to engine failure and fuel shortage. To partially balance the score, the Spitfire pilots shot down six enemy aircraft. The Wing participated in other successful combats on 20, 28 and 30 June and 7 July before Flying Officer J.H. Smithson of 457 Squadron shot down two of the nine Betty bombers raiding the Darwin suburb of Parap, Adelaide River and the airfield at Batchelor on 12 November 1943. In nine months of combat, 1 Fighter Wing was credited with the destruction of 65 enemy aircraft for the loss of 44 Spitfires and fifteen pilots. The Spitfire Wing had laid the defensive platform for the heavy and medium bombers and Beaufighters to conduct aggressive operations against the Japanese. Squadron Leader Reg ‘Butch’ Gordon epitomises this aggressive spirit. He arrived at 31 Squadron at Coomalie Creek on 21 July 1943, where he teamed with his observer, Ron Jordan. On 26 August, Gordon led seven Beaufighters on a raid to Taberfane to attack enemy floatplanes. Although the force refuelled at Millingimbi, the Beaufighters only had fuel for fifteen-minutes’ combat over the target. The final approach was made to Taberfane at 25 metres, and the Beaufighters surprised three Mitsubishi A6M2-N ‘Rufe’ (the floatplane variant of the Zeke fighter) and two Mitsubishi F1M2 ‘Pete’ biplane floatplanes. Gordon strafed a floatplane, leaving it burning on a slipway. The Beaufighters engaged in a low-level melee before using their superior speed to break off. Gordon also shot down a Rufe on 17 September. When not chasing floatplanes, the 31 Squadron Beaufighters flew harassing attacks and armed reconnaissance missions over the islands north-west of Darwin. Gordon led one of these to Selaroe Island on 9 October, which resulted in Pilot Officer McCord shooting down a Sally. Gordon claimed a Kawasaki Ki-45 ‘Nick’ twin-engine fighter before his Beaufighter was badly damaged by another Nick. This aircraft made the mistake of passing in front of the wounded Beaufighter to attack another Australian fighter. By so doing, he suffered the direct effect of the Beaufighter’s four 20-mm cannon and six 0.303 machine-guns and fell in flames. Gordon nursed the big fighter over the two-hour flight back to Australia, before crash landing
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on the fighter field at Livingstone. The aircraft, perforated by 50 cannon shells and 120 machine-gun bullets, was written off. These are but two examples of Gordon’s aggressive approach. Gordon was credited with the destruction of two Rufes, one Pete, three Nicks and a Betty. He flew intensive operations until 27 February 1944, when the squadron commander, Wing Commander W.F.B. Mann, decided to restrict his flying activity. On the same day, Gordon and Flight Sergeant Smith undertook an air test of a Beaufighter that had been having technical problems with its propellers. The Beaufighter circled the airfield at low altitude, with one propeller fully feathered and the other windmilling. As it passed behind a range of hills, both engines failed. Gordon attempted a belly landing, but the Beaufighter hit an outcrop of rock and burst into flames. Smith was killed. Somehow, Gordon extricated himself from the wreckage and was found 50 metres away, severely burned and in shock. He was admitted to hospital, but died two and a half hours later. The Beaufighters and Dutch Mitchells of 18 NEI Squadron comprised the main medium-range offensive capability based in the Northern Territory. Long-range bombing missions were the responsibility of the USAAF 90th Bombardment Group, which was replaced by the 380th Bombardment Group at Fenton during June 1943. These groups flew as far afield as Surabaya and Balikpapan, often with Australian air gunners, photographers and radar experts as crew members. A notable effort was the series of strikes made by the 380th on Balikpapan on 13 and 16 August which damaged the refineries and oil tanks, as well as sinking the 12 000 tonne Katori Maru. The 4300kilometre round trip demonstrated the long range of the Liberator. The RAAF was aware of the potential of this aircraft, but it was not until late 1944 that Liberators were assigned to enable the air force to deploy heavy bomber squadrons to the Northern Territory. The Heavy Bomber Replacement Training Unit was raised at Strathpine, Queensland in September 1944, and moved to Nadzab, where it cooperated with American units to train RAAF Liberator crews, later in the month. Under the tutelage of Wing Commander J.E. Handbury, the Australian crews trained in all aspects of Liberator operations, before graduating to gain operational experience with American units. The other avenue for the training of Liberator crews was attendance at 7 Operational Training Unit at Tocumwal, New South Wales, which completed its first course on 1 June 1944. Four RAAF Liberator squadrons deployed to the Northern Territory: 24 Squadron on 27 June, 21 Squadron on 28 December, 23 Squadron on
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10 March 1945 and 12 Squadron on 1 May 1945. These units operated against ground and mercantile targets near Timor in the Banda and Arafura seas. One of the most important of these strikes occurred on 6 April 1945. On 4 April, an Allied submarine sighted the 5700-tonne Japanese cruiser Izuzi and four vessels en route to Koepang, Timor. Unfortunately, aircraft were not available to enable a strike to be made before the enemy force docked at Koepang, The force was photographed en route to Koepang by 87 Squadron photographic reconnaissance aircraft from Coomalie Creek on the 5th. During the night Flight Lieutenant Ortlepp, flying a 43 Squadron Catalina, sighted on his radar the Izuzi and its consorts, which had departed from Koepang in the darkness. The Catalina tracked the vessels until just before dawn, after which the vessels were shadowed by a Mosquito. This aircraft came under fire before the crew, Flight Lieutenant A.J. Phillips and Flying Officer D.C.J. Bradbury, sighted two enemy fighters climbing to intercept. Phillips accelerated the unarmed Mosquito to 650 kph, leaving the Japanese floundering in his wake. The bombing force consisted of twenty Mitchell bombers from 2 and 18 Squadrons and nine Liberators from 21 and 24 Squadrons. The Mitchells, operating at the extent of their range, could not wait to make a coordinated attack with the heavy bombers. The Dutch attacked first, dropping 500-pound bombs from 3000 metres, and claiming two direct hits. Two minutes later Wing Commander T.S. Ingledew, Squadron Leader D.H. Hannah and Squadron Leader J.A. McMillan concentrated their flights on the madly weaving Izuzi. No hits were achieved. Twenty minutes later the Liberators joined the fray. The formation attacked from 3500 metres, contending with the flak from the vessels and the attempted interception by Japanese fighters. Flight Lieutenant S.J. McDonald’s aircraft caught fire as a result of being hit by cannon shells. The crew were ordered to bail out. During a second bomb run an enemy fighter hit Flight Lieutenant E.V. Ford’s Liberator and the big bomber caught fire. Five of the crew escaped, but Ford was killed when the Liberator plunged into the sea and exploded on impact. Warrant Officer K.R. Schilling was the sole survivor of McDonald’s aircraft. While in the water, he came within a hundred metres of the Izuzi. An escort passed close by, and a Zeke passed low overhead before a Catalina landed to rescue him. This aircraft repeated the process by picking up a survivor from Ford’s crew. Unfortunately, the flying boat was strafed by a Zeke, and the Catalina was lost. Schilling and the other survivors and their rescuers were sighted by the
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crew of an air-sea rescue Liberator and picked up by another Catalina. But the excitement was not over. As the heavily laden Catalina got the final survivor aboard and commenced its take-off run, a Nakajima J1N1-S ‘Irving’ night fighter attacked, scoring hits. For a further twenty minutes the Japanese fighter harassed the Catalina, but was unable to prevent it from reaching Darwin. The Izuzi was sunk by an Allied submarine two days later. One of the most spectacular raids mounted from the northern airfields was the series of attacks on the Mendalan hydro-electric power station on the Kalikonto River in Java. The Mosquitoes of 87 Squadron photographed the target area, and 24 Squadron crews undertook two weeks of intensive training in preparation for the strike. On 27 January 1945, Wing Commander D.W. Kingwell and Flight Lieutenant W.W. Kirkwood were the captains of the only two of the six Liberator strike force that struck at the transformer installation at Mendalan and the generators at Siman, respectively. After staging through Truscott, the two bombers approached Java at low level. Kingwell dropped six bombs which trailed across the transformers, and Kirkwood severely damaged the generators. The remaining four aircraft were unable to penetrate the rapidly deteriorating weather—cloud had closed down to sea level—and Kingwell and Kirkwood ran into extremely severe turbulence during the return flight. On 5 and 8 February, the squadron attacked the installations again. Staging through Truscott, Wing Commander R.E. Bell led four Liberators at minimum altitude to complete the destruction of the power installations. One Liberator, flown by Flight Lieutenant W. Court, was attacked by two Oscars, one of which lowered its undercarriage to reduce speed before dropping two phosphorous bombs which burst 150 metres above the bomber. The second Oscar made three passes on the Liberator, the waist gunner of which claimed possible hits on the fighter.
Borneo, 1945 The final campaigns involving the RAAF in the South West Pacific area were the series of Oboe operations, the object of which was the recovery of Borneo from the Japanese. The first of these was the landing at Tarakan on 1 May 1945. In the preamble to this assault, 21, 24, 23 (from Darwin) and 25 (Cunderdin, Western Australia) Liberator Squadrons combined with units from the USAF 13th Air Force to strike
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at enemy bases from Java to Borneo, to ensure that Allied air superiority was not threatened. From 2 April, the air forces commenced the preparatory bombing and strafing of targets at Tarakan. On the second day of the invasion, members of 1 and 8 ACSs landed to prepare the airfield for the Kittyhawk and Beaufighter operations. However, it was not until 6 May that the airfield was recaptured and refurbishment could commence. Even then the work was delayed by the need to delouse 114 mines before work on the badly cratered strip could commence in earnest. A greater problem was the fact that the airfield was waterlogged. Progress was extremely slow, often hampered by a Japanese 75-mm gun that shelled the airfield and by constant infiltration by Japanese soldiers. During one such episode, Sergeant K.G. Bradshaw was killed and his tent mate injured by the explosion of a Japanese hand grenade. As late as 7 June, intelligence reports of possible Japanese ‘Banzai’ charges across the airfield placed the airfield engineers on alert. Despite these difficulties, twenty 75 Squadron Kittyhawks landed on the airfield to commence operations on 30 June. However, the airfield required constant maintenance and its usefulness as a base from which fighter cover could be flown over the later Labuan and Balikpapan landings was in some doubt. So serious was the delay that a detachment of 6 ACS was deployed to the island of Tawi Tawi, where they refurbished the airfield at Sanga Sanga. This airfield was used by Kittyhawks of 76 Squadron and 31 Squadron Beaufighters to cover the Labuan landing, in which 4 and 5 ACSs played prominent roles. As at Tarakan, the men faced the danger of Japanese troops infiltrating their lines—a danger verified when, on the night of 20–21 June a force of a hundred Japanese sailors attempted a suicide attack on the airfield. The final landing of the Borneo campaign was made at Balikpapan and involved 2, 3, 6 and 8 ACSs and a detachment of 14 ACS, who, by the end of August, had prepared an airfield capable of handling fighters and a strip suitable for heavy bombers. There were two niches where Australian expertise was required by the US forces in the Philippines. So high was the reputation gained by the Australian airfield engineers that 3 ACS was one of the RAAF units invited to participate in the American invasion of the Philippines. This unit landed at Mindoro on 15 December 1944. Despite bombing attacks, a Japanese naval bombardment and the threat of counter attacks by enemy troops, 3 ACS constructed and maintained an airfield strip at San Jose, before returning to Morotai in July 1945. The greatest hazard that the men had to face was an outbreak of Asiatic
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Schistosomiasis, a virulent parasitic disease marked by high fever, abdominal or low back pain and the enlargement of the liver and spleen, which affected over 200 members of the unit. The other units that had the essential expertise to proceed with MacArthur’s forces to the Philippines were 4, 5 and 6 Wireless Units: they had been responsible for intercepting Japanese radio broadcasts and gathering intelligence. RAAF wireless units had undertaken this duty with great efficiency throughout the entire campaign in the South West Pacific Area. Kittyhawks, Spitfires and Beaufighters supported the landings in Borneo. In addition, the medium and heavy bomber units played an important role in isolating the landing areas and gave direct support to the troops on the ground. Australian airmen, ranging over the length and breadth of Borneo, inevitably suffered casualties. On 7 July, 75 Squadron lost Flight Sergeant M.A.J. Gilbert when he was forced to parachute from his spinning aircraft; and the crew of a 93 Squadron Beaufighter was reported missing after losing communications with a strike force on 7 August. Led by Squadron Leader D.K.H. Gulliver, eight Beaufighters sank an 800-tonne oil tanker. Flight Lieutenant Vernon Sims and his observer, Flying Officer Reginald Farrant, had fired a salvo of rockets before pulling out to his left to re-form with Gulliver’s aircraft. However, the starboard engine of the Beaufighter failed, making Sims force land in the jungle below. The two airmen struggled through the thick jungle undergrowth, through swamps and across small rivers before being discovered by a friendly indigenous person and rowed to the coast. They evaded Japanese patrols and were conveyed to safety at Miri. The two men returned to Labuan on 21 August. In the meantime, the war had ended, and volunteers were sought to join the British Commonwealth Occupation Force in Japan. This force was to be based on the 81 Wing and 76, 77 and 82 Squadrons, which were in the process of exchanging their Kittyhawks for new P-51 Mustang fighters. It also included 5 ACS. By the end of hostilities, the RAAF had developed into a well-balanced force. However, it still did not have a long-range singleengine fighter in its inventory until the introduction of the superb North American P-51 Mustang. It now had a professional longrange bombing force and two tactical reconnaissance squadrons (4 and 5) that had developed a close and effective relationship with army formations during the campaigns along the north coast of New Guinea and in Bougainville. This guaranteed accurate marking of targets
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and the delivery of close air support from high-performance aircraft such as RNZAF Vought Corsairs. Australian Beaufort squadrons also supported Australian Army operations around Aitape, while Auster and Dakota aircraft provided medical evacuation and saved many lives. Throughout the war, the RAAF flew long and tedious patrols over coastal convoys and sought out enemy raiders. The Bristol Beauforts of 14 Squadron, based at Pearce, spent the whole wartime period ranging from Albany to Port Hedland on these duties. Similarly, 32 Squadron, augmented by the antiquated Ansons of 67, 71 and 73 Squadrons, saw action against the Japanese submarine campaign of 1943. The Catalinas of 11, 20, 42 and 43 Squadrons flew some of the most arduous missions flown by the RAAF, laying aerial mines as far afield as Surabaya, Hong Kong and the coast of China. The force lost nine mine-laying aircraft, and were credited with the sinking of 23 enemy ships. The Catalinas damaged a further 27 in a campaign that must be seen as one of the outstanding successes of the RAAF in the South West Pacific Area. The RAAF excelled in the development of its ground radar equipment and its deployment. A surveillance and reporting system had been established that covered the east coast and strategic points on the west coast of the continent. In New Guinea, radar stations were established in isolated areas that, on occasion, were so far advanced that they could even be considered to be behind enemy lines. Linked to this system was the Volunteer Air Observers Corps (VAOC), in which civilian volunteers manned strategic observation stations to track the movement of aircraft (and later ships) and warn of enemy aircraft and suspicious vessels. This organisation was instrumental in assisting lost Allied aircrew, and, by so doing, saved many lives. Throughout the war, the RAAF also operated a fleet of small vessels ranging in size from the 2000-tonne Wanaka to powered dinghies. These impressed vessels supplied isolated radar stations and advanced operational bases with basic stores and provisions. In addition, air-sea rescue launches filled an essential rescue role that was only replaced in 1963 with the advent of the Iroquois helicopter. When the armistice with Japan was signed on 15 August 1945, the RAAF in the Pacific had a total strength of 131 662 officers and men and 3187 front-line aircraft. First Tactical Air Force, the major operational formation, had grown to 18 894 men in April 1945 and twenty operational squadrons. The RAAF emerged from the second World War with a distinguished and proud war record gained in regions all round the globe.
7
Postwar conflicts British Commonwealth Occupation Force, 1946–50 Volunteers were called from members of the RAAF to participate with the British Commonwealth Occupation Force (BCOF) in Japan. The aerial component of BCOF, British Commonwealth Air Group (BCAir) comprised RAAF 81 (Fighter) Wing and units from Britain, India and New Zealand. The Australian wing, which consisted of 76, 77 and 82 Fighter Squadrons, 381 Base Squadron, 481 Maintenance Squadron and 111 Fighter Control Unit, arrived at Kure, Japan on 21 February 1946. The arrival of 5 ACS at Kure on 5 February 1945 marked a concerted effort to prepare the 81 Wing bases—Iwakuni, Bofu and Miho—for aircraft operations. Inspections of these sites were made by Wing Commander A.M. Harrison, who undertook to oversee the provision of accommodation and the general infrastructure of the airfields. The airfield at Bofu was found to be of inferior construction, and a new 1615-metre concrete runway was completed in July 1947. Miho, too, required extensive work by Flying Officer H. Pannell and his team on its infrastructure before it became suitable for use as the main armament training base for the 81 Wing fighter squadrons. The wisdom of deploying 5 ACS was further vindicated in 1947. The main runway at Iwakuni exhibited signs of deterioration, and this unit, augmented by locally employed civilian labour, constructed a new 1829-metre runway. The P-51 Mustang aircraft employed by the fighter Squadrons were ferried from Labuan in a complex operation that included Beaufighter aircraft and crews from 93 Squadron, along with Mosquito, Catalina and Dakota aircraft from other units. The weather was a factor that could not be ignored and contributed to the tragic loss of three
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82 Squadron Mustangs and an escorting Mosquito that crashed near Shikoku on 19 March 1946. The arrival of the last flight of 77 Squadron Mustangs on 21 March 1946 finalised the aerial deployment. The original operational concept was that 81 Wing would supply close air support to army operations against any resistance to the Allied occupation. With the peaceful acceptance of the Allied forces, 81 Wing became responsible for flying surveillance patrols over the Inland Sea to monitor the movements of vessels and, when not so employed, to follow a peacetime training schedule. Thus the squadron members were able to maintain some proficiency in air-to-air gunnery and air-toground rocketry. The wing also participated in a number of combined exercises, providing close air support for the Australian Army elements of BCOF and defending the BCOF airfields from ‘enemy’ formations from the US 5th Air Force. The Australian Mustang pilots acquitted themselves well when pitted against USAF Lockheed F-80 Shooting Star jet fighters and also showed their prowess in the Far East Air Force (FEAF) Gunnery Meet at Yokota air base in December 1949. Flight Lieutenant ‘Bay’ Adams defeated all comers and 77 Squadron was described as the best fighter unit in Japan by Lieutenant General George E. Stratemeyer, FEAFs commander. In less that a year, this opinion was to be tested in the crucible of battle. The British Government withdrew national forces from BCAir in 1948, making the RAAF the sole aerial representative of the Commonwealth in Japan. The Australian commitment also decreased with the disbandment of 76 and 82 Squadrons. Thus 77 Squadron became, with strength of 40 Mustangs, three Wirraways, two Austers, two Dakotas and 299 personnel, the RAAF’s largest flying unit. The squadron flew its last mission from Iwakuni on 23 June 1950 and commenced a round of farewell functions prior to departing for Australia. But the celebrations were premature. Events in Korea were to prevent the squadron from returning home until December 1954.
The Berlin airlift, 1948–49 At the end of World War II Germany was divided into Allied occupied zones. Authority over Berlin, geographically in the Russian occupation zone, was split between British, French, Russian and United States authorities. During the first six months of 1948 the Russian authorities progressively restricted ground access to the city of Berlin, cutting off the Allied zones from basic commodities. The Allied solution to the
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problem was to supply Berlin by air. To meet a shortfall of RAF aircrew in carrying out this major commitment, ten RAAF crews were sent to fly British RAF Dakotas from Lubeck to Gatow. The crews were drawn from 36 and 38 Squadrons, and the first departed by Qantas aircraft for London on 25 August 1948. Prior to departing for Lubeck, the crews trained at RAF Bircham Newton to hone their blind flying skills to the high degree required to operate in the bad winter weather of north Germany: crews were to discover that it was possible to fly on instruments for the duration of a flight to Berlin. Another factor that had to be considered was the accurate flying and immaculate timing of an aircraft’s arrival at navigation points essential to ensure the smooth flow of air traffic. These were challenges to be faced after Squadron Leader C.A. Greenwood, the Australian Berlin Airlift Flight commander, flew the flight’s first sortie into Berlin on 15 September 1948. The Australian pilots did have occasional contacts with Soviet Air Force fighters, who were known to ‘buzz’ the transports in an attempt to interfere with the flow of aircraft. Although the flight suffered no casualties, the conditions under which they flew called for considerable flying expertise. For example, on 8 April 1949, Flying Officer S.D. Evans (later Air Marshal, CAS, 1982–85) suffered an engine failure when his Dakota was climbing through thirty metres, just after take-off from Gatow. With a load of 25 passengers (mostly children), Evans joined the circuit and landed safely in a strong crosswind. However, another Australian was not so fortunate. Flight Lieutenant M. Quinn, a RAAF exchange pilot serving with 27 Squadron, RAF, was killed when the aircraft he was flying crashed while making an instrument landing on 23 March 1949. Squadron Leader Greenwood flew the last flight sortie on 26 August 1949. During its period of operation, the RAAF aircrew transported 7968 tonnes of freight and 6964 passengers during 2062 sorties and 6041 flying hours. Although no Australian, as opposed to RAF, Dakota aircraft actually operated over Germany during the Berlin Airlift, on 20 June 1980 an RAAF Dakota was presented to the Gatow Berlin Airlift Museum as a display and commemoration of the RAAF’s contribution.
The Malaya ‘emergency’, 1948–60 During the period of the Berlin Airlift, the Communist Party of Malaya commenced terrorist activities aimed at gaining independence for the Malayan people. The RAAF contribution to the subsequent anti-
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guerilla operations (RAF Operation Firedog) was the deployment of the Government Aircraft Factory (GAF) licence built Auro Lincoln heavy bombers of 1 Squadron and the Dakota of 38 Squadron. Wing Commander J. Lush led 38 Squadron to Singapore, where it was based at Changi from 19 June 1950. Squadron Leader J.B. Fitzgerald and crew flew the first mission, a courier flight to Kuala Lumpur, Ipoh and Taiping on 21 July. On 30 November 1951, the Dakotas moved to Kuala Lumpur, where they continued with their main role of dropping supplies to army jungle patrols. It was during this period that the squadron suffered its sole aircraft loss of the campaign when, on 20 December, the aircraft flown by Squadron Leader A.H. Birch lost all power in the starboard engine just after dropping its load. Then the port engine failed. Birch landed the powerless aircraft near Aur Kampong. Although the crew suffered no injuries, the aircraft was written off. The Dakotas moved back to Changi in February 1952, from where they continued with the vital resupply missions. By being able to move troops rapidly by air, and to resupply them while in the field, 38 Squadron made a significant contribution to the counter-terrorist campaign, before departing for Australia on 8 December 1952. The Lincolns of 1 Squadron were based at Tengah, Singapore until July 1958. After its arrival 17 July 1950, the squadron dropped 85 per cent of the total tonnage of bombs expended during Operation Firedog. The attributes of the Lincoln, armed with fourteen 450-kg bombs, four 0.5 calibre machine-guns and two 20-mm cannon, and capable of flying at low speed and altitudes, made it suitable for the actions against communist terrorists (CT). However, over the period of operations, the bomber force was credited with the deaths of only 23 CTs. These ‘successes’ depended on close cooperation between intelligence-gathering organisations, police, army and air force professionals. Well-planned attacks against known strongholds could be effective in breaking up CT concentrations. The most successful of these occurred on 21 February 1956 when Wing Commander K. Robertson led two strikes on a CT camp near Kluang. During the first, 98 450-kg bombs were dropped. Later in the day the Lincolns returned. When the soldiers of the 1st South Wales Border Regiment scoured the area they discovered eighteen bodies. Although no aircraft were lost to enemy action, there were some notable incidents that showed the courage and resourcefulness of the aircrew. One aircraft was lost when the pilot overshot the runway at Tengah on 30 November 1951. A second Lincoln was lost on 1 February 1957 when Squadron Leader E. Goldner was at the controls
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of an aircraft that experienced engine trouble during a night strike from Tengah. Height could not be maintained. Before the bombs could be jettisoned, the aircraft hit trees on Mount Perelai. Goldner was incapacitated, but the co-pilot, Pilot Officer Tom Thorpe, was able to regain some control and ditch the aircraft in the Straits of Johore. The tail section of the aircraft snapped off due to the impact, but the crew was rescued without serious injury. Further examples of courage and resourcefulness of the crews occurred on 13 August 1950 and 4 April 1952. In the former case Flight Lieutenant K.I. Foster was awarded a DFC for extinguishing a fire caused by a flare ‘hanging up’ in the bomb bay during a night sortie. In the second incident, after attacking a target near Kluang, Group Captain R. Green discovered that there was little likelihood of the aircraft stopping after landing as the Lincoln’s brakes were defective. Flight Sergeant Lance Edwards and Warrant Officer Turner fixed a parachute harness to the fuselage forward of the rear turret, before swinging the turret aside just prior to landing. As the Lincoln commenced its final approach, the two men fed the parachute into the slipstream, and the streamed chute acted as an effective brake. In August 1955, 2 ACS deployed to Butterworth to rehabilitate the airfield prior to the movement of the Canberra bombers of 2 Squadron and the Commonwealth Aircraft Corporation (CAC) Sabres of 3 and 77 Squadrons in 1958. Wing Commander P.G. Lings and his men retrieved granite fill for the concrete runways from a quarry at Bakit Mertajam, located in an area of known CT activity. The quarry was surrounded by a fence and under an armed guard from October until December 1955. The overall situation at Butterworth was secure enough for the first family groups to arrive in October. They established themselves in married quarters in Penang or at Butterworth. The airfield was declared operational on 23 May 1958, one month ahead of schedule. The first English Electric Canberra jet bomber of 2 Squadron arrived at Butterworth on 28 June 1958. The Canberra and Sabre aircraft based at Butterworth were contributions to the Commonwealth Strategic Reserve Force that was aimed at countering possible Chinese aggression in South-East Asia. The CTs were a diminishing threat, and the Canberra bombers of 2 Squadron only flew four Operation Firedog missions: on 3 September, 30 September, 2 October and 8 December 1958. The deployment of the twin-engine Canberra had been a relatively simple exercise. The deployment of the short-range, single-engine Sabre fighters of 3 and 77 Squadrons to Butterworth was a more com-
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plex problem. The route chosen was from Williamtown to Townsville, then staging through Darwin, Biak, Guiuan in the Philippines, Labuan and thence to Butterworth. Nineteen 3 Squadron aircraft, under the command of Group Captain G.A. Cooper and Wing Commander Cedric Thomas, commenced Operation Sabre Ferry on 27 October 1958. Canberra jet crews, which supplied the navigation for the Sabre and Lockheed Neptune aircraft in the air-sea rescue role, supported the formation. The final Sabre landed at Butterworth on 11 November. Squadron Leader G.R. Harvey led 77 Squadron along the same route during February 1959 to complete the flying units’ complement of 78 Wing. Like the Canberra predecessors, the Sabre units were involved in Firedog operations. Six 77 Squadron Sabres dive-bombed suspected CT sanctuaries on 13 August, and followed this by participating in another two strikes during June. The RAAF retained a fighter presence in Butterworth until the disbandment of the Government Aircraft Factory licence built Dassault Mirage-equipped 79 Squadron at the base on 30 June 1988. The Mirage first deployed to Butterworth during Operation Fast Caravan in May 1968, when Wing Commander Jim Flemming led 23 immaculate Mirage IIIO fighters from Williamtown. After staging through Darwin and Djuanda, the Mirage became the first supersonic aircraft deployed to Malaya. These aircraft replaced the Sabres of 3 Squadron that had departed from Butterworth for Williamtown on 15 February. The conversion to the Mirage was marred by the accidental death of Wing Commander Vance Drummond, the 3 Squadron commander, when his aircraft crashed into the sea eighty kilometres east of Newcastle. Another Mirage was lost on 25 September, when Flying Officer Martin Susans ejected from his crippled Mirage over Barrington Tops. The squadron participated in Exercise High Jupiter during June 1968 as part of its training sequence before departing for Butterworth 14 February 1969. In 1971 a detachment of Mirage fighters was based at Tengah, Singapore after the withdrawal of RAF English Electric Lightning fighters. The RAAF took a leading operational role in Five Power Defence Arrangements announced after the withdrawal of British armed forces and influence in the area in the same year.
Malta, 1952–55 The Australian Prime Minister, Robert Gordon Menzies, announced on 5 March 1952, that 78 (Fighter) Wing, led by Wing Commander
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(later Air Vice Marshal) B.A. Eaton, would deploy to the Mediterranean Sea. A farewell march of 78 Wing personnel took place through the streets of Newcastle on 27 June. The main party of fifteen officers, 32 non-commissioned officers and 202 other ranks departed by rail from Newcastle on 4 July to embark on the SS Asturias. Next day, the advance party departed from Mascot by Qantas Constellation en route for Malta, via Singapore, Karachi, Bombay and Rome, arriving on 9 July. On the 21st aircraft allocated to 78 Wing were towed from Safi to Luqa, from where they were flown to the wing’s base at Hal Far. On 22 July, the Asturias headed into the Suez Canal, where 900 English troops were embarked at Port Said bound for Britain. The ship arrived at Valetta Harbour on 28 July, after being diverted to a point 150 kilometres north-west of Benghazi to join a British frigate in giving succour to the survivors of a South African Airlines DC-3 which had ditched with a load of 32 people aboard. Flying did not commence until 11 August 1952, and it was not until the end of September that the full complement of aircraft—sixteen De Havilland Vampire FB-9s and two Gloster Meteor T7—were brought on charge. The wing was involved in converting to the Meteor aircraft and general flying before it participated in its first North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) exercise, which commenced on 29 October 1952. During its three-year sojourn on Malta, 78 Wing was heavily involved with various NATO air defence exercises. The first was Operation Drago, an Anglo-French-Italian operation that commenced on 29 October 1952. Exercise Longstop followed this on 3 November 1952: it was a combined land-sea-air exercise to cover a convoy passing through the Mediterranean Sea. When it concluded on 13 November, the wing was disappointed as bad weather and inadequate facilities for operating jets at night had prevented any useful flying over the convoy. Another exercise that involved the wing was New Moon, which commenced on 16 March 1953. This was designed to give commanders the chance to exercise their forces defending areas against land- and carrier-based aircraft. The wing combined with 73 Squadron, RAF, based at Takali, before deploying to Nicosia, Cyprus, from where the Vampires flew as high-altitude bombers, as a low-level intruder force, and as a diversionary force in the Suez area during Exercise Session. Another exercise was known as DXM. For two days from 12 August 1953, the Vampires of the wing combined with 14 Squadron, Royal New Zealand Air Force, to protect Malta from the inroads of US Navy Grumman Panthers, McDonnell Banshees and Douglas Skyraiders.
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The US opened the action with a surprise dawn raid, zooming over Takali, before being driven off by the Vampires of 14 Squadron. During the day over a hundred sorties were flown, with ‘phenomenal’ results— one defending pilot claimed to have shot down no less than eighteen piston engine aircraft in one sweep! To maintain twelve aircraft at the scramble point, the ground crew laboured from dawn to dusk to maintain the serviceability rate. During November 1953, Exercise November Moon saw 78 Wing in its familiar role of defending Malta against ‘enemy’ attacks from RAF, US, French and Italian forces. The wing was joined by French Air Force SNCASE Mistrals (the French licence-built Vampire), American Republic Thunderjets, Vought F-4U Corsairs and RAF Gloster Meteor NF-11s to fulfil this duty. The attacking forces included types such as the Mistral, Hawker Sea Fury, De Havilland Sea Hornet, Avro Lincoln, Lockheed Neptune, Douglas B-26 Invader, Republic F-47 Thunderbolt, Boeing B-50 Thunderjet, Banshee, Panther and Boeing B-47 Stratojet. For the ‘loss’ of one Mistral and one Vampire, the defenders claimed to have ‘destroyed’ five Sea Hornets, three Boeing KC-97 Stratocruisers, nine Dakotas, five Lincolns, two Leo 45s, three Avro Lancasters, four Thunderbolts, twelve Sea Furies and one Seibel. As the exercise was only conducted between 6.00 am and midday daily from 2 to 5 November, and the defending Vampires and Mistrals only flew a combined total of 63 sorties in this period, the result was dramatic. During NATO Exercise Shield One, 78 Wing and 14 Squadron, RNZAF, combined again. This commenced on 29 March 1954. The aim of this exercise was to test all the air defence systems in Mediterranean Command. Over 700 aircraft were involved for a period of six days, with the Australian and New Zealand units assigned with the air defence of Malta. A feature of the exercise was that Flight Lieutenant S. Bradford and Pilot Officers C. Sly, J.A. Jacobs and A.A. Frazer (the first two from 76 Squadron, and the latter two from 75 Squadron) were sent to Rome on exchange with the Italian Air Force for the exercise’s duration. This had tragic repercussions. One of the Italian pilots, making his first landing at Takali, undershot. His aircraft was wrecked, but not before a small Maltese boy, who was inside the airfield perimeter, had been killed by the skidding Vampire. The exercise was completed on 3 April, the Australians and New Zealanders having flown 358 sorties and claimed 212 ‘enemy’ destroyed and 110 damaged. Although there was camera gun evidence for most of the claims, it was noted that on occasion the same aircraft
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was claimed more than once. The final comment on the exercise, as recorded in the 78 Wing Unit History Record for 3 April is almost tongue in cheek: ‘During the last hour of the exercise [a] large formation of Royal Navy Sea Furies and Fairey Fireflies from Hal Far “cheated” by taking off from the Naval Station and flying low level direct to Takali to shoot up all aircraft and installations. The Australians and New Zealanders took their revenge by “beating up” Hal Far whilst a parade was being held on the parade ground.’ The penultimate exercise for the wing, which commenced on 20 May 1954, was a local exercise, Popsie Three. During this operation, the Vampires of 78 Wing combined with Meteor MK 8s of the RAF Auxiliary Air Force as a combined defence force, with the aim of preventing US Sabres from attacking Takali. The performance of the Sabre made it apparent that the Vampire was completely outclassed by the more modern fighters in service. The deployment to Malta was one that involved whole families; families accompanied their menfolk, and the arrival of the Largs Bay on 10 January 1953 reinforced the family tone of the deployment. Aboard were the kin of three members, and the fiancées of another three, who were married two days later. Many availed themselves of Malta’s proximity to Germany, Italy, Sicily and England, to seek memorable European venues for annual leave. The wing made its presence felt on the domestic scene, with members playing cricket and rugby, as well as being involved in formalities on the island, such as the Battle of Britain and Anzac Day celebrations; and when on deployments, they often attended local festivals and feasts. Flying was intense. NATO exercises were the culmination of concentrated routine formation flying, gunnery training and related exercises. Gunnery exercises were flown from bases at Idris, Tunisia or Nicosia, Cyprus. The first of these was undertaken at Idris for a twoweek period, commencing on 29 November 1952. For the ground crew it was an opportunity to spend some of their brief leisure moments visiting Roman ruins at Sabratha before returning to Hal Far on 10 December. A little over a month later, 110 airmen enplaned in seven RAF Valetta transports for Nicosia, where the wing undertook its second armament camp, which commenced on 1 January 1953. These exercises allowed the pilots to hone their skills, as was shown when Squadron Leaders J.I. Adams and W.C. Horsman won the Imshi Mason Trophy. This trophy was contested by all the fighter squadrons of Middle East Command, and was designed around two-man teams from each squadron. The teams made three flights, firing 50 rounds from
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each of two guns at an aerial banner about eight metres by two metres in size towed by a Meteor. The Vampires were directed to attack at 600 kph and fire at a range of 300 metres. Operations did not proceed without alarms. On 24 November 1952, Flying Officer Lyall Klaffer damaged his aircraft when it crashed on take-off at Nicosia. On Anzac Day 1953, Group Captain Brian Eaton’s Vampire suffered a power failure thanks to frozen condensation in his fuel whilst flying between Bardia and Tobruk, a situation which forced him to descend to 2000 metres where the water thawed and he was able to land at El Adem. ‘Bay’ Adams also had cause to remember a flight from El Adem on 15 April 1954 when, at an altitude of 8000 metres, the canopy of his Vampire exploded. It blew off the aircraft, damaging the port wing and tailplane. Adams, fighting a minus 34 degree Celsius air temperature, hurriedly dived for a force landing at Benina, from where he hitched a ride back to Malta in a Royal Navy Beech Expediter. Squadron Leader G. Newstead bent the undercarriage and wingtip of his aircraft during the first night-flying practice undertaken by the wing since its deployment to Malta on 13 March, and Flight Lieutenant Horsman crash landed on Takali with wheels and flaps retracted, due to a hydraulic failure, on 22 May 1953. Flying Officer Les Reading made a ‘dead stick’ landing on 5 January 1954 when, flying at 11 000 metres on an air test, the engine suffered a bearing failure and stopped. After warning the fire and crash crews, Reading glided around the island, loosing height. Without any heating, the interior of the cockpit froze over, and the pilot could not see until he had reached an altitude where he could open the canopy and thaw out the frozen interior. After buzzing the airfield, Reading was able to make a perfect landing. Thirteen days later, on 18 January 1954, the wing suffered its only fatal flying accident, when a target-towing Meteor T7, flown by Flying Officer R.C. Hunt, crashed on take-off. In the rear seat Leading Aircraftman M.J. Hennessey, who was to operate the drogue, was killed when the aeroplane hit the end of the runway, slithered across the tarmac and hit a brick wall, where it turned on its back and caught fire. Airmen braved the inferno to release Hunt, but the heat and flames prevented the extrication of Hennessey. On 20 January, the wing stood down in respect as over a hundred airmen marched, after a requiem mass at St Mary’s Chapel, Interfa, to the small military cemetery in a valley near Takali where Hennessey was laid to rest. There were three varied, yet memorable, flights during the wing’s deployment to Malta. During 14 December 1953, Flight Lieutenant
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E.G. Ramsay and Pilot Officer L.B. Weymouth flew medical supplies to El Adem, after feverish activity to fit long-range tanks to the two aircraft. The flight, hampered by bad weather, took a hundred minutes, but medical supplies were delivered for use in an emergency operation being undertaken on a German technician. The German had suffered complications after an amputation; regrettably the efforts of the two pilots were in vain. It was a less sombre tone on 11 February 1954. Eight aircraft drawn from 75 and 76 Squadrons saluted the liner Himalaya with the departing Chief of the Air Staff, Sir Donald Hardman, RAF, aboard as a passenger. The fly-past must have been spectacular as Hardman signalled the wing that ‘everyone on ship was delighted with your excellent formation and flying display. Thank you for leaving [the] ship’s funnel intact.’ The next fly-past was to mark a formal visit by Her Majesty the Queen on 3 May, when Group Captain Eaton led a formation of 56 jet fighters from the RAAF, RNZAF and Royal Navy in a neat arrowhead over the Valetta Harbour. Flying from Malta was always varied and interesting. Pilots, alternating from 75 and 76 Squadrons, were exchanged once a month with both the Italian and French Air Forces for four-day periods. The first of these was when Flight Lieutenant S. Bradford and Pilot Officers C. Sly, R.H. Jones and J.E. Myers exchanged positions with an equivalent number of French pilots of the French Air Force 7 Wing at Bizerta on 18 April 1953. The experience gained from these detachments was unique, giving those who participated an insight and understanding of the other services’ operating methods and procedures. There was also an occasion when tactical exercises were flown in conjunction with tanks of the 14/20 Hussars over terrain that had not changed since the Desert Air Force had assisted in repelling the Afrika Korps in 1943. It was over the Libyan desert that Les Reading and three other pilots observed history in the making. On 2 October 1953, Mike Lithgow, flying a Supermarine Swift, captured the world air speed record at 1230 kph. The attempt was made at low level, and Lithgow could literally wring the perspiration from his flying suit on landing. Another flying effort had Australian overtures. On 14 September 1953, two pristine Canberra bombers, bedecked with Australian flags, landed and taxied to the hard standing in front of the wing hangar. These were the RAAF’s entry into the London–Christchurch Air Race, and one gave an exhibition of its flying prowess on the following day when, flying to Luqa to refuel, it did a spectacular slow roll as it passed over the control tower. But all of these activities were to pale in significance
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compared with the highlight of the Wing’s deployment to Malta: the 1953 Coronation Review and the subsequent Operation Coronet. On 18 May 1953, Hastings transport aircraft took off from Malta, bound for RAF Base Horsham St Faith with 95 selected ground crew from 78 Wing. It was an element of that formation’s contingent which was to participate in the Coronation Air Review being organised to mark the coronation of Queen Elizabeth II. While the Hastings were flying their six and three-quarter hour passage, sixteen Vampires, led by Group Captain Eaton, staged through Istres in France. During the two-month period based at Horsham St Faith, the wing undertook navigation, area familiarisation and general flying training, with only two minor incidents recorded. On 22 May, Flight Lieutenant W.C. Horsman crash landed after a hydraulic failure had made it impossible to extend the undercarriage or flaps of his Vampire, and, on 18 June, Flying Officer Readings’ aircraft suffered damage to the leading edge of the starboard mainplane when a black-headed seagull, ‘subsequently found to have taken no notice of Air Traffic Control flying orders’ collided with it before disappearing down the air intake of the aircraft. On the day of the Coronation (2 June), many of the wing members travelled to London to see the pageantry and pomp of the ceremony. For those remaining at Malta, they attended a parade at Floriana to mark the occasion—and spliced the mainbrace with Royal Naval officers at Hal Far to mark the event. Squadron Leader K.C. Andrews assumed command of 75 Squadron on 14 June 1953. On this day an air and ground display was mounted, which included the latest US and Canadian aircraft, for 1200 members of the Royal Observer Corps. The Coronation Review Fly-Past of 15 July was comprehensive in its scope. 193 piston engine aircraft and 446 jet-propelled aircraft, ranging from 130 kph helicopters to 1100 kph jet fighters participated. It required accurate flying and split second timing for it to be successful; timings were down to ten seconds’ interval. The 78 Wing contingent of twelve Vampires—formation number 22—was led by Eaton, and flew at precisely 400 metres and at a speed of 445 kph. The wing was also represented at the static display at RAF Oldham, where two Meteors, which had been flown from Malta on 27 May, were sandwiched between thirteen Meteors of Fighter Command and twelve Sabres of the Royal Canadian Air Force. Parked to the extreme right of the official enclosure, in the first line of aircraft, they were the first to be inspected by the Queen and the Duke of Edinburgh.
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On 7 July, Group Captain Eaton received approval for Air Headquarters Malta to enable the wing to accept the invitation of the Commander, Allied Tactical Air Force, Germany, to participate in Exercise Coronet. The Vampires were to act, in conjunction with 4 and 93 Squadrons, RAF, as the defensive fighter-ground attack element of 122 Wing, RAF, for the duration of the exercise. To transport the ground crew and equipment to the base at Wahn, Germany, three Hastings transports were employed. Two departed on 20 July, with the third following the next day along with sixteen Vampires and the two Meteor T-7s. Before flying to Germany, they had been camouflaged by painting them with olive green paint. Although it was expected that 78 Wing would be engaged primarily in interception duties, the aircraft were mainly used in the ground attack role. For protection from the ‘enemy’ the aircraft were kept under camouflage nets when not at stand-by, and the men were housed under field conditions in tents erected in woodland, before moving into three-storey buildings at the end of the exercise. For those who participated, Coronet was an unforgettable experience. Even those who had seen service in Korea could not remember anything to rival the numbers involved or the intensity of the operations. Approximately 2000 aircraft and 40 000 troops from England, France, the USA, Belgium, Portugal, Italy, Greece and Australia participated in the exercise, making it the largest peacetime manoeuvre in which a formation of the RAAF has been involved. All told, 78 Wing flew 176 sorties over 117 hours 10 minutes, mostly at low level against ground targets, with occasional interceptions of ‘enemy’ aircraft whilst flying airfield defence duties; in all, the wing claimed to have ‘destroyed’ 27 aircraft in the air and 113 on the ground. To maintain this flying rate, the ground crew maintained an average of fifteen of the sixteen Vampires fully serviceable at all times. The wing had favourably impressed the Air Officer Commanding, who wrote a personal letter of appreciation to Group Captain Eaton on 31 July at the completion of the exercise, stating that he was ‘most grateful to you for the very fine show you and your wing have put up during Exercise Coronet and I only wish you were staying with us permanently. Very many thanks.’ After their success in Germany, the wing, their Vampires still resplendent in green war paint, arrived over Takali in ‘fine formation’ on 3 August 1953. The six RAF Valetta transport aircraft conveying the ground crew back to Malta arrived, after staging through Istres where the Vampires were refuelled later in the day. But there was no rest. The wing prepared for Exercise DXM, due to commence on 12 August.
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Many of the members of 78 Wing and their families served on Malta for the full period of the commitment. Although the sojourn at Malta had been a memorable one, the call of home was strong, and the decision was made to return the formation to Australia. On 4 January 1955, the first party of officers departed on the SS Stratheden for Australia. On the 24th, parties joined the SS Strathaird and SS New Australia for the journey to the land of the Southern Cross, to be followed by the rear party, which flew out of Malta on 19 February 1955.
Indonesian ‘confrontation’ with Malaysia, 1963–66 Between January 1963 and August 1966 the Indonesian policy of ‘confrontation’ against the nascent Malaysian nation involved the RAAF. The two fighter squadrons based at Butterworth, 3 and 77, were put on readiness to counter any illegal intrusion into Malaysia air space. On 17 July 1963, RAAF Sabres made two separate sightings of suspected Indonesia MF MiG-19 fighters 160 kilometres south of Penang. These sightings resulted in radar surveillance at key bases being extended to 24 hours per day, while the RAAF continued to intercept any unidentified aircraft detected by the RAAF radar unit at Butterworth. From October 1963, 78 Wing kept two Sabres, armed with cannon and sidewinder missiles, on five-minute alert during daylight hours. Canberra bombers of 2 Squadron were also training to strike at Indonesian targets, and tensions reached a climax when 100 Indonesian paratroopers landed in northern Johore on 2 September 1964. This event led to the deployment of sixteen Sabres by 76 Squadron from Williamtown to Darwin. This force was to protect the northern base and enable British ‘V’ bombers to fly shuttle strikes from Malaysia against Indonesian targets. By the time Butterworth-based Sabres commenced regular deployments to Labuan to bolster the RAF air defence systems in Borneo during September 1965, domestic political events in Indonesia resulted in ‘confrontation’ officially ending in August 1966.
Ubon, 1962–68 As a member of the South East Asian Treaty Organisation (SEATO), Australia had commitments to the defence of member nations. In June
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1962, eight Sabres were deployed to the Royal Thai Air Force base at Ubon in south-east Thailand to assist in the air defence of Thailand against communist aggression. An advance party arrived at Ubon on 31 May. Although the 2135-metre concrete runway was suitable for jet operations, the facilities at the base were rudimentary. Support crews were flown in by RAAF Hercules transports from Butterworth. These airmen were initially housed under canvas, but a 5 ACS contingent arrived during July to commence the construction of permanent timber and corrugated-iron domestic accommodation and technical facilities. Due to diplomatic niceties (Malaysia was not a SEATO signatory), the original eight Sabres were flown from Butterworth to Ubon via Singapore and Bangkok. During the flight from Bangkok the leader, Wing Commander J.W. Hubble and his deputy, Squadron Leader S.C. Fisher, suffered radio failure, which resulted in the leadership of the formation falling on Squadron Leader Ray Trebilco. Although the loss of the radios was irritating, the fact that only Hubble and Fisher had maps of the route from Bangkok to Ubon could have had serious repercussions. Luckily Trebilco, who had previously flown over the route in a Dakota, was confident that he could identify landmarks to guide the formation to Ubon. His confidence was shattered by the weather closing in, and it was only a fortuitous break in the weather that narrowly enabled the formation to land, short of fuel, on time. At the end of the Second World War, 79 Squadron had completed its service flying Spitfires over Borneo before being disbanded on 12 November 1945. This squadron was re-established at Ubon on 1 June 1962, where its Sabre aircraft remained on alert to participate in the air defence of Thailand. At the instigation of the US Air Force ‘Lion’ radar facility, the Sabres were scrambled at least twice weekly to investigate unidentified returns on the American radar screens. The first, on 20 June 1962, resulted in no contact being made. Subsequent interceptions were intriguing; on 1 December 1965 an unmarked Fairchild C-123 Provider transport aircraft was identified. On another occasion two Sabres shadowed a Beechcraft twin turboprop aircraft until it turned back over Laos. In 1968, the presence of Russian-built Ilyushin IL-28 bombers in North Vietnam posed a potential threat, and the Sabres were scrambled on 7 February 1968 to search for possible incursions by these aircraft. Overall, even after the arrival of the USAF 431st Tactical Fighter Squadron at Ubon on 7 June 1965, threats to the security of the base at Ubon were low key. However, there were occasions when saboteurs and malcontents caused personnel to be put on alert to counter possible
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incursions. A Thai intelligence report warned of possible sabotage efforts against the base facilities between 3 and 5 November 1964. A radar contact of a suspected helicopter landing sixteen kilometres north of the base resulted in personnel being issued with arms and ammunition from 24 to 27 July 1966. These isolated incidents could not be discounted and base commanders considered it prudent to consider a program of training and of the ‘hardening’ of defensive positions in the Australian area during 1966. As a further precaution, a detachment of ADGs (airfield defence guards) arrived late that year to give added thrust to defensive measures. Unfortunately, 79 Squadron lost two aircraft to accidental causes while operating from Ubon. On 24 September 1964, Flight Lieutenant I.B. McFarlane ejected from his Sabre after an engine malfunction. The aircraft landed thirty kilometres from the base, and the pilot was returned to Ubon by a Thai helicopter. Tragically, Pilot Officer M. McGrath crashed and burned on 3 January 1968. When not on alert, the pilots followed a normal training routine, flying tactical reconnaissance missions and ground strikes—one of which targeted the bridge over the River Kwai, immortalised in the 1957 film of the same name. The Sabres also flew valuable air defence training sorties with and against USAF Convair F-102 and North American F-100 fighters based at Don Muang and Takhali air bases. Although not involved with the Vietnamese conflict, 79 Squadron aircrew often practised interceptions using the McDonnell F-4 Phantoms based at Ubon as targets. As the Sabre had similar flying characteristics and the Australians could replicate MiG-17 fighter tactics, these proved of immense value to the Americans who were encountering the Russian-built fighter over North Vietnam. The American presence in South Vietnam and the increase of US military power in the region negated the reason for the Australian presence in Thailand. By 1968 the role being played by 79 Squadron was irrelevant, and its presence at Ubon unnecessary. Therefore the decision was made to withdraw the force and, on 31 July 1968, eight Sabres deployed from Ubon to Butterworth, marking the cessation of the RAAF SEATO commitment to the air defence of Thailand.
Postwar survey flights, 1946–73 Although they did not involve any semblance of active service, the RAAF’s continued survey roles and the operations of its Antarctic
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Flight deserve mention. As already noted, the RAAF prewar Survey Flight undertook the important role, in addition to mapping northern and central Australia, of facilitating geological survey work to identify natural resources. After 87 Photographic Reconnaissance Squadron was disbanded on 24 July 1946, the Mosquito aircraft they operated were transferred to the Survey Flight at Canberra. By November the strength of this unit had increased to squadron status and it was renamed 87 (Survey) Squadron on 8 March 1948. The squadron remained active until Flight Sergeant Leon Gordon and Warrant Officer Graham Holstock flew the last Mosquito photographic survey run over Noonkanbah, Western Australia, on 29 August 1953, before the squadron was disbanded in December. Prior to commencing survey flying, the unit’s Mosquito aircraft set several speed records. On 24 September 1946, Flight Lieutenant Laurie Bond, the commanding officer, flew a Mosquito from Mascot to Archerfield in 87 minutes 30 seconds. Next day he flew from Brisbane to Townsville in two hours 20 minutes and 30 seconds, and on 27 September he flew from Brisbane to Sydney in 93 minutes. Another record was claimed on 18 December, when Bond and his navigator, Flight Lieutenant Leo Lobb, claimed the record for a passage from Sydney to Auckland, New Zealand, in a flying time of three hours 43 minutes. However spectacular these flights may have been, they were undertaken to prepare the way for further survey operations. These operations were conducted from Broome, Kalgoorlie, Carnarvon and the RAAF base at Pearce, Western Australia; Broken Hill, New South Wales; Alice Springs, Northern Territory; and Townsville and Cloncurry in Queensland. Few facilities were available for the comfort of the crews, who lived in outback hotels, with the aircraft housed in small galvanised-iron hangars with few technical amenities to enable aircraft maintenance. Survey flying required the combination of fair weather, accurate navigation and flying straight and level at altitudes of between 4000 and 6000 metres to ensure the correct photographic overlaps and the efficiency of the equipment. To meet the latter requirement, the Mosquitoes were fitted with a camera in the nose and another in the rear fuselage. Although the squadron lost several aircraft to accidental causes, there was only one which resulted in fatalities. Flight Lieutenant Ted Langford and his navigator, Flight Lieutenant Doug Batzloff, had been undertaking a survey of the Burdekin River basin. The two men were on their way south on leave when the aircraft, flying in poor visibility caused by adverse weather conditions, crashed into Saddle Mountain
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late in the afternoon of 25 March 1947. The two men’s charred bodies were found in the burnt-out aircraft wreckage six days later. The flight also undertook survey operations on behalf of Australia’s Pacific neighbours. On 17 May 1952, two Mosquito aircraft and two supporting Dakotas departed for Nandi, Fiji. Although the deployment was plagued by bad weather and problems with the processing of exposed film, the Mosquitoes photographed 95 per cent of the area allocated. Another overseas task was Operation Swift Sonata, aimed at photographing the Dutch New Guinea border from Hollandia to the Fly River delta. Based at Port Moresby, two Mosquitoes succeeded in covering 90 per cent of the area before the operation ended on 7 April. The RAAF, however, did undertake further aerial surveys outside Australian shores. During 1973 the Canberra bombers of 2 Squadron were employed during Exercise Skai Piksa to undertake a photographic survey of Papua New Guinea. Photography was undertaken from 12 000 metres, but lower level surveys of the Trobriand Islands were hampered by lens condensation problems, which were overcome by operating from the airfield at Lae and transiting at a low level before climbing to make the photographic run. The Canberra survey aircraft also participated in the Gading series of operations that surveyed the Indonesia territories of Kalimantan, Sumatra and Irian Jaya.
Antarctic flight, 1948–62 The RAAF had flown in Antarctic waters prewar, and the service made a significant contribution to the Australian scientific and exploratory effort from 13 March 1947, when a Liberator bomber, under the command of Group Captain Deryck Kingwell, made a thirteen-hour flight to gather weather data to be used in the planning of further flights to southern latitudes. In December 1947, the first of a series of Australian National Antarctic Research Expedition (ANARE) expeditions that were to establish Australian bases on the sub-Antarctic islands commenced. The RAN supported these efforts by the provision of a LST (Landing Ship Tank) and the Wyatt Earp. The RAAF supplied a single-seat Kingfisher floatplane that was embarked on this ship. The Kingfisher was flown on 13 March 1948, when the pilot, Robin Gray, and the fitter, R.D. Jones, sought a passage through the ice for the ship to follow and the sight of the Antarctic continent. A Walrus amphibian was embarked on the LST HMAS Labuan that had been ordered to establish a permanent base on Heard Island. The aircraft,
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flown by Flight Lieutenant M.D. Smith, flew only once before it was beached and severely damaged in a gale on 22 December. This aircraft was later recovered and, after extensive refurbishment, is on display at the RAAF Museum, Point Cook. Squadron Leader Doug Leckie and the members of the newly formed Antarctic Flight joined the Kista Dan with two Auster aircraft for service in the Antarctic. Leckie and the expedition leader, Phillip Law, made the first flight on 2 February 1954, Bob Dovers, who was to lead the party that would ‘winter over’ on the continent, flew with Leckie to inspect the site of the proposed camp on 4 February. The little aircraft was invaluable in directing ice-bound parties through crevasses in the positioning of stores and for photographic duties. So successful was the experience that the presence of the Austers became a constant for subsequent resupply expeditions. The elements could not be discounted. On 12 February 1955, both of the Auster aircraft were badly damaged aboard the Kista Dan during a gale. Under the supervision of Sergeant F. Morgan, a hybrid aircraft was constructed from the two aircraft and flown successfully. But worse was to follow. On 8 December 1959, the ferocity of the Antarctic weather was demonstrated when a Dakota, tethered on a plateau above the base at Mawson, broke its shackles and was blown some thirteen kilometres away. At the same time the flight lost one of the De Havilland Canada (DHC) Beaver aircraft that had replaced the Austers in 1956. During the 1955–56 expedition, the men of the Antarctic Flight ‘wintered over’. This precedent was followed until the loss of the Dakota in 1960 initiated a modification of the RAAF involvement in Antarctic exploration. A hangar was constructed at Mawson, and the aircraft were used to assist the scientific parties as well as undertaking exploration in their own right. For example, Flying Officer John Seaton overflew the Lambert Glacier, one of the world’s largest, on 29 November 1955 and the Dakota flew many photographic sorties deep over the Antarctic continent. There is no doubt that the presence of the aircraft eased the travel problems for the scientific parties, as well as supplying vital geological, geographic and scientific data. The last deployment of the Antarctic Flight, under the command of Squadron Leader J.R. Batchelor, was during the 1963 resupply and changeover of staff at the Australian Antarctic stations. All of these deployments in the 1950s and 1960s were important in their own right. However, they were overshadowed by the role of the RAAF during the Korean War and the Australian involvement in the conflict in South Vietnam.
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Korea, 1950–53 On the night of 24 June 1950, the men of 77 Squadron prepared to walk the plank into a ‘shipwreck’ party to say farewell to five years of service in Japan. Sergeant Ray Trebilco missed out on the festivities— he was the orderly sergeant and answered the telephone at 11.00 am the following morning. The call was from USAF 5th Air Force headquarters. North Korean troops had crossed the 38th Parallel and were invading the South. Immediately 77 Squadron was placed on stand-by. Although the squadron was under the operational command of the 5th Air Force, it could not be ordered into action until the Australian Government gave approval to do so. The Prime Minister, Mr R.G. Menzies, shortly announced that 77 Squadron would be committed to the Korean conflict. In the meantime, 77 Squadron’s Mustang fighters, that had been waiting for transport back to Australia, were to be prepared for combat. All members of the unit were involved in the process. Inclement weather prevented the first Australian Mustang flight over Korea until 2 July, when Squadron Leader Graham Stroud, Flight Lieutenants S. Bradford and T.W. Murphy, and Pilot 31 M.J. Cottee flew to Taejon to cover American Douglas C-47s that were evacuating casualties. The
1 In the late 1940s the RAF introduced a new system of categorising noncommissioned aircrew members, the ‘Pilot (or Navigator) I to IV’ term. This system was adopted by the RAAF. Aircrew in these categories had no rank privileges or status, and the system proved impracticable. In the mid-1950s the categorisation system was revoked. The minimum aircrew rank became Sergeant, with all the command and disciplinary responsibilities, and status of that rank.
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mission was an anticlimax. Bradford was forced to abort the mission, and the three remaining fighters circled Taejon waiting, vainly, for the arrival of the transports. The second action was more exciting. The squadron commander, Wing Commander Lou Spence, a wartime veteran who had operational experience with 3 Squadron in the Middle East and with 452 Squadron at Darwin, led eight Mustangs as a close escort for seventeen American Douglas B-26 Invaders that were striking at railway bridges over the Han River south of the South Korean capital, Seoul. The third operation of the day took off in the early afternoon to escort Boeing B-29 Superfortress bombers that were pattern bombing a North Korean airfield at Hamhung. The North Korean advance drove the United Nations forces southwards, until they were holding onto a tenuous foothold centred on the southern port of Pusan. The importance of the Allied air forces’ role in covering the retreat and in the subsequent solidification of the defence cannot be overstated. During the retreat the situation was fluid, and 77 Squadron was unwittingly involved in a severe case of fratricide, or mistaken identity, on 3 July. Wing Commander Spence led eight rocket-armed Mustangs from Iwakuni to attack targets of opportunity between Heitaku and Suwon. As Spence had been assured that there were no Allied troops located in the target area, he led his fighters on an effective strike against railway locomotives, road vehicles and bridges in the area of operations. This was the first ground strike undertaken by the squadron, and the airmen returned to Iwakuni well satisfied with the result of their effort. Tragically, Spence had been misinformed. Due to a ghastly mistake made by the operations staff at 5th Air Force headquarters, the Mustangs had attacked South Korean and American troops. The lack of staff and of timely situation reports regarding the locality of friendly forces was an unfortunate symptom of the fluid military situation. In an attempt to overcome this problem and to ensure that aerial support was applied where required, airborne controllers flew Piper Cubs light aircraft and Texan two-seat trainers to direct attacking fighters. The squadron flew its first mission using this system on 16 July, and also commenced escorting B-26 Invaders from the USAF 3rd Bombardment Group from the shared facility at Iwakuni. It was during this period that the Mustangs almost committed another case of fratricide. On 6 July, three Mustangs were called to assist one of the US Air Force airborne controllers, who claimed that he was under threat from a North Korean Yak fighter. Milton Cottee, who spotted a lone aircraft that he assumed was the Russian-built fighter, flew the
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first of the Mustangs. As he aligned his target in his gun sight, Cottee recognised it as a South Korean Texan. He pulled out, warning his wingman, Les Reading, to follow suit. In company with the Texan, the three Mustangs landed at Taejon, where they stayed overnight. This was the first time that the Australian Mustangs had landed in Korea. Spence was aware of the realities of war. Casualties were to be expected, and replacement pilots and reinforcements were requested from Australia to supplement the squadron ground crew and to sustain the operational tempo that the situation required. On 6 July 1950, twelve pilots and 28 technicians boarded a Douglas DC-4 for Iwakuni. Three days later the pilots were flying operations over Korea. Spence’s foresight was tragically vindicated on 7 July: Graham Stroud was killed in action when his aircraft hit the ground while strafing railway yards at Samchok. The weather during July made operations difficult. The heavily laden Mustangs, with a full load of either eight 27-kg rockets, two 225-kg bombs or the equivalent in napalm, battled across the Sea of Japan to attempt to locate cloud-bound targets in a precipitous terrain. For example, on 21 July Flight Lieutenant Murphy led four Mustangs from Iwakuni to South Korea. The formation was forced to cross the Inland Sea at 600 metres, but climbed to 3000 metres as they approached the mountains of South Korea. The single-seat fighters were guided to Taegu by the direction-finding equipment in the aircraft, before being redirected to Hadong. The Mustangs were unable to penetrate the low cloud and rain between them and the target area. Another alternative target was given, but, as the airborne controller over this target could not be contacted, the Australians attacked trucks on the enemy side of the bomb line before returning to Taegu. Once rearmed the four Mustangs were scrambled to strike at enemy forces in the village of Kochang. Again, rain and low cloud prevented them from striking at the target, so they attacked the town of Songho-Ri instead. They left a burning fuel dump behind them before flying, on instruments, back to Iwakuni, where they landed late in the afternoon. During July and August General Walton Walker’s Eighth Army was falling back on the Naktong River where it consolidated its defensive position, the maintenance of which was heavily dependent on the firepower that could be brought to bear by the fighter-bomber squadrons that were operating through Taegu. The pilots of 77 Squadron, flying from Iwakuni to Taegu, joined US F-80 Shooting Stars, Mustangs and Marine Corps Corsairs in close support of army missions. Often flying
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up to five or six daily sorties, the pilots found the conditions at Taegu harrowing. Even though no permanent squadron ground staff were in Korea, and the aircraft had to be returned to Iwakuni to enable them to be serviced and for the pilots to be rotated, the Australians gained a high reputation for accurate ground support strikes. On 31 July, five missions were flown against a North Korean force located between Hadong and Chinju. A force of this strength was a serious threat to the defenders. Another example of the accuracy expected of close support missions occurred on 22 August when the squadron successfully attacked enemy positions that were located within a hundred metres of the defending Americans. When not flying close support missions, the Australian Mustangs interdicted enemy supply routes and flew armed reconnaissance deep behind the enemy lines. Flying at low level in the mountainous terrain was dangerous; when coupled with North Korean anti-aircraft fire and possible mechanical failure, it was fatal. On 3 September 1950, Pilot 3 W.P. Harrop was one of three Mustang pilots on a close support mission near Kumchon. No targets could be identified, so the Mustangs, low on fuel, returned to Taegu. Harrop was within thirteen kilometres of the airfield when he was forced to crash land, unseen by the other pilots. Harrop radioed that, although his Mustang had caught fire, he was safe. Pilot 3 Lyall Klaffer and the controller, who remained overhead to cover the downed airman, sighted Harrop smearing himself with mud and running to a nearby hut. It took two hours for a helicopter to deploy from Pusan to attempt to rescue Harrop but the subsequent search failed to find the Australian. A later investigation by Chaplain Esmond New uncovered detail of Harrop’s death. Eyewitnesses reported that North Korean soldiers had located Harrop and that he had been killed in a firefight as he defended himself. Local villagers buried Harrop, who was later reinterred in the Pusan War Cemetery. Lou Spence was lost during an attack on Angang-Ni on 5 September. Three aircraft attacked the town in conditions of low visibility due to low cloud. Spence was seen to attempt to pull out of his diving attack—so steeply that vortexes were generated on the wingtips. But he was too late. The Mustang impacted in the centre of the town and exploded on contact. He was an extremely popular and respected commander. Fortuitously, he was to be replaced by an officer with very similar attributes. Wing Commander R.C. ‘Dickie’ Cresswell, who had previously commanded 77 Squadron during the Second World War (in 1942 and 1944), arrived at Iwakuni, on 17 September, to again assume command.
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Cresswell had arrived as the Korean War was reaching its second phase. General Douglas MacArthur landed troops at the port of Inchon on 13 September 1950. These troops threatened the rear of the North Korean forces opposing the Eighth Army, which could now press forward and expel the invaders from South Korean soil. For the Japanese-based fighter squadrons the northern advance made the transit times excessive, with a consequent restriction on the time that could be spent over the target. Even though airfields located in South Korea were at a premium, it was organised for 77 Squadron to deploy in strength to Pohang. The move commenced on 11 October, and on the 20th eighteen Mustangs supported the landing of paratroopers at Munsan, just north of the North Korean capital, Pyongyang. Personnel were housed under canvas at Pohang. On the night of 14 November, Flight Lieutenants C. Kirkpatrick and W.V. Gray were caught in a raging conflagration after an electrical short circuit had caused articles of clothing to catch fire. Both men ran from the tent with their clothes alight. They suffered from second- and third-degree burns, and were evacuated to a US medical unit at Pohang, before being flown to Itasuke in an American C-47. Kirkpatrick died later in the day. Gray survived until 20 November. On 16 November, 77 Squadron moved to Yongpo, south of the town of Hamhung. As MacArthur’s forces pushed into North Korea and targets became harder to find, it was confidently assumed that the war would be over by Christmas, 1950. Although for many of the Australians the winter snows and Siberian winds were a new experience, they would be fighting more than the forces of nature. Chinese communist ‘volunteers’ had crossed the Yalu River to support their North Korean brethren against the United Nations forces, and 77 Squadron was to become intimately involved with the famous withdrawal of X Marine Corps from the Chosin Reservoir to Hamhung and the parallel debacle that unfolded after the Eighth Army encountered the Chinese forces. The two axes of advance allocated to the separate military formations, X Corps on the east and Eighth Army on the west of the Korean peninsula, were mutually non-supportive. Close support air forces, however, were capable of supporting either. This is exactly what 77 Squadron did. For example, on 21 and 22 November, the Australian Mustangs flew armed reconnaissance missions, during which they came under fire while strafing and rocketing gun positions near Kanggye. Next day, despite the area being covered in cloud, two hundred enemy troops were attacked north-east of Kojang. The weather was so bad that the Mustangs were unable to return to Yongpo,
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and landed at Pyongyang, where the airmen stayed overnight. The Eighth Army was supported on the 24th. Cresswell led four Mustangs armed with napalm to Ipsokha to ease the pressure on the US 24th Division; these tasks were over the subsequent two days. However, the situation in the east was becoming untenable. The 1st Marine Division had been advancing along the north shore of the Chosin Reservoir when Chinese forces struck at the forward troops and along the supply line to Hamhung. The Marines were forced into enclaves at Yudam-Ni, Hagura and Koto-Ri, before breaking out and retreating south to the relative safety of Hamhung. The Mustangs of 77 Squadron joined with Marine F4-U Corsairs attacking enemy tanks and troop concentrations, one of which was an anachronism: a troop of horse cavalry near Yongwon. The conditions, in the air and on the ground, were atrocious. With the temperature dropping to minus 12 degrees Celsius the wings of the aircraft had to be swept clear of snow and the engines warmed before flight. Despite the dawn to dusk support of the fighter-bombers and the valour of the Marines, the Chinese forced the first UN troops into Hamhung on 10 December. The decision had been previously made to withdraw the fighter squadrons from Yongpo. The 77 Squadron advance party departed by air, and the heavy equipment was loaded aboard an LST bound for K-9 airfield (colloquially known as ‘Dogpatch’, the domicile of the then popular cartoon character Li’l Abner) at Pusan on 1 December. The major move was undertaken by the two Dakota transports from the Iwakuni-based 30 Communication Unit. Even when redeploying, the Mustangs flown by Cresswell, Ray Trebilco, Pilot 3s G. Stephens and Cecil Sly struck at the enemy before landing at K-9. For five months 77 Squadron operated from K-9, flying close air support, armed reconnaissance and strike missions in support of the United Nations forces combating the Chinese incursions along the 38th Parallel. These operations were not without cost. Chinese troops were adept at camouflage and the low-flying Mustangs were vulnerable to anti-aircraft and small arms fire and simple expedients such as stretching wire over roadways at a height designed to obstruct lowflying aircraft. Flying Officer Geoff Thornton experienced the result of the latter ploy on 11 December when his aircraft aileron and coolant radiator scoop were damaged. Casualties, as the result of action and accident, mounted. Pilot Officer Don Ellis crashed and burned on 22 December; Pilot Officer G.I. Stephens was lost in action over the Munsan–Sariwon road on 6 January 1951; Flight Lieutenant
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K.C. Matthews and Sergeant S. Squires were lost on 14 February, as was Sergeant Ken Royal on 26 February and Sergeant Harvey Strange on 19 March. Flight Lieutenant Gordon Harvey was the squadron’s first POW. He was shot down during a strike on a Chinese Army headquarters at Pyongyang. The Mustangs had launched their rockets and were flying at low level to avoid anti-aircraft fire when Harvey’s aircraft was hit by light automatic fire. The engine failed and the cockpit of the Mustang filled with smoke, forcing Harvey to force land about a mile from Pyongyang. As he attempted to gain the protection of a small hut, Harvey was sighted, and fired upon, before being captured by three Chinese soldiers. Considerable effort was made to recover downed pilots, and the operation to save Sergeant Cecil Sly on 20 March is a good example. Sergeant Keith Meggs and Sly were on a reconnaissance sortie when the latter’s aircraft was hit in the cooling system by ground fire. The aircraft caught fire and Sly parachuted from the stricken aircraft. As he descended he could see enemy troops shooting at him, so the cover given by Meggs and four USAF Mustangs over the next half hour was more than welcome. However, machine-gun and rocket fire could not suppress the ground fire. As the rescue helicopter hovered at fifteen metres it received hits from ground fire and was forced to return to base. Even though Captain Lyndon E. Thomassen was aware of the risk, forty minutes later he landed his helicopter 60 metres from Sly and flew him to Suwon. The rescue of Sly was a morale-raising event, as was the divebombing of a railway bridge near Pyongyang. On 20 December 1950, four Mustangs, armed with a combination of rockets and bombs, destroyed one span of the bridge and cut off one of the approaches before attacking a second bridge with rockets. This resulted in damage to the railway tracks. Another memorable operation was when twelve aircraft participated in a combined 35th Fighter Group (of which 77 Squadron was integrated) strike on 29 January 1951. The future of the squadron was a matter of conjecture within the unit. Rumours that 77 Squadron would be re-equipped with jet fighters were being circulated and were given some credence when, on 26 January, Cresswell and Flight Lieutenant C.D. Murphy were attached to the USAF 8th Fighter-Bomber Wing at Itasuke to obtain jet fighter experience. Another event substantiated these rumours. Two RAF fighter pilots, Flight Lieutenants Joseph Blight and Frank Easley, arrived to gain operational experience over Korea. Both were experienced Meteor fighter pilots.
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On 7 April 1951, the squadron departed from K-9 and overflew the base en route to Iwakuni where the new Gloster Meteor Mk 8 aircraft was introduced into service. The Meteor was the first Allied jet fighter to reach squadron service (616 Squadron, RAF, received its first aircraft in July 1944). The Mark 8 was the ultimate single-seat development of the type, and commenced RAF service during July 1950. Armed with four 20-mm cannon and eight 27-kg rockets, the Meteor 8 had a maximum speed of 962 kph, an initial rate of climb of 2347 metres per minute and a service ceiling of 13 411 metres. One innovation was the fitting of a Martin Baker ejector seat. Although the pilots of 77 Squadron would have preferred the North American F-86A Sabre, the American fighter was in short supply and equipping USAF fighter units had to take priority. Inconclusive trials were flown between the British and American fighter during May 1951, which showed that the Meteor was capable of outclimbing the Sabre below 6000 metres. When the decision to purchase the Meteor was made, it appeared that the aircraft was in the forefront of current technology. The problem was that current technology was soon superseded by the new swept wing designs. The Meteor was to prove a robust and effective ground attack aircraft, but in the air-to-air field it was outclassed, as were its USAF F-80, Republic F-84 Thunderjet contemporaries. Flight Lieutenant V.B. Cannon was the first Australian to commence the conversion process to the Meteor when he flew in a two-seat Gloster Meteor T7 trainer on 17 April. Before the squadron was declared operational, there were several alarms. On 7 April, Sergeant Henry Bessell ditched his aircraft after several unsuccessful attempts at landing in ground-controlled approaches to Iwakuni in heavy cloud. Sergeant A.T. Stoney, on the other hand, lost his aircraft under freakish circumstances. He was flying at 5000 metres when his ejection seat spontaneously fired, shooting him straight through the canopy—an unusual way of claiming the first ejection from an RAAF aircraft. After three months of training the squadron was declared ready for combat, and moved to the airfield at Kimpo, near Seoul, during July 1951. Cresswell did not favour using the Meteor in the ground attack role, and advocated that it would be effective in air-to-air business. His opinion carried the day. On 29 July 1951, sixteen Meteors took off from Kimpo to fly the RAAF’s first jet fighter combat operation. Cresswell led two flights on a half-hour fighter sweep, flying top cover for American Sabres along the Yalu River, and flying at 10 000 metres over Songchon and Chongju. During July–December 1951, the Meteors
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were flown on fighter sweeps and as close escorts for B-29 Superfortress bombers. Eight Meteors were attacked by four MiG-15s on 25 August while escorting two Lockheed RF-80 reconnaissance aircraft. Four days later Warrant Officer E.D. Guthrie was shot down in a combat with a formation of MiG-15s. Another contact took place on 5 September. Six Meteors and a RF-80 were intercepted by twelve MiG-15s. Warrant Officer Michelson’s Meteor was hit by 37-mm and 23-mm cannon fire, causing the aircraft to dive out of control. Michelson recovered control and landed back at Kimpo. Although shots were exchanged between the two forces, the Australian pilots made no claims. Another inconclusive action was fought on the 26 September, in which one Meteor was damaged and Flight Lieutenant ‘Smokey’ Dawson claimed to have damaged one of the swept wing fighters. Similar actions followed. Flight Lieutenant P.V. Hamilton-Foster’s fighter was hit by a MiG-15 while protecting a B-29 formation on 24 November, and Blyth damaged an enemy fighter. Les Reading hit another MiG-15 three days later. These skirmishes culminated in the seminal battle on 1 December, which profoundly affected the role that the squadron was to follow in the future. Twelve Meteors were at 6000 metres—the altitude at which the type had exhibited some equality with the Sabre during the May trials—when 40 MiG-15s were sighted above. The contact commenced when two enemy fighters attacked Sergeants E.D. Armitt and Vance Drummond. Another two intercepted Flight Lieutenant Max Scannell’s flight. The sky became a mass of manoeuvring aircraft. Flying Officer Brice Gogerly fired at a MiG-15. His 20-mm shells hit the rear fuselage and starboard wing root. He attacked another enemy fighter, but it evaded his fire. Two enemy fighters were seen to fall to earth burning; one was credited to Gogerly, and the other was made a ‘squadron’ claim. It had been an expensive combat. The cost was high. Armitt, Drummond and Sergeant B.L. Thompson were shot down; Drummond was captured and remained a POW for the rest of the war. ‘Dickie’ Cresswell relinquished command of 77 Squadron to Wing Commander G.H. Steege on 16 August 1951. Steege quickly recognised that the performance of the Meteor was inferior to that of the MiG-15 and that a new role would have to be sought for the squadron. After discussions with the 5th Air Force Director of Operations, Colonel Myers, the decision was made to limit the Australians to the escorting of B-29 bombers, to combat air patrols over attack aircraft
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operating near the main supply route south of the Chon Chong River, and to the defence of Kimpo. Essentially, the Meteor had been taken out of the first line, and the reality was that 90 per cent of the sorties undertaken by the squadron were in the airfield defence role. The pilots found the airfield defence frustrating and soul destroying. The duty was split into ‘Able’ and ‘Baker’ alerts. During an ‘Able’ alert, eight pilots were strapped into their Meteors for an hour before and after dawn each day, while, to fulfil the requirements for a ‘Baker’ alert, two pilots were on five-minute readiness from thirty minutes before dawn until 30 minutes before after sunset. These pilots were changed thrice daily, but the system placed a considerable strain on the 21 pilots of the squadron. The Meteor, with its fast initial climb rate and reliable Derwent engines, was eminently suitable for this role. The system also exerted considerable pressure on the ground crews, who had to prepare sufficient aircraft to maintain the alert aircraft and those required for B-29 and attack aircraft escort duties. Wing Commander R.T. ‘Ron’ Susans had recently completed a day fighter leader’s course with the RAF, in which he had flown the Meteor in the tactical role, before replacing Steege as 77 Squadron’s commanding officer on 26 December 1951. After discussion between the 5th Air Force Commander, General Everest, Susans and his immediate superior, Group Captain Tony Carr, agreement was reached that the squadron should convert to the ground attack role. The first mission in the new role was flown on 7 January 1952 and the dangers of the lowlevel tactical flying were immediately obvious: the Meteor flown by Flying Officer Dick Wittman was soon hit by ground fire. On 27 January, Flight Lieutenant Browne-Gaylord reported 30-minutes after take off that he had been hit and that he was returning to Kimpo. Browne-Gaylord was not heard from again. A second aircraft was lost on the same day. Sergeant B.T. Gillan had just strafed a water tower in the town of Chaiya-Ri, when his aircraft was hit as it climbed away from the target. Sergeant A.J. Avery, who had followed Gillan in the attack, sighted the stricken Meteor peeling off to the south-east. The Meteor, smoke and flame streaming from the ventral tank, commenced a gradual turn at a height of fifty metres. Avery pulled alongside and noted that Gillan had ejected. Like Browne-Gaylord, Gillan was not found, and was reported as being killed in action. To re-establish the reputation of the squadron, Susans had promised General Everest that a thousand sorties would be flown during February. In fact, 1007 sorties were flown. During these operations a new airborne alert system was established, where two Meteors
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flew a standing patrol over the Haeju–Singye area from half an hour before dawn until 30 minutes after dusk. The aircraft were relieved every half-hour. During these airborne alerts the Meteors again contacted MiG-15s. On 4 May 1953, Pilot Officer J.L. Surman and Sergeant K.J. Murray spotted a formation of nine MiG-15s above them. Two of the swept wing fighters made a diving pass on the two Meteors, who dived through cloud. The Australians came under anti-aircraft fire as they emerged. Worse, Murray had a MiG-15 on his tail, which he evaded. Surman had been separated from Murray in the initial break, positioned himself behind the MiG-l5 and closed with the enemy. His 20-mm cannon shells damaged the horizontal stabiliser, and flames were seen to emit from the rear of the Russian fighter. Surman was credited with a ‘kill’; tragically he was killed in action during a ground attack strike on 9 June. Four days later Pilot Officer (later Air Vice Marshal) W.H. ‘Bill’ Simmonds, Surman’s RAAF Academy classmate, scored the squadron’s fourth victory over a MiG-15. He was a member of a flight of four detailed to make a rocket attack on a target north of Suan. As the Meteors turned for home, two MiGs attacked Simmonds and Warrant Officer K. Hill from astern. Simmonds broke to starboard over the flight, then hard to port, as a red-nosed MiG passed six metres below his Meteor. The enemy fighter pulled up to the left, and Simmonds fired at it from a range of 800 metres. Flight Lieutenant E. Ramsay and Hill saw the MiG pilot eject. Sergeant George Hale claimed the fifth, and last, success over a MiG-15 on 27 March 1953. Hale and Sergeant I.D. Irlam were on a road reconnaissance near Namchonjom when they sighted two RF-80s being stalked by two MiG-15s. Hale and Irlam jettisoned their ventral tanks and gave chase. Hale fired his rockets, which passed between the two enemy fighters. They broke in opposite directions. Hale followed one to the north. Irlam remained in contact until his Meteor was hit by cannon fire from two more MiG-15s that had attacked from the sun. Hale broke into the oncoming fighters to cover Irlam as he dived into the sanctuary of cloud. In the ensuring melee Hale exchanged shots with the Russian fighters. He obtained hits on one, his shells exploding behind the cockpit. Belching black smoke, the MiG-15 rolled over toward the ground. Wing Commander J.W. Hubble and Flight Lieutenant H.S. Rees, who had also been undertaking the road reconnaissance, joined the fray, meeting the second pair of MiGs at a closing speed of 1600 kph. The four aircraft returned to Kimpo, where 112 holes were counted in Irlam’s aircraft.
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However, the ground attack role was the major task of 77 Squadron from 1952 until the Korean War armistice on 27 July 1953. Although the Meteor was a stable firing platform and capable of absorbing considerable damage, the ventral tank was susceptible to ground fire and several aircraft were lost as a result. Sergeant M.E. Colebrook’s aircraft was hit in the ventral tank on 13 April 1952. Although he was able to jettison the burning tank, Colebrook was not seen again. Flight Lieutenant I.G.S. Purssey died in similar circumstances on 22 April. The Meteor was hit in the ventral tank and caught fire. Before he could release the flaming tank, the wing of the aircraft burned through. An ejection seat was seen to leave the aircraft when it reached 200 metres, but no parachute was sighted. Efforts to increase the ground attack potential of the Meteor were instigated. One innovation was the introduction of the Australiandeveloped napalm rocket head. Flight Lieutenant James Rowland (later Air Marshal Sir James Rowland, CAS 1975–79) and A. Cohmen undertook trials on the carriage of 227-kg and 453-kg bombs on the Meteor. These trials resulted in the aircraft being cleared to carry two 500-lb bombs, but they were never dropped in anger. The squadron, using standard 27-kg rockets and 20-mm cannon, had some remarkable successes. On 16 March 1953, Warrant Officer A.R. Turner, while on a road reconnaissance, sighted a convoy of 150 enemy trucks. The front and rear vehicles of the convoy were destroyed by rocket fire, leaving the remainder as victims to the ravaging Meteors. Although the attacking Meteors were being shot at by enemy soldiers who had taken refuge in the surrounding hills, the convoy was totally destroyed. Five of the squadron’s pilots, all of whom had full instrument ratings, voluntarily participated in night interdiction flights. A single Meteor would fly to the target area under radar surveillance and reconnoitre the area from an altitude of 600 metres above ground level. When a target was sighted, the pilot would attack with rockets and cannon from an altitude of 500 metres. Although the enemy could not hear the approaching jets and the defending anti-aircraft batteries could not see them, these nocturnal operations were only moderately successful. Flight Lieutenant H.V. Shearn attacked a twenty-vehicle convoy on the night of 20 June 1953. Other pilots reported destroying two trucks and damaging another eight during night operations, but the results did not compensate for the decline in the daylight strike rate that occurred due to aircraft unserviceability. A feature of 77 Squadron’s service in Korea was the fact that at least
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32 RAF pilots gained operational flying experience there. Five of these officers made the supreme sacrifice; one was to further his career to be promoted to Air Chief Marshal Sir Keith Williamson, and become the professional head of his service. Forty members of 77 Squadron were killed in action or as a result of accidents; seven were captured. The squadron flew 18 872 sorties over Korea and expended 34 175 rockets and over 700 000 rounds of 20-mm ammunition. Most importantly, the lessons learned in the Korean War became an important part of the effective operational conversion unit training courses that resulted in individual RAAF fighter pilots being among the world’s best trained. The Dakotas of 30 Communication Unit comprised the second RAAF formation to serve over Korea. Originally the 77 Squadron Communication Flight, 30 Communication Unit was formed under the command of Flight Lieutenant D.W. Hitchins on 1 November 1950. By the 30th, the strength of the unit was eight Dakotas and two Auster Mk 5 aircraft. The Dakota transports were used on a variety of tasks including mail delivery, search and rescue, medical evacuation, troop transport, supply dropping and even photographic reconnaissance. The majority of the flights were regular courier flights to South Korea. The statistics of the operations of the unit for May 1951 are indicative of its role. The Dakotas evacuated 384 medical patients, carried 1034 troops and transported about 120 tonnes of freight and mail to Korea. Over the period of operations the unit flew a wide variety of cargo, ranging from aircraft engines, army boots and oxygen cylinders. Possibly the most unique was 80 kilograms of haggis flown in for consumption by the Argyle and Sutherland Highland Regiment at Suwon. Often the pilots would fly courier flights completely on instruments, and it is a tribute to their skill that only one aircraft was lost in Korea. On 6 December 1950, a Mustang at Suwon hit a Dakota. There were no personal injuries, but the aircraft was written off. Unfortunately, on 24 April 1951, Sergeant E.W. Harding, Flight Sergeant L.C. Haines and Corporal D.S. Scott were killed when the Auster in which they were flying crashed just after take-off at Natsuyama. The second fatal accident involved a Wirraway, which struck telephone wires and crashed into the Hiji River near Nagahaka. The passenger in the aircraft died of his injuries. The unit was first renamed 30 Transport Unit on 5 November 1951, and then known as 36 Squadron from 1 March 1953. The squadron continued operating into Korea and, after the armistice, flew
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repatriated British Commonwealth POWs to Japan. The last flight in this series occurred on 31 August 1953, and the squadron remained at Iwakuni until it returned to Australia on 17 March 1955. However, not all the Dakotas left Iwakuni. On 14 March 1955, Squadron Leader G.L. Waller commanded three Dakota transports and a Wirraway that remained at the airfield as the RAAF Transport Flight (Japan). This flight flew a regular five-day courier service to Korea and also continued with medical evacuation duties. To assist in the latter duties Senior Sister J. Leatham and Sister E.M. Booth were integrated with flight personnel. These duties continued until Flight Sergeant I.R. Walker and his crew departed from Iwakuni on 8 July 1956 to mark the last flight of an Australian aircraft based in Japan. The flight was disbanded on 28 September.
South Vietnam, 1962–72 At the end of the Second World War communist nationalists under the political leadership of Ho Chi Minh proclaimed the independence of North Vietnam from the colonial French. A bitter war between the French and Viet Minh resulted in the final military defeat of the French forces at Dien Bien Phu and the subsequent agreement signed in Geneva to partition the country into North Vietnam and South Vietnam, with the promise, never met, to undertake free elections to finally unite the country. During the Kennedy presidency, the US became committed to the southern Republic of Vietnam cause, and as a consequence of Australia’s alliance with the United States, the Menzies Government deployed the Australian Army Training Team Vietnam (AATTV) in 1962 to aid the regime in South Vietnam.
Caribou operations, 1964–72 The RAAF had flown the diplomatic representatives into South Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia, using a 2 Squadron Dakota based at Butterworth. During May 1963 Flying Officer D.M. Cooper flew to Saigon where he was tasked with flying sorties as directed by the Australian ambassador. The tasks included 28 sorties flown between 11 and 21 May to distribute medical supplies and food to Montagnard refugees who were fleeing from the Viet Cong insurgency in Laos and Vietnam. The presence of the Dakota in the country gave some credence to a request made by the US
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embassy in Canberra during May 1964 for the deployment of various army units and of a fixed wing transport unit. On the 29th, the Australian Cabinet accepted a recommendation that a detachment of six of the new De Havilland Canada Caribou aircraft—eighteen of which had been ordered to replace the venerable Dakota being operated by 38 Squadron—be diverted for service in South Vietnam. The Caribou, with its superb short take-off and landing capability, and a payload of three tonnes of freight (or 32 troops) proved the ideal tactical transport for South Vietnamese operations. The first six Caribou aircraft were ferried from Canada to Australia through Europe, down the Red Sea to Butterworth and then to Australia. It was decided to terminate the ferry flight of the next three Caribous at Butterworth, where they would equip the newly formed RAAF Transport Flight Vietnam (RTFV). This unit was raised under the command of Squadron Leader C.J. Sugden, who had commanded the second ferry flight of the aircraft at Richmond on 20 July 1964. However, due to the unserviceability of one of the aircraft at Aden during the delivery flight, the three aircraft were not flown to Vung Tau until 8 August. After being formally welcomed to the theatre on 10 August, the Caribou crews commenced briefings at Tan Son Nhut, Saigon, and familiarisation tours to surrounding airfields in USAF Fairchild C-123 Provider transports. Sugden and Flight Lieutenant D.J. Lancaster flew the first RTFV mission, a freight run from Tan Son Nhut to Pleiku on the 14th. Operational tasking of the flight was assigned to the 315th USAF Troop Carrier Group (Assault), which became the 315th Air Commando Wing in February 1966. The initial tasking called for undemanding short-haul flights from Saigon to outlying bases. As the aircrew gained experience, and the short field capability of the Caribou became more widely known by the transport organisation, the RTFV had assumed its basic operational pattern by the end of November. Two aircraft were deployed, one each to Nha Trang and Da Nang, from where they supported US Special Force camps and Aid for International Development projects. The relatively small cargo tonnages and passenger loads required to service these sites made them ideal for Caribou operations, and the ability of the Australians to deliver cargo to these isolated bases became a matter of appreciative comment from recipients. Where the USAF C-123 and C-47 pilots employed long, low and slow landing approaches to these isolated airfields that made them vulnerable to small arms fire from the ground, the Australian Caribou
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crews flew at a minimum altitude of 1000 metres above ground level. To further decrease the probability of being hit, the Caribou made very steep descents from that height, spiralling down from virtually above the airfield. The reverse pattern was flown on take-off. Conditions and tasking, however, may not have enabled these procedures to be followed. On 27 December 1965, Flying Officer F.W. Pike was forced to fly at tree-top level while returning to Da Nang, resulting in the aircraft being hit five times by small arms fire. On 28 February 1966, Squadron Leader V.D. Guthrie was forced by low cloud to fly at a similar level to ensure that he dropped ammunition accurately at an Army of the Republic of Vietnam (ARVN) camp. His aircraft came under intense enemy fire from the mountain ridges. The advantage of the low-level extraction (lolex) system—where the aircraft would be flown at low level over the drop zone and the stores pallets were dropped from the rear of the cargo by a small parachute—was that the aircraft was not required to land. Another task that was undertaken by the RTFV, but one that diverted resources from the flight’s main duty, was flare dropping. The engineering officer and his men improvised a flare chute on the rear ramp that was used in November (24 night sorties) and December (28 sorties) 1964. Sugden argued that C-47 aircraft could more efficiently carry out these operations, and the last flare-dropping sortie in this series was made in January 1965. Sugden’s decision, however, did not remain binding. The flight was occasionally allotted flare-dropping missions that required the aircraft to be flown on a 1200 metre race track pattern above the scene to be illuminated by magnesium flares launched from the rear of the aircraft at 90-second intervals. Flight Lieutenant R.G. Raymond flew one such mission on 5 July 1965. Illumination of an outpost east of Saigon showed government forces under attack from three sides, and Raymond was requested to remain overhead until an air strike arrived to assist the defenders. Although under fire, Raymond did so. He was later awarded an MID for his courage. Although the Australian Caribous operated into mountainous regions that were susceptible to rapid and unpredictable changes in the weather, the first incident that threatened the safety of one of the aircraft was as a result of mechanical failure. On 24 August 1965, Pilot Officer D.A. Henry landed at Phan Thiet, but was unable to take off due to hydraulic failure in one engine. As the airfield was insecure, it was not possible to change the engine in situ, so Sugden and Lancaster flew a second Caribou to Phan Thiet next day. Henry transferred the
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cargo to the replacement aircraft, leaving Sugden with the problem of recovering the stricken aircraft. The commanding officer decided to ignore the rule book and made a single-engine take-off to fly back to Vung Tau. On 12 March, possibly inspired by Sugden’s experience, Flight Lieutenant J.D. Jordan continued with his take-off from an airstrip in the A Shau Valley after a sniper bullet had knocked out the port engine of his Caribou; he then safely made the 40-minute flight to Da Nang. Although the Caribous had been subjected to small arms fire, they did not have any other major incidents until Flying Officer B.G. Hammond crash landed at A Ro on 18 November. Hammond had made a lolex but, as the cargo was not dropped, he decided to land on the 550-metre-long dirt airstrip. The surface had been transformed into slush by rain. When the pilot selected reverse thrust, flying mud obscured his vision and the starboard main undercarriage wheels sank into a drainage ditch. The undercarriage leg tore off and the wing was written off. The crew suffered no injuries, but it took a two-week effort by a detachment of ground crew from Vung Tau to complete the subsequent salvage operation. Working under the constant threat of mortar fire and in miserable weather conditions, the men recovered both of the engines and the mainplane. Two more landing accidents placed pressure on the hard-working ground crews. On 7 May 1965, a Caribou clipped its nose wheel on the runway edge when it landed at Hai Yen on the Camau peninsula with medical and construction equipment aboard. The wing was torn off, and one engine and the undercarriage were damaged. A RTFV ground team undertook a major repair job before the commander, Squadron Leader D.C. Harvey, flew the aircraft back to Vung Tau. This had been an outstanding effort by the technicians. As Hai Yen was under nightly attack, and the airfield was outside of the defended area, the aircraft had to be left unguarded. The holing of the Caribou’s wing by a box of ammunition dropped from a US supply plane further delayed the process. A wing was flown in by helicopter and fitted; when the Caribou was flown out it had a combination of USAF and RAAF wing markings as a result. In the second incident a Caribou was taxiing along the dirt strip at Tanh Linh when the nose wheel sank into the mud and the wheel assembly collapsed. Again, as the airfield was insecure at night, the aircrew were evacuated by helicopter. Next morning a RAAF salvage team, with the assistance of US Army personnel, made temporary repairs to the Caribou, enabling Harvey to fly the aircraft (albeit with its wheels down and at a much reduced speed) back to Vung Tau after dark.
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The RTFV was renamed 35 Squadron on 1 June 1966, and it suffered an aircraft casualty—the first for almost a year—when the Caribou involved in the Hai Yen episode was again damaged at Ba To, an isolated Special Forces camp in Quang Ngai province. The subsequent recovery was undertaken in the face of Viet Cong mortar fire. It took ten days of arduous toil to replace the nose, propeller, undercarriage, wings, flaps, ailerons and engine before Wing Commander C.J. Melchert could fly the aircraft back to Vung Tau. This salvage operation exhibited the teamwork and resourcefulness of all concerned; Sergeant E.G. Allen, an equipment assistant, was awarded an MID for his resourcefulness and initiative in obtaining the vital spares to enable the project to be completed. It took six months to fully refurbish the aircraft, but in the meantime the ground crew were thrown another challenge after Flying Officer I. Baldwin landed at Dalat, in the central highlands, early in July 1967 and fell prey to the primitive airfield conditions. As was often the case, a newly dug drainage ditch collapsed under the weight of the aircraft, which settled into the mud, twisting the starboard wing section and damaging the undercarriage. It took the team two weeks to prepare the aircraft for flight back to Vung Tau—a fortnight with constant threat (which failed to eventuate) of mortar attack. On 17 July, Squadron Leader A.J. Fookes flew the aircraft back to Vung Tau, where its final repairs were carried out in US Army facilities. The last accident resulted in the loss of the aircraft concerned. On 30 August 1967, Pilot Officer A. Aiken was co-pilot to the squadron commander, Squadron Leader Fookes, on a routine flight to Phu Quoc. The aircraft, being flown by Aiken, was en route from Duong Dong to An Tho, flying at low level, when Aiken modified his landing approach to beat an oncoming rain squall. As he made a steep turn, Aiken found that the aircraft was in a nose down attitude only fifteen metres above the sea. The aircraft hit the sea in three metres of water, 300 metres short of the runway. The crew and fourteen passengers were evacuated from the aircraft before being pulled aboard a US gunboat that arrived twenty minutes later. Aircrew of the flight were wounded by small arms fire, but did not suffer any fatalities. Flying Officer M.J. Goodsell was hit when his Caribou was caught in cross-fire from automatic weapons five kilometres north-east of the Ca Mau airfield. The aircraft had been forced to fly low in weather that restricted visibility to 300 metres. One round disintegrated after hitting the nose wheel, with one fragment striking Goodsell high on the cheek. The loadmaster, Leading Aircraftman
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R. Dexter, and two American journalists who were aboard the aircraft pulled the collapsed pilot from the cockpit as the co-pilot, Flying Officer I.B. Cooper, assumed control. Goodsell’s injury was not serious, and he flew out his tour of duty. Other airmen suffered similar injuries: Flight Lieutenant D.G. Bliss and Corporal D. Angus on 11 September. The Caribous came under enemy fire and, on occasion, were lucky to escape with minor damage. On 19 January 1969, Flight Lieutenant R.J. Thompson landed at Katum, near the Cambodian border. As he taxied to unload his cargo, the area was subjected to mortar fire. Three rounds landed close to the aircraft, peppering it with shrapnel that resulted in the two pilots receiving superficial lacerations. As the Caribou was a sitting duck, Thompson decided to take off. The two loadmasters had anticipated this decision and pushed the aircraft’s cargo onto the runway. Despite the damage to the aircraft, Thompson flew to Bien Hoa. Statistically, it was only a matter of time before the squadron’s luck ran out. Flying Officer A.G. Milne and his crew flew drums of helicopter fuel to That Son on 29 March 1970. The aircraft was being unloaded when it came under mortar attack. The second projectile landed on the starboard wing, blowing the captain’s helmet off his head and starting a fire in the fuel cells. Within seconds the crew had evacuated the aircraft and sought the security of a bunker thirty metres away. A jeep arrived to transport them to a nearby command post, where they watched helplessly as the mortars lobbed around their hapless aircraft. During a lull in the bombardment the crew gathered personal effects and classified material from the aircraft. The crew was flown to Can Tho by US Army helicopter two hours later, and a Squadron Caribou later flew them back to home base. Two months later Flying Officer R.F. Meares had a similar experience at Tra Vinh. Mortar rounds began to impact as the aircraft taxied. Meares ordered his crew to embark the waiting passengers quickly. Once they were safely aboard he took off from the middle of the field, probably saving the aircraft and the lives of the passengers as well. In June 1966, 35 Squadron was issued a revised directive to give priority to provide transport support to the Australian Task Force. Initially this did not affect squadron operations, but when Luscombe Field was opened in December 1966, it became a stopover in the daily courier flight to Saigon. By 1970, 45 per cent of the flying hours were dedicated to support of the Task Force. Although these flights were usually over short distances, they involved some notable deployments and experiments. On 15 March 1967, Squadron Leader Fookes
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dropped 200-litre drums accurately into a heavily wooded area known to contain a Viet Cong supply point. Fookes flew over the area three times, under fire on each occasion, and despite his bravery—he was later awarded a DFC—he did not achieve the desired result. Helicopters, using tracer ammunition, set fire to the drums but the ensuing conflagration did not destroy the target and the experiment was not repeated. Task Force support missions were flown during Operation Federal during February–April 1969, when two Australian battalions were deployed to defensive positions east of the Long Binh–Bin Hoa complex to undertake a reconnaissance in force in Long Khan province. The Caribous flew daily support mission during the period. Similarly, the squadron undertook a direct tactical role during Operation Kingston in October 1969, when half of 5 RAR was returned to the Task Force at Luscombe Field. Next month the squadron effected the changeover of 5 and 6 RAR at Phu My. Other interesting operations involved the use of the Caribous to drop supplies to fire support bases and to facilitate the parachute drop of 100 SAS personnel into the Thua Tich area. On 30 March 1971, Prime Minister William McMahon announced a reduction of the Australian military commitment to South Vietnam. As a consequence, three aircraft from 35 Squadron returned home to Richmond on 7 June. With the decrease of the Australian commitment, 35 Squadron’s role became more difficult to justify, and the squadron flew its last mission on 13 February 1972. The final four aircraft flew back to Richmond on 26 February. The RTFV/35 Squadron operational statistics are impressive: nearly 80 000 sorties, 47 000 hours in the air, 677 000 passengers, 36 million kilograms of freight and five million kilograms of mail.
Helicopter operations, 1966–72 The second RAAF flying unit to deploy to South Vietnam was 9 Squadron, which was equipped with the aircraft that became the popular symbol of the conflict: the Bell Iroquois helicopter. On 6 June 1966, the 9 Squadron helicopters were flown from HMAS Sydney, on which they had been transported to Vung Tau, Vietnam, from where they were to position and extract troops, and provide logistic support and casualty evacuation for the Task Force. At this stage the Task Force had moved to its forward base at Nui Dat, 30 kilometres north of Vung Tau. As Nui Dat was under threat of nocturnal Viet Cong attack,
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the Iroquois were flown to the army base each morning and returned to Vung Tau at night. Although there was an RAAF element at Task Force headquarters, the operational control of the helicopter force was a matter of considerable tension between army and air force commanders—a situation that may have been influential in the ultimate decision to transfer the helicopter force to army control in 1989. However, at the grass roots tactical level, 9 Squadron and the soldiers developed a mutual respect. This derived from the support given to ‘D’ Company, 6 RAR on the night of 16–17 August 1966. After contacting an enemy force in superior numbers, ‘D’ Company made an urgent request for an ammunition resupply. Flight Lieutenants F.P. Riley and C.M. Dohle and their crews responded, flying through torrential rain at tree top level to drop the ammunition to the hardpressed troops. The timely resupply enabled the troops to stand their ground. Later, the helicopters returned to evacuate the wounded, descending onto a rough landing ground under the direction of dim lights from the open hatches of armoured personnel carriers. The dangers inherent in resupply actions were graphically exposed when the squadron lost its first helicopter on 18 October 1966. Dohle and his co-pilot, Flight Lieutenant P.M. Middleton, were assigned the task of delivering five boxes of explosives to 5 RAR at a temporary landing pad near Nui Tha Vai. In addition to its normal crew, the Iroquois carried two sappers, D. Schubert and C. Hopper, who were to assist with the unloading of the cargo. As Dohle brought the aircraft to the hover, he noted that the landing pad was too small to enable a safe landing. He prepared to lift off, but the helicopter failed to respond and crashed, injuring all six men aboard. The fuel tanks ruptured and the aircraft caught fire; Dohle was able to exit the aircraft, but was incapacitated by the spinal injuries that he had incurred. The senior crewman, Sergeant Gordon Buttress, although badly cut and bruised, organised the evacuation of the aircraft. Buttress ordered Leading Aircraftman T. Farr to clear the area before pulling one of the passengers through the starboard cargo door. Buttress then returned to extract the other passenger, and turned back to the Iroquois to attempt to save the unconscious Middleton. The co-pilot had his foot wedged between a tree trunk that had penetrated the cockpit and the control column. Despite the flames, Buttress attempted to pull metal from the front of the cockpit, but was forced to quell the flames by using the aircraft’s fire extinguisher. He then returned to the task of freeing Middleton. With the assistance of Schubert and Hopper, Buttress succeeded in saving him. The survivors sought cover as the explosive
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and ammunition aboard the burning helicopter detonated. The six men were recovered by another aircraft and hospitalised. Buttress was later awarded the George Medal for his actions. Buttress was not the only squadron member to show courage during a resupply mission. On 21 March 1971, Pilot Officer R.N. James and Squadron Leader W.R. Rayner were both wounded when their aircraft came under heavy fire while dropping stores to regional forces located in the Long Hai hills. The crewman, Leading Aircraftman T.L. Hamill, was guiding the helicopter to hover over the drop zone when the Viet Cong ground fire hit both him and Captain J.C. Hartley. As James pulled the Iroquois away, Hamill was forced to throw his body over the wounded Hartley to prevent him falling from the aircraft. The damaged aircraft was landed 3000 metres from the drop zone. Hamill, despite his wounds, calmly guided the pilot to enable the stricken aircraft to be landed safely. Another aircraft rescued the crew. Hamill was awarded the DFM for his actions. A different aircraft was lost on 7 June 1971, but in this case the pilot, Flight Lieutenant E.M. Lance, and one of the door gunners, Corporal D.J. Dubber, were killed. Dubber, one of several Air Defence Guards employed as door gunners, was on his second tour of duty with the squadron. The Iroquois crews and the SAS troopers developed a mutual respect from the time Dohle and Flight Lieutenant B.I. Lane made the first extraction of a six-man patrol on 10 July 1966. As the patrol was in contact with a Viet Cong force, the withdrawal of the troops was made with the helicopter under fire. To protect the Australian Iroquois, two US Army gunships were scheduled to escort Dohle and Lane. However, the rendezvous was not kept, and the two Australian helicopter side gunners returned the enemy fire to cover the withdrawal. Another example of the dangers of this type of operation was the extraction of a SAS patrol from the Long Khanh provincial border in the days after the Long Tan action. As Flight Lieutenant R. McIntosh came in to land, a major firefight developed with two enemy platoons. The SAS made a run for the Iroquois, alternately firing their weapons and ducking to enable the helicopter gunners to fire over their heads. The helicopter had to climb to 300 metres before it was free of the spasmodic ground fire. The SAS and 9 Squadron also developed insertion techniques to ensure that the former were deployed as safely and covertly as possible. Due to the lack of suitable ropes the initial landing of SAS troops was by either winching them to the ground or by landing the helicopter. A later refinement was the use of a lightweight series of cotton ropes
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fixed around the soldier’s waist and upper legs that were connected by karabiner hooks to a loop at the end of one of a series of ropes slung from the helicopter. The other major role of 9 Squadron was casualty evacuation. ‘Dustoffs’ commenced in a dramatic fashion on 25 July 1966 when five Iroquois aircraft were called to evacuate twenty 6 RAR casualties during Operation Hobart. As the landing field was within 100 metres of the enemy position air strikes by USAF F-100s Super Sabres were called in as four of the helicopters landed, one at a time, to take on the wounded. The fifth Iroquois remained aloft to give fire support to the Dustoff aircraft. During these operations aircraft were highly vulnerable to ground attack, and had to remain at a hover while patients were winched to safety. Pilot Officer (later Air Vice Marshal) R.N. Treloar and his co-pilot, Flight Lieutenant I.F. Satrapa, gained first-hand experience of this vulnerability when evacuating wounded 5 RAR personnel after heavy contact on 21 August 1969. Shrapnel from an exploding rocket-propelled grenade hit the helicopter as the second patient was being winched aboard. As the aircraft lifted off, it was hit by a further five rounds fired from an AK-47 rifle. Both crewmen were hit, but the body armour they wore prevented any injury. One of the patients was not so fortunate, being wounded again in the groin and head. Treloar landed at Nui Dat, where the casualties were transferred to another aircraft and flown to the 1st Army Field Hospital at Vung Tau. The aircraft had eleven punctures caused by the shrapnel and bullets, one of which was in the fuel tank. Tragedy was to befall Flying Officer M.F. Castles and his crew during a Dustoff on 17 April 1971. A 50-man government regional force patrol blundered into a minefield near the summit of a rocky knoll fifteen kilometres south-east of Vung Tau. One of the soldiers stepped on a mine and had both legs blown off. An Australian Army Training Team member, Corporal T.D. Blackhurst, and a US Army officer, Captain Albertson, decided that the casualty warranted the presence of a helicopter to evacuate him. Castles and a light fire team responded to the request. As the legless soldier was being winched to the Iroquois, an enemy machine-gun opened fire on the mercy flight. Although the Dustoff side gunner, Leading Aircraftman R. Zegers, and one of the supporting helicopters attempted to silence the enemy fire, the Iroquois was hit in the engine, which stopped. Horrified witnesses saw the aircraft fall on top of the troops before rolling over on its starboard side and bursting into flame. Blackhurst, Albertson, the wounded South Vietnamese soldier and Lance Corporal J.F. Gillespie, a medical
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orderly from the Australian Army’s 8th Field Ambulance who was aboard the aircraft, were all killed. The two pilots, both burned on their face and hands, Zegers and the other crewman, Corporal R.A. Stephens, who had made gallant attempt to free Gillespie, survived. The 9 Squadron Iroquois crews also responded to requests for assistance from downed aircraft that were not operating directly with friendly troops. Flight Lieutenant R.J. Thompson was refuelling at Luscombe Field when an American helicopter gunship suffered hydraulic failure and crashed in dense jungle twelve kilometres from Nui Dat. Although the area was known to be insecure, Thompson arrived to find the American aircraft on fire. The crew of a supporting gunship was attempting to lower a crewman to the wreckage by rope. As the Australian Iroquois was fitted with both a litter and a winch, Thompson offered assistance. When the offer was accepted, Corporal John ‘Snow’ Coughlan was lowered to the jungle floor at a position some 80 metres from the wreckage. Armed with an M-16 rifle to protect him, Coughlan joined the American crew chief at the crash site, where he treated one of the gunners whose knees had been shattered by rockets as they had been expelled from the rocket launcher tubes. The other injured crewmen were still aboard the burning aircraft. Fortuitously, the aircraft had broken apart on impact and this made their rescue possible. Using his emergency radio, Coughlan, in the face of exploding ammunition, calmly arranged for the winching of the survivors to safety. He then called in Thompson, and using two harnesses on a single cable to enable himself and the remaining American crewman to be winched simultaneously, finally reached safety. Coughlan was to show his coolness under fire again during January 1968. An American Dustoff helicopter had crashed while taking on casualties during a night contact. When the Australian Iroquois arrived the action was still raging. To evacuate the crew and patients, the aircraft had to remain hovering with its landing lights illuminated. Coughlan leaned out of the aircraft, fully aware of the vulnerability of his position, to advise the aircraft captain of the helicopter’s exact position in relation to the terrain, trees and the personnel on the ground. Corporal Coughlan was awarded the Conspicuous Gallantry Medal (second only to the Victoria Cross) for his disregard for danger and courage under fire. The lack of firepower carried by the Australian Iroquois was an operational limitation that was identified early in the period of the deployment. The unavailability of American gunships made it extremely difficult to work up the techniques and teamwork required to ensure troop carrier–gunship cooperation. To increase the firepower
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of the helicopters, Squadron Leader J.H. Cox, Flight Lieutenant E.C. Thompson and the squadron armourer, Sergeant E.E. Moore, combined to adapt the existing door mount to enable twin-mounted guns to be fitted. Fortunately, the re-equipping of the squadron with the improved UH-1H variant of the Iroquois enabled changes to be made in the armament of the aircraft. The forward firing machine-guns were replaced by two GAU-2B/A mini-guns, capable of firing 4800 rounds per minute; nineteen tube rocket pods were considered as an alternative to the seven-tube pod, but rejected due to a compromise decision to increase the amount of 7.62-mm mini-gun ammunition. This configuration occasionally suffered from stoppages to the mini-guns, when misaligned rounds jammed the ammunition belts as they moved across the tops of twelve containers fixed below the pilot. This problem was finally solved by the fabrication of two large ammunition bins, one dedicated to each gun. As Cox and his team were posted back to Australia, Flight Lieutenant Brian Dirou and his team, Flight Sergeant G.K. Downer and Sergeant P.H. Hodge, continued with the project. The decision to complete the program was considered in Canberra, where the option of purchasing the Cobra attack helicopter was canvassed, and the Australian gunships officially became operational on 21 April 1969. Actually, during Operation Surfside on 16 April, when four companies of 9 RAR were inserted by air into a stretch of jungle east of Dat Do, they became the first army unit to deploy with air cover supplied by RAAF Bushrangers. A supporting American gunship crashed while returning to refuel at Nui Dat, and doubts as to the availability of a replacement resulted in the fourth assault landing being supported by the 9 Squadron gunships. Brian Dirou, Flight Lieutenant R.R. Budd and Flying Officer T.K. Butler, RNZAF, made the first official Bushranger sorties on the 21st when they engaged active enemy positions that threatened the advance of 5 RAR soldiers. The gunships became ‘B’ Flight and the close relationship with the army formation was enhanced by the flight maintaining a light fire team on immediate stand-by at Nui Dat each day. To augment this force, a third aircraft was placed on fifteen-minute alert at Vung Tau. During 30 months of operational flying the ‘B’ Flight Bushrangers became an integral part of army operations in the province. The value of the firepower available from the gunships became evident during a series of ‘hot’ extractions of long-range SAS patrols during May 1969. The success of one such operation on the 16th was wholly dependent
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on the suppressive fire that enabled the four-man patrol to be extracted by rope. The patrol was under intense enemy pressure that required the Bushranger crews to fire beneath the hovering helicopters to prevent the SAS patrol from being overrun. Bushranger operations included strikes at specific targets, usually under direction from the ground, ‘people sniffing’ missions, covering armoured forces and attacking bunker complexes. Although operating at low level, often in the face of intense enemy ground fire, it was gratifying that the Bushrangers did not suffer a higher casualty rate. The only personnel fatality during operations was that of Pilot Officer R.W. Betts, who died of wounds after being hit by small arms fire on 20 March 1971. No Bushrangers were lost to enemy action, but several were severely damaged and required extensive maintenance work to bring them back on line. On 5 June 1969, the transmission of the Iroquois commanded by Flight Lieutenant J.F. Hazelwood was damaged by small arms fire while he was supporting Australian infantry north of Nui Dat. Hazelwood made a precautionary landing before he and his crew were transported back to Vung Tau. A US Army Boeing Chinook was dispatched to recover the aircraft, but the US technical crew realised that the aircraft could be flown back under its own power. During 1970 the incidence of damage increased. On 20 June Flying Officer B.C. Townsend force landed his aircraft in a marshy area, which resulted in the aircraft being damaged by salt water. Probably the most bizarre reason for aircraft unserviceability was the discovery of a 1.6-metre snake that comfortably inhabited the cavities of one of the Iroquois; the aircraft had to be partially disassembled to evict the unwanted lodger. Two incidents exemplify the actions and courage of the Bushranger crews. On 21 August 1969, Flying Officer M.R. Tardent was the leader of a 9 Squadron fire support team that was covering RAAF and American Dustoff helicopters that were waiting to evacuate 5 RAR battle casualties. The force had to hover overhead for twenty minutes, waiting for a break in the firefight to give them an opportunity to undertake their mercy mission. Fourteen casualties were evacuated, and Tardent was awarded the DFC for his leadership and action during this mission. Another DFC was awarded to a Bushranger pilot under similar circumstances on 22 April 1970. Flying Officer (later Air Commodore) Chris Beatty had been called to cover the evacuation of a wounded 7 RAR soldier. As the casualty was being winched to the Dustoff aircraft, ‘B’ Company came under heavy attack and called for close support. Beatty led a series of accurate attacks, enabling the
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embattled soldiers to withdraw. A subsequent infantry assault on the enemy complex resulted in the withdrawal of the Australian soldiers, again under the cover of Beatty’s aircraft. On his own initiative, Beatty continued to attack the enemy complex until the arrival of more heavily armed ground attack aircraft. The final Bushranger operation took place on 15 November 1971, when an Australian Army 161 Reconnaissance Flight Kiowa was hit by ground fire when flying over Long Son. The pilot crash landed in a mangrove swamp, and the Bushrangers covered the 9 Squadron Iroquois that was dispatched to recover both crew and aircraft.
Canberra operations, 1967–72 The third operational squadron to deploy to South Vietnam was not affiliated with the Australian Task Force, and its role was somewhat problematic. When the Canberra bombers of 2 Squadron flew from Butterworth to the US Air Force Base at Phan Rang on 19 April 1967, they came under the operation control of the 35th Tactical Fighter Wing. This formation flew four squadrons of F-100 Super Sabres and a squadron of B-57s, the Martin-built version of the Canberra. The Canberra had been designed to undertake high-altitude bombing missions and was therefore suitable to operate under the ‘Combat Skyspot’ system. This system was based on six USAF radar stations that covered the whole area of South Vietnam. The aircraft were controlled by voice, the radar controller advising the pilot of the aircraft of the correct heading and also of the time of bomb release. With experience—and 2 Squadron trained in the techniques at Butterworth— bombs could be dropped within, on average, 82 metres of the target. However, the system had difficulty tracking the Canberras when the aircraft were operating at the extremes of radar range until sufficient transponders were supplied. Four days after arrival the squadron flew its first offensive operation. Eight aircraft departed from Phan Rang at hourly intervals to strike at eleven targets in areas ranging from the central provinces to the Mekong Delta. Results were unsatisfactory. One Canberra aborted and had to return to base. Three were diverted to secondary targets. The lead aircraft targeted a Viet Cong supply dump and Wing Commander V.J. Hill and Flight Lieutenant T.D. Wright attacked a base camp in the Mekong Delta. On 30 April, four Canberra bombers supported the Australian Army during Operation Puckapunyal, when
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they bombed a bunker system from 3000 metres in daylight. The Canberra bombers were further used over Phuoc Tuy province at night, but the utilisation of the aircraft in support of the Australian Army was hampered by a lack of understanding of its capabilities by senior army commanders. These capabilities included an ability to loiter for a period of up to 90 minutes over the target area, and the ability to vary the time between individual bomb releases to give the optimum effect. The Canberra was armed with World War II-vintage British bombs until the stock of these projectiles was exhausted. On 11 August 1968, the squadron began using 340-kg bombs of American design. The Canberra was capable of carrying four such bombs in the bomb bay and one each on the wingtip bomb carrier. The ordnance dropped by the Australians was supplemented by British 453-kg bombs. The use of variable time (VT) fusing, which was set to explode the missile 15–61 metres above ground level, proved very effective against sampans, vehicles and exposed troops. Successful trials of daylight visual bombing were undertaken on 25 June 1967, and from 10 November four daily sorties were flown in daylight. The other scheduled sorties flew nocturnal Combat Skyspot missions. The Canberras ranged over South Vietnam. On 19 November, the squadron commander, Wing Commander R.B. Aronson, and Wing Commander H.A. Hughes were diverted from a skyspot mission to attack heavy mortars and heavy machine-guns that were causing casualties to Allied forces near Dok To. A forward air controller used smoke to mark the target area, which was on the reverse side of a 2440 metre-high ridge. The intervention of the two bombers silenced the guns. The Australian bombers attacked targets near Hue, Quang Tri and supported the US Marines during the siege of Khe Sanh. One would expect battle damage from low-level operations of the type flown by the squadron crews. This was not, however, the squadron’s experience. During 1970 Flying Officers B.J. Copley and P.V. Murphy had just commenced their bombing run when the plantation below them exploded. Copley took violent evasive action to avoid flying trees and debris. The havoc was caused by a strike of B-52 bombers that had been cleared onto the same target area. A second Canberra was almost lost on 11 July 1970 when Pilot Officer M.J. Birks found that the nose wheel of the Canberra would not lower. Birks brought the aircraft down on the main wheels, and ended up on its nose in the middle of the runway. The aircraft was removed from the runway and repaired, but not before the squadron commander,
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Wing Commander J.R. Boast, had to physically prevent an ardent US serviceman from bulldozing the aircraft off the runway. The squadron lost two aircraft, and two crew members, to enemy action. On 3 November 1970, Flying Officer M.P.J. Herbert and Pilot Officer R.C. Carver were briefed to attack an enemy target in Quang Nam province, southwest of Da Nang. The American controller asked the Australian aircrew to drop their six 340-kg bombs in salvos from a height of 7000 metres. After dropping the bombs, Flying Officer Herbert acknowledged the message that gave detail of the target, before signing off and switching frequencies to contact Phan Rang. The US radar controllers at Udon, Thailand noted its abrupt disappearance off the radar screen minutes after the last message was received. The fate of the aircraft and crew is still unknown. However, there was no doubt about the loss of the Canberra bomber being flown by Wing Commander F.J.L. Downing, the squadron commander, and Flight Lieutenant A.J. Pinches on 14 March 1971. The Canberra was tracking to drop bombs on a target 80 kilometres east of Hue, near the Laotian border, when a SAM hit it. Both Dowling and Pinches ejected from their stricken bomber and, after 24 hours of pain, cold and hunger in the jungle, the two airmen were flown by helicopter to safety. The squadron flew its last operational mission on 31 May 1971. In four years of combat, it had dropped 76 389 bombs during 11 696 combat sorties, and had been awarded the South Vietnamese Cross of Gallantry with Palm and a USAF Outstanding Unit Award.
Support operations, 1965–72 The Hercules transports of 36 and 37 Squadrons had the important task of supporting the combat units based in South Vietnam. From 9 June 1965, the Richmond-based Hercules transports flew regular courier flights, moving between Darwin, Butterworth and South Vietnam in a four-day round trip. During the period of the Indonesian Government’s policy of confrontation with Malaysia, Indonesia refused rights to the use of its airspace. To overcome this operational restriction, the Hercules aircraft flew from Richmond to Pearce, Western Australia, then to Cocos Island and hence to Butterworth. The aircraft then operated into, initially, Bien Hoa, but later used the airfields at Vung Tau and Phan Rang as a matter of routine. As an example of the capability of the transport force, during April–June 1967 three Lockheed C-130A models deployed to Darwin, from
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where, during Operation Winter Grip, they flew 2400 army personnel (two fresh battalions) direct from Darwin to Vung Tau and returned with troops from 5 RAR and 6 RAR. On 20 December 1972, two Hercules aircraft brought home the last of the Australian Army Training Team Vietnam. This was the final flight of Hercules transports from South Vietnam during the conflict. However, as will be seen, it was not the last time that the transport force played a significant role in that unhappy country. From the Australian Defence Force perspective the evacuation of wounded servicemen was one of the most important roles of the Hercules fleet. The first medical evacuation (medevac) flights took off from Binh Hoa, as part of the normal South Vietnam courier flights. To assist with the medevac organisation, Warrant Officer A.G. Pellizzer took up duty with the US Army’s 3rd Field Hospital at Tan Son Nhut, where he ensured that 1600 patients were flown out of South Vietnam. Despite Pellizzer’s sterling efforts, the early model Hercules transport aircraft were not ideal aerial ambulances. They were cold and noisy, and the diversion around Indonesian airspace during the period of confrontation added hours to the flight back to the terminal at Richmond. The introduction of the ‘E’ model Hercules, which came into service in the medevac role during February 1967, eased patient discomfort. The aircraft immediately showed its potential. Fighting in Phouc Tuy province placed immense pressure on the medical facilities at Vung Tau. Squadron Leader R.E. Bateson and his crew arrived on 27 February to evacuate 51 patients direct to Australia. The non-stop 7165-kilometre flight from Vung Tau to Richmond took fourteen hours and ten minutes. The normal crew was increased to nine, and the aircraft carried four medical officers, five nursing sisters and four medical orderlies to tend the patients. Although the majority of medevac flights were routed through Butterworth, where patients were stabilised at 4 RAAF Hospital, a special flight was made late in 1969 to fly five wounded servicemen direct from Vung Tau to Richmond. The presence of dedicated RAAF nurses on these flights enhanced patient care. Squadron Officer B.A.F. Carroll flew 50 medevac missions; Squadron Officers E.M. Bone, A.B. Edwards and I.G. Liddicoat flew 30 missions each. In addition, many RAAF nursing officers served within the American medevac units that were based in the Philippines.
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Ground operations, 1966–72 The operations of the flying units in South Vietnam would not have been possible without the support of the personnel of 1 Operational Support Unit (1OSU) and the members of the 5 ACS detachments at Phan Rang and Vung Tau. ADGs (Airfield Defence Guards), in association with American security forces, shared the responsibility of protecting RAAF assets at both bases. 1OSU was formed at RAAF Base Fairbairn as the base support unit on 8 May 1966. Under the command of Squadron Leader C.G. Kilsby, the 82 officers and men arrived at Vung Tau on 12 June 1966, where they continued to supply the domestic, administrative and medical facilities for the operational units until disbandment on 29 February 1972. The ADG flights were an integral element of the unit at Vung Tau, where the members controlled the entrances to the Australian complex, manned sentry towers and provided a mobile quick reaction force that patrolled the working areas and flight line. During 1969, RAAF ADGs patrolled around Nui Dat. From 1967, three sections of ADGs were integrated into the American defensive screen that protected Phan Rang. On the night of 11 February 1970, a section of ADGs and American explosive experts investigated the presence of intruders outside the perimeter at Phan Rang. The patrol found the bodies of two enemy sappers and returned with the bodies to within the Phan Rang perimeter. An Australian ADG patrol, under the command of Corporal N.E. Powers, was manning a listening post when the enemy began to probe the defences. The base security forces engaged the enemy, who were between the listening post and the wire, forcing Powers to change his position. The men had just settled into their new position when they had a sharp five-minute exchange of fire with the enemy. At dawn the patrol swept the area, finding a badly wounded North Vietnamese, who had been undertaking a reconnaissance of the Phan Rang base preparatory to a planned major attack on the facility—an event that did not eventuate. For his leadership and courage under fire, Powers was awarded a Military Medal. The ADGs were protecting the facilities and the improvements that had been made to them by the men of 5 ACS. The involvement of Detachment ‘A’ at Vung Tau commenced with the arrival of Warrant Officer P.J. Davern and two airmen at Vung Tau on 13 May 1966. By the end of June the detachment had grown in strength to fifteen, who were employed with the construction of a steel Bellman hangar, landing pad and tarmac for the operation of 9 Squadron’s Iroquois. South
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Vietnamese labourers supplied much of the labour. The deployment of 2 Squadron to Phan Rang was preceded by the employment of 66 members of 5 ACS as its Detachment ‘B’ to the large American base to prepare for the arrival of the Canberra bombers. The detachment built accommodation and mess areas, a Bellman hangar and a main headquarters building. The project was completed and the detachment commander, Squadron Leader G.P.L. Anderson, agreed to the transfer of the remaining personnel from Phan Rang to Vung Tau. The facilities constructed there by the detachment included domestic accommodation blocks, a six-bay expansion of the Bellman hangars, a 91 000-litre water tank, a chapel and a casualty staging unit. The construction was completed on 20 January 1968, and 5 ACS Detachment ‘B’, the last ACS unit deployed overseas, was disbanded on 17 February. Although the active RAAF units returned to Australian at the end if 1971, the Hercules transport crews were to gain a first-hand impression of the final fall of South Vietnam. On 30 March 1975, the first Hercules aircraft, captained by Flying Officer G.S. Harmer, landed at Tan Son Nhut to undertake the humanitarian task of flying civilian refugees from South Vietnam and of distributing Red Cross supplies. Known as Detachment ‘S’, the Hercules transports were commanded by Wing Commander J.W. Mitchell, with Group Captain Lyall Klaffer and Squadron Leader B.E. O’Shea attached as advisers to the Australian embassy in Saigon. The main humanitarian focus was on the transport of Vietnamese orphans to safety, which involved an aeromedical team from the RAAF Hospital at Butterworth. The first flight from Saigon witnessed the tragic loss of 143 children when a US Lockheed C-5 crashed when attempting to return to Tan Son Nhut after a pressurisation failure. The detachment strength grew to eight aircraft during the second week of April. The aircraft flew mercy missions to An Thoi and Phu Quoc, carrying up to 13 620 kilograms of rice, powdered milk, meat, bread and other stores each day. The Hercules also flew similar missions to Vientiane, the capital of Laos. The detachment staff was accommodated in the Embassy Hotel in Saigon. However, North Vietnamese pressure on the southern capital made it prudent to withdraw the detachment to Bangkok, Thailand. The aircraft were flown to Tan Son Nhut each morning, from where they undertook mercy flights. The North Vietnamese victory could not be denied, and the Australian ambassador, Mr G.J. Price, and ten members of the staff were flown out of Saigon by Flight Lieutenant (later Air Vice Marshal) B.J. Espeland on Anzac Day 1975. The quantity of baggage loaded on the Hercules meant that there was not
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enough space for the four ADGs who had remained to clear out the abandoned embassy building. Fortunately, a second Hercules had been held circling off the coast in case of an emergency situation developing. This aircraft landed at Saigon to embark the four airmen, I.A. Dainer, J. Hansen. T. Nye and M. Shean—the last RAAF members to leave South Vietnamese soil.
9
Peacekeeping, the United Nations and national commitments he previous chapter has focused on the warlike operational activity of the post-Second World War RAAF. The air force was also involved with many United Nations peacekeeping and humanitarian activities which, although they may not have gained the notoriety or acclaim of combat deployments, have reflected both the changing face of international relations and national aspirations. The RAAF representation in the Indian subcontinent, the Middle East and Africa was a credit to the dedication and professionalism of the personnel involved.
T
Kashmir, 1975–78 When India was granted political independence from Great Britain in 1947 the partition terms called for the creation of the Islamic nation of Pakistan and a predominantly Hindu India. Such a political solution to a complex problem resulted in many of the Princely States being placed in an invidious position, having to balance the religious beliefs and political aspirations of their populations. The state of Kashmir fitted into this scenario. The political situation was complex, with many residents of Kashmir seeking independence from both Pakistan and India, while others opted for the state to be combined with one or other of its new neighbours. The prevarication of the Hindu Raj on this issue resulted in an uprising aimed at his overthrow. The Raj agreed to join India, Pakistani military support was given to the Muslim inhabitants of Kashmir and the first Indo-Pakistan war commenced. Further wars were fought in 1965 and 1971 over the contested territory, both of which ended in two cease-fires and a still divided Kashmir.
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Sir Owen Dixon, a Justice of the High Court of Australia, participated as a mediator between the two countries. As a result of his involvement and the assessment made by the UN that Australia would be suited to supervise the dispute between the two Commonwealth countries, a request was made by the UN for the appointment of an Australian to command the United Nations Military Observer Group in India and Pakistan (UNMOGIP). Major General R.H. Nimmo was appointed the Chief Military Observer of UNMOGIP in October 1950 and remained in this position until his death on 4 January 1966. In 1952, Australia added six military observers who served for periods of duty ranging from one to two years. The RAAF involvement with UNMOGIP was the provision of Caribou aircraft, aircrew and maintenance personnel from the Richmond-based 38 Squadron between March 1975 and January 1979. On 2 March 1975, Squadron Leader B.J. McKenny and Flight Sergeant K.P. Bessell departed by civil airline for Rawalpindi, Pakistan, where they were to prepare for the arrival of 38 Squadron Detachment ‘B’. Two days later a Caribou, resplendent in UN blue and white livery, departed from Richmond on the ferry flight to Rawalpindi via Butterworth, Malaysia. The crew was comprised of Flight Lieutenant P.J. Cleary, Flying Officer R.L. Folvig, Flight Lieutenant K. Stone, Sergeant K.I. O’Brien, Corporal W.F.C. Little, Sergeant S. Warring and Corporal R. Jones. With the exception of being forced to divert from the direct track between Singapore and Malacca to evade thunderstorms, the flight to Butterworth was incident free. The aircraft did not proceed further until 12 March, when it was flown through Rangoon, where the crew survived the Burmese bureaucracy: customs, immigration, health and security required a total of 21 copies of the manifest, fifteen to get into the country and six to get out. The Caribou and crew then flew to Calcutta where they were met by the very efficient British Airways staff who serviced the aircraft and gave much appreciated personal attention to its crew and passengers. From Calcutta the Caribou was flown to Delhi, where McKenney and Captain K. Birch of the Canadian Armed Forces greeted it. They had flown from Rawalpindi to advise on the procedure to be followed when crossing of the India–Pakistan border during the flight to Rawalpindi next day. The Australians replaced a Canadian detachment that met the Caribou with cans of cold Tiger beer. After eleven days, the Caribou, aptly named ‘Snow Goose’, arrived at Chaklala air base, Islamabad for duty.
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Prior to the detachment’s first operational flight on 1 April 1975, the crews flew trial flights on the scheduled Tuesday ‘milk runs’ from Rawalpindi to Srinigar. These flights called into Punch, Rajouri, Jammu, Siarkot, Bhimber and Kotli before returning to Srinigar and then back to Rawalpindi. Most of the journey legs could be flown in twenty minutes, with the longest time in the air being the Rawalpindi to Srinigar flight. Some flights were made close to the aircraft’s service ceiling of 7500 metres. There were four climbs to 4000 metres to enable the aircraft to cross the mountains, and it was not unknown for the Caribou to reach between 6000 and 7000 metres. In such cases the oxygen system proved its usefulness, and it was common practice to make an approach to the airfield at Kargil, which was 3000 metres above sea level, at 3500 metres with oxygen masks fitted. The airfields at Siarkot, Bhimber and Kotli were each only 500 metres in length. The other task undertaken by the detachment was the provision of transport for the United Nations Chief Military Observer for his visits to 35 observer field stations scattered along the cease-fire line. The mountainous terrain resulted in fickle weather, sudden accumulation of cloud and, on occasion, extreme turbulence. For example, on 13 June 1978, Flight Lieutenants J.H. Benjamin and G.V. Carroll did not complete the normal ‘milk run’ due to severe turbulence, which resulted in the aircraft being overstressed. The detachment faced extremes in environmental conditions: snowed-in airfields in the winter and dusty conditions in summer that caused the airfields at Kotli and Siarkot to become so dry that it necessary to wait for some minutes after landing before taxiing to enable the dust to settle. The Indian authorities did not allow local training to be undertaken by United Nations aircraft in the local Srinigar area, and this restriction resulted in airways navigation and instrument flying being undertaken on special flights to Lahore or during the monthly liaison flight to Delhi. These flights were subject to peculiarly Indian flying conditions. On 14 May 1975, on account of a dust storm, the landing at Delhi was an actual instrument landing system (ILS) approach. The first two hours of the return flight were also flown on instruments. Aircraft maintenance was undertaken without cover in temperatures that ranged from 40 degrees Celsius in the summer to below freezing temperatures in the winter. The lack of available storage space necessitated that the spare engine be left in the custody of the Pakistani Air Force at Rawalpindi. This was the cause of delay to the first changeover flight from Richmond that arrived on 14 July 1975. The newly arrived Caribou had to be flown from Srinigar to Rawalpindi to pick up the
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spare engine required by the aircraft being replaced. The subsequent engine change was hampered by a fault in the gantry used to lift the defective engine from the aircraft, and consequently the good offices of the Indian Army were sought to lift the new engine into place. Next day Squadron Leader Alan Stephens flight tested the aircraft, declared it serviceable for the flight home, and departed with his crew on 18 July. It had been planned for the Caribou aircraft to be rotated every six months. The flight from Australia was of approximately fifty flying hours and a round trip of approximately fourteen days. The normal route was that followed by Cleary and Folvig in July 1975. Other support was received from C-130 Hercules flights made by 36 and 37 Squadrons. The members of the detachment rotated between Srinigar for the summer months (April to October) and Rawalpindi over the northern winter. The detachment was operating in harsh, yet beautiful scenic conditions. Kashmir and Srinigar are of great natural beauty, and the houseboats inhabited by the crew members on Nagin Lake were set in an idyllic location—the image of the mythical ‘Shangri-La’. Many of the flights were over the Indus River, the centre of prehistoric Indian culture. The first detachment members flew in a Pakistan International Airways Fokker Friendship flight to Peshawar. From Peshawar the group travelled up the Khyber Pass to the Afghanistan border. As a result of the regular flights to Delhi, visits to the Taj Mahal and the city of Fatehpur Sikri gave members of the detachment the opportunity to savour some of the splendour of Indian culture. The Caribous flew 1800 hours on UN duties, with Flight Lieutenants S. Rushton and L.S. Drummond flying the final ‘milk run’ from Rawalpindi on 28 November 1978. Next day the aircraft was flown to Delhi, before it departed from Rawalpindi on 2 January, bound for Richmond. The ferry crew comprised Squadron Leader N.R. Kruse, Pilot Officer B.R. Plenty, Flight Lieutenant K.B. Scott, Sergeant C.M. Knudsen and Corporal W.T. Matthews.
Ismailia, 1976–79 On 22 October 1973, the United Nations (UN) called a cease-fire between the Israeli and Egyptian forces engaged along the Suez Canal. The United Nations Emergency Force (UNEF) was formed with UN troops in Cyprus and inserted between the two warring nations. As the Egyptian and Israeli forces disengaged, a buffer zone, 40 kilometres
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wide and 300 kilometres long was established from along the western edge of the Sinai Desert to fifteen kilometres east of the Suez Canal. Seven member nations of the UN were asked to contribute forces to UNEF. Canada contributed logistic, communication, and fixed-wing flying support in the form of two Buffalo aircraft. Finland, Ghana, Indonesia and Sweden each deployed an infantry battalion for patrol and observation duties within the buffer zone. Poland deployed logistics, petrol, oil and lubricants (POL), water supply and hospital services and was responsible for the clearing of roads and the extensive minefields in the buffer zone. Australia deployed four UH-1H Iroquois helicopters to undertake reconnaissance and medical evacuation tasks. These aircraft augmented the Malaysian Short Skyvan light transport that was used for liaison duties within the zone. A Fokker F-27 Friendship, chartered from a Swiss firm, was used for communications duties with other UN missions in the Middle East. On 10 June 1976, a Hercules departed from RAAF Base Fairbairn. On board was a team bound for Egypt, where discussions with the UNEF commander, General B. Liljestrand, and his staff, assisted with the planned RAAF deployment to Ismailia. The 5 Squadron Detachment, UNEF, was officially renamed ‘Australian Air Contingent UNEF Ismailia’ on 13 July 1976. Flight Lieutenant P.J.C. Wagner flew the first operational mission to the Sinai Field Mission at Giddi on 31 July. However, much work had to be completed before the detachment was considered operational. The substandard domestic facilities at the Sinai Palace Hotel required considerable refurbishment. The second floor of the building was converted to a combination of accommodation for the officers and NCOs and the administrative centre (orderly room, equipment section and first aid facility). The airmen were situated on the fifth floor. The kitchen supplied cafeteria-style service to the three partitioned mess areas on the sixth floor, where the bar facilities were also located. The aircraft operated from El Gala airfield. Maintenance was undertaken in an ex-RAF ‘plastic hut’ shared with the Canadian 116 Air Transport Unit and the civilian Skyvan. The ‘M’, ‘J’ and ‘E’ lines defined the buffer zone. To the north the terrain consisted of rolling treeless sand dunes reaching a height of 130 metres, with 70 to 80 degree northern slopes. In the centre undulating sandy country was interspersed with low sand dunes and creeks (wadis) supporting the growth of small shrubs. To the east and south were rugged mountain ranges, devoid of vegetation, which reached an altitude of 1000 metres. Temperatures in the area during the day
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ranged from 30 to 45 degrees Celsius during summer (May to October) to a cool 15 degrees in winter. Winter was also the time of sandstorm activity, when visibility could be reduced to fifteen metres or less. The first sandstorm experienced by the detachment coincided with a visit to Ismailia by the Egyptian President, Sadat Anwar, on 18 September 1976. The airfield was closed on 23 October, and three aircraft were diverted to Giddi before returning to El Gala during the afternoon. During these storms working and domestic areas were covered in a thick layer of sand with the consistency of talcum powder. Visibility could be reduced to as little as 50 metres, depending on the intensity of the storm, and the sun became virtually invisible. The wind-blown sand could inflict physical pain on the ground crew as they towed aircraft into the hangars for protection. The sandstorms also influenced morale. A severe storm resulted in the diversion of a resupply Hercules to Akrotiri, Cyprus in April 1977, and any delay to the ‘freedom bird’ back to Australia was intolerable for those at the end of their desert tour. Despite the possibility of flying being curtailed by the sandstorms, conditions in the winter period were comfortable. However, flying during summer was fatiguing and it was quite common for passengers unused to flying to suffer from airsickness. Care was also required when flying over the southern and eastern sectors of the zone during summer, as the mountainous terrain caused turbulence. In addition, pilots had to be careful in the north as flying over the dunes at low level could be deceptive due to the lack of depth perception available from the featureless surface. The nature of the terrain made navigation difficult, and it was always possible to accidentally overfly Egyptian or Israeli territory. There were also the dangers posed by the innumerable anti-tank and anti-personnel mines that had been laid in the buffer zone. Few minefields were plotted or marked on maps, and even when they were found and charted, the mines could move with the constantly shifting sand dunes. Transit flights, and flights over known minefields, were always made at a sufficient height and close enough to enable the helicopter to land safely on the road or in a safe area clear of the minefield. With the exception of medevac flights, all flying tasks were preplanned and flown to a set time schedule. An Air Defence Clearance was issued to the aircraft captain on submission of his flight plan. As this clearance was negotiated the day before any flight, it was essential that the clearance be confirmed before take-off to ensure that all air defence positions were notified of the flight, time and route. All air defence
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allotted timings for the flight had to be met within ten minutes, and entries and exits into the buffer zone were flown along one of the connecting roads into the zone at a height of 1000 metres. All flight time, route and other details were passed to both Israeli and Egyptian authorities to ensure that both sides could identify the UN flight. The detachment flew six days a week, commencing flight operations between 8.00 am and 9.00 am each day. Two helicopters would fly to the battalion or company headquarters involved in the day’s operation and board the officers and observers assigned to the patrol. The patrols, flown at between 15 and 80 metres, were designed to monitor pedestrian or mechanised vehicle movement in the area in addition to any hostilities. The number of Bedouin and camels was also noted. The duration of these patrols was usually two hours. There were non-routine tasks that were ideally suited to the helicopters. On 20 August 1976, a 358-kg antenna was positioned on the top of a fifteen-metre mast for the Canadian 73 Signal Battalion. Next month the detachment aircraft repositioned an observation tower from the ‘J’ to the ‘E’ line. Another task called for care. On 2 November, a Jeep became bogged in the sand in an area bound by minefields near checkpoint Alpha. The vehicle was lightened to 1000 kilos, slung as an external load to the helicopter, and transported to the checkpoint. The support vehicle became bogged twice, and on each occasion the helicopter crew were forced to land to give ‘muscular assistance’. The only incident of danger attributed to small arms fire occurred on 20 August 1976. This was the first night-flying sortie. After 30 minutes’ flying the aircraft was recalled. The Canadian duty officer reported that the aircraft had been shot at, as investigation proved, by irresponsible civilians. Flying was cancelled and the bar opened. On 7 November 1976, the ‘Sinai Surf Club’ was opened, bringing the surf life-saving culture to the shores of the Bitter Lake. Other relaxation took the form of ‘UN leave’ to Israel. If one could survive the chaos of Cairo traffic, there were also the Pyramids of Giza and other mysteries of ancient Egypt to be experienced. Support to the detachment was supplied direct from Australia and through UN sources. On one occasion there was a minor problem related to the Egyptian authorities not accepting the aircraft as UN, as there were no visible markings. This problem was overcome by the application of a ‘15×15 inch UN decal’ to the aircraft. Three flights were diverted into Tehran on the return journey to assist with the evacuation of Australian citizens: one in December 1978 and two during February 1979.
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After serving for three years and four months with UNEF, the last members of the detachment departed from Ismailia by Hercules on 20 October 1979. As at May 1979, the helicopters had flown 3404.1 hours, and had carried 14 675 passengers and 4000 kilos of freight. In addition the Iroquois flew 35 medical evacuations.
Somalia, 1992–94 On 8 October 1992, the Australian Defence Force (ADF) contributed 30 personnel as the Australian Services Contingent to the United Nations operations in Somalia (ASC UNOSOM) to provide movement control for the United Nations. As at May 1993, the strength had expanded to 35, ten of which were RAAF air traffic controllers. Of this total, 24 were located at Mogadishu, six in Nairobi and the remaining five were integrated into UNOSOM Headquarters. Providing movement control for the UN extended beyond normal experience, with members undertaking aircraft marshalling, hand pump refuelling and the loading and unloading of aircraft. The Australians replaced the United States Army personnel in the rudimentary control tower. The control tower consisted of five shipping containers which were stacked on top of each other, with the top one modified to allow a restricted view of the runway and surrounding airspace. Located only a hundred metres from the runway, the reverse thrust of Antonov AN-124 and Ilyushin IL-76 aircraft ‘rattled the control tower and its occupants to the point of collapse’. And even after a new tower was constructed with better all-round vision, the air controllers still had to contend with communications and linguistic problems as they dealt with international operators that included aircraft from Russia, India, Africa, France, Italy, America, the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Turkey and Belgium. As there were no runway lights, operations into Mogadishu at night called for creativity. One night a light aircraft was due to land after a flight from Djibouti. Arrangements were made with the Pakistani battalion that was located in the area for its members to be positioned along the runway edges. Each man was issued with a toilet roll that had been dipped in diesel fuel. The plan was for each roll to be lit on the approach of the aircraft to supply a primitive flare path. However, the rolls were lit prematurely, and the aircraft was still a hundred kilometres from the airfield when the last toilet roll light ran out of fuel. The Australians reverted to plan ‘B’: the parking of vehicles at the
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runway edge, with their headlights turned outward. While this was being organised, the air traffic controller, armed with a hand-held Motorola VHF radio, climbed to the top of one of the contingent’s buildings to contact the approaching aircraft. Despite the rudimentary communications he was able to sight the aircraft navigation lights and position it for landing. However, the instruction to the vehicle operators had been misinterpreted. Instead of being on the edge of the airfield, the vehicles had been parked on the centre line, with their lights shining outwards. The landing was aborted at the last moment. By the time the vehicles had been relocated, the light aircraft was low on fuel. For a second time the landing had to be aborted when a vehicle drove across the landing field. Subsequent investigation found the vehicle had been left unattended and had been stolen by an enterprising Somali citizen. After landing at the third attempt, the aircraft broke down while taxiing. The alleged cargo of the aircraft was US$500 000. The Australians at Mogadishu shared domestic facilities in the sandhills next to the airfield with the New Zealand Army. Facilities were improved with the construction of a shower block and a kitchen in a modified container. One side was removed to allow for ventilation and the Norwegian contingent supplied food. To ‘Australianise’ the site, a 44-gallon drum was cut in half to provide a barbecue. The centre of attention was Norton’s Bar, named in honour of Lieutenant Shane Norton, RAN, who was its architect and construction supervisor. Flak jackets and helmets were worn and rifles carried during travel to and from the work area and areas outside the camp. Pre-deployment training was undertaken for three weeks at the Army Reinforcement Holding Company, Randwick. The original deployment was to assist the UN, but it soon became evident that humanitarian aid was not reaching the people for which it was intended. Hundreds of thousands of tonnes of food were either being looted from convoys travelling to the feeding centres or remained locked in warehouses. With the aim of providing security to enable food distribution in the southern half of Somalia, the US-led UN Task Force of 30 nations initiated Operation Restore Hope. From the rooftop of their residence near the airport the seven Australians at Mogadishu had a spectacular view of the American forces landing. Their videotapes provide very interesting viewing, starting with the flashes from media cameras as the Navy Seals came ashore and then recording the two Apache attack helicopters escorting the landing and take-off of each Lockheed C-5 Galaxy and C-141 Starlifter. The Australian movement control personnel were not involved
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with Operation Restore Hope. However, they were involved with the UN aircraft movements and the coordination of the transport of 400 delegates from all parts of Somalia and Kenya to Addis Ababa, Ethiopia for peace talks. The organisation of the movement of a multitude of nationalities called for patience and tact. Even the listing of passengers was not a simple task. In common with most Islamic nationalities, most members had ‘Mohamed’ in their names, and when this was combined with the fact that most political parties had clan affiliations, it was frequently the case that each group of delegates had the same surname. Two movement coordination members attended the conference at Addis Ababa to ease movement problems. The RAAF (and RNZAF) were involved with the withdrawal of the Australian Army battalion during May 1993. Two RNZAF and three RAAF Hercules flew fourteen flights from Baidoa to Mogadishu, where the troops boarded a 33 Squadron Boeing 707 for the flight to Townsville. The sectors flown were Mogadishu–Diego Garcia– Perth–Townsville. Two Boeing 707 aircraft were employed, and crews were based at Diego Garcia and Perth to enable the best aircraft utilisation. Technicians from 486 (Maintenance) Squadron were on the ground at Diego Garcia and accompanied each Boeing 707 to Mogadishu to ensure its serviceability. A total of 843 troops were returned to Townsville. The June 1994 issue of RAAF News reported that fifteen RAAF personnel had departed for a six-month attachment to UNOSOM. The group was to be involved in airfield management and air traffic control duties. The controllers worked with two Somali controllers who had been trained previously by the RAAF. They also undertook movement control duties at the Mogadishu seaport.
Rwanda, 1994 On 6 April 1994, the presidents of Rwanda and Burundi were killed in a plane crash near the Rwanda capital, Kigali. The two leaders had just signed the Arusha peace accord, establishing a power-sharing agreement between the two largest Rwandan tribes, the Hutu, which comprised 85 per cent of the population, and the Tutsi. In the resulting genocidal power struggle, the Hutu massacred some 500 000 Tutsi. The Australian Defence Force commitment to the United Nations peacekeeping operations in Rwanda consisted of a medical support force, engineers and infantry for protection. The Australian medical
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force charter was to provide medical support to United Nations troops (sanitation, fresh water, vector control, road and air medical evacuation capability) and the staff of non-government agencies based in Rwanda. In all 600 members of the Australian Defence Force deployed to Rwanda, of which 39 were permanent Air Force service personnel and twelve were reserve officer members of the RAAF. The tour of duty was for six months. After three weeks of fairly rigorous physical training and preparation, the contingent was flown on a twenty-hour flight to Kigali by United States Air Force C-5 Galaxy aircraft. It was midnight. Due to a curfew the terminal was closed and it was daylight before the contingent were transferred to their accommodation. The barracks had suffered structural damage, and there was no running water or electricity available for the first two to three weeks. Buckets of water were carried up four flights of stairs to enable the people to carry out their ablutions and to flush the toilets. No cooking facilities were available, and the contingent ‘lived on army ration packs and bottled water’ for this period. The medical personnel operated from a private wing of the Kigali Central Hospital, where they worked up to sixteen hours daily to bring it up to a standard comparable to an Australian provincial hospital. It comprised an operating theatre; X-ray, pathology, intensive care, inpatient and outpatient departments, a dental surgery, and an emergency resuscitation room, a morgue, an aeromedical evacuation staging centre and a field laundry. There were 35 beds, although this number could be augmented as required. Squadron Leader Peter Clark, the senior medical officer recalled: most effort went into the local population and not the UN contingent simply because the need was not there. As far as treating the local population was concerned, we were confronted with an array of casualties on a daily basis. The types of diseases were common to that part of the world—malaria, TB and assorted tropical diseases. As a result of the war, typical injuries faced were gunshot wounds, machete wounds, injuries from exploding landmines and lots of motor vehicle accidents due to anarchy on the roads. Rwanda also has a high incidence of HIV/Aids, which was a constant concern to the Australian medical team. In addition, the medical field sections undertook medical clinics in rural centres, orphanages and refugee camps. They travelled and
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worked under armed guard. The work was frustrating: one of the nurses, Flying Officer Chris Clausen, recalls that in each of the two- to three-hour clinics conducted they were able to see only 500 of the 80 000 refugees in the area. And there were children between five and fifteen years of age literally starving outside. There was a constant propensity for violence. Locals bearing machetes, clubs and AK-47 rifles were common sights. Life in Rwanda was of little consequence. Sergeant Frank Alcantara recorded an incident where the occupants of a car, having refused to stop at the checkpoint located across the road from the contingent’s compound, were followed by a fusillade of shots fired by the local Rwanda Patriotic Army sentries. The wounded occupant attempted to escape but was apprehended by the soldiers. Alcantara and his peers proceeded, with due caution, to work. En route Alcantara looked back from the top of a hill overlooking the Rwanda Patriotic Army compound to see a man kneeling on the ground being taunted by a mob. One man drew a pistol and the kneeling man was shot through the head in cold blood.
Sinai, 1984–86 Late in 1981 Prime Minister Fraser announced that Australia, as a result of the Camp David Accords between Israel and Egypt, would contribute to a multinational peacekeeping force in the Sinai. Planning commenced at the Department of Defence, Canberra on 25 January 1982 and, after two weeks, the planning team moved to RAAF Base Amberley. The Australian Contingent Multinational Force and Observers was formed at Amberley on 9 February 1982, where 35 RNZAF personnel joined them to form a joint Australian–New Zealand helicopter force. However, the RNZAF was not concentrated at Amberley until 14 March 1982. Technical personnel had been flown to RAAF Base Fairbairn in a RNZAF Boeing 727 on 2 March to become familiar with RAAF maintenance policy and procedures. RNZAF aircrew departed from Auckland on 9 March. During the month members posted to ACMFO undertook refresher training, antigas drills, and chemical warfare and weapon training. In the latter case, training was limited to the weapons designated for individual members and the lack of cross training on all weapons came under criticism. Nine RAN personnel were posted to the unit on 20 March. In the meantime, Wing Commanders T.C.A. Wilson (RAAF) and N.J.S. Rodger (RNZAF) departed from Australia for an initial
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reconnaissance of base and facilities at Eitam, Sinai, where the contingent was to be based. Discussions were undertaken in Washington en route to discuss the RNZAF contribution. The two officers returned to Amberley on 26 February. HMAS Tobruk, whose home port was Brisbane, was loaded with eight Iroquois helicopters, shipping containers and heavy equipment as deck cargo. The quantity of equipment loaded was designed to support the helicopters (the RNZAF leased two US Army UH-1D aircraft) for a period of 90 days. The ship, with a detachment of ACMFO personnel under the command of Flight Lieutenant R.G. Marshall aboard ‘to stand watches and to perform necessary maintenance on the aircraft and equipment’, departed on 18 February. HMAS Tobruk arrived at Ashdod on 19 March and was unloaded by late afternoon. The advance party (Wing Commander Wilson, Squadron Leader D.J. March, Flight Lieutenants G.R. King and M.J. Wruck, and Warrant Officer A.C. Muspratt) departed from Richmond on 9 March. The party did not arrive at Eitam until midday of the 15th, where they experienced ‘a degree of gastronomic culture shock in the E-System Mess’, before preparing for the arrival of HMAS Tobruk and the main body. The latter departed in a 33 Squadron Boeing 707 on 19 March. The passengers disembarked after a 23-hour 41-minute trip from Amberley, via Singapore, Bahrain and Cairo, to Ben Gurion airport, Tel Aviv, where the MFO Force Commander, Lieutenant General F.V. Bull-Hansen, the Australian ambassador to Israel, and the advance party met them. After the formalities, the contingent was driven by bus to Eitam. The eight aircraft of ‘Anzac Airlines’ were flown to Eitam next day. However, before take-off a great deal of consternation was caused on the Tobruk by two sharp explosions that were felt throughout the ship. After a thorough damage inspection it was discovered that the ship had been subject to a common phenomenon of Israeli airspace: sonic booms. The role of the contingent was to patrol the demilitarised zone known as Zone C and conduct verification checks in Zones A, B, C and D. The objective of verification checks was to confirm that both Israel and Egypt conformed to the terms of the Egyptian–Israeli Peace Treaty (the Camp David Accords). The role of the air component of MFO was to provide medevac stand-by, VIP and routine transport, patrol and verification flights. The air component was to consist of two elements known as Air North and Air South, The combined Australian–New Zealand helicopter unit belonged to Air North, and its unit commander was also designated Air Commander North.
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Air South was the responsibility of an element (ten UH-1H Iroquois) of the air support allotted to the United States Army 82nd Airborne Division. The establishment of the maintenance and operational areas commenced on 22 March. The Israelis had destroyed much of the facilities at Eitam. However, a large single-storey building was secured as an operations centre, and an underground concrete bunker was modified as a secure equipment store. Pending the erection of a hangar, tents and containers were utilised to enable aircraft maintenance to be undertaken with some protection from the elements. Domestic accommodation was in air-conditioned huts, with two to three persons per room. The spartan decor comprised a bed, mattress and sleeping bag; but it was the lack of nuts and bolts with which to erect the beds that was the contingent’s first logistic challenge. However, Australian ingenuity prevailed. Within four days whiteuniformed naval entrepreneurs had registered the ‘ACME Naval Furniture Company’ to fashion a wide range of lounge chairs from a combination of packing cases and foam rubber that remained in vogue until superseded by imported furniture in May. The home-made seating was appropriated by the ground crew and gave them months of comfort. Initially, the limited water supply caused sanitation problems. At the end of April 1982, the contingent had resorted to filling 44-gallon drums from the fire hydrants to provide water for the toilets. Water was so scarce that electric shavers were being shared between the men who joined the none-too-salubrious Great Unwashed. Flight Lieutenants Mackerras and McClelland, and Sergeant Ryan operated the first flight of ACMFO to Ophira, Sharm el Sheikh, on 23 March. Crews remained integrated. For example, another training flight to Ophira on 23 March was flown by an RNZAF pilot, RAN copilot and RAAF crewman. It was obvious that ACMFO personnel were to face many of the problems that their predecessors had experienced at Ismailia, especially in the form of inflexible air defence clearance procedures and sandstorms. Although Senator Susan Ryan visited Eitam on 10 April, the highlight of the day was the fire that broke out in one of the tents at the north of the complex. The wind fanned the fire through the tent line, burning them to the ground and destroying spare equipment like landing skids. Although Israeli firefighters reacted quickly, they were hampered by their lack of modern equipment—the MFO firefighters had the equipment, but not the expertise. No one was hurt, but a
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‘few members [were] admitted to sickbay with smoke inhalation’. The French contingent supplied a ‘few crates of cold beer in the evening’ to ‘soften the blow’ of the demise of equipment and stores to the value of A$250 000. Action was taken through the ACMFO headquarters to procure spares to alleviate the loss, but Wilson reported at the end of the month that there were ‘few positive indications that the spares [were] likely to arrive at El Gorah in the near future’. Next day the site was cleared and the refuse dumped at the local garbage tip, ‘to the delight of the local Bedouins’. On 25 April, the Israelis departed from Eitam, which became El Gorah, Sinai, Egypt as a result. The first Hercules resupply flight arrived from Australia on 11 May 1982. Although most flights were routine, there was an occasion for humour. During the flight from RAF Brize Norton, United Kingdom to El Gorah on 11 May 1982, Wing Commander Harris and his crew had problems with the French air controllers in establishing exactly where El Gorah was! On arrival the Hercules was met by a unique ‘follow me’ vehicle: a tandem bicycle ridden by two suspect persons in Arab attire who became a feature of C-130 operations to El Gorah. Next day the Hercules flew back to Brize Norton. Helicopter operations over the Sinai followed a similar pattern to those flown by the Ismailia detachment. There were moments of excitement. On 14 December 1982, Flight Lieutenant Lee, Flying Officer Eldridge and Sergeant Sharp received a nasty surprise. As the aircraft approached the area known as the Alamo flying at 125 kph and at a height of 30 metres, an explosion occurred on the ground 75 metres from the aircraft. Debris was thrown up by the blast. The pilot landed the aircraft and carried out a visual inspection. No damage was apparent and so he continued the sortie. On return to El Gorah a detailed inspection of the aircraft revealed that the debris had made a small hole. A probable explanation for the explosion was that an old land mine may have been activated by the downwash of the helicopter’s rotor blades. In addition to the verification task, the Australians assisted in the insertion of Columbian and Fijian battalion patrols, and undertook medevac tasks, VIP duties, the movement of observation towers and public relations exercises. An example of the latter was the provision of logistic support to, and the filming of, the New Zealand charity run from the Red Sea to El Gorah during June 1983. The last members of MFO landed back at Richmond on 4 March 1986.
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Regional commitments RAAF personnel have long been involved in assisting with police, peacekeeping and nation-building activities involving Australia’s Pacific neighbours. For example, RAAF personnel participated in the Bougainville Truce Monitoring Group that was established on the island before a cease-fire was signed between Bougainville rebels and Papua New Guinea authorities in 1997. This involvement continued after the Lincoln Cease-Fire Agreement was signed in New Zealand in April 1998. A further example of RAAF participation in the area commenced in July 2003, when two Caribou aircraft and an Expeditionary Support Squadron detachment were deployed to Honiara, Solomon Islands, to support the Australian-led coalition force to reassert law and order and to stabilise the trouble spot. Hercules transport aircraft made a major contribution to the deployment and maintenance of the force. The foregoing has outlined the widespread involvement of the RAAF in peacekeeping and international affairs. However, it would be remiss not to mention some of the many search and rescue and humanitarian missions that have been conducted by the men and women of the RAAF. One of the better publicised of the latter was the assistance given during Operation Bali Assist. On 13 October 2002, over 200 people were killed or injured when a terrorist bomb exploded in a tourist bar on the island of Bali. The local medical facilities did not have the capacity to treat the number of patients, or to give specialist services to many of the worst injury cases. Squadron Leader Greg Wilson, one of the medical officers at RAAF Base Darwin, was called to duty. At midday he met with other members of the medical staff for a briefing on the situation at Bali, and he learnt that he and a nurse, Flight Lieutenant Sally Scott, were to join the medical team that was already aboard a Hercules transport en route to Darwin. The medical team flew to Bali, joined the local team at the hospital, and assessed the condition of the patients. They then made recommendations on priorities for transport to the Darwin Hospital. Leading Aircraftman Michael Gunn had been active from seven o’clock that morning to ensure that the 3 Combat Support Hospital medical equipment was loaded on the waiting Hercules. All the medical personnel worked at maximum effort to ensure that initial medical aid, which proved vital for the survival and recuperation of many of the individual Bali
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victims, was suppled. Gunn, for example, had only slept for six hours in three days. In all, 66 patients were flown back to Australia for treatment. Eleven of these were on the return flight of the first Hercules. Other examples of RAAF humanitarian assistance given in the face of natural disasters was the involvement of the transport fleet in the evacuation of Darwin after the tragedy of Cyclone Tracey during Christmas 1974. Although the facilities at the RAAF base had been severely damaged by the cyclonic winds, Hercules transports were able to land on Christmas Day with much needed medical equipment. The extent of the devastation to the city resulted in many Darwin residents being evacuated south. By the 31 December, 25 268 persons had been flown south in military and civilian aircraft in an airlift that had been coordinated by the RAAF. Similarly, when the Aitape district on the north coast area of New Guinea was stricken by a tsunami, an RAAF medical team was flown in to establish a medical facility and to give emergency treatment to those injured. Direct assistance to Australia’s near neighbours have been varied and have included cyclone relief operations on the Solomon Islands and assistance to Fijian authorities in search and rescue operations. One of the most successful, and highly publicised, search and rescue operations undertaken by the Australian Defence Force was a successful combination of RAAF and RAN capabilities. On 9 January 1997 British solo yachtsman, Tony Bullimore, and another solo sailor, Thierry Dubois, were snatched from the subantarctic seas by the frigate HMAS Adelaide. During a storm five days earlier, Bullimore’s boat lost its keel and overturned. Sixteen kilometres away, Dubois’ yacht had also overturned. He had managed to clamber on top of the hull, where the crew of a RAAF Orion maritime reconnaissance aircraft, which had been called on to find the distressed sailors, sighted him. In the freezing conditions and high seas that prevailed, Dubois could not expect to survive for more than a few hours. The Orion crew, aware of his predicament, made a dangerous, but precise, low-level run over Dubois to drop a life raft and survival rations. For four days six Orion aircraft, operating at their extreme range, remained in contact with the two sailors and were on station when HMAS Adelaide completed a remarkable search and rescue operation.
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Operation Immune was one of the more unusual, and controversial, activities undertaken by the RAAF. Commercial airliners were grounded in 1989 due to industrial action taken by pilots regarding pay and conditions. The RAAF transport fleet was called to provide domestic air transport to the civilian population between August and December 1989. Three 36 Squadron Hercules transports flew scheduled services during this period, and their efforts were augmented on certain routes by 33 Squadron Boeing 707 and 32 Squadron HS748 transports. The handling of civilian passengers and cargo was a unique experience for both RAAF cabin crews and passengers as the comfort provided and the sound levels of a Hercules are well below the normal airline standards. However, in general terms, the loadmasters and crews of the scheduled RAAF Hercules aircraft impressed the passengers, and the novelty of spartan military transport aircraft appears to have been enjoyed by most of the civilians. Overall, the RAAF flew 172 289 passengers for 6524 flying hours during Operation Immune.
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imor had been the focus of RAAF operations from bases in the Northern Territory during the Second World War. The RAAF’s postwar involvement was more benign. The first Australian consul to Portuguese East Timor was Group Captain Charles ‘Moth’ Eaton, OBE, AFC, who took up his appointment in Dili on 23 January 1946. Catalina flying boats of 11 Squadron and Dakota aircraft of 86 Transport Wing flew regular courier services to Dili until June 1950. In July 1975, the Portuguese Government announced that it would establish a provisional government to determine the eventual status of East Timor. On 28 November 1975, the nationalist party, FRETILIN, announced the independence of East Timor. Nine days later Indonesian troops landed under the pretext of maintaining order and established a provisional government; as a result the Indonesian authorities annexed East Timor. These developments involved the RAAF in humanitarian flights to the island. When the civil war in Portuguese Timor broke out in August 1975, a Dakota was based in Darwin. On 19 August, Flight Lieutenant Francis Burke flew three sorties to Timor on relief tasks. Burke flew a further nine sorties between 28 and 30 August. Many of the refugees from these flights were flown south in 37 Squadron C-130 Hercules transport aircraft. Flying Officer Kierman French and his crew arrived at Darwin in a 38 Squadron Caribou on the 29th. Next day the aircraft delivered communications equipment to the island of Atauro, and commenced flying humanitarian tasks between Atauro, Dili and Baucau. On 4 September, the aircraft was delivering Red Cross supplies to Baucau when soldiers forced the crew to fly them and their families to Darwin. After investigation into the incident, French and his crew returned to
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East Timor to continue the relief flights before returning to Richmond on 11 September. On 8 September, Flying Officers Kevin Beach and John Halliday, and Corporal T.C. Mills from 35 Squadron arrived in Darwin to continue support of Red Cross activity in East Timor. This aircraft flew 66 hours on humanitarian duties during September and in the first week alone the Darwin-based Dakota contributed eight sorties to the philanthropic effort. The RAAF C-130 aircraft continued support of the International Red Cross in Timor during October and November. On 16 October, Squadron Leader Michael Dunn flew between Darwin and Dili, and on 12 November Squadron Leader Bryan Harris flew shuttle sorties between Kupang and Darwin, and Dili and Darwin President Suharto declared East Timor as an Indonesian province on 17 July 1976. The UN condemned this action and over the next decade a series of consultations took place to resolve the status of the ‘province’. In the meantime a series of reports of alleged human rights violations in East Timor gained international notoriety. Against this background, negotiations progressed to the point where later Indonesian President B.J. Habibie proposed that East Timor should become autonomous within an integrated Indonesia. East Timorese nationalists rejected this proposal, but further negotiation arranged for a popular vote to be held to give an unambiguous result on the sovereignty issue. To assist with the independence poll the UN Mission in East Timor (UNAMET) was established on 11 June 1999. During the period 12 June–6 September 1999, RAAF Hercules aircraft participated in Operation Concord to transport UN volunteers, police and military liaison officers to East Timor to assist with the independence poll. RAAF Base Darwin handled 68 aircraft, dispatched 965 passengers and 295 000 kilos of freight and received 682 passengers and 34 000 kilos of cargo from East Timor. Given the tension between the Indonesian Government and the growing global pressure to grant East Timor independence, contingency planning commenced in February 1999 to meet various eventualities. These contingency plans were activated on 6 September 1999 when the RAAF mounted Operation Spitfire to evacuate UN and foreign nationals from East Timor. During the period 6–14 September 1999, the RAAF and RNZAF evacuated a total of 2478 Australian consular officials and Timorese individuals whose lives were in immediate and mortal danger. One of the prominent East Timorese dignitaries was Bishop Belo, who was evacuated in dramatic circumstances from Baucau on 7 September. In addition, on 17 and 18
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September, two sorties each were flown to drop much needed food, blankets and other humanitarian aid to dispossessed personnel in the East Timorese hinterland. Also on 6 September, the Australian Prime Minister, John Howard, agreed to a request by the UN Secretary-General that Australia lead a multinational peacekeeping force in East Timor. On the morning of the 20th, seven Hercules aircraft inserted 2 Battalion, Royal Australian Regiment (2 RAR), and other 3 Brigade units direct to Dili from Townsville. A further eight Hercules transports were allocated to commence a continuous shuttle from Darwin to the Dili airfield at Comoro. RAAF 86 Transport Wing and 40 Squadron RNZAF aircraft made the initial deployments. Within the first week, these aircraft were joined by Hercules aircraft from the RAF, USAF and French Air Force to form the INTERFET Combined Air Wing (ICAW), under the command of Group Captain Grahame Carroll. The international character of ICAW was augmented by the arrival of a Canadian Armed Forces Hercules detachment that commenced operational flying from Darwin to East Timor on 29 September. The Republic of Singapore Air Force and the Royal Thai Air Force later supplied other Hercules transports. The Italian Air Force deployed two G222 twin-engine transports and the German Air Force flew two specialist medical evacuation Transall C-160s to further add to the international flavour of the transport force. The ICAW operated into the two main East Timorese airports, Comoro, and Cakung, near the provincial township of Baucau. Hercules aircraft also operated into the small airfield at Suai, on the south coast of East Timor, even though they did so under load restrictions. Operations were hampered by the restricted tarmac space available at Comoro, and by domestic and feral animals wandering over the landing fields. On many occasions, the local villagers, who habitually travelled along well-defined tracks that crossed the runways and taxiways, had little regard for heavy transport aircraft that may have been making their final landing approach. With as many as 350 daily movements at Comoro alone, the danger was obvious. Between 20 September 1999 and 23 February 2000, when ICAW ceased to operate, the formation had flown 1902 sorties, transported 26 660 passengers and 9 000 000 kilos of freight to and from East Timor. On 10 October 1999, two Caribou aircraft landed at Comoro with nine aircrew members of 86 Wing Detachment ‘C’. The Caribou operated from Comoro (and Baucau from 29 October to 26 December 1999) until being withdrawn during February 2001. The Caribou
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tactical transports proved ideal for the conditions in East Timor, flying regularly into the small, undeveloped, earthen airfields at Suai, Oecussi, Los Palos and Maliana. The latter were subject to flooding, and the rapid deterioration in weather conditions over the island ensured that flying at low level through the mountainous terrain of East Timor called for accurate navigation and a respect for the violent power of Nature. The crews carried a wide variety of cargo: water, medical supplies, foodstuffs and local refugees returning home. For Flying Officer Simon Grant, one of the most heart-rending flights he made was to transport three small coffins to Suai for burial; also aboard was a forlorn young child who had been treated for incurable cerebral meningitis and was returning to Suai to die. For the crews the human price of independence was blatantly obvious—destroyed villages, unkept farms and a general lack of public facilities. There was also underlying violence that could erupt on the slightest provocation. Two of the airmen from the detachment experienced this when they defended a local inhabitant who had been involved in a fatal accident from violent mob retribution. Another example of serious violence occurred on 7 September when the office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees at Atuamba in West Timor was attacked and burned. Three international workers were killed, and the Caribou detachment was placed on alert to evacuate the survivors. No evacuation was requested, but the three bodies were flown back to Darwin in a Caribou next day. The operations of the ICAW and the Caribou detachment would have had little impact if the men and women of the four expeditionary combat support squadrons (ECSS) had not opened and operated the airfields and Comoro and Cakung. After undertaking pre-deployment training at Townsville, 381 ECSS flew by chartered Boeing 747 to Darwin. The squadron deployed to Comoro during the mid-afternoon of 20 September, where they faced the reality of an airfield that was lacking in basic facilities. The East Timorese pro-Indonesian Aitarak militia was still active. The 381 ECSS commander, Wing Commander Peter Shinnick, and the air attaché to Djakarta, Group Captain Terry Delahunty, had been called to the Australian High Commission office in Dili to contact the Air Force Commander, Air Commodore Roxley McLennan. As they drove back to Comoro armed militia threatened the two men. The task before 381 ECSS was to establish a viable aerial entrepôt to enable the operation of supporting aircraft into Comoro. Communications facilities had to be established. Initially, the men
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lived under canvas in an environment of dust and heat. The buildings were filthy and the area unsanitary. With the advent of the ‘wet’ season, the dust of Comoro converted to a slimy mud. Wooden pallets were used as tent floors and duckboards in an attempt to give some protection from the insidious rain. During January 2000 work commenced on improvements to the domestic facilities at Comoro, with the preparation of a site for the erection of air-conditioned prefabricated aluminium huts as well as other improvements to the area. The squadron faced a twofold problem. Firstly, they were responsible for controlling the multitude of aircraft that landed day and night on the single runway and restricted tarmac space at Comoro. The navigation aids were almost non-existent, and those that were available were both of an ancient vintage and of unfamiliar design. Due to the lack of circuit diagrams and spare parts, the professional ability of the communications technicians was tested. Often corroded circuits had to be rewired and on one occasion a navigation aid was calibrated by contacting the relevant air service authorities by mobile telephone to obtain the correct settings. Comoro was an aircraft spotter’s delight. Some of the more unusual aircraft to land at Comoro included aircraft as large as the Ilyushin IL-76 and Lockheed L-1011 Tri-Star. On 16 December, the former, after flying from Kuala Lumpur with a load of medical supplies, arrived unannounced. It took three and a half hours for Flight Sergeant Geoff Bird and his air load team to unload the 28 000 kilos of cargo by hand. The relative shortness of the Comoro airfield became very evident when the IL-76 took off: it was struggling to maintain a height of 30 metres as it crossed the runway threshold. The Tri-Star created a problem whenever it made an appearance. On 4 November 1999, when landing in a rainstorm, the big Lockheed blew a tyre when the main undercarriage hit the runway threshold. To further complicate the problem, the spare tyre was flat, and there were no jacks available to lift the aircraft to enable the tyre to be replaced. The latter problem was overcome by the goodwill of the men of the Army 17 Construction Squadron. The repair was completed by 4.00 am, and the aircraft was able to return to Djakarta. The aircraft also made its impact on the personnel at Baucau. On 16 October, after the Tri-Star landed with returning East Timorese refugees aboard, one of the crew members fell from the cargo door and broke his leg. Fearing spinal injuries, the Baucau medical staff arranged for the crewman to be flown direct to Darwin for treatment. Group Captain Stewart Cameron has good reason to remember the effects of Tri-Star engines. As the
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aircraft turned off the small tarmac at Cakung, the pilot applied power to align the aircraft with the single exit to the taxiway. The jet blast blew Cameron into a parked UN truck. A French doctor from Médicins sans Frontières gave him immediate treatment. Cameron was flown to Comoro and later evacuated to Darwin for further treatment on his smashed right elbow, broken ribs and vertebrae, before spending seven weeks of rehabilitation with his family. He returned to Dili on 10 December 1999. On 11 October 1999, Wing Commander Paul Hislop led 382 ECSS to operate the airfield at Cakung. This airfield was capable of handling large wide-bodied jets that could not operated safely into Comoro. Like their colleagues at Comoro, the men and women of 382 ECSS found that the facilities available to them were badly maintained and required extensive cleaning to make them suitable for habitation. The airfield engineers and environmental health personnel staff combined to renovate the primitive plumbing system and to build new drainage and wastewater sumps. But one of the major hazards faced at Cakung were rodents—rats that ate soap, chocolate and had a distinct partiality to condensed milk. A campaign to exterminate the pests was initiated which proved a success. The airfield was manned on a full-time basis until the end of 1999. However, both 383 and 386 ECSSs deployed personnel to Cakung to meet incoming wide-bodied jets that were being employed to rotate troops from the participating international forces being deployed to East Timor. The final visit took place in February 2001, when 386 ECSS personnel travelled by road and air to ease the rotation of Jordanian troops into the area. Comoro remained the main aerial entrepôt. The original members of 381 ECSS commenced to rotate back to Australia on 14 December. On 19 January 2000, the unit became known as the Comoro Airfield Support Group (CASG) with the responsibility for the airport being transferred to the United Nations Transitional Administration East Timor (UNTAET). When Wing Commander Chris McHugh assumed command of the squadron on 21 January 2000, he had the responsibility of preparing Comoro as a civilian airport. One of the essential maintenance tasks was the remarking of the runway centre lines by hand; a task that commenced at 4.30 in the morning and continued for a further four hours until the heat (and aircraft movements) made the task impossible. Wing Commander David Pasfield commanded 383 ECSS at Comoro from 8 June 2000 until it was replaced by Wing Commander Mark Gower and 386 ECSS on 13 December 2001. This
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unit was the last formed RAAF unit to serve in East Timor. Before they departed, the executive officer, Squadron Leader Mike Oliver, and his rear party were responsible for leaving the old CASG camp site in a pristine state. The only reminder of the RAAF presence was a memorial plaque that was unveiled by the Commander, Combat Support Group, Air Commodore Chris Beatty, on 16 March 2001. During their period of occupancy, the ECSS organisation at Comoro managed over 17 000 individual flights, 3 200 000 kilos of cargo and over 200 000 passengers. Mention has been made of the ADGs in the South Vietnamese context, but 2 Airfield Defence Squadron (2 AFDS) came of age when it provided the security for the airfield at Comoro and, later, the Dili heliport. The squadron deployed to Darwin aboard a Boeing 747. Flight Lieutenant Iain Carty and the lead element of the squadron landed at Comoro with 381 ECSS on 20 September 1999. The remaining members of the squadron arrived at 4.00 am the next morning. The men disembarked from the aircraft in combat order, expecting action. The actual event was an anticlimax. Carty met them with instructions to establish a presence on the airport. Comoro, like most airfields, was difficult to protect. A coconut grove dominated the area north of the runway. There was a road to the east of the runway, and the main buildings on the airport were located on the southern side of the airfield. The main road ran adjacent to the airfield. A ridge that was partially surrounded by a village dominated the western area. The initial security of the airfield was the responsibility of 2 RAR. The commander of 2 AFDS, Squadron Leader John Leo, was unable to undertake aggressive patrolling of the environs of the airfield. Instead, the men established defensive positions and controlled access to the airfield and to tarmac areas. These duties could be dangerous. During the night of 4 October 1999, Leading Aircraftman A.P. ‘Woody’ Woodman was undertaking point protection under the starboard wing of a Hercules. The aircraft was partly loaded with explosives. For safety and security reasons it was isolated on the tarmac and no lights were in use. ‘Woody’ was hit by a forklift truck and trapped under the pallet that it was transporting. The operator was unaware that the vehicle had dragged the guard some 70 metres over the tarmac. Woodham was airlifted to Darwin for treatment for serious leg injuries, a broken hip, severe facial cuts and internal injuries. The airfield had been controlled by the Indonesian Air Force prior to the arrival of the RAAF. The Indonesian presence created a problem of jurisdiction for Wing Commander Peter Shinnick and for John Leo
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that was overcome by the sharing of responsibility for the airfield and its security. Combined 2 AFDS and Indonesian patrols were instigated, but the difference in training and equipment between the two forces resulted in the latter being used in a static role. Most of the 2 AFDS patrols were nocturnal in nature, and the lack of any avenue for relaxation in the restricted confines of the Comoro compound called for the augmentation of the strength of the unit. On 4 November 1999, 37 members of 3 AFDS arrived from Amberley to enable a fourth rifle flight to be manned. As the security situation improved, the 2 AFDS area of operation, Coventry, was extended to cover all of the airfield and the surrounding suburbs and the area that stretched east to the Comoro River. The foot patrols dominated this area, finding clear evidence of the destruction and violence that had preceded the INTERFET landing. These patrols coincided with the return of many of the local inhabitants, and the ADGs found themselves as moderators between competing property interests and political factions. Leo’s policy of developing permanent ‘shop fronts’ in the surrounding villages brought goodwill and understanding between the men manning these facilities and the local hierarchy. The 2 AFDS patrols also found themselves involved in assisting the civilian police in law and order issues; one example was the 2AFDs patrols’ support of the civil police investigations into unlawful activity at the Dili Lodge. Another incident, on the night of 1 December 1999, exhibited the everpresent propensity for violence that existed in East Timor at that time. A volatile situation developed near the Comoro River bridge. Rumours circulated that ex-militia members, who had been involved with preINTERFET atrocities, were included in a group of refugees that were to be handed over to the UN High Commission for Refugees. A vengeanceseeking crowd had gathered near the bridge, and it took the combined efforts of 5 and 7 RAR and 2 AFDS personnel to ensure that violence did not erupt. This incident proved the value of the dogs—trained to bark or bite on command—that had become an integral element of the 2 AFDS workforce. As the stream of East Timorese evacuees commenced returning to Dili by air, the men of 2 AFDS were involved with their processing and for tarmac safety on arrival, and also for ensuring that weapons were not being reintroduced to a population that had been deprived of firearms. The squadron was also responsible for controlling access to refugee transit camps, one of which was established to the west of the airfield. At the end of December, 2 AFDS assumed the responsibility for the security of the Dili heliport, where the professionalism of the men gained
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the respect of the Australian Army’s 5 Aviation Regiment and the troopers of the SASR. A small force of seventeen volunteers, commanded by Flying Officer Paul Brnada, remained at the heliport after the main body departed from East Timor on 25 February 2000. Four days later Brnada’s group departed on the Jervis Bay for Darwin from where they flew by civilian airliner back to their home base at Amberley. Those members of the Defence Force who served in East Timor admired the resilience of the locals and had first-hand knowledge of their privations. All the units undertook tasks that would assist with the rehabilitation of the country, which had been devastated by fire and pillage. Members of the ECSSs at Dili constructed a new community hall for the inhabitants of Raikotu village, adjacent to the airfield, using funds donated from the profits of the Toucan Bar. Individuals taught English to the locals, gave advice and assistance on community health issues, and supported the many orphanages that were caring for a multitude of dispossessed children. Stewart Cameron and Air Commodore Bruce Wood were able to present a much-needed minibus to the Salesian Sisters as a result of the contributions of Air Force members from Amberley, Williamtown, Tindal, Williams and Glenbrook, and the efforts of both the Queensland Variety Club and Rotary. However, one of the most important aspects of assistance given to the East Timorese was medical in nature. The Australian Defence Force, and other medical professionals from Egypt and Singapore, supplied the staff of the UNTAET hospital that had taken the responsibility for medical treatment from the Australian Army’s 1 Forward Surgical Team on 18 February 2000. Although the staff was tri-service, it was not until August 2001 that Wing Commander Margaret Hine became the first RAAF commanding officer. In the meantime, the Aeromedical Evacuation (AME) teams, comprised of a doctor, nurse and medical assistant, and based at Comoro, had gained a well-deserved reputation for their humanitarian efforts. Flying in civilian charter helicopters, the medical teams treated multifarious symptoms and medical conditions. Almost 51 per cent of the patients treated were in the obstetric or trauma category. The local population accounted for 78 per cent of the AME cases.
War against terrorism While East Timor was struggling toward national identity, events in the USA were to affect the latest RAAF international operations. On
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11 September 2001, al-Qaeda terrorists crashed two civilian airliners into the World Trade Center in New York that resulted in the destruction of the Twin Towers. On the same day another civilian aircraft crew was overpowered by a group of suicide bombers and their aircraft plunged into the Pentagon in Washington, DC. Efforts by another terrorist cell to capture a fourth aircraft for use as a weapon against another Washington target was thwarted by the courage of the airline crew and passengers. Tragically all those aboard this aircraft perished when it crashed into an open field in Pennsylvania. Prime Minister John Howard immediately supported the military actions being contemplated by the US President, George Bush. The RAAF’s first contribution to Operation Slipper was the deployment of four F/A-18 Hornet fighters from the RAAF base at Williamtown to the island of Diego Garcia for a six-month period where they supplied air cover for the long-range US bombers that were striking at the Taliban and al-Qaeda forces in Afghanistan. The deployment of Boeing KB-707 tankers was, in fact their second to the Middle East. In 1999 tankers had been deployed, but not employed, in support of the USAF operations over Iraq. During February 2002 they were deployed to Manas airfield in Kyrgiyzstan for six months, from where they flew daily air-to-air refuelling tasks in support of Coalition forces that were striking at enemy targets in Afghanistan. This was a most successful deployment, with a mission success rate of 99.5 per cent.
War in Iraq On 23 January 2003, the Australian Government announced that the ADF would pre-deploy elements to the Middle East for acclimatisation and to conduct in-theatre training with Coalition partners. Australian specialists served with the Coalition Air Operations Centre during Operation Bastille and its active successor, Operation Falconer. The RAAF elements deployed comprised of two AP-3C maritime patrol aircraft, a force of fourteen F/A-18 Hornets and two C-130H Hercules transports. The Orions flew day and night patrols over the central Persian Gulf, where they used the excellent surveillance equipment in the aircraft to track and identify possible threats to Coalition naval elements and civilian shipping in the area. With the addition of land surveillance tasks during Operation Catalyst, these were to remain the major focus of maritime operations.
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The 36 Squadron Hercules aircraft arrived on 10 February and by the time that hostilities commenced against Iraq on 19 March, the detachment had carried over 400 000 kilos of cargo and 500 passengers. In addition, the crews trained with the SAS troops that were to operate in the western desert area of Iraq to ensure that they could not be used as sites for launching ballistic missiles. The Hercules did not fly into Iraq until 30 March, when they delivered an essential ground refuelling tanker to the newly captured airfield at Tallil, near An Nasaryah, to ensure that it would be a viable forward operating base. After the SAS—under cover of tactical aircraft that included Australian F/A-18s —captured Al Asad air base on 11 April, an Australian Hercules was the first fixed-wing aircraft to land. Another first for the detachment was the mission into Baghdad International Airport (BIAP) of a Hercules on 13 April, when sixteen tonnes of medical supplies from HMAS Kanimbla were landed. Next day, a Hercules flew the first AME from BIAP. Two days later two Hercules transports arrived at BIAP on the 16th with further medical supplies. Although the two Australian Hercules represented 3 per cent of the total Hercules fleet available in theatre, they had lifted 16 per cent of the aggregate cargo allocated to the total Hercules fleet: at the end of official hostilities, the Australians had carried 2500 passengers and almost 2 000 000 kilograms of cargo. The F/A-18s’ initial combat duty was the protection of air-to-air tankers and intelligence gathering aircraft. These missions were flown with, in addition to a full cannon and missile air-to-air suite, a 500pound GBU-12 bomb fitted. On 20 March, this versatile weapon enabled the squadron to drop the first combative RAAF bomb since the Korean War. The strike on a time sensitive target (TST) had been authorised after the Australian Air Component Commander at the CAOC had been assured that it met the strict Australian governmental rules of engagement. Three days later, with the absence of the Iraqi Air Force making the air-to-air role virtually redundant, the Australian Hornets participated in the first of four pre-planned strikes on Iraqi forces. An Australian pilot led the strike force, which involved RAAF, USAF and RAF fighters, on his first combat mission. The squadron then supported the 1st US Marine Expeditionary Force and US Army V Corps, attacking tanks, artillery, ammunition storage areas and missile launchers until the end of hostilities. Overall, the F/A-18 pilots amassed 350 combat sorties over Iraq and accumulated a total of 1800 flying hours. On 17 April, Defence Minister Robert Hill announced that the F/A-18s would be withdrawn to Australia. The Australian forces then
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transferred activity to Operation Catalyst, an activity designed to assist the Iraqi people with the reconstruction of the country. The RAAF retained two C-130 aircraft, two AP-3C Orions in the Middle East, and added a group of air traffic controllers to establish facilities at BIAP and to train Iraqi controllers, who finally assumed responsibility for movements at the airport during August. With the role in Iraq, the RAAF has completed a full operational circle. When the Half-Flight commenced operations in Mesopotamia they would not have believed that ninety years later a small force of Australians would be fighting again over the waterways of the Euphrates. Merz and his comrades would be amazed at the technical developments in firepower and aircraft. What they would recognise with pride is that their successors are still adding to the proud tradition and the legacy of example, courage and comradeship that they bequeathed.
Select bibliography
Baff, K., Maritime is Number Ten: The Sunderland Era, Netley, 1983 Bennett, J., Defeat to Victory, Point Cook: RAAF Museum, 1984 —Highest Traditions: The History of No. 2 Squadron RAAF, Canberra: Australian Government Publishing Service, 1995 —Fighter Nights: 455 Squadron RAAF, Maryborough: Banner Books, 1999 Bill, S., Middleton VC, Victoria: S&L Bill, 1991 Brook, W., Demon to Vampire: The Story of No. 21 (City of Melbourne) Squadron, Glen Waverley: Demonvamp Publications, 1986 Cobby, A., High Adventure, Melbourne: Robertson & Mullens, 1942 Coulthard-Clark, C., The Third Brother: The Royal Australian Air Force 1921–39, Sydney: Allen & Unwin, 1991 —The RAAF in Vietnam, Sydney: Allen & Unwin in association with the Australian War Memorial, 1994 —McNamara, VC., A Hero’s Dilemma, Canberra: Air Power Studies Centre, 1997 Cutlack, F., The Australian Flying Corps in the Western and Eastern Theatres of War 1914–1918, St Lucia: University of Queensland Press, 1984 Firkins, P., Strike and Return, WA: Westward Ho publishers, 1995 Gillison, D., Royal Australian Air Force 1939–1942, Canberra: Australian War Memorial, 1962 Gordon, I., Strike and Strike Again: 455 Squadron RAAF 1944–45, Belconnen: Banner Books, 1995 Herington, J., Air War against Germany and Italy 1939–43, Canberra: Australian War Memorial —Air Power over Europe 1944–45, Canberra: Australian War Memorial. Isaacs, K., Military Aircraft of Australia 1908–1919, Canberra: Australian War Memorial, 1971
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Lax, M., The Gestapo Hunters: 464 Squadron RAAF 1942–45, Maryborough: Banner Books, 1999 —One Airman’s War: Aircraft Mechanic Joe Bull’s Personal Diary 1916–1919, Maryborough: Banner Books, 1997 Londey, P., Other people’s Wars: A History of Australian Peacekeeping, Sydney: Allen & Unwin, 2004 McCarthy, J., A Last Call of Empire, Canberra: Australian War Memorial, 1988 Newton, D., A Few of ‘The Few’: Australians and the Battle of Britain, Canberra: Australian War Memorial, 1990 O’Neill, R., Australia in the Korean War 1950–53, Volume 2, Canberra: Combat Operations, Australian War Memorial and the Australian Government Publishing Service, 1981 Odgers, G., Air War against Japan 1943–45, Canberra: Australian War Memorial, 1968 —Across the Parallel: The Australian 77th Squadron with the United States Air Force in the Korean Air War, Melbourne: Heinemann, 1953 —Mission Vietnam: Royal Australian Air Force Operations 1964–1972, Canberra: Australian Government Publishing Service, 1974 Southall, I., Bluey Truscott, Sydney: Angus and Robertson, 1958 Stephens, A., Royal Australian Air Force, Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 2001 —Going Solo: The Royal Australian Air Force 1946–1971, Canberra: Australian Government Publishing Service, 1995 Thomson, J., The WAAAF in Wartime Australia, Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1991 Weate, M., Bill Newton VC. The Short Life of a RAAF Hero, Loftus: Australian Military History Publications, 1999 Wilson, D., Lion Over Korea: 77 Fighter Squadron RAAF 1950–53, Belconnen: Banner Books, 1991 —Always First: The RAAF Airfield Construction Squadrons 1942–1974, Canberra: Air Power Studies Centre, 1998 —Seek and Strike: 75 Squadron RAAF 1942–2002, Maryborough: Banner Books, 2002 —Warden to Tanager: RAAF Operations in East Timor, Maryborough: Banner Books, 2003 Wilson, S., Military Aircraft of Australia, Canberra: Aerospace Publications, 1994 Wrigley, H., The Battle Below, Being the History of No. 3 Squadron AFC, Sydney: Reprint of E.G. Knox Pub, 1935
Index
1 Squadron RAF, 66 1 Airfield Construction Squadron, 125 1 Operational Support Unit, 187 1 Operational Training Unit, 125 1 Squadron AFC, 9, 14–17, 24 1 Squadron RAAF, 37, 39, 41, 108, 109, 113, 130, 141 10 Squadron RAAF, 44, 47–53, 58 10 Squadron RAF, 94 100 Squadron RAAF, 124 101 Fleet Cooperation Flight, 39 103 Squadron RAF, 28, 30 104 Squadron RAF, 90 108 Squadron RAF, 90 11 Squadron RAAF, 118, 137 111 Fighter Control Unit, 138 111 Squadron RAF, 14 112 Squadron RAF, 84, 89 113 Squadron RAF, 105 12 Squadron RAAF, 133 13 Squadron RAAF, 113, 130 14 Airfield Construction Squadron, 130 14 Squadron RAAF, 137 14 Squadron RFC, 9, 10, 14 14 Squadron RNZAF, 145 144 Squadron RAF, 54, 57 148 Squadron RAF, 90 149 Squadron RAF, 65 17 Squadron RAF, 106 17 Squadron RFC, 9
18 NEI Squadron, 132, 133 19 Squadron RAF, 57 2 Airfield Construction Squadron, 135, 142 2 Airfield Defence Squadron, 214 2 Squadron AFC, 19, 24–26, 28–9 2 Squadron RAAF, 113, 142, 155, 183, 187 20 Squadron RAAF, 118, 137 21 Squadron RAAF, 108, 112, 113, 128, 130, 132, 133, 134 210 Squadron RAF, 45 22 Squadron RAAF, 125, 126, 130 22 Squadron RAF, 75 227 Squadron RAF, 94 228 Squadron RAF, 45 23 Squadron RAAF, 128, 130, 132, 134 234 Squadron RAF, 67 24 Squadron RAAF, 117, 118, 128, 130, 132, 133, 134 25 Squadron RAAF, 134 250 Squadron RAF, 89 260 Squadron RAF, 82, 102 27 Squadron RAF, 140 3 Airfield Construction Squadron, 135 3 Airfield Defence Squadron, 215 3 Combat Support Hospital, 205 3 Squadron AFC, 14 3 Squadron RAAF, 41, 79–88, 100–3, 121, 142, 143, 143, 151, 158
INDEX 30 Communications Unit, 162, 169 30 Squadron RAAF, 124, 125, 126, 130 30 Squadron RFC, 6, 7 31 Squadron RAAF, 131, 135 32 Squadron RAAF, 119, 120, 122, 137, 207 32 Squadron RAF, 30 33 Squadron RAAF, 118, 199, 202, 207 33rd Squadron USAAF, 116 35 Squadron RAAF, 174, 175, 176, 209 35 Squadron RAF, 62 36 Squadron RAAF, 140, 185, 191, 207 37 Squadron RAAF, 185, 191, 208 37 Squadron RAF, 90 38 Squadron RAAF, 140, 141, 191, 208 381 Base Squadron, 138 381 Expeditionary Combat Support Squadron, 211, 214 382 Expeditionary Combat Support Squadron, 213 383 Expeditionary Combat Support Squadron, 213 386 Expeditionary Combat Support Squadron, 213 4 Airfield Construction Squadron, 135 4 RAAF Hospital, 186 4 Service Flying Training School, 43 4 Squadron AFC, 2, 19, 26–9 4 Squadron RAAF, 126, 136 4 Squadron RAF, 150 4 Squadron SAAF, 89 4 Wireless Unit, 136 40 Squadron RNZAF, 210 404 Squadron RCAF, 57 42 Squadron RAAF, 137 43 Squadron RAAF, 133, 137 43 Squadron RAF, 28 431st Squadron USAF, 152 450 Squadron RAAF, 58, 82, 85–8,
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100, 101–3, 104 451 Squadron RAAF, 73, 83, 84, 85, 86 452 Squadron RAAF, 67, 68, 124, 130, 131, 158 453 Squadron RAAF, 70, 71, 72, 73, 108, 110, 111, 112, 113 454 Squadron RAAF, 95, 96, 97 455 Squadron RAAF, 53, 54, 55, 56, 59 456 Squadron RAAF, 74, 75 457 Squadron RAAF, 69, 70, 131 458 Squadron RAAF, 59, 90, 91, 93, 94 459 Squadron RAAF, 95, 98, 99, 100 46 Squadron RAF, 28 460 Squadron RAAF, 59, 60, 62, 63 461 Squadron RAAF, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53 462 Squadron RAAF, 59, 60, 61, 94 463 Squadron RAAF, 59, 60, 62, 63, 64 464 Squadron RAAF, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78 466 Squadron RAAF, 59, 60 467 Squadron RAAF, 59, 60, 62, 63 481 Maintenance Squadron, 138 486 (Maintenance) Squadron, 199 487 Squadron RNZAF, 75, 76 489 Squadron RNZAF, 55, 57 5 Squadron SAAF, 102 5 Airfield Construction Squadron, 128, 135, 136, 138, 152, 187 5 Squadron AFC, 30 5 Squadron RAAF, 136, 194 5 Wireless Unit, 136 54 Squadron RAF, 30, 130, 131 6 Airfield Construction Squadron, 127, 135 6 Squadron AFC, 30 6 Squadron RAAF, 117, 123, 124 6 Wireless Unit, 136 607 Squadron RAF, 107 614 Squadron RAF, 95 616 Squadron RAF, 164
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617 Squadron RAF, 64–5 67 Squadron RAAF, 137 69 Squadron RAF, 90 7 Airfield Construction Squadron, 127, 128 7 Operational Training Unit, 132 7 Squadron AFC, 30 70 Squadron RAF, 90 71 Squadron RAAF, 137 73 Squadron RAAF, 137 73 Squadron RAF, 144 75 Squadron RAAF, 120, 121, 122, 123, 125, 127, 128, 129, 136, 145, 148, 149 76 Squadron RAAF, 120, 122, 123, 124, 125, 135, 138, 139, 145, 148, 151 76 Squadron RAF, 94 77 Squadron RAAF, 120, 127, 138, 139, 142, 143, 151, 157, 159, 160, 161, 163, 164, 165, 166, 168, 169 77 Squadron RAF, 64 78 Squadron RAAF, 128, 129 79 Squadron RAAF, 143, 152, 153 8 Squadron RAAF, 108, 109, 113 8 Airfield Construction Squadron, 135 8 Squadron AFC, 30 80 Squadron RAAF, 129 80 Squadron RAF, 28 82 Squadron RAAF, 138, 139 87 Squadron RAAF, 133, 134, 154 88 Squadron RAF, 29, 30 9 Squadron RAAF, 176, 178, 179, 180, 182, 187 9 Squadron RAF, 24 92 Squadron RAF, 29 93 Squadron RAAF, 130, 136 93 Squadron RAF, 150 9th Squadron USAAF, 127 Adams, Flight Lieutenant J.I. ‘Bay’, 139, Squadron Leader 146, 147 Addinall, Flying Officer A., 94 Adelaide, HMAS, 206
Admiral Scheer, German warship, 54 Aegean Sea, light bomber operations, 95–7 Agnew, Lieutenant I, 25 Aichi D3A ‘Val’, 116, 127 Aiken, Pilot Officer A., 174 Air Ambulance Unit, 103–5 Air Defence Guards, 187 Aitape Tsunami, 206 Aitken, Flying Officer J.S, 93 Albatross, 14, 15, 21, 26, 27, 31 Alberry, Lieutenant F., 29 Alberston, Captain US Army, 179 Alcantara, Sergeant F., 201 Alexander, General, 106 Alexander, Group Captain J., 50 Allen, Sergeant E.G., 174 Allenby, General Sir Edmund, 11, 13, 14, 16 Allshorn, Squadron Leader W.F., 112 Amelia J, 33, 35 Amien prison raid, 76 Amiens, Battle of, 24 Anderson, Captain W.H., 20, Major, 33 Anderson, Flight Lieutenant B.H., 117, 121 Anderson, Flight Sergeant P.R., 62 Anderson, K., 36 Anderson, Lieutenant A.M., 27 Anderson, Squadron Leader G.P.L., 188 Andrews, Flight Lieutenant D, 71 Andrews, Squadron Leader K.C., 149 Angus, Corporal D., 175 Angus, Pilot Officer G.L., 111 Anshun, 124 Antarctic Flights 1929–36, 42–4; 1948–62, 155–6 Antonov ANT-124, 197 Anwar Sadat, President of Egypt, 195 Apache, 198
INDEX Arakan campaigns, 106–7 Archerfield, 45 Armament: improvement of Sunderland, 50 Armitt, Sergeant E.D., 165 Arnold, Flight Lieutenant Bob, 113 Arnold, Flying Officer D., 75 Aronson, Wing Commander R.B., 184 Arthur, Flying Officer W.S ‘Wulf’, 81, Squadron Leader, 127 Ash, Flying Officer P.H., 123 Asturias SS, 144 ASV radar, development of, 49–50 Athelmonarch, 99 Atherton, Squadron Leader G., 127 Atkins, Captain B.S., 6 Atkinson, Flight Lieutenant B. ‘Pip’, 56 Auchinleck, General, 83 Auster, 139, 156, 169 Austin, Lieutenant R.A., 15 Australia, HMAS, 129 Avery, Sergeant A.J., 166 Avro Anson, 45, 137 Avro Cadet, 45 Avro Lancaster, 59–64, 145 Avro Lincoln, 141, 142, 145 Bailey, Aircraftman D., 84 Baillieu. Captain R.F., 14 Baines, Aircraftman A., 84 Baines, Flight Sergeant H., 92 Baker, Flight Lieutenant D.R., 129 Baker, Flight Sergeant R.H., 60 Baker, Flying Officer N., 72 Baker, H.F., 37 Baldwin, Flying Officer I., 174 Bali Assist, Operation, 205 Ball VC, Albert, 19, 66 Balmer, Wing Commander J.R. ‘Sam’, 124 Bankura, SS, 4 Baras, Sergeant A., 90 Barbour, Flying Officer bill, 56
225
Barclay, Squadron Leader K., 70 Barker, Flying Officer R.E., 129 Barle, Lieutenant A.S., 14 Barlow, Flight Lieutenant N., 65 Barnard, Flight Sergeant D., 99 Barnard, Flight Sergeant Jack, 78 Barr, Flying Officer A.W. ‘Nicky’, 86–7 Barr, Sergeant Jack, 78 Barrien, Pilot Officer J., 70 Bartle, Squadron Leader J.P., 100, 104 Barton, Flight Lieutenant A.R., 114 Bastille, Operation, 217 Batchelor, Squadron Leader J.R., 156 Bates, Flying Officer B., 104 Bateson, Group Captain R.N., 77–8 Bateson, Squadron Leader R.E., 186 Battle of Berlin, 61 Battleaxe, Operation, 83 Batzloff, Flight Lieutenant D., 154 Bayley, Sergeant R., 88 Be-12A, 13, 14–15, 18 Be-2A, 1, 2, Be-2C, 9, 10, 11–13 BE-2E, 13, 32 Beach, Flying Officer K., 209 Beaton, Pilot Officer D., 98 Beatty, Flying Officer C., 182–3; Air Commodore, 213 Beaumont, Flight Lieutenant Ern, 119 Becker, Sub-Lieutenant H, 78 Beech Expediter, 147 Bell Cobra, 181 Bell Kiowa, 183 Bell UH-1 Iroquois, 137, 176–82, 187, 194, 202, 203 Bell, Flight Lieutenant J. ‘Dinger’, 47 Bell, Flight Lieutenant R., 113 Bell, L.C., 41 Bell, Lieutenant J.R., 20 Bell, Wing Commander R.E., 134
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Belo, Bishop, 209 Benjamin, Flight Lieutenant J.H., 192 Bennett, Donald, 64, 66 Berlin airlift, 139–40 Bessell, Sergeant H., 164 Bessell, Sergeant K.P., 191 Betts, Pilot Officer R.W., 182 Birch, Captain K., 191 Birch, Flying Officer H., 46 Birch, Squadron Leader A.H., 141 Bradford, Flight Lieutenant S., 145, 148, 157, 158 Bird, Flight Sergeant G., 212 Birks, Pilot Officer M.J., 184 Bishop, Flight Lieutenant, 91 Bismarck Sea, Battle of the, 126 Blackhurst, Corporal T.D., 179 Blair, Lieutenant J.R., 21 Blake, Major D.V.J., 19, 22 Blastock, Pilot Officer D., 98 Blessing, Flying Officer N.F., 129 Blight, Flight Lieutenant J., 163 Bliss, Flight Lieutenant D.G., 175 Blumer, Pilot Officer G., 102–3 Boast, Wing Commander J.R., 185 Boeing 707, 199, 202, 207, 217 Boeing 727, 201 Boeing 747, 211, 214 Boeing B-17, 71, 72, 123, 126 Boeing B-29 Superfortress, 158, 165 Boeing B-47 Stratojet, 145 Boeing B-52, 184 Boeing Chinook, 182 Boeing KC-97 Stratocruiser, 145 Bomber Command operations, 58–66 Bond, Flight Lieutenant L., 154 Bone, Squadron Officer E.M., 186 Booth, Sister E.M., 170 Borneo campaign, 134–6 Borthwick, Sergeant D., 87 Bougainville Truce Monitoring Group, 205 Boulton Paul Defiant, 74 Bowes, Flying Officer L., 112
Boyd, Flying Officer H.H., 79 Bradbury, Flying Officer D.C.J., 133 Bradshaw, Sergeant K.G., 134 Brassingthwaite, Flying Officer G.W.N., 105 Bray, Flight Lieutenant, 86 Brereton, Flying Officer Le Gay ‘Cocky’, 121, 123 Brewster Buffalo, 105, 108, 110, 111, 112 Bristol Beaufighter, 55–7, 74, 86, 95–6, 104, 106, 124, 125, 126, 130, 131, 132, 135, 136, 138 Bristol Beaufort, 124, 127, 137 Bristol Blenheim, 81, 82, 95, 105, 111 Bristol Bombay, 104–5 Bristol Boxkite, 1, 2 Bristol Bulldog, 45 Bristol Fighter, 14, 15, 18, 29, 30 British Commonwealth Occupation Force, 138–9 British Far East Strategy, 108 Brnada, Flying Officer P., 216 Broke-Smith, Captain P.W.L, 4 Brookes, Captain C.A., 13 Brothers, Squadron Leader P.M., 69 Brown, Captain A.R., 22 Brown, Lieutenant R.A., 17 Brown, Lieutenant C.T., 21 Browne-Gaylord, Flight Lieutenant, 166 Buckland, Lieutenant W.A.J., 23 Budd, Flight Lieutenant R.R., 181 Buel, Lieutenant Robert J.USAAF, 116 Bull-Hansen, Lieutenant General F.V. MFO Commander, 202 Bullimore, Tony, 206 Bungey, Squadron Leader R.W., 67 Burke, Flight Lieutenant F., 208 Burma campaign 1942–45, 105–7 Burn, Lieutenant W.W.A., 4, 5 Burnett, Lieutenant Colonel C.S., 16 Burt, Pilot Officer L., 37
INDEX Bush, G, US President, 217 Butler, Flying Officer T.K., 181 Butterworth, 110, 111, 142, 143, 151, 152, 171, 183 Butterworth, Pilot Officer C.A., 117 Buttress, Sergeant G., 177
CAC Sabre, 142, 143, 151, 152, 153 CAC Wirraway, 45, 108, 112, 113, 117, 126, 139 Caldwell, Wing Commander C.R., 89, 130 Cambrai, Battle of, 25 Cameron, Group Captain S., 212–13 Campbell, Flight Lieutenant I., 98 Campbell, Flight Lieutenant K., 46 Campbell, Flying Officer J.C., 80 Campbell, S.A.C., 37–8; Flying Officer 42–4 Canadair Sabre, 149 Cannon, Flight Lieutenant V.B., 164 Cant 107-C, 85 Carmichael, Flight Lieutenant, 84 Carmichael, Warrant Officer J., 73 Carr, Flight Lieutenant T, 40, 41; Group Captain, 166 Carroll, G.V. Flight Lieutenant. 192; Group Captain, 210 Carroll, Squadron Officer B.A.F., 186 Carty, Flight Lieutenant I., 214 Carver, Pilot Officer R.C., 185 Cash, Lieutenant J.N., 27 Cashmore, Squadron Leader J., 95 Castles, Flying Officer M.F., 179 Catalyst, Operation, 217–8 Catanach, Squadron Leader J., 54, 87 Caudron, 5, 6 Chapman, Sergeant N.R., 110, 113 Charlesworth, Flight Lieutenant A., 39, 40 Chessell, Flying Officer R.C., 90 Chester, R.H., 1 Chester, Sergeant H., 33 Chindits, 107
227
Chisholm, Sergeant K., 67, 68–9 Churchill, W., 47 Circumnavigation of Australia, first aerial, 33–4 City of Benares, 48 Clark, Flight Lieutenant J., 51 Clark, Squadron Leader P., 200 Clausen, Flying Officer C., 201 Cleary. Flight Lieutenant P.J., 191, 192 Clisby, Flying Officer L., 66 Coastal Command RAF operations, 46–57 Cobb, Sergeant J.F., 90 Cobby, Captain A.H. “Harry’, 19, 27, 29, 30 Cock, Flying Officer C., 57 Cohen, Flight Lieutenant J.A. ‘Dick’, 46, 48; Squadron Leader, 119 Cohmen, Flight Lieutenant A., 168 Colebrook, Sergeant M.E., 168 Collins, 1st Class Air Mechanic C.C., 23 Collyer, Sergeant V.A., 111 Concord, Operation, 209 Confrontation, Indonesia-Malaysia, 151 Consolidated Catalina, 92, 118, 119, 133, 134, 138, 208 Consolidated Liberator, 51, 72, 90, 96, 123, 128, 130, 132, 133, 134, 155 Convair F-102, 153 Cooper, Duff, 48 Cooper, Flying Officer D.M., 170 Cooper, Flying Officer I.B., 175 Cooper, Group Captain G.A., 142 Cooper, Sergeant A.E., 131 Copley, Flying Officer B.J., 184 Coral Sea, Battle of, 122 Cornfoot, Flight Lieutenant Ron, 115 Cornish, Mary, 48 Coronet, Exercise, 150
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Costello, Flight Sergeant Jack, 56 Cottee, Pilot 3 M.J., 157, 158 Cotton, Flying Officer M.C.C., 106 Coughlan, Corporal J. ‘Snow’, 180 Court, Flight Lieutenant W., 134 Cowan-Hunt, Pilot Officer J., 98 Cowley, Pilot Officer R.R., 129 Cox, Flying Officer B., 120–1 Cox, Flying Officer Jack, 85 Cox, Squadron Leader J.H., 181 Craig, Flying Officer H.B., 126 Cresswell, Wing Commander R.C. ‘Dickie’, 160, 162, 163, 164, 165 Crombie, Flying Officer C.A., 106 Crusader operation, 83–5 Ctesiphon, 7, 8, 9 Cullen, Flying Officer D.J., 62 Cuming, Flight Lieutenant Bob, 114 Curnow, Sergeant C.D., 94 Currie, Warrant Officer R., 71 Curtis P-40 Kittyhawk, 84, 85, 86, 100, 102, 103, 116, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124, 127, 129, 135, 136 Curtis P-40 Tomahawk, 68, 81, 82, 83, 105 Curtis, Lieutenant R.H., 27 Cyclone Tracey, 206
Dainer, L.A., 189 Dale, Group Captain W.C., 129 Dallas, Major R.S., 31 Dalton, Flying Officer R., 37 Dalzell, Sergeant A., 33 ‘Dam Buster’ raid, 65 Darwin, operations from, 1943–45, 130–4 Dassault Mirage III0, 143, Davenport, Flight Lieutenant J., 54; Wing Commander, 55, 56 Davern Warrant Officer P.J., 187 Davis, Squadron Leader T.H., 118 Davis, Wing Commander R.H., 108 Dawes, Flying Officer A.W., 96
Dawson, Flight Lieutenant ‘Smokey’, 165 Dawson, Flying Officer R.G. ‘Shorty’, 78 De Cosier, Pilot Officer ‘Bill’, 70 De Gaulle, General Charles, 47 De Havilland (Canada) Beaver, 156 De Havilland (Canada) Buffalo, 194 De Havilland (Canada) Caribou, 171, 172, 173, 174, 175, 191, 192, 193, 205 De Havilland Dragon Rapide, 40, 41 De Havilland Mosquito, 61, 63, 74, 75–6, 77–8, 130, 133, 134, 138, 154, 155 De Havilland Sea Hornet, 145 De Havilland Vampire, 144, 145, 147, 149, 150 De Souza, Warrant Officer I., 77 Dean, Sergeant F.F.G., 77 Delahunty, Group Captain T., 211 Delamain, Brigadier W.S., 6 Deperdussin, 1 Dewhurst, 1st Class Air Mechanic E.R., 22 Dewoitines Fighter, 82 Dexter, Leading Aircraftman R., 175 DFW Aviatik, 18, 20, 22, 26, 27 DH-5, 25–6 DH-50, 34, 36, 37 DH-50A, 39 DH-60G, Gipsy Moth, 36–7, 41, 44 DH-86, 103–4 DH-9, 16, 28, 39, 45 DH-9A, 32, 36, 45 Di Pineado, Marquis, 101 Diamond, Flight Lieutenant O.N., 109 Dibbs, Lieutenant E.R., 20 Dick, Sergeant D., 119 Dirou, Flight Lieutenant B., 181 Discovery II, RMS, 44 Discovery, RMS, 42–4 Dixon, Sir Owen, 191 Dohle, Flight Lieutenant C.M., 177
INDEX Donahay, Lieutenant C., 21 Donitz, Admiral, 50 Dornier DO-17, 67 Dornier DO-217, 74 Dornier DO-24, 98 Doude, Warrant Officer W.J., 92 Douglas A-24, 121 Douglas B-26 Invader, 145, 158 Douglas Boston, 69, 75, 87, 125, 126, 127, 130 Douglas DC-3/C-47/Dakota, 137, 138, 139, 140, 141, 144, 145, 152, 155, 156, 161, 162, 169, 170, 171, 172, 208, 209 Douglas DC-4, 159 Douglas Skyraider, 144 Douglas, Flight Lieutenant A.G., 67–8 Douglas, Flight Lieutenant J., 91 Douglas, Flight Lieutenant J.K., 109 Douglas, Sergeant G.E., 36. Pilot Officer, 42–4 Dover, Bob, 156 Dowling, Pilot Officer W., 52 Downer, Flight Sergeant G.K., 181 Downing, Wing Commander F.J.L., 185 Doyle, Flight Lieutenant J.C., 102 Drummond, Flight Lieutenant S., 193 Drummond, Lieutenant R.M., 11–12 Drummond, Wing Commander V., 143; Sergeant, 165 Dubber, Corporal D.J., 178 Dubois, Therry, 206 Duffield, Flying Officer A.J.R., 104 Duigan, John R, 1, 20 Dunkley, Ern, 76 Dunn, Squadron Leader M., 209 Dunne, Flight Lieutenant A., 114 Dutton, Squadron leader R.G., 67
Easley, Flight Lieutenant F., 163 Eastwood, Sergeant B., 127
229
Eaton, Flight Lieutenant C. ‘Moth’, 36; Group Captain, 208 Eaton, Squadron Leader B., 101, 102; Wing Commander, 144; Group Captain, 147, 148, 149, 150 Edwards VC, H., 66 Edwards, Flight Sergeant L., 142 Edwards, Flying Officer Bill, 57 Edwards, Squadron Officer A.B., 186 Eisenhower, General D., 62 El Alamein, Battles of, 85–7 Eldridge, Flying Officer, 204 Elliot, Flight Sergeant J., 91 Ellis, Lieutenant A.W.L., 10, 11–12 Ellis, Pilot Officer D., 162 Ellsworth, L, 44 Embrey, Air Vice Marshal Basil, 77 Empire Air Training Scheme 58 English Electric Canberra, 142, 143, 148, 151, 155, 183, 184, 185, 187 English Electric Lightning, 143 Esau, Flight Lieutenant E.A.R., 72 Espeland, Flight Lieutenant B.J., 188 Evans, Flying Officer A., 37 Evans, Flying Officer S.D., 140 Everest, General USAF, 166 Ewers, Flight Lieutenant R.H.S., 71
Fairbairn, J.V., 36 Fairchild C-123 Provider, 152, 171 Fairey Firefly, 146 Fairey IIID, 33, 38 Falconer, Operation, 217 Farr, Leading Aircraftman T., 177 Farrant, Flying Officer R., 136 Fethers, Dick, 126 Fiat CR-42, 79 Fiat G-50, 86 Fighter Command Operations, 66–78 Finlay, Lieutenant G., 17 Finucane, Flight Lieutenant B.E. ‘Paddy’, 67
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Fisher, Sergeant ‘Nil’, 84 Fisher, Squadron Leader S.C., 152 Fitzgerald, Squadron Leader J.B., 141 Flemming, Wing Commander J., 143 Fletcher, Admiral Frank J. USN, 122 Focke-Wulf FW-190, 55, 68–71, 86 Focke-Wulfe Condor, 51 Fokker Friendship, 193, 194 Fokker triplane, 23, 27 Follett, Lieutenant F.W., 29 Folvig, Flying Officer R.L., 191, 192 Fontenau, G.A., 1 Fookes, Squadron Leader A.J., 174, 175 Forbes, Wing Commander W.A., 63 Ford, Flight Lieutenant E.V., 133 Foster, Flight Lieutenant K.I., 142 Fox, Flight Sergeant W.J., 93 Francis, Lieutenant R.G.D., 22 Fraser, M, Prime Minister, 201 Frazer, Pilot Officer A.A., 145 French, Flying Officer K., 208 Fuller, Flight Sergeant A., 52 Fulton, Major E.J., 7 Furmage, Squadron Leader G.G., 107 Fysh, H., 31
G222, 210 Gadd, Warrant Officer Bill, 73 Gaden, Flight Lieutenant C.B., 80 Gale, Squadron Leader W.W.B., 86 Galway, Flying Officer G., 70 Garing, Flight Lieutenant W.H ‘Bull’, 46, 47, 48, 52; Group Captain, 124 Geldart, Flying Officer P., 77 George, Flight Lieutenant L.G., 107 George, V., 29 Gepp, Sir Hubert, 41 Geranium, HMAS, 38 German Army offensive, March 1918, 22, 26, 27 Gertrude, 96–7
Gestapo Headquarters, low-level attack on, 77–8 Gibbes, Squadron Leader E.M., 130 Gibbs, Squadron leader R.H. ‘Bobby’, 87, 88 Gibson, Flight Lieutenant W.N. ‘Hoot’, 49 Gibson, Wing Commander Guy, 65 Gilbert, Flight Sergeant M.A.J., 136 Giles, G., 129 Gillan, Sergeant B.T., 166 Gillespie, Lance Corporal J.F., 179 Gladiolus, HMS, 49 Gleeson, Flight Sergeant L.H., 91 Gloster Gauntlet, 79 Gloster Gladiator, 79, 80 Gloster Meteor Mk 8, 146, 164, 165, 166, 167, 168 Gloster Meteor NF11, 145 Gloster Meteor T7, 144, 147, 164 Glover, Lieutenant Bert, 116 Gneisenau, German warship, 59 Goble, S.J. 31, Wing Commander; first aerial circumnavigation of Australia, 33–4 Gogerly, Flying Officer B., 165 Goldner, Squadron Leader E., 141 Goldswain, Flying Officer B.V., 77 Goode, Flight Sergeant R., 52 Goodsell, Flying Officer M.J., 174, 175 Goold, Flight Lieutenant W., 107 Gordon, Flight Sergeant L, 154 Gordon, Flying Officer D.F., 105 Gordon, Major R., 6, 8 Gordon, Squadron Leader R. ‘Butch’, 131–2 Gorrie, Flying Officer P.C., 114 Gorringe, Sergeant K., 113 Gotha, 22 Gottschalk, Corporal George, 33 Gower, Wing Commander M., 213 Grace, Flying Officer B.A., 111 Grant, Flying Officer S., 211 Gray, Flight Lieutenant W.V., 161
INDEX Gray, Robin, 155 Green, Group Captain R., 142 Greenwood, Squadron Leader C.A., 140 Grey, Squadron Leader J.L., 118 Gribble, Lieutenant J., 116 Griffiths, Flight Lieutenant J.C., 129 Grigson, Lieutenant A.E., 24 Ground crew grievances, July 1943, 100 Grumman Panther, 144, 145 Gullett, Sir Henry, 36 Gulliver, Squadron Leader D.K.H., 136 Gunn, Leading Aircraft M., 205–6 Gurr, Corporal, 33 Gurry, Pilot Officer T., 98 Guthrie, Squadron Leader V.D., 172 Guthrie, Warrant Officer E.D., 165
Habibie, B.J., Indonesian president, 209 Haines, Flight Sergeant, 169 Hale, Sergeant G., 167 Half-Flight, RFC, 3, 4, 5, 6, 219 Halifax operations in the Middle East, 94–5 Halliday, Flying Officer J., 208 Halliday, Wing Commander N., 53 Halse, Flying Officer B.J., 69 Hamel, Battle of, 24 Hamilton, Squadron Leader, 74 Hamilton, Warrant Officer K., 57 Hamilton-Foster, Flight Lieutenant H.V., 165 Hammill, Leading Aircraftman T.L., 178 Hammond, Flying Officer B.G., 173 Hampshire, Wing Commander K.M., 74 Handbury, Flight Lieutenant J.E., 115 Handbury, Wing Commander J.E., 132
231
Handley Page 0/400, 16, 18 Handley Page Halifax, 51, 59, 61–4, 94 Handley Page Hampden, 53–5 Handley Page Hastings, 149, 150 Hannah, Squadron Leader D.H., 133 Hansen, J., 189 Harding, Sergeant E.W., 169 Hardman, Air Marshal Sir Donald, 148 Hargreaves, Flight Sergeant C.H., 62 Harmer, Flying Officer G.S., 188 Harper, Squadron Leader H.J., 111 Harris, Air Marshal Arthur, 59 Harris, Sergeant C.W., 47 Harris, Warrant Officer A., 72 Harris, Wing Commander B., 204; Squadron Leader, 209 Harrison, Eric, 1, 3 Harrison, Wing Commander A.M., 138 Harrop, Pilot 3 W.P., 160 Hart, Sergeant R.R., 109 Hartley, Captain J.C., 178 Harvey, Flight Lieutenant G., 163 Harvey, Squadron Leader D.C., 173 Harvey, Squadron Leader G.R., 143 Haubourdin aerodrome, attacks on, 28 Hawker Demon, 45, 79 Hawker Hurricane, 66, 80–1, 83, 84–6, 105–6, 112 Hawker Sea Fury, 145 Hawker Siddeley HS748, 207 Hawley, Lieutenant F.C., 19 Hay, Flight Lieutenant R.C., 65 Hazelwood, Flight Lieutenant J.F., 182 Headlam, Lieutenant E.S., 18 Heath, C.V., 1 Heath, Squadron Leader P.R., 79 Heathcote, Lieutenant L.W., 11 Heavy Bomber Replacement Training Unit, 132 Heinkel HE-111, 66, 74–5
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Heinkel HE-177, 74 Heley, Flying Officer ‘Bill’, 41 Hempel, Squadron Leader ‘George’, 37 Hemsworth, Flight Lieutenant G.E., 119, 122 Hennessey, Leading Aircraftman, M.J., 147 Henry, Pilot Officer D.A., 172 Herbert, Flying Officer M.P.J., 185 Herbert, Lieutenant W.V., 23 Higgins, Pilot Officer B.G. ‘Tubby’, 119 Higgs, Sergeant F.G., 118 Hill, R., 218 Hill, Warrant Officer K., 167 Hill, Wing Commander V.J., 183 Hiller, Sergeant G.E., 82 Himalaya, 148 Hine, Wing Commander M., 216 Hipper, German warship, 54 Hislop, Wing Commander P., 213 Hitchcock, B, 35 Hitchcock, Flight Lieutenant G.J., 109 Hitchcock, R., 36 Hitchens, Flight Lieutenant D.W., 169 Hobson, Flight Lieutenant Hal, 78 Hodge, Flight Lieutenant P.H.R., 114 Hodge, Sergeant P.H., 181 Hodgen, Pilot Officer ‘Butch’, 74 Hodgson, Lieutenant K.C., 20, 21 Hogg, Flight Lieutenant W.D., 102 Holden, Captain L, 26 Holstock, Warrant Officer G., 154 Hooper, Flying Officer J.B., 110 Hopper, Sapper C., 177 Horsman, Squadron Leader W.C., 145; Flight Lieutenant 147, 149 Houlgrave, Flight Lieutenant R.C., 107 House, Flight Lieutenant, 86 Howard, Captain R., 26
Howard, J Prime Minister, 210, 217 Howie, Flying Officer D.G., 92 Hubble, Wing Commander J.W., 152, 167 Hudson, Air Mechanic K.L., 9 Hudson, Flight Lieutenant R.T., 85 Hudson, Gunner, W., 116 Hughes, Flight Lieutenant P. ‘Pat’, 67 Hughes, Lieutenant Charles, 116 Hughes, Sergeant H.E., 21 Hughes, Wing Commander H.A., 184 Hunt, Flying Officer R.C., 147 Hunt, Pilot Officer, 128 Hurley, F, 42 Hutchinson, Lieutenant G.H., 119 Huxley, Lieutenant F, 26
Ilbery, Pilot Officer P., 57 Ilyushin IL-28, 152 Ilyushin IL-76, 197, 212 Immune, Operation, 207 Ingledew, Wing Commander T.S., 133 INTERFET Combined Air Wing (ICAW), 210 INTERFET, 215 Iredale, Wing Commander R.W., 76, 78 Irlam, Sergeant I.D., 167 Ismailia, 1976–79, 193–7 Italy, fighter operations, 100–3 Italy, light bomber operations, 97–100 Izuzi, Japanese warship, 133
Jackson, Flight Lieutenant G., 90 Jackson, Flying Officer J.F. ‘Old John’, 82; Squadron Leader, 120, 121, 123 Jackson, Squadron Leader L., 123 Jacobs, Pilot Officer J., 145
INDEX
233
James, Lieutenant H.B., 24 James, Pilot Officer R.N., 178 Jeffrey, Squadron Leader P., 81, 82, 84, 88; Wing Commander, 120 Jeffries, Lieutenant J.P., 22 Jervis Bay, 216 Johnston, Wing Commander L.L., 91 Jones, Captain A Murray, 10 Jones, Corporal R., 191 Jones, Flight Lieutenant J.G., 109 Jones, Lieutenant E.J., 20, 21 Jones, Pilot Officer R.H., 148 Jones, R.D., 155 Jones, Squadron Leader G, 40–1 Jordan, Flight Lieutenant J.D., 173 Jordan, R., 131 Junkers JU-188, 74 Junkers JU-52, 81, 102 Junkers JU-87, 80, 81, 84 Junkers JU-88, 51–2, 60, 72, 74, 80–1, 84, 86, 90, 96, 98, 100
Kingsford Smith, Wing Commander R., 63 Kingsford-Smith, C, 31, 35 Kingwell, Wing Commander D.W., 119, 120, 134; Group Captain, 155 Kinninmont, Flight Lieutenant J.R. ‘Congo’, 110, 112, 113 Kirkman, Flight Lieutenant Bob, 113 Kirkpatrick, Flight Lieutenant C., 161 Kirkwood, Flight Lieutenant W.W., 134 Kista Dan, 156 Klaffer, Flying Officer L., 147; Pilot 3, 160; Group captain, 188 Knight, Pilot Officer L., 65 Knudsen, Sergeant C.M., 193 Koln, 54 Kookuburra, search for, 35–6 Korean War 1950–53, 157–70 Kruse, Squadron Leader N.R., 193 Kut, 5, 6, 7, 9
Kaiser I Hind, 30 Kanimbla, HMAS, 217 Kashmir, 1975–78, 190–3 Katori Maru, 132 Kawanishi H6K ‘Mavis’, 116 Kawanishi H8K ‘Emily’, 122 Kawasaki 61 ‘Tony’, 112 Kawasaki Ki-45 ‘Nick’, 131, 132 Keavey, F., 98 Keen, Corporal T.H., 119 Kellett, Pilot Officer A., 74 Kemball, Major General G.V., 8 Kempnich, Flight Sergeant A.W.J., 96 Kenyon, H., 44 Kesselring, Field Marshal Albert, 101 Killingworth, Flight Lieutenant W., 78 Kilsby, Squadron Leader C.G., 187 King, Flight Lieutenant G.R., 202
Labuan, HMAS, 155 Lachal, Squadron Leader L., 45 Lancaster, Flight Lieutenant .J., 171, 172 Lance, Flight Lieutenant E.M., 178 Lane, Flight Lieutenant B.I., 178 Lane, Pilot Officer E.H., 82 Langford, Flight Lieutenant Ted, 154 Largs Bay, 145 Laver, Flight Sergeant L.L., 90 Laverack, Lieutenant General, 82 Laverton, 36, 39, 40, 45, 103 Law, Phillip, 156 Law, Pilot Officer M., 123 Lawrence, Colonel T.E., 17 Law-Smith, Squadron Leader R.R., 113 Lawson, 2nd Lieutenant P., 26 Learmonth, Wing Commander C.C., 126
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Leatham, Senior Sister J., 170 Leckie, Squadron Leader D., 156 Lee, Flight Lieutenant, 204 Leggo, Flight Lieutenant J.F., 65 Leith, Pilot Officer C.R. ‘Rusty’, 71, 72 Leo 45, 145 Leo, Squadron Leader J., 214 Lerew, Wing Commander J., 117–8 Lewis, Flight Lieutenant D., 95 Lexington USS, 122 Liddicoat, Squadron Officer I.G., 186 Liljestrand, General B, UNEF, 194 Lindeman, Squadron Leader C., 128 Lindeman, Wing Commander G., 54 Lings, Wing Commander P.G., 142 Lithgow, Mike, 148 Little, Captain R.A., 31 Little, Corporal W.F.C., 191 Livenza, 95–6 Livermore, H.B.R., 53 Lobb, Flight Lieutenant L., 154 Lockheed C-141 Starlifter, 198 Lockheed C-5 Galaxy, 188, 198, 200 Lockheed Constellation, 144 Lockheed F-4 Lightning, 127 Lockheed F-80 Shooting Star, 139, 159, 164 Lockheed Hercules, 152, 185, 187, 188, 193, 194, 195, 204, 205, 206, 207, 208, 209 214, 217, 218 Lockheed Hudson, 36, 98–9, 108–10, 113–15, 117, 122, 124, 125 Lockheed L-1011 Tri Star, 212 Lockheed Lodestar, 104–5 Lockheed Neptune, 143 Lockheed P3 Orion, 206, 217, 219 Lockheed P-38 Lightning, 127 Lockheed RF-80, 165, 167 Lockheed Ventura, 75–6, 99, 104, 130 Lockwood, Flight Lieutenant J.H., 109 Logan, Lieutenant G.C., 26
Long Tan, Battle of, 177 Lord Gort, 48 Lord Lloyd, 47–8 Louden, Lieutenant C.E., 71 Love, Lieutenant H.K., 28 Lukis, Lieutenant F.W.F., 13 Lush, Wing Commander L., 141 Lyal, Warrant Officer ‘Froggie’, 72 Lyneham, Warrant Officer Bob, 57 Lyons, Sergeant J., 127
MacArthur, General Douglas, US Army, 161 Macchi 202, 101 MacDonald, Flight Lieutenant J.G., 104 Mackerras, Flight Lieutenant, 203 Mainprize, Flight Lieutenant M., 50 Malaya ‘Emergency’, 140–3 Malaya campaign 1941–42, 108–13 Male, Flying Officer R.H., 92 Malta Deployment 1952–55, 143–51 Mann, Wing Commander W.F.B., 132 Mannock, ‘Mick’, 19 Manwell, Lieutenant D.P., 2 March, Squadron Leader D.J., 202 Markey, Pilot Officer J., 92 Marrows, Flight Lieutenant D., 51 Marshall, Flight Lieutenant R.G., 202 Martin B-26 Marauder, 71, 96 Martin B-57, 183 Martin Baltimore, 86, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99 Martin, Flight Lieutenant H.B., 65 Martinsyde Scout, 6, 7, 11–13 Masters, Flying Officer P., 121 Mather, Squadron Leader M.V., 118 Matheson, Lieutenant C.C., 21 Matthews, Corporal W.T., 193 Matthews, Flight Lieutenant, 163 Maurice Farman Longhorn, 4 Maurice Farman Seaplane, 3, 6, 8
INDEX Maurice Farman Shorthorn, 4 Mawson, Sir Douglas, 42 McAuliffe, Flight Lieutenant L., 72 McBurnie, Flight Sergeant D.H., 85 McClaughry, Captain W., 25 McCleery, Lieutenant E.P.E., 29 McClellan, Sergeant K., 91–2 McClelland, Flight Lieutenant ‘Mac’, 78 McClelland, Flight Lieutenant, 203 McCord, Pilot Officer, 131 McCormick, Flight Sergeant A., 74 McDade, Flying Officer P.V., 71 McDonald, Flight Lieutenant S.J., 133 McDonald, Wing Commander, J., 114 McDonnel F/A-18 Hornet, 217, 218 McDonnell Banshee, 144, 145 McDonnell F-4 Phantom, 153 McFarlane, Flight Lieutenant J.B., 153 McFarlane, Squadron Leader A.B. ‘Tich’, 115 McGrath, Pilot Officer M., 153 McHugh, Wing Commander C., 213 McIntosh, Flight Lieutenant R., 178 McIntyre, Flying Officer I, 33, 34; Flight Lieutenant Solomon survey, 34–5 McKenny, Flight Lieutenant C.R., 111 McKenny, Squadron Leader B.J., 191 McKenzie, Lieutenant Colonel B.R., 91 McKenzie, Lieutenant R., 25 McKerrache, Sergeant W.J., 105 McLachlan, Squadron Leader I.D., 79 McLennan, Air Commodore R., 211 McMahon, Lieutenant Robert, 116 McMahon, William, Prime Minister, 176
235
McMillan, Flight Lieutenant P.L., 107 McMillan, Squadron Leader J.A., 133 McMurray, Warrant Officer D.H., 95 McNamara, Lieutenant F.H., 11–13 McRitchie, Squadron Leader A.J., 76 Meares, Flying Officer R.F., 175 Meggs, Sergeant K., 163 Menzies, R.G., Prime Minister, 143, 157 Merz, Lieutenant G.P., 2, 3, 5, 219 Mesopotamia Campaign 1915–16, 3–9 Messerschmitt BF-109, 55, 67–9, 72, 83–5, 95–6, 102 Messerschmitt BF-110, 66–7, 71, 81, 84–6, 104 Messerschmitt ME-210, 63 Messerschmitt ME-410, 74 Michelson, Warrant Officer, 165 Middleton VC, Flight Sergeant Rawdon, 65 Middleton, Flight Lieutenant P.M., 177 MiG-15, 165, 167 MiG-17, 153 MiG-19, 151 Miles, Flying Officer J, 40 Miles, Sergeant A., 52 Millhall J. Stone, 93 Mills, Corporal T.C., 209 Mills, Warrant Officer R.C., 106 Milne Bay, Battle of, 122–4 Milne, Flying Officer A.G., 175 Milson, Squadron Leader C., 55; Wing Commander, 57 Mitchell, Wing Commander J.W., 188 Mitsubishi A6M Zero ‘Zeke’, 106, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 114, 116, 119, 121, 123, 126, 130, 131, 133 Mitsubishi A6M2-N ‘Rufe’, 131, 132 Mitsubishi F1M2 ‘Pete’, 131, 132 Mitsubishi G6M ‘Betty’, 127, 131, 132
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Mitsubishi Type 96 ‘Claude’, 110 Mitsubishi Type 96 ‘Nell’, 110, 117 Mitsubishi Type 97 ‘Sally’, 106, 110, 112, 121, 131 Mobile Works Squadron, 1, 125 Monash, Lieutenant General Sir John, 24 Montefiore, Flying Officer H.V., 111 Montgomery, General, 87 Mooltan, HMAC, 52 Moore, Sergeant E.E., 181 Moore, Wing Commander M., 96 Morane Fighter, 81 Morea, 4 Morello, Squadron Leader R.V., 70 Moresby, HMAS, 39 Morgan, Sergeant F., 156 Morrison, Lieutenant D., 25 Mountseer, Flight Lieutenant ‘Monty’, 127 Mulholland, Wing Commander N.G., 59, 90 Munro, Flight Sergeant S., 123 Murdoch, Flying Officer A, 44 Murphy, Flight Lieutenant C.D., 163 Murphy, Flight Lieutenant T.W., 157, 159 Murphy, Flying Officer P.V., 184 Murphy, Lieutenant A.W., 18; Sergeant ‘Spud’, 32 Murray, Flying Officer F. ‘Fergie’, 78 Murray, Sergeant K.J., 167 Murray, Warrant Officer I., 57 Muspratt, Warrant Officer A.C., 202 Mustard, Lieutenant E.A., 18 Myers, Pilot Officer J.E., 148
Nakajima KI-43 Hayabusa ‘Oscar’, 107, 128, 129, 134 Nakajima Type 97 ‘Nate’, 109 Nakajima B5N ‘Kate’, 129 Nakajima J1N1-S ‘Irving’, 134
Nanyo Maru, 113 Nash, Squadron Leader P.M., 102 Nel, Captain, 104 Netherlands East Indies operations 1942, 113–17 New Australia, SS., 151 New Guinea campaign 1942–44, 117–30 New, Chaplain E., 160 Newstead, Squadron Leader G., 147 Newton, VC, Flight Lieutenant W.E., 125–7 Normandy landing, 62–4, 72–3, 74–5, 76 Norris-Smith, D., 74 North American B-25 Mitchell, 86, 96, 126, 128, 132, 133 North American F-100, 153, 179, 183 North American F-86 Sabre, 145, 164, 165 North American P-51 Mustang, 55, 57, 103, 136, 138, 139, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 163 North American Texan, 158, 159 Norton, Lieutenant S., 198 Nunan, Lieutenant S.A., 17 Nunn, Captain W, RN, 5 Nye, P.B., 41 Nye, T., 189
O’Brien, Flight Lieutenant T., 107 O’Brien, Sergeant K.P., 191 O’Connor, General R., 80 O’Hara-Wood, Captain A.H., 27 Oelrich, Sergeant R.R., USAAF, 111 Oestreicher, Lieutenant Robert, USAAF, 116 Oliver, Squadron Leader M., 214 Orontes, RMS, 46, 79 Orsova, 9 Ortlepp, Flight Lieutenant, 133 Oshea, Squadron Leader B.E., 188 Osment, Flight Lieutenant R.S., 129
INDEX Paget, Lieutenant G.L., 14 Palestine campaign 1916–18, 9ff Palmer, Flying Officer J.H. ‘Spike’, 78 Palmyra, 57 Panitz, Pilot Officer I.G. ’Peter’, 74, 77 Pannell, Flying Officer H., 138 Parker, Flying Officer H., 72 Pasfield, Wing Commander D., 213 Pathfinder Force, 64 Payne, Flight Sergeant J ‘Tiger’, 55 Pearce, 45, 137 Pearce, Flight Lieutenant C., 46 Pearce, Senator George, 1, 37 Peary USS, 114, 116 Pedrina, Squadron Leader W.A., 125 Pell, Major Floyd, 116 Pellizzer, Warrant Officer A.G., 186 Pelly, Flight Lieutenant B.R., 79, 83 Pennycuick, Flight Lieutenant P.J.E., 122 Percival, Warrant Officer R.C., 101 Percy, Flight Sergeant C., 92 Peres, Lieutenant Jack, 116 Perrin, Flight Lieutenant J.R. ‘Jock’, 81 Perry, Lieutenant Elton, 116 Peter, Flight Lieutenant R.G., 62 Peters, Lieutenant G.C., 18 Peterson, Sergeant E.A., 112 Petre, H., 1, 4, 5, 6, 9 Pettett, Sergeant J.H.S., 121 Pfalz, 16, 18, 27 Pflaum, Lieutenant E.F., 27 Phillips, Flight Lieutenant A.J., 133 Pickard, Group Captain P.C., 76 Pike, Flying Officer F.W., 172 Pinches, Flight Lieutenant A.J., 185 Piper Cub, 158 Piper, Flight Lieutenant J., 121, 123 Plenty, Flight Lieutenant H., 110 Plenty, Pilot Officer B.R., 193 Podger, Flying Officer I., 46
237
Point Cook, 1, 2, 9, 19, 30, 32, 33, 35, 36, 45, 101, 156 Polluce, 98 Pope, Squadron Leader V.A., 83 Powers, Corporal N.E., 187 Price, G.J., 188 Prince of Wales, HMS, 110 Prior, Pilot Officer R.H., 90 Proctor, Pilot Officer, 98 Pruth, SS, 126 Purssey, Flight Lieutenant I.G.S., 168
Queen Mary, 103 Quinn, Flight Lieutenant M., 140 Quinn, Squadron Leader N., 125
RAAF Transport Flight Vietnam, 171 RAAF Transport Flight, Japan, 170 Rabaul, 3, 117, 118, 119 Ralfe, Captain H.D.F., 23 Ramsay, Flight Lieutenant E.G., 148, 167 Ramshaw, Flight Lieutenant J.C., 109 Ratten, Squadron Leader J.R., 70 Rawlings, Flight Sergeant B.E., 95 Rawlinson, Flying Officer A.C., 79; Flight Lieutenant, 82 Raymond, Flight Lieutenant R.G., 172 Rayner, Squadron Leader W.R., 178 RE-8, 14, 15, 16, 19, 20, 21, 23, 24 Read, Sergeant M.N., 111 Reading, Flying Officer L., 147, 148, 149, 159, 165 Rees, Flight Lieutenant H.S., 167 Regent Lion, 93 Reilly, Captain H.L., 4, 5, 7 Republic F-47 Thunderbolt, 145 Republic F-84 Thunderjet, 145, 164 Repulse, HMS, 47
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Reynolds, Wing Commander R.W., 77 Rice, Lieutenant Burt, 116 Richards, Flight Sergeant J., 92 Richmond, 41, 45, 79 Richtofen, Baron von, death of, 22 Riddell, Sergeant R., 123 Riggins, Lieutenant J.T., 71 Riley, Flight Lieutenant F.P., 177 Roberts, Flight Lieutenant A.C., 107 Roberts, Sergeant A.C., 67 Robertson, Squadron Leader C.W., 73 Robertson, Wing Commander K., 141 Robinson, Pilot Officer F.N., 61 Rochester, HMS, 49, 110 Roffe, Flying Officer B., 115 Roger, Wing Commander N.J.S., 201 Romani, Battle of, 9 Rommel, General Irwin, 80, 84 Rossiter, Flight Lieutenant G., 50 Rowland, Flight Lieutenant J., 168 Royal Military College, Duntroon, 1 Royal, Sergeant K., 193 Ruhr, Battle of the, 60 Rushton, Flight Lieutenant S., 193 Russell, Wing Commander, 94 Russia, 455 Squadron, operations in, 54 Rutherford, Captain D.W., 11–13 Rwanda, 199–201 Ryan, Senator Susan, 203 Ryan, Sergeant, 203 Ryan, Sergeant, 92
Sabina, 96 Sampson, Flight Lieutenant R.W., 76 Sandy, Lieutenant J.L., 21 Satrapa, Flight Lieutenant I.F., 179 Sattler, Flight Lieutenant G., 114 Saunders, Flying Officer J.H.W., 80 Scannell, Flight Lieutenant M., 165
Scharnhorst, German warship, 59 Schilling, Warrant Officer K.R., 133 Schubert, Sapper D., 177 Scott, Corporal D.S., 169 Scott, Flight Lieutenant K.B., 193 Scott, Flight Lieutenant Sally, 205 Scott, Flight Sergeant J.M., 91 Scott, Lieutenant W.N.E., 20 SE-5A, 16, 26, 28, 29, 30, 45 Sea Raven, USS, 115 Seagoe, Sergeant G.E.G., 111 Searle, Lieutenant A.H., 13 Seaton, Flying Officer J., 156 Sewell, Lieutenant F.A., 23 Shannon, Flight Lieutenant D., 65 Shapira, Lieutenant F.G., 20 Sharp, Sergeant, 204 Sharpe, Squadron Leader J., 118 Shaw, Sergeant R., 84 Shean, M., 189 Shearn, Flight Lieutenant H.V., 168 Shinnick, Wing Commander P., 211, 214 Shoho, Japanese aircraft carrier, 122 Shokaku, Japanese aircraft carrier, 122 Short ‘C’ Class Empire, 115, 118 Short Scion, 37–8 Short Skyvan, 194 Short Sunderland, 46–52 Shortland, A.E., 1 Shropshire, HMAS, 129 Simmmonds, Pilot Officer W.H. ‘Bill’, 167 Simms, Flight Lieutenant R, 40 Simons, Warrant Officer G., 93 Simpson, Flying Officer K., 52 Simpson, Sergeant N.R., 60 Sims, Flight Lieutenant V., 136 Sinai, 1984–86, 201–4 Sinclair, Corporal W.J., 22 Sloane, Air Mechanic W.D., 20 Sloss, Flight Sergeant J. McK, 9 Sly, Flight Lieutenant R.H.C., 69 Sly, Pilot Officer C., 145, 148, Pilot 3, 162; Sergeant, 163
INDEX SM79, 102 Small, Squadron Leader G.W., 86 Smith, Captain Ross, 16, 17, 18, 31, 32 Smith, Flight Lieutenant E., 51 Smith, Flight Lieutenant J.C., 129 Smith, Flight Lieutenant M.D., 156 Smith, Flight Lieutenant M.F., 62 Smith, Flight Sergeant, 132 Smith, Flight Sergeant C.I., 129 Smith, K., 31, 32 Smith, Sergeant E., 54 Smith, Squadron Leader D., 72 Smith-Barry, R., 30 Smithson, Flying Officer J.H., 131 Snell, Captain P.W., 11 Solomon Island aerial survey, 1926, 34–5 Somalia, 1992–94, 197–9 Somme, Battle of the, 19 Sopwith Camel, 26, 27, 28 Sopwith Snipe, 29 South Vietnam Caribou operations, 170–6 South Vietnam Canberra operations, 183–5 South Vietnam Ground operations, 187–9 South Vietnam Helicopter operations, 176–83 South Vietnam Support operations, 185–6 Southall, I., 53 SPAD XIII, 26 Spafford, Flying Officer F.M., 65 Spence, Flying Officer Lou, 88; Wing Commander, 158, 159, 160 Spurgeon, Flight Lieutenant C.D. ‘Spud’, 109 Squires, Sergeant S., 163 St John, Flight Lieutenant D., 107 Stalag Luft III, Sagan, 54 Steege, Squadron Leader G., 82; Wing Commander 165 Stephens, Corporal R.A., 180
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Stephens, Pilot 3 G.1., 162 Stephens, Squadron Leader A., 193 Stevens, Flight Lieutenant J.H., 63 Stevens, Flying Officer F., 74 Stewardson, Warrant Officer H.W., 107 Stickley, Flying Officer J., 75 Stirling, Flight Sergeant J.N., 128 Stone, Flight Lieutenant K., 191 Stoney, Sergeant A.T., 164 Stopford, J., 41 Storey, Pilot Officer W.J., 105–6 Storrer, Captain H.H., 20 Strange, Sergeant H., 163 Stratemeyer, Lieutenant General George E. USAF, 139 Strathaird, SS, 151 Stratheden, SS, 151 Street, Brigadier, Minister for the Army, 36 Streeter, Lieutenant H., 21 Strickland, Squadron Leader P., 97 Stroud, Squadron Leader G., 157, 159 Stuart, Sergeant A.R., 68 Stuckey, N., 37 Stutt, Captain W.J., 33 Sugden, Squadron Leader S.J., 171, 172, 173 Sullivan, Flight Lieutenant V., 122 Supermarine Seagull III, 39 Supermarine Seagull V, 41, 45, 118 Supermarine Southampton III, 37–8 Supermarine Spitfire, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 86, 130, 136, 152 Supermarine Swift, 148 Surman, Pilot Officer J.L., 167 Survey operations 1923–36, 38–41 Survey operations 1946–73, 153–5 Susans, Flying Officer M., 143 Susans, Wing Commander R.T. ‘Ron’, 166 Sutherland, Lieutenant L.W., 15 Swenning, Captain R.O., 71
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Sydney, HMAS, 176 Syrian campaign, 81–2
Tanais, 96–7 Taplin, Lieutenant L.T.E., 14 Tardent, Flying Officer M.R., 182 Tarrant, Lieutenant F.J., 21 Taylor, Corporal K., 84 Taylor, Corporal W.T., 35 Taylor, Lieutenant A.D., 23 Taylor, Lieutenant H., 25 Taylor, Lieutenant T., 13 Taylor, Sergeant ‘Shorty’, 93 Tennant, Lieutenant A.A., 71 Terry, Flying Officer L., 85 Thomas, Flight Lieutenant , 86 Thomas, Wing Commander C., 143 Thomassen, Captain Lyndon E. USAF, 163 Thompson, Flight Lieutenant E.C., 181 Thompson, Flight Lieutenant R., 119 Thompson, Flight Lieutenant R.J., 175, 180 Thompson, Sergeant B.L., 165 Thornton, Flying Officer G., 162 Thorold-Smith, Pilot Officer R.E., 67–8; Squadron Leader, 131 Thorpe, Pilot Officer T., 142 Tigris River, 4, 7, 9 Tirpitz German Warship, 54, 64 Tobruk, HMAS, 202 Townsend, Flying Officer B.C., 182 Townshend, Major General C.V.F., 4, 5, 6, 9 Toyoshima Hajime, Petty Officer, 117 Traill, Lieutenant J.H., 18 Training in England 1917–18, 30–1 Transall C-160, 210 Trebilco, Squadron Leader R., 152; Sergeant, 157, 162 Treloar, Lieutenant W.H., 4, 6
Treloar, Pilot Officer R.N., 179 Trist, Flight Sergeant L., 34 Truscott, Flight Lieutenant K. ‘Bluey’, 67–8, 124, 125 Tugan Gannet, 35, 41, 45 Tulloh, Warrant Officer C.R., 107 Turkish Seventh Army, destruction of, 17 Turnbull, Flying Officer P., 82; Flight Lieutenant, 121–4 Turner, Warrant Officer A.R., 168 Turner, Warrant Officer, 142 Tuscaloosa USS, 54
U-26, 49 U-300, 93 U-332, 51 U-461, 51 U-465, 50 U-48, 48 U-563, 51 U-97, 99 Ubon, 1962–68; deployment to, 151–3 Una, HMAS, 3 UNAMET, 209 UNTAET, 213 Utz, Squadron Leader E.A.G., 62
V2, 73 Vanderfield, Flight Lieutenant R.D., 111, 112, 113 Varney, Flight Sergeant L., 131 Vaughan, Sergeant V.O., 61 Vautin, Lieutenant C.H., 13 Vertican, Warrant Officer N., 94 VI, 72, 75, 76 Vickers Valetta, 146, 150 Vickers Vildebeeste, 109 Vickers Vimy, 32 Vickers Walrus, 47 Vickers Wellington, 59, 65, 90–3, 96
INDEX Vigors, Flight Lieutenant T., 110, 111 Volunteer Air Observers Corps, 137 Vought F-4U Corsair, 137, 145, 160, 161 Vought Kingfisher, 155 Vultee Vengeance, 128
Wackett Warrigal I & II, 45 Wackett Widgeon I & II, 45 Wackett, Flight Lieutenant E ‘Punch’, 39 Wackett, Flying Officer W., 120–1 Wackett, Lieutenant L.J., 10, 24, 44 Waddy, Squadron Leader J.L., 89 Wady Fara, 17 Wagner, Flight Lieutenant P.J.C., 194 Walker, Flight Lieutenant C., 52 Walker, Flight Sergeant I.R., 170 Walker, General W., US Army, 159 Walker, Lieutenant William, 116 Wallis, Barnes, 65 Wallis, Flying Officer, 86 Wanaka, 137 Ward, Aircraftman ‘Tubby’, 84 Warner, Wing Commander P.G.B., 94 Warring, Sergeant , 191 Waters, Squadron Leader A.L, 35; Wing Commander, 108; Group Captain, 130 Watson, Flight Sergeant D., 78 Watson, Sergeant B.A., 92 Watt, Captain Oswald, 1, 25, 30 Wavell, General, 79, 81 Weast, Lieutenant R.D., 71 Weber, Flying Officer E.H., 128 Wellington, operations of 458 Squadron in Mediterranean, 89–94 Western desert fighter operations 1939–43, 79–89 Western Front 1917–19, 19–30
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Westland Lysander, 79 Westland Wapiti, 37, 39–40, 44- 45 Westland Widgeon, 35, 36 Weymouth, Pilot Officer L.B., 148 Wheatley, Sergeant B., 91–2 Whelan, P., 37 Whitburn, Flight Sergeant ‘Shorty’, 56 White, Captain T.W., 2, 3, 4, 7, 8 White, Flight Lieutenant A.M., 111 White, Flight Lieutenant G.H., 129 White, General Sir Brudenel, 36 Widmer, Flight Lieutenant, R., 110 Wilkins, Sir Hubert, 44 Williams, Flight Lieutenant F.H., 111 Williams, Flying Officer ‘Dickie’, 74, 77 Williams, Flying Officer C., 65 Williams, Squadron Leader J.E.A., 87 Williams, Lieutenant R, 2, 3, 9; Colonel, 14, 16; Solomon’s survey, 34–5, 39, 40 Williamson, Air Chief Marshal Sir Keith, RAF, 169 Williamtown, 58, 69, 151 Wilmott, Lieutenant F.B., 27 Wilson, Sergeant R.K., 82 Wilson, Squadron Leader G., 205 Wilson, Wing Commander T.C.A., 201, 202, 204 Wingate, Brigadier Orde, 107 Wittman, Flying Officer Dick, 166 Wood, Air Commodore B., 216 Woodman, Leading Aircraftman A.P. ‘Woody’, 214 Woodward, Flying Officer H., 76 Woolhouse, Lieutenant F.S. Wright, Flight Lieutenant T.D., 183 Wright, Flight Lieutenant W.H., 69 Wright, Wing Commander F.N., 108 Wrigley, Lieutenant H.N., 20, 21; Captain, 32; Air Vice Marshal, 100 Wruck, Flight Lieutenant M.J., 202 Wyatt Earp, 44, 155
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Yamamoto, Admiral, Japanese Navy, 127 Yarra, ‘Bob’, 72 Yarra, Flight Lieutenant J.W. ‘Slim’, 70 Yeates-Brown, Captain F.C.C., 7, 8 Yeowart, Flight Lieutenant R.A., 117–18
Yorktown USS, 122 Young, Wing Commander R.H., 75 Ypres, Third Battle of, 20
Zarian, 49 Zegers, Leading Aircraftman, R., 179, 180