Berkshire Encyclopedia of World Sport (4 Volume Set)

BE R K S H I R E E N C Y C L OP E DI A O F

World Sport

BE R K S H I R E E N C Y C L OP E DI A O F

World Sport VOLUME

2

David Levinson and Karen Christensen Editors

BERKSHIRE PUBLISHING GROUP

Great Barrington, Massachusetts U.S.A.

www.iWorldSport.com

Copyright © 2005 by Berkshire Publishing Group LLC All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or by any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. For information: Berkshire Publishing Group LLC 314 Main Street Great Barrington, Massachusetts 01230 www.berkshirepublishing.com Printed in the United States of America Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Berkshire encyclopedia of world sport / David Levinson and Karen Christensen, general editors. p. cm. Summary: “Covers the whole world of sport, from major professional sports and sporting events to community and youth sport, as well as the business of sports and key social issues”—Provided by publisher. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-9743091-1-7 1. Sports—Encyclopedias. I. Levinson, David, 1947- II. Christensen, Karen, 1957GV567.B48 2005 796.03--dc22 2005013050

Editorial and Production Staff Project Director David Levinson

Designers Joseph DiStefano and Linda Weidemann

Editorial and Production Staff Rachel Christensen, Tom Christensen, Elizabeth Eno, Jess LaPointe, Courtney Linehan, Marcy Ross, Gabby Templet

Printers Thomson-Shore

Photo Coordinator Joseph DiStefano

Composition Artists Brad Walrod and Linda Weidemann Production Coordinator Marcy Ross

Copy Editors Eileen Clawson, Robin Gold, Mike Nichols, Carol Parikh, Mark Siemens, Daniel Spinella

Proofreaders Mary Bagg, Eileen Clawson, and Elizabeth Larson

Information Management and Programming Trevor Young

Indexers Peggy Holloway and Barbara Lutkins

Editorial Board Editors

Editorial Board

David Levinson Karen Christensen Berkshire Publishing Group

Edward Beauchamp, University of Hawaii Jay Coakley, University of Colorado, Colorado Springs Allen Guttmann, Amherst College Leslie Heywood, State University of New York, Binghamton Gertrud Pfister, University of Copenhagen, Denmark Roland Renson, Katholieke Universiteit Leuven, Belgium Allen L. Sack, University of New Haven Thierry Terret, University of Lyon, France Wayne Wilson, Amateur Athletic Foundation

Contents List of Entries, ix Reader’s Guide, xiii

Entries volume i: Academies and Camps, Sport–Dance 2

volume ii: DanceSport–Kinesiology 443

volume iii: Kite Sports–Sexual Harassment 903

volume iv: Sexuality–Youth Sports 1357 Index

1751

VII

List of Entries Academies and Camps, Sport Adapted Physical Education Adventure Education Aerobics Aesthetics African Games Agents AIDS and HIV Aikido All England Lawn Tennis and Croquet Club Alternative Sports Amateur vs. Professional Debate American Sports Exceptionalism American Youth Soccer Organization (AYSO) America’s Cup Anemia Animal Rights Anthropology Days Anti-Jock Movement Arab Games Archery Argentina Arm Wrestling Art Ascot Ashes, The Asian Games Astrodome

Athletes as Celebrities Athletes as Heroes Athletic Talent Migration Athletic Training Australia Australian Rules Football Austria Auto Racing Badminton Ballooning Baseball Baseball Nicknames Baseball Stadium Life Baseball Wives Basketball Baton Twirling Beauty Belgium Biathlon and Triathlon Billiards Biomechanics Biotechnology Bislett Stadium Boat Race (Cambridge vs. Oxford) Boating, Ice Bobsledding Body Image Bodybuilding Bondi Beach

Boomerang Throwing Boston Marathon Bowls and Bowling Boxing Brand Management Brazil British Open Bulgaria Bullfighting Burnout Buzkashi Cameroon Camogie Canada Canoeing and Kayaking Capoeira Carnegie Report Carriage Driving Central American and Caribbean Games Cheerleading Child Sport Stars China Clubsport Systems Coaching Coeducational Sport Coliseum (Rome) Collective Bargaining College Athletes IX

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BERKSHIRE ENCYCLOPEDIA OF WORLD SPORT

Commercialization of College Sports Commodification and Commercialization Commonwealth Games Community Competition Competitive Balance Cooperation Country Club Cricket Cricket World Cup Croquet Cross-Country Running Cuba Cultural Studies Theory Curling Cycling Czech Republic Dance DanceSport Darts Davis Cup Deaflympics Denmark Diet and Weight Loss Disability Sport Disordered Eating Diving Drake Group Duathlon East Germany Economics and Public Policy Egypt Eiger North Face Elfstedentocht Elite Sports Parents Endorsements Endurance Environment

ESPN Euro 2004 European Football Championship Eurosport Exercise and Health Extreme Sports Extreme Surfing Facility Management Facility Naming Rights Falconry Family Involvement Fan Loyalty Fantasy Sports Fashion Feminist Perspective Fencing Fenway Park Finland Fishing Fitness Fitness Industry Floorball Flying Folk Sports Footbag Football Football, Canadian Football, Flag Football, Gaelic Foro Italico Foxhunting France Franchise Relocation Free Agency Games of the New Emerging Forces (GANEFO) Gay Games Gender Equity Gender Verification Germany

Globalization Goalball Golf Greece Greece, Ancient Growth and Development Gymnastics, Apparatus Gymnastics, Rhythmic Handball, Team Hang Gliding Hazing Henley Regatta Heptathlon Highland Games Hockey, Field Hockey, Ice Hockey, In-line Holmenkollen Ski Jump Holmenkollen Sunday Home Field Advantage Homophobia Honduras Horse Racing Horseback Riding Human Movement Studies Hungary Hunting Hurling Iditarod India Indianapolis 500 Injuries, Youth Injury Injury Risk in Women’s Sport Innebandy Interallied Games Intercollegiate Athletics International Olympic Academy International Politics Internet

LIST OF ENTRIES

Interpretive Sociology Iran Ireland Ironman Triathlon Islamic Countries’ Women’s Sports Solidarity Games Israel Italy Jamaica Japan Japanese Martial Arts, Traditional Jogging Jousting Judo Jujutsu Karate Karting Kendo Kenya Kinesiology Kite Sports Koreas Korfball Lacrosse Lake Placid Law Le Mans Lesbianism Lifeguarding Literature Lord’s Cricket Ground Luge Maccabiah Games Madison Square Garden Magazines Management Maple Leaf Gardens Maracana Stadium

Marathon and Distance Running Marketing Mascots Masculinity Masters Media-Sports Complex Memorabilia Industry Mental Conditioning Mesoamerican Ball Court Games Mexico Mixed Martial Arts Motivation Motorboat Racing Motorcycle Racing Mount Everest Mountain Biking Mountaineering Movies Multiculturalism Naginata Narrative Theory Native American Games and Sports Netball Netherlands New Zealand Newspapers Nextel (Winston) Cup Nigeria Norway Nutrition Officiating Olympia Olympic Stadium (Berlin), 1936 Olympics, 2004 Olympics, Summer Olympics, Winter Orienteering Osteoporosis Ownership

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Pain Pan American Games Parachuting Paralympics Pebble Beach Pelota Pentathlon, Modern Performance Performance Enhancement Personality Physical Education Pilates Play vs. Organized Sport Play-by-Play Announcing Poland Polo Polo, Bicycle Polo, Water Portugal Postmodernism Powerlifting Prayer Professionalism Psychology Psychology of Gender Differences Race Walking Racism Racquetball Radio Religion Reproduction Revenue Sharing Ringette Rituals Rodeo Romania Rome, Ancient Rope Jumping Rounders and Stoolball Rowing Rugby

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Russia and USSR Ryder Cup Sail Sports Sailing Salary Caps Scholar-Baller School Performance Scotland Senegal Senior Sport Sepak Takraw Sex and Performance Sexual Harassment Sexuality Shinty Shooting Silat Singapore Skateboarding Skating, Ice Figure Skating, Ice Speed Skating, In-line Skating, Roller Ski Jumping Skiing, Alpine Skiing, Cross-Country Skiing, Freestyle Skiing, Water Sled Dog Racing Sledding—Skeleton Snowboarding Snowshoe Racing Soaring Soccer Social Class Social Constructivism Social Identity Softball South Africa South East Asian Games

Spain Special Olympics Spectator Consumption Behavior Spectators Speedball Sponsorship Sport and National Identity Sport as Religion Sport as Spectacle Sport Politics Sport Science Sport Tourism Sporting Goods Industry Sports Medicine Sportsmanship Sportswriting and Reporting Squash St. Andrews St. Moritz Stanley Cup Strength Stress Sumo Sumo Grand Tournament Series Super Bowl Surf Lifesaving Surfing Sweden Swimming Swimming, Synchronized Switzerland Table Tennis Taekwando Tai Chi Technology Tennis Title IX Tour de France

Track and Field—Jumping and Throwing Track and Field—Running and Hurdling Tug of War Turkey Turner Festivals Ultimate Underwater Sports Unionism United Kingdom Values and Ethics Venice Beach Violence Volleyball Volleyball, Beach Wakeboarding Weightlifting Wembley Stadium Wimbledon Windsurfing Women’s Sports, Media Coverage of Women’s World Cup Worker Sports World Cup World Series World University Games Wrestling Wrigley Field Wushu X Games Yankee Stadium Yoga Youth Culture and Sport Youth Sports

Reader’s Guide College Sports Amateur vs. Professional Debate Carnegie Report College Athletes Drake Group Intercollegiate Athletics Racism Title IX

Culture of Sport Adapted Physical Education Adventure Education Athletes as Celebrities Athletes as Heroes Baseball Stadium Life Baseball Nicknames Baseball Wives Burnout Clubsport Systems Coaching Coeducational Sport Fan Loyalty Gender Verification Hazing Home Field Advantage Homophobia Mascots Mental Conditioning Motivation Multiculturalism

Officiating Performance Enhancement Personality Professionalism Rituals Sex and Performance Spectators Sport as Religion Sport as Spectacle Sport Politics Sportsmanship

Events African Games America’s Cup Anthropology Days Arab Games Ashes, The Asian Games Boat Race (Cambridge vs. Oxford) Boston Marathon British Open Central American and Caribbean Games Commonwealth Games Cricket World Cup Davis Cup Deaflympics Elfstedentocht Euro 2004

European Football Championship Games of the New Emerging Forces (GANEFO) Gay Games Henley Regatta Highland Games Holmenkollen Sunday Iditarod Indianapolis 500 Interallied Games Ironman Triathlon Islamic Countries’ Women’s Sports Solidarity Games Le Mans Maccabiah Games Masters Nextel (Winston) Cup Olympics, 2004 Olympics, Summer Olympics, Winter Pan American Games Paralympics Ryder Cup South East Asian Games Special Olympics Stanley Cup Sumo Grand Tournament Series Super Bowl Tour de France Turner Festivals XIII

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Wimbledon Women’s World Cup World Cup World Series World University Games X Games

Health and Fitness Aerobics AIDS and HIV Anemia Athletic Training Biomechanics Biotechnology Diet and Weight Loss Disordered Eating Endurance Exercise and Health Fitness Fitness Industry Injury Injury Risk in Women’s Sport Jogging Nutrition Osteoporosis Pain Performance Pilates Reproduction Sports Medicine Strength Stress Tai Chi Yoga

Media ESPN Eurosport Internet Magazines Media-Sports Complex Newspapers

Play-by-Play Announcing Radio Sportswriting and Reporting Women’s Sports, Media Coverage of

National Profiles Argentina Australia Austria Belgium Brazil Bulgaria Cameroon Canada China Cuba Czech Republic Denmark East Germany Egypt Finland France Germany Greece Greece, Ancient Honduras Hungary India Iran Ireland Israel Italy Jamaica Japan Kenya Koreas Mexico Netherlands New Zealand Nigeria Norway

Poland Portugal Romania Rome, Ancient Russia and USSR Scotland Senegal Singapore South Africa Spain Sweden Switzerland Turkey United Kingdom

Paradigms and Perspectives Cultural Studies Theory Feminist Perspective Human Movement Studies Interpretive Sociology Kinesiology Narrative Theory Physical Education Postmodernism Social Constructivism Sport Science

Sports Industry Agents Athletic Talent Migration Brand Management Collective Bargaining Commodification and Commercialization Competitive Balance Endorsements Facility Management Facility Naming Rights Fashion Franchise Relocation Free Agency

READER’S GUIDE

Management Marketing Memorabilia Industry Ownership Revenue Sharing Salary Caps Spectator Consumption Behavior Sponsorship Sport Tourism Sporting Goods Industry Unionism

Sport in Society Aesthetics American Sports Exceptionalism Animal Rights Art Beauty Body Image Commercialization Community Competition Cooperation Country Club Economics and Public Policy Environment Gender Equity Globalization International Politics Law Lesbianism Literature Masculinity Movies Prayer Psychology Psychology of Gender Differences Religion Scholar-Baller Sexual Harassment Sexuality Social Class

Social Identity Sport and National Identity Technology Values and Ethics Violence

Sports—Air Ballooning Flying Hang Gliding Kite Sports Parachuting Soaring

Sports—Animal Bullfighting Buzkashi Carriage Driving Falconry Foxhunting Horse Racing Horseback Riding Hunting Jousting Polo Rodeo

Sports—Ball Basketball Bowls and Bowling Floorball Footbag Goalball Handball, Team Korfball Mesoamerican Ball Court Games Pelota Netball Volleyball Volleyball, Beach Sepak takraw Speedball

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Sports—Body Movement and Strength Baton Twirling Bodybuilding Capoeira Cheerleading Dance DanceSport Gymnastics, Apparatus Gymnastics, Rhythmic Powerlifting Rope Jumping Tug of War Weightlifting

Sports—Combative and Martial Aikido Archery Arm Wrestling Boxing Bullfighting Buzkashi Fencing Japanese Martial Arts, Traditional Jousting Judo Jujutsu Karate Kendo Mixed Martial Arts Naginata Shooting Silat Sumo Taekwando Wrestling Wushu

Sports—Environmental Fishing Hunting

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Foxhunting Mountaineering Orienteering

Sledding—Skeleton Snowboarding Snowshoe Racing

Sports—Field

Sports—Mechanized and Motor

Australian Rules Football Camogie Football Football, Canadian Football, Flag Football, Gaelic Hockey, Field Hurling Innebandy Lacrosse Rugby Shinty Soccer

Auto Racing Carriage Driving Cycling Hockey, In-line Karting Motorboat Racing Motorcycle Racing Mountain Biking Polo, Bicycle Skateboarding Skating, In-line Skating, Roller

Sports—General

Sports—Mixed

Alternative Sports Disability Sport Fantasy Sports Folk Sports Native American Games and Sports Senior Sport Worker Sports

Biathlon and Triathlon Duathlon Extreme Sports Heptathlon Pentathlon, Modern

Sports—Ice and Snow Boating, Ice Bobsledding Curling Hockey, Ice Luge Skating, Ice Figure Skating, Ice Speed Ski Jumping Skiing, Alpine Skiing, Cross-Country Skiing, Freestyle Sled Dog Racing

Sports—Racket Badminton Racquetball Squash Table Tennis Tennis

Sports—Running and Jumping Cross-Country Running Heptathlon Marathon and Distance Running Race Walking Track and Field—Running and Hurdling

Sports—Stick and Ball Baseball Billiards Cricket Croquet Golf Rounders and Stoolball Softball

Sports—Throwing Boomerang Throwing Darts Heptathlon Ultimate Track and Field—Jumping and Throwing

Sports—Water Canoeing and Kayaking Diving Extreme Surfing Lifeguarding Polo, Water Rowing Sail Sports Sailing Skiing, Water Surf Lifesaving Surfing Swimming Swimming, Synchronized Underwater Sports Wakeboarding Windsurfing

Venues All England Lawn Tennis and Croquet Club Ascot Astrodome Bislett Stadium Bondi Beach

READER’S GUIDE

Coliseum (Rome) Eiger North Face Fenway Park Foro Italico Holmenkollen Ski Jump International Olympic Academy Lake Placid Lord’s Cricket Ground Madison Square Garden Maple Leaf Gardens Maracana Stadium Mount Everest Olympia

Olympic Stadium (Berlin), 1936 Pebble Beach St. Andrews St. Moritz Venice Beach Wembley Stadium Wrigley Field Yankee Stadium

Youth Sports Academies and Camps, Sport American Youth Soccer Organization (AYSO)

Anti-Jock Movement Child Sport Stars Elite Sports Parents Family Involvement Growth and Development Injuries, Youth Play vs. Organized Sport School Performance Youth Culture and Sport Youth Sports

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DANCESPORT

DanceSport

T

he history of ballroom dancing competitions can be traced to pre–World War I days, and its popularity has increased over the years, most dramatically in the 1990s. DanceSport, the competitive version of ballroom dancing, requires athletic skills, combined with required techniques, floorcraft, and artistic interpretation, to produce a disciplined dance performance. Competitions involve couples, or groups of couples combining as a team, and a panel of judges evaluates competitors. DanceSport attracts equal numbers of men and women, thus eliminating gender bias. DanceSport is currently practiced on all five continents, from young children to older adults. The International DanceSport Federation (IDSF) is the governing body for DanceSport, and in 2004, there were eighty-one national DanceSport federations, representing more than four million athletes throughout the world. Forty-six of the eighty-one national DanceSport federations have been recognized by their national Olympic committees. DanceSport proponents are pushing to make it an Olympic sport. Modern ballroom dancing has its origins in the dance styles of medieval Europe. From the choral dance of the Middle Ages emerged the practice of dancing in couples, leading to the popular court dances of Renaissance Europe. The stately minuet made its debut in the early 1700s, but the waltz changed couple dancing forever. Known as wild and risqué, it became the rage throughout Germany in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. The waltz was not, however, readily accepted everywhere. Eventually, English society accepted it, and both France and Austria followed their neighbor’s lead; the waltz (notably the Vienna Waltz of Austria’s capital city) became the classical, whirling favorite of European ballrooms. Other countries contributed dances to the ballroom genre during the first half of the twentieth century, including Argentina (tango); United States (foxtrot,

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swing); England (quickstep); Cuba (rumba, cha cha cha); and Brazil (samba).

Developing Associations Ballroom dancing competitions occurred as early as pre–World War I in European cities such as Paris and Berlin. These competitions were private because no international organizations for either amateurs or professionals existed. The first international amateur association was formed in 1935 in Prague; this Federation Internationale de Dance pour Amateurs (FIDA) was active until the outbreak of World War II in 1939. In 1950, the first professional dance organization, the International Council of Ballroom Dancing (ICBD), was formed in Edinburgh, Scotland. Because the interests of FIDA and ICBD were so diverse, the two organizations did not cooperate, and FIDA ceased its activities by 1956. A core of dedicated amateurs founded the International Council of Amateur Dancers (ICAD) in 1957 in Wiesbaden, Germany, with the approval of ICBD. By 1958, fourteen national organizations from twelve countries claimed membership in this new amateur organization. In 1990, the ICAD changed its name to the IDSF, primarily so that ballroom dancing could become recognized by the International Olympic Committee (IOC) as a sport and gain entry into the Olympic Games. In North America, the United States Amateur Ballroom Dancers Association (USABDA) was formed in 1965. Its membership doubled in the late 1980s, and by 1987 IDSF had designated USABDA as the sole governing body for ballroom dancing in the United States. Currently, USA DanceSport (the competitive arm of USABDA) is the title recognized by the U.S. Olympic Committee. In the early 1990s, many changes occurred: ■

■

■

Eastern European and Asian countries added to the growing IDSF membership. In 1995, IDSF was granted provisional federation status by the International Olympic Committee. In 1997, IDSF was welcomed into the Olympic family as a fully recognized federation.

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BERKSHIRE ENCYCLOPEDIA OF WORLD SPORT

A dance team performing the salsa. Source: istockphoto/StyleP.

The IDSF goal is acceptance into the Olympic Games for the 2012 Olympic Games. No new sports were admitted for the Athens 2004 or the Beijing 2008 Olympic Games. DanceSport athletes, under the auspices of IDSF, competed in a full program of competitions at the 1997 and 2001 World Games in Finland and Japan, respectively. In 2005, DanceSport athletes will compete at the World Games in Germany. The World Games were established in the 1970s to showcase the world’s best athletes in those sports not yet included in the Olympic Games. The Asian Games also included DanceSport for the first time in Thailand in 1998, then again in South Korea in 2002. The current level of interest worldwide continues to expand, and IDSF touts the following reasons to include DanceSport in the Olympic Games: ■ ■ ■ ■

■

The event has 100 percent gender parity No major venue construction is needed. The event would attract television viewers. A maximum of 160 participants (including athletes, judges, coaches, and officials) are required Olympic competition would take only two days to complete.

What Is DanceSport? The focus of DanceSport is to create opportunities for individuals of all ages to participate in DanceSport competitions as well as in social ballroom dancing. This activity brings physical, social, and mental benefits to participants; it requires discipline and teamwork and breeds self-confidence. Supporters promote ballroom dance and DanceSport in elementary and secondary schools, at the college/university level, and in clubs to ensure the future of DanceSport.

Competition at the Top IDSF World DanceSport Championships are held in the following categories: ■

■

■

■

Standard: waltz, tango, Viennese waltz, slow foxtrot, quickstep Latin-American: samba, cha cha cha, rumba, paso doble, jive Ten Dance: all those listed in Standard and LatinAmerican Rock ’n’ Roll: rock ’n’ roll, boogie woogie, Lindy hop

The Standard and Latin-American sections include competition for both couples and formation teams. Teams consist of either six or eight couples dancing to choreography and music of their own choosing. The Ten Dance section is for couples only. Judging is done by elimination rounds, and the final round usually consists of six couples.

The Future If the increasing number of DanceSport competitions worldwide is any indication of the sport’s future, there is a robust outlook for DanceSport. Among youth, senior, and open competitions, there exists something for

DARTS

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[Darts] is a game to play with the golden glow of beer in one’s brain, to the sound of tinkling glasses. ■ RUPERT CROFT-COOKE

everyone. DanceSport competitions are now included on the IOC website (sporting events calendar), and the IOC Programme Commission continues to note global participation and direct emphasis on development of youth as two essential criteria for the addition of any future Olympic sport. One of the newest IDSF members, as of 2005, is the Federation of DanceSport South Africa (FEDANSA), which received full recognition as the sole governing body for DanceSport from the National Olympic Committee of South Africa. This is one more “feather in the cap” for the future of DanceSport.

Governing Bodies Governing organizations include the International DanceSport Federation (IDSF) (www.idsf.net); and the United States Amateur Ballroom Dancers Association (USABDA, www.usabda.org)—also known as USA DanceSport. Elizabeth A. Hanley

Further Reading DanceSport Today. (2005). Retrieved February 7, 2005, from http:// www.idsf.net/dancesport _ today/idsf _ dancesport _ today.htm Danceweek. (2005). Retrieved February 7, 2005, from http://www. ballroom.org/danceweek.htm Rushing, S., & Macmillan, P. (1997). Ballroom dance. Dubuque, IA: Eddie Bowers.

Darts

D

arts is one of the oldest established English pub games that, since the late 1970s, has become one of the most popular indoor sports in the world. Darts has been considered as a derivative of javelins, crossbow bolts, and archery. The most likely scenario is that the game has its roots in archery. The earliest type of dartboard was a concentric target, a miniature form of the archery target. Moreover, darts is most commonly known in England as “arrows”—a possible, if tenuous link to its origins as a target sport.

Darts can be played alone, in pairs, or by teams. It has no restrictions in terms of gender, ability or disability, size, height, or ethnic origin.The standard game is 501. In this each player must reduce the score of 501 to zero and finish on a double (if a player has 16 points left, the player should hit a “double” 8 to win, for example). All that any player requires is a set of darts and a dartboard. Darts can be played anywhere—in the home, in the garage, on board ship, indoors or outdoors.

The History of Darts Up until the early part of the twentieth century, darts existed in disparate forms across parts of England, the only matches taking place being either “in-house” or friendly matches between teams from taverns that were close to each other. (The cost of transportation was prohibitive at that time.) However, after the Great War, the first brewery leagues appeared and grew to such an extent that, in 1924, the National Darts Association (NDA) was founded in London. The NDA standardized the sport and introduced the first national rules and regulations. Such was the popularity of this “new” sport that in 1927 the News of the World—an extremely popular British Sunday newspaper—sponsored what was to become the News of the World Individual Darts Championship. The newspaper provided “a silver cup and many other prizes” while the organization of the event was the responsibility of the NDA. For the first year the championship was held only in the London area, but by the end of the 1930s, it had expanded to cover most of England. Such was the enthusiasm of brewers and the dart-playing public for the game that by the 1930s it had become a popular national recreation in England and parts of Wales. An indication of the popularity of the sport in England and Wales alone is that the number of entrants for the 1938–1939 News of the World competition was in excess of 280,000. Participants came from all classes, and interest in the game by women increased substantially when Queen Elizabeth, the Queen Mother, played a game of darts in a worker’s social center in Slough, Buckinghamshire, England, in

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BERKSHIRE ENCYCLOPEDIA OF WORLD SPORT

Queen Elizabeth, the Queen Mother, plays darts at a social center in Slough, Berkshire, England, in December 1937. Source: Patrick Chaplin.

1937. Regrettably, one of the downsides of the increasing popularity of the sport was that darts often ousted existing pub games such as skittle and rings (indoor quoits), some of them disappearing forever. In addition, the development of darts by “southerners” in the form of the NDA based in London, found some resistance in places in the north of England, such as Manchester, where the smaller Manchester “log-end” dartboard was played on and where it still holds sway to this day.

Dart playing boosted morale in the armed forces during World War II. It was played in the officers’ mess and even in some prisoner of war camps, where the playing of darts reminded the prisoners of what they might be doing if they were at home—that is “down the pub, playing darts.” The rules tended to be those of the News of the World competition. By the middle of the war, darts was standard issue in the Navy, Army and Air Force Institutes (NAAFI) sports packs issued to troops. American soldiers visiting England took darts home with them and generated substantial interest in this “olde English” pastime that up until that time was little played in the United States.

participation were still extremely high, between 3 and 4 million in England alone. The NDAGB did outstanding work during this time both in establishing county leagues and organizing top competitions, such as the NODOR Fours for its sponsor the NODOR Dartboard Company. In the 1960s darts appeared on TV in Britain for the first time, but not until the establishment of the British Darts Organization (BDO) in 1973 and the introduction of split-screen technology did darts really take hold in Britain. The rest of the world followed. The Embassy World Professional Darts Championship—the most sought after trophy in the sport—was established in 1978.The Embassy—now renamed the Lakeside World Championship following the government’s ban on tobacco advertising in 2003—remains the key darting event seen on non-satellite TV in the U.K..

P OSTWAR GROWTH

WHO RULES THE GAME?

The News of the World Individual Darts Championship was revived in 1947–1948, this time on a national basis, and continued to be described as “the championship every dart player wants to win” until its demise in the 1990s. The end of the war also saw the return of The People National Team Championships (first played for in 1938–1939). However, the original National Darts Association did not survive the war. Although a number of attempts were made to introduce another national, controlling agency, nothing firm was realized until 1954 when The People—another national U.K. Sunday newspaper—supported the setting up of the National Darts Association of Great Britain (NDAGB). The 1950s and 1960s were decades when darts maintained a fairly low profile even though levels of

With the television companies and a multitude of sponsors on board, the late 1970s and 1980s saw the creation of the first household names—the first darts “stars”—including Eric Bristow, John Lowe, Alan Evans, Jocky Wilson, and Leighton Rees. In 1993 sixteen so-called rebel professionals, who wanted more say in the future of the sport, broke away from the ranks of the BDO and were from then on represented by the World Darts Council (WDC). This action by the players eventually led to the two organizations going to court in 1997 and the arguments primarily related to alleged restriction of trade being settled in the Tomlin Order. The establishment of the World Darts Council (now the Professional Darts Corporation—PDC) following

DARTS IN WORLD WAR II

DAVIS CUP

the “great split” of 1993 took darts in a new direction. This has resulted in the introduction of key, high-profile competitions, including the World Matchplay, Grand Prix, and the World Championship. Meanwhile, the BDO continues to provide support to the grassroots of the sport, to the youth and women’s game, and at the same time it has managed to introduce a number of new major competitions. However, despite the Tomlin Order, the BDO and the PDC—although between them they control the future of the sport—maintain a distance between each other that appears unlikely to be breached any time soon.

Governing Body The primarily governing bodies are the British Darts Organization (www.bdodarts.com) and the Professional Darts Corporation (www.planetdarts.co.uk). Patrick Chaplin

Further Reading Brown, D. (1981). The Guinness book of darts. Enfield, UK: Guinness Superlatives. Chaplin, P. (2004). Darts history. Retrieved November 26, 2004, from http://www.patrickchaplin.com/ McClintock, J. (1977). The book of darts. New York: Random House. Peek, D. W. (2001). To the point—The story of darts in America. Columbia, MI: Totem Pointe. Taylor, A. R. (1992). The Guinness book of traditional pub games. Enfield, UK: Guinness Publishing. Turner, K. (1980). Darts—The complete book of the game. Newton Abbot, UK: David & Charles.

Davis Cup

T

he Davis Cup, technically the International Tennis Federation (ITF) Team Championship for men, is the largest annual international tennis team competition. The event was established in 1899 by Dwight Filley Davis (1879–1945), a twenty-year-old Harvard University student from St. Louis. When commenced in 1900, the event was intended to be a challenge be-

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tween the United States and the British Isles. Today, the Davis Cup has become the indisputable prime event of international team tennis. In 2001, a record 142 nations entered the Davis Cup competition. Through 2004, the championship had been held ninety-three times; the only interruption to this annual competition was two world wars and a hiatus in 1901 and again in 1910.

The Beginning Like most other American sports, tennis in America has a British origin with upper-class trappings. The Lawn Tennis Championships at Wimbledon were established in 1877 as a result of garden parties of the British social elites. Nearly a quarter century later, a wealthy young American founded the Davis Cup, which would become another symbol in the world of elite sports. Dwight Filley Davis was born into a wealthy family in St. Louis, Missouri, in 1879. At age eighteen, Davis went to Boston and began his college education at Harvard University. The horizon of Davis’s life, however, spread beyond the famed Cambridge campus. Before long the young Missourian found himself much more interested in the sporting opportunities among Boston Brahmins than the quality education that Harvard offered. Harvard, meanwhile, was engaged in the first intercollegiate athletic competition in a crew meet with Yale and was responsible for adopting the game of rugby, which evolved into American football. Interestingly, the most prestigous institute of American higher education in the eve of the twentieth century bred more tennis enthusiasts than rowers and football players. Boston was the hotbed of American lawn tennis, and college men of the Northeast, many of them from Harvard, dominated the American game. Davis was one of the greatest athletes that Harvard had ever produced. By 1899, Davis had established himself as the second-highest-ranked player in the United States. That year, he commissioned Boston jeweler Shreve, Crump & Low to produce a $1,000 silver trophy for an international tennis championship. It was designed by Rowland Rhodes and crafted by William B.

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BERKSHIRE ENCYCLOPEDIA OF WORLD SPORT

Davis Cup Winners of the Davis Cup COUNTRY

# OF WINS

United States Australia France Great Britain Sweden Australasia* Germany Spain Czechoslovakia Italy Russia South Africa

31 24 9 9 8 4 3 2 1 1 1 1

*Australia and New Zealand competing as one country

Durgin’s silverware manufacturers in Concord, New Hampshire. When completed in 1900, the beautiful silver trophy, in the shape of a punch bowl, stood 33 centimeters high and 46 centimeters across at the top, and weighed 6.1 kilograms. Davis’s proposal to establish the championship earned the support of the United States National Lawn Tennis Association and met enthusiastic response from the British. The first Davis Cup was subsequently arranged and held at Boston’s Longwood Cricket Club in early August 1900. The U.S. team, captained by Davis, defeated the British Isles 3-0 and became the first Davis Cup winner. The first three years (1900, 1902, 1903) of the event were held as Davis had hoped— team tennis challenges between the United States and the British Isles. But in 1904 Belgium and France also joined the competition. By the end of the first decade, newcomer Australasia (a combined team of Australia and New Zealand) had taken over as the new owner of the Davis Cup. World War I was the first major interruption of the Cup when it was canceled between 1915 and 1918. The 1920s began with a U.S. dominance of the championship epitomized by the stardom of Bill Tilden

(1893–1953). Tilden not only led the U.S. team to seven consecutive wins of the Davis Cup (1920–1926) and dominated the tennis scene of the decade, but his flamboyant style of play helped to propel tennis into a major spectator sport. In 1923 the ITF revised the championship structure by dividing the world into two zones—American and European—to accommodate the increasing number of participating nations. America’s reign of the Davis Cup in the 1920s ended in 1927 when a more balanced and well-trained French team took the championship title. The fabulous French team, better known as the “Four Musketeers,” not only brought the Davis Cup to their home soil, but kept the championship round as a fixture of the Paris scene for six years, until Great Britain recaptured the cup in 1933. With the exception of Japan in 1921, no teams other than the United States, Great Britain, Australasia, and France ever made it to the challenge round of the Davis Cup in its first six decades.

The Postwar Era Like most other international sporting events, the Davis Cup was canceled during World War II, between 1940 and 1945. After it was reinstated in 1946, the United States won the championship four consecutive times. The postwar era of the Davis Cup, nevertheless, belonged to the team Down Under. Under the legendary coach Harry Hopman (1906–1985), Australia won fifteen Cup titles in eighteen years between 1950 and 1967. Australia also competed in twenty-five consecutive championship rounds and was victorious sixteen times between 1938 and 1968. The increasing popularity of the Davis Cup with a growing number of participating nations led to several structural changes of the event, most drastically in 1972, when the traditional challenge round was abolished. All nations, including the standing champion, were required to play in the elimination rounds in their respective zones: American (north and south sections), Eastern (A and B sections), and European (A and B sections). In 1981 the World Group was established. Only

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sixteen nations that had entered this group were eligible annually to compete for the Cup itself. Remaining countries would engage in regional (“zonal”) competition with the possibility of being promoted to the World Group the following year, replacing four first-round World Group losers who were relegated to zonal play. The structural changes since 1972 eliminated the privilege of the reigning champion for an automatic seat in the championship round. Consequently, a nation’s chance to retain its championship title was greatly reduced. The Davis Cup in the first three quarters of the century was dominated by four nations: the United States, Australia, Great Britain, and France. Since 1974, seven new nations have joined the champion’s list: South Africa, Sweden, Italy, Czechoslovakia, Germany, Spain, and Russia. For seven decades, the Davis Cup competition was confined to amateur athletes. In 1969, professional players associated with their national federations became eligible. Finally in 1973, the Davis Cup became an open event to all players. Currently, the format for a match (or tie) is a best-offive series over three days with four singles and one doubles. A team may be composed of a minimum of three and a maximum of four players, with two designated singles players. The number one computer-ranked player of a country will face the number two player of the other country on the first day with the opponents reversed on the third day. A draw determines who plays the first match each day. Nations visit one another for matches, a scheduling formula determining which of two opponents has choice of ground. Ying Wushanley

Further Reading Barrett, J. (Ed.). (1995). World of tennis. London: Collins Willow. Collins, B. & Hollander, Z. (Eds.). (1997). Bud Collins’ tennis encyclopedia. New York: Visible Ink. Davis Cup official Website. (n.d.). Retrieved November 21, 2004, from http://www.daviscup.com/about/rulesregs.asp. Evans, R. (1988). Open tennis. London: Bloomsbury.

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Evans, R. (1999). The Davis Cup: Celebrating 100 years of international tennis. New York: Universe. Kriplen, N. (1999). Dwight Davis: The man and the cup. London: Ebury. Merrihew, S. W. (1928). The quest of the Davis Cup. New York: American Lawn Tennis. Metzler, P. (1979). Great players of Australian tennis. New York: Harper & Row. Potter, E. C. (1969). The Davis Cup. New York: A. S. Barnes. Trengove, A. (1985). The story of Davis Cup. London: Stanley Paul.

Deaflympics

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eaflympics (formerly known as Deaf World Games, World Games for the Deaf, and International Silent Games) is an international multisport competition held every four years for elite deaf and hard of hearing athletes. It is closely modeled after the Olympic Games and is the oldest international sports organization for people with disabilities. The International Olympic Committee (IOC) recognized the Deaflympics in 1955 as an “International Federation with Olympic standing.” Unlike the Paralympics and Special Olympics, there are no changes in the rules of events, nor are there special classifications for deaf and hard of hearing athletes.Visual cues such as flashing strobe lights for auditory starting signals are the only adaptations necessary. The Summer Deaflympics include fifteen sports: athletics, badminton, basketball, bowling, cycling, football (soccer), handball, orienteering, shooting, swimming, table tennis, tennis, volleyball, water polo, and wrestling. The Winter Deaflympics are held two years after the Summer Deaflympics (a practice the IOC adopted in the 1990s) and offers Alpine and Nordic skiing, ice hockey, and snowboarding.

History of the Games Two deaf Europeans, Eugene Rubens Alcais of France and Antoine Dresse of Belgium founded the International Silent Games, now known as the Deaflympics, in Paris, France, in 1924. At the time of its founding, there were six official national federations for deaf sport in

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Taiwanese delegates at the 2003 Deaflympics flash peace signs.

existence. Rubens Alcais and Dresse united these federations and created an international governing body, the Comité International des Sports Silencieux (CISS), to oversee the Deaflympics and world championships. Athletes from the six countries of the official federations (Belgium, Czechoslovakia, France, Great Britain, the Netherlands, and Poland), along with those from Hungary, Italy, Latvia, and Romania competed in the first Deaflympics held 10–17 August 1924 in Paris, France. Sports included were athletics, cycling, football, shooting, and swimming. Women competed in these games from the onset. The Winter Deaflympics was founded by Heinz Prochazka of Austria and held in Seefeld, Austria, from 26– 30 January 1949. There were five nations competing, with a total of thirty-three competitors. Athletes competed in Alpine skiing (men’s downhill, men’s slalom, men’s combined classification, and Nordic skiing— men’s 15km and men’s 3 ✕ 10km relay). Women began

Source: CISS/Ralph Fernandez

participating in 1955 Winter Deaflympics in Oberammergau, Germany. In 1933 the World Records Commission (WRC) was established to keep track of deaf world records in athletics and swimming. The WRC later added shooting, speed skating, and short-course swimming records. The Deaflympics awards gold, silver, and bronze medals for first-, second-, and third-place winners. The ICSD maintains records of all medal winners by individual, team, and country categories. In 1974 the CISS Museum opened in Rome, Italy, to showcase the long and rich history of deaf sports. The CISS has undergone two name changes since its inception. Sourds (deaf) replaced Silencieux (silent) in 1979 as voted by the Twenty-fifth CISS Congress. It then was changed to the International Committee of Sports for the Deaf (ICSD) in 2001 when the IOC approved the Deaflympics name change from Deaf World Games. An eight-member executive committee, all of

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Deaflympics Autonomy for the Deaflympics The International Committee of Sports for the Deaf (ICSD) was a founding member of the International Coordinating Committee (currently the International Paralympic Committee—IPC). The IPC is the umbrella of sports for disabled athletes under the auspices of the International Olympic Committee (IOC). It is a multi-disability, multisport event for elite athletes who are physically disabled (i.e., spinal cord injuries, amputees, blind/visually impaired, cerebral palsy, and some mental disabilities). The IPC categorizes the disabilities in complex classifications and the rules of sports are adapted depending upon the disability. Deaf and hard of hearing athletes are not physically disabled and do not require special classifications or any alterations in rules other than visual cues for auditory starting signals. The ICSD joined the IPC in 1986 with the understanding that they would maintain their autonomy and continue the Deaflympics. However, problems arose when many national sporting bodies and committees reduced or cut off funding and ordered their deaf athletes to participate in the Paralympics, when in fact, there were and are not any competitions for deaf athletes in these games. The Deaflympics did not receive equal financial parity from the IPC as originally agreed nor did they include the ICSD in important decisionmaking concerning deaf athletes. The ICSD after significant deliberations in an effort to resolve some of the problems and confusion between the IPC and ICSD voted to resign their membership from the IPC

whom are deaf, manages the ICSD. Deaf individuals must make up 51 percent of the membership of the national federations as mandated by the ICSD constitution. Membership has boomed since the first Deaflympics, from six to ninety countries representing deaf national sports governing bodies. Since its recognition by the IOC as an international federation with Olympic standing in 1955, ICSD and IOC have developed a productive and successful relationship. The IOC awarded

at the 1995 Congress. The IOC continued to recognize ICSD and the Deaflympics. Dr. Donalda Ammons, interim president and secretary general of the ICSD, states that maintaining its independence remains necessary for the organization, which is the oldest international organization of sports for the disabled. The Deaflympics serve not only as a sporting event but also as a socialization and cultural vehicle for deaf people. Competitors in the Paralympics communicate in spoken languages whereas deaf people tend to communicate via sign languages. If the Deaflympics merge with the Paralympics, the cost of providing sign language interpreters would be astronomical and impractical. Very few interpreters are needed in the Deaflympics (usually only for communication with nondeaf officials and coaches) whereas deaf athletes, coaches, and officials communicate directly with one another. Should the Deaflympics merge with the Paralympics, the deaf athletes would be isolated from the nondeaf athletes with very little means of communication. Dr. Ammons stresses that the ICSD remains committed to working with the IPC in resolving issues and achieving common goals. However, she concludes: “We, the deaf, maintain our right to selfdetermination and the full control of our sport organizations. This right will not be compromised nor relinquished in the interest of funding support for our various levels of sports.”

Becky Clark

the organization the Coubertin Olympic Cup in 1966, created by the founder of the modern Olympic Games, Baron de Coubertin, in recognition of ICSD’s strict adherence to the Olympic ideal and its service to international sports. Other notable historic moments include the election of Maria Dolores Rojas de Bendeguz of Venezuela in 1981 as the first deaf woman to serve on the ICSD executive committee. Dr. Donalda Ammons served as

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second vice president (1995–1997) and secretary general (1997–present) of the ICSD Executive Committee and is currently its interim president. The IOC honored former ICSD president Jerald M. Jordan in 1995 with the Olympic Order—the highest award the IOC can give to any person—for his outstanding work of nearly a quarter century in the true spirit of the Olympic ideals.

while maintaining their autonomy. The Deaflympics is a cultural event as well as one that provides the opportunity for deaf athletes to excel at the pinnacle of elite competition among other deaf athletes. The Deaflympics are truly a celebration of the Olympic ideals that the IOC continues to recognize. Becky Clark

Significance of Deaflympics The Deaflympics is unique in that it is organized and governed by and for deaf people. The only classification necessary to compete is one must be deaf or hard of hearing (a loss of 55 decibels or greater in the better ear). Hearing aids are not permitted in competition in order to maintain a level playing field among athletes. Deaf people consider themselves a cultural and linguistic minority, not “disabled,” as is typically the view of nondeaf people. Only when competing in the nondeaf world where communication is spoken is the deaf athlete at a disadvantage. Hence, Dr. David Stewart stated that “deafness is a communication disability in the hearing society” (Jordan 2001, 55). The Deaflympics also serves as a rich cultural and social event for deaf people from all over the world. Deaf people tend to communicate with each other using international sign language and/or their national sign language. Over 3,000 deaf athletes from eighty countries competed in the 2001 Summer Deaflympics in Rome, Italy. An average of 5,000 spectators daily, the majority of whom were deaf, attended these games. More than 4,000 athletes from ninety countries are expected to compete in fifteen different sports at the 2005 Summer Deaflympics in Melbourne, Australia. The Winter Deaflympics, although smaller than the summer games, also draws large crowds from every corner of the globe.

The Future The Deaflympics continue to prosper and expand. The ICSD is working with the International Paralympics Committee (IPC) to develop a mutual working relationship in providing financial parity for the Deaflympics

Further Reading Ammons, D. K. (1990,Winter/Spring). Unique identity of the World Games for the Deaf. Palaestra, 6, 40–43. Clark, R. A. (1998). Deaf women and sport. In C. Oglesby, D. L. Greenberg, R. Louise Hall, K. L. Hill, F. Johnston, & S. Easterby (Eds.), Encyclopedia of women and sport in America (pp. 64–66). Phoenix, AZ: The Oryx Press. Clark, R. A. (2001). Deaf Olympics. In K. Christensen, A. Guttmann, & G. Pfister, (Eds.), International encyclopedia of women & sports (pp. 314–315). New York: Macmillan Reference. DePauw, K. P., & Gavron, S. J. (1995). Disability and sport. Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics. International Committee of Sports for the Deaf. Retrieved May 25, 2004, from http://www.deaflympics.org Jordan, J. M. (2001). CISS and the International Paralympics Committee. In J. M. Lovett, J. Eickman, & T. Giansanti (Eds.), CISS 2001: A review (pp. 54–57). Redditch, UK: Red Lizard Limited. Lovett, J. M., Eickman, J., & Giansanti, T. (Eds.). (2001). CISS 2001: A review. Redditch, UK: Red Lizard Limited. Stewart, D. A. (1991). Deaf sport: The impact of sports within the deaf community. Washington, DC: Gallaudet University. Stewart, D. A., & Ammons, D. K. (2001, Summer). Future directions of the Deaflympics. Palaestra, 17(3), 45-49.

Denmark

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enmark is a small Scandinavian country with approximately 5 million inhabitants. Its government consists of a monarchy; representative democracy, with a parliament; and 275 self-governing regions. Denmark has several cities, but only one metropolis, Copenhagen, with approximately 1 million inhabitants. The official Danish sport policy is built on a close interconnection between sporting organizations and facilities; that is, the government has provided facilities, which sporting associations have priority access to. The

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Denmark government created preconditions for sport; however, without a detailed plan describing the government’s role, it was necessary for the general population to use legislation to create the framework. This article presents the development of sport across two distinct periods: the mid-1800s until World War II and from World War II to the present day.

The First Period: 1861–1945 Danish citizens did not have the right to assemble nor to form associations before the Constitution of 1849 that stated: S. 78(1) Citizens shall, without previous permission, be free to form associations for any lawful purpose. S. 79 Citizens shall, without previous permission, be at liberty to assemble unarmed. . . .

These two rights were decisive if citizens were to be able to engage in sports in the modern sense of the word. How the civilian population used these rights with regard to sport is a process that started in the 1860s. The time was characterized by the political battle between the government party, the Conservatives, and the opposition party, the Liberals. During this period many associations were formed in opposition to the Conservatives, for example, the first youth/rifle association, which was founded in 1861 and is regarded as the first sporting association. Later, associations integrated (Swedish) gymnastics which during this period quickly became the most popular sport in the countryside. English sports like rowing, ball games, sailing, tennis, and horse racing gained popularity in the larger towns, especially in Copenhagen. These sports led to the further development of clubs and associations. Gymnastics and shooting merged and the Danish Shooting Association (later called the Danish Gymnastics and Sports Association—DGI) was created in 1861. Other sports were mainly organized in the Denmark’s Sports Federation (DIF), founded in 1896. At this time Denmark was an agricultural society, the majority of whose population lived in the countryside. From the beginning of the 1870s up to 1905, al-

Fagenes Fest: The Festival of the Professions The extract below is a 1938 newspaper account of Fagenes Fest, the “Festival of the Professions”: a sporting event sponsored annually by the Danish workers movement. There was a gigantic performance. The blacksmiths quickly defeated the bakers, and the tailors could not stand long time against the coal-heavers who weighed at least twice as much. But there arose a gigantic competition between the dairy workers and the brewery men— and much to the distress of the agitators for abstinence, the beer won. The final was between the brewers and the coalmen, and here the brewery workers had “to bite the dust.” “This is not at all surprising,” said the captain of the coalheavers. “You only carry the beer, but it is us who drink it.” Source: Hansen, J. (1993). Fagenes Fest. Working-class culture and sport. In: K. Dietrich & H. Eichberg (Eds.), Körpersprache. Über identität und konflikt (p. 97ff). Frankfurt, Germany: Afra Verlag.

most 1,000 village halls were built in Denmark, and at the turn of the century almost every village had its own hall. The village halls became the “home” for many rifle and gymnastics associations. Up until the 1920s and 1930s gymnastics, that is, Swedish team gymnastics, was the dominant winter sport in the countryside for men and women. The development in the Copenhagen area differed from that of the rest of the country. The first sports centers in Copenhagen were private, that is, large football (soccer) clubs bought land and built their own facilities. Several of these clubs housed football (soccer), cricket, and tennis that were exclusively for men (from upperclass society). In 1911 the municipality of Copenhagen provided a sports center (Idrætsparken) with an adjoining clubhouse for a number of poor common football (soccer) clubs (for apprentices and workers). During this period townswomen also practiced gymnastics in

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Denmark Key Events in Denmark Sports History 1861 A youth/rifle association is formed as the first sports association in Denmark.

1948 The government begins to subsidize sports associations.

1861 The Danish Shooting association is formed.

1952 A movement emerges to support youth sports.

1896 Denmark’s Sport Federation is founded. 1911 Copenhagen builds a sports center for public use. 1930s Soccer has become as popular as gymnastics. 1937 Sports centers are built at all schools. 1940s Many public facilities are built leading to much participation in sport.

clubs and private institutions. In addition they also participated in hockey, ice-skating, rowing, and tennis. Although gymnastics was the most accepted sport for women, there was considerable resistance to women practicing sport in public. Copenhagen continued to build municipal sports centers throughout the first half of the 1900s, but after World War II, Copenhagen was not able to provide the rest of the country with good sports facilities. The building of sports facilities all over the country accelerated with the School Act of 1937, which stipulated that schools with more than twelve students should have a sports hall with adjoining changing rooms and shower facilities. And each municipality had to provide a suitable area for ball games and other sports for children and young people. It was also stressed to the parish councils that they could lend their sporting facilities to local sporting clubs. This opportunity paved the way for football (soccer) and (outdoor) team handball to spread from the cities to the rest of the country during the 1920s and 1930s. At the end of the 1930s, as many people played football (soccer) as took part in gymnastics, however, football (soccer) was not well supported by the government. In 1937–1938, the government subsidy that football received was half the size of that given to rifle and gymnastic associations (Ibsen 1999). Parallel with the building of sporting facilities was

1968 The Leisure-Time Act and other legislation guarantee equal opportunity in sport. 1984 Team Demark is formed to support elite-level athletes. 1994 The Danish Foundation for Culture and Sports Facilities is established to build more facilities.

their availability for use by the general public in the 1930s and 1940s. Most of the outdoor sporting facilities and clubhouses that were built in the first half of the last century were built on the initiative of local clubs and on a voluntary basis. However, the administration of most of these facilities was later overseen by the local authorities. Many sporting facilities were built throughout the 1940s. During this period participation in sport grew. This was a turning point for Denmark sport as it was no longer reserved for an exclusive circle, even though it was still mainly boys and young men who participated in sports activities. A study of participation in sport from 1938 showed that nationwide women made up approximately 35 percent of the total number of those active in sports (Trangbæk 1998, 29).

The Second Period: 1945–Present After World War I, the youth of Denmark became the focus of the government in its attempt to reconstruct and develop a welfare state. In 1948 the Football Pool Act was passed as a permanent government subsidy to three voluntary sporting organisations: DGI, DIF, and DFIF (Danish Federation of Company Sports, founded 1946). In 1952 a Youth Commission’s report on “youth and leisure” stressed the importance of suitable facilities for sport and stated that providing them was a public responsibility. In actual fact the division of work and re-

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sponsibility among the state, the local authorities, and the local associations still exists today. The commission report stated that the local associations had to provide voluntary work and subscriptions in order for the associations to survive. The local authorities had to provide the facilities, and the government had to support the education of leaders in the sporting organizations. At the end of the 1960s, legislation on leisure activities peaked. The Leisure-Time Act passed in 1968 embodied as legislation social democratic ideals about equal opportunities for all and equal access to sports and other leisure activities—welfare benefits to all citizens. (These acts from the late 1960s have been retained with minor amendments by the Act on General Education [Enlightenment of the People] from 1991.) Sport becomes more politicized in the 1970s and 1980s. Several parliament debates took place about the role of sport. During the late nineteenth century, the state always regarded sport as a means to preventing social problems among young people, increasing health, and teaching democracy. These principles existed until the 1980s when new measures were taken and the state began to support elite athletes via Team Denmark (a national organization due to an act passed in 1984). The involvement of the government and local authorities in youth leisure time, strong economic growth in society, and an intense expansion of the public sector throughout the 1970s and 1980s resulted in a boom in the building of sporting facilities. From the late 1960s to the mid-1980s approximately one thousand sports halls were built, almost the same number as village halls built one hundred years previously. During this period the local authorities increased their role in the management of sport. This included centralizing and expanding many sports centers into hall complexes, football (soccer) pitches, tennis courts, facilities for athletics, and the like. From the mid-1980s to the mid-1990s, the local authorities almost stopped building sporting halls due to financial constraints and changes in participation in sport. A growing number of sports facilities were built by private investors, in particular tennis courts, squash

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courts, riding schools, bowling alleys, golf courses, aquatic centers, and fitness clubs. There were many reasons for the decrease in the building of sports centers. Perhaps the most important reason was a diversification of interests. Regular surveys from 1964 on indicate the proportion of Danes participating in sport had steadily increased: from 15 percent in 1964 to 29 percent in 1975, to 47 percent in 1993, 51 percent in 1998, and reaching 72 percent in 2002. The latest surveys show that the most characteristic changes in sports participation over the past decades are as follows: ■

■

■ ■

■

The total number of people participating in sport has tripled. Sporting activities outside associations (commercial and private) has more than tripled. Activity in associations has almost tripled. Women’s participation in sport has increased fourfold (and is now equal to that of men). The number of people over 66 years of age participating in sporting activities has increased tenfold.

These changes in sports participation, Denmark’s ratification of the Council of Europe’s “Sports for All” charter in 1972, and an increasing focus on sports as a means of preserving health (WHO’s “Health for All” by the year 2000) led to a criticism of public funding for sporting associations.This resulted in a small portion of the public funding for sport being earmarked for the disabled, elderly, refugees, ethnic minorities, and poor areas in the big cities. The critique of public funding, changes in funding allocations, and the lull in the development of sports centers led to a time for reflection. In order to counter the decline in new sports centers, the Danish Foundation for Culture and Sports Facilities (LOA) was founded by an act of parliament in 1994. Since the establishment of the foundation, there has been an increase in the building of new sporting facilities. It is interesting to note that there was obviously never one single national plan for the development of sport in Denmark. The importance that the government has placed on associations since the Constitution of 1849

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has greatly influenced state involvement. “Association democracy” was therefore regarded as an important component of government equal to the formal representative democracy (Kaspersen and Ottesen 2001). For this reason sporting associations were regarded as the backbone of Danish sports culture and sports policy throughout the twentieth century. The building of sporting facilities was controlled more by this idea than the population’s participation in sport, even though sport always has been the most popular leisure-time activity in Denmark. Laila Ottesen

Further Reading Ibsen, B. (1999). Structure and development of sport organisations in Denmark. In Sports clubs in various European countries. Schorndorf, Germany: Hofmann Verlag. Kaspersen, L., & Ottesen, L. (2001). Associalism for a hundred and fifty years—and still alive and kicking: Some reflections on the Danish civil society. In Critical review of international social and political philosophy. Abingdon, UK: Frank Cass Taylor and Francis Group. Larsen, K. (2003): Idrætsdeltagelse og idrætsforbrug i Danmark. Arhus, Denmark: Klim/IFO. Ottesen, L. (2004). Sports participation, gender and the welfare state. In Sportswissenschaft. Schorndorf, Germany: Hoffman Verlag. Ottesen, L., & Ibsen, B. (2000). Forsamles og forenes om idræt. Lokale og anlægsfondens skriftrække 5. København, Denmark: Lokale & Anlægsfonden. Ottesen, L., & Ibsen, B. (2004). Sport and the welfare society: The development of sport between state, market and civil society. In K. Heinemann (Ed.), Sport in the welfare society. Hamburg, Germany: Iinst. Für Soziolgie, Universität Hamburg. Trangbæk, E. (1998). I med-og modvind. In A. L. Poulsen (Ed.) Kvindeliv-idrætsliv. Kvindeidræt i Danmark. København, Denmark: Udgivet af kvindemuseet i Danmark og Institut for Idræt, Københavns Universitet.

Diet and Weight Loss

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he term diet actually means those things that are customarily eaten. However, the meaning of “diet” has changed over the years, and now the common perception of a diet is of a food regime designed for los-

ing weight. Dieting is best understood as the practice of eating and drinking in a regulated fashion with the aim of losing (or sometimes gaining) weight. Dieting for weight loss has been around for hundreds if not thousands of years, although it is only in more recent times that it has occupied such a central position in society. In the twenty-first century, diet and weight loss are terms we are likely to encounter every day, such is their centrality to contemporary discussions of identity. The societal value placed upon the body is now arguably greater than at any other time in history, leading to an increased interest in, and awareness of, the foods we eat.

Healthy Eating Diet and nutrition are important for everyone, but they are especially important for those who exercise, as food and drink are the fuel that our bodies burn. Nutrition is the science of feeding the body with the right nutrients. Nutrients perform three major roles: 1. Growth, repair, and maintenance of all body cells 2. Regulation of body processes 3. Supplying of energy for cells A good diet should contain carbohydrates, fats, proteins, vitamins, minerals, and water. Most foods are mixtures of nutrients. Bread, for example, is usually described as a carbohydrate food, yet it supplies fats, proteins, and other nutrients also. Without an adequate supply of nutrients, cells lose their ability to perform their jobs. Eventually, this affects the rest of the body, and nutritional deficiencies develop. Each type of nutrient performs a different function.

CARBOHYDRATES When taken into the body, these are broken down into glucose (our main source of energy). Carbohydrates help build up energy reserves and can be found in foods like bread, pasta, and potatoes. It is often recommended that carbohydrates make up at least half our total food intake.

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What some call health, if purchased by perpetual anxiety about diet, isn’t much better than tedious disease. ■ GEORGE DENNISON PRENTICE

FATS Fats can be broken down into two main types: saturated fats, found in animal products such as milk, meat, and cheese; and polyunsatuated fats, found in cooking oils, nuts, and seeds. Fats provide a layer of energy to be used when an individual is resting, help keep us warm, and protect vital organs. Like carbohydrates they are a source of energy but should account for no more than one-third of daily food intake.

PROTEINS Proteins supply energy when our body has used up its stores of fats and carbohydrates. Proteins are made from amino acids and can be found in foods such as fish, eggs, and meat. Bodies use amino acids to build cells and replace body tissue. Protein should account for approximately 15 percent of our daily food intake.

VITAMINS Like carbohydrates, proteins, and fats, vitamins are organic compounds that are essential for health. Although only required in very small amounts, vitamins perform many roles, primarily as regulators of body processes. Most people are familiar with the letter names for vitamins such as vitamin A and vitamin C.

MINERALS Over twenty mineral elements need to be supplied by the diet. They are necessary for a variety of jobs such as forming strong bones, activating enzymes, and maintaining water balance. Minerals include iron (helps produce the oxygen-carrying compartments in the blood), calcium (helps keep teeth and bones hard) and potassium (helps muscles work and prevents cramp). Vitamins and minerals interact with one another—if you do not get enough of one, the other may not work the way it is supposed to. Water is the most essential nutrient and is the main component of cells and blood. It plays an important role in regulating our temperature when exercising. As perspiration (sweat) it helps cool us down during phys-

ical activity. It is important to note that we are not losing water only when sweating; even when we are breathing, we are losing water. The more active an individual, the more water is lost. Loss of too much water leads to dehydration, which can cause illness and even death.

The Social Value of the Body For a large part of Western society, the modern diets we eat, together with increasingly inactive lifestyles, are resulting in fatter people than at any other time in history. In traditional Christian culture, diet was perceived as a method of regulating the self to protect the soul from the ravages of sexuality. The diet has a very close relationship to religion, which as a system of disciplinary practices binds the individual to the collective whole through rituals such as the Eucharist. In contemporary society looking good means looking sexually attractive, and for women this has come to mean being thin. The modern psyche is expressed through a sexually charged body image that is socially good. Sociologists suggest that the slogan “eat less fat” is accepted within popular culture because it is understood within a discourse of the sexual body. Therefore, the role of the body has been reversed, as we now diet in order to express our sensuality and sexuality. Sports stars are often used as examples of “healthy” bodies, and many are used to endorse certain food and drinks. Particularly in women’s sports, athletes that are deemed to be the most physically attractive receive a greater share of media coverage and more lucrative endorsements. The social value attached to the body has never been greater, and the weight-loss industry has been quick to capitalize on this. Today the diet industry’s marketing strategy is based largely on the creation and perpetuation of fear, bias, and stereotype. Fat people are portrayed as unhealthy, unattractive, and weak, while a thin figure is linked to health and success. This is somewhat dangerous; in pursuit of this thin ideal, many individuals have developed serious eating disorders and other associated problems.

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Whenever I get the urge to exercise, I lie down until the feeling passes away. ■ ROBERT M. HUTCHINS

Eating Disorders For many people weight loss becomes an obsession that poses a very real threat to health and well-being. Bulimia and anorexia nervosa are two of the most commonly reported eating disorders in modern society. Bulimia involves recurrent episodes of binge eating followed by purging. Usually the binge eating involves food high in calories from fat or sugar. To avoid gaining weight from such eating, individuals follow this binge eating with vomiting, laxatives, or fasting. This purging usually takes place in secret, and some bulimics go to great lengths to hide this behavior from family and friends. Anorexia nervosa is a psychological disease in which a person develops an aversion to food and a distorted body image. Over a period of time, an individual can lose a significant amount of body weight, but sufferers cannot be convinced that they are too thin. Anorexics should be referred to a psychologist or a medical doctor who specializes in such cases. Both of the above illnesses are more prevalent among females. While there is significant pressure to conform to thin ideals in Western society in general, the pressure faced by women to achieve a thin figure is much greater than for men. A growing number of newspapers and magazines carry regular features about women’s relationships with their bodies. Thinness, central to notions of a desirable femininity, is promoted and celebrated, while being fat is characterized as one of society’s great ills.

Obesity Obesity is one of the largest and fastest-growing health problems in the world today. It is defined as an excessive accumulation of fat beyond what is considered normal for an individual’s age, sex, and body type. Obesity is defined as more than 20 percent above desirable weight, or as 20 percent fat for men and 30 percent fat for women. A Body Mass Index (BMI) of 30 and above is also taken as an indicator of obesity, although it must be noted that muscle weighs more than fat, and heav-

ily muscled individuals will have a much higher weight than the stated norm on such charts. In the United Kingdom, for example, 20 percent of women and 17 percent of men are classified as obese, and it is estimated that if the current trend continues more than one-quarter of British adults will be obese by the year 2010. Studies have shown that foods high in fat promote “passive overconsumption” due to their low bulk and limited ability to satisfy the desire for food. Foods high in carbohydrate have a lower energy density and higher satiety value. Studies have also shown evidence of modest weight loss when fat is reduced in the diet and complex carbohydrate consumption is increased.

TACKLING THE OBESITY PROBLEM There needs to be a greater awareness and acceptance of the causes of obesity and its adverse health consequences. It is important that interventions to tackle these problems begin in childhood and adolescence, as these are crucial periods in the development of behavior patterns. Most studies suggest that an increase in carbohydrates and a decrease in fat consumption are crucial for weight control. There is a need for a range of parties to work together to promote healthy eating in society, although it must also be noted that individuals must ultimately take responsibility for their own well-being.

Weight Loss Although there are many programs advertised to help individuals lose weight, the only proven safe and longterm method is to burn more calories than are consumed. This is achieved by eating less and by eating healthier foods coupled with an increase in energy expenditure. Dieting should encompass a nutritionally balanced, low-calorie diet together with an increase in physical-activity levels. A calorie is the amount of heat required to raise one cubic centimeter of water one degree Celsius. A kilocalorie is equal to one thousand calories and is the term

DIET AND WEIGHT LOSS

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A young woman on a diet measuring how much weight she has lost. Source: istockphoto/tomazi.

generally used as a standard measurement in nutrition and exercise. One pound of fat contains approximately 3,500 calories, so to lose one pound a week an individual should consume 3,500 fewer calories each week. This can best be achieved by reducing daily caloric intake by 500 calories a day. It is also important to note that exercise burns calories, so an overall caloric deficit can be achieved through a combination of exercise and modified eating—weight loss does not have to be solely about a reduced food intake. The lowest recommended daily intake is 1,500 calories for men and 1,200 calories for women. A lower calorie intake than this should only be undertaken if following a medically supervised program.

BARRIERS TO EFFECTIVE WEIGHT LOSS Changes to lifestyle behavior are difficult, as both diet and physical habits are highly resistant to change. There is also a great deal of sensationalism and hype within the media about different diet plans and weight-loss practices. Many celebrities endorse particular products, and there is also a tendency to promote “quick-fix” solutions to weight problems. Crash diets are definitely not the solution to this problem; as noted previously,

weight control can best be achieved through a combination of sensible eating and regular physical activity. Many crash diets tend to offer short-term results, but a number of these have significant health risks if followed over a longer time period. Such diets usually prove unsatisfactory and are often followed by further weight gain. There is evidence that dieting can lead to becoming overweight and is linked to some cases of obesity. A process of gaining weight, dieting, gaining weight, dieting again, and so on is known as weight cycling or “yo-yo” dieting. During this process, the body becomes more fuel efficient and the metabolic rate declines, resulting in weight being regained three times faster in the second cycle. Muscle weakness, bloodpressure abnormalities, thermoregulatory problems, and impaired memory function are all byproducts of weight cycling.

WEIGHT LOSS IN SPORT Sport, like all other forms of physical activity, is characterized as an effective way to lose weight. Despite the healthy image associated with athleticism, research has shown that many athletes are engaging in practices that are detrimental to their health. Weight loss, when achieved through a combination of aerobic exercise and carefully planned dietary manipulation, is recommended as being both safe and effective. In many weight-category combat sports, participants fight in the lowest possible weight class in order to gain a competitive advantage. Rapid weight reduction is often seen as the answer, yet weight loss of more than two pounds a week may involve either dehydration or starvation.

Dehydration Dehydration is one of the most commonly reported methods of weight loss among athletes in combat sports. Dehydration has been shown to result in a reduction in blood and plasma volume, resulting in a

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Diet and Weight Loss Hippocrates on Health Positive health requires a knowledge of man’s primary constitution and the powers of various foods, both those natural to them and those resulting from human skill. But eating alone is not enough to health. There must be exercise, of which the effects likewise be known. If there is any deficiency in food or exercise the body will fall sick.

compensatory increase in heart rate. Given that one liter of water weighs approximately one kilogram, then dehydration can lead to significant weight loss, particularly when considering that 55–60 percent of adult body weight is made up of water. Serious injuries and some fatalities in the sport of boxing are often linked to dehydration; evidence indicates that many serious injuries tend to occur among boxers in the lighter-weight categories and not among heavyweights. In 1997, in separate incidents over the course of little more than a month, three young American wrestlers died while trying to make the weight for their sport. Such incidents often involve individuals exercising in saunas while wearing rubber suits. The body knows how much water it needs, so attempting to lose water as a means of weight reduction should not be attempted.

DIET TRENDS The weight loss industry is now a multibillion dollar business. Numerous companies have attempted to cash in on such a potentially lucrative market, leading to a whole host of different weight-loss programs being promoted. Many of these offer quick-fix solutions to weight problems. There are very few controls or regulations in place to protect dieters, and weight-loss success stories are often only vaguely defined using short-term results. Diet fads have come and gone over the years, usually with more sophisticated marketing techniques but often with little change to the programs themselves. Highprotein diets are one such example of a particular dietary plan that resurfaces every few years or so.

The Future At present dieting is viewed as the deprivation and punishment one must endure for overindulgence. Thinness rather than health is the overriding concern. In any weight loss program the “long haul” must be emphasized. Extra weight has generally taken a long time to acquire, so it is obvious that to lose it safely will also take a long time. Inactivity and poor food choices have resulted in a massive rise in overweight people and an obesity epidemic. Huge numbers of people will diet and attempt to lose weight at some stage in their lives. It must be noted that physical activity is the positive way to achieve weight control, as dieting by itself is rarely successful in the long run. John Harris See also Exercise and Health; Nutrition

Further Reading Clark, N. (1997). Nancy Clark’s sports nutrition guidebook (2nd ed). Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics. Eisenman, P., Johnson, S., and Benson, J. (1990). Coaches guide to nutrition and weight control (2nd ed.). Champaign, IL: Leisure Press. Sharkey, B. (2002). Fitness & health (5th ed.). Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics. Shilling, C. (2003). The body and social theory (2nd ed.). London: Sage. Stearns, P. (1997). Fat history. New York: New York University Press. Turner, B. (1996). The body & society (2nd ed.). London: Sage. World Health Organization (1998). Obesity: Preventing and managing the global epidemic. Geneva, Switzerland: World Health Organization.

Disability Sport

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oday, images of athletes with a disability are becoming more commonplace. Stories appear in the sports section (not just the human interest section). Athletes with a disability earn money for competing and have sponsors for their athletic endeavors. They serve as commentators for sports events, and the premiere international sporting events that include athletes

DISABILITY SPORT

Fall down seven times, get up eight

with a disability get coverage on national television. The president of the International Paralympic Committee (IPC) was voted into membership on the International Olympic Committee (IOC). Elite international and national competitions for athletes with a disability are held regularly; they include the International Paralympics Games, Deaflympics, International Special Olympics, and numerous sport specific world championships. International and national organizations governing these competitions have emerged throughout the world. Rules governing competitions, sports, athlete eligibility and classification, doping in sport, and more have become more defined. The records held by elite athletes with a disability are seconds or tenths of seconds behind those of elite able-bodied athletes in such sports as downhill skiing, swimming, and track events. Athletes with double leg amputations finish the 100-meter race under 11 seconds (10.85 seconds). Elite male wheelchair marathoners complete marathons in under 90 minutes, frequently averaging 3.5 minutes per mile. Female wheelchair marathoners often finish in 1:49 (Paralympian 2000). In field events athletes with single leg amputations have jumped 6 feet, 8 inches. Sport has become a viable entity for youth with a disability: Athletic role models exist for aspiring young athletes, and community and recreation centers provide opportunities for these individuals. Interscholastic athletic competition in wheelchair basketball exists. Athletes with a disability have appeared on the Wheaties box and have become celebrities. Disability sport is an entity whose time has finally come.

Defining Disability Sport Throughout its history, many terms have been used to describe sport participation by individuals with a disability: handicapped sports, sport for the disabled, adapted sport, disabled sport, wheelchair sport, blind sport, and deaf sport. The most recent, and widely accepted, term is disability sport. DePauw and Gavron (2005) define disability sport as “sport that has been designed for or specifically practiced by athletes with dis-

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abilities. Disability sports might include sports that were designed for a selected disability group: goalball for blind athletes, wheelchair basketball for athletes with physical impairments who use a wheelchair, or sitting volleyball for athletes with lower-limb impairments. Disability sport also includes those sports practiced by able-bodied individuals (e.g., athletics, volleyball, swimming, etc.) that have been modified or adapted to include athletes with disabilities (e.g., wheelchair tennis, tandem cycling) as well as those that require little or no modification to allow individuals with disabilities to participate (e.g., athletics, wrestling, swimming).” Many athletes with hearing impairments and deafness do not consider themselves a part of the disability community or disability sport. Without wishing to offend, I include mention of deaf athletes and deaf sport for the readers who might not know that sport opportunities for deaf individuals exist.

Historical Perspectives Individuals with a disability have participated in sport for more than one hundred years dating back to the late nineteenth century. The initial sport experiences and opportunities were quite limited until the 1940s. Sport opportunities for athletes with a disability now span the continuum from recreational sports to elite competitive sports. In recorded history deaf athletes were among the first individuals to participate in sport through the Sports Club for the Deaf founded in Berlin in 1888. The first international competition for deaf athletes was held in Paris in 1924 at the same time that the Comité Internationale des Sports des Sourds (CISS), or International Sports Committee for the Deaf, was founded. Competitions for deaf athletes, known initially as the World Games for the Deaf and now known as the Deaflympics, have been held every four years since. The CISS was recognized by the International Olympic Committee in 1955 and has national affiliated associations throughout the world. The significant impact of the aftermath of the world wars is seen in the development of sport rehabilitation

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Things do not change. We change.

programs. The most notable of these was developed in the 1940s by Sir Ludwig Guttman of Stoke Mandeville, England, who first introduced competitive sports as an integral part of the rehabilitation of disabled veterans. The International Stoke Mandeville Games Federation (ISMGF) was formed by Guttman in 1960 to sanction all international competition for individuals with spinal cord injuries. Competitive teams of wheelchair athletes emerged across the European continent and spread to the United States in 1949 when the first national wheelchair basketball tournament was held at the University of Illinois. This precipitated the founding of the National Wheelchair Basketball Association (NWBA) that would ultimately become the governing body for wheelchair basketball in the United States. During the 1960s, 1970s, and early 1980s, international sport competitions were expanded to include other disability groups not eligible for the World Games for the Deaf or international wheelchair competitions. These included the following: ■

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International Sports Organization for the Disabled (ISOD) (1964) Special Olympics International (1968) International Cerebral Palsy Society (1968) Cerebral Palsy International Sports & Recreation Association (CP-ISRA) (1978; reorganized as U.S. Cerebral Palsy Athletic Association, 1986) International Blind Sports Association (IBSA) (1981)

In 1982, CP-ISRA, IBSA, ISMGF, and ISOD came together to form the International Coordinating Committee (ICC) to coordinate disability sport worldwide and to negotiate with the International Olympic Committee (IOC) on behalf of athletes with a disability. In addition to the four founding member organizations, CISS and Federation for Sports for Persons with Mental Handicaps (INAS-FMH) joined the ICC in the 1980s. The ICC served as a fragile alliance of international sport federations and experienced an uneasy history during the years between 1982 and 1987 (DePauw

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and Gavron 2005). Following the Arnhem Seminar in 1987 and the subsequent meeting in Dusseldorf, Germany, on 21 September 1989, the International Paralympic Committee (IPC) was born.

International Paralympic Committee (IPC) The International Paralympic Committee, the umbrella multidisability organization for elite sport for athletes with a disability, has the primary responsibility to organize, supervise, and coordinate the Paralympic Games and other multidisability elite sports competitions. The purposes of the IPC include organizing the Paralympics and Multi-Disability World Games. The Paralympics have a historical connection to the Olympic Games. As early as 1960, an attempt was made to hold the Paralympic Games in the same country (and city) and same year of the Olympic Games (e.g., Rome, 1960).The Olympic flag has flown over the Paralympic Games since the International Games for the Disabled were held in New York in 1984. Since the Summer Paralympic Games in South Korea in 1988, the Summer and Winter Paralympic Games have been officially held in the same city, following shortly after the Olympic Games and making use of the same facilities. Today, the bidding process for hosting future Olympic Games includes a formal bid for organizing the Paralympic Games as well. Relationships between the IPC and IOC were formalized in 2000 through IPC representation in selected IOC commissions, financial assistance to the IPC by the IOC, and official membership on the IOC by the IPC president (Paralympian 2000).

Elite International Competitions There are three major international competitions: Paralympics, Deaflympics, and Special Olympics.

PARALYMPICS The term Paralympics comes from combining the Latin word para meaning “next to” or “with” and “Olympics” (DePauw and Gavron 2005). The chronology of the

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DISABILITY SPORT

Table 1. Sports Offered in International Competitions Sport

Paralympic Games can be traced to Sir Ludwig Guttman, who founded the First Stoke Mandeville Games for the Paralyzed in 1948. Four years later, the first international competition for wheelchair athletes was held at Stoke Mandeville, with teams from Britain and the Netherlands competing. Since then, summer international competitions for athletes with a disability have been held every four years, with increases in the number of sports, the number of athletes, and type of disability. Competitions in winter sports, which began in 1976, have followed a similar pattern.

Paralympics

Special Olympics

Deaflympics

✘

Archery

✘

Athletics

✘

✘

Badminton

✘

✘

Basketball

✘

✘

Bocce

✘

✘

Bowling

✘

✘

✘

Curling

✘

Cycling

✘

✘

✘

Equestrian

✘

✘

Fencing

✘

Figure Skating Goalball

✘ ✘

Golf

✘

DEAFLYMPICS

Gymnastics

The Deaflympics (formerly known as the World Games for the Deaf) are a quadrennial event that includes both summer and winter games (Stewart and Ammons 2001) usually conducted the year after the Olympic Games. The Summer Deaflympics includes competitions in athletics, badminton, basketball, cycling, marathon, shooting, soccer, and swimming. The Winter Deaflympics includes Nordic skiing, speed skating, Alpine skiing, and hockey.

Hockey

✘

Judo

✘

✘ ✘

Orienteering Powerlifting

✘

✘

✘ ✘

Roller Skating

✘ ✘

Rugby

✘

Sailing

✘

Shooting

✘

Skiing

✘

✘ ✘ ✘

✘

Snowboarding

✘

✘

SPECIAL OLYMPICS

Snowshoeing

✘

In 1968 Eunice Kennedy Shriver founded Special Olympics to benefit individuals with mental retardation and hosted the first International Special Olympic Games at Soldier Field, Chicago. These competitions are held every two years, alternating between the Winter and Summer Games. Special Olympics also includes year-round programming for athletes with intellectual disabilities. (The sports included on the program of these elite international competitions are shown in Table 1.)

Soccer

✘

Softball

✘

✘

✘

Speed skating

✘

Swimming

✘

✘

✘

Table tennis

✘

✘

✘

Team handball

✘

✘

Tennis

✘

✘

✘

Volleyball

✘

✘

✘

Water Polo

✘

Wresting

✘

Issues and Controversies A number of issues and controversies have arisen along with the emergence of disability sport since the late nineteenth century. Athletes with a disability have benefited by the technological advances, improved training techniques, and the assistance of coaches and sports medicine personnel. The controversies have included

classification systems, inclusion, ethical dilemmas, and drug testing and doping.

CLASSIFICATION Classification is related to the underlying philosophy of disability sport. For some the goal of classification is to

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Before disability sport was taken seriously, so-called cripple races were a form of amusement in England.

ined and refined for use in international competitions.

INCLUSION AND INTEGRATION

enable each competitor, regardless of severity of impairment, to compete in a fair manner with others of similar ability/disability (a more medical-based classification system). For others the goal of classification is to provide for meaningful athletic competition based on ability, not disability. In this instance of emphasis on ability and less on adaptation/modification of the sport, the more severely impaired are more likely to be eliminated from elite athletic competition. This latter goal of classification has emerged partly because of the administrative problem and logistics of numerous classes for competitions. Classification of athletes with a disability for competition has been a long-standing controversy, particularly for the Paralympic Games. Prior to the 1990s, a medical classification system was used to assign athletes with physical and sensory impairments to numerous “classes” for competition (e.g., 50 and 100-meter races by gender and disability type—3 for blind, 8 for cerebral palsy, 9 for amputee, 6 for les autres, 7 for wheelchair users). With pressure to reduce the number of classes in major competitions, the medical system finally gave way in the 1990s to the functional classification system used in the Paralympic movement. Classification remains a hotly debated topic within the Paralympic movement today. Integrated or functional classification systems will continue to be exam-

One can argue that classification is primarily a concern for the fairness of competitions among athletes with a disability. But central to sport and disability in the broader context is the issue of competition with able-bodied athletes and the inclusion of athletes with a disability in elite sport competitions (e.g., Olympics).This issue manifests itself in two distinct ways: the inclusion of disability sport events within competitions for able-bodied athletes and competition between athletes with a disability and ablebodied athletes. Over the years athletes with a disability have experienced selected “inclusion” within the Olympic arena. Athletes have been included in exhibition events at the Summer and Winter Olympics. The IOC granted approval to use the term Paralympics. Full medal events for athletes with a disability were incorporated into the Commonwealth Games. But the question of integrating athletes with a disability into international competitions remains somewhat controversial. A growing number of athletes with a disability advocate the inclusion of events for athletes with a disability within major international competitions such as the Olympic Games, Pan American Games, World University Games, and Commonwealth Games. Others question this approach because it would eliminate the more severely disabled athletes from international competition. The dilemma continues. Inasmuch as disability remains an important factor (for both the IPC and the Olympic Games organizers), the events selected will be limited to selected athletes with a disability, and specific disabilities in particular.

ETHICS, DRUG TESTING, AND D OPING Unfortunately, disability sport is not immune to the ethical issues that are apparent in able-bodied elite sport. Boosting due to autonomic dysreflexia can result

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Disability Sport The U. S. Supreme Court Decision in PGA Tour, Inc. v. Martin Enforcement of the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) enters into the world of sports in 2001 with this decision from the United States Supreme Court. Under the ADAs basic requirement that the need of a disabled person be evaluated on an individual basis, we have no doubt that allowing Martin to use a golf cart would not fundamentally alter the nature of petitioners tournaments. As we have discussed, the purpose of the walking rule is to subject players to fatigue, which in turn may influence the outcome of tournaments. Even if the rule does serve that purpose, it is an uncontested finding of the District Court that Martin easily endures greater fatigue even with a cart than his able-bodied competitors do by walking. 994 F.Supp., at 1252. The purpose of the walking rule is therefore not compromised in the slightest by allowing Martin to use a cart. A modification that provides an exception to a peripheral tournament rule without impairing its purpose cannot be said to fundamentally alter the tournament. What it can be said to do, on the other hand, is to allow Martin the chance to qualify for and compete

in enhanced performance and has been reported to have occurred during competitions. Thus, boosting and doping have become important considerations in team and athlete management. Drug testing now occurs regularly at international competitions for athletes with a disability. Equipment modifications for wheelchair and other assistive devices are also ripe for manipulation in an effort to win. These and other ethical issues for Paralympians will continue to be present long into the future. The fight against doping has become important for disability sport, especially the Paralympic athletes. Similar to the IOC, the IPC has taken a strong stance against doping and has developed and implemented policies and procedures to prevent the use of performance enhancing drugs by athletes with a disability. The IPC Medical and Anti-Doping Code has developed a

in the athletic events petitioner offers to those members of the public who have the skill and desire to enter. That is exactly what the ADA requires. As a result, Martin’s request for a waiver of the walking rule should have been granted. The ADA admittedly imposes some administrative burdens on the operators of places of public accommodation that could be avoided by strictly adhering to general rules and policies that are entirely fair with respect to the able-bodied but that may indiscriminately preclude access by qualified persons with disabilities. But surely, in a case of this kind, Congress intended that an entity like the PGA not only give individualized attention to the handful of requests that it might receive from talented but disabled athletes for a modification or waiver of a rule to allow them access to the competition, but also carefully weigh the purpose, as well as the letter, of the rule before determining that no accommodation would be tolerable. The judgment of the Court of Appeals is affirmed. It is so ordered.

list of the prohibited substances and has identified penalties for violations. Currently, the IPC is working closely with the IOC and the World Anti-Doping Agency (WADA) to develop a testing program and an educational program designed to prevent doping in disability sport.

Trends Disability sport has been influenced by the elite sport movement and has been shaped by the political, social, and economic factors of society’s cultural contexts. According to DePauw and Gavron (2005), the historical trends include the following: ■

A vertical structure of sport with extensive developmental sports programs for individuals with a disability leading toward a national-level and

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international-level competitive structure for elite athletes with disabilities Establishment of multidisability national and international sport organizations as the governing bodies for disability sport with strong links to and within the national and international sport structure (organized more by sport than by disability) Increased emphasis on high levels of athletic excellence and high standards for performance Increased specialization within sport among athletes with a disability and fewer athletes being able to participate in multiple events Classification and competitions becoming more sport specific and ability oriented than disability specific Increased numbers of individuals with a disability (adults, youth, seniors) pursuing sport programs Increased concern for equity in sport opportunities for girls and women with a disability and increasing attention to issues of race and socioeconomic status Inclusion of athletes with a disability within major international competitions such as the Olympic Games and world championships Inclusion of persons with a disability within the structure of disability sport as well as coaches, officials, and administrators Increased public awareness and acceptance of athletes with a disability and of sport as a viable option for youth

Disability sport has made its mark on society. Today, athletes with a disability have a far greater number of opportunities for sport participation and competitions than in any other time in history. Sport will be an avenue for youth with a disability in the same way that sport serves the able-bodied youth. Sport opportunities for and including individuals with a disability will continue to increase into the twenty-first century, and disability sport will be viewed as sport. Karen P. DePauw See also Adapted Physical Education; Deaflympics; Paralympics; Special Olympics

Further Reading DePauw, K. P., & Gavron, S. J. (2005). Disability sport. Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics. Disability Today Publishing Group. (1997). The triumph of the human spirit: The Atlanta Paralympic experience. Ontario, Canada: Oakville. Doll-Tepper, G., Kroner, M., & Sonnenschein, W. (Eds). (2001). New horizons in sport for athletes with a disability. Cologne, FRG: Meyer & Meyer Verlag. International Paralympic Committee. Retrieved May 23, 2002, from www.paralympic.org. Paralympian. (2000). IOC-IPC Cooperation Agreement. Retrieved May 23, 2002, from www.paralympic.org/paralympian/20004/20004 05.html. Scruton, S. (1998). Stoke Mandeville: Road to the Paralympics. Aylesbury, UK: The Peterhouse Press. Stewart, D. A. (1991). Deaf sport. Washington, DC: Gallaudet University Press. Stewart, D. A., & Ammons, D. (2001). Future directions of the Deaflympics. Palaestra, 3, 45–49.

Disordered Eating

D

isordered eating is a spectrum of attitudes and behaviors such as a preoccupation with weight and shape, insufficient energy availability, and dieting as well as binging, vomiting, and abusing diuretics, laxatives, diet pills, and exercise. Disordered eating may develop in frequency and intensity to a degree that a person suffers from a clinically significant eating disorder such as anorexia nervosa or bulimia nervosa. Athletes constitute a unique population, and the impact on them of factors such as training, eating pattern, extreme diets, restriction of food intake, and psychological profile must be evaluated differently than the impact on nonathletes. Many women athletes are not aware of the energy requirements necessary to meet the demands of their energy expenditure and to prevent or reverse amenorrhea (abnormal absence or suppression of menses) or the negative effect on bone health. These athletes may have entirely normal eating behaviors and attitudes, but they are not eating enough to meet their energy demands. Thus, an athlete can have insufficient energy availability without having disordered eating or an eating disorder.

DISORDERED EATING

Anorexia nervosa is the extreme of restrictive eating behavior in which an athlete views herself as overweight and is afraid of gaining weight even though she is 15 percent below ideal body weight. Amenorrhea is one of the DSM-IV (American Psychological Association’s Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, fourth edition) diagnostic criteria for anorexia nervosa. Behaviors observed in bulimia nervosa follow a cycle of food restriction or fasting leading to overeating or binging followed by purging. Purging behavior includes vomiting, the use of laxatives, diuretics, or enemas, and/ or excessive exercise. Persons suffering from bulimia nervosa are usually at “normal” body weight. In both anorexia nervosa and bulimia nervosa restricting types and binge-purging types exist. The category “Eating Disorder Not Otherwise Specified” (EDNOS) includes eating disorders that do not meet the criteria for a specific eating disorder such as anorexia nervosa or bulimia nervosa. This category acknowledges the importance of a variety of eating disorders. A person with EDNOS is usually of average weight; however, the person still has a preoccupation with body image and weight and guilt about eating.

Diagnosis of Athletes We should not think of disordered eating behavior as a benign or adaptive variant in certain environments. Because athletes constitute a unique population, special diagnostic considerations should be made when working with this group. Identifying disordered eating among athletes must go beyond focusing on those who meet formal diagnoses to include those who have symptoms of disordered eating and who are in negative energy balance and engage in a myriad of pathogenic weight control behaviors that have clinical significance and that can severely compromise health and performance. People who are helping such athletes must determine whether the athletes’ abnormal eating and dieting behavior is a transient behavior associated with the specific demands of sports or if the symptoms are more stable and part of a clinical eating disorder. Therefore, merely documenting behaviors is not enough; the emo-

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tional and psychological state of the athletes must also be examined. A clinical interview based on standard diagnostic criteria is necessary to distinguish true eating disorders from concerns about eating, weight, and shape or disordered eating. In contrast to athletes with anorexia, most athletes with bulimia nervosa are at or near normal weight and therefore difficult to detect. Hence, team staff members and parents must be able to recognize the physical symptoms and psychological characteristics. Athletes with disordered eating may show some of the common psychological traits associated with clinical eating disorders such as high achievement orientation, obsessive-compulsive tendencies, and perfectionism. However, these traits are generally expected and usually essential for competing successfully.

Prevalence In general, studies have suggested a higher frequency of eating problems in athletes than nonathletes, particularly in athletes competing in sports that emphasize leanness or a low body weight. However, some studies suggest a similar risk for eating disorders compared with controls for women athletes in aesthetic sports and running and for women athletes of lower competitive levels. Of the few studies that include men athletes, some indicate an increased risk for eating disorders in men athletes competing in weight class and endurance sports, and others indicate a lower risk for eating disorders in men figure skaters and swimmers. A controlled study shows that the prevalence of eating disorders is higher in women athletes (20 percent) than in nonathletic women controls (9 percent) and more common among those competing in leanness-dependent and weight-dependent sports than in other sports. (See Table 1.) Also, the prevalence of eating disorders among men national team members is higher (8 percent versus .05 percent) than among men controls.

Health Consequences Energy deficiency and disordered eating practices impair health and physical performance. Problems result

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Table 1. Prevalence (Percentage) of Eating Disorders in Women Elite Athletes Representing Different Sports Groups and Nonathletes Sports Groups

Prevalence (%)

Technical 12/72

17

Endurance 24/102

24

Aesthetic 22/52

42

Weight dependent 16/53

30

Ball games 39/252

16

Power 1/31

—

Antigravitation 1/10

—

Athletes total 115/572

20

Nonathletes 52/574

9

Only one athlete representing power sports was diagnosed with eating disorders. Source: Sundgot-Borgen and Torstveit (2004).

from depletion of muscle glycogen stores, dehydration, loss of muscle mass, hypoglycemia, electrolyte abnormalities, anemia, menstrual dysfunction, and loss of bone mass. Problems associated with binging and purging are depressive symptoms, low self-esteem, and anxiety. (See Table 2.)

Risk Factors Many factors contribute to the development of disordered eating and clinical eating disorders. The most common factors are low self-esteem, social pressure to be lean, family dysfunction, abuse, and biological factors. Additional factors for competitive athletes include personality factors, pressure to lose weight that leads to restrained eating and/or frequent weight cycling, early start of sport-specific training, injury, overtraining, and the impact of coaching behavior. Thus, for some athletes who start dieting to improve performance, weight concerns and use of extreme weight control methods become the focal point of their athletic existence. A model of activity-induced anorexia nervosa in rats has been reported. Some researchers also claim that exercise per se can trigger eating disorders in humans.

However, a number of studies have shown that active men and women have been reported as being more satisfied with their bodies than less active people and that preoccupation with body weight is often associated with a negative body perception. Some researchers also have suggested that some habitual exercisers may develop an increased awareness of body size and shape as well as disordered eating patterns. We might reasonably believe that certain physically active people tread a narrow line between optimal performance inclination and harmful health behaviors. Women athletes at the greatest risk for disordered eating are (1) those who restrict energy intake to lose weight or maintain a low body weight, to increase exercise energy expenditure through increased hours of training, and/or to increase exercise intensity without increasing energy intake and (2) those athletes who are vegetarian or limit the types of food they will eat.

Prevention Because athletes—at least at the elite level—are evaluated by their coach every day, changes in behavior and physical symptoms of disordered eating should be easily observed. However, symptoms of disordered eating in competitive and elite athletes are too often ignored or not observed by coaches. One reason for this failure is lack of knowledge about disordered eating. Physicians, athletic trainers, nutritionists, and other members of the health-care team as well as coaches, parents, athletes, and athletic administrators should emphasize prevention through education and increased awareness of disordered eating and the female athlete triad (disordered eating, menstrual dysfunction, and low bone mass). These people also should emphasize energy availability as a cause of eating disorders and the female athlete triad and emphasize optimizing energy availability as a prevention and treatment. They also should emphasize maximizing peak bone mass in pediatric and young athletes. Collaborative efforts among organizations and administration will likely be needed for further prevention of eating disorders and female athlete triad disorders. These efforts may entail rule

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Table 2. Signs, Symptoms, and Medical Complications of Disordered Eating Orofacial

Lipid abnormalities

Perimolysisb

Obesityb

Dental cariesb

Renal

Cheilosisb

Renal calculi b

Enlargement of the parotid gland

Reproductive

Cardiovascular

Infertility

Postural and nonpostural hypotension

Insufficient weight gain during pregnancy

Acrocyanosis

Low-birth weight infant

Electrocardiographic abnormalities: low voltage, prolonged QT interval, prominenta U waves

Integumentary

Sinus bradycardia

Hair loss

Atrial and ventricular arrhythmias

Lanugo

Left ventricular changes: decreased mass, decreased cavity size

Yellow skin due to hypercarotenemia

Mitral-valve prolapse

Hand abrasions

Cardiomyopathy (due to ipecac poisoning)

Neurologic

Gastrointestinal

Peripheral neuropathy

Esophagitis hematemesis (including Mallory-Weiss syndrome)b

Reversible cortical atrophy

Delayed gastric emptying Decreased intestinal motility Constipation Rectal prolapse Gastric dilatation and ruptureb Abnormal results on liver-function tests Elevated serum amylase level Endocrine and metabolic Hypokalemia (including hypokalemic nephropathy) Hyponatremia, hypernatremia (rarely) Hypomagnesemia Hyperphosphatemia

Dry skin and hair

Ventricular enlargement Hematologic Anemia, leucopenia, neutropenia, thrombocytopenia Fluids and electrolytes Dehydration Edema Electrolyte abnormalities Hypokalemia Muscle cramps Metabolic alkalosis Thermoregulation Hypothermiaa

Hypoglycemia

Others

Hypothermia Euthyroid sick syndrome

Significant weight loss (beyond that necessary for optimal sport performance)a

Hypercortisolism, elevated free cortisol level in urine

Frequent and often extreme weight fluctuationsb

Low serum estradiol level

Low weight despite eating large volumesb

Decreased serum testosterone level Amenorrhea, oligomenorrhea

Fatigue (beyond that normally expected in training or competition)

Delay in puberty

Muscle weakness

Arrested growth

More training (aerobic type) than required for performance enhancement

Osteoporosis Stress fractures aEspecially

for anorexia nervosa; bespecially for bulimia nervosa.

Source: Sundgot-Borgen (2002).

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There’s no substitute for guts.

changes by national and international governing bodies and athletic associations. Experts recommend that all national and international governing bodies and athletic associations have procedures and policies in place to eliminate weight control practices that could potentially harm athletes. Early intervention is also important because the longer eating disorders progress, the more difficult they are to treat. Therefore, professionals working with athletes should be informed about risk factors for the development, early signs, and symptoms of disordered eating; the medical, psychological, and social consequences of eating disorders; how to approach the disorders if they occur; and what treatment options are available. Therefore, health-care personnel, coaches, trainers, administrators, and parents should receive information about energy and nutrition demands, consequences of extreme weight control methods, eating disorders, the menstrual cycle and related issues such as growth and development, and the relationship between body composition, health, and performance. In addition, coaches should realize that they can strongly influence their athletes. Coaches and others involved with young athletes should not comment on an athlete’s body size or require weight loss in young and still-growing athletes. Unless they offer further professional guidance, dieting may result in unhealthy eating behavior or eating disorders in highly motivated and uninformed athletes. Teammates, coaches, and parents who are familiar with the signs of disordered eating are likely to notice them. Those people who provide medical care for athletes should be alert to energy deficiency, eating disorder behavior, irregular periods, fractures, fatigue, anemia, and depression as possible signs of eating disorders, particularly noting unusual fractures that occur from minimal trauma

How to Help Athletes Women athletes with one component of the female athlete triad should be screened for the other components. Screening for the triad can be done during the prepar-

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PAUL BEAR BRYANT

ticipation examination and during evaluation of the following: energy intake and nutrient intake, possible eating disorder behavior, menstrual status and history, weight change, cardiac arrhythmias including bradycardia, depression, and stress fracture. The athlete suspected of suffering from disordered eating or an eating disorder should be asked certain questions at the first consultation. (See Table 3.) Few researchers have studied the issue of athletes and the treatment of eating disorders. The success of a treatment plan is based on a trusting relationship between athletes and care providers. This relationship includes respecting an athlete’s desire to be lean for optimal athletic performance and expressing a willingness to help the athlete be lean and healthy. According to Manore (2002), the most common nutrition issues in athletes with disordered eating and/or menstrual dysfunction are poor energy intake and/or poor food selection, which can lead to poor intake of proteins, carbohydrates, and essential fatty acids. The most common micronutrients to be in low supply are the bone-building nutrients, especially calcium, B vitamins, iron, and zinc. If energy drain is the primary factor contributing to athletic menstrual dysfunction, improved energy balance will improve overall nutritional status and may reverse the menstrual dysfunction, thus returning the athlete to normal reproductive function. Because bone health can be compromised in women athletes with menstrual dysfunction, intake of bone-building nutrients is especially important. In addition, normalizing weight, body composition, and menstrual cycle, modifying unhealthy thought processes that maintain the disorder, and dealing with the emotional issues in an athlete’s life are important. The younger the athlete, the more the family’s involvement is recommended. If menstrual irregularities are confirmed, the therapist should inform the athlete about the detrimental effects of loss of menses in relation to skeletal integrity. The therapist should emphasize both short- and long-term consequences of decreased bone mineral density. If the athlete has experienced irregular menses for some time,

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Table 3. Questions That Can Be Asked at the First Consultation QUESTIONS Regarding Training and Injuries

Regarding Food

Regarding Weight

Regarding Menstruation

How do you feel about food? Do you have a “relaxed” relationship with food?

What has been your highest and lowest weight during the last year?

When did you start to menstruate?

Have you changed your training regime (type, load, or intensity)?

How is your eating pattern?*

What do you consider to be your competition weight-match weight?

Has your menstrual cycle been regular after menarche (the beginning of the menstrual function)?

Do you engage in forms of training other than that related to your specific sport?

How many meals do you eat per day?

Have you reduced your weight lately? What did you do to achieve the weight loss?

What has been the longest time without menstrual bleedings?

Have you experienced a stress fracture or a regular fracture?

Do you try to avoid any sort of food (forbidden food)?

Are you satisfied with you present weight?

When did you have your last menstrual bleeding?

What did you eat and drink yesterday?

Do other persons have opinions about your weight?

How do you experience your menstrual cycle?**

Questions about purging (ask about the past)

Do you use or have you used oral contraceptives?

* A person with disordered eating may have difficulty recalling what he or she ate. A person with anorexia nervosa avoids fat and is usually vegetarian. A person with bulimia nervosa constantly tries to avoid the calorie intake and binge eats in the afternoon and evening. ** An athlete with disordered eating prefers the absence of menstruation (considers having a percentage of body fat required for regular cycles to be a detriment).

a bone-density assessment via dual-energy X-ray absorptiomentry should be carried out. A diagnosis of osteopenia (a bone-related health condition that is a precursor to osteoporosis) may be enough for the athlete to initiate a change in behavior or training regimen. Health professionals should question athletes who have had stress fractures about menstruation history and eating history. The presence of other symptoms such as tiredness-exhaustion, inadequate or poor nutrition, anemia, electrolyte imbalance, and depression should also lead to an evaluation.

Treatment Treatment for eating disorders includes individual psychotherapy, cognitive group therapy, and nutrition counseling. (See Table 4.) Medications are sometimes prescribed, especially for bulimia or concomitant de-

pression. Some women athletes who have insufficient energy availability may not have a psychological component to explain their chronic caloric deficit. When these athletes are identified, intervention may need to involve only educating the athletes on how best to increase energy intake and/or reduce energy expenditure in order to have optimal energy available for exercise and sports.

Perspective Identifying disordered eating among athletes must go beyond focusing on those who meet formal diagnostic criteria for an eating disorder and should include athletes who are in a negative energy balance and who engage in unhealthy weight control practices that have clinical significance and that can severely compromise health and performance. Many athletes with disordered

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Table 4. Treatment of Athletes with Disordered Eating Type of Treatment

Contents

Individual psychotherapy

The therapist works with the disordered eating athlete and tries to:

Group therapy

■

determine the nature of the athlete’s eating difficulties and how they might be most effectively changed

■

implement a change process

■

teach the athlete to deal with how her sport may be contributing to the maintenance of the disordered eating

The athlete is part of a group made up of other eating disordered athletes. The athlete discovers that others have a similar problem. This therapy gives the athlete a support group who understands her feelings and eating difficulties. This therapy provides a safe environment for the athlete to practice the new skills and attitudes she has learned.

Family therapy

This therapy includes the patient and her immediate family. The family is the focus of treatment. A goal is to modify maladaptive family interactions, attitudes, and dynamics to decrease the need for, or the function of, the disordered eating in the family.

Nutrition counseling

This is often part of a multimodal treatment approach. Athletes with disordered eating do not remember what constitutes a balanced meal or “normal” eating. The dietitian’s primary roles involve providing nutritional information and assisting in meal planning.

Pharmacotherapy

This therapy can be useful in some cases, especially with patients with bulimic behaviors.

Source: Sundgot-Borgen (2002).

eating behaviors need help from a health-care provider to normalize eating behaviors and to redefine their goals related to their performance and school, work, and personal life. Treatment for clinical eating disorders includes individual psychotherapy, cognitive group therapy, and nutrition counseling. Ideally the team should include a registered sports nutritionist, a physician, and a psychologist or psychiatrist specializing in eating disorders. Health-care personnel who have a good knowledge of disordered eating behaviors and a familiarity with sports medicine will be better able to understand an athlete’s situation specific to the sport. To prevent disordered eating and eating disorders, athletes must practice healthy eating and be sure that energy intake covers energy needs. Team staff members and parents also must be able to recognize the physical symptoms and psychological characteristics that indicate that an athlete is at risk for clinical eating disorders. Jorunn Sundgot-Borgen

See also Diet and Weight Loss; Exercise and Health; Nutrition

Further Reading American Psychological Association. (1994). Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders (4th ed.). Washington, DC: Author. Augestad, L. B., & Flanders, W. D. (2002). Eating disorder behavior in physically active Norwegian women. Scandinavian Journal of Medical Science and Sports, 12, 248–255. Beals, K. A., & Manore, M. M. (1994). The prevalence and consequences of subclinical eating disorders in female athletes. International Journal of Sport Nutrition, 4, 175–195. Beals, K. A., & Manore, M. M. (2000). Behavioral, psychological, and physical characteristics of female athletes with subclinical eating disorders. International Journal of Sport Nutrition and Exercise Metabolism, 10, 128–143. Beals, K. A., & Manore, M. M. (2002). Disorders of the female athlete triad among collegiate athletes. International Journal of Sport Nutrition and Exercise Metabolism, 12(3), 281–293. Byrne, S., & McLean, N. (2001). Eating disorders in athletes: A review of the literature. Journal of Science and Medicine in Sport, 4, 145–159. Davis, C., & Cowles, M. (1989). A comparison of weight and diet concerns and personality factors among female athletes and nonathletes. Journal of Psychosomatic Research, 33, 527–536.

DIVING

Eichner, E. R. (1992). General health issues of low body weight and undereating in athletes. In K. D. Brownell, J. Rodin, & J. H. Wilmore (Eds.), Eating, body weight and performance in athletes: Disorders of modern society (pp. 191–201). Philadelphia: Lea and Febiger. Epling, W. F., & Pierce, W. D. (1988). Activity based anorexia nervosa. International Journal of Eating Disorders, 7, 475–485. Fogelholm, M., & Hiilloskorpi, H. (1999). Weight and diet concerns in Finnish female and male athletes. Medical Science in Sports and Exercise, 31, 229–235. Harris. R. T. (1983). Bulimarexia. Annals of Internal Medicine, 99, 800–807. Hausenblas, H. A., & Carron, A.V. (1999). Eating disorder indices and athletes: An integration. Journal of Sport and Exercise Psychology, 21, 230–258. Herzog, D. B., & Copeland, P. M. (1985). Eating disorders. New England Journal of Medicine, 313(5), 295–303. Johnson, C., Powers, P. S., & Dick, R. (1999). Athletes and eating disorders: The National Collegiate Association Study. International Journal of Eating Disorders, 26, 179–188. Leon, G. R. (1991). Eating disorders in female athletes. Sports Medicine, 4, 219–227. Manore, M. M. (1999). Nutritional needs of the female athlete. Clinical Sports Medicine, 18(3), 549–563. Manore, M. M. (2002). Dietary recommendations and athletic menstrual dysfunction. Sports Medicine, 32(14), 887–901. O’Connor, P. J., Lewis, R. D., & Kirchner, E. M. (1995). Eating disorder symptoms in female college gymnasts. Medical Science in Sports and Exercise, 27, 550–555. Pomeroy, C., & Mitchell, J. E. (1992). Medical issues in the eating disorders. In K. D. Brownell, J. Rodin, & J. H. Wilmore (Eds.), Eating, body weight and performance in athletes: Disorders of modern society (pp. 202–221). Philadelphia: Lea and Febiger. Rosenvinge, J. H., & Vig, C. (1993). Eating disorders and associated symptoms among adolescent swimmers. Scandinavian Journal of Medical Science and Sports, 3, 164–169. Rucinski, A. (1989). Relationship of body image and dietary intake of competitive ice skaters. Journal of the American Dietary Association, 89, 98–100. Smolack, L., Murnen, S., & Ruble A. E. (2000). Female athletes and eating problems: A meta-analysis. International Journal of Eating Disorders, 27, 371–380. Sundgot-Borgen, J. (1994). Risk and trigger factors for the development of eating disorders in female elite athletes. Medical Science in Sports and Exercise, 26, 414–419. Sundgot-Borgen, J. (2002). Disordered eating. In M. L. Ireland & E. Nattiv (Eds.), The female athlete (pp. 237–248). Philadelphia: Saunders. Sundgot-Borgen, J., & Larsen, S. (1993). Pathologic weight-control methods and self-reported eating disorders in female elite athletes and control. Scandinavian Journal of Medical Science and Sports, 3, 150–155. Sundgot-Borgen, J., & Torstveit, M. K. (2004). Prevalence of eating disorders in elite athletes is higher than in the general population. Clinical Journal of Sport Medicine, 14, 25–32. Szmuckler, G. I., Eisler, I., Gillies, C., & Hayward, M. E. (1985). The implications of anorexia nervosa in a ballet school. Journal of Psychiatric Research, 19, 177–181. Thiel, A., Gottfried, H., & Hesse, F. W. (1993). Subclinical eating dis-

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orders in male athletes: A study of the low weight category in rowers and wrestlers. Acta Psychiatrica Scandanavia, 88, 259–265. Thompson, R. A., & Trattner-Sherman, R. (1993). Helping athletes with eating disorders. Champaign, IL: Human Kinetic Publications.

Distance Running See Marathon and Distance Running

Diving

D

iving requires a person to jump, perform acrobatics, and land either feet first or head first in water. Diving events include the 10-meter platform, 3-meter springboard, and synchronized platform and springboard events.

History People have been diving for millennia in some form. A twenty-five-hundred-year-old tomb in Naples, Italy, shows a man diving from a cliff or rock. Evidence indicates diving during the ancient Greek and Roman eras. Evidence of diving during the Middle Ages and Renaissance is sparse, probably because water sports were not popular. When diving became a competitive sport during the nineteenth century, people competed in “plunging.” The winner was the diver who measured the greatest distance from takeoff to depth in the water. The first plunging competition was held in 1893 and has continued to the present as the Britain National Plunging Championships. Frank Parrington (Great Britain) is considered to be the greatest plunger. His record of 26.4 meters set in 1933 remains a world record. The greatest early influences came from Germany and Sweden as diving evolved from gymnastics, acrobatics, and tumbling. Early gymnasts from Sweden and Germany moved gymnastics apparatus to the beach

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and practiced maneuvers over the water. Diving was a good alternative, allowing athletes to land in water rather than on hard ground. Soon the sport developed into plain diving events and fancy diving events, which included acrobatics. German and Swedish divers dominated globally prior to the two world wars; afterward the United States dominated. However, since 1984 China has been dominant in the sport. Diving is more closely related to gymnastics than to swimming, but because both diving and swimming require water, the two sports have been grouped together. Thus, diving is considered an aquatic sport and is governed by the International Federation of Aquatics, which oversees swimming, diving, synchronized swimming, and water polo. The federation was founded in 1908. Germany and Sweden helped to popularize diving, building on their strong backgrounds in gymnastics. Sweden introduced a dive technique called the “Swedish swallow” that later in the United States was called the “swan dive.” The dive was named because of its similarity to the graceful dive of the bird. It required a onefoot takeoff that was thought to give more control to the diver than a two-foot takeoff. During the 1890s Britain gained interest in diving after the Swedes Hjalmar Johansson, Otto Hageborge, and C. F. Mauritzi visited the country and introduced fancy diving, which was being developed in Sweden. In fancy diving a person performed somersaults, twists, and so forth before landing in the water. In plain diving a person faced the water, dove, and landed head first in the water. Whereas Swedish divers specialized in the Swedish swallow, British divers performed the plain dive with the arms held above the head. Swedes dominated plain diving contests with their Swedish swallow dives. In 1895 the National Graceful Diving Competition began in Britain. It consisted of running dives from 4.5 meters and 9.1 meters. According to the Amateur Swimming Association (ASA), this competition continued through 1961 as the “Plain Diving Championships of the ASA.” The first diving association, the Amateur

Diving Association, was formed in Britain in 1901 and later was merged with the ASA. Springboard diving, which allows a diver to get additional spring from the board, was introduced during the 1920s. The springboard has a movable fulcrum and was first used in competition in the 1924 Olympic Games in Paris. The movable fulcrum allows divers to adjust the pivot point of the diving board and thus gain greater spring and height to perform a variety of dives. As a result divers began to perform dives that the world had never seen before. For example, Peter Desjardins in the 1928 Olympic Games performed a forward oneand-one-half somersault with a full twist. Two of his dives earned the highest score of any diver in the Olympics. He averaged a 9.2 score out of a possible 10 for ten dives. The first European championships in diving were held in 1926 and were dominated by German divers.

Rules and Strategies Divers perform a series of dives for judges who score the dives according to degree of difficulty. The highest possible score is 10. Individual diving (platform and springboard) typically is judged by seven judges who focus on approach, takeoff, execution, and entry into the water. In synchronized diving two divers perform the same or similar dives simultaneously and are judged on their dives and on their synchronization. Synchronized diving has nine judges; five concentrate on synchronization (how the two divers are similar in height, distance, speed of rotation, and entry into water); four concentrate on each swimmer’s dive. Springboard diving has five groups of dives: inward, forward, backward, reverse, and twisting. Platform diving has an additional group: arm stand. Not only does a diver perform a dive from one of the groups of dives, but also a diver can select pike, tuck, or straight-layout positions of a dive. Strategies include balancing risk and difficulty with execution. A diver performing a difficult dive with execution errors will outscore a diver performing a less-

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Young woman on a high dive. Source: istockphoto.com/ PhotoInc.

difficult dive with no execution errors. Divers must select dives that not only have some difficulty but also that they can execute well. During the years diving competition rules have fluctuated between mandating certain dives and allowing divers to select dives. Springboard diving competition has five compulsory dives. The top divers advance to the final round, where they perform six dives of their choice. Today more than one hundred dives are performed. Most are performed with a head-first entry because it is deemed less difficult to control than a feet-first entry.

Top Athletes Hjalmar Johansson (Sweden) was the leading pioneer in diving during the late 1800s and early 1900s. He was the oldest Olympic diving champion, winning the 10meter platform event at the 1908 games at the age of thirty-four. He won a silver medal in plain high diving at the 1912 Stockholm games at the age of thirty-eight. Annette Kellerman (Australia) was not an Olympic competitor, but she was a swimming champion during the early 1900s. She was a great ambassador for swimming, diving, and entertainment. She was considered to have the perfect body and pushed the limits of what women were allowed to wear in competition. Kellerman had a successful vaudeville swimming and diving career. She performed many high dives for motion pictures, including Diving Venus. Ernst Brandsten (Sweden and United States) and

Mike Peppe (United States) were well-known diving coaches. Peppe coached more Olympic divers than any other coach. He was the U.S. Olympic team coach in 1948 and 1952 and the diving coach at Ohio State University for thirtythree years. Brandsten was a 1912 Olympic competitor for Sweden and a four-time Olympic coach. He also coached the Stanford University diving team. Brandsten is credited with inventing the movable fulcrum. Greta Johanson Brandsten (Sweden), wife of Ernst, was the first woman to win a gold medal in diving in the Olympics. She won in the 1912 games in her hometown of Stockholm. Ingrid Kramer was one of the top divers from Germany. She won gold medals in the springboard and platform events in the 1960 and 1964 Olympics. Klaus Dibiasi (Italy) is the only diver to win three successive gold medals in diving: in the 1968, 1972, and 1976 Olympics. He also won the silver medal in platform diving in 1964. Victoria Manalo Draves (United States) was the first woman to win both the springboard and platform events in the same Olympics (1948). She was born to an English mother and a Filipino father and faced discrimination in some competitions, causing her to change her name. Draves was the first woman of Asian descent to win an Olympic medal. Sammy Lee was the first U.S. male athlete of Asian descent (Korean parents) to win an Olympic medal. He won a gold in the platform event and a bronze in the springboard event at the 1948 Olympics and another gold in the platform event at the 1952 Olympics. Lee was the U.S. Olympic diving coach in 1964 and 1968. Tan Liangde (China) won the silver medal in springboard diving at the 1984 Olympics. While competing

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internationally for ten years, he was a talented and consistent diver. Liangde usually finished in second place to Greg Louganis of the United States, who is considered to be the best diver ever. Fu Mingxia (China) became the second youngest person in Olympics history to win an individual gold medal when she won a gold medal in the 10-meter platform event at the 1992 Olympics in Barcelona, Spain. Mingxia matched the record of Pat McCormick and Louganis of the United States by winning a total of four gold medals in diving. She also won gold in both the platform and springboard events in 1996 and her fourth gold medal in the 2000 Olympics in Australia. Greg Louganis won his first Olympic medal in 1976, winning a silver in the platform event at the age of sixteen. Because of the boycott of the Olympic Games, Greg did not compete again until the 1984 games. At both the 1984 and 1988 Olympic Games, he won both the springboard and platform competitions. In 1988 he dramatically won the gold in the springboard event after hitting his head on the diving board during a dive. Pat McCormick won the gold medal in both the springboard and platform events in the 1952 and 1956 Olympic Games. No one had ever won gold medals in back-to-back Olympic Games before. McCormick was also the first woman to be inducted into the International Swimming Hall of Fame. In addition, McCormick’s daughter, Kelly, won a silver medal in diving at the 1984 Olympics and a bronze at the 1988 games. McCormick trained with fellow U.S. divers Victoria Draves and Sammy Lee. Gao Min (China) won back-to-back gold medals in the springboard events in the 1988 and 1992 Olympics. She dominated women’s diving from 1986 to 1992, winning as many international awards on one board as Louganis did. She, too, is considered to be one of the best divers in history. Aileen Riggin (United States) was the first person to win medals in both swimming and diving at the Olympics. As a fourteen-year-old from Newport, Rhode Island, Riggin won a gold medal in springboard diving at the 1920 Olympics. In the 1924 Olympics she won

a silver medal in springboard diving and a bronze medal in the 100-meter backstroke event. Xiong Ni (China) is one of only three men to have won five Olympic medals in diving. He won silver in 1988 and bronze in 1992 in the 10-meter platform event. He won the gold medal in 1996 and 2000 in the springboard event. He also won the synchronized springboard event in 2000. Albert Zurner (Germany) won a gold medal in the springboard event at the 1908 Olympic Games. He also won a silver in the platform event at the Olympics in 1912. Zurner was one of the early talented German divers.

Competition at the Top Diving (plunging and plain high diving) became an official men’s event in the 1904 Olympic Games in St. Louis, Missouri, although the plunging event was held only in 1904. Since 1928 men and women have competed in 3-meter springboard and 10-meter platform diving. In men’s diving from 1912 to 1924 plain high diving was also included. In 2000 synchronized diving, 3-meter springboard, and 10-meter platform were added for men and women. Women first competed in the Olympic Games in diving in 1912—the year when fancy high diving was introduced. Women’s springboard diving debuted in 1920. Nonetheless, women were limited in the types of dives they were allowed to perform. Not until 1957, after the Melbourne, Australia, Olympics of 1956, were the limits lifted. During the 1920s the pike and tuck positions became popular, making multiple somersaults possible. The first permanent concrete diving tower appeared in Paris in 1924. In that year Albert White, with the first perfect score of 10, won two gold medals, marking the first time a person had won both the springboard and platform events in the same Olympics. During the early years of Olympic diving Sweden and Germany dominated. One exception was the Italian Klaus Dibiasi. In the 1908 and 1912 Olympics, Swedish men won all medals possible except one,

DRAKE GROUP

which Germany won. Quickly, though, the United States began to dominate. This domination was reflected in 1932, when the United States captured all medals for men and women in diving. The 1936 Olympics in Munich, Germany, featured the youngest competitor ever to win a medal. Marjorie Gestring of the United States was thirteen years and nine months old when she won the gold medal in the springboard event. With the onset of World War II the 1940 and 1944 Olympics were not held. Thus, Gestring could not compete in the Olympics again until 1948, when she just fell short of winning another medal. China began its domination in diving with Jihong Zhou in 1984. Zhou was the first Chinese diver to be inducted into the International Swimming Hall of Fame and the first Chinese woman to win an Olympic gold medal in the 10-meter platform diving event. In 2000 China won five of eight gold medals, led by Xi Niong and Fu Mingxia. Mingxia has won four gold medals in individual diving. Mingxia won a fifth Olympic medal, coming in second in the 3-meter synchronized event at the 1996 Atlanta Olympic Games and becoming the first woman to win five diving medals. Three men have won five medals: Greg Louganis, Klaus Dibiasi, and Xiong Ni. Out of the twenty-four possible diving medals in the 2004 Athens Olympic Games, China won nine (six gold), Australia won six, Russia won four, Canada won two, and Great Britain, Germany, and Greece each won one. Since 1904 the United States has won the most Olympic diving medals (128), followed by China (38) and Sweden and Germany (21 each). Shawn Ladda

Further Reading Armbruster, D. A., Allen, R. H., & Harlan, B. (1958). Swimming and diving (3rd ed.). St. Louis, MO: C. V. Mosby. Cahn, S. (1994). Coming on strong: Gender and sexuality in twentiethcentury women’s sport. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Louganis, G. (1995). Breaking the surface. New York: Random House. Lucas, J. (1998). Making a statement: Annette Kellerman advances the

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worlds of swimming, diving, and entertainment. Sporting Traditions, 14(2), 25–35. Markel, R., & Brooks, N. (1985). For the record: Women in sports. New York: World Almanac Publications. O’Brien, R. (2003). Springboard & platform diving (2nd ed.). Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics. Rackham, G. (1975). Diving complete. London: Faber and Faber.

Drake Group

T

he Drake Group is a national coalition of faculty members dedicated to defending academic integrity in the face of the burgeoning college sports industry by lobbying for proposals that will enable faculties to provide college athletes with access to an education.

History Jon Ericson, then provost and professor of rhetoric at Drake University in Des Moines, Iowa, founded The Drake Group in 1999. The first meeting called together several faculty authors, athletic administrators, and members of the sports media to address the problem of academic corruption in college sports. Since that first meeting The Drake Group has continued to grow in membership, fueled by the difficulties of providing access to an education to athletes who find their time increasingly compromised by the demands of commercial and media interests in the entertainment sports. The Drake Group has drafted proposals for athletic academic reform to protect college athletes’ student rights and to protect the rights of faculty members as educators of these students. In addition to meeting annually at the National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) basketball championship games to lobby for these proposals, members of The Drake Group network with other reform groups who share The Drake Group’s goals (e.g., the Coalition of Faculty Senates, the American Association of University Professors, the Knight Commission, and the Collegiate Athletes Coalition). The Drake Group also provides support for faculty

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Drake Group The Drake Group Mission The mission of The Drake Group (TDG) is to help faculty and staff defend academic integrity in the face of the burgeoning college sport industry. The Drake Group’s national network of college faculty lobbies aggressively for proposals that ensure quality education for college athletes, supports faculty whose job security is threatened for defending academic standards, and disseminates information on current issues and controversies in sport and higher education. The Drake Group seeks to form coalitions with other groups that share its mission and goals. Source: The Drake Group website. (n.d.) Retrieved February 22, 2005 from www.thedrakegroup.org

members whose job security is threatened by their attempts to defend academic standards at their institutions and gives the annual Robert Maynard Hutchins Award to a faculty member who has demonstrated remarkable courage in defending the academic rights of college athletes.

Proposals The Drake Group urges faculty senates and other bodies concerned with academic integrity to endorse its proposals as a first step toward closing the everwidening gap between athletics and education.

RETIRE THE TERM STUDENT-ATHLETE The proposals, for example, recommend retiring the term student-athlete, affirming that athletes are an integral part of the student body. People, The Drake Group believes, have no more need to call athletes “studentathletes” than to call members of the marching band “student-band members.” The term student-athlete was created by the NCAA in the 1950s to deflect the threat that its new athletic scholarship policy might lead workers’ compensation boards to view athletes as paid employees. The Drake Group believes that the words that

faculty members use to refer to athletes should not be determined by the public relations needs of the NCAA. Replacing the term student-athlete with student or college athlete in college documents is an action that faculty members can take immediately, The Drake Group believes.

PROVIDE ACADEMIC COUNSELING AND SUPPORT SERVICES The Drake Group proposals further reinforce the notion that athletes are students and should be integrated into the general student body. Separate athletic counseling centers have been spawned by the “student-athlete” philosophy that The Drake Group rejects. The goal of academic counseling, The Drake Group believes, is education, not athletic eligibility. This goal cannot be accomplished in a setting that is compromised by pressure to produce winning athletic teams. The Drake Group believes that faculty senates should act to ensure equal access to education for all students.

EMPHASIZE CLASS ATTENDANCE To protect athletes’ right to equal access to educational opportunities, The Drake Group proposes that faculties enforce a policy that class attendance should take priority over athletic participation. Whenever scheduling conflicts exist between sports and course requirements, faculty members have a professional responsibility to enforce attendance policies that support quality instruction. In some instances, The Drake Group believes, the problem arises because faculty, rather than athletic personnel, does not demand that students attend class. Faculty senates, The Drake Group believes, should require faculty members to establish attendance policies that treat all students equally.

REPLACE ONE-YEAR RENEWABLE SCHOLARSHIPS The Drake Group also believes that as long as coaches and athletic directors can use factors related to athletics to determine whether financial aid to athletes will be renewed, athletes are under considerable pressure to make sports their main priority. This situation, The

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The ultimate measure of a man is not where he stands in moments of comfort, but where he stands at times of challenge and controversy. ■ MARTIN LUTHER KING JR .

Drake Group believes, highlights the inherent hypocrisy in the term athletic scholarship, a term that should be related to educational opportunities. To ensure that education remains the main priority, The Drake Group urges that renewal of athletic scholarships be unrelated to athletic performance or that athletic scholarships themselves be replaced with educational grants awarded on the basis of financial need. In either case, The Drake Group believes, colleges should be committed to athletes as students whose value to the colleges exceeds their role in athletics. The Big Ten Conference and the Knight Foundation have listed the creation of multiyear scholarships among possible reform measures that they could support.

REQUIRE A CUMULATIVE GRADE P OINT AVERAGE OF 2.0 The Drake Group further proposes that students whose cumulative grade point average (GPA) falls below 2.0 in any given semester should give immediate attention to academic performance. Some people might argue that this standard is unfair because the standard for student academic eligibility on some campuses may be less than a cumulative 2.0 GPA. However, given the steady decline in graduation rates for athletes in the revenueproducing sports (rates that decline despite the rise of multimillion-dollar academic support units) and the acknowledged stressors on the lives of athletes, The Drake Group believes that such a GPA requirement would provide a safety net for athletes who are most academically at risk.

ENSURE THAT COLLEGES PROVIDE ACCOUNTABILITY Much of the academic fraud that has come to be associated with college athletics could be eliminated, The Drake Group believes, if information on how students are educated were publicly disclosed. Disclosure, The Drake Group believes, is not about student behavior— it is about institutional behavior. Academic evidence of the quality of education being given athletes would enable faculty members and administrators to monitor

grade inflation and the educational practices that affect the quality of an institution’s degrees. The Drake Group does not advocate that academic records of athletes be revealed, nor does The Drake Group wish to “blame” athletes for this situation. Rather, The Drake Group wishes to expose areas in education where the so-called preferential treatment of athletes (i.e., advisement into bogus or easy courses, manipulation of grades) constitutes a denial of equitable access to educational opportunity.

INSTITUTE A FIRST-YEAR RESIDENCY REQUIREMENT The Drake Group also proposes a first-year residency requirement to put the decision of who will represent an institution in athletic competition squarely in the hands of the faculty of that institution. Each student who represents that institution should prove that he or she can do the academic work. In addition, The Drake Group believes, each student should have a full year to adjust to college life and to explore the many opportunities available before being required to spend many hours on the road in athletic competition. Linda Bensel-Meyers

Further Reading Gerdy, J. R. (2000). Sports in school: The future of an institution. New York: Teachers College Press. Gerdy, J. R. (2002). Sports: The all-American addiction. Jackson, MS: University of Mississippi Press. Sack, A. L., & Staurowsky, E. J. (1998). College athletes for hire: The evolution and legacy of the NCAA’s amateur myth. Westport, CT: Praeger Publishing. Salzwedel, M., & Ericson, J. (2004). Cleaning up Buckley: How the Family Educational Rights and Privacy Act shields academic corruption in college athletics. Wisconsin Law Review (WLR), 2003(6), 1053–1113. Sperber, M. (1990). College sports, Inc.: The athletic department vs. the university. New York: Holt. Sperber, M. (2000). Beer and circus: How big-time sports is crippling undergraduate education. New York: Holt. Svare, B. (2003). Crisis on our playing fields: What everyone should know about our out of control sports culture and what we can do to change it. Delmar, NY: Sports Reform Press. Zimbalist, A. (1999). Unpaid professionals: Commercialism and conflict in big-time college sports. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

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Drugs See Bodybuilding; Horse Racing; Nutrition; Performance Enhancement; Powerlifting

Duathlon

D

uathlon, formerly known as biathlon, is a race including two disciplines, typically biking and running. Unlike other multisport events, like the pentathlon and decathlon, disciplines in a duathlon are done without any time breaks, and athletes must quickly transition from one event to the other. Various formats, distances, and settings exist for the sport, although there are several standardized distances and formats that prevail in many of the most popular events. In most cases, duathlons are formatted run/bike/run. Athletes begin by running, then cycle, and finish with a second running leg. A near relative of the more popular and established sport of triathlon, duathlon has historically been overshadowed by triathlon. Perhaps because triathlon was perceived as more grueling or perhaps due to more aggressive marketing of triathlon, duathlon has consistently lagged behind triathlon in media and fan support as well as the number of events and participants. While duathlon did reach a fairly lofty peak in the mid- to late 1980s, it soon thereafter plummeted in popularity. The sport has enjoyed a considerable resurgence in popularity in the past few years, in part due to corporate sponsorship of events around the United States.

History The official origins of duathlon are hazy at best, particularly as early examples of the sport differ greatly from their later evolutions. In many ways, variants of duathlon led to the later creation of triathlon (in 1974), although not in a formal sense. In the early 1970s, swim/run events were common in Southern California. These informal competitions were popular with life-

guards and more adventurous runners and swimmers. A few such races were bike/swim races. These events, which differ greatly from the running and biking events of today, were called biathlons, indicative of their dual sport nature. As the sport of triathlon began to grow in popularity in the late 1970s and 1980s, particularly with the intrigue created by television coverage of the Ironman Triathlon, these events became a secondary diversion to the more formalized offspring. Events similar to the run/bike/run duathlon events we see today emerged in the early 1980s. However, the growth of this sport, which was still called biathlon, occurred slowly at the onset, particularly when juxtaposed to the triathlon explosion of the mid-1980s. Biathlons did not begin to grow in number or in number of participants until the late 1980s, when major corporate sponsors helped to fund the growth of the sport. This growth was fairly pronounced. In 1984, only fifteen biathlons were staged in America. According to the U.S. Biathlon Association, this number grew only to twentyseven in 1986. The New York Biathlon Series, which included races throughout New York City and were staged by the Big Apple Triathlon Club, were among these early races. Nineteen eighty-six was also the first year the sport named a national championship race, that year held at the New York City Biathlon. While some races numbered in the hundreds of participants, they still catered to amateur athletes. As such, races didn’t include large monetary prizes for winners, nor did they involve large national sponsorships. This began to change in 1987, when the sport grew exponentially, with approximately three hundred races run throughout the course of the year. Races also started to see more elite participants, both crossover athletes from triathlon and athletes who were dedicated exclusively to biathlons. Many athletes who either disliked swimming or were weak swimmers enjoyed greater success in biathlon than in triathlon. Particularly as triathletes became equally proficient in all three sports, those who were strong runners and cyclists but novice swimmers began to fall farther back in triathlons, often beginning the cycling leg far behind their swifter-swimming competitors. In biathlon, how-

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The only way to overcome is to hang in. Even I’m starting to believe that. ■ DAN O’BRIEN

ever, this was not the case, and this was a likely component in the exponential growth of the sport. There was similar acceptance of this sport amongst international athletes as well, and the first world duathlon championship was held in 1990—only one year later than triathlon. Capitalizing on this explosive growth, Coors sponsored a nationwide biathlon series that would become the most visible and recognizable duathlon races in the country. This series included a considerable cash prize purse for elite athletes, an obvious factor in the increased professionalization of the sport. The Coors Light Biathlon Series began in 1988 with twelve races across the country. By 1991, the series had grown to fifteen races and distributed $100,000 in prize money. The largest races in the series, such as the annual event in Chicago, attracted nearly 2,500 participants at the height of the biathlon boom. Additionally, the amount of money to be made at these races attracted increasingly elite athletes who, like in endurance sports such as marathon running and triathlon, made their living through sport. These races sponsored by Coors were only but fifteen of hundreds across the country, but they served as the driving force and the increasingly public face of the sport in America. Thus, when the series was discontinued after 1992 due to general sponsor disinterest and decreasing race participation, the sport of biathlon would take a considerable fall in popularity from which it might never truly recover. Several conditions caused the rise of biathlon to ebb and quickly subside. First, corporate sponsorships, such as that from Coors, were pulled, ending the viability of popular races and series. Second, public interest began to wane, leading to fewer participants in the shrinking number of races. Many biathlon competitors searched for other athletic challenges, most notably mountain biking, marathon racing, or triathlon. The sport also did not receive the institutional support from its own governing body. USA Triathlon, then know as Tri-Fed, was in charge of the growth and management of both triathlon and biathlon, setting rules for the sports and helping to market and grow these sports. As triathlon began to achieve its goal of inclusion in the Olympic

Games (accomplished in 2000), Tri-Fed spent much more of its promotional resources growing the sport of triathlon. Interest in biathlon fell in conjunction with the growth of other endurance events. Further hindering growth, the sport of biathlon was forced to change its name in the early 1990s to avoid legal conflicts with the older Olympic sport of biathlon, which paired shooting with either cross-country skiing or running. Therefore, the sport of biathlon became known as duathlon, which is still the name of the twodiscipline sport. While this change was largely semantic, duathlon, more so than its predecessor biathlon, only referred to events that were staged with the runbike-run format. Therefore, swim-run events or swimbike events (which were exceptionally rare) would not be called duathlons. So while this name change did represent a loss to the rarely contested Olympic biathlon and a virtual loss of sporting heritage, it also provided an increased formalization of the sport that allowed participants and spectators to have a more concise understanding of the sport. With the demise of the Coors-sponsored race series and increased attention placed by Tri-Fed on the sport of triathlon, duathlon enjoyed little growth through the mid-1990s. One bright spot, however, came as the company Dannon began to sponsor a new duathlon series in 1995. Although it began with only two races and was not nearly as extravagant as its predecessor, this series did attract those who had committed to racing as professional duathletes, as well as elite amateur athletes and recreational athletes. Race distances varied slightly in this series, but most followed the 5K run– 30K bike–5K run format. This series has never reached the same popularity as the Coors race series, and some of the races have been expanded to include triathlon events. However, it has remained a constant that helped stabilize participation in the sport. In addition to shorter races, duathletes have also looked to longer, more challenging events—both in America and abroad. Much of this has been spurred by the famed race in Switzerland known as Powerman Zofingen, which has often been referred to as duathlon’s version of the Hawaiian Ironman. The distances

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for the race are typically 10K run (originally 8.5K)– 150K bike–30K run, and much of the race is contested over rigorous mountain terrain. Started in 1989, the race has been contested by many of the sport’s top athletes, as well as several top triathletes and Ironman champions. Financial difficulties nearly sidelined the race in 2003, but necessary sponsorship was found to afford the race and its generous prize purse of approximately $50,000. In addition to the famed Swiss race, many other races in the Powerman Series have been added in recent years. Most of these events contest approximately half the distance of Zofingen, and the series includes venues in Europe and the United States. There are currently eleven races in the Powerman Series. The current state of duathlon finds the sport in a relatively stable position, even if the sport remains far from its peak and nowhere near its former goal of Olympic recognition. Race distances range from sprint distance races (3K run–16K bike–3K run) up to Powerman distance races. USA Triathlon has organized a “grand prix” system, a group of twenty-one duathlons that would award points and modest prizes to series winners. USA Triathlon currently certifies over one hundred duathlons each year, merely a fraction of the number of triathlons certified by the governing body. At least for the time being, the sport of duathlon seems poised to remain a stepchild of the sport of triathlon, one that will support the overall efforts of triathlon but not challenge the sport in its status or popularity.

Rules, Governance, and Championships The national governing body for duathlon in the United States is USA Triathlon, although much more of their efforts are placed toward the growth and promotion of triathlon. USA Triathlon employs a duathlon commission chair, and there are also several elected regional representatives. USA Triathlon’s primary jobs include certifying duathlons across the country, establishing rules, overseeing a system of national rankings, selecting national and regional championship events, and organizing the team to participate in world champi-

onship events. To accomplish this, USA Triathlon must rely on a limited staff and a loyal group of volunteers. The rules of duathlon are effectively the same as those for triathlon, and they share the same official USA Triathlon rule book. While there are many details to the rule book, the spirit of the rules—that each participant must complete the course unassisted—is fairly straightforward. After the first run segment, athletes enter a designated transition area, where they have left their bicycles, and begin the cycling leg of the race. At the end of the bike segment, athletes again enter the transition area, leaving their bicycles and exiting for the final run segment. Many athletes change shoes during each transition area, allowing them to wear specialized cycling shoes that fit into aerodynamic pedals. Athletes must also wear a helmet during the cycling leg. The most regulated and often most controversial rule in duathlon is that prohibiting drafting, or riding in a pack or pace line during the cycling leg. This common practice in cycling races makes athletes able to ride faster with less effort. Since duathlon, like triathlon, is to be an individual effort, drafting is not allowed and is monitored by race officials. If athletes are caught drafting, time penalties are assessed after the race. Multiple penalties result in disqualification. Adding to the controversy of drafting are the different rules for professional and amateur athletes. In recent years, certified professional athletes have been allowed to draft during certain races, although not all. This change has been made to increase spectator interest in professional duathlon. Amateur athletes, however, are still prohibited from drafting. This rule change has not been embraced by all in the sport, especially those that view duathlon as a personal voyage instead of a group competition. Additionally, the difference in rules between amateurs and professionals has alienated some from a sport that originally adhered to an egalitarian ethic. Duathletes have the opportunity to compete in regional, national, and international championships at a variety of distances. The national championships rotate amongst different race sites, as do international championships, which are organized by the International

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Triathlon Union (ITU). In order to participate in ITU duathlon championships, athletes must qualify by ranking at qualifier races set by their national governing body, which for Americans is USA Triathlon. Professional duathletes race in separate divisions in these championships—often draft legal—with several thousands of dollars for top finishers. Championships aside, Powerman Zofingen is still generally regarded as the premier duathlon in the world and still the ultimate prize for most amateur and professional duathletes.

Athletes Perhaps the American most synonymous with duathlon in history is Kenny Souza, who dominated the sport throughout the sport’s heyday of the late 1980s and early 1990s. Souza won eight national championships and one world championship. He also garnered attention for his flamboyant clothing and hairstyles. Michael Tobin was also a frequent top duathlon finisher and a series champion of the 1991 Coors Biathlon Series. On the women’s side, Liz Downing dominated American racing for years, also taking the 1991 Coors series title and winning two world championships. Downing retired from professional racing in 1994. Many duathlons were won by athletes who primarily competed in triathlons, yet raced in duathlons both for additional competition and for more chances for prize money. In recent years, Greg Watson has led all American duathletes, and he remains one of the few elite athletes to focus exclusively on duathlon. Watson won his first ITU duathlon world championship in 2004, and he has won several Dannon Duathlon Series titles. Eric Schwartz also regularly finishes at the top of the professional ranks. Anne Curi-Pressig is one of the leading American women in the sport, although European athletes have largely dominated the sport in recent years. Clearly, the sport continues to be driven by less competitive, amateur athletes. Approximately one thousand amateur athletes compete in at least three duathlons per year (the minimum number to gain a national ranking by USA Triathlon), and many events still attract several hundred athletes. While this is only a fraction of the

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number of athletes ranked for triathlon, there remains a loyal base of amateur duathletes maintaining the sport.

The Future The future of duathlon, as it is still a relatively new sport, lies in the hands of race and series organizers, such as those for the Dannon Duathlon Series, and loyal amateur athletes who continue to race duathlons despite their stepchild image. It appears, at least for the near future, duathlon will not achieve its original goal of Olympic inclusion. It also seems that duathlon will continue to trail the Olympic sport of triathlon in both number of participants and promotional efforts. That said, perhaps the greatest asset for the sport of duathlon will be its shared lineage with triathlon. An increasing number of events now offer triathlon and duathlon choices at the same race. Additionally, triathletes will continue to compete in duathlons as part of their triathlon preparation and to vary their racing experiences. This is particularly true during the spring and fall, when lakes and oceans are often too cold for swimming. So while duathlon may not soon equal its peak of the late 1980s, it is well positioned to attract loyal elite and amateur participants seeking a varied athletic challenge. Keith Strudler

Further Reading Edwards, S. (2001). The complete book of triathlons. New York: Three Rivers. Fitzgerald, M. (2003). Triathlete Magazine’s complete triathlon book: The training, diet, health, equipment, and safety tips you need to do your best. New York: Warner. Friel, J. (2004). The triathlete’s training bible. Boulder, CO: Velo. Harr, E. (2003). Triathlon training in four hours a week. Emmaus, PA: Rodale. Hottenrott, K. (1999). Complete guide to duathlon training. Aachen, Germany: Meyer & Meyer Sport. Lund, B. (1996). Triathlon. Mankato, MN: Capstone. Sisson, M. (1989). Training and racing biathlons: A complete training program for achieving peak performance in run-cycle biathlons. Los Angeles: Primal Urge. Souza, K., & Babbitt, B. (1989). Biathlon: Training and racing techniques. New York: McGraw-Hill/Contemporary. Tinley, S. (1998). Triathlon: A personal history. Boulder, CO: Velo.

East Germany Economics and Public Policy Egypt Eiger North Face

East Germany

Elfstedentocht Elite Sports Parents Endorsements Endurance Environment ESPN Euro 2004 European Football Championship Eurosport Exercise and Health Extreme Sports Extreme Surfing

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he German Democratic Republic (GDR), or Deutsche Demokratische Republik (DDR), had about 17 million inhabitants. East Germany in the 1980s ranked first in the world in winter sports and achieved the number three ranking in the Summer Olympics. In official documents not only the elite sports system was well developed (winning more than 200 Olympic gold medals), but also general sports and women’s sports were highly regarded.

History From 1945 on East Germany was the western part of the Eastern Bloc, thereby especially dominated by the Soviet Union, as were the other satellite states. This was a consequence of the Nazi aggression: at the end of World War II (1939–1945) Germany was divided. The eastern state had to take the name “German Democratic Republic,” and the capital was—against international regulations—the Soviet-controlled part of Berlin. In reality the GDR was a Communist dictatorship, based on Soviet power and guided by Communists in the predominant Socialistic Unity Party (“Sozialistische Einheits-Partei Deutschlands,” “SED”), which was even controlling the umbrella organization for physical culture: the Deutscher Turn-und Sportbund (German Gymnasts and Sport Association, DTSB) enforced an uncompromising monopoly on sports, as well as steady political control of the members. Development of the subdisciplines like the athletic associations that

E followed the will of their members was not possible. Following a crisis in economy and society and after opening the Iron Curtain between Hungary and Austria in October 1989, giving a way to escape the totalitarian system, a great “Friendly Revolution” surprisingly ended the existence of the state in November 1989— without any violence. From 1990 on the process of democratic reunification of West and East Germany started, bringing new structures and a much higher degree of voluntary work for coaches or functionaries. In the GDR, as the geographical middle-eastern part of the former “Deutsches Reich,” all traditional sports disciplines were practiced, but the trend was to concentrate on medal-intensive Olympic events. The emphasis on female swimming (no GDR tradition) and cutting off water polo (even if the GDR was a leading power in this sport) was a symbol for that decision. Indigenous sports like German Turnen (enjoyed by versatile healthy men and especially women, but beyond any goal of medals or records), Faustball (fist ball), the more modern German Feldhandball (field handball), or the very strong left-wing worker sports clubs of the years before the Nazi dictatorship could not be maintained in their old forms because the new system banned all democratic forms of sport organization. The only viable imported sport was volleyball, which was imported by the Red Army of the Soviet Union and became known as the “sport of socialism,” especially for the younger generation. In fact, volleyball’s popularity grew over the years, leaving the traditional fist ball and field handball behind, a situation that continues until today, more than in the former West Germany.

Governmental support for sports opened a scissor that divided the chance of participation in sports for girls and women, boys and men. First priority was the political correctness of active sports people (witnesses say that that was a great reason to avoid getting into organized sports and instead to have informal sports activities, like in the Nazi era). Second, there was restriction on participation. The main element of the GDR system since 1950 was a politically dominated professional sport without free access and with lifelong employment guarantee. This sector was dominating amateur forms of sport engagement, by attempting to dominate world sports by seeking of “new blood” through the selection of the top 3 percent of each GDR generation. Sport was organized following the principles of an army: following all “orders” and “commands” from everybody above the athlete. Besides that, the athletes were victims of a rigorous control, because the Secret Service (Stasi) used about 3,000 volunteers, named “IM” (“unofficial supporters” of the State Security) to generate confidential information about athletes’ politics and private life, in addition to the absolute control of sports by the SED. More than 4,700 professional trainers and about 1,000 medical doctors or helpers as well as 5,000 administrators were involved in highlevel sport. Nearly 1,500 persons were active in “research” or “application” of doping means; about 10,000 athletes were doped and are suffering today from severe side effects. That was the result of the GDR goals; internal plans for 1984 and 1988 saw the ranking of “number one” as realistic. This shows that the rulers

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hoped that the GDR, a state with a population of 17 million, would dominate world sport.

Participant and Spectator Sports As shown above, elite sports were actively abused to construct a national identity. The most accepted spectator sports were, for male viewers, soccer and cycling; for female spectators, figure skating, horse riding, gymnastics; for both genders, the Olympics. Under the GDR dictatorship there was more freedom to act outside societal norms in attending sports events than in other activities; this was abused by fascist “fans” or hooligans in soccer stadiums, who were a growing problem in the 1980s. Because of fear of political demonstrations the international matches were attended by State Security: 80 to 90 percent of the spectators were agents who had the task to play “good” fans. This was a symbol of dictatorship in GDR sports.

Women and Sport In theory and at international congresses women’s participation in sports was a great goal. But in reality girls and women had few chances. Stories like that of a member of the Democratic Women’s Organization were often reported: “Because society is not able to give me a temporary nurse for my child, I have to miss the next assembly of our organization for the rights of women.” On the one hand women were the main part in the Olympic medal statistic of the GDR and, as a result, were the bigger part in recruiting “new blood.” An overall analysis of the entire East German youth population brought approximately 60,000 children of both sexes into the 1,800 state-run “training centers”—selected against their own will. Rigorous selection of 10,000 athletes led into the second level: the “sport clubs” for training. These “SCs” were combined with “child and youth sport schools.” Twenty percent of this group could rise to the 2,000 top athletes of the real national teams—as “pros” in high-performance training. In reality GDR athletes were exceptionally well-paid civil servants, soldiers, policemen, or officers of the Stasi with

guaranteed careers and the obligation to withhold information about the day-to-day course of athletic life, including practices that are identified today as massive doping. Girls and women were the basis for the medals— they won most of them. But, the higher the position of women in the elite sports, the lower was the representation of them, which proves the strong conservative tendencies in the male-dominated GDR world of sports. Girls’ and women’s soccer may have been a positive development, compared with other nations who had tendencies to hinder women from kicking the ball.Women’s sports in general followed the hierarchy of gender, contrary to the propaganda, which claimed the emancipation of women in the GDR.

Youth Sports The nature of youth participation in sport followed the principle of steady screening for world mastery: seeking (Sichtung) youngsters for the elite sector. This group of about 80,000 children had good chances for practice and education in sports; those who had to leave lost these chances again. Interviews prove that the loss of an elite-sport position resulted in a very bad life crisis. Near the end of the GDR there was a growing sector of voluntary sports activities for pupils at school facilities, organized by teachers in their free time: SchulSportgemeinschaften. But in general the youth had in comparison to those of other nations very few chances to practice sports in sport organizations on a lower or medium level.

Organizations The GDR sport organization DTSB integrated officially independent national organizations in disciplines, such as Deutscher Fussball-Verband. Democracy in electing the governing bodies was just for show. All organizations had to have the suffix der DDR (of the GDR), and all were subjected to the SED-controlled DTSB. Even above the umbrella organization DTSB and the National Olympic Committee the highest organizing body was a secret SED commission that controlled and de-

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Luck is what happens when preparation meets opportunity. ■ COACH DARREL ROYAL

cided, named Leistungssportkommission der DDR (Central Sport Commission of the GDR). The president was controlled by the Secretary of Youth and Security in the central committee of the SED. He wrote internal orders like doping or training plans as “staterun secrets,” which were given by a Secret Service officer to the clubs. Following the International Olympic Committee rules a National Olympic Committee of the GDR existed, but in reality it was not independent. The biggest regular events were the Deutsche Turnund Sportfeste at Leipzig with a political focus and the Zentrale Jugend-Spartakiade, focusing on elite sport and mastery of junior cadres. Other most accepted sport events were soccer leagues and cycling competitions, and there was a growing reception of TV shows on elite sports. As a consequence in a society with limited economic power, a very small sum of money was given to the sports activities of the majority outside that elite sports army of 90,000. Estimates of critical research go in the same direction: more than 80 percent (maybe 90 percent, integrating “secret” money for state-run doping) was given to elite sports, not to the wide majority outside the national team. Even this “rest” was divided: “Sport 2” consisted of achievement sports without participation in the international competition system of European championships or the Olympics (for instance, basketball). Sport 2 got more money than “sports for all” (Volkssport or Freizeit-und Erholungssport) or sport of the handicapped. That is one reason why organized sport in the former East Germany after reunification is until now on a level equivalent to that of West Germany in the 1950s. As a consequence of GDR politics, new disciplines were not allowed to be integrated. So karate, windsurfing, and triathlon had to find a way to develop self-organized and outside of organizations, with many restrictions.

Sports in Society Elite sports in society had an extraordinary high value —it had become virtually the only sector of society where the GDR had reached an international level, pro-

ducing the biggest part of positive identification with state and society by that “achievement” of young athletes. But today we see behind the curtain of Communist propaganda and disinformation, even though the GDR Secret Service has tried to hide information about drug abuse and violating amateur ideals. For example, we could show that the State Secretary of Sports had to resign at once by political decision when he tried to make Volkssport stronger. The status of elite athletes in society was extremely high because of the high level of identification of the GDR with their achievement. But in the last decade that tendency changed, because the pattern of cheating by doping was known and openly discussed and the huge expenditures in that sector were criticized in a society that was going down economically and where it was nearly impossible to buy sports shoes.

The Future Today there is a controversy about the future of sport in the former GDR. Sports-for-all as well as school education is a negative model; in comparison this sector was poor, lacking money, gymnastic or swimming halls, sport dresses and shoes. This underdevelopment led to a very low participation in sport-for-all: even today— one and a half decades after the end of Communist East Germany—it is only a fraction, compared with the Democratic Western part. In contrary the high-level sector is discussed from different perspectives. Scientists or politicians who like the “straight” model (of central decisions of the political system and with literally unlimited resources and salaries) tend to ignore the systemic elements like damaging health, cheating by doping and money, and giving inappropriate pressure and transforming the minds and bodies of children and youngsters. That system lives on in the perception that organized sport is connected with money or employment, so it is a problem to organize truly amateur sports in now democratic East Germany, in contrast to other industrial societies. Even the personal influence of former agents of Stasi as well as doping criminals and the undemocratic

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structures are discussed now, one and a half decades after the fall of the Berlin Wall. Giselher Spitzer

Further Reading Baur, J., Spitzer, G., & Telschow, S. (1997). Der DDR-sport als gesellschaftliches teilsystem. Sportwissenschaft, 27, 369–391. Buss, W., & Becker, C. (Eds.). (2001). Der sport in der SBZ und fruhen DDR: Genese, strukturen, bedingungen. Schorndorf, Germany: Hofmann. Delow, A. (1999). Leistungssport und biographie: DDR-leistungssportler der letzten generation und ihr schwieriger weg in die Moderne. Muenster, Germany: Lit. Ewald, M. (1994). Ich war der sport: Wahrheiten und legenden aus dem wunderland der sieger: Manfred Ewald interviewt von Reinhold Andert. Berlin, Germany: Elefanten. Franke, W., Berendonk, B. (1997). Hormonal doping and androgenisation of athletes–a secret program of the German Democratic Republic Government. In Clinical Chemistry, 43, 7. Hartmann, G. (Ed.). (1998). Goldkinder: Die DDR im spiegel ihres spitzensports (2nd ed.). Leipzig, Germany: Forum. Hinsching, J. (Ed.). (1998). Alltagssport in der DDR. Aachen, Germany: Meyer & Meyer. Hoberman, J. (1992). Mortal engines: The science of performance and the dehumanization of sport. New York: The Free Press. Hoberman, J. (1994). Sterbliche Maschinen. Dopping und die Unmenschlichkeit des Hochleistungssports. Aachen, Germany: Meyer & Meyer Verlag. Hoolihan, B. (1999). Dying to win: Doping in sport and the development of anti-doping polic. Strassburg, Germany: Council of Europe. Kuehnst, P. (1982). Der missbrauchte sport: Die politische instrumentalisierung des sports in der SBZ und DDR 1945–1957. Cologne, Germany: Verlag Wissenschaft und Politik. Pfister, G. (2002). Frauen und sport in der DDR: Wissenschaftliche berichte und materialien des bundesinstituts fuer sportwissenschaft, 2002. Cologne, Germany: Sport und Buch Strauss. Ritter, A. (2003). Wandlungen in der steuerung des DDR: Hochleistungssports in den 1960er und 1970er jahren (Potsdamer Studien zur Geschichte von Sport und Gesundheit 1). Potsdam, Germany: Universitaetsverlag. Spitzer, G. (1994). Une generation superflue dans le sport allemand? Sportifs de pointe et sport de competition dans les circonstances de lapres-guerre. In J. M. Delaplace, G. Treutlein, & G. Spitzer (Eds.), Le sport et l’education physique en France et Allemagne: Contribution a une approche socio-historique des relations entre les deux pays (pp. 188–212). Montpellier, France: Edition AFRAPS. Spitzer, G. (2001a). Remarks to the hidden system of stately organized doping in the German Democratic Republic (G.D.R.). In J. Buschmann & G. Pfister (Eds.), Sports and social changes (International Society for the History of Physical Education and Sport Studies 8; pp. 161–170). Sankt Augustin, Germany: Academia-Verlag. Spitzer, G. (2001b). Doping with children. In C. Peters, T. Schulz, & H. Michna, (Eds), Biomedical side effects of doping. Project of the European Union (pp. 127–139). Bonn, Germany: Bundesinstitut fur Sportwissenschaft.

Spitzer, G. (2001c). Doping in the former GDR. In C. Peters, T. Schulz, & H. Michna, (Eds.), Biomedical side effects of doping. Project of the European Union (pp. 115–125). Bonn, Germany: Bundesinstitut fur Sportwissenschaft. Spitzer, G. (2002). Sejrskode, oekonomi og politik som begrundelse for sundhedsfare og regelbrud: Doping-historie og doping i DDR. In J. Hansen & T. Skovgaard (Eds.), Sportens vaesen og uvaesen: Idraetshistorisk Arbog 2001 (pp. 95–117). Odense, Denmark: Argang. Spitzer, G. (2004). Doping in der DDR: Ein historischer Ueberblick zu einer konspirativen Praxis: Genese, Verantwortung, Gefahren: Wissenschaftliche Berichte und Materialien des Bundesinstituts fuer Sportwissenschaft (3rd ed.). Cologne, Germany: Sport und Buch Strauss. Spitzer, G. (2004). Fussball und Triathlon: Sportentwicklungen in der DDR. Aachen, Germany: Meyer & Meyer. Spitzer, G. (2004). “Sicherungsvorgang Sport”: Das Ministerium fuer Staatssicherheit und der DDR-Spitzensport. Schorndorf, Germany: Hofmann. Spitzer, G. (2005). Sport and the systematic infliction of pain: A case study of state sponsored mandatory doping in East Germany. In I. Waddington (Ed.), Sport and pain. London: Routledge. Spitzer, G., et al. (Eds.). (1998). Schluesseldokumente zum DDR-Sport: Ein sporthistorischer Ueberblick in Originalquellen. Aachen, Germany: Meyer & Meyer. Teichler, H. J., Reinartz, K., Delow, A., Haffner, K., Kruger, D., & Wille, U. (Eds.). (1999). DasLleistungssportsystem der DDR in den 80erJjahren und im Prozess der Wende. Schorndorf, Germany: Hofmann. Ungerleider, S. (2002). Faust’s gold. Inside the East German doping machine. New York: St. Martin’s Press: Wonneberger, G., Westphal, H., Oehmigen, G., Fiebelkorn, J., Simon, H., & Skorning, L. (Eds.). (2002). Geschichte des DDR-sports. Berlin, Germany: Spotless.

Economics and Public Policy

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conomics has a profound influence on the world of sport. This influence is especially felt in the most popular spectator sports where the players are paid professionals and the teams are firms. Researchers have conducted the majority of economic research in three areas of investigation: the organization and structure of sports leagues, the labor market in sports, and the issue of public subsidies to sporting franchises. In each of these areas economic issues have driven public policy decisions, and public policy decisions have affected the economic choices of individuals and firms.

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In each of these issues important distinctions exist between sports institutions in Europe (primarily European football—soccer) and “the big four” professional sports leagues in North America—the National Football League (NFL), the National Basketball League (NBA), Major League Baseball (MLB), and the National Hockey League (NHL).

Peculiar Economics of Professional Sports Sport exhibits a number of characteristics that distinguish it from other fields of economic endeavor. Notable among these characteristics is the applicability of one of the fundamental assumptions of economics, namely that the driving motivation behind any business is the desire to maximize profit. However, the application of this assumption to sports firms has been criticized as inaccurate given the social status that accompanies ownership of such a culturally important asset. Owners may be motivated to own teams as a means to boost their ego, increase their public profile, or even (as with basketball’s Dallas Mavericks owner Mark Cuban) to relive their childhood dreams of playing professional sports. The realization of any of these motives is dependent on the playing success of the team. Therefore, some owners might be willing to sacrifice profits in order to have a team that wins more games.

ECONOMICS OF TEAMS AND LEAGUES In most industries cooperation between competing firms is called “collusion” and is prohibited. Antitrust legislation exists to enforce this prohibition. However, in the sports industry cooperation between competing teams is standard business practice. All professional sports teams cooperate by forming into leagues. Originally this cooperation was done in an effort to formalize the rules. Teams in different regions often operated under vastly different rules, making competition difficult. In England the debate about whether handling the ball was legal resulted in the division between soccer and rugby. Teams also quickly realized that fans would

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be much more interested in sports that culminate in an ultimate victor being declared, creating a need to cooperate to formalize a league schedule and championship. In marked difference with other industries, every business or team in a sporting league depends on the other businesses or teams with which it competes. Ford can produce a car without any assistance from Chrysler, but no sports team can put on a contest by itself, creating a unique interdependence between the teams in a league. This interdependence is reinforced by the importance of uncertainty of outcome. Because few people will show up to watch a game in which the result is a foregone conclusion, both teams must have some chance of winning the game. The success of the Cleveland Browns, who won fifty-one of fifty-seven games and all four championships in the history of the All American Football Conference (AAFC), reduced interest in all of the other teams to such an extent that the conference folded. The practical consequence of this interdependence is that each team or firm has an interest in the performance of its rivals. This peculiar economics of interdependence has given rise to a host of cooperative rules within leagues that goes well beyond what is strictly necessary to coordinate league play.

COOPERATION IN LEAGUE STRUCTURE In North America all of the professional sports leagues maintain tight control over both the number of teams in the league and their location. In general, each franchise in a league is given monopoly rights to a given region (in the NFL the region is 120 kilometers around the franchise’s home stadium), meaning that no other team in that league will be allowed to locate in that market. Exceptions to this rule exist where some large markets have more than one team in each sport, but a new franchise must compensate the existing franchise for the lost revenue caused by the competition. For example, the NHL Anaheim Mighty Ducks had to pay the Los Angeles Kings $25 million for encroaching on their exclusive rights in the Los Angeles region.

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Owners also determine the number of teams in a league. In considering the optimal size of a league, the existing teams will weigh the costs and benefits of permitting an additional team. The benefits include any expansion of revenue that is shared among the teams in a league (such as national television revenue) and the expansion fees that are charged to new franchises. The costs include the dilution of any future shared revenue by the addition of a franchise and increased competition for the closest existing team to the proposed new franchise. Control of league size is much less of an issue in European soccer, where leagues include far more teams that are organized into divisions. For example, the English league contains ninety-two teams divided into four divisions, and below these is a pyramid of nonleague clubs. Unlike in North American sport, where no mobility of teams exists between the “big leagues” and the minor leagues in each sport, at the end of every season in Europe the top teams in each division move up, and the bottom teams move down. With almost every population center represented by a team at some level, and with the opportunity for every team to play in the top division, decisions about league expansion are something of a moot point.

Cooperation in Revenue Sharing Revenue sharing is another economic anomaly that is peculiar to sport and related to the issue of interdependence. Team owners argue that revenue sharing is important because equalizing revenue between teams helps improve competitive balance within the league by allowing small-market teams to compete financially with large-market teams. The most common form of revenue sharing is a leaguewide national television broadcast contract, which is distributed equally between all teams. Negotiating as a unit rather than as individual sellers also allows teams in a league to earn more revenue from the broadcast networks. The shared revenue from national TV broadcasts varies widely between the professional leagues. Between 1998 and 2005 the NFL will receive $2.2 billion a year for its four

national contracts with ABC, Fox, CBS, and ESPN. At the other end of the spectrum, the NHL contract with ABC/ESPN that ran from 1999 to 2003 was worth only $120 million per year. Revenue sharing is not without its problems from an economic standpoint. It creates an incentive system that penalizes success and rewards failure. For example, the Oakland Raiders sell more NFL merchandise than any other team. However, because revenue from merchandising is shared equally among all of the teams in the NFL, the Raiders do not benefit from their marketing skills any more than the team that sells the least amount of merchandise. The corollary of this fact is that teams with weaker sales have little incentive to improve. A second issue is that not all revenue sources are shared, creating an incentive for teams to concentrate on expanding nonshared revenues more than shared revenues. For example, in the NFL, gate, TV, and merchandising are shared, whereas luxury box revenue is not. As a result, owners have been building stadiums with more luxury boxes and less general seating. This situation has also contributed to the seemingly strange movement of teams from large to small markets (for example, the Rams moved from Los Angeles to St. Louis). Smaller markets have been able to attract teams by constructing stadiums that maximize nonshared revenue such as luxury boxes. Without revenue sharing one of the major benefits of locating in a large market is the revenue from contracts with local media outlets. Movement from large to small markets is more likely when this benefit is diluted, which is the case when media revenue is shared, as is the case in the NFL, which has a national, shared TV contract and prohibits local TV contracts. This situation creates a problem for the league as a whole because leaguewide revenues (such as a national TV contract) would increase with more teams in larger markets. Revenue sharing also reduces spending on players. Profit-maximizing teams will hire additional players only if the revenue generated is greater than the cost of the players. With revenue sharing the benefits of improving the team (measured, for example, by increased

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Heavy Athenian construction in preparation for the 2004 Olympics.

gate revenues) are shared among all of the teams in the league. However, the entire cost of that improvement (in terms of spending on players) falls on the individual team. As a result, teams are unwilling to spend as much on wages as they would if they were able to retain all of the additional revenue.

Cooperation and Public Policy Antitrust laws in the United States stipulate that firms cannot conspire to increase joint profits or restrain trade. In addition, firms cannot monopolize or attempt to monopolize trade. However, the application of these laws to professional sports teams has been uneven. A 1922 court case granted MLB the only blanket exemption from antitrust law. The case was brought to the Supreme Court by Ned Hanlon, owner of the Baltimore Terrapins of the rival Federal League. In a unanimous decision the Supreme Court ruled that baseball should not be subject to antitrust laws because baseball is a public exhibition rather than a business. This ruling has never been adequately justified, especially since the Supreme Court has not allowed this ruling to set a precedent and has denied other sports a similar exemption. These court decisions have had a significant impact on the power of the leagues in the marketplace and on their constituent franchises. Baseball has not faced the

challenge of a rival league since the Federal League, whereas all of the other three major North American leagues have had to fend off competition. As a league, baseball also has more power over its team owners’ location decisions. Few would argue that given the paltry attendance figures for the Expos in Montreal that the team needed to move at the end of the 2004 season. Prior to this, no baseball team had changed cities since 1972 when the Washington Senators moved to Texas to become the Rangers, and the league has been able to prevent other team owners who were interested in moving their franchises from doing so. The NFL, by contrast, has not been able to prevent teams from relocating since Al Davis successfully sued the league for attempting to prevent him from moving the Raiders to Los Angeles from Oakland in 1980 (they moved back in 1996). Antitrust laws have been applied only sporadically to other leagues. For example, the rival United States Football League (USFL) successfully sued the NFL for restraint of trade (although the damage award was only $1) based on the pressure tactics applied by the NFL on the broadcast networks to keep the USFL from gaining a television contract. However, courts have consistently granted leagues the right to collude in negotiating collectively for national television contracts. In fact, the NFL was granted a limited exemption to antitrust legislation explicitly to allow it to negotiate a league-wide TV deal. Europe has less need for antitrust policy, however inconsistently applied, because open entrance into the existing league creates much less incentive to start rival leagues. In addition, with the exception of league-wide TV contracts, little in the way of revenue sharing exists in Europe. However, the European Union (EU) has been threatening to prevent leagues from negotiating

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Economics and Public Policy 1890—Not A Great Year for Baseball Owners Cleveland, O., Nov. 21.—Players’ National League figures are full of deep interest to the public at this time. The losses of the league during the season through the playing side of the game footed about $125,00, divided as follows: Boston, none; New York, $15,000; Philadelphia, $20,000; Cleveland, $15,000; Pittsburg[h], $20,000; Buffalo, $20,000; Brooklyn, $19,000; Chicago, $16,000. Total, $125,000. In the conferences the following admissions as to losses have been made by National League men about National League clubs: Boston, $60,000; New York, $45,000; Chicago, $35,000; Brooklyn, $25,000; Cleveland, $23,000; Philadelphia, $16,000; Cincinnati, $15,000; Pittsburg[h], $12,000. Total,

nationwide TV contracts, although this prohibition has not yet come to pass.

Labor Market Researchers have applied most economic analysis of the labor market in sports to determining the impact of changes in the structure of the labor market on both player wages and competitive balance in league play. Historically, labor market restrictions have been prevalent in both Europe and North America. The main restriction on the labor market in all of the North American leagues used to be the reserve clause, which stated that at the end of a player’s contract, owners could unilaterally extend the terms of the previous contract for an additional year. Unless players were willing to take the extraordinary step of sitting out a year, this clause effectively bound players to their existing team for their entire playing career, eliminating bidding for players by other teams in the league. In Europe three labor market restrictions were in place: the maximum wage, the retain and transfer system, and import restrictions. The maximum wage stipulated the maximum amount that a player could be paid and was abolished in 1961. The retain and trans-

$2231,000. Against the latter item stands a claim by J. Palmer O’Neil that the Pittsburg[h]s lost but $3,700 last season. He also has a claim for $2,000 for extra mileage traveled, but doesn’t hope to get is all. Added to the losses in case the Players’ League does not go on, may be added the following sums spent in building and equipping grounds: Boston, $40,000; New York, $60,000; Philadelphia, $38,000; Brooklyn, $42,000; Chicago $25,000; Cleveland, $20,000; Pittsburg[h], $18,000; Buffalo, $13,000, Total, $215,000. Grand total invested: $340,000. The Brooklyn club did not pay for its ground or stands. Source: Here are the figures: The losses of the base-ball year made public at last. (1890, November 22). Chicago Tribune.

fer system, like the reserve clause, bound players to one particular team for their entire career. Players could move between teams only with the payment of a transfer fee from the new team to the old team. The purpose of this payment was to provide compensation from the wealthy buying teams to the more modest selling teams for the loss of a valuable playing asset. Finally, European leagues contained import restrictions stipulating the maximum number of foreign players permitted on each team. This stipulation was designed to both foster the development of domestic talent, which is important in a sport in which competition between national teams (such as the World Cup) is prestigious, and to prevent wealthy teams from stocking up on foreign superstars and dominating a league.

Current Labor Market Under pressure from individual players, who challenged leagues in court under restraint of trade, and player unions negotiating in the collective bargaining process, the reserve clause in North America was gradually eliminated and replaced with free agency, which allows players to negotiate with any team at the end of their contract. By allowing a more competitive labor market

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to develop in sports, free agency has stimulated an increase in player salaries as teams vie with each other to attract talented athletes. In an effort to control salaries in the era of free agency, the NFL and the NBA have implemented salary caps, a maximum amount that can be spent on all of the players on a team. Although caps do reduce spending on players’ salaries, salary caps create some important problems. First, the maximum payroll makes it difficult to keep successful teams together. Players on successful (especially championship) teams are more likely to command higher salaries, which makes it unlikely that teams will be able to re-sign their free agent status and stay under the salary cap. In 1983, for example, the Boston Celtics of the NBA discovered that re-signing Larry Bird would use up most of their salary cap, forcing them to sell off much of the rest of their team. In an effort to avoid this problem, the NBA permitted teams to re-sign their own free agents without regard to the salary cap, which came to be known as a “soft cap.” Of course, omitting the salaries of re-signed players from the cap limit severely compromises its ability to constrain salaries. The second difficulty is that teams often have an incentive to cheat on the salary cap. Teams that are caught going over the cap incur a fine. However, because of the complex financial arrangements in players’ contracts, detecting teams that have cheated is difficult. In addition, some team owners may be willing to accept the fine if they can attract more talent and win more games than teams that obey the cap. This situation is quite likely if owners are not profit maximizers, willing to compromise profits for playing success. However, even if owners were strictly profit maximizers, going over the cap is still rational if the additional revenue from signing a player is greater than the cost. Another peculiar aspect of the labor market in sports is the draft, which exists in all four North American leagues. Drafts are designed to improve long-term competitive balance by having teams select entry-level players in reverse order of the teams’ playing performance during the previous season. For example, the worst

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team during the previous season gets the first choice of entry-level players. Of course, eliminating competitive bidding between teams on entry-level players also reduces the cost of recruiting new players. Players object to the elimination of bidding, as well as to the possibility of being compelled to play for a team, or in a city, that they do not like. Under pressure from players and their unions, the number of draft rounds has been gradually reduced. For example, in the NBA it has been reduced from seven rounds to only two. Players who are not drafted are free to attempt to make any team they choose. In Europe the retain and transfer system was dramatically altered when a Belgian soccer player, JeanMarc Bosman, challenged it before the European Union. Unhappy at his original team, F. C. Liege, Bosman wanted a transfer to French team Dunkirk, but the deal foundered on the large transfer fee requested by Liege. In 1990 Bosman sued for damages based on restraint of trade, and, after numerous appeals, in 1995 the EU ruled that transfer fees contravene Article 48 of the EU Treaty of Rome, which states that residents of EU nations must be free to ply their trade in any country of the EU. This ruling forced European soccer clubs to cease the practice of charging transfer fees after a player’s contract is over, although it is still permitted for the duration of the contract. The Bosman ruling also encouraged the EU to force the various soccer associations in Europe to abandon their restrictions on the number of imported players that are permitted on a team.

Salaries of Professional Athletes In both North America and Europe the reduction of labor market restrictions has paved the way for rapidly increasing salaries for athletes. For example, salaries in the NHL increased by 400 percent between 1990 and 1999. This increase was not unique to North America. Between 1994 and 1999 wages in the Premier Division in England increased by 200 percent. In 2002 average player salaries were $4.5 million in the NBA, $2.5 million in MLB, $1.6 million in the NHL, and $1.3 million in the NFL.

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There isn’t a single professional sports season now that doesn’t go on at least a month too long. Baseball starts in football weather, and football in baseball weather, and basketball overlaps them both. ■ JAMES RESTON

Without question major league athletes are generously paid. However, economists distinguish between being well paid and being overpaid. The most frequently used definition of a “fair” wage in economics is to compare workers’ earnings with their contribution to their firm’s revenue, termed the “marginal revenue product” (MRP). If earnings are below MRP, then players are being paid less than they are contributing to the firm and are being “exploited,” whereas if the opposite is true, players are overpaid. Evidence from the NHL and MLB suggests that when the reserve clause was in place players were badly exploited, earning as little as 10–20 percent of their MRP. In the era of free agency, however, the opposite has occurred. Players are, on average, being paid more than their MRP. Economists argue that no firm that is attempting to maximize profits should ever pay a wage in excess of a worker’s MRP. The most straightforward explanation of why this argument does not appear to be heeded in professional sports is that owners are not profit maximizing and are willing to sacrifice profits for success. Another possible explanation is the winner’s curse, which occurs when a number of bidders are in an auction-type setting with a degree of uncertainty about the value of the subject of the auction, as is the case when a number of teams are bidding on a free-agent athlete. The successful bidder will inevitably be the one with the most optimistic evaluation of the athlete, creating a tendency for the winning bid to overestimate the value of the athlete. Economists also have asked whether the relaxation of labor market restrictions has had an impact on the distribution of playing talent in professional sports. Empirical evidence, in North America at least, suggests no impact has occurred. Two studies have demonstrated that no change has taken place in the distribution of winning percentages in any one season after the move from the reserve clause to free agency in baseball. Economists explain this fact through the “invariance principle,” which holds as follows. Assume that the same player has a higher value in a larger market than in a smaller market. Under free agency the team in the larger

market will offer the player more money than will the team in the smaller market, and the player will go to the larger market team. With the reserve clause in place, the larger market team cannot negotiate with the player, who is contractually bound to the smaller market team. However, the larger market team can negotiate with the smaller market team, who will agree to sell the player if the larger market team offers more than the player can contribute to the smaller market team. Because the player can generate more revenue in the larger market, the player will be sold. Notice that although in either case the player ends up with the larger market team, under free agency the player keeps all of the benefits from being able to sign with the larger market team, whereas under the reserve clause the smaller market team receives the payment from the larger market team. Therefore, although the distribution of playing talent remains the same, the reserve clause does redistribute income away from players and toward small-market teams.

Subsidization of Professional Sports Teams The third important area of economic research in the sports realm emerged when governments became involved in the economics of sports by subsidizing teams. This involvement is particularly common in North America. In an extreme example, the NFL Baltimore Ravens pay nothing to play in a publicly funded facility. Two questions arise from this practice. First, does an economic justification exist for this subsidy? Second, if no justification exists, why is subsidization so prevalent? The use of public money to support what is essentially little more than grownups playing children’s games at first seems to defy rationality. However, at least in theory, some potential justifications exist for subsidization, assuming that in the absence of the subsidy, the team would leave for another city. If no threat of a team leaving exists, then no economic rationale for subsidization exists. The presence of a team may bring several types of economic benefits that could justify subsidization. First,

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A bike path in Vancouver, British Columbia; such paths are important community resources. Source: istockphoto/Waynerd.

a team can increase spending in the local economy, both by increasing tourism and by capturing more of the discretionary spending of locals. For example, purchasing season tickets instead of a foreign vacation reduces spending that would have otherwise “leaked” out of the region. Second, sports teams are considered by some to be a cultural amenity that attracts businesses and workers who would not otherwise locate in a region, thus contributing to general economic expansion. Third, sports teams have an “existence value,” which is the value that residents derive from the mere presence of the team in their city. Unfortunately, existence values are difficult to quantify. As far as the more tangible economic benefits are concerned, a number of economic studies have found no connection between the presence of a professional sports team and a variety of economic indicators such as economic growth, income, or employment. The explanation for the seemingly perplexing political decision to subsidize teams with so little economic justification rests partially on the ability of wealthier and more organized groups to exert greater influence on the citizenry and on political decision makers than can disorganized and poorly resourced groups. For the team itself and those groups (such as the construction industry) who stand to gain considerably from the sub-

sidy, dedicating considerable resources to a campaign to curry the favor of the public and politicians is rational. On the other hand, the costs of the subsidy are spread thinly across the entire taxpaying public, meaning that it is not economically “rational” for people to invest much time or money in a countercampaign. The prosubsidy camp has both the resources and the incentive to dramatically outspend its opponents in a political system in which money can purchase results. This unequal contest in the political system can result in government subsidies even when the majority of the public would not reasonably support the policy. The greater incidence of public subsidies of teams in North America compared with teams in Europe is caused in part by the tight control over the number of teams exercised by North American leagues. This control ensures that not all major markets contain teams, making threats of relocation highly credible. As noted earlier, in Europe the number of teams in a league is not similarly restricted. London, for example, had five teams playing in the English Premier division in 2003–2004 and numerous others toiling away in the divisions below.Virtually all major centers already contain teams with a strong traditional fan base, making it difficult for a team to pack up and move to another region and remain viable. Indeed, the only instance of such a move occurring in England in recent history was the move of Wimbledon to Milton Keynes. Not only was this move greeted with horror across the country, but also the team became known derisively as “Franchise FC,” and has attracted few fans in its new location, incurred massive debts, and was relegated from the first division in 2004. The limited possibility of team movement in Europe would make any owner’s relocation threat, on which most subsidy decisions in North America are based, quite hollow.

Economic Crisis? Professional sports are going through something of an economic crisis. In both Europe and North America the easing of restrictions in the labor market has paved the way for dramatic salary escalation. Owners have

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responded in two ways. First, they have sought to convince, with varying degrees of success, fellow owners and players that new restrictions in the form of salary caps and revenue sharing are necessary. This effort has been truly successful only in the NFL, which is both the most profitable league and has the strongest salary cap and most revenue sharing. Second, teams have attempted to expand all of their revenue sources. This attempt has resulted in efforts to expand the sales of league merchandise around the globe (most aggressively by the English soccer team Manchester United, which has opened club superstores in several Asian locations) and pressure on governments to increase team revenues through publicly subsidized facilities. Despite these revenue increases, team owners still claim that they are losing money and are placing increasing pressure on player unions to reduce wages and on politicians to increase subsidies. Unsurprisingly, both strategies are being met with increasing resistance, making some people question the ability of these strategies to restore profitability.

Neal, W. (1964). The peculiar economics of professional sport. Quarterly Journal of Economics, 78(1), 1–14. Noll, R. (1974). Government and the sports business, Washington, DC: Brookings Institution. Noll, R., & Zimbalist, A. (1997). Sports jobs and taxes. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution. Quirk, J., & Fort, R. (1992). Pay dirt: The business of professional team sports. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Quirk, J., & Fort, R. (1999). Hard ball: The abuse of power in pro team sports. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Rottenberg, S. (1956). The Major League Baseball player’s labor market. Journal of Political Economy, 64, 242–258. Scully, G. (1974). Pay and performance in Major League Baseball. American Economic Review, 64, 915–930. Scully, G. (1995). The market structure of sports. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Siegfried, J., & Zimbalist, A. (2000). The economics of sports facilities and their communities. Journal of Economic Perspectives, 14(3), 95–114. Szymanski, S. (2003). The economic design of sporting contests. The Journal of Economic Literature, 41(4), 1137–1187. Vrooman, J. (1995). A general theory of professional sports leagues. Southern Economic Journal, 61, 971–990. Zimbalist, A. (1994). Baseball and billions. New York: Basic Books.

Egypt

Ian Hudson See also Franchise Relocation; Sport Politics; Unionism

Further Reading Cairns, J., Jennett, N., & Sloane, P. (1986). The economics of professional team sports: A survey of theory and evidence. Journal of Economic Studies, 13, 3–80. Danielson, M. (1997). Home team: Professional sports and the American metropolis. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Dobson, S., & Goddard, J. (2001). The economics of football. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. El-Hodiri, M., & Quirk, J. (1971). An economic model of a professional sports league. Journal of Political Economy, 79, 1302–1319. Fort, R., & Quirk, J. (1995). Cross subsidization, incentives and outcomes in professional team sports leagues. The Journal of Economic Literature, 33(3), 1265–1299. Hudson, I. (2002). Sabotage versus public choice: Sports as a case study for interest group theory. Journal of Economic Issues, 36(4), 1079–1096. Jones, J., & Walsh, W. (1987). The World Hockey Association and player exploitation in the National Hockey League. Quarterly Review of Economics and Business, 27(2), 87–101. Leeds, M., & von Allmen, P. (2002). The economics of professional sports. Boston: Addison Wesley.

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gypt, with a population of 76 million, is located in the northeastern corner of Africa at the crossroads of Africa, Asia, and Europe. Egyptian culture has been influenced by developments in all three continents. In particular, because England controlled Egypt during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, sports in Egypt were influenced, primarily as men played traditional European sports such as soccer (association football). Centuries ago, as Egypt declined and came under Roman rule, sports were mainly limited to large Roman-style public tournaments. During the seventh century Muslims from Arabia conquered Egypt, and Egypt became an Islamic society. In Islam physical fitness is important in maintaining health and strength. The ulamas, the scholars of Islam, affirmed that fitness helps create an integrated, well-rounded personality and that a person should become physically fit through sports, socially fit through social service, morally fit through virtue, spiritually fit through worship, mentally

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A view from a hotel looking at the Red Sea.

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Source: istockphoto/HTOUDY.

fit through culture, and politically fit through community involvement. Some activities of Islamic life promote fitness. For example, prayer involves physical movements and helps to strengthen muscles; pilgrimage often requires physical activity and hardship; and fasting develops several traits necessary for success in sports, including self-control, patience, and discipline.

Women in Sports Ancient Egypt provides some of the oldest evidence of physical fitness activity and sports participation by women in human history. This evidence comes from the archaeological record, which includes writings, carvings, drawings, sculpture, and paintings of women involved in gymnastics, archery, swimming, horseback riding, and dance. An Eighteenth Dynasty illustration from the Luxor tomb of Nub Amon, for example, shows two women dancing, and from the Eleventh Dynasty the walls of the temple of Bani Hassan show women exercising and playing with balls stuffed with hay and thread and covered with animal hide. Ancient Egyptian

rulers, both men and women, valued physical fitness. For example, statues of Queen Hatshepsut (1490– 1468 BCE) and Queen Nefertiti (1364–1306 BCE) show them both as physically active. However, most Egyptians, male or female, probably did not participate in sports because sports were the domain of the ruling and priestly classes. Islamic beliefs about women and about appropriate sports activity have had a major influence on sports participation in Egyptian society. Physical education programs for girls were begun during the Ottoman rule of Egypt during the nineteenth century and also were encouraged during British control from 1882 to 1920. However, women’s sports programs developed slowly, and not until 1937 did the Ministry of Education establish training programs for physical education teachers and more women become involved as instructors. In keeping with Islamic beliefs, men teachers and women teachers had separate departments at the Princess Fawzeya School for Girls. To be accepted, applicants had to have a high school diploma, be between eight-

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Egypt Olympics Results 2004 Summer Olympics: 1 Gold, 1 Silver, 3 Bronze

een and twenty-four years of age, show good behavior, be physically fit, and pass an exam. The ministry in 1939 established two physical education departments —one for men that remained a part of the Educational Institute for Teachers and one for women that became part of the Institute for Art Teachers. The revolution of 1952, which ended the monarchy and created a republic, significantly changed Egypt. The new government emphasized education, especially women’s education. Two physical education institutes were established in 1955 in Alexandria—one for men, one for women—and a four-year course of study led to a bachelor’s degree in physical education. In 1974 master’s and doctoral programs were developed. Sports had become important in African and Muslim nations by the 1990s. In 1993 the physical education program established at Tanta University became the first coed physical education faculty in Egypt. The El Minya University physical education program became coed in 1994, as did the program at Monofaya University in 1995 and at Assuit University in 1996. Boys and girls and men and women would share classrooms for their academic studies but would participate separately in sports and other physical activities. Although since the 1950s Egyptian women have had more opportunities to participate in sports (soccer, basketball) and physical fitness activities at the school level, not until 1994 did an Egyptian woman, Sahar alHawari, form a women’s soccer team. Despite opposition from some in the sports establishment and some parents who did not want their daughters to participate in public or in a rough sport, she founded the Egyptian Association for Women’s Football (EAWF), and in 1998 Egyptian women competed in the Africa Cup for Women. According to al-Hawari, “I suffered a lot. This is a dream that came true. I knew it was not a miracle. I believed in the sport.” Soccer had been a male-only sport until establishment of Egypt’s first national team for women and creation of the EAWF. Nevertheless, women’s participation remained low compared with that of men. Although women represented more than half of the population, men participated in hundreds of

soccer teams, as well as other sports teams; only fifteen women’s soccer teams existed. Men hold the most positions on the EAWF board of directors, and fathers still have a say in whether their daughters may participate. Parental attitudes about the appropriate role of young women in Egyptian society have been perhaps the major problem facing women’s soccer. Some families, according to Ashraf Shafik, trainer of the national women’s team, “didn’t want their girls to look masculine or stay away from home too long.” Other families were relieved to learn that the audiences at most women’s matches were families, and some progress has been achieved.

Competition at the Top At the 2004 Olympic Games in Athens, Greece, Egypt won five medals. Karam Ibrahim won a gold medal for men’s Greco-Roman wrestling (96 kilograms); Mohamed Aly won a silver medal for men’s boxing, super heavy (more than 91 kilograms); Ahmed Ismail won a bronze medal for men’s boxing, light heavy (81 kilograms); Mohamed Elsayed won a bronze medal for men’s boxing, heavy (91 kilograms); and Tamer Bayoumi won a bronze medal for men’s taekwondo (less than 58 kilograms). Nabila Ahmed Abdel Rahman (with Mickey Friedman)

Further Reading Rahman, N. A. A. (1998). Physical education in Egypt: From past to future. Paper presented at the Second World Conference on Women and Sport, Windhoek, Namibia. Reuters. (1998, September 26). Soccer: Egyptian women break barriers on soccer field.

Eiger North Face

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he Eiger North Face of the Swiss Alps is at once a place of myth and of collective remembrance, veiled by the aura of danger, death, and heroism. It is a dream or a nightmare, a challenge and a trial. Those who have

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Eiger North Face mastered the Eiger North Face belong without doubt to the small community of elite alpinists. The Eiger, nearly four thousand meters high, forms together with its neighbors Moench and Jungfrau an impressing triangle called Dreigestirn in the Bernese Oberland. In the wake of the Eroberungsalpinismus, the top of the Eiger was reached in 1858. Until early modern times, mountains have been untamed nature or vast wilderness. Only at the end of the eighteenth century did artists and scientists begin to be interested in the secrets of the mountains. The starting point and first highlight of mountain climbing was the conquest of Mont Blanc in 1786; with much time in between, the Grossglockner (1800), the Zugspitze (1820), and the Grossvenediger (1841) were climbed for the first time. In the middle of the nineteenth century, suddenly the Alpine fever erupted, coming from Great Britain, the fatherland of sport. Now, mountains were looked upon as a sporting challenge and the run on the highest mountains began. After the conquest of most summits, the mountaineers turned to difficult walls and routes. Detailerschliessung was the motto that opened the way for numerous first climbs. In the years between World War I and World War II, most routes had already been climbed and the top alpinists searched for new challenges, such as, for example, climbing alone or in winter or the conquest of walls that were looked upon as impossible to climb.

Catherine Destivelle, First Woman to Climb Eiger In 1992, at age 22, the French climber Catherine Destivelle became the first woman to ascend Eiger North Face. As the extract below (from of profile of Destivelle on her website) attests, her success on Eiger came as a result of a childhood dream and a decade of hard work: She remembers the pleasure of reading books such as “Heidi” and “Belle et Sebastien” when she was young. “One day, I dreamed of being Heidi, looking after cows in alpine meadows.” This romantic ideal has seen her through the years to this day. Her climbing is deeply rooted in the traditions of this sport, at one with mountains and adventure. She began climbing at the age of 13: “When I tried rock-climbing, I was good at it straight away, so I liked it.” By the age of 15, she was picked up every Sunday by a group of more experienced climbers and whisked off to Fontainebleau for the day. By the age of 16, she had climbed the Couzy-Desmaison route on the Olan and the Devies-Gervasutti route on the Ailefroide, followed the year after by an ascent of the American Direct on the Petit Dru. Source: Catherine Destivelle. (2005). Retrieved March 1, 2005, from http:// www.destivelle.com/A/BVFrame.html

North Face—Wall of Death The dark and concave North Face of the Eiger was looked upon as insurmountable, not only because of its steep incline and its overhang, its great height difference of 1,800 meters, and the numerous difficult passages, but also because of the weather conditions and the danger of falling rocks and avalanches. The Eiger North Face was the last big challenge of the Alps after the north face of the Matterhorn had been climbed in 1931 and the north face of the Grandes Jorasses in 1935. Now the interest of the elite alpinists but also of the general public concentrated on the Eiger, whose North Face and the dramatic events of a climbing attempt can

be observed by a sensation-prone audience with telescopes from a hotel terrace. The German climbers especially showed a contempt for death or maybe even a longing for death and were willing to take greatest risks in order to triumph over the seemingly undefeatable wall. Until 1936, only one team had tried to climb the North Face and both mountain climbers froze to death in the “bivouac of death” at 3,300 meters after a dramatic change of weather. The Olympic Games of 1936 and the challenge of an Olympic medal heightened Eiger fever even more. In 1924, an Olympic medal was

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The Eiger North Face.

Source: istockphoto.com/trevboyd.

handed out for achievements in alpinism, and the opportunity to gain this award in the Olympic Games in their own country was a special incentive for the German mountain climbers. In 1936, a German-Austrian team (Willy Angerer and Edi Rainer from Germany and Andreas Hinterstoisser and Toni Kurz from Austria) were the most promising aspirants for the victory over the Eiger North Face. After three bivouacs they had to give up, and they lost their lives in a dramatic way during their attempt to escape the wall. Hinterstoisser and Rainer fell to their deaths, Angerer was strangled by the rope, and Kurz died after he had survived a night hanging onto the rope, only a few meters away from rescuers who had come to the hole in the wall that led to a train

tunnel leading to the Jungfrau. But Kurz was unreachable from this place. Whereas the president of the British Alpine Club named the Eiger North Face an obsession for crazy people, the four dead mountain climbers were glorified in Germany as heroes who had given their lives and were lost in action for the fatherland. In 1938, again two teams prepared themselves for climbing the wall. The two Germans, Andreas Heckmair und Ludwig Vôrg, were unemployed Bergvagabunden. They let themselves be employed in the Ordensburgen of the Nazi Party in Sonthofen, Germany, in order to earn enough money to buy the newly invented crampons with twelve spikes. In the Ordensburgen, Nazi

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The best climber in the world is the one who’s having fun. ■ ALEX LOWE

leaders were educated and military exercises, sport training, and political indoctrination were obligatory. On the wall, Andreas Heckmair and Ludwig Vôrg met the Austrian climbers Heinrich Harrer and Fritz Kasparek, and after some consideration they joined forces. The ascent took place in an arena visible to the public as a show for the audience. Spectators, eager for sensational events, and also journalists, observed the actions in the wall with telescopes. In addition, pictures were taken from an airplane. Adolf Hitler had asked to be informed continuously about the progress of the climbers. Andreas (Anderl) Heckmair, the best climber of the four, took the lead and the success of the team was mainly his achievement. With much luck, the four climbers reached the summit in three days in spite of bad weather. In Germany, the conquest of the last fortress of the Alps was interpreted as a symbol of German superiority and frenetically celebrated: “A people that has such sons cannot be destroyed” (Amstadter 1996, 468). After a pause caused by World War II, in the 1950s there was a run to the Eiger North Face and to the route of the first climbers, which was named the Heckmair Route. This route was and is a challenge that was taken up by the best climbers, but also by adventurers and reckless people. All in all, around fifty individuals have lost their lives trying to climb the Eiger North Face. Soon it was not enough just to climb the wall. In 1961, a German-Austrian team conducted the first ascent in wintertime. In 1963, the Swiss Michel Darbellay climbed the wall alone. In 1964, the first woman, the German Daisy Voog, was able to conquer the North Face of the Eiger, and in 1992 Catherine Destivelle managed to climb the wall alone in wintertime. Not only the difficulty but also the speed was increased continuously. Today, the record of climbing the wall is 4 1⁄2 hours, set by Christoph Hainz in 2003. In 1985, Christophe Profit climbed with the help of a helicopter, as a means of transportation between the mountains, the north faces of the Eiger, the Matterhorn, and the Grandes Jorasses in 22 1⁄2 hours.

In spite of improved equipment, climbing the wall is now as then incredibly difficult, exhausting, and dangerous. This is especially true for the new routes. In 1966, a direttissima was opened that was named after John Harlin, who died through an accident on the mountain. In 1969, six Japanese climbers, five men and one woman, climbed the wall in the Japanese direttissima. More routes followed, and today there are around twenty-five routes, some of them free climbing routes.

Rescue Operations Until today, the wall was the arena of great sport performances, but also of dramatic rescue operations. In 1957, an international team of top-level mountaineers managed to save the Italian climber Claudio Corti with the help of a cable winch from the summit. Like the tragedy of 1936, this action caused incredible public attention, not least because the attempt failed to also rescue the team comrade of Corti, Stefano Longhi. On the seventh day in the wall, he fell and had to be left on a ledge. There he stayed hungry and freezing for three days. Members of the rescue team could only try to cheer him up and to feed him with hopes for the next day. But on the next day Longhi’s dead body hung on the rope after a storm had swept him out of his stand. His body dangled on the wall for two years before the corpse could be recovered in 1959. Since the 1970s, climbers in trouble have been able to be rescued by a helicopter. However, in the words of the climber Uli Auffermann, the wall is still a legend and a “masterpiece of mountaineering.” Gertrud Pfister

Further Reading Amstadter, R. (1996). Der Alpinismus: Kultur—Organisation—Politik [Alpinism: Culture—Organization—politics]. Vienna: WUV-Universitatsverlag. Anker, D. (Ed.). (1998). Eiger: Der vertikale Arena [Eiger: The vertical arena]. Zurich, Switzerland: AS Verlag. Auffermann, U. (2002). Was zaehlt ist das Erlebnis: Anderl Heckmair, Alpinist und Lebensk¸nstler [What counts is the experience: Anderl Heckmair, mountain climber and life-artist]. Bochum, Germany: Semann Verlag.

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Auffermann, U. (n.d.). Die Wand: Meisterpr¸fung der Bergsteigergilde [The wall]. Retrieved January 10, 2005, from http://bergnews.com/ service/Eiger-Nordwand/65 Jahre Eiger-Nordwand.htm Harrer, H. (1989). Die weisse Spinne: Die Geschichte der EigerNordwand [The white spider: The history of the Eiger North Face]. Frankfurt, Germany: Ullstein. Heckmair, A., Vorg, L., Kasparek, F., & Harrer, H. (1938). Um die Eiger-Nordwand [On the Eiger North Face]. Munich, Germany: Eher.

Elfstedentocht

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lso known as the “Eleven-Town Race” and the “Eleven-City Tour,” Elfstedentocht is a one-day ice skating race in which competitors skate to eleven towns in Friesland Province of the northern Netherlands. Elfstedentocht is only held on years when the bodies of water that connect the towns freeze over so that the racers can skate from town to town. The race covers almost 200 kilometers, visiting the towns of Leeuwarden, Sneek, Ijlst, Sloten, Stavoren, Hindeloopen, Workum, Bolsward, Harlingen, Franeker, Dokkum, and back to Leeuwarden. The race is usually held in January or February, the coldest months of the year. The ice must be a minimum of 15 centimeters thick across most of the course, with “ice transplants” and facilities (klunen) for walking across non-icy areas on skates added to fill out the course.

Short Notice Elfstedentocht is announced by the Vereniging De Friesche Elfsteden (Fresian Eleven Cities Association), only a few days before it is held, with the declaration, “It sil hewe” (“It is on”). Because the timing of the race cannot be predicted, one cannot train specifically for it, although two people have won it twice. Elfstedentocht captures the imagination and interest of an entire country when it is held, and most activity ceases so people can watch the racers come through their towns or watch on television. The race has been held only four times during the last forty years. Typically the race starts at 5:30 A.M., with nonelite skaters starting directly after elite skaters at a rate of one

thousand every fifteen minutes. The elite skaters are in the dark for much of the race. In 1997 local farmers helped illuminate the course with lights from their tractors.

Origin Elfstedentocht originated during the eighteenth century when local people attempted to skate through all eleven towns of Friesland in one day. In 1890 the sports journalist Willem “Pim” Mulier organized a tour. The first organized race was held in 1909, and the Vereniging De Friesche Elfsteden was created later that year to manage the race. The association is made up of a ten-member executive committee and a larger group of area supervisors. The association controls the number of people who can compete, when the race can be held, measures the ice throughout the course, and creates klunen where the ice is not thick enough.

Importance The Dutch have other long-distance ice skating races, but Elfstedentocht is the longest and the most famous. People who can’t wait for the course to freeze over can in-line skate along roughly the same route. Ice skating is an important part of the Dutch identity, and the race takes the nation back to a timeless Holland for a day. The winner has always been Dutch. More than onethird of the competitors in the 1997 race were older than fifty.

Rules Only members of the Vereniging De Friesche Elfsteden can compete in the race. Membership is limited to people who are eighteen or older who can prove they are competent skaters and are vouched for by two members of the association. Members will either have a “start right” or will enter a lottery to obtain a start place after all the members with start rights have elected to race. A maximum of sixteen thousand people start the race. The percentage that finishes the race varies because of the weather; only 1.3 percent of the starters finished in 1963. Elite competitors must finish within a percentage

ELITE SPORTS PARENTS

of the winning time (20 percent for men, 30 percent for women), and other competitors must finish by midnight (other town checkpoints close earlier). Shared wins (created when race winners cross the finish line together) were outlawed after the race had shared winners in 1933 and 1940. Women, previously able to compete only with the amateurs, were added to the elite competition in 1985. Women have not received a separate award in past races, but they will the next time the race is held. To ensure that shortcuts are not taken on the course, all racers have cards handstamped in each town to prove they came through. All finishers receive the Elfstedenkruisje (Eleven Cities Cross). The top eleven men and top three women receive medals, with the top male winner receiving a large silver plate, and the top female winner receiving a silver cup and bowl.

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long time between races, much pressure exists to stage the race even if the weather is not cooperating. Christina L. Hennessey

Further Reading Bates, S. (1997, January 6). Skating: Ultimate endurance test on ice. Guardian, p. 17. Bernstein, R. (1985, February 22). Dutch wait 22 years for marathon on ice. New York Times, p. A17. Blom, G. (2003). Kleine encyclopedie van de Elfstedentocht [Small encyclopedia of the Friesian Eleven Cities Ice Skating Marathon]. Hindeloopen, Netherlands: Eerste Friese Schaatsmuseum. Couwenhoven, R., & Snoep, H. (2001). Negentig jaar elfstedentocht 1909–1999 [90th anniversary of the Friesian Eleven Cities Ice Skating Marathon 1909–1999]. Haarlem, Netherlands: De Vrieseborch. De Groot, P., van der Meulen, H., & Stegenga, W. (1997). De Elfstedentocht 1909–1997, de complete Elfstedengeschiedenis [Friesian Eleven Cities Ice Skating Marathon 1909–1997, the entire history of the marathon]. Leeuwarden, Netherlands: Friese Pers Boekerij. Kuper, S. (2003, January 18). Global warming sends skiing on a downhill run. Financial Times, p. 24. Van Stegeren, T. (1991). The land and people of the Netherlands. New York: HarperCollins.

The race has been held only fifteen times. The years, winners, and times (in hours and minutes): 1909, Minne Hoekstra, 13:50; 1912, Coen de Koning, 11:40; 1917, Coen de Koning, 9:53; 1929, Karst Leemburg, 11:09; 1933, Abe de Vries, Sipke Castelein, 9:53; 1940, Piet Keizer, Auke Adema, Cor Jongert, Dirk van Duim, Sjouke Westra, 11:30; 1941, Auke Adema, 9:19; 1942, Sietze de Groot, 8:44; 1947, Jan van der Hoorn, 10:51; 1954, Jeen van den Berg, 7:35; 1956, no winner declared because of a shared win disqualification; 1963, Reinier Paping, 10:59; 1985, Evert van Benthem, 6:47; 1986, Evert van Benthem, 6:55; and 1997, Henk Angenent, 6:49.

amilies play a pivotal role in the development of children’s sports talent. Parents are the most influential in initially exposing their children to sports and provide the greatest encouragement concerning their participation. Elite sports parents are those whose resources support the development of a child’s talent in becoming an elite athlete.

The Future

Family Situations

Today Elfstedentocht has become more commercial, and amateurs have more difficulty winning as corporations support the training of elite skaters, sometimes including world and Olympic champions. Global warming is also affecting the viability of the race. The Dutch meteorological institute predicts weather suitable for only four to ten races during this century. Because of the international popularity of the race and the

There can be worlds of difference between an American middle-class family with a thirteen-year-old male basketball player and a Chinese low-income family with an eight-year-old female gymnast. Yet, some general aspects can be stressed. Certain types of families seem to be more likely to nurture sports talents. Social and economic conditions play a central role because children from a family in a higher socioeconomic group are

Elite Sports Parents

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Elite Sports Parents Earl Woods on His Son, Tiger At the Fred Haskins Award dinner in honor America’s outstanding college golfer of 1996, Earl Woods spoke eloquently about the honoree—his son, Tiger Woods. Please forgive me . . . but sometimes I get very emotional when I talk about my son. . . . My heart fills with so much joy when I realize that this young man is going to be able to help so many people. . . . He will transcend this game . . . and bring to the world . . . a humanitarianism which has never been known before. The world will be a better place to live in by virtue of his existence and his presence—I acknowledge only a small part in that—in that I know that I was personally selected by God himself . . . to nurture this young man . . . and bring him to the point where he can make his contribution to humanity. . . . This is my treasure . . . Please accept it and use it wisely. Thank you. Source: Smith, G. (1996). The chosen one. Sports Illustrated. Retrieved March 1, 2005, from http://sportsillustrated.cnn.com/features/1996/sportsman/1996. html

more likely to achieve high levels of performance. This is also the case if children come from a family that is headed by two parents. Moreover, children are more likely to become elite sports performers in families in which the parents have competed at a high level in sports. Few studies concern the way in which elite sports parents and their families function in supporting children’s sports talent and the factors that can limit the parents’ capacity to do so. The emphasis among sports researchers has been on the impact that parents have on their children’s sports careers.

Parental Support Parents appear to be important as financial supporters, as organizers of transportation, in providing moral sup-

port, as supportive in times of problems such as injuries, and in their presence at practice and games. However, parental roles differ, and research concerning elite performers has revealed different stages in the development of talent, including shifting demands on the parents. Research suggests that in the early years, the sampling years (ages 6–12), optimum parental support is given to encouraging their child’s participation, having fun, and enjoying the learning. In programs for the development of talent, it is recommended that parents provide the child with access to varied programs of physical education and sport from an early age. Rather than additional advice, the children require understanding and emotional support from their parents. The middle years, the specializing years (ages 13–15), are characterized by a greater commitment of the child as well as the parents to a particular sport. More accomplished coaches are sought, and the parents often devote more resources to the activity. They are providing the child with financial support and transportation needed for training and competition. Often, the family’s routine can be dominated by the child’s talent development. During the later years, the investment years, parental involvement might decrease. Parents provide support in a background role and can be essential in providing financial as well as emotional support. During the investment years, athletes often need help in overcoming setbacks, such as major sporting defeats, injuries, pressure, and fatigue. Also, the departure of a trainer or the breaking up of a training team can be a stressful event implicated in competition sport. Of great importance is that parents provide an understanding environment to which their children can retreat, if necessary.

Complex Families Young athletes are commuters between school and sport. One of the major tasks for the parents in elite sports is to enable their children to gain school qualifications without having to neglect their commitment to top-level sport. Sometimes the parents are involved in teaching their children.

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Serious sport has nothing to do with fair play. It is bound up with hatred, jealousy, boastfulness, disregard of all rules and sadistic pleasure in witnessing violence. In other words, it is war minus the shooting. ■ GEORGE ORWELL

In all research findings, parents and coaches are considered to be the most important people in the athlete’s career. However, their roles are differentiated, and it should be the coach who makes the athlete aware of the reasons for his or her failures and successes. Parents are encouraged to remember that they should not place more importance on their child’s performance than the child does himself or herself. Families that were defined as being integrated as well as differentiated have been found to be the best stimulus for the development of the teenager’s talent. Integrated families are families with stable conditions among their members and those families that provide their children with a sense of support and consistency. Differentiated families refer to those families in which members are encouraged to develop their individuality by seeking out new challenges and opportunities.

Variety of Life Stories Different sports have various demands, and the resources that are made available to young athletes and their parents vary among national and federal states and schools. Moreover, gendered as well as subjective strategies used by young athletes, not to mention their parents’ wide variety of strategies, are not to be ignored. Being talented means being different, and every talent is a unique individual and has his or her own life story. The stages in the development of talent refer to objective demands and social circumstances. However, the perceived pressure is not simply the sum of these demands. Athletes and their parents must have both social and personal resources at their disposal to cope with the pressure imposed on them.

A Time of Family Change Increased sports participation, seen specifically as a result of increased social acceptance of sports women in the twentieth century, means that more families than ever before have become involved in sports. Moreover, young athletes are involved in an increasing number of competitions and hours of training. Patterns of parental employment and family situations and therefore pat-

terns of parenting have been changing as well. Thus, the social conditions of nurturing sports talents have changed, in particular since the 1970s. The number of elite parents has increased, and their role has expanded for the following reasons: (1) the stakes associated with the success of athletes has increased, and (2) the decline of public support for skills development has forced families to seek elite training in private clubs and with privately hired coaches. This means that parents are now faced with monitoring development outside of the institutional supports that in the past often were provided by public and community-based agencies and schools. The availability of parental support will significantly influence the ability of a child to engage in the required amounts and quality of training in the future. However, social circumstances, such as a high incidence of divorce, might limit families’ capacities to do so. Social change and constraints in providing support for young performers may further actualize policy interventions or could enhance the sponsorship of activities that would make parents’ practical and economic support of less decisive importance. Parents influence a child’s initial participation, his or her persistence, and his or her socialization into sport. Children’s enjoyment is paramount, and supportive elite sports parents seem to induce minimal amounts of pressure by being encouraging and by not becoming over-involved. Inge Kryger Pedersen See also Academies and Camps, Sport; Family Involvement; Youth Sports

Further Reading Baker, J., Horton, S., Robertson-Wilson, J., & Wall, M. (2003). Nurturing sport expertise: Factors influencing the development of elite athlete. Journal of Sports Science and Medicine, 2, 1–9. Bloom, B. S. (Ed.) (1985). Developing talent in young people. New York: Ballantine Books. Brettschneider, W.-D. (1999). Risks and opportunities: Adolescents in top-level sport—growing up with the pressures of school and training. European Physical Education Review, 5(2), 121–133.

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Côté, J. (1999). The influence of the family in the development of talent in sports. Sport Psychologist, 13, 395–417. Csikszentmihalyi, M., Rathunde, K., & Whalen, S. (1993). Talented teenagers: The roots of success and failure. New York: Cambridge University Press. Hellstedt, J. C. (1995). Invisible players: A family systems model. In S. M. Murphy (Ed.), Sport psychology interventions (pp.117–147). Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics. Kay, T. (2000). Sporting excellence: A family affair. European Physical Education Review, 6(2), 151–169. Rowley, S. (1992). TOYA (Training of Young Athletes Study): Identification of talent. London: Sports Council. van Rossum, J. H. A. (1995). Talent in sport: Significant others in the career of top-level Dutch athletes. In M. W. Katzko & F. J. Mönks (Eds.), Nurturing talent: Individual needs and social ability. Assen: Van Gorcum. Yang, X., Telama, R., & Laasko, L. (1996). Parents’ physical activity, socioeconomic status and education as predictors of physical activity and sport among children and youths: A 12-year follow-up study. International Review for the Sociology of Sport, 31(3), 273–287.

Endorsements

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iring sports celebrities to endorse both sports and nonsports products is firmly embedded as an international business practice. Companies use the popularity of athletes to sell more products or services. That is the bottom line for companies: “How can this athlete help me sell more [beer, shoes, balls, or whatever]?” The underlying principle is that if the consumer feels an affinity for a popular and successful athlete, that affinity can transfer to the products or services that he or she endorses. Research supports both sides of the practice. On the one hand, one study showed that only 4 percent of consumers said it is important for a famous person to endorse a product and that more than 50 percent of consumers said athletes endorse products just for the money. On the other hand, the most successful sports product endorsers clearly have generated millions of dollars for the companies they represent. Nike did not sell a basketball shoe prior to signing U.S. basketball player Michael Jordan in 1984. Jordan received an unprecedented contract for $2.5 million for five years. Nike went from 0 percent to 70 percent of the basket-

ball shoe market in eight years and in 2003 bought Converse, the company that had been its chief rival in 1984, out of bankruptcy.

Historical Development Endorsements in sports date as far back as the ancient Olympic Games. Although no record exists of the first athlete to secure endorsement money, competitors from Greek city-states were often provided with free housing, meals, and training support in preparation for the games. One can only imagine that the return of successful athletes to their hometowns also brought many opportunities to associate with local business people and their wares. However, as modern sports began to develop at the turn of the twentieth century, so did the practice of athlete endorsements. In Europe race drivers for the likes of Mercedes, Fiat, and Peugeot served as representatives for their respective companies. In the United States professional baseball players granted the right to their name and likeness for tobacco companies to include on baseball cards with their cigarette packs. In 1918 a seventeen-year-old basketball player named Chuck Taylor joined a rubber shoe company named Converse and redesigned a shoe specifically for basketball. That shoe, bearing his name, appeared in the 1936 Olympics and is still in production today. The true proliferation of athlete endorsements came during the 1950s and 1960s, primarily through tennis and golf and ostensibly because of television. In these sports the viewing audience could easily recognize the athletes’ faces, and the nature of these sports was “upper class” and “civil.” Golfers, including Sam Snead, Ben Hogan, Byron Nelson, Patty Berg, Arnold Palmer, Jack Nicklaus, and Gary Player, endorsed clubs. In tennis Doris Hart, Billie Jean King, Margaret Smith, Jack Kramer, Rod Laver, and Stan Smith, among others, were under contract with racquet producers for autographed models. Athletes also endorsed nonsports products during the 1960s and 1970s, primarily on television. Wheaties cereal was a staple for U.S. athletes, and the men’s razor company Gillette also secured various athletes

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I’ve got a theory that if you give 100% all of the time, somehow things will work out in the end. ■ LARRY BIRD

for endorsements. From the Brazilian soccer player Pele to the U.S. football star Joe Namath, the most popular athletes were sought by consumer product companies to lend their image to products. Even tennis “bad boy” Ilie Nastase secured endorsement opportunities. In 1972 the endorsement world was shocked when seventime Olympic gold medal swimmer Mark Spitz priced his endorsement fee so high that few companies actually signed him to contracts. Endorsement opportunities can also transcend an athlete’s playing career. The U.S. golfer Arnold Palmer signed a twelve-year endorsement contract with Calaway golf clubs at age seventy, long after he had placed in a championship event. George Foreman, 1968 heavyweight boxing Olympic gold medalist and world heavyweight boxing champion, was still active in the endorsement field in 2004 with $27.5 million per year for endorsements of his burger-cooking machine in addition to an automobile parts and service promotion.

Business Strategies Contemporary thinking has produced a paradigm (framework) that depicts how athletes have been used in endorsements. At the primary level an athlete can merely be shown with the product in the advertisement. The association between the two is left completely to the mind of the consumer. At a higher level the athlete can directly encourage the consumer to use the product (“Buy Wilson tennis balls!”). On a more implicit level the athlete can proclaim that he or she uses the product (“I wear only Adidas”). Finally the athlete can proclaim his or her endorsement of the product either through spoken words or the use of his or her name on the product (official “Sammy Sosa” baseball glove). In order for the endorsement to be effective, several criteria must be met. The consumer must consider the athlete trustworthy. This trust, of course, varies from product to product and across age groups. Whereas one age group may find the U.S. golfer Jack Nicklaus trustworthy, a younger group may trust the U.S. skateboarder Tony Hawk. The athlete must also be readily recognizable by the audience. This recognizability has

created problems for some athletes. Race drivers and U.S. football players often have theirs face obscured by a helmet. Thus, many consumers recognize the athlete only when the athlete is presented in a specific context with his or her race car or team uniform. Recognition also has its geographical limits. The German Formula 1 driver Michael Schumacher reportedly likes shopping in the United States, where he can stroll the avenues with little distraction because few people recognize him. Similarly, U.S. Hall of Fame football player John Elway enjoyed the same anonymity when shopping in Europe. If some question exists about the ease with which the consumer would recognize the athlete, commercials should include a graphic with the athlete’s name or include it on the jersey. The athlete also must be affordable to the sponsoring company. Some athletes and their agents demand prices that companies cannot meet. As one Reebok executive said, one has to sell a lot of additional pairs of shoes to pay an athlete $10 million. However, the U.S. golfer Tiger Woods’s victory in the 1997 Masters golf tournament pushed sales of Nike golf equipment up 100 percent—from $100 million to $200 million. When he switched to a Nike golf ball the Nike market share went from 1 percent to 3 percent in three months. Trek’s sponsorship of the U.S. bicyclist Lance Armstrong resulted in a 100 percent increase in sales of its $4,000 tour model bike after Armstrong’s fourth Tour de France win. A similar scenario exists with nonsports products. The British soccer star David Beckham’s endorsement of Vodaphone was credited with selling more than fifty thousand cell phones during the first three weeks of the ad campaign. Another key element is matching the personality and image of the athlete with the product and audience. Most successful endorsement deals exhibit strong, direct connections between the product and the athlete. Tiger Woods’s success on the golf course obviously relates to his equipment. However, what is it about his image that relates to American Express credit cards? Perhaps it is the affluence of golf and his charming personality.

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Endorsements The Big-Time Endorsers in the Late 1990s Most Appealing1

Most Recognized

Most Influential/ Trusted2

Most Controversial2

Highest Total Endorsements3

Tiger Woods

O.J. Simpson

Michael Jordan

Dennis Rodman

Michael Jordan ($40 million)

Michael Jordan

Magic Johnson

Shaquille O’Neil

Michael Irvin

Tiger Woods ($25 million)

Grant Hill

Michael Jordan

Joe Montana

John Daly

Shaquille O’Neil ($23 million)

Dennis Rodman

Muhammed Ali

Tiger Woods

Darryl Strawberry Arnold Palmer ($19.2 million)

Ken Griffey, Jr.

Mike Tyson

Cal Ripken, Jr.

Mike Tyson

Andre Agassi ($17 million)

Troy Aikman

Joe Montana

Troy Aikman

Jennifer Capriati

Jack Nicholaus ($16 million)

Scottie Pippen

Nancy Kerrigan

Steve Young

Albert Belle

Grant Hill ($7 million)4

George Foreman

Tonya Harding

Ken Griffey, Jr.

Pete Rose

Joe Montana ($12 million)

Bonnie Blair

Joe Namath

Dan Marino

Derrick Coleman Ken Griffey, Jr. ($6 million)

Joe Montana

Hank Aaron

Wayne Gretzky

O.J. Simpson

Deon Sanders ($6 million)

1. Burns Sports Celebrity Services, April 1997 2. Sports Media Index, American Sports Data, February 1997 3. The ten most wanted spokesperson survey, Sports Marketing Newsletter, August 1997 4. According to Sports Marketing Newsletter, Grant Hill signed a new endorsement contract with Fila in October, 1997, worth at least $80 million over the next 7 years. This new deal would now place Hill significantly higher on the SMN survey list. Source: Brooks, C. M. (1998). Celebrity athlete endorsement: An overview of the key theoretical issues. Sport Marketing Quarterly, 7(2), 35.

Current Practice Top endorsers in golf include Woods, Ernie Els, Sergio Garcia, and Vijay Singh. The Swede Annika Sorenstam and the South Korean Se Ri Pak head up the women’s list. All of these venerable golfers have substantial endorsement earnings. Tiger Woods reportedly made $78 million in 2004 for his endorsement earnings alone. He has secured endorsements from a variety of companies, including Nike, Buick automobiles, Tag Heuer watches, and American Express credit cards. In the shadow of NBA legend Michael Jordan, rising star LeBron James earns more than $100 million per year in endorsements, most notably from his seven-year $90 million contract with Nike. The most lucrative women’s endorsement contract to date was secured by the U.S. tennis player Venus Williams, who signed a five-year, $40 million deal with Reebok in 2000. Her sister, Serena, signed an agreement with Nike in 2003 for a total of $60 million during eight years. Annika Sorenstam reportedly made more than $10 million in 2003 en-

dorsement earnings. The leading endorser in motor sports is Michael Schumacher. The six-time Formula 1 champion reportedly earns a salary of $48 million from Ferrari and another $96 million from endorsements and merchandising. Formula 1 drivers own the sponsorship rights to their helmet, whereas the team owner owns the rights to signage on the car and on the driver’s uniform. Several Formula 1 drivers earn as much as $300,000 from their helmet sponsorships. Endorsement opportunities are not limited to traditional sports. Lance Armstrong’s endorsement earnings have totaled $16 million annually and have ranged from Trek bicycles and Coke to Subaru automobiles. Socalled extreme sports such as snowboarding and motocross also present athletes with endorsements. Tony Hawk is reported to have earnings of more than $10 million from his products but most significantly from his Pro Skater video game. In 2003 it was the numberone sports video game and number-three video game overall. Hawk obtained his fame principally through the

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X-Games, an event developed by U.S. sports cable TV channel ESPN and broadcast in 145 countries.

Controversies The question of who has control over endorsements raises significant issues in the world of sport. The most blatant fight over control came during the 1992 Summer Olympics in Barcelona, Spain. Members of the U.S. basketball team had individual endorsement contracts with a variety of shoe companies. However, the U.S. Olympic Committee had a podium apparel agreement with Reebok, conflicting with several players’ contracts. The conflict was addressed by allowing players to use the lapels of their sweat suits to cover the Reebok logo, thus pacifying their primary sponsor. At the 1998 U.S. Open Venus Williams was fined $100 by the Women’s Tennis Association (WTA) for refusing to wear the Corel WTA Tour patch on her clothing. The WTA had signed an agreement with the software company Corel that required all players on the WTA circuit to wear their patch on apparel during tournament matches. However, Williams had signed a contract with Reebok that included language that “prohibited any other logo” on her clothing. The issue was eventually resolved without serious incident. Reebok remained neutral, saying that Venus could do whatever she wanted. Such controversy, however, has not disappeared. Shortly before the 2000 Olympics in Sydney, Australia, a controversy enveloped the Brazilian tennis player Gustavo Kuerten. The Brazil Olympic Committee had signed a deal for all players to wear clothing from the local outfitter Olympikus, but Kuerten had an apparel agreement with the Italian manufacturer Diadora. Kuerten offered to wear the Olympikus shirt but without the logo. The Olympic committee rejected his offer. He scheduled a news conference to announce why he would not being representing Brazil in the games. On the morning of the news conference, Diadora agreed to let Kuerten wear the Olympikus logo, and Olympikus said he could also wear Diadora’s logo. Perhaps the settlement was motivated by the risk that both companies would suffer retaliation from consumers.

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Issues of control have also emerged between players and the league or organizing body for which they play. In 2003 the Association of Tennis Professionals (ATP) modified its long-standing restrictions on nonapparel logos. The previous restrictions had prohibited nonapparel logos on the front of a player’s shirt (i.e., Visa). If the player had a Nike logo on the front, the ATP required the logo on the back of the shirt. The new restrictions allowed nonapparel logos and apparel logos and dropped the requirement for use of the ATP logo. However, some Grand Slam tournaments continued to prohibit nonapparel logos on player shirts. Several years ago Professional Golfers’ Association (PGA) players (Tiger Woods, Davis Love III, David Duval, and others) fought the PGA because the player agreement (required to get a PGA card) gave sponsors of tournaments the rights to use the winning player’s image in one advertisement after a tournament. Mercedes was a sponsor and after a Tiger Woods victory used his photo in a Mercedes ad. One of Tiger’s primary sponsors, Buick, was not happy. Issues of control also extend to the U.S. professional sports leagues—National Basketball Association (NBA), Major League Baseball (MLB), and National Football League (NFL). All of the leagues have rules governing the endorsement rights of players. Whereas individual players have the right to endorse products and services, the leagues require the company to pay a rights fee if a player appears in a trademarked team uniform. In addition, the leagues have a players association (union) that typically secures the rights to “group” licensing. Each league defines “group” differently but often equates it to the use of five or more players jointly or collectively promoted. The profits from these agreements (i.e., player trading cards) are then divided equally among the association members. In light of these limits, some star players have retracted the right to their name from the association, opting instead for total control over their name and likeness. The Chinese NBA star Yao Ming filed a lawsuit against Coke because it used his image in advertising based on an arrangement that Coke had with the Chinese basketball national

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I can accept failure. Everyone fails at something. But I can’t accept not trying. ■ MICHAEL JORDAN

team. Again, the issue was whether Coke had the right to Yao as an individual player or could use his likeness only as a group member of the entire Chinese national team. The case was eventually settled out of court. Some athlete endorsers have run into trouble with the law. The negative publicity associated with an endorser then transfers to the products that he or she endorses. One of the more notorious examples is boxer Mike Tyson. Tyson, once heavyweight champion of the world, was arrested and imprisoned for a variety of charges, including assault and rape. In the NBA Los Angeles Lakers star Kobe Bryant, on the heels of signing a new contract with Nike and Coca-Cola brand Sprite, lost many of his endorsement deals when he was arrested for sexual assault. The enormity of such problems has led many companies to include termination clauses in athlete endorsement contracts. These clauses allow a company to sever its ties with an athlete if the athlete engages in any activities that produce negative publicity for the company. When is an athlete too young to enter into an endorsement agreement? In recent years many teenaged basketball standouts have entered the NBA directly from high school and have signed lucrative shoe endorsements; however, Nike’s $1 million sponsorship of then-thirteen-year-old U.S. soccer player Freddie Adu in 2003 stunned the sports community. Although Adu opted to play professional soccer, forgoing an amateur career, many people believed that he was too young to enter the professional game. After Nike signed Adu, Reebok signed three-year-old basketball show-off Mark Walker to an endorsement deal. Many people believe that signing was a parody of endorsements, but Reebok did use Walker in its advertising. Some people noted that Walker was the first player to sign an endorsement deal for basketball shoes without being able to tie them.

Outlook “Fewer, bigger, better” seems to be the slogan of many product companies. That is, they are decreasing the number of endorsers but increasing the amount of money paid to them. In 2003 first-year NBA player

LeBron James signed an endorsement contract with Nike for $13 million per year, slightly more than his annual player salary of $12.96 million. To further illustrate the point, Nike’s 2004 commitment to player endorsements was $1.64 billion. This trend began to emerge during the last five years, with the list of endorsers growing smaller each year as the value of contracts increased. Companies are also looking for athletes who present little risk for negative publicity. With the recurrent problems and well-documented misdeeds of star athletes, companies are increasing their quest for “squeaky clean” athletes. In some cases they have looked back to historical sports figures, both dead and alive, who have proven themselves and are trusted by consumers. Companies also are seeking women athletes as endorsers. According to many executives, women athletes are far less likely to generate negative publicity and are more accessible and personable with consumers. They will actually sign autographs and spend time with fans. Leading women endorsers are Venus and Serena Williams, Women’s National Basketball Association (WNBA) standout Lisa Leslie, golfer Annika Sorenstam, and the Russian tennis player Anna Kournikova, who earns $14 million from her endorsement deals even though she has never won a WTA tournament. Most companies play down the “sex sells” controversy surrounding some women endorsers and instead portray their women endorsers as role models and athletically talented representatives of the company who can connect with consumers. Product placement will most certainly increase through in-the-market marketing. Companies will make sure that their products are both closely associated with the endorser and used authentically in the sport. A Nike official once commented that Nike did not have to prove that its shoes are great because Michael Jordan proved it everyday on the basketball court. Skiers at the end of an event dash to the victory podium gleefully raising their skis overhead in celebration (unfortunately, often the latest product, not the actual skis used in event). At the 2002 Winter Olympic Games, event personnel were instructed to allow Coca-Cola staff to place

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Coca-Cola’s Dasani brand water bottles on the podium for the postrace news conferences. The athletes were, of course, not supposed to drink the water from these bottles because the International Olympic Committee medical commission had not screened the water to be free of banned substances. Regardless, Coke wanted to have its product associated with the winning athletes. Experts contend that conflicts over control will continue between athletes, agents, leagues, and event owners. The National Thoroughbred Racing Association began talks with jockeys about the issue of sponsor logos on their pants.These talks came about after a controversy at the 2003 Belmont Stakes where three jockeys displayed logos for Wrangler jeans and Budweiser beer. Although no rules prohibiting logos had existed prior to the race, the controversy had never arisen before. Issues are sure to arise when a company (e.g., the International Management Group) that owns the event, produces the TV content, and represents the athlete controls which athletes appear in an event, which images are broadcast on TV, and who can or must purchase advertising during the broadcast. Athlete endorsements are projected to grow in step with the popularity of sports. The fluctuations in the popularity of specific sports will also dictate the popularity of athletes with consumers. As noted, the primary rationale for athlete endorsements will remain the same: How does this arrangement sell the product? As the world becomes a global marketplace, multinational companies will continue to search for ways to make a connection with their consumers. History has shown that athlete celebrities can make that connection. David K. Stotlar See also Athletes as Celebrities; Sponsorship

Further Reading Drury, J. & Elliot, C. (1998). The Athlete’s guide to sponsorship: How to find an individual, team, or event sponsor. Boulder, CO: Velo Press. Gray, R. (2003, November 27). Brand athletes. Marketing (UK) p. 27.

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Janoff, B. (2004, January 12). The world not according to Kobe. Brandweek, 45(2), 20–24. Stevens, J., Lathrop, A., & Bradish, C. (2003). Who is your hero: Implications for athlete endorsement strategies. Sport Marketing Quarterly, 12(2), 103–110. Stotlar. D. K. (2001). Developing successful sport sponsorship plans. Morgantown, WV: Fitness Information.

Endurance

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ndurance is a key concept of fitness that involves the cardiorespiratory, muscular, and skeletal systems of the human body. The objective of endurance training is to develop the energy-production systems necessary to meet the demands of tasks.

Endurance Fitness and Cardiovascular Endurance Dr. Kenneth Cooper of the Cooper Fitness Institute in Texas has been studying the effects of exercise on the body since the 1960s. When he began his study, although the medical community acknowledged that regular exercise promotes general health, the ideal amount of exercise and the ideal type of exercise were not known. Cooper felt that the right kind of exercise can improve and maintain all-around health. He believed in exercise not only as preventive medicine but also as therapy for people with heart and lung ailments, overeaters, smokers, overanxious people, and people with diabetes and arthritis. In his book Aerobics Cooper detailed the type and amount of exercise needed to benefit the human body. In early studies with the U.S. Air Force, he found that exercising the heart and the lungs (cardiovascular system) improves what he called “endurance fitness” or one’s working capacity. This improvement can be realized by performing prolonged exercise without undue fatigue. Cooper’s research on the connection between exercise and health motivated millions of people to exercise. Cardiovascular endurance (or cardiorespiratory endurance) is a critical component of fitness because the

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A lone runner endures with focus and concentration.

functioning of the heart and the lungs is essential for overall wellness. In 1996 the U.S. surgeon general reported that both males and females of all ages can benefit by performing a moderate amount of physical activity (at least thirty minutes) such as brisk walking on most days of the week. Experts also reported that additional benefits can be gained by maintaining a regular exercise program of more vigorous intensity or longer duration. The American College of Sports Medicine (ACSM) also said exercising more intensely for a longer duration can lead to greater health benefits. Energy for exercise can be produced either anaerobically (without oxygen) or aerobically (with oxygen). When one starts exercising a series of chemical reactions takes place in the body to convert food energy into adenosine triphosphate (ATP). ATP is the chemical compound that supplies energy for muscular contraction. Because ATP is stored in only small amounts in the muscles, for continuous exercise to occur ATP must be synthesized in the body at the same rate of utilization.

Source: istockphoto.com/ P_Wei.

Aerobic Endurance The oxygen system (or the “aerobic system,” as it is more commonly known) is developed through continuous submaximal exercise and activities that require performance times of three minutes or longer. Whereas intense bursts of energy (lifting weights or running up a flight of stairs) benefit anaerobic energy systems, a developed aerobic system helps improve the body’s oxygen transport system (heart, lungs, and blood vessels). The cardiovascular system keeps the body supplied with the oxygen it needs twenty-four hours a day. The cardiorespiratory changes induced by this type of training benefit the oxygen transport system. The ability of the heart and lungs to take in and transport adequate amounts of oxygen to working muscles increases when one engages in activities such as running, walking or hiking, swimming, cycling, cross-country skiing, dancing, and endurance games and activities that are performed over long periods of time at a certain heart rate.

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Champions keep playing until they get it right. ■ BILLIE JEAN KING

The key to developing the fitness component of cardiovascular endurance and aerobic endurance is oxygen consumption (VO2 ). The amount of oxygen the body can take in and then deliver to working cells is the best measure of one’s aerobic fitness.VO2 max is the body’s capacity to extract oxygen from the air and then deliver it to the body tissues. Scientists have measured VO2 max in the amount of oxygen a person extracts from the air during intense exercise on a treadmill or stationary bicycle. The highest maximal oxygen uptake (absorbing and incorporating, especially into a living organism, tissue, or cell) is generally recorded in men and women who compete in distance running, swimming, cycling, and cross-country skiing. Many of these athletes have doubled their aerobic capacity in comparison with that of sedentary people.

Benefits of Aerobic Exercise Numerous laboratory studies have quantified the many health and fitness benefits of endurance training. To develop and maintain cardiorespiratory (CR) endurance a person can perform any activity that uses large muscle groups, can be maintained continuously, and is rhythmical and aerobic in nature. When fitness levels of CR endurance are low the heart is forced to work hard during normal daily activities and may not be able to sustain the work intensity required in an emergency. As CR endurance improves certain adaptations are made in order for the heart to work more efficiently. One’s stroke volume (amount of blood pumped each beat) increases, and the resting heart rate decreases. This adaptation means the heart does not have to work as hard at rest or during low levels of exercise. Other adaptations that enhance efficiency are an increased blood volume, an improvement in blood supply to tissues, and a decrease in resting blood pressure. Cardiovascular endurance training also improves the body’s ability to use energy supplied by food and to perform more exercise with less effort from the aerobic system. Many studies have shown that moderate levels of activity benefit the balance of lipids (one of the principal structural components of living cells) in the blood. High

levels of lipids such as cholesterol and triglycerides are linked to heart disease because they contribute to the buildup of fatty deposits on the linings of arteries. Low levels of cardiovascular endurance are linked with heart disease, the leading cause of death in the United States. Exercise can also minimize the risk factors for high blood pressure, obesity, stroke, and diabetes. The American Heart Association (AHA) has identified physical inactivity as one of the six major risk factors for cardiovascular disease. A healthy heart can better withstand the strains of everyday life and can also adapt to occasional emergencies and the wear and tear of time.

Target Heart Rate Zone The ACSM has reported significant improvements in aerobic endurance capacity when people train above 50 percent of their maximal capacity (VO2 ). Beginners can make progress by initially training at 40–50 percent of their VO2 max. This intensity stresses one’s body enough to produce positive changes in the cardiorespiratory system, fostering improvement in its overall ability to transport oxygen. An exercise heart rate can be used to measure one’s exercise intensity. In order to use the heart rate to determine exercise intensity, one must first determine his or her maximum heart rate. A rough estimate of maximum heart rate is determined by subtracting age from 220. For example, a twenty-year-old college student would have a maximum heart rate of two hundred beats per minute. Maximum heart rate is most accurately measured by a treadmill test conducted in an exercise laboratory, usually at a clinic or hospital. After a maximum heart rate is established one can determine the target heart rate zone. One’s target heart rate zone is the rate at which one should exercise to experience cardiorespiratory benefits. According to the ACSM, a significant endurance training effect will occur when one’s exercise heart rate reaches 65 percent (low end) to 90 percent (high end) of one’s maximum heart rate. Experts suggest that one use 55 percent as the low end value if one is extremely unfit or a beginner. To calculate one’s target heart rate zone, one should multiply

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the maximum heart rate first by either .55 or .65 (depending on fitness level) and then by .90. These two heart rates represent the upper and lower limits of the target heart rate zone. Heart rates can be taken while exercising by purchasing a heart rate monitor or by simply taking one’s own pulse at the carotid artery in the neck or the radial pulse at the wrist. People should know their prescribed heart rate zone when they become involved in an exercise program and exercise within that zone to receive the benefits of aerobic endurance.

Relative Perceived Exertion Scale and Talk Test Other simple techniques to determine proper exercising intensity suggested by the ASCM are the relative perceived exertion (RPE) scale and the talk test. The RPE scale helps one associate a given exercise intensity with how one feels during exercise. The level of perceived exertion is often measured with a fifteen-category scale that was developed by the Swedish psychologist Gunnar Borg. Studies have shown a linear relationship between heart rate and oxygen consumption during aerobic exercise. An increase in oxygen demands will bring an increased feeling of exertion. Moderateintensity physical activities should feel somewhat difficult. Self-monitoring how hard one works can help one adjust the intensity of the activity by speeding or slowing movements. Offering a subjective reflection of physiological responses during exercise, the RPE can be most helpful to people on medications that would alter normal heart rate. The rate of perceived exertion is recommended by experts to rate the intensity of a given activity. The talk test has also been adopted to assess the intensity of a workout. In this test one should exercise at the fastest pace one can while still being able to engage in conversation. The Journal of Medicine & Science in Sport & Exercise reported that studies showed that if people struggled with speaking while exercising, their heart rate and peak oxygen consumption had begun to exceed the threshold for safe exercise. The talk test can

help determine exercising intensity and minimizes the risk of injury.

Tests of Aerobic Endurance Aerobic endurance capacity is determined by trained personnel in sophisticated laboratories. This fact makes determining such capacity impractical for most exercise situations. However, participants in aerobic conditioning programs can measure progress in cardiovascular endurance by field tests. Dr. Cooper developed several such field tests. The twelve-minute walk/run test and the twelve-minute swimming tests are appropriate for persons of all aerobic ability levels. The 2.4-kilometer run test and the 4.8-kilometer walk test are reserved for well-conditioned people. Normative data from these tests provide a reasonably accurate estimate of a person’s aerobic fitness.

Muscular Endurance Although cardiorespiratory endurance is essential for a healthy heart and is a critical part of one’s total fitness, other factors contribute to total body wellness. Another factor that helps maintain muscle mass and contributes to healthy joints is muscular endurance. Muscular endurance is the ability to sustain a given level of muscular tension or force, that is, to hold a muscle contraction for a long period of time or to contract a muscle repeatedly. This ability is important when performing tasks such as standing or sitting properly over long periods of time. If the muscles of the back and stomach are not strong enough or do not have the endurance to hold the spine in a correct position the chances of low back pain and injury are increased. Muscles that have good muscle endurance are more resistant to fatigue and to injury. Muscular endurance depends on a combination of muscle strength (the ability to exert force) and the ability of the muscle to sustain exercise over a period of time. Muscular strength and muscular endurance can be enhanced through resistance training. Although resistance training is not effective in increasing maximum oxygen uptake, it can improve the heart, lungs, and cir-

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Endurance Guidelines for Aerobic Exercise American College of Sports Medicine offers the following guidelines for aerobic exercise programs:

EXERCISE CHARACTERISTICS

RECOMMENDATIONS

Mode

Continuous, rhythmic activities using the large muscle groups of the arms and/or legs

Intensity

Range of 55%–90% of maximal heart rate or RPE of 12–16 (somewhat hard to hard)

Duration

Minimum of 20–60 minutes of continuous aerobic activity to improve fitness and endurance capacity

Frequency

Minimum of 3–5 days per week, with frequency determined by exercise duration and intensity.

Resistance-type and flexibility training are recommended 2–3 days per week. Source: Colberg, S. R. & Swain, D. P. (2000). Exercise and diabetes control: A winning combination. The Physician in Sports Medicine, 28(4), 71.

culatory system to function under conditions of high pressure and increased workloads. Muscular endurance is important when performing activities that require sustained muscular contractions, such as shoveling snow and raking leaves or sporting and fitness activities such as playing basketball or rock climbing. As with muscular strength, muscular endurance is enhanced by stressing the muscles with a greater work load (weight) than that to which they are accustomed. The degree to which muscular strength or muscular endurance develops depends on the type and the amount of stress that is applied. Low-resistance and high-repetition exercises can lead to improvements in muscular endurance. In contrast, heavy resistance exercises promote an increase in strength with no or little change in muscular endurance. Experts agree that people engaged in proper resistance training can enhance physical performance, increase self-confidence, and benefit their health.

Overload and Progression Overload is the key component of all conditioning programs. Providing greater stress on a muscle will train the muscle to adapt to the new workload. Overload is the amount of resistance applied for each exercise or repetition. To develop muscular strength, the overload

principle dictates increasing resistance against muscles. To develop muscular endurance, the overload principle dictates increasing the number of repetitions performed or decreasing the rest between activities. Progression is the way a person increases that overload to minimize injury to the muscles. Gradual progression in overload will improve muscular strength and muscular endurance in a safe manner. According to the Strength and Conditioning Association, a 5–10 percent increase is a good target in progression. All muscles respond to the overload principle. The American Orthopedic Society for Sports Medicine and the Strength and Conditioning Association say children as well as adults can benefit from a resistance-training program.

Circuit Training People circuit train when they move from one exercise to the next with little or no rest intervals. Circuits can be designed to enhance any of the components of fitness (muscular strength, muscular endurance, cardiorespiratory endurance, flexibility, body composition). Circuit training usually emphasizes muscular endurance but can also provide aerobic benefits. If a person is using weight machines, circuit training is relatively quick and easy to perform. Usually eight to fifteen repetitions are

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I don’t know if I practiced more than anybody, but I sure practiced enough. I still wonder if somebody—somewhere—was practicing more than me. ■ LARRY BIRD

performed in fifteen to thirty seconds at each station. A circuit can also be used with free weights, calisthenics, or a variety of skill-oriented activities. The number of repetitions, sets, and periods of rest between stations is based on a person’s goal. The ACSM recommends that the average healthy adult perform eight to ten exercises involving the major muscle groups a minimum of two days a week.

Muscular Endurance Field Tests People can perform simple field tests such as a curl-up test for the abdominal muscles or a push-up test for the upper body to evaluate the endurance of specific muscle groups. Assessment of strength and endurance is specific to the muscle groups being exercised. Norms by age group and by gender can be evaluated. The data obtained from these field tests can then be used as a benchmark for evaluating the effectiveness of one’s exercise program. No single test can be used to evaluate total body muscular strength and muscular endurance.

Cross-Training Incorporating a variety of activities in an exercise program can be an excellent way to increase the components of physical fitness. A reduced risk of injury, weight loss, improved total fitness, and enhanced exercise adherence are among the benefits of cross-training programs. Cross-training may involve running on one day, swimming on another day, and cycling on yet another day. It can also involve alternating activities within a single workout, for example, walking ten minutes on a treadmill, cycling ten minutes, and exercising ten minutes on an elliptical trainer.

Medical Clearance Although exercise programs are safe for healthy people, evidence suggests that the increased demands of the heart during vigorous exercise may precipitate cardiovascular events in persons with heart disease. People who are predisposed to cardiovascular complications can be difficult to identify. In general the risk is lowest in healthy young adults and highest in older adults or

people who show a high-risk profile for heart disease, such as smoking, or a history of heart disease in their family. To reduce the incidence of muscular-skeletal and cardiovascular complications during exercise, the ACSM recommends a medical clearance for older adults (men forty-five years or older, women fifty-five years or older) and people at risk for cardiovascular events who display two or more risk factors or one or more symptoms of coronary artery disease.

National State of Health Coronary artery disease, diabetes, hypertension, elevated cholesterol levels, and obesity are widespread in the United States. Researchers in endurance continue to study the type and amount of exercise that people need to promote fitness. Experts say five fitness components (cardiovascular endurance, muscular strength, muscular endurance, flexibility, and body composition) are vital to good health and physical performance. As people age their decline in physical abilities can be offset if they continue to exercise. Research shows that increased endurance can reduce the loss that age brings to each component. Exercise physiologists continue to study how exercise helps the body achieve youthful energy and limits the effects of debilitating diseases. Lisa Toscano

Further Reading American College of Sports Medicine. (2000). ACSM’s guidelines for exercise testing and prescription. Baltimore: Lippincott Williams & Williams. Baechle, T. R., Hoffman, S. J., & Earle, R. W. (2000). Essentials of strength training and conditioning. Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics. Bryant, D. X., Franklin, B. A., & Conviser, J. M. (2002). Exercise testing and program design: A fitness professional’s handbook. Monterey, CA: Exercise Science Publishers. Brzycki, M. (1997). Cross training for fitness. Indianapolis, IN: Masters Press. Colberg, S. R., & Swain, D. P. (2000). Exercise and diabetes control: A winning combination. The Physician and Sports Medicine, 28(4), 63–81. Cooper, K. H. (1968). Aerobics. New York: Bantam Books. Cooper, K. H. (1970). The new aerobics. New York: Bantam Books. Cooper, K. H. (1983). The aerobics program for total well-being. New York: Bantam Books.

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Delavier, F. (2001). Strength training anatomy:Your illustrated guide to muscles at work. Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics. Fahey, T. D. (2000). Super fitness: For sports, conditioning and health. Boston: Allyn & Bacon. Fleck, S. J., & Kraemer, W. J. (1997). Designing resistance training programs. Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics. Insel, P. M., & Walton, T. R. (2004). Core concepts in health. New York: McGraw Hill. Kraemer, W. J., & Fleck, S. J. (2005). Strength training for young athletes. Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics. Powers, S. K., & Dodd, S. L. (1999). Total fitness: Exercise, nutrition and wellness. Needham Heights, MA: Allyn & Bacon. Sharkey, B. J. (1997). Fitness and health. Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics. Vincent, S. D., Pangrazi, R. P., Raustorp, A., Tomson, L. M., & Cuddihy, T. F. (2003). Activity levels and body mass of children in the United States, Sweden, and Australia. Journal of Medicine & Science in Sports & Exercise, 35(8), 1367–1373.

Environment

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he term environment cannot in itself be easily defined. Human activity has affected virtually all of the “natural” environment, leaving little of the natural world as it once was. For convenience environment is defined here as the phenomenon of the physical world in general. The relationships between sports and the environment are varied and complex. The environment undoubtedly influences sports in numerous ways. Those people responsible for the organization of sports have, in many cases, attempted to neutralize the impact of the physical environment—that is, weather, climate, slope, soil, and water—by creating artificial environments in which sports are played. People have increasingly recognized, however, that sports also affect the environment. Often the artificial environments that have been designed to neutralize nature have had a negative effect on nature.

Effect of the Natural Environment Sports can be categorized on the basis of environmental interference. Specialized-environment sports require certain environmental conditions for them to take place

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at all. An obvious example is sailing; without wind the sport would not exist. Skiing would not have developed were it not for the existence of snow and hills; surfing owes its origins to the presence of waves and beaches. However, as noted later, sports that may appear benign in terms of their impact on the environment can directly, or indirectly, have negative effects. More commonly, however, people think of the environmental effect on sports less in terms of its being the basis for particular sports and more in terms of its having effects on particular events. Environmentalinterference sports (i.e., sports in which the physical environment interferes in some way with the outcome and performance) are best suited to “environmentless” days. This means that ideally the ground should be flat and dry, the weather warm and dry, the sky bright but overcast, the wind light or nonexistent; and the visibility excellent. Unfortunately, these are the conditions in which most specialized-environment sports could not take place. Physical effects such as the weather may affect the playing surface and the comfort of players and spectators. These factors may, in turn, affect the athletes’ performances, the attendance, and the economics of the sports event.

Environmental-Advantage Sports In environmental-advantage sports changeable environmental conditions may influence some competitors but not others. In golf, for example, players starting on a clear morning would have an obvious advantage over those struggling over a windswept course later in the day. In a long-jump competition, the wind may assist one jumper to a leading position but blow against a fellow competitor and hinder performance. Any sport taking place in an arena too small to allow all participants to take part at the same time is open to the possibility of a change in the weather affecting the participants unequally. Indeed, the microclimate differs from place to place within most stadiums at any time. The effect of an apparently constant environmental condition during the course of an event can be highly misleading. Take, for example, a 100-meter sprint race. An anemometer

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may record that the wind speed was above the permitted level for a record to be recognized. However, even within a 100-meter distance, the wind swirls in several directions, affecting to various degrees athletes in different lanes. In a soccer game a strong wind may exist during the first half, hence affecting one of the teams either positively or negatively, but die away during the second half and affect neither side. The unpredictability of the environment may bring unexpected outcomes to a game. In baseball the ball may strike a pebble and glance off in an unexpected direction. The type of soil making up baseball fields and cricket pitches varies from place to place. To some extent this variation may constitute a home field advantage, the opposing team being less familiar with the texture of the field. The degree of bounce, registered by using a standard test of dropping a cricket ball onto the field from a height of 5 meters, varies directly with the clay content of the soil. Likewise, place-to-place differences in altitude affect performance.

PLAYING SURFACE Traditionally, most playing surfaces have been made of natural or seminatural materials such as grass, clay, water, or snow. Changes during the course of an event or differences from place to place in such surfaces can affect the outcome of a sports event. Soil can become saturated during heavy rain, hence leading to the postponement or cancellation of an event. Snow-covered fields lead to soccer (association football) postponement; rain-outs are common in cricket and baseball; unseasonably mild weather has often led to the cancellation of ski events.

PLAYER COMFORT A number of environmental considerations contribute to player comfort during a sports event. Player discomfort may impact performance. During the 1968 Olympic Games in Mexico City, many long-distance runners felt physically distressed as a result of a relative lack of oxygen at high altitudes.Times in events higher than 1,500 meters were slower than expected. In the case of the

sprints and jumps, however, performances were greatly enhanced. The world long-jump record set by Bob Beamon (b. 1945) typified such altitude assistance. As far as participant comfort is concerned, the temperature is important because different sports have different activity levels. For example, in swimming, the warmer the pool temperature, the less heat is dissipated. No heat would be lost at all if the water temperature was 37°C but considerable discomfort would result from swimming in such conditions. As far as performance is concerned, the optimum water temperature is between 20 and 34.5° C for short races and between 23 and 26° C for 1,500-meter races. High temperatures can be extremely hazardous in long-distance cycling and running events. The 1908 Olympic marathon in London and the 1954 Empire Games marathon in Vancouver, Canada, provide examples of races in which several runners collapsed because of excessively high temperatures. Low temperatures can be a hazard in sports in which the hands play an important role, such as rugby, football, or field hockey. In cold conditions the flow of blood to the hands and toes is reduced in greater proportion than to the rest of the body. Also, athletes tend to perform speed and power events poorly in cold conditions because human muscle functions best at 40 to 41° C.

Spectator Comfort Many of the effects of the environment on players also affect spectators. The anticipation of spectator discomfort at sports events may affect attendance and hence economics. In general, adverse environmental conditions tend to lure spectators away from sports events to the perceived comfort of the indoors and television sets. Attendance at sports events can be related to climatic factors because frequently the spectator has to put up with exactly the same weather conditions as the players, yet the activity level of the spectator is much lower. Another aspect of environmental economics on sports is that sports-related marketing often has to take potential attendance into account when planning the amount of food, programs, and other concessions to be

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Bags promoting environmental awareness were given away at the 2004 Olympics in Athens, Greece.

sold at a particular event. For example, during a rugby match in New Zealand, the weather was so bad that ten thousand meat pies went unsold because only half the expected sixty thousand spectators turned up to watch. One of the problems inherent in this discussion is that of isolating the effect of the weather or other environmental factors from other factors that may contribute to any of the possible outcomes. Take, for example, the effect of an assisting wind in the case of sprinters. Not all sprinters achieve their best times in wind-assisted races. Hence, wind is not the only factor influencing performance, and assuming cause and effect in such situations is dangerous. In recent years scientists have recognized that an environmental effect on sports may be taking place as a result of global warming. Such an occurrence threatens to limit the geographic area over which certain sports can take place. Skiing is the best-researched example. The effect of oxygen-induced warming may raise winter temperatures, leading to a reduction in snowfall and hence a shortening of the skiing seasons in particular parts of Quebec and Ontario, Canada, and Michigan.

Women and the Environment The environment can affect women players differently than men players. For example, hot, dry environments cause high sweat and evaporative rates during physical activity. Because the sweat rate is elevated, dehydration is a common problem during physical activity and can lead to serious heat illnesses. Adequate fluid replacement (150–300 milliliters) must occur every fifteen minutes to reduce the risk of heat illness. Evaporative heat loss is similar in well-trained men and women exercising in hot, dry environments. In women, however, a slightly greater degree of dehydration will occur due

to their smaller body size and total body water. Women athletes should consume up to 500 milliliters of fluid before exercising to reduce the amount of dehydration. In cold environments women’s relatively greater subcutaneous fat thickness is advantageous because it provides more insulation and reduces the rate of heat loss from the body. During cold water immersion, women skin divers have thicker tissue insulation and thus can tolerate colder water temperatures before they begin to shiver than can males. Similar responses have been observed during exercise in cold water.

Neutralizing the Environment The interference caused by the physical environment, its unpredictability, and the risk to comfort, performance, and economics have led the sports business to neutralize environmental interference. This neutralization has assumed two basic forms: the decision not to recognize environment-assisted performances and the attempt to eliminate the natural environment by making it artificial. In track and field, performances in certain events are not recognized for record purposes if the wind is greater than a certain strength. Wind readings are taken by an anemometer, and despite the inadequacies of such measurements (as noted earlier), critical readings of

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Rock and mountain climbing are two sports where the goal is not to win but rather to test one’s limits against nature.

wind speeds are used to determine whether sprint times or long- and triple-jump distances are recognized. Wind speeds of more than 2 meters per second are deemed sufficient to nullify a performance for record purposes. On the other hand, this rule applies only to the sprints and the horizontal jumps; wind-aided javelin performances are not rejected; nor are performances achieved at high altitudes. People also overcome environmental interference by providing artificial environments where a sport takes place. The history of sports has been one of attempts to make its environment artificial. Early baseball, cricket,

and soccer (association football) took place in natural environments; as the desire grew for improved performances and less unpredictable environments, grass playing surfaces were rolled and cut. Nature was tamed and manicured. Later, grass was replaced by plastic so that games could continue to be played in adverse weather conditions. The situation in track and field has been similar—from grass to cinder to synthetic tracks. The first synthetic running track appeared during the early 1960s; Astroturf was introduced in the United States in 1966. Other artificial environments include those produced by human-induced weather. Artificial snow is commonly found on ski slopes where natural snowfall cannot be guaranteed. Moving sports indoors serves to nullify many environmental effects. Indoor sports arenas are now large enough to satisfy the needs of football, soccer, track and field, swimming, skating, and, in modified form, golf, sailing, wind surfing, climbing, show jumping, and rodeo. Even in the case of indoor sports, however, microclimatic effects can be significant. Indoor environments for sports range from the high school gymnasium to the fully domed super stadium. Such latter facilities have grown dramatically during recent decades. In Toronto, Canada, the distinction between an indoor and an outdoor sports facility is blurred by the presence of the SkyDome with its retractable roof. In outdoor sports the effects of the environment could be reduced by establishing the climatically optimal season. In baseball, for example, from a purely climatic viewpoint it would be appropriate to shift the season to a later date, although climate is not the only variable to be taken into account in such scheduling.

The Effect of Sports on the Natural Environment Only in recent decades have people turned their attention to the effect of sports on the natural environment. The growing application of technology to sports has been a major contributor to this attention, although some observers believe that sports are intrinsically antinature. One can argue that sports have a number of

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Leadership is getting someone to do what they don’t want to do, to achieve what they want to achieve. ■ TOM LANDRY

positive effects on the environment. A golf course in the Arizona desert brings a splash of greenery to an otherwise arid area. In Britain the construction of golf courses has been said to increase the number of botanical and zoological species in the course area. On the other hand, the same sport, and a large number of others, has been shown to have a negative effect on the environment. So widespread are the negative effects of sports that we can now conceive of sports pollution. Such pollution has been well researched in the case of golf. Among the nations experiencing the most rapid rate of increase in golf courses is Japan. In 1956 the country had seventytwo golf courses; today the figure is nearing three thousand. With limited open space available for the construction of such courses, forests, usually near the foot of mountains, have been felled to satisfy the demand. Herbicides, germicides, pesticides, coloring agents, organic chlorine, and other chemical fertilizers that are carcinogenic or may cause health problems are among the risks associated with golf course construction. Widespread damage to plant and animal life has been reported. In Korea pesticides spread on golf courses can be absorbed into the human body through inhalation or skin contact. Pesticide abuse is now seen as a problem requiring serious regulation. Golf is one sport that has spawned opposing ecological movements. The Global Anti-Golf Movement is a network of ecological organizations that is fighting against golf as a sport that destroys the natural environment. Detailed studies also document the effect of ski facilities in mountain areas. During ski piste (downhill ski trail) construction the natural terrain is modified to such an extent that soil erosion occurs, which in turn inhibits the regeneration of vegetation. The artificial modification of mountain slopes for improved skiing covers substantial areas of many alpine zones. Spectator sports in urban areas also create pollution of various kinds. The development of urban stadium complexes increases traffic and pollution. Traffic congestion around older, inner-city stadiums is often perceived by local residents as being a greater nuisance

than crowds, noise, or fan hooliganism. Few sports are completely free of environmental impact. Stadium- and arena-based sports involve the removal of the entire natural ecosystem and the creation of an artificial environment. Motor sports create lead pollution and noise pollution. Even wind surfing can produce some damage to water courses; nesting birds can be driven away from sites where the sport takes place. Orienteering lies at the other end of the spectrum, and its effects are (almost) undetectable. Sports are not independent of broader global concerns. As environmental concern grows during the decades ahead, people will need to carefully monitor its effect on sports and the effects of sports themselves. Attempts to ban environmentally unfriendly sports may grow in significance; at the same time, sports may, through their “need” to eliminate many environmental effects, unwittingly contribute to the very degradation that threatens the environment. John Bale See also Community

Further Reading Bale, J. (1994). Landscapes of modern sport. Leicester, UK: Leicester University Press. Digel, H. (1992). Sports in a risk society. International Review for the Sociology of Sport, 26(2), 257–273. Eichberg, H. (1988).Leistungsraume [Achievement Space]. Munster, Germany: Lit Forlag. Galtung, J. (1984). Sport and international understanding: Sport as a carrier of deep culture and structure. In M. Illmarinen (Ed.), Sport and international understanding (pp. 12–19). Berlin, Germany: Springer-Verlag. Hong, S., Rennie, D., & Park, Y. (1986). Cold acclimatization and deacclimatization of Korean women divers. In K. Pandolf (Ed.), Exercise and sport sciences reviews (Vol. 14, pp. 231–268). New York: Macmillan. Lipski, S., & McBoyle, G. (1991). The impact of global warming on downhill skiing in Michigan. East Lakes Geographer, 26(2), 37–51. McCormack, G. (1991). The price of affluence: The political economy of Japanese leisure. New Left Review, 188, 121–134. Moon, Y., & Shin, D. (1990). Health risks to golfers from pesticide use on golf courses in Korea. In A. Cochran (Ed.), Science and golf (pp. 358–363). London: Spon. Mossiman, T. (1985). Geo-ecological impacts of ski-piste construction in the Swiss Alps. Applied Geography, 5(1), 29–38.

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Skeeter, B. (1988). The climatically optimal Major League Baseball season in North America. Geographical Bulletin, 30(2), 97–102. Thornes, J. (1977). The effect of weather on sport. Weather, 32, 258– 269.

ESPN

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rior to the debut of the Entertainment and Sports Network (ESPN), U.S. network television sports programming, with the exception of ABC’s Monday Night Football, was available to fans only on weekends. Outside of newspapers and radio, the media paid little attention to sports during the week. Local television stations devoted less than ten minutes per evening to sports coverage and often ignored all but the most popular teams and sports. ESPN changed all that, and in doing so, changed U.S. viewing habits, added words and phrases to everyday language, and played a key role in transforming the role of sports in the national consciousness. The ESPN cable network debuted in 1979, offering a blend of sports news, live and taped National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) events, and sports traditionally outside the mainstream. “Sports junkies,” as they were dubbed by network founder Bill Rasmussen’s son Scott, could now tune in at nearly any hour and view a sporting event. During the early years of ESPN that sporting event might be hurling (an Irish game similar to field hockey), professional miniature golf, or Australian rules football. ESPN now provides twenty-four-hour coverage of all major sports, including live programming of National Football League (NFL), National Basketball Association (NBA), Major League Baseball (MLB), and National Hockey League (NHL) games. Sports Center, the nightly one-hour sports news program watched by 88 million viewers monthly, is the most popular sports news programs in the United States and has made stars of its anchors and reporters. The once-chancy proposi-

tion has expanded into a multimedia empire providing sports reporting, programming, and network-licensed content through seven domestic and thirty international cable networks, the Internet, radio, electronic games, print and online magazines, and sports bars known as “ESPN Sports Zones.” ESPN began as a revolutionary—and, to many, ludicrous—idea in television programming: an all-sports, all-the-time network. Most prominent observers in the television industry believed that the demand for sports programming would not be sufficient to support such fare and thus were caught off guard by the success of the network. In addition, the major networks argued that the network would fail because of the sparse number of households wired to receive cable television. ESPN originally was available to fewer than 2 million households. However, the increasing popularity of the technology allowed the network to penetrate more homes every year. ESPN, the original network, now reaches more than 89 million households in the United States plus a global audience in 192 countries served by thirty international networks. The idea behind ESPN originated with Bill Rasmussen, who had been fired as communications director of the New England Whalers of the World Hockey League. Rasmussen, who had been a sports broadcaster for WWLP-TV, an NBC affiliate in North Carolina, and remembered that small college athletic directors were continually clamoring for more television exposure, originally envisioned a television network utilizing satellite technology to feature sports programming from the Connecticut area. As communications director of the Whalers, Rasmussen had experience working with small cable operations to increase the team’s fan base and also was friends with men who were working along the edges of the new medium. One, Ed Eagan, was working with Bob Beyus on a series of videotaped programs on Connecticut sports. With Scott Rasmussen these men became the group who backed the idea that would become ESPN.

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I learned that if you want to make it bad enough, no matter how bad it is, you can make it. ■ GALE SAYERS

“Football All Day?” As the idea advanced, the issue of what sort of programming should fill air time around the nightly sports report led to an argument between Bill and Scott Rasmussen while they were stranded in a traffic jam. Scott reportedly snapped: “Dad, play football all day for all I care!” The elder Rasmussen responded: “What’s wrong with football all day?” Instead of featuring just Connecticut sports, the new network could fill all of its air time with sports programming rather than old movies, as Ted Turner’s WTBS network was doing. Thus, the idea of regional sports programming expanded to a national and international scope that included football and any other sporting event that the group could find. To translate his dream into reality, Bill Rasmussen needed money, and Getty Oil provided it. Rasmussen and his group initially secured $75,000 from the K. S. Sweet investment group and brought in Stuart Evey, vice president of Getty Oil’s diversified operations division. Getty Oil came through with an initial investment of $10 million, which arrived just in time for Rasmussen to meet his first installment payment for access to the signal from RCA’s Satcom 1, a communication satellite launched in 1975. The money also paid for purchase of the site and construction of the embryonic network’s headquarters in Bristol, Connecticut. Even after securing capital, many obstacles, including cost overruns, kept Rasmussen and his partners on edge until the station made its first broadcast. Fortunately, the influence that backing from Getty Oil lent the project convinced the NCAA to enter into contract negotiations on the same day when Rasmussen learned of the oil company’s tentative approval of funding. The good news continued when Anheuser Busch signed a $1.38 million contract to advertise on the network. This was the largest contract in the history of cable television and signaled that the concept behind the new network was attractive enough to attract major sponsors. However, Getty Oil’s money also gave Getty Oil control over the operation in the form of Evey, who pro-

vided liaison between the Rasmussen group and its new backers. Evey initiated the search for a well-known talent to lead the operation and also provided the clout that allowed the Rasmussen group to hire Chester Simmons away from his position as president of NBC Sports. Simmons served as the organizing force behind the fledgling ESP-TV network, as it was then known, and in turn raided the networks, especially his former employer, to flesh out the new organization. Rasmussen, Evey, and Simmons had differing styles and differing visions for the new network that led to early clashes. Eagan was forced out as part of Getty Oil’s conditions for providing backing, and Simmons and Rasmussen particularly clashed over how the new network would be run. In order for the network to survive and thrive, one man needed to be in control, and that man turned out to be Simmons. Evey and Simmons first forced out Scott and then his father from positions of authority, and the two consolidated their control of the organization.

ESPN Is on the Air On 7 September 1979, with the headquarters complex still under construction, ESPN broadcast its initial Sports Center program, with anchors Lee Leonard and George Grand delivering the day’s sporting news. The debut was the culmination of months of effort to be ready in time, and tension remained until the program actually went on the air. The first broadcast went well, despite a bulldozer knocking over one of the trailers that housed staff while construction continued. The largest hurdle that Simmons and staff had to clear during the first years on the air was locating material to fill air time. The producers were coached to look for unusual events, and in 1980 ESPN scored a coup by convincing National Football League commissioner Pete Rozelle to allow the network to televise the entire NFL draft live. The network continued to build its fan base by televising sporting events ignored by ABC, CBS, and NBC. Some of these events were odd, such as mud wrestling or the running of the bulls in Pamplona

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Spain, but they also included the early rounds of the NCAA basketball championships, college baseball, and Canadian Football League games. When NFL Films signed a contract with the network, late night sports junkies now could watch more mainstream sports action on ESPN. Changes at the top continued, and ESPN became a valuable commodity for corporations seeking to diversify and for older networks seeking to catch up. In 1984 Getty Oil sold its interest in ESPN to ABC, which later sold a 20 percent interest to Nabisco, which was in turn purchased by Hearst. In 1996 the Walt Disney Company purchased ABC’s parent company, Capital Cities, and remains the majority stockholder in the company. Under ABC’s leadership ESPN won the first cable contract to televise NFL games in 1987 and MLB games in 1989. To expand its audience outside of the English-speaking world, ESPN debuted its international network in South and Central America in 1988. It also expanded into different broadcast mediums with the launch of ESPN radio in 1992 and launched a second network, ESPN2, in 1993. The network group continued to expand its reach in 1994 by acquiring Creative Sports, which it renamed “ESPN Regional Sports,” and Sports Ticker, a service that provides statistics from the major professional leagues to subscribers through a variety of electronic outlets. After providing content for other online services, the network launched its own website (www.ESPN.com) in 1995. Disney continued the aggressive diversification of the network’s content and expansion of its reach by acquiring the Classic Sports Network, which was renamed “ESPN Classic” in 1997. The network went into the publishing business by launching ESPN the Magazine in 1998 and further expanded its reach into new technologies, including high-definition television and payper-view events. ESPN Deportes, a Spanish-language network that began as a Sunday night feature, became the latest twenty-four-hour network in the ESPN group in 2004, and in 2005 ESPN plans to start a wireless phone service.

Here’s to the Sports Bar Disney and ESPN also melded Disney’s experience with ESPN’s sports content to provide the latest iteration of an institution they helped to expand: the sports bar. The rising volume of sports programming available on television helped the rapid spread of the now-ubiquitous sports bar, which features multiple television sets tuned to various games or sports. ESPN also staked out a piece of this turf in 1992 when it opened its first ESPN Sports Zone, a sports-themed restaurant and bar in Baltimore designed to immerse fans in sports. In such bars patrons can sit in recliners and watch the action on individual screens or join the crowd in watching bigscreen televisions. Television monitors are also placed in restrooms so that fans will not miss one crucial play. Under Disney’s control ESPN also began producing original sport films and has dabbled in series television. In 2002 the network premiered A Season on the Brink, a dramatization of the career of legendary basketball coach Bobby Knight, and The Junction Boys, which depicted the grueling training camp that Paul “Bear” Bryant put his Texas A&M Aggies players through in 1954. The latest additions to the network’s film library are Hustle and 3: The Dale Earnhardt Story, biographies of baseball legend Pete Rose and National Association for Stock Car Auto Racing (NASCAR) icon Dale Earnhardt. ESPN’s first television series, Playmakers, went inside the locker room with a fictional NFL team. The series was a popular and critical success, but the NFL took a dim view of the show’s dramatization of the abuses of professional football players, and ESPN, mindful of its contractual relationship with the league, pulled the plug after one season. Tilt, a second television series that debuted in 2005, depicts the lives of professional poker players in Las Vegas. ESPN is now, in short, everywhere that has either electricity or mail service. In addition to filling the electronic media with sports content, the personalities and styles of the network have had a transformative effect on U.S. culture, creating or abetting spin-off institutions and even creating new sporting events such as the X Games, which highlight

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Success is how high you bounce when you hit bottom. ■ GENERAL GEORGE PATTON

“extreme” sports such as snow boarding or BASE (an acronym for “building, antenna, span, earth”) jumping, in which participants parachute off of fixed structures. On-air personalities have driven ESPN’s entry into popular culture by contributing phrases such as “en fuego,” which means an athlete or anyone else who is hot, and “boo-yah,” which is an exuberant expression that celebrates an exceptional feat. Quirky advertisements featuring well-known athletes and team mascots mixing with anchors in the ESPN offices or anchors teaching at the mythical Bristol University have further inserted the network into the public consciousness. Live, on-location programming such as College Gameday has become a spectacle in itself as programs are broadcast from a different college campus each week.

The Nickname Game Keith Olberman and Dan Patrick, the most famous of the new breed of ESPN sports newsmen, created a sarcastic, ad-libbing style of presentation that helped make Sports Center a cultural icon. Chris Berman, anchoring the late night sports recap program during the network’s first year, spontaneously added “R.F.D.” to baseball player John Mayberry’s name and so began his practice of modifying players’ names to include pop culture references (Mayberry R.F.D. was a popular sitcom during the 1970s). Stuart Scott brought AfricanAmerican vernacular and a hip hop sensibility to Sports Center, and ESPN also provided opportunities for women to assume a more visible role with anchors such as Robin Roberts and Linda Cohn, who have added their own catch phrases to the mix, such as Cohn’s ironic use of the old breakup line, “It’s not you, it’s me.” ESPN’s impact can also be seen in the number of sports programs that U.S. viewers can watch each week. In 1980 ABC, NBC, and CBS provided 787 hours of live sports programming for the entire year. In 1989, with the addition of ESPN and later arrivals CNN, WTBS, and others, sports programming increased to 7,341 hours. In 2004 ESPN alone provided more than

fifty-one hundred hours of live sports or original programming in addition to its news programs. By 2005, the NFL could safely move Monday Night Football to ESPN, knowing the viewers would follow. ESPN2 added another forty-eight hundred hours. ESPN’s success in sports programming has also led to several other networks, such as the Golf Channel and NFLTV, which now make up the sports niche market of the cable television world. The popularity of ESPN’s programming has inspired two prime-time situation comedies: Sports Night, a short-lived but critically acclaimed program that looked inside the production of live sports news broadcasts, was a close copy of Sports Center, and Listen Up, starring Jason Alexander and Malcolm-Jamal Warner, was based on Pardon the Interruption, an ESPN program featuring Tony Kornheiser and Michael Wilbon. From the original conception as an all-sports, allthe-time cable network to the current multimedia empire, ESPN has dramatically increased the visibility of sports, if not their importance, in U.S. culture. In the process the network has deeply penetrated U.S. popular culture during the past two-plus decades, transforming the way we watch, think about, and talk about sports. Russ Crawford

Further Reading Ballard, C. (2005, February 2). Finding the perfect sports bar. Sports Illustrated, 67. Boo-yah or just boo? Scott has fans and detractors. (2003, December 3). Retrieved March 2, 2005, from http://www.usatoday.com/ sports/2003-11-25-sportscenter-scott-responses _ x.htm Evey, S., & Broughton, I. (2004). ESPN: The no-holds-barred story of power, ego, and money that transformed the culture. Chicago: Triumph Books. Freeman, M. (2000). ESPN: The uncensored history. New York: Taylor Trade Publishing. Hirschberg, C., & Berman, C. (2004). ESPN 25: 25 mind bending, eye popping, culture morphing years of highlights. Bristol, CT: ESPN Books. Olberman, K., & Patrick, D. (1997). The big show: Inside ESPN’s Sports Center. New York: Pocket Books. Rasmussen, B. (1983). Sports junkies rejoice: The birth of ESPN. Hartsdale, NY: QV Publishing.

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Euro 2004

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he secretary-general of the French Football Federation, Henry Delauney, first suggested staging a competition among the national soccer teams of Europe in 1927 at a meeting of the Federation Internationale de Football Association (FIFA—the world governing body of soccer), arguing that a similar competition had existed in South America since 1916. However, only after the founding of the Union of European Football Association (UEFA) in 1954 was a European soccer competition established. The European Nations’ Cup competition, whose trophy was named after Delauney, was established in 1957 and first played in 1960. In 1966 the name was changed to the “European Football Championship.” Since then the final phase of the competition, which is preceded by an elimination tournament the previous season, is played every four years. Years, venues, opposing teams, and scores have been: ■ ■ ■ ■

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1960; Paris, France; USSR-Yugoslavia; 2–1 1964; Madrid, Spain; Spain-USSR; 2–1 1968; Rome, Italy; Italy-Yugoslavia; 1–1; replay 2–0 1972; Brussels, Belgium; Federal Republic of Germany-USSR; 3–0 1976; Belgrade, Yugoslavia; Czechoslovakia-Federal Republic of Germany; 2–2; on penalties 5–3 1980; Rome, Italy; Federal Republic of GermanyBelgium; 2–1 1984; Paris, France; France-Spain; 2–0 1988; Munich, Federal Republic of Germany; Netherlands-USSR; 2–0 1992; Gothenburg, Sweden; Denmark-Germany; 2–0 1996; Wembley, England; Germany-Czech Republic; 2–1 2000; Rotterdam, Netherlands, and Belgium; FranceItaly; 2–1 2004; Lisbon, Portugal; Portugal-Greece, 0–1

Since the 1990s the European Football Championship has been called “UEFA Euro.” It is the thirdlargest sporting event in the world and the largest in Europe, followed by the European Champions’ Cup since 1955–1956 (now called the “European Champions League”) and the UEFA Cup since 1972. All of these competitions occupy a special place in the world of sports because they offer a stage for players, trainers, and referees in the wider market of professional soccer, which in itself justifies the increased efforts of sports agents and the greater competitiveness of the competitions, as well as the club and national spirit with which the competitions are suffused. The intensified commercialization of the competitions and the enormous media coverage that surrounds them have also contributed to their importance, especially UEFA Euro, because they are played by national teams. Despite the considerable costs of such events, European nations and sports organizations increasingly tender their applications in the hope that they will be approved. In the case of UEFA Euro 2004 in Portugal, the public investment in the construction of seven stadiums and the remodeling of three totaled about 75 percent, of which 21 percent came from government funds. The cost of providing security, with about twenty thousand police officers, was enormous.

Global Coverage In fact, aside from the millions of Portuguese who participated in the great party of European soccer, about 1 million spectators (half of them foreign) watched the games in stadiums, while almost two hundred television stations and hundreds of journalists and photographers transmitted news and images from UEFA Euro 2004 to millions of spectators and readers around the world during the twenty-three-day championship. The public interest in UEFA Euro goes beyond a sporting interest in the competition. In addition to the economic dimension of professional sports, especially in relation to soccer, the national teams, as well as the

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Rugby is a beastly game played by gentlemen; soccer is a gentlemen’s game played by beasts; football is a beastly game played by beasts. ■ HENRY BLAHA

public in general and soccer fans in particular, have compelling reasons to defend their national colors. Sporting events are venues for the display of nations on a global scale, and a nation’s participation therefore acquires great symbolic significance. In this context one can easily understand the large national investments and the scramble by sports organizations to host such a large event. As countries invest in a venue to present their image in a global framework, communities also participate in an affirmation of their national identity, transposing strong emotions into the fervor with which their soccer teams are supported. UEFA Euro has grown into a social venue par excellence for the affirmation of the national cultures of Europe, with the final phase of the competition being a moment of keen celebration for fans of the teams selected and sorted into four groups. From each group, the teams that win first and second place pass to the quarterfinals, which are followed by the semifinals, which are played by the four winners of the quarterfinals. In the finals the winners of the semifinals compete to be the champion.

“Us” versus “Others” Even if what is played for is only a trophy in a sports competition, fans’ support of their teams strengthens identity ties and a sense of cohesion in favor of “us” as opposed to “others,” the adversaries, which in some soccer subcultures becomes a motive for acts of intolerance and violence. Despite the acts of intolerance and violence and xenophobic behavior manifested on occasion, a large part of the confrontation is transposed into a symbolic domain, where verbal hostilities comprise the usual course of action. Fans from different countries use different ways to re-create their image and reassert their identity— through carnival parties, historical symbols, or the reproduction of soccer subcultures, such as the so-called hooligans as “casuals” or “ultras,” although the latter have been less involved in championships between national teams. The cultural mix observed at UEFA Euro

events develops into a complex sociological reality where behavior is unpredictable, and for this reason police are mobilized to ensure public order and the safety of fans. Since the 1990s public authorities and sports organizations have acted to prevent violence and occasional xenophobic behavior at such international soccer competitions, namely by offering fan projects and fan embassies that encourage hospitality. The teams of sixteen countries competed in the final phase of UEFA Euro 2004 in Portugal. The next championship is planned for 2008 in Austria and Switzerland. Salomé Marivoet

Further Reading Armstrong, G. (1998). Football hooligans: Knowing the score. Oxford, UK: Berg. Brimson, D. (2003). EURO trashed: The rise and rise of Europe’s football hooligans. London: Headline Book Publishing. Comeron, M., & Vanbellingen, P. (2002). Prevention of violence in football stadiums in Europe. Liege, Belgium: Eurofan. Dunning, E. (1999). Sport matters: Sociological studies of sport, violence and civilization. London: Routledge. Dunning, E., Maguire, J., & Pearton, R. (Eds.). (1993). The sports process: A comparative and developmental approach. Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics. Dunning, E., Murphy, P., Waddington, I., & Astrinakis, A. (Eds.). (2002). Fighting fans: Football hooliganism as a world phenomenon. Dublin, Ireland: University College Dublin Press. Elias, N., & Dunning, E. (1986). Quest for excitement, sport and leisure in the civilising process. Oxford, UK: Blackwell Publishers. Finn, G., & Giullianotti, R. (Eds.). (2000). Football culture: Local contests, global visions. London: Frank Cass. Giullianotti, R. (1999). Football: A sociology of the global game. Cambridge, UK: Blackwell. Hargreaves, J. (1986). Sport, power and culture. Oxford, UK: Polity Press. Marivoet, S. (2002). The public at football stadiums. In M. Comeron & P. Vanbellingen (Eds.), Prevention of violence in football stadiums in Europe (pp. 24–30). Liege, Belgium: Eurofan. Marivoet, S. (2002). Violent disturbances in Portuguese football. In E. Dunning, P. Murphy, I. Waddington, & A. Astrinakis (Eds.), Fighting fans: Football hooliganism as a world phenomenon (pp. 158– 173). Dublin, Ireland: University College Dublin Press. Miller, T., Lawrence, G., McKay, J., & Rowe, D. (2001). Globalization and sport. London: Sage. Rousmestan, N. (1998). Les supporters de football. Paris: Anthropos.

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European Football Championship

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he European Football Championship, also known the “UEFA Football Championship,” is a quadrennial soccer tournament of men’s teams representing each nation in Europe. The qualifying rounds start two years ahead of time, and the final rounds are played in years divisible by four. The tournament is run by the Union des Associations Europeennes de Football (UEFA), the governing body of European soccer, established in 1954.

Origin International soccer matches and tournaments have a long history. The first international soccer match was England versus Scotland in 1872, the Olympics first featured soccer in 1900, and the FIFA (Federation Internationale de Football Associations) World Cup was started in 1930. Soccer was experiencing a “cup fever” during the 1950s. Many European nations already had regular tournaments, including the British Championship and the Scandinavian (Nordic) Championship. International championships that began in Europe during the 1950s were the UEFA Cup, the annual European Cup (consisting of the first-place finishers in each major European league), the annual World Club Cup, and the annual European Cup-Winner’s Cup. The European Football Championship started as the “European Nations Cup” in 1958 as the idea of Henri Delauney, secretary of the French Football Federation. The trophy given to the winner of the tournament still bears his name.

History Organizers had difficulty getting nations to compete in the first European Nations Cup series, held 1958– 1960, but eventually seventeen of the thirty-three eligi-

ble European nations entered. A home-and-away match between Ireland and Czechoslovakia brought the number of entrants down to sixteen, and the first true match of the tournament was held 28 September 1958, in Moscow’s Lenin Stadium, with 100,572 people watching the USSR beat Hungary, 3–1. The format of the first round was home-and-away games for each assigned pair, with aggregate winners reaching the quarterfinals for home-and-away games and those winners making the semifinals. One of the semifinal nations would be chosen as the host nation of the semifinal and final. The final was played on 10 July 1960, won by the USSR over Yugoslavia, 2–1, in extra time in front of only 17,966 fans at the Parc des Princes stadium in Paris. The second series of the European Nations Cup, held 1962–1964, had fewer problems getting nations to compete as twenty-nine of the thirty-three eligible nations participated. The final was played on 21 June 1964, in Chamatin Stadium in Madrid, Spain, in front of 120,000 people. Spain’s defeat of the USSR, 2–1, was the first defeat for the USSR in any match in the tournament’s history. With the third series, held 1966–1968, the name of the tournament was changed to the “European Football Championship.” Thirty-one countries entered; thus, the tournament changed to a group format. Eight groups would play home-and-away matches against the other nations in the group, and Group 8, comprised of England, Scotland, Ireland, and Wales, also served simultaneously as the British home championship for 1966– 1967 and 1967–1968. The eight group winners would advance to quarterfinals of home-and-away matches, then to a single semifinal and a final in Italy. The final was held in Rome’s Olympic Stadium on 8 June 1968, with Italy tying Yugoslavia, 1–1. A “final replay” was set for 10 June 1968, and Italy prevailed, 2–0. The fourth series, held 1970–1972, involved thirtytwo countries divided into eight groups. In the final, held in Heysel Stadium in Brussels, Belgium, on 28 June 1972, the upcoming 1974 World Cup champion West Germany beat the USSR, 3–0.

EUROPEAN FOOTBALL CHAMPIONSHIP

The fifth series, held 1974–1976, also included thirty-two countries. The final, held in Belgrade, Yugoslavia, on 20 June 1976, ended in regulation time with Czechoslovakia tied with West Germany, 2–2. The Czechs won, 5–3, on penalties. For the sixth series, held 1978–1980, the host country for the final was chosen before the tournament. The host country (Italy) automatically received a berth to the quarterfinal eight and did not compete in the group rounds. Seven groups competed for the other seven quarterfinal spots, where they moved into two new groups of four teams. No semifinal games were played in this series. It was also the last series to have the pointless third-place match. The final was held in Rome’s Olympic Stadium on 22 June 1980, with West Germany winning its second title against Belgium, 2–1. For the seventh series, held 1982–1984, semifinal straight knockout rounds were reintroduced for the top two nations from each final group. France was the final host and champion, defeating Spain, 2–0, in Parc des Princes stadium on 27 June 1984. In the eighth series, held 1986–1988, West Germany was the final host when the Netherlands defeated the USSR, 2–0, in front of 72,308 fans at Olympic Stadium in Munich on 25 June 1988. For the ninth series, held 1990–1992, Denmark defeated Germany in the final, 2–0, on 26 June 1992, in Gothenburg, Sweden. The final that year had lower attendance than in previous years but less of the soccer hooliganism that had marred earlier tournaments. Because of the creation of many new European nations, forty-eight teams entered the tenth series, held 1994–1996, and the tournament was modified to its current format. Eight groups of six teams each made up the qualifying rounds, with all group winners, seven group runners-up, and the host country for the final making the final tournament. These sixteen teams are divided into four groups that play home-and-aways, with the winner and runner-up of these four groups making the quarterfinals. With sixteen teams in the final tournament, the tournament was more popular than

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An Englishman wearing an England jersey on a car ferry going to a football match. Source: istockphoto/urbancow.

ever. In London’s Wembley Stadium on 30 June 1996, Germany defeated the Czech Republic, 2–1, on a golden goal by Oliver Bierhoff. In the eleventh series, held 1998–2000, forty-nine teams were divided into nine qualifying groups, with group winners, five runners-up, and host countries Belgium and the Netherlands making the final tournament. In the final, reigning World Cup champion France beat Italy, 2–1, in Rotterdam, Netherlands, on 2 July 2000, with a golden goal by David Trezeguet. For the twelfth series, held 2002–2004, a record fifty teams were divided into ten groups for qualifying, with

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sixteen teams making the final round. Greece was a surprise winner over host country Portugal, 1–0, on 4 July 2004, in Lisbon.

The Future The 2004 European Football Championship garnered an estimated television audience of 10 billion people and was one of the most popular sporting events worldwide. Qualifying for the European Football Championship in 2008 will start with matches in 2006, culminating in a final round in host countries Austria and Switzerland. The parallel event for women, the UEFA Women’s Championship, has been held since 1982 and is also becoming more popular. Christina L. Hennessey

Further Reading Foer, F. (2004). How soccer explains the world: An unlikely theory of globalization. New York: HarperCollins. Ionescu, R. (2004). The complete results and line-ups of the European Football Championships 1958–2004. Cleethorpes, UK: Soccer Books. Lynch, T. (1992). Official book of the European Football Championships. London: Boxtree. Pettiford, L. (2004). Euro 2004 Portugal: The total guide. London: Arcturus Foulsham. Robinson, J. (1996). The European Championship, 1958–1996. Cleethorpes, UK: Soccer Books. Stewart, M. (1998). Soccer: A history of the world’s most popular game. New York: Franklin Watts. UEFA (2004). Retrieved July 26, 2004, from http:uefa.com/index.html UEFA EURO 2004 (2004). Retrieved July 25, 2004, from http://www. euro2004.com/index.html

Eurosport

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he company Eurosport was founded by the European Broadcasting Union (EBU) in 1989 and subsequently developed into a unique multimedia platform. In Europe, the TV station Eurosport occupies a leading position among TV sport providers. Eurosportnews is the first sport news station to operate on an international basis. Online, eurosport.com is the only

multinational sport network, and Eurosport mobile offers a mobile sport service. The philosophy of this fully integrated information service is “Don’t Watch Sport . . . Feel Sport!”

History Eurosport was founded in 1989 by the European Broadcasting Union and is owned by two companies. The 100-percent owner is TF1, a commercial French TV station, and 41.5 percent of TF1 is owned by a conglomerate called Bouygues, which deals globally in property and the building and service industry. The headquarters of Eurosport are in Issy-les-Moulineaux, France. Eurosport gradually developed into a fully integrated information system. The unique multimedia platform consists of the TV channel Eurosport, the first international TV sport news channel; Eurosportnews; the multinational online service network eurosport.com; and Eurosport mobile. The strategic vision of Eurosport is to cater to the interests of every customer, and therefore it covers more than a hundred disciplines. Respected experts, commentators, and media professionals who share a passion for sport work together to present an informed sports coverage for the various media subsumed in the multimedia platform of Eurosport. Furthermore, the editors seek to establish partnerships with top athletes, sport clubs, and the International Olympic Committee (IOC). The use of cutting-edge technology, another key characteristic of Eurosport, also supports its main mission: the promotion of sport.

Eurosport The TV channel Eurosport has become the leading sport channel in Europe and is distributed in fifty-four countries in nineteen different languages. It is received in 98 million European homes, and 95 percent of Europeans can watch it in their native language. Every day, 21 million viewers make use of this opportunity. The TV channel Eurosport presents the most extensive sport coverage in Europe. Although it focuses on

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It is a noteworthy fact that kicking and beating have played so considerable a part in the habits which necessity has imposed on mankind in past ages that the only way of preventing civilized men from beating and kicking their wives is to organize games in which they can kick and beat balls. ■ GEORGE BERNARD SHAW

top international sport events, Eurosport also supports promising newcomers among the disciplines, such as youth football and beach volleyball. It rediscovered traditional TV-friendly disciplines like tennis and it has even created its own events, like the Olympic SportStar Awards. Most of the channel’s airtime is taken up by football (20 percent), winter sports (17 percent), tennis (15 percent), and motor sport (12 percent). Disciplines like cycling, combat sports, martial arts, track and field athletics, and water sports constitute another 4 to 6 percent of the coverage. Modern, action-laden fun sports and extreme sports are also shown on a regular basis. To maintain its leading position among TV sport channels, Eurosport has purchased the rights to televise top sport events on a long-term basis. This purchase includes the Olympics as well as a variety of football events such as the qualifications for the World Cup and the European Cup, UEFA U-17, UEFA U-19, UEFA Champions League, African Nations Cup, and the tournament in Toulon, France. It also covers major tennis tournaments: the French Open in Roland Garros, the Australian Open, the U.S. Open, the WTA Tour, the Masters Cup, and the ATP Tour. Eurosport also owns the TV rights for cycling events such as the Tour de France, Giro d’Italia, Vuelta, Cycling World Cup and World Championships, and Track World Championships; for the motor sports events Moto GP, 24h of Le Mans, Nascar, Indy Racing League, Superbike, Rallye World Championships, and LG Super Racing Weekend; for golf events such as the US PGA and the European PGA Tour; and finally, for the rights for X-Games and Quiksilver Events. The editorial representation of Eurosport centers on results when doing behind-the-scenes and live coverage. In effect, 41 percent of the program will be live broadcasts, and another 51 percent will consist of reports and documentaries. Six percent of its airtime is taken up by reports on a variety of themes, 4 percent by magazine programs, and 3 percent by sports news. Eurosport does not, however, send any entertainment formats. To guarantee the successful reception of Eurosport, its

editors continually strive to optimize program structures. For example, using the ReLive-concept, sports events can be shown a second time in full length, so those who missed out on the first transmission get a chance to view it again in the familiar format. Additional value is provided by two supplementary services: Eurosport Interactive and Sportext. Eurosport Interactive allows the viewer to access news, results, program information, and games without having to switch away from the event they are watching. This new digital application is now available in France, Greece, and Sweden. Sportext, the well-established information format, transmits sports news such as results, updates, statistics, and schedules. Eurosport targets audiences of all ages, starting with fourteen-year-olds. Covering a large variety of disciplines in accessible formats, it caters to specialists and lay fans alike, to women as well as to men. The average viewer is well educated, of an above-average income, and has a family.

Eurosportnews Anybody living on a tight schedule can get a daily fix of updates via the international sport news station Eurosportnews, which has transmitted real-time and around-the-clock sport news since 1 September 2000. Eurosportnews, a digital sport news station, incorporates elements such as videos, texts, and graphics. Every fifteen minutes, viewers receive the latest sport news. Furthermore, the station sends out live commentary, real-time results, and the latest headlines. Eurosportnews is currently accessible to 18 million households in over seventy countries in Europe, Africa, and Asia, and Eurosport is planning to expand its network globally in order to fully encompass Asia, Australia, and Africa.

Eurosport.com Eurosport.com is the international website of Eurosport. Five national versions have been added to the original pan-European version in English, and there are plans to extend this service. The website provides

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in-depth, wide-scale sport coverage, including news, live commentary, and results. Eurosport.com receives up to 85 million hits per month and has 1.7 million users.

Eurosport Mobile Eurosport is transmitted to mobile phones via SMS, WAP, i-mode, and PDA. The WAP and i-mode services are offered in five languages and can be accessed in Italy, Spain, Germany, Belgium, France, Great Britain, and the Netherlands. The SMS service is available in three languages.

Expanding Eurosport In January 2005 Eurosport 2 was introduced to provide more live event coverage, additional news broadcasts, and magazine-type shows that are targeted to a younger audience. The new service is initially available in 13 million European households, with programming presented in English, Polish, Turkish, and Greek. Stefanie Birkholz

engaged in strenuous physical activities such as hunting, gathering, foraging for food in addition to recreational physical activities. Physical activity and proper diet were linked to prolonged health and longevity in ancient China and India as early as 3000 BCE. Ancient Greece with its physical ideals and Olympic games has served as a model for physical fitness and health in the modern Western culture. Health benefits of physical activity and exercise were first linked to three Greek physicians: Herodicus (c. 480 BCE), Hippocrates (c. 460–377 BCE), and Galen (129–c. 199 CE). Herodicus studied “gymnastic medicine,” which was the forerunner of the study of health benefits of physical activity. His work greatly influenced Hippocrates in his studies of health, exercise, and diet. (It was Hippocrates who gave the sage advice, “If we could give every individual the right amount of nourishment and exercise, not too little and not too much, we would have found the safest way to health.”) Galen, influenced by Hippocrates, was one of the greatest physicians who studied and researched the benefits of health on physical activity and exercise.

Translated by Jennifer Hirte

Further Reading Burk, V. (2002). Entwicklung, Funktion, Präsentationsform und Texttypen der Sportsendungen. Berlin & New York. Burk, V., & Digel, H. (2001). Sport und Medien. Entwicklungstendenzen und Probleme einer lukrativen Beziehung. Baden-Baden. Gerhards, M., Klinger, W., & Roters, G. Sport und sportrezeption, 15– 32. Eurosport Corporate Design brochure. Leonard, J.-F., Ludwig, H.-W., Schwarze, D., Straßner, E. (Hrsg.). Medienwissenschaft. Ein Handbuch zur Entwicklung der Medien und Kommunikationsformen. Band 3. 2388-2405. Richter, Nic. (2001). Olympia aus dem Off. Horizont sport business, 10, 64–65.

Exercise and Health

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hroughout history, dating back to prehistoric times, physical activity and exercise have been shown to impact health physically, psychologically, socially, and spiritually among all populations. Our ancestors

What Are Physical Activity and Exercise? Physical activity and exercise are often used interchangeably, but they are defined differently. Physical activity is defined as “bodily movement that is produced by contraction of skeletal muscle and that substantially increases energy expenditure” (CDCP 1996, 21). Exercise is “a planned, structured and repetitive bodily movement done to improve or maintain one or more components of physical fitness” (CDCP 1996, 21). Scientific studies show that regular physical activity and exercise along with a proper diet improve health by reducing risks of developing chronic diseases (e.g., heart disease, cancer, diabetes, hypertension); reduce obesity and help control weight; help build strong bones, muscles, and joints; reduce anxiety and depression, promote psychological well-being; and increase life span. According to the World Health Organization (WHO), an unhealthy diet and physical inactivity contribute to the rise in noncommunicable diseases (NCDs) such as

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A young woman exercising outdoors. Source: istockphoto/barsik.

cardiovascular disease, diabetes, obesity, and cancers. Health-care costs are associated with lack of physical activity. In the United States, for example, WHO estimated health-care costs in 2000 alone rose to $75 billion dollars as a result of physical inactivity. NCDs now account for 60 percent of global deaths and 47 percent of global disease. Furthermore, WHO reports an estimated average of 2 million deaths annually from physical inactivity throughout the world. Men, women, and children of all ages are at risk: a person who is sedentary as opposed to one who is physically active will be more susceptible to health problems.

RECOMMENDED LEVELS AND T YPES OF EXERCISE

Relationship of Exercise to Overall Health

Physical activity and exercise do not need to be strenuous. WHO recommends thirty minutes of physical activity/exercise at a moderate intensity daily. Physical activity and exercise are measured by frequency, intensity (mild, moderate, strenuous), and duration (time/ length). They can be aerobic and/or anaerobic in nature. This also includes weight-bearing exercises (e.g., free weights, machine weights, body weight). Endurance activities (e.g., cycling, walking, running, swimming) increase heart rate and breathing and strengthen the heart, lungs, and circulatory system. Strength exercises (e.g., free weights, machine weights, body weight, resistant bands) strengthen the body overall. Flexibility exercises, commonly known as stretching (with or without a partner), affect various body parts that are stretched slowly without bouncing. These exercises improve the body’s overall flexibility and keep the body limber. Exercise is a way to stay active and physically fit and to meet other individuals with the same interests. Participating in a daily regimen of physical activity and/ or exercise improves physical and psychological health and reduces the risks of chronic diseases.

Research studies show that people who are active physically tend to be healthier. Exercise can help prevent or delay some diseases and disabilities, improve one’s mood, and enhance one’s lifestyle. Life expectancy may also be increased. The effects of exercise on health include changes in cardiovascular system, muscle mass, respiratory system, metabolism, bone mass, and mood. With regular physical activity, there is an increase in the heart’s work capacity, aerobic capacity, and HDL (good) cholesterol and a decrease in resting heart rate, total cholesterol, and blood pressure. There is an increase in muscular strength, muscular endurance, metabolism, lean body mass, joint flexibility, and bone-mineral content. The effects of exercise on the nervous system include a decrease in the speed of reaction and movement time and an improvement in response time, visual organization, memory, and mental flexibility. The respiratory system increases in function, vital capacity, decrease in minute ventilation and respiratory ratio. Exercise reduces depression and anxiety, increases self-esteem, and improves overall psychological well-being. Economic benefits include reduction in health-care costs, increased

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Exercise and Health The Power of Exercise, 1707 From the preface to Medicina Gymnastica or a Treatise Concerning the Power of Exercise. with Respect to the Annual Oeconomy; and the Great Necessity of it in the Cure of Several Distempers, 1707. Though some People have supposed a Warm Bath to be only a last Resort, yet it is quite otherwise, it being impossible to remove some Diseases of the Limbs without an universal equal Relaxation. Again, quite different from this is the equal Distribution of a greater Degree of Heat throughout the whole Body, which is procured by Habitual Exercise; in the former Method the Parts are relaxed, in this they are strengthened, and in every Respect the Effects are widely different, though in both ways there is a considerable Encrease of the Heat. It is one thing to dispose Nature to collect her own Strength and throw off her Enemy; and it is another to assist her by the Corpuscula, the Minute parts of a Medicine given inwardly; the first way has Regard to the whole Animal Oeconomy; the second respects the Blood and Juices chiefly; the first may succeed, where the second cannot, because here the Laws of Motion, and the rules of the Oeconomy are enforced, and brought to be assisting to a Recovery

physical and psychological fitness, and increased productivity.

OBESITY According to WHO, obesity has reached epidemic proportions throughout the world. Statistics show there are over 1 billion people who are overweight (i.e., they have a body mass index [BMI] greater than 25 kg/m2) and 300 million people defined as obese (BMI greater than 30 kg/m2) (WHO 2004, 2). Obesity and being overweight are related to chronic disease and disability problems (e.g., coronary artery disease, diabetes, hypertension, and hyperlipidemia, as well as musculoskeletal and pulmonary disease). Obesity and being overweight

of Health, which in some cases can’t be effected by a private and simple attempt upon the Blood only. As for the Exercise of the Body, which is the subject of this ensuing Discourse, if people would not think so superficially of it, if they would but abstract the Benefit got by it, from the Means by which it is got, they would set a great Value upon it; if some of the Advantages occurring from Exercise were to be procured by any one Medicine, nothing in the World would be in more Esteem than that Medicine would be; but as those advantages are to be obtained another way, and by taking some Pains, Men’s Heads are turned to overlook and slight them. The habitual increase of the Natural Heat of the Body, as I took notice above is not to be despised. If any Drug could cause such an effect as the Motion of the Body does, in this respect it would be of singular Use in some tender Cases upon this very Account; but then add to this the great Strength which the Muscular and Nervous parts acquire by Exercises, if that could be adequately obtained likewise by the same Internal Means, what a Value, what an Extravagant Esteem would Mankind have for that Remedy which could produce such wonderful Effects!

affects all ages, cultures, men, women, and children, in both developed and undeveloped countries. Lack of exercise and poor diet are among the major reasons for this alarming epidemic.

CORONARY ARTERY DISEASE Coronary artery disease (CAD) is a leading cause of death in the world today. The narrowing of the coronary arteries, which supply blood and oxygen to the heart, is called atherosclerosis. Atherosclerosis in turn causes CAD, which can lead to heart attack, stroke, and angina. Research shows that regular physical activity helps reduce CAD. Exercise increases the functional capabilities of the heart and reduces oxygen demands. For

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I get my exercise acting as a pallbearer to my friends who exercise. ■ CHAUNCEY DEPEW

those individuals with CAD, those who resume physical activity and exercise as prescribed by their doctors recover at a faster rate with fewer clinical problems compared with patients who remain immobile following medical treatment. Individuals who undergo cardiac surgery most often benefit from a supervised cardiac rehabilitation program in which specific exercise is prescribed and monitored. Once the individual graduates from rehabilitation, regular exercise (i.e., low-intensity endurance exercise: walking, stationary cycling, and swimming) tailored to his or her physical condition on a gradual schedule is beneficial.

HYPERLIPIDEMIA Hyperlipidemia, or high cholesterol as it is commonly called, is diagnosed when total blood plasma cholesterol levels rise above 240 mg/dl. High blood cholesterol can lead to elevated blood plasma, which can cause CAD and other chronic medical problems. Cholesterol consists of low-density lipoproteins (LDL), highdensity lipoproteins (HDL), and triglycerides. HDL cholesterol, the “good” cholesterol, should measure 65 mg/dl or more. LDL, the “bad” cholesterol, should measure less than 100 mg/dl. A measurement of 182– 200 mg/dl (HDL and LDL) is the average recommendation for total cholesterol. Regular exercise helps reduce LDL levels and increase HDL levels.

HYPERTENSION/STROKE Hypertension, known as the silent killer as it can occur without symptoms, kills five million people each year globally (WHO 2002). Blood pressure is measured by two numbers–systolic (top number) and diastolic pressure. Systolic measures the arteries when the heart contracts. Diastolic is the pressure in the arteries when the heart rests between beats. Hypertension (high blood pressure) occurs when a person’s blood pressure is greater than 140/90 mmHg. It is a leading cause of cardiovascular disease (i.e., stroke, peripheral arterial disease, heart and kidney failures). Regular exercise helps reduce the risk of hypertension. It also helps lower

blood pressure (low- to moderate-intensity exercise: aerobic endurance and strength-training activities). For those individuals being treated with hypertension medication (e.g., ACE-receptor blockers, beta-blockers), the effects of the drug(s) on blood pressure should be taken into account when devising a physician-approved exercise regimen. Hypertension is a major risk factor for strokes. A stroke occurs when there is a blood clot within a blood vessel (thrombosis). It affects the arteries of the nervous system, resulting in reduced or lack of oxygen to the brain. Similar guidelines and recommendations of regular exercise prescribed to reduce hypertension are also used to reduce the risk of stroke and in treatment of individuals who have suffered a stroke.

PERIPHERAL VASCULAR DISEASE Peripheral vascular disease (PVD) is a painful disease often occurring in the legs, especially in the older adult population. It is caused by atherosclerotic narrowing of the peripheral arterial and/or venous blood vessels. As a result of reduced blood flow to the lower extremities, spasms and blockages (claudication) can cause various degrees of muscle pain. Exercise should be tailored to the individual’s comfort level (measured by subjective grades I–IV of claudication discomfort). Regular exercise improves blood flow, tolerance to pain, muscle metabolism, and oxygen utilization. It also reduces the risk of CAD and improves overall physical health.

DIABETES MELLITUS Diabetes mellitus is characterized by glucose intolerance —the body is not able to utilize food appropriately. Diabetes left untreated can lead to a variety of health problems such as CAD, vision impairment, kidney disease, and vascular and nerve disorders. There are two types of diabetes: Type I is called insulin-dependent mellitus (IDM); Type II is called noninsulin-dependent diabetes mellitus (NIDDM). IDM usually occurs in childhood or adolescence and is also known as juvenile diabetes. Regular insulin injections are used to regulate

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blood-glucose levels for IDM. Overweight and obese individuals often develop NIDDM, but the disease is not limited to this population. NIDDM is caused by the body’s reduced ability to regulate blood-glucose levels. Both types of diabetes can occur at any age. Regular exercise, especially of an aerobic nature designed specifically for the diabetic, helps increase good cholesterol and improves insulin tolerance, cardiovascular fitness, and weight control.

CHRONIC OBSTRUCTIVE PULMONARY DISEASE Bronchitis and emphysema are known as chronic obstructive pulmonary diseases (COPD). Bronchitis is characterized by the obstruction of the airways, mainly inflammation of the bronchial tubes and mucous membranes, making it hard to breathe. Emphysema develops when the alveoli are enlarged as a result of damage to the alveolar walls, which causes an obstruction of airflow and difficulty in breathing. Asthma is another form of pulmonary disease that results in obstruction of airways. However, unlike COPD, asthma can be reversed, either spontaneously or by medication). Asthma is characterized by wheezing, swelling, and obstruction in the tracheobronchial tree. Exercise can induce an asthma attack (known as exercise-induced asthma or EIA), but this can be alleviated with medication and/or adjustment of exercise activity. Depending on the severity of COPD, exercise may or may not benefit persons with pulmonary disorders. These individuals must have a medical doctor’s clearance and a prescription for specific types of exercise and physical activity.

OSTEOPOROSIS As we age, we begin to lose bone-mineral mass. For women, this loss begins around age 30 and for men, at 50 years old. Osteoporosis is the loss of bone as a result of less density and tensile strength. This also increases our susceptibility for falls and fractures. Osteoporosis is more common in women than men after the age of 45. Regular exercise and physical activity assist in main-

taining bone density; weight-bearing exercises (i.e., weight-bearing, aerobic, and strength training) on a regular basis help build bone-mineral mass and reduce the risk of osteoporosis for both men and women.

CANCER Scientific research studies have shown that regular physical activity and exercise (in addition to a healthy diet and not smoking) can prevent many forms of cancer. Individuals who are physically inactive are more likely to develop cancer than those who engage in regular exercise on a daily basis. For those individuals with cancer, an exercise program should be cleared by a medical doctor and developed specifically for the individual’s special needs.

MENTAL HEALTH Stress, anger, anxiety, and depression contribute to a wide variety of health conditions, such as CAD, cancer, migraines, headaches, and insomnia. Research studies show that regular exercise reduces stress, anxiety, tension, anger, and depression. Physical activity and exercise have proven beneficial for both psychiatric and nonpsychiatric populations; severe mental-health problems are often treated with medication and psychotherapy, with exercise as an adjunct treatment. Furthermore, exercise is known to increase self-esteem, confidence, and overall psychological well-being.

Adverse Effects of Exercise on Health While benefits of exercise on health and mental health far outweigh the adverse effects, one must be aware of potential problems. Most common of these are injuries to the musculoskeletal system. These include broken bones, bruises, strains, and sprains while one is engaged in physical activity or exercise. Repetitive motion (e.g., swimming, running, cycling, strength training) can cause a variety of muscle pulls and tears. Doing too much too soon or adhering to the “no pain, no gain” mentality can lead to serious injuries and even sudden death. Exercising for long duration without proper fluid

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Upper extremity exercises for girls in the 1850s.

Special Populations A number of subgroups within the generation population have special needs in terms of exercise programs.

PEOPLE WITH DISABILITIES

and food intake in hot or cold weather can lead to heat stroke, hypothermia, dehydration, amenorrhea (in females), and other endocrine and metabolic disorders. Strenuous exertion can lead to tears in muscles and blood cells, kidney failure, and other organ dysfunction. Individuals who become addicted to exercise or overtrain risk depressing their immune systems, which can lead to an increase in infections and illnesses (including irritability, insomnia, and depression). Exercise can also induce asthma attacks in certain individuals. Specific physical activity, exercise, and sports expose one to collisions and injuries; these activities include contact sports such as football, boxing, and hockey. Such equipment as baseball bats, balls, tennis racquets, and skis can seriously hurt an individual when thrown, swung, or broken during the activity. Many of these adverse effects are preventable if people work up to the level of exercise to which they aspire. A sound and smart regimen of regular exercise is progressive in nature (in frequency, duration, and intensity). A personal trainer is valuable in devising exercise programs tailored to the individual’s needs and goals. People with a high risk of cardiovascular disease, men over 40 years old, women over 50 years old, and those with health problems or disability should consult with their medical doctor before beginning any course of exercise or physical activity.

People with disabilities need exercise as much as the general population. More often than not exercise programs are not accessible. People with disabilities tend to be more socially isolated and less likely to engage in physical activities than those who are not disabled. Health and mental-health benefits of physical activity and exercise are similar to those for the nondisabled population. Moreover, people with chronic, disabling conditions benefit from an increase in stamina and overall body strength.

OLDER ADULTS Those 50 years of age and older are the fastest-growing population in the world today. WHO reports show there will be a growth of 223 percent in this older population during the period 1970–2025. As people age, many tend to view the process in negative terms. Physical activity and exercise offer older adults a fun way to stay active and physically fit and to meet other seniors with the same interests. Research studies show that older people who are active physically tend to be healthier. Exercise can help prevent or delay some diseases and disabilities, improve one’s mood, and enhance one’s lifestyle. Life expectancy is increased as well. With respect to the aging process, there are many benefits derived from participation in regular physical activities including cardiovascular, musculoskeletal, nervous and pulmonary system improvements.

ADOLESCENTS AND YOUNG ADULTS Adolescents and young adults are not getting regular exercise as a result of physical-education courses and extracurricular activities being cut from many school programs. Technological advances including televisions,

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Exercise is a modern superstition invented by people who ate too much, and had nothing to think about. Athletics don’t make anybody either long-lived or useful. ■ GEORGE SANTAYANA

computers, pagers, and multimedia programs often lead to physical inactivity for long hours on a daily basis. The CDC reports that nearly half of American youths 12–21 years old are not involved in vigorous exercise, and 14 percent of this population does not engage in any physical activity at all. Adolescents and young adults need programs that emphasis movement and fun physical activities that will motivate them to lose or maintain weight, build strong bones and muscle strength, and increase overall psychological well-being and physical fitness. Parents should plan family physical activities together and encourage participation on a regular basis. Schools and other community programs need to include physical education in their curriculums and offer extracurricular activities.

PREGNANT WOMEN Scientific research studies show that women can benefit from specific regular exercise or physical activity during pregnancy. Exercise programs can vary among pregnant women depending upon their needs. Aerobic exercise is the most common exercise for conditioning for this population. However, certain exercises should not be performed, depending on the woman’s limitations, needs, and trimester of pregnancy (for example, no supine exercises after the fourth month and basic strength exercises that tax the body excessively). Exercise can reduce the risk of pregnancy-related medical conditions (e.g., eclampsia, diabetes) and enhance labor

and delivery and improve the overall health of the mother and child.

The Future Physical inactivity increases the risk of chronic diseases and health or mental-health conditions. People who are physically active are healthier and more productive than those who are not. Medical costs rise to epic proportions due to sedentary lifestyles. The World Health Organization has developed a “global strategy on diet, physical activity and health that provides member states with a range of global policy options to address two of the major risks responsible for the heavy and growing burden of NCDs: unhealthy diet and physical inactivity” (WHO 2004, 1). These NCDs include the growing epidemic of obesity, cancers, cardiovascular diseases, and diabetes mellitus. An alarming 60 percent of the world’s population fails to exercise the recommended minimum of 30 minutes of moderate physical activity per day. Everyone can benefit from physical activity and exercise. Many NCDs are preventable through healthy diet and exercise. Physical activity does not need to be strenuous. It should be fun and motivating. The benefits of exercise far outweigh the risks. It’s the best preventive measure against poor health that the world can afford and that each of us can give to ourselves. Becky Clark See also Diet and Weight Loss; Fitness; Nutrition; Performance

Further Reading

Exercise equipment for home use.

Brodie, D. A. (1992). Exercise, health and fitness. International Exercise and Health Conference, Gdansk, Poland, April 1992. Brown, K., Thomas, D., & Kotecki, J. (2002). Physical activity and health: An interactive approach. Sudbury, MA: Jones and Bartlett. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. (1996). Surgeon general’s report on physical activity and health. (DHHS publication S/N 017023-00196-5). Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office. Hatfield, F. (Ed.) (n.d.). Fitness: The complete guide (revised 5th ed.). Santa Barbara, CA: International Sports Sciences Association. Hays, K. (2002). Move your body, tone your mood. Oakland, CA: New Harbinger Publications.

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Jackson, A., Morrow, J., Hill, D., & Dishman, R. (2004). Physical activity for health and fitness—updated edition. Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics. Katch, F., & McArdle, W. (1993). Introduction to nutrition, exercise and health (4th ed.). Philadelphia/London: Lea & Febiger. Leith, L. (2002). Foundations of exercise and mental health. Morganton, WV: Fitness Information Technology, Inc. Neiman, D. C. (1998). The exercise-health connection. Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics. World Health Organization. (2004). Global strategy on diet, physical activity and health. [Electronic version]. Geneva, Switzerland: World Health Organization. World Health Organization. (2002). World health report. [Electronic version]. Geneva, Switzerland: World Health Organization. World Health Organization. (1993). Controlling the global obesity epidemic. [Electronic version]. Geneva, Switzerland: World Health Organization.

Extreme Sports

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xtreme sports is a relatively new sports genre. Sports are considered extreme when participants engage in the sport in a way that creates great personal risk. Sensation seeking and pushing one’s personal boundaries of risk are the primary reason people participate in extreme sports. They are sometimes referred to as “adrenaline sports” and participants speak of seeking to reach the “zone” or “flow.” In some of the sports, participants seek also to achieve a closer relationship with the environment. Some extreme sports are recent inventions such as canopy climbing or cave diving while others are extensions of established sports such as rock climbing or skydiving. Some extreme sports such as sky surfing combine elements from two other sports; in this case surfing and parachuting. Most extreme sports athletes are men but the number of female participants is increasing. While most extreme participants are recreational athletes, extreme sports as a genre has received a boost from television coverage and especially the X Games first televised on ESPN in 1995. There is now an entire extreme-sports industry that markets the sports, extremesport tourism, equipment, clothing, and training. Some experts believe that extreme sports grew out of

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the counterculture of the 1960s that was reflected in lifestyle, art, music, and literature. Extreme sports were seen as play rather than competition and an expression of individual freedom and creativity.

Culture and Psychology of Extreme Sport Extreme sports differ from both so-called traditional and modern sports in several ways. First, extreme sports are about experience and process, not about outcomes. Second, most extreme sports are noncompetitive. The goal is individual achievement and risk-taking, not winning. Third, extreme sports are expressions of individuality. Fourth, many extreme sports are cross-over sports in that athletes come to extreme sports from other sports such as rock climbing, surfing, parachuting, and triathlon. Thus, extreme sports reverse the trend in sports in general toward specialization. Finally, extreme sports are closed linked to youth culture. Many

A young man plays in a water hole on his ATV. Source: istockphoto/Area Photography.

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Free climber traversing rock face at full stretch.

Source: istockphoto.com/gough.

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The highest reward for a person’s toil is not what they get for it, but what they become by it. ■ JOHN RUSKIN

participants are young men and women who value independence, pushing the limits, personal growth, and risk-taking. Research suggests that those who participate in extreme sports have a greater need than others to engage in high-risk behaviors. These people seem to have a high tolerance for risk and can continue to function at high physical and mental levels in dangerous situations. There is also evidence that such people often feel in control in situations where most people would feel out of control. They also tend to minimize their personal risk by preparing well for the activity and by objectively analyzing their own skills, the environment, and the task.

A Roster of Extreme Sports

Canopying is traveling through tree tops (usually in rainforests) using climbing equipment and cables. Canyoning is a combination of swimming, sliding, climbing down mountain streams which are reached by climbing down via rope and harness from the canyon walls above. Cave diving is diving and exploring underground, water-filled caves. Extreme skiing is skiing off of cliffs and down steep and dangerous terrain. In addition to skis, extreme skiers use snowshoes and climbing gear and safety equipment. Free climbing means climbing rock or ice with a minimum of equipment. The most extreme free climbers use only their hands, chalks, and special shoes. How extreme is also defined by how high one climbs. Free climbing is probably the most physically and mentally rigorous of all extreme sports. In-line skating classified as extreme differs from recreational or competitive in-line skating and is more like skateboarding. Skaters go as fast as possible, jump over or grind across whatever obstacles they encounter, skate

The list of sports classified as extreme is large and growing. The following list covers the major ones. Adventure racing is a competitive extreme sport in which teams of “adventurers” race hundreds of miles nonstop using orienteering skills and canoes, kayaks, mountain bikes, white-water rafts, horses, their feet, and ropes. The first team to finish wins. Eco-Challenge is a specific form of adventure racing. ATV is riding and/or racing over rough, wet, muddy or other dangerous terrain in allterrain vehicles. BASE jumping stands for Building, Antennae, Span, Earth—an acronym that indicates the type of objects BASE jumpers jump off of, with a parachute on their back. Bungee jumping is jumping from a tower, bridge or other high spot while attached to an elastic cord by a harness. Part of the thrill comes from the feeling of weightless that come from bouncing several times when the cord reaches it maximum extension. A woman climbing a steep rock face.

Source: istockphoto/bankok.

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A street luge race.

Source: istockphoto/Photo-Dave.

on vertical (vert) planes and perform their own “big-air” twists, turns, and flips. Kite surfing (kite skiing, kite boarding, kite flying) is surfing on a modified surf board while being pulled by a kite across open water. Mountain boarding is a combination of skateboarding and snowboarding using a board with wheels on grass or dirt. Parkour is an urban extreme sport in which individuals run and jump in a smooth, gliding continuous motion over whatever comes in their path.The goal is not speed, but smoothness of the journey to achieve inner serenity. Paragliding is cross-country gliding in which the paraglider uses a special parachute designed to allow him or her to use wind currents to stay aloft. The goal is to stay aloft as long and to travel as far as possible. Running with bulls is running in the streets and trying to avoid being gorged or crushed by wild bulls let lose in the streets. Many extreme athletes would question whether this is really an extreme sport. Skijoring (skidriving) is a Norwegian sport in which a person on cross-country skis is pulled by a dog team of dogs. The challenge is to control both the skis and the dogs at the same time.

Sky surfing is jumping out of an airplane standing on a small surfboard that is attached to ones feet with snowboard bindings. Once airborne, the surfer performs twists and spins before parachuting to land. Sky surfing is often competitive, with a free-falling cameraman filming the surfer in action so the judges can grade the performance. Speed biking is biking down steep terrain (usually two-mile, 60-degree slopes) as fast as possible and then stopping at the end. Speed bikers go faster than any other human-powered athletes other than speed skiers. Street luge is one of the first extreme sports and was started by teenage boys in California who lay face up on their skateboards and sped down steep roads at up to 60 miles per hour. Street luge boards are now modified skateboards designed to fit the luger. Supermoto (Supermotard) is a form of motorcycle racing involving both on-track and off-raid courses that favors skill and agility over motor power. Tough Man Competitions are fights in which the competitors seek to injure one another by hitting, kicking, gouging, punching, etc. Many extreme athletes would question whether this is really an extreme sport. Wakeboarding is performing stunts while standing

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on a modified board and being pulled across the wake by a powerboat. Wakeboarders also grind off of objects such as rocks and buoys.

The Future The future of extreme sports looks bright. New extreme sports appear each year, the X Games and other competitions remain popular, and more people participate each year. In addition, oldtimers and newcomers both are always ready to push the limit further and further to encounter new risk. David Levinson See also Adventure Education; Youth Culture and Sports; X Games

Further Reading Humphreys, D. (1997, June). Shredheads go mainstream? Snowboarding and alternative youth.” International Review for the Sociology of Sport, 32(2), 147–160. Le Breton, D. (1991). Passions du risque. Paris: Metailie. Le Breton D. (2003). Conduites à risque. Des jeux de mort au jeu de vivre. Paris: PUF. Lyng, S. (1990). Edgework: A social psychological analysis of voluntary risk taking. American Journal of Sociology, 95(4). McMillen, R. (1998). Xtreme Sports. Houston, TX: Gulf. Mitchell, R. G., Jr. (1983). Mountain experience. The psychology and sociology of adventure. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Rinehart, R. E., & Sydnor, S. (Eds.) (2003). To the extreme. Alternative sports, inside and out. New York: State University of New York Press. Todhunter, A. (1998). Fall of the phantom lord: Climbing and the face of fear. New York: Doubleday. Tomlinson, J. (1996) Extreme sports; the illustrated guide to maximum adrenaline thrills. New York: Smithmark.

Extreme Surfing

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n the popular imagination every surfer confronts danger: collapsing mountains of water, violent turbulence, razor-sharp coral heads, boulder-strewn reefs, frenzied sharks. News items reinforce these images. A photo of Jay Moriarty free-falling down the face of a 6-meter wave at Maverick’s off northern California in

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December 1994 appeared in the New York Times; NBC’s Nightly News showed film of the wipeout. Laird Hamilton’s ride across a 5.4-meter wall at Teahupoo in Tahiti in August 2000 received front-page coverage in the Los Angeles Times and won the Action Sports Feat of 2000 at the annual ESPN Action Sports Awards. The international media reported the shark attack on thirteen-year-old surfer Bethany Hamilton at Ha‘ena, Hawaii, in October 2003. Hamilton, who lost her left arm just below the shoulder, subsequently appeared on the Oprah Winfrey Show and gave interviews to Glamour magazine and Entertainment Tonight. Contrary to these images and stories, surfing is a relatively safe sport. The average surfer incurs four injuries (deep cuts, sprains, fractures, etc.) every one thousand days of riding. Death from shark attacks or drowning is rare. Of course, this rarity, paradoxically, draws media attention that fuels the popular imagination of a wildly dangerous pastime. Such media attention was drawn during the mid-1990s when a spate of accidents caused the deaths of three experienced big-wave riders. Mark Foo drowned in December 1994 at Maverick’s. A few years earlier he had prophetically warned that “the ultimate thrill” could extract “the ultimate price.” Donnie Solomon died at the shrine of big-wave riding at Waimea Bay, Hawaii, in December 1995. Todd Chesser drowned at Outside Alligators, a reef west of Waimea Bay, in February 1997. Although surfing’s safety record may belie the appellation “extreme,” both surfing and mainstream culture bestow the highest prestige on those who ride the biggest and thickest waves and who risk smashed bones, torn ligaments, burst ear drums, and torn flesh. Indeed, these surfers undoubtedly do play in an extreme realm.

Wipeout All surfers intrinsically know that, in the words of surffilm cinematographer Bruce Brown, “it takes a lot of guts to go out there when the waves are breaking bigger than a house.” Yet many of the dangers are not immediately apparent, especially from the shore. The most

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Ingenuity, plus courage, plus work, equals miracles. ■ BOB RICHARDS

dangerous waves break on reefs, the depth of which is not always easy to decipher. Former world champion Nat Young points to the acute sense of alertness and skill needed in this environment. The surfer must focus well ahead and look for shallow water: “Sometimes it’s a boil in the face of the wave, at others there’s no sign at all, the wave just sucks out revealing dry reef.” Deep holes formed by coral polyps also pose dangers, as pioneer big-wave rider Jose Angel can testify. Surfing at the famed Pipeline, Hawaii, in 1967, Angel wiped out and was “blasted” into a pitch-black vertical cavern with an overhanging lip. Disoriented, he searched in vain for the exit. Angel escaped only when a subsequent wave broke with particular ferocity and unleashed a burst of energy that literally ejected him from a potential coral coffin. Being caught in the impact zone of a powerful wave and churned by its turbulence are no less hazardous than being pitched into a serrated coral head. Big-wave rider Greg Noll compares entanglement in a collapsing 7.6-meter wall of water with “going off Niagara Falls without the barrel.” He estimates the chances of drowning at “about 80 percent.” After wiping out at Maverick’s in 1994, Moriarty spoke of having his “skin ripped from my bones.” However, Moriarty also considered himself fortunate: “Luckily the force of the wave pushed me so deep that I struck the reef and realized which way was up. Otherwise I don’t think I would have made it to the surface to get a suck of air before the next wave hit.” Briece Taerea was not so fortunate. Confronted by a 7.6-meter wall of water at Teahupoo in April 2000 he tried to push through its face. However, the wave at the world’s most challenging and dangerous reef was too thick. It sucked him backward and rammed him into the marine floor, breaking his neck and back. Taerea died two days later.

Impact Zone Surfers dance in the jaws of the impact zone. Catching a wave requires the surfer to paddle in front, and sometimes directly underneath, the breaking lip; the slightest

mistake—catching an edge of the board, losing balance, hesitating—means being catapulted into the impact zone. When riding at a new location, a surfer must carefully establish the precise points where the waves break, the take-off zones, and the areas where one can sit safely. In 1964 Greg Noll and Mike Strange spent eight hours in the water establishing the take-off location at Outside (third reef) Pipeline. Regardless of what happens in the surf, getting to where the waves break and returning to shore can be hazardous. Noll and Strange spent an hour just to get through the shorebreak and lateral current on the day they ventured to Outside Pipeline. They were dumped back on the sand four times before making it to safety. Returning to the shore after wiping out in 7.6-meter surf at Makaha, Hawaii, in December 1969 was a life-threatening journey for Noll. After a battering in the impact zone, the exhausted Noll had to swim to shore across a raging lateral current and through a horrendous shorebreak. Tow-in surfing has radically redefined big-wave riding. Using finely tuned jet skis, devotees tow each other, like water skiers, into ocean waves that jack up and produce 12-, 15-, and 18-meter faces. As well as narrow surfboards with cushioned straps for the feet, tow-in equipment includes rescue sleds, life vests, and hospitalgrade oxygen. Partnerships and assistance are key ingredients in tow-in surfing. Surfers in the impact zones of 12-meter-plus waves depend on partners risking their own lives and equipment to drag them clear. Of course, sometimes partners magnify the danger. When Michael Willis’s partner arrived to pluck him from the shadow of a dark horizon at Pe’ahi, Hawaii, the ski stalled. As the thunder descended upon the pair, the drifting tow rope wrapped around Willis’s leg. The wave crashed over the pair, and Willis, now “tied” to the ski, was dragged 400 meters with the rope progressively tightening and cutting deeper into his leg muscle. Willis spent two weeks on crutches. Nearly all surf conditions incorporate some element of the extreme by virtue of the dynamic nature of the

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environment. However, in their quest for prestige, surfing’s warrior caste ventures further into the extreme of bigger and thicker waves. Douglas Booth

Further Reading Aeder, K. L. (2000, September). Harsh realm. Tracks, 63–64. Duane, D. (2004). The ride of his life. Men’s Journal, 13(6), 64–70. Foo, M. (1991). Waimea Bay. In N. Carroll (Ed.), The next wave: A survey of world surfing (pp. 144–145). Sydney, Australia: Angus & Robertson. Grigg, R. (1998). Big surf, deep dives and the islands. Honolulu, HI: Editions Limited.

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Jarratt, P. (1997). Mr. Sunset: The Jeff Hakman story. London: Gen X Publishing. Jenkins, B. (1997). Laird Hamilton: 20th century man. Australian Surfer’s Journal, 1(1), 84–121. Kirsop, R. (1991). Sunset Beach. In N. Carroll (Ed.), The next wave: A survey of world surfing (pp. 130–131). Sydney, Australia: Angus & Robertson. Long, R., & Doherty, S. (2004, March). Code brown. Tracks, 18–35. Noll, G., & Gabbard, A. (1989). Da bull: Life over the edge. Berkeley, CA: North Atlantic Books. Renneker, M., Star, K., & Booth, G. (1993). Sick surfers ask the surf docs & Dr. Geoff. Palo Alto, CA: Bull Publishing. Warshaw, M. (2000). Maverick’s: The story of big-wave surfing. San Francisco: Chronicle Books. Warshaw, M. (2004). The encyclopedia of surfing. Camberwell, Australia: Penguin Books. Young, N. (1998). Nat’s Nat and that’s that. Angourie, Australia: Nymboida Press.

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Facility Management

Fan Loyalty Fantasy Sports Fashion Feminist Perspective Fencing Fenway Park Finland Fishing Fitness Fitness Industry Floorball Flying Folk Sports Footbag Football Football, Canadian Football, Flag Football, Gaelic Foro Italico Foxhunting France Franchise Relocation Free Agency

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ports facilities are not a new phenomenon; they existed in some of the earliest civilizations: The Egyptians, Chinese, Greeks, and Romans used sports facilities to benefit the well-being of citizens and to maintain military readiness. These facilities were the forerunner of today’s sports facilities. As sports are becoming more popular throughout the world facilities are constantly being constructed and renovated to cater to increased demand. During the past three decades in the United States more than one hundred large stadiums have been built to accommodate the increasing attendance at college and professional sporting events. Throughout the world stadiums and other sports facilities have been built, including Wembley Stadium (England, 126,000 capacity), Soldier Field (United States, 102,000), Hamden Park (Scotland, 149,500), Melbourne Cricket Ground (Australia, 116,000), Maracana Municipal Stadium (Brazil, 200,000), and the world’s largest stadium, Strahov Stadium (Czech Republic, 240,000). The Olympic Games have played a major role in the growth of sports facilities. Every four years since the revival of the modern Olympics in Athens in 1896, with the exception of World War I (1914–1918) and World War II (1939–1945), host countries have constructed and renovated sports facilities to stage this major sporting event. In 2004 the Olympic Games returned to Greece. Thirty-eight venues were used for the games;

F sixteen were new venues, and twenty-two were renovated or improved venues. The trend in sports facility construction is to offer quality and safety as opposed to quantity. Facilities are being designed to hold fewer spectators and to provide more amenities. An example of this trend is the new soccer stadiums built in Portugal to host the 2004 European Soccer Championships. Ten world-class stadiums were built or renovated, including the Stadium of Light (Lisbon, capacity 65,647), the Stadium of the Dragon (Porto, 50,948), the Dom Afonso Henriques Stadium (Guimaraes, 29,865), and the Jose Alvalade Stadium (Lisbon, 50,466, with a cinema multiplex, bowling alley, health club, and shopping mall). Many of the other stadiums have capacities ranging from twentyfive thousand to fifty thousand people. No longer do sports facilities operate in isolation; what happens in one country can directly affect the operations of a facility in another. Facility managers everywhere have to address acts of violence, terrorism, and other issues. They also must maximize revenue while providing patrons with a positive experience and ensuring their safety. Patrons expect safety, comfort, and excellent service, and facility management must deliver.

Management Options Sports facilities can be operated by their owners, by primary or anchor tenants, by not-for-profit organizations, or by private management companies. Private management is a growing trend. Many publicly owned and managed sports facilities have been losing money, and

private management is one way to help facilities become profit centers. Private management companies such as SMG, Centre Management, and Leisure Management International usually are contracted to provide services for the entire facility. The largest facility management company, SMG, manages 156 facilities for both public and private clients throughout the world. Unless a facility is booked for more than two hundred days per year, hiring fulltime event labor is not cost effective. Cost effectiveness is also subject to such factors as facility size, occupancy, event type, and concessionaires’ capital investment in equipment (IAAM 1997). When the facility owner uses in-house management, outside contractual agreements are usually arranged for many services. Three basic areas of contracted services are service, equipment, and supplies; these areas may include services such as crowd management, security, maintenance, and concessions. Regardless of the operational methods used, facility management can determine the success or failure of a sports facility (Farmer, Mulrooney, and Ammon 1996).

Facility Manager or Team Sports facilities are normally operated by a management team headed by a general manager, chief executive officer, or executive director. Other members of the team are responsible for marketing, public relations, advertising, and operations. The size and function of the facility determine the size of the management team (Farmer, Mulrooney, and Ammon 1996). Traditionally a facility manager has four functions: planning,

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organizing, leading, and evaluating. These functions give rise to the overall strategic management process. Therefore, the facility manager or facility management team must be competent in the many areas involved in operating a sports facility.

Operational Procedures Regardless of the type or size of a facility, operational procedures guide the facility staff and employees and can reduce confusion. However, before an organization establishes procedures it must be aware of the factors that influence the operations of the facility, such as national, state, and local codes and regulations; if these are not complied with the facility could face legal action. Each organization establishes its own procedures regarding personnel and management, and most organizations create procedures regarding signage, equipment, safety, animals, food and beverage, and services. All operational procedures should be in writing and communicated clearly to all personnel. The facility manager or team also must update operational procedures. In reviewing and revising contractual agreements and policy manuals, the manager or team must use input gathered from support staff, patrons, customers, promoters, and clients through regular feedback or evaluation mechanisms. At the 2004 North American Society for Sport Management (NASSM) annual conference in Atlanta, Georgia, Jamie Rootes, senior vice president of the Houston Texans, described how he and his staff use digital cameras on the day of an event to document changes that should be made to any operations and how these changes are discussed the following day and implemented immediately.

Booking and Scheduling Booking and scheduling play an integral role in the operation of a sports facility. A thorough knowledge of the client’s requirements and the facility and an understanding of the physical constraints of the facility are essential to the economic success of a facility. Therefore, booking and scheduling are far more complex than merely logging an event in an open date. The person re-

sponsible for booking and scheduling must have sales and marketing skills. The trend is to develop multipurpose rather than single-purpose facilities. Multipurpose facilities are cost effective because they can be used for a variety of activities. However, most facilities cannot survive financially if only the dates played by the home team are booked. The facility must be marketed and sold for the remainder of the open dates. The facility manager must establish long-term relationships and a sound reputation to bring new business and return business to the facility. In addition, booking and scheduling multiple events require close attention to move-in and move-out times and dates, especially with back-toback events. Great consideration must be given to the time required to prepare the facility for different types of events, such as the time required to change the floor from basketball use to ice hockey use (IAAM 1997).

Financial Management Financial management is the process of planning, organizing, directing, controlling, and analyzing all aspects that affect the financial performance of a facility. Although a facility manager may not be directly involved in the accounting process of the facility, he or she is responsible for the day-to-day decisions that depend on accuracy and an understanding of financial information. A facility manager needs a basic knowledge of the tools involved (computer software) and an ability to accurately interpret financial information. A facility manager must be competent in budgeting, cost control, methodology, and negotiation skills.

Housekeeping and Maintenance Housekeeping and maintenance are two of the most important responsibilities of the facility manager. They keep a facility in a clean and safe condition so that customers have a positive experience. The appearance of a sports facility greatly affects the public’s image of the facility. A housekeeping and maintenance operation can keep a facility looking like new and assist in maintaining its competitiveness with newer and more expensive facilities. The facility manager must implement a com-

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One job of the modern facilities manager is to arrange for product advertising throughout the facility as shown here in Fenway Park in 2004.

prehensive plan for housekeeping and maintenance, taking into consideration facility type, location, usage level, types of groups using the facility, available labor, and revenue availability. This plan should include guidelines concerning purpose, operation, storage, staffing, inventory, repair, and safety (Mulrooney and Styles 2004). An aggressive housekeeping and maintenance plan creates a positive public image of the facility, which in turn increases usage of the facility.

Concessions and Merchandise Food and beverages are concessions, whereas licensed goods and novelties are merchandise. These products can create a tremendous amount of revenue for a facility. The facility manager has many options in attending to these products: outside full-contract service food, novelty, and merchandising companies; an in-house service; or a combination of the two. Regardless of the choice, the facility manager must have adequate knowledge of sales projections, labor costs, and insurance costs and the ability to compute total expenditures. Most patrons know that they will pay more for food and other products at a sporting event; therefore, the products and the sales staff must be of the highest quality. Patrons are becoming more demanding of concessions and other products, and the facility management team must ensure that its services and sales meet demands.

Risk Management and Crowd Management Risk management limits exposure to harm in a facility. The most common risk that a facility manager tries to limit is injuries to patrons. The facility manager should implement a risk-management plan to include identification, assessment, treatment, and creation of standard

operating procedures to decrease and deal with risk (Mulrooney and Styles 2004). After the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 in the United States, facilities, regardless of size and usage, must have comprehensive risk-management procedures for emergencies. Security has become a major priority for sports facilities. Sporting events such as the Olympics and world championships are global events and have become targets of terrorist groups. In addition, managers should have procedures to manage alcohol use, violence, and crowds. Most problems with violence and crowds at sports facilities involve the excessive consumption of alcohol. At a sportsmanship and fan behavior summit in Dallas, Texas, in 2003, academics and professionals discussed the problems and issues of alcohol consumption and its effect on fan behavior, particularly relating to postgame activities. However, the problems are not unique to the United States. Recently at the European soccer championships in Portugal, many fans were arrested and deported for being violent and staging riots; in all cases alcohol was a major factor. Professionals recommend that all sports facilities implement TEAM (techniques for effective alcohol management) recommendations for the training of staff and the sales of alcohol. The world has witnessed many acts of violence at sports events. A terrorist attack on Israeli Olympians at the 1972 Munich Summer Olympics left six dead. More than one hundred people were injured when a bomb exploded at the 1996 Olympics in Atlanta, Georgia. In

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The arched entrance to the ancient Olympic Stadium in Greece, 2003.

1993 the tennis star Monica Seles was stabbed by a fan at a tournament. In May 2001 at a soccer stadium in Ghana, fighting broke out among opposing fans. The police responded by firing tear gas into the crowd; the crowd panicked; 126 fans died. More than seventy thousand fans had been admitted into a stadium built to hold forty-five thousand. One of the worst sports crowd disasters in Europe occurred in 1989 on a soccer field in Hillsborough, England. At the time, many stadiums, to prevent fans from running onto the field or throwing objects onto the field, had high chain-link fences between the seats and their playing field. However, to admit the large crowd outside, Hillsborough police opened a second set of admittance gates that did not have turnstiles. The entrance of the fans at the rear caused the fans at the front to be crushed against the fence with no means of escape. Ninety-six people were killed. Violence, other crowd problems, and terrorist acts can occur at any event. The facility manager must make patrons feel safe; therefore, the manager must create and implement risk-management and crowd-management procedures.

Customer Service Customer service is probably the most important responsibility of facility management, encompassing all the services and operations provided by the facility. Providing good customer service can be the difference between mediocre management and exceptional management and can affect the return rate of patrons. To provide good customer service a facility must have procedures for staff training, recruitment, customer complaints, employee motivation, internal and external communication, and chain of command. Research has shown that the most important element in delivering good customer service is a positive working environment for employees. Employees who feel good about their working environment and have a positive attitude are more likely to pass that attitude on to customers.

Grim Realities The 2002 National Football League Super Bowl was classified as a “national security event,” which meant the federal government took control of security. The Secret Service, along with the FBI and other elements of the federal government, devised a comprehensive security

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plan. Since then each year the Super Bowl has been staged using high level security, with Homeland Security assisting local and regional security forces. Security for the 2005 Super Bowl involved local, state, and federal agencies, including the FBI, Coast Guard, and U.S Navy. Because of the high-tech security technology that has been put in place since September 11th, 2001, the Homeland Security Department was able to observe and monitor the event through the department’s Homeland Security Operations Center. At the 2004 Summer Olympics in Athens the nation of Greece was placed on the highest state of alert, with more than seventy thousand Athens city police (ten security personnel for each athlete), sixteen thousand military police officers, U.S. special forces, North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) personnel, and a complex security network that cost $312 million, including an airship with the latest security technology to spy on the people of an ancient city in modern times. Greece is one of the safest countries in Europe. However, it suddenly had a security bill of $1.5 billion. These are the times we live in, and facility management has to be able to adapt. Whether the event is a high school basketball game, a Friday night football game, a community tennis tournament, or a national or international event, management plays a major role in the success of the event and the facility. Alvy Styles and Aaron Mulrooney

Further Reading Ammon, R., Jr., Southall, R. M., & Blair, D. A. (2004). Sport facility management: Organizing events and mitigating risks. Morgantown, WV: Fitness Information Technology. Berlonghi, A. (1990). The special event risk management manual. Dana Point, CA: Author. Farmer, P. J., Mulrooney, A. L., & Ammon, R. (1996). Sport facility planning and management. Morgantown, WV: Pepper Press. International Association of Auditorium Managers (IAAM). (1997). Course materials from the unpublished proceedings of the School for Public Assembly Facility Management, Irving, TX: Mulrooney, A., & Styles, A. (2004). Managing the facility. In B. L. Parkhouse (Ed.), The management of sport: Its foundation and application (pp. 137–163). New York: McGraw Hill. Van Dalen, D., & Bennett, B. (1971). A world history of physical education: Cultural, philosophical, & comparative. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall.

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Facility Naming Rights

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he typical professional sport facility is no longer named after a geographic area, prominent individuals, or the local team. Facility naming rights refers to the relatively recent trend in sport of naming, for a fee, an established or new athletic facility after a corporate sponsor. Every sport organization has seen an increase in the need to generate revenues. Expenses such as player and coaching salaries, scholarships, travel, insurance, and equipment have in many cases increased dramatically over the past ten years. Traditional revenue sources such as ticket sales, fund raising, media rights, and licensed merchandise often have not kept pace with escalating expenses. Given this financial climate, some sport organizations are “forced” to sell the name of their facility to the highest bidder in order to maintain financial solvency. A corporation invests in a sport naming-rights agreement in an attempt to link its name with a sport enterprise and avoid advertising clutter. Rather than simply placing a sign in a sport facility or purchasing advertising during a media broadcast of the event, a namingrights partnership gives the sponsoring company a platform to increase its visibility in the local, and potentially national, market. The naming-rights holder ideally is viewed not only as a sponsor of the team or sporting event, but also as an integral component of the community.

Naming Rights History Prior to 1990 the only facilities in major North American professional sport named after a corporation or product were Arco Arena (Sacramento Kings), Busch Stadium (St. Louis Cardinals), Great Western Forum (Los Angeles Lakers/Los Angeles Kings), Rich Stadium (Buffalo Bills), and Wrigley Field (Chicago Cubs). The remaining teams in Major League Baseball (MLB), National Basketball League (NBA), National Football

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As a nation we are dedicated to keeping physically fit–and parking as close to the stadium as possible. ■ BILL VAUGHAN

League (NFL), and National Hockey League (NHL) played in facilities named after individuals (Brendan Byrne Arena, RFK Stadium, etc.), geographic areas (Texas Stadium, Three Rivers Stadium, etc.), or the local team (Dodger Stadium, Yankee Stadium). In 1995 a variety of MLB, NBA, NFL, and NHL teams decided to sell the naming rights to their existing facilities or to attach corporate monikers to facilities under construction or about to be opened. Although the Buffalo Bills had sold a twenty-five-year naming-rights deal to Rich Products Corporation in 1973 for $1.5 million, most of the 1995 deals were for at least $1 million a year. Facilities in Boston (Fleet Center, 15 years, $30 million), Indianapolis (RCA Dome, 10 years, $10 million), San Francisco (3Com Park, 5 years, $4 million), and Seattle (Key Arena, 15 years, $15 million) were all signed in 1995. After 1995 terms of facility naming-rights deals rapidly increased, with facilities such as Phillips Arena in Atlanta (1999 opening, 20 years, $168 million), PSINet Stadium in Baltimore (1999 opening, 20 years, $105 million), and the Stables Center in Los Angeles (1999 opening, 20 years, $100 million) exceeding the $5 million per year mark. As the economy of the United States slowed during the early part of the twenty-first century, new naming rights deals continued to be consummated, but typically they averaged from $2 million to $3 million a year for twenty-year to thirty-year year periods. Despite the decrease in the value of some naming-rights agreements, the popularity of sponsoring facilities continues to grow, and as the economy improves, the financial terms of agreements should again approach and then exceed the $5 million per year.

Concerns in the Marketplace Despite the rapid increase in naming rights prices and popularity in American professional sport after 1995, many concerns still exist. Corporations changing the names of established facilities occasionally experienced a backlash as fans resented the renaming of places such as Candlestick Park (3Com), Anaheim Stadium (Edison Field), and Riverfront Stadium (Cinergy Field). In ad-

dition broadcasters often would ignore the name change and refer to the previous name of the facility or simply not mention the facility name when describing the location of an event. For many corporations naming a new facility became a better public relations option than eliciting negative community reactions associated with renaming an older building. Teams receiving money in naming-rights deals also experienced occasional hardship from their corporate partners. Occasionally, naming-rights partners were purchased by other companies (e.g., in Philadelphia, CoreStates was purchased by First Union), which created confusion for the team, fans, and media. In Buffalo, when HSBC Holdings purchased Marine Midland Bank, the name of the Buffalo Sabres arena was not immediately changed to reflect the sale, resulting in litigation. Worse than confusion or litigation was the backlash that occurred when a corporate partner behaved poorly. In Houston the Enron financial scandal reflected poorly on MLB’s Astros as Enron was the naming-rights partner for their new stadium. The Astros eventually had to replace Enron with Minute Maid as a corporate naming partner.

Future of Naming Rights Agreements Despite the occasional concerns of teams and participating companies, naming-rights agreements will likely remain a part of sport in the near future. Sport organizations are constantly in search of revenue, and corporations are looking for ways to reach potential consumers, creating a situation from which both parties can benefit. As the majority of American professional teams have had their facilities named after a corporation, the future will likely see intercollegiate, recreational, and, in some cases, interscholastic sport organizations selling the rights to the name of their facilities to the highest bidder. As schools and municipal recreational programs are primarily operated for education and community service, initial reaction to widespread use of corporate names on these types of sport buildings may be negative. However, given the financial needs of these sport

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enterprises, and the strong desire of companies to increase sales and profits, these agreements are likely to be inevitable. Mark S. Nagel See also Sponsorship

Further Reading Friedman, A. (1997). Naming rights deals. Chicago: Team Marketing Report. Greenberg, M. J., & Gray, J. T. (1996). The stadium game. Milwaukee, WI: National Sport Law Institute of Marquette Law School. Howard, D. R., & Crompton, J. L. (2004). Financing sport (2nd ed.). Morgantown, WV: FIT. Kaydo, C., & Trusdell, B. (1997). Stadiums “r” us: Visibility is the key reason that companies are clamoring to sponsor stadiums. Sales and Marketing Management, 149(1), 74–75. Kovatch, K. (1998, April 27). What’s in a name? Publicity for companies, big bucks for owners. SportBusiness Journal, 1(1), 22. McCarthy, L. M., & Irwin, R. (1998). Names in lights: Corporate purchase of sport facility naming rights. The Cyber Journal of Sport Marketing, 2(3). Retrieved November 26, 2004, from http://www. ausport.gov.au/fulltext/1998/cjsm/v2n3/mccarthyirwin23.htm Mitchell, E. (1999, March 1–7). For sale: Yanks’ naming rights. SportBusiness Journal, 1(45), 1, 43. Noll, R. G., & Zimbalist, A. (1997). Sports, jobs, and taxes. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press.

Falconry

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alconry is the sport of using trained birds of prey to hunt wild quarry in its natural habitat. In the English language falconry has also been known as “hawking.” Historically people practiced falconry throughout the Old World from the Orient and the Indian subcontinent through central Asia and the Middle East to north Africa and Europe. People now practice falconry on all continents except Antarctica. North America has a strong tradition of falconry that developed during the twentieth century.

History First recorded in early Chinese literature four thousand years ago and in Syrian bas-relief thought to be three

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thousand years old, falconry is one of the oldest of field or hunting sports. Using birds of prey as an aid to hunting probably developed simultaneously in a number of ancient cultures in Asia. Early in its evolution it became an important cultural practice and recreation, becoming far more significant than an aid to the provision of food. Falconry was introduced to Europe by the nomadic tribes from the steppes (usually level and treeless tracts in southeastern Europe or Asia) of Russia, and Attila the Hun was a keen falconer, bringing his falcons, hawks, and eagles with him on his military conquests. The practice spread throughout Christendom after it had become important in the Islamic world and became codified and formalized into both a sport and mark of social status. In Britain, France, the Low Countries (Belgium, Netherlands, Luxembourg), the Germanic states, Spain, and Italy from the sixth until the seventeenth century the social significance of falconry is difficult to overestimate. Laws protecting birds of prey were enacted, conventions on ownership enforced, taxes and ransoms were paid with falcons and hawks. Indeed, a falconer and his boy were important members of any aristocrat’s retinue. The Bayeux Tapestry of France depicts the Saxon king Harold with a hawk and certain Norman noblemen with hawks and falcons departing for the invasion of Britain under William the Conqueror. Nor was the practice confined to landowners; the use of hawks was not an uncommon method of obtaining food for the pot for all classes. Two distinct cultures and traditions of falconry met during the Euro-Christian crusades to wrest control of the Holy Land from the Saracens. King Richard I of England halted one of his campaigns to fly his falcons near Jaffa in modern Israel. Moreover, Richard sent an emissary to Melik el Aadile (a military commander under the Muslim leader Saladin) to request a supply of food for his hawks. That Richard and Melik had been involved in several long and bloody battles seems to have been unimportant in this respect. Legislation under King Henry VII of England forbade the taking of eggs from the nests of hawks and

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falcons or of any bird that may be used for hunting. This decree was followed by King Henry VIII’s decree prohibiting the taking of any species of bird that may be the quarry of hawks or falcons from the land that was set aside for royal hunting. The penalties for conviction of such offenses were terms of imprisonment. During the reign of King James I of England (James IV of Scotland) restrictions forbade the use of longbows, crossbows, and firearms to kill game. These restrictions were to preserve stocks for trained hawks and falcons. Falconers were given dispensation, however, to shoot small birds to obtain hawk food. The preceding illustrates that falconry was significant enough to feature in late medieval legislation. Some scholars have claimed that the advent of the firearm pushed falconry from the center of the hunting scene. Although this advent was evidently contributory, as was the enclosure of open countryside, far greater changes actually spelled out the sport’s fall from popularity. Having become so closely linked with social status—falconry was truly the sport of kings and the nobility—when the social and religious upheavals of the late sixteenth and seventeenth centuries occurred in Europe the sport was rejected because of its social connotations. King Charles II was the last British monarch to actively participate in falconry. In 1688 he conferred the office of hereditary grand falconer upon the duke of St. Albans. This title survives today merely as a sinecure (an office or position that requires little or no work); no duke of St. Albans has practiced falconry since the early nineteenth century, although a token mews (enclosures) of a few falcons were kept until 1867. After Charles’s death the British monarchy ceased to practice falconry, and it lost its already diminished popularity in court society and the landed nobility. By the middle of the seventeenth century the golden age of falconry was over. However, falconry did not die out completely. Within a hundred years or so sport falconry began to take on the form that we recognize today, with branches of the sport hunting specific quarries in a specialized manner. Rook and heron hawking became popular after the traditionally hunted red kite had declined in num-

bers so as to render it too rare a quarry. In the manner of former times a group of men and women on horseback followed the flight of the falcon, an undertaking that demanded open unfenced countryside that was increasingly difficult to find in Europe of the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Falconry survived into the industrial age, carried in Britain by Colonel Thomas Thornton, a wealthy eccentric and self-publicist. Thornton of Thornville Royal in Yorkshire was born during the mid-eighteenth century and educated at the historic English public school Charterhouse. He was a fanatical devotee of all field sports, including falconry, fox and stag hunting, coursing (the pursuit of running game with dogs that follow by sight instead of by scent), and shooting. He followed the example set by the medieval aristocracy and kept birds of prey, mainly falcons, on a considerable scale. Thornton in 1772 was instrumental in the formation of the Confederate Hawks of Great Britain, a club for subscriptionpaying falconers. The notion of clubs was developing at the time in numerous sports and recreations. The Confederate Hawks of Great Britain soon became known as the “Falconer’s Club” and was initially managed by Thornton. The Falconer’s Club lost its most influential landowner when Lord Berners died in 1838, and his death brought the club close to closure. However, the remaining enthusiasts took their sport abroad. The heath and downland of southern Netherlands were chosen. The open and unfenced countryside was ideal for flights at the relatively plentiful heron. The Falconer’s Club was renamed the “Loo Hawking Club” in 1839. The sport in the Netherlands was of high quality, and the club enjoyed considerable success. In an echo of days long past the club was to receive royal patronage from members of the Dutch royal family: The Prince of Orange, Prince Alexander, and Prince Henry were all to become members. Indeed, the name of the club was altered to the “Royal Loo Club.” Despite providing outstanding sport throughout the 1840s the club was short-lived, and when its royal patronage was withdrawn in 1853, it was closed.

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A bird of prey.

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Source: istockphoto.com/RMAX.

During the 1850s and 1860s none of the traditional grand hawking establishments and few active falconers existed in the British Isles. A small number, such as Francis Salvin and Lt. Col. E. Delme-Radcliffe, kept a professional to train and manage their hawks and falcons. Falconry continued on a more limited scale than had been seen for many years. During the midnineteenth century amateur falconers took over the mantle of the sport. The notion of the amateur as it came to be understood at this time fit the manifestation of contemporary Victorian falconry. In 1864 another British club was formed along much the same lines as previous ones, with club-owned falcons, a professional falconer, and other such regalia. The Old Hawking Club began with a membership of seven, the majority of whom were titled or held military rank. The notion of seasons for specific quarry was by

then well established, and the OHC, as it came to be known, met in March and April on Salisbury Plain for rook hawking, in August in Perthshire or Caithness for grouse, and in Norfolk in October for partridges. Game hawking became the pinnacle of the sport. Game preservation for shooting actually facilitated this branch of falconry by providing the raw material of the flight: the partridge and pheasant. Lark hawking with merlins and blackbird hawking with sparrowhawks survived the transformation from medieval to modern society almost unaltered. The goshawk continued to provide valued sport and additions to the larder with flights at rabbit and pheasant. The OHC maintained its control of the sport in the United Kingdom. All hawking was suspended during World War I, and the club’s hawks were distributed among its members, with some going to Regents Park

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Zoo. This break in continuity signaled the end for the OHC. Many of its older members were too infirm to continue hawking after the war, and many younger ones had been killed in the trenches. The war was a watershed for British society, and previous ways of living were difficult to resurrect after 1918. With a reduced membership the OHC could not afford to rent good quality ground over which to hawk, and in any event game hawking was not an activity that lent itself to club demands, rook hawking was all but discontinued, and the club folded. For sixty-two years the Old Hawking Club had been the mainstay of British falconry, but it was essentially a Victorian institution and could not adapt to the change in circumstances that the first quarter of the twentieth century had brought about. In 1927, at the invitation of George BlackallSimonds, a falconers’ feast was held in London. At this meeting of twelve gentlemen falconers the British Falconers’ Club was formed. Blackall-Simonds was elected president and Sir Theodore Cook was elected honorary secretary. The tradition of organized falconry in Britain had continued unbroken, except for ten years during the mid-nineteenth century, since 1772. The British Falconer’s Club is the oldest and largest of the current European clubs and second only in size to the North American Falconers Association. North America has developed a modern tradition of falconry that has become the envy of falconers throughout the world. This tradition has largely taken place since 1945, and since then U.S. falconry husbandry, training methods, and conservation have been at the forefront of the sport. The Arab states in the Middle East have retained a strong tradition in flying large falcons at houbara bustards (large Old World and Australian game birds), but even this form of falconry does not match the excellence and opportunity found in North America during the early years of the twenty-first century.

What Is Falconry? Broadly falconry falls into two distinct disciplines. The first is training and flying of the true falcons: gyr, peregrine, saker, prairie, lanner, and merlin. These are pre-

dominantly bird hunters with long, pointed wings and comparatively short tails. They are trained to fly, either to a pitch high above the falconer’s head from which they stoop at quarry flushed by the falconer or by trained dogs below them, or at the bolt, straight off the falconer’s fist at fleeing quarry. These falcons require considerable open spaces unrestricted by trees, hedges, fences, or buildings. The second discipline is training and flying of the true hawks and some members of the buzzard family. These birds are raptors with shorter, more rounded wings and often quite long tails; they are far more catholic in their quarries and will catch mammals as well as some bird species. These hawks are flown straight off the fist at quarry after it is located, and they can be used in rather more enclosed country than can the true falcons. Falconers also use some species of eagle and a few species of owl; however, these are comparative rarities in the sport, with the exception of some central European countries and some areas in Asia where large eagles are the traditional raptor used. Trained birds of prey wear straps known as “jesses” on their legs to which a swivel and leash are attached. This gear enables falconers to maintain control of the raptor prior to its release after quarry. Some species are also hooded while being either carried or transported; the leather hood restricts the raptor’s sight until it is to be flown or returned to its place of keeping. Birds of prey can be trained only with positive reinforcement. No chastisement or punishment can be used. The falconer, through skill and patience, develops a bond with the raptor that is based upon acceptance and reward. Hawks and falcons used in falconry are not pets and never become such. Hunting strategies and tactics vary with the species of raptor used and the type of quarry sought. The essence of the sport, however, is for the falconer to witness the capabilities of the trained bird of prey being tested in relation to a fit, wild, and natural quarry. Professor Tom Cade of the Peregrine Fund referred to falconry as “a specialised form of bird watching,” and this understanding of the sport has probably not been bettered.

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Competition Although people hold competitions in various countries, such competitions are not central to the sport. Being a hunting activity falconry is predominantly a small-scale and private activity carried out by the falconer, occasionally accompanied by a few friends. The measure of quality of the sport is in a personal assessment of the trained raptor’s performance and not in numbers of quarry taken. The force that motivates falconers is generally the potential that the sport provides both to bond with the raptor and to witness natural predation at close hand. In essence the falconer becomes, for all of the training and conditioning that is inherent in the sport, a mere spectator. Demonstrations of flying trained birds of prey are often given at zoos and wildlife parks. Although the training methods used are those of falconry, these are not demonstrations of the sport. Falconry proper is a hunting activity and does not lend itself to demonstration for paying customers.

Governing Body Falconry is subject to national legislation wherever it is practiced. Most countries have a club or clubs that have codes of conduct for falconers. Some aspects of the sport may be permissible in certain parts of the world but not in others because of animal welfare or conservation legislation. The International Association of Falconry (IAF) represents falconry clubs from more than forty countries and operates throughout the world. People wishing to take up the sport must be acquainted with their national legislation with regards to obtaining, keeping, and hunting with a bird of prey.

Perspective Recent years have brought great changes in the nature of the countryside and attitudes to wildlife, but falconry has steadily increased in popularity. Now practiced by a wide range of people from differing classes and backgrounds, from both town and country, in developed as well as undeveloped countries, falconry is a flourishing field sport. This specialized form of bird watching en-

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ables the practitioner to encounter nature at an intimate and fundamental level. Gordon T. Mellor

Further Reading Cox, H., & Lascelles, G. (1892). Coursing and falconry. London: Longmans, Green. Fox, H. (1995). Understanding the bird of prey. Surrey, UK: Hancock House. Robinson, G. (2003). The sinews of falconry. Devon, UK: Author. Salvin, F., & Brodrick, W. (1855). Falconry in the British Isles. London: Beech House. Upton, R. (1980). A bird in the hand: Celebrated falconers of the past. London: Debrettes.

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ince the 1970s increased family involvement in adult-organized and adult-supervised youth sports has been accompanied by a growth in the rates of youngsters engaging in such sports. The family plays an important role in children’s introduction to and involvement in sports. In particular, a family’s childrearing and sporting practices, structure and socioeconomic status, and values and beliefs concerning youth sports influence the sports participation of youngsters. Family relations also may be affected by members’ involvement in youth sports.

Family Child-Rearing and Sports Practices Parents’ child-rearing practices and sporting-physical activity practices are thought to play roles in children’s ultimate choices of whether to become involved in sports. Child-rearing practices have much to do with what parents think about gender—what it means to be masculine and feminine and if and how girls and boys and women and men should differ from one another. Although most parents expect their sons to develop and display physical power, strength, and skill and to become involved in sports—all hallmarks

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A family snowshoeing together at Glacier Point Road, Yosemite.

of masculinity—they may not hold the same expectations for their daughters. Gender-based child-rearing practices begin at a child’s birth and are thought to set the stage for the development of sporting-physical activity interests and skills in childhood. In many families girl infants are handled more carefully and delicately, whereas boy infants are more often moved through space and physically stimulated. Parents often provide their sons and daughters with differing toys based on ideas about masculinity and femininity. Sons are most often given and expected to play with toys that aid in the development of gross motor skills, such as riding toys, balls, bats, and other sports equipment. Daughters are most often given and expected to play with dolls and homemakingrelated toys, such as dollhouses, ovens, and tea sets. These toys tend to aid in the development of fine motor skills rather than gross motor skills.

Source: istockphoto/Paigefalk.

As boys and girls play with these differing toys, they receive differing feedback from family members. Because boys more often play with toys that help develop physical skills or are related to sports, boys are likely to receive more positive encouragement and evaluation of their physical skills. Girls, because of the nature of their play, are more likely to receive positive encouragement and evaluation of their play with dolls and homemakingrelated toys.The positive feedback that boys and girls receive is rewarding and reinforces their continued play with these differing toys. Researchers suggest that, in contrast to the play of girls, boys’ continued play with toys that build their physical skills leads them to develop a greater interest in and ability with respect to sports. These gender-based child-rearing practices are believed to ultimately help explain the lower rate of sports participation among girls. Research indicates that boys and girls who are in-

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volved in sports tend to be raised in families who, at the least, do not discourage physical activity. Most often youth sports participants are raised by parents who value and encourage physical play and interest in sports. Young athletes tend to grow up in families in which their parents and siblings play with them, teach them physical skills, and provide them with the necessary sporting equipment, instruction, and access to sporting facilities. Research findings are mixed with respect to which parent initiates a child’s involvement in sports. Some studies indicate that the mother most often plays with and provides physical skill instruction to daughters, whereas others indicate that the father’s involvement is greater. Studies also report that fathers, rather than mothers, most often play with and teach physical skills to their sons. After youngsters are involved in sports, mothers, rather than fathers, provide the consistent emotional and material support for children’s long-term participation. Young athletes report that mothers are emotionally more positive and supportive than fathers. Fathers are more often reported critically to evaluate the sports performances of their children. Mothers not only provide more emotional support but also commit time and effort to support their children’s sports involvement. Mothers expend considerable time transporting their daughters and sons to and from practices and competitions, attending practices and competitions, laundering uniforms, shopping for equipment and uniforms, and preparing meals for their young athletes. A family’s sports practices also influence children’s sports participation.Young athletes tend to be raised in families in which one or both parents have been or are active sports participants, attend sports events, and watch televised sports. As a consequence, children often are provided with opportunities to learn about and participate in the sports that their families are engaged in, attend sports events, and watch televised sports with their families. Some studies also report that young athletes are more likely than their nonathlete counterparts to have older siblings who participate in sports. These studies report that older brothers’ and sisters’ sports participation often serves as a catalyst for generating in-

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terest in sports participation among younger siblings. Older brothers and sisters often play with their younger siblings, teach them sports skills, and generally serve as athletic role models.

Family Structure and Socioeconomic Status Family structure and socioeconomic status also influence youth sports involvement. The amount of time, attention, and resources that a family has to develop and support its children’s physical skills and sports interests is largely dependent upon family structure and socioeconomic status. Family structure consists of size, the presence of one or both parents, and the presence and number of children. Family structure ranges from twoto single-parent families and from families without children or a single child to families with ten or more children. A family’s socioeconomic status is based on parental-guardian income, occupation, and education and generally indicates the quantity and quality of material resources, life experiences, and opportunities that a family can provide to its children. Little is known about how particular family structures may influence youth sports participation. Researchers suggest, however, that in contrast to parents of two-parent families, single working parents have more difficulty devoting the time, energy, and material resources necessary for the development of a child’s sports interests and skills. Older children of single working parents, particularly girls, are often relied upon to supervise their younger brothers and sisters after school and weekends while their parent works. As a consequence, these children’s opportunities for involvement in organized sports are often diminished. More is understood about how family socioeconomic status influences youth sports participation. Generally, the higher a family’s socioeconomic status, the greater its leisure time and discretionary income. Parents/ guardians who have more time and money have the ability to expend considerable time and energy transporting their children to and from practices and competitions, serving as coaches or referees, organizing youth sports leagues and competitions, and investing

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substantial sums of money in their children’s sports activities. Parents with higher socioeconomic status are able to purchase sports equipment, instruction, and facility usage time and to finance travel to competitions. Thus, organized youth sports participants tend to come from families with higher socioeconomic status.

Family Values and Beliefs about Youth Sports Families of higher socioeconomic status also tend to more often value and believe in organized youth sports. Adult-organized and adult-supervised youth sports are particularly valued and often considered to be “serious business” in wealthier communities where families can afford the time and money to support their children’s sports participation. In such communities parentsguardians often value youth sports as a way to ensure that their children are supervised by adults, remain safe and out of trouble, and acquire valuable social skills and cultural values, including teamwork, dedication, hard work, and responsibility. Families also value youth sports as a way for their children to develop superior sports skills, become successful athletes, and earn college scholarships and perhaps professional sports careers. Organized youth sports participation is often valued so greatly in neighborhoods of wealthier families with children that it becomes not only an expectation and a basis for peer acceptance among the children but also an indication of “appropriate” parenting among the adults. Generally speaking, the behavior of children is most often attributed to parents, and this inclination is certainly true with respect to youth sports. When youngsters are successful athletes, their parents are viewed as good parents who have done the “right things” for their children. When children fail in sports, parents are often blamed. Thus, youth sports can serve as an arena where the worth of parents is judged, and this fact helps to explain why many parents take youth sports so seriously. In addition, many parents may take their children’s success in youth sports so seriously because of the hopes they may hold that their children will be popular with

and accepted by their peers, become star athletes, obtain college scholarships, and perhaps even play at the professional level. Research suggests that parents who place a great deal of importance on their youngsters’ success in youth sports may become overly involved. Overinvolvement is often indicated when parents place too much importance on winning; experience guilt, embarrassment, or stress especially after poor performances or losses; or place unreasonable pressure on their youngsters to be successful athletes. Research has identified two types of overinvolved parents.The first type are excitable parents.They tend to yell instructions and encouragement to players, coaches, and referees during competitions and practices.The second type are fanatical parents. Fanatical parents have unrealistic expectations about their children’s ability, often believing that their children can become worldclass athletes. Such parents often fail to listen to and understand their children’s sports participation concerns. They may be overly controlling of their children, confrontational, and preoccupied with winning and losing. They may see their sons’ and daughters’ sporting experiences as a financial investment in the future.They also may live vicariously through their children. Parents who live vicariously through their children begin to view their children as extensions of their own egos. With this view parents become dependent upon their children’s sporting success for feelings of selfworth. When the children perform well and win, the parents feel good about themselves. When the children perform poorly or lose, the parents feel bad about themselves. This dependency upon their children’s sporting success for feelings of self-worth can lead parents to place undue pressure on themselves and their children. Studies indicate that, in general, young athletes who perceive pressure from their parents to engage in and succeed at sports tend to be less motivated to continue participating. Young athletes who perceive that they, rather than their parents, are in control of sports participation decisions tend to enjoy, be more interested in, and less prone to drop out of sports.

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Family Involvement Champion Woman Bronco Buster of the World (1909) Her parents were riders, her mother being a noted relay rider, and the children were given the run of the range. Mrs. Goldie St. Clair and one of her brothers herded cattle on barebacked horses as soon as they were able to toddle. As they grew older the children rode horses to and from school and were such daring little experts that they nearly wore them out. At last the father restricted the children to some mules. They were small mules but could match with Steamboat or

Finally, within organized youth sports a growing number of overly involved parents engage in violent, abusive, or dishonest behavior. Officials, coaches, athletes, spectators, and other parents often bear the brunt of this unacceptable behavior. During competition parents may scream criticisms at coaches, referees, and even their own or other young athletes. In some cases parents physically attack others, and in the worst case one parent was attacked and killed by another. Parents also have lowered the age of children on birth records to give them an age advantage in athletic competition. Behavior such as this has led some parents to reconsider the value of having their children engage in organized youth sports, and some parents prefer that their children participate in youth sports programs that focus on children’s overall development rather than on winning.

Family Relations Whereas research clearly indicates the importance of the family in initial and continued involvement of their children in youth sports, relatively little is known about how such involvement may affect family relations. “The family that plays together stays together” is a generally accepted North American belief. However, little, if any, research supports this belief with respect to family sports involvement leading to a more secure and stable family. In fact, some evidence suggests that involvement in highly competitive, elite youth sports may strain family relations. For example, elite youth sports programs such as gymnastics, figure skating, ice hockey, soccer,

Rocking Chair (well know bucking horses) when it came to bucking. . . . As time went by they began to have bucking contests every Sunday afternoon. The exhibition ground was a wheat field, and the spectators were neighbors . . . It was in this wheat field that Mrs. St. Clair got the training which was afterward to make her the champion of the world. Source: Cheyenne State Leader (1909, August 21).

swimming, and tennis require extensive time, resource, and energy demands. In such sports young athletes and parents may devote twenty to thirty hours per week, ten to eleven months a year for eight to ten years. Family schedules are designed to accommodate these time demands, and parents and other family members are often involved in transporting children to and from practices and competitions, servings as coaches and officials, organizing leagues, and spending considerable sums of money for instruction, equipment, and travel. The cumulative effect of these demands can result in spousal, parent–child, and sibling conflicts over the central importance of youngsters’ sports involvement versus other family responsibilities, activities, and commitments.

The Future As adult-organized and adult-supervised youth sports continue to grow, they are also likely to continue to become increasingly privatized. Families who desire that their children participate in such sports will likely continue to pay increasing participation fees and expenses and to devote more time and energy to facilitating their youngsters’ participation. As parents devote more time, money, and energy to supporting their children’s sports participation, the prevalence of overinvolved parents and the pressure they place on themselves and their children to succeed may increase. The strain on family relations that may occur with such increases in the time, money, and energy required to support youth sports

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will be important to investigate. Lower-income families with less discretionary income and leisure time will likely have increasing difficulty in involving and supporting their children in organized youth sports. Future research exploring this likely trend will be important.

Woolger, C., & Power, T. G. (2000). Parenting and children’s intrinsic motivation in age group swimming. Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology, 21(6), 595–607. Wuerth, S., Lee, M. J., & Alfermann, D. (2004). Parental involvement and athletes’ career in youth sport. Psychology of Sport and Exercise, 5(1), 21–33.

Cynthia A. Hasbrook See also Elite Sports Parents

Fan Loyalty Further Reading

American Academy of Pediatrics Committee on Sports Medicine and Fitness. (2000). Intensive training and sports specialization in young athletes. Pediatrics, 106(1), 154–157. Babkes, M. L., & Weiss, M. R. (1999). Parental influence on children’s cognitive and affective responses to competitive soccer. Pediatric Exercise Science, 11(1), 44–62. Coakley, J. (2004). Sport in society: Issues & controversies (8th ed.). New York: McGraw-Hill. Coakley, J., & Donnelly, P. (Eds.). (1999). Inside sports. London: Routledge. Deflandre, A., Lorant, J., Gavarry, O., & Falgairette, G. (2001). Determinants of physical activity and physical and sports activities in French school children. Perceptual and Motor Skills, 92(2), 399– 414. DeKnop, P., Skirstad, B., Engstrom, L. M., & Weiss, M. (Eds.). (1996). Worldwide trends in youth sport. Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics. Green, B. C., & Chalip, L. (1997). Enduring involvement in youth soccer: The socialization of parent and child. Journal of Leisure Research, 29(1), 61–77. Hasbrook, C. A. (2000). Family involvement. In K. Christensen, A. Guttmann, & G. Pfister (Eds.), International encyclopedia of women & sport (pp. 286–389). New York: Macmillan. Hasbrook, C. A., & Harris, O. (1999). Wrestling with gender: Physicality and masculinity(ies) among inner-city first and second graders. Men and Masculinities, 1(3), 302–318. Hoyle, R. H., & Leff, S. S. (1997). The role of parental involvement in youth sport participation and performance. Adolescence, 32(125), 233–243. Kirk, D., O’Connor, A., Carlson, T., Burke, P., Davis, K., & Glover, S. (1997). Time commitments in junior sport: Social consequences for participants and their families. European Journal of Physical Education, 2(1), 51–73. Lee, M., & MacLean, S. (1997). Sources of parental pressure among age group swimmers. European Journal of Physical Education, 2(2), 167–177. Leff, S. S., & Hoyle, R. H. (1995). Young athletes’ perceptions of parental support and pressure. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 24(2), 187–203. Murphy, S. (1999). The cheers and the tears: A healthy alternative to the dark side of youth sports today. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Raudsepp, L., & Viira, R. (2000). Sociocultural correlates of physical activity in adolescents. Pediatric Exercise Science, 12(1), 51–60. Thompson, S. M. (1999). Mother’s taxi. Albany: State University of New York Press.

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he phrase “sports fan” may evoke a variety of different images or ideas. Some may think of a sporting event with thousands of cheering fans, or specific individuals who paint their faces and/or bodies with the colors of a favorite team, or people who dress in a team’s uniform to demonstrate their allegiance. Others may conjure images of individuals who engage in violence and destructive behavior when their favorite team wins or loses (Berkowitz 1982, Mann 1989).

Who Is a Loyal Fan? The difference between a loyal fan and others who merely follow sports, a spectator, is the strong personal connection to or relationship with a sports team that an individual feels. Funk and James (2001) describe in their Psychological Continuum Model (PCM) four different relationships that individuals may have with a sports team: Awareness, Attraction, Attachment, or Allegiance. Knowledge of sports teams with no distinct preference is representative of Awareness; an individual knows that sports teams exist but she or he is not interested in following a particular team. An individual’s relationship with a sports team is characterized as Attraction when she or he acknowledges an interest in watching or following a particular team. This interest is based on social situational features or hedonic motives (e.g., star player, team success, nostalgia) (Baade and Tiehen 1990; Funk, Ridinger, and Moorman 2003; Trail and James 2001). A relationship characterized by Attachment involves forming a meaningful psychological connection with a sports team. The team becomes personally important to an individual, leading to identifi-

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Fans are the only ones who really care. There are no free-agent fans. ■ DICK YOUNG

cation (Wann and Branscombe 1993), internalization (James and Ross 2002), and a close link to core values (Kahle, Duncan, Dalakas, and Aiken 2001). Allegiance (or loyalty) represents the strongest relationship with a sports team; it is characterized by durability, persistent thoughts about a team and resistance to counterpersuasive attempts, and it impacts biases in cognitive thoughts about a team and consistent behavior. The place of fan loyalty in sport is open to debate. Some believe that following sports is absurd (cf. Beisser 1967, Howard 1912, Meier 1989) and that “no human being on this Earth either has to or needs to attend” sporting events (Reese 1994, 12A). Others have a more positive view of fan loyalty. Roosa (1898, 642) described football crowds as “an orderly, well-

dressed, even cultivated and intellectual mass of humanity; and numerous social scientists consider fan loyalty to be positive (Guttman 1986; Melnick 1993; Zillman, Bryant, and Sapolsky 1989). Criticisms of loyal fans from an individual (psychological) level seem to focus on four points: (1) fans are lazy, (2) fans are aggressive, (3) fans adopt negative values (e.g., violence is okay) and maladaptive behaviors (e.g., alcohol and tobacco consumption), and (4) fans have poor interpersonal relationships. In response to the criticisms Wann, Melnick, Russell, and Pease (2001) reviewed a number of different writings and research studies. They concluded that the criticisms of loyal fans can be supported anecdotally. Some loyal fans do consume large amounts of alcohol (maladaptive behavior),

Fan Loyalty “The Fan Responds” by Grantland Rice Legendary American sportswriter Grantland Rice wrote sports-themed poetry to chronicle the events of his time. In the 1924 poem below, he express the mood of the sports fan waiting for baseball season to begin. Temples of Art—you can take ’em or lose ’em— Writers of novels that lead to romance— We haven’t time at the moment to use ‘emWhat do we care for the gods of finance? Out of young April a new thrill is coming, Born of the struggle that graces the pit. Greatest of melodies—roaring and strumming— Give us the song of the game-winning hit! Artists and writers and famous physicians, Owners of trusts, will you kindly stand by, While you are chanting of world-saving missions,

All that we ask is the Walloping Eye. Drama? It’s there where the Bambino rages. Art? I abounds where the Speakers may flit. Here comes the lyrical gift of the ages— Give us the song of the game-winning hit! Here is the quiver where pulses are jumping In the first dash for the far-away wire; Here is the fever where red blood is pumping, Thrills through the channels were veins are on fire. Start back with Homer and leap to tomorrow, What do we care where the masters may sit? Here is the melody drowning our sorrow— Give us the song of the game-winning hit! Source: Rice, G. (1924). The fan responds. Badminton, p. 113 & 114.

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True Colors: Lisbon sports fans make their presence felt.

and some do become violent when watching their favorite teams. The data currently available, however, suggest that the problems are the exception and not the rule. Loyal fans by and large do not have drinking problems, marital strife, or violent tendencies. Going further, Wann et al. report that being a loyal fan may

Fan Loyalty Be a Fan or Get a Life Baseball is not necessarily an obsessivecompulsive disorder, like washing your hands 100 times a day, but it’s beginning to seem that way. We’re reaching the point where you can be a truly dedicated, state-of-the-art fan or you can have a life. Take your pick. Source: Boswell, T. (1990, April 13). Washington Post.

Source: EMPICS.

enhance personal and collective self-esteem and contribute to psychological health by providing an outlet for expressing one’s emotions (e.g., yelling and cheering for a favorite team).

Fan Loyalty—Good or Bad? Another approach to discussing the place of fan loyalty in sport is to consider the topic from a societal level. Critics may raise a variety of arguments as to why fan loyalty is bad for society. One suggestion is that sports maintain the interests of the power elite in society (Danielson 1997). The idea here is that the elite in society encourage fan loyalty because of the belief that loyal fans are more interested in following their favorite team than participating in other civic activities. Research has shown, however, that loyal fans have broader general interests and more active lifestyles than nonfans (Lieberman 1991). Another critic may argue that fan loyalty perpetuates gender discrimination (Bryson 1987) and suppresses the rights of women. Given the large numbers of loyal fans who are females and the op-

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Fan Loyalty portunities for women to participate in sports, this argument becomes less and less viable. An elitist critique would argue that loyal fans lack taste and refinement (Wann et al. 2001), that they lack intellectual challenge and stimulation. Considering that loyal fans are cognitively engaged—they analyze team and individual performances, mull over game strategies, and critique decisions by coaches—it would seem more likely that loyal fans express creative and critical thinking skills. The place of fan loyalty in sport may be debated from different perspectives. What seems to bear out, however, is that fan loyalty provides an expression of both individual (psychological) and societal health. A strong personal relationship with a sports team provides a means of enhancing personal and collective selfesteem. A loyal fan shares the excitement and euphoria of a team win and must deal with the disappointment of a frustrating loss. While episodes of individual and collective violence occur, the frequency of such incidents relative to the thousands of sporting events that take place suggests that loyal fans are well adjusted psychologically and socially. Far from being a negative influence, fan loyalty gives people opportunities to escape from their daily routine, to enjoy the excitement of competition, and to appreciate the skills of athletes, and it offers an outlet for individual and group identification that many in society seek. Jeffrey D. James

Further Reading Baade, R. A., & Tiehan, L. J. (1990). An analysis of major league baseball attendance, 1969–1987. Journal of Sport and Social Issues, 14(1), 14–32. Beisser, A. R. (1967). The madness in sports: Psychological observations on sports. New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts. Berkowitz, L. (1982). Aversive conditions as stimuli to aggression. Advances in Experimental Social Psychology, 15, 249–288. Bryson, L. (1987). Sport and the maintenance of masculine hegemony. Women’s Studies International Forum, 10, 340–361. Danielson, M. N. (1997). Home team: Professional sports and the American metropolis. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Funk, D. C., & James, J. D. (2001). The psychological continuum model: A conceptual framework for understanding an individual’s psychological connection to sport. Sport Management Review, 4(2), 119–150. Funk, D. C., Ridinger, L. L., & Moorman, A. J. (2003). Understanding

The Importance of Being a Fan The psychological satisfaction that people gain from [sporting] victories, related media coverage, social events, wearing the respective team colours and identifying with the emblems and symbols, which represent hundreds of years of history as well as everyday realities, is immense. Source: Bradley, J. (1995) Football in Scotland: A history of political and ethnic identity. International Journal for the History of Sport, 12(1), 96.

consumer support: Extending the Sport Interest Inventory (SII) to examine individual differences among women’s professional sport consumers. Sport Management Review, 6, 1–32. Guttman, A. (1986). The erotic in sports. New York: Columbia University Press. Howard, G. E. (1912). Social psychology of the spectator. American Journal of Sociology, 18, 33–50. James, J. D., & Ross, S. D. (2002). The motives of sport consumers: A comparison of Major and Minor League Baseball. International Journal of Sport Management, 3(3), 180–198. Kahle, L. R., Duncan, M., Dalakas, V., & Aiken, D. (2001). The social values of fans for men’s versus women’s university basketball. Sport Marketing Quarterly, 10(3), 156–162. Lieberman, S. (1991, September/October). The popular culture: Sport in America—A look at the avid sports fan. The Public Perspective: A Roper Center Review of Public Opinion and Polling, 2(6), 28–29. Mann, L. (1989). Sports crowds and the collective behavior perspective. In J. H. Goldstein (Ed.), Sports, games, and play: Social and psychological viewpoints (2nd ed.; pp. 299–331). Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. Meier, K. V. (1989). The ignoble sports fan. Journal of Sport and Social Issues, 13, 111–119. Melnick, M. J. (1993). Searching for sociability in the stands. A theory of sports spectating. Journal of Sport Management, 7, 44–60. Pooley, J. C. (1978). The sport fan: A social psychology of misbehavior. CAPHER Sociology of Sport Monograph Series. Calgary, Canada: University of Calgary. Reese, C. (1994, November 5). Game’s over if sports fans stop playing the fools. Democrat and Chronicle, p. 12A. Roosa, D. B. S. (1898). Are football games educative or brutalizing? Forum, 16, 634–642. Trail, G. T., & James, J. D. (2001). The motivation scale for sport consumption: A comparison of psychometric properties with other sport motivation scales. Journal of Sport Behavior, 24(1), 108–127. Wann, D. L., & Branscombe, N. R. (1993). Die hard and fair weather fans: Effects of identification on BIRGing and CORFing tendencies. Journal of Sport and Social Issues, 14(2), 103–117. Wann, D. L., Melnick, M. J., Russell, G. W., & Pease, D. G. (2001). Sport fans: The psychology and social impact of spectators. New York: Routledge. Zillman, D., Bryant, J., & Sapolsky, B. S. (1989). Enjoyment from sports spectatorship. In J. H. Goldstein (Ed.), Sports, games, and play: Social and psychological viewpoints (2nd ed.; pp. 241–278). Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.

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Fantasy Camps See Academies and Camps, Sport

Fantasy Sports

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antasy sports, also known as “rotisserie,” “fanalytics,” or “fantasy leisure,” are sports in which fans compete with one another based on statistics generated on an ongoing basis by real athletes.

History Fantasy sports trace their roots to the early 1980s, when Daniel Okrent, then an editor at Sports Illustrated, wrote the rules of rotisserie baseball, so named for the restaurant that served as the first league’s home. Okrent gave fans a simple and flexible structure; baseball provided the data. Fantasy sports have progressed from a baseball-only phenomenon played in face-to-face settings by friends and acquaintances in the United States to a pastime that includes most sports and is played by millions around the world, supported by the Internet. Today, according to a survey commissioned by the Fantasy Sports Trade Association (FSTA), more than 15 million people in the United States play fantasy sports. This survey, as well as one conducted by Donald Levy of the University of Connecticut, finds that more than 90 percent of North American fantasy players are men, most of whom identify as white, college educated, married, with a mean age of forty-one and a median yearly income of $90,000. Although about two-thirds of fans continue to play fantasy baseball, football has become the most popular game, perhaps because of the popularity of football itself or, as some players say, because of fantasy football’s ease of play as compared with that of fantasy baseball. In addition to the big two, football and baseball, players in North America play fantasy basketball, hockey, golf, fishing, and the fastest growing game, NASCAR (National Association for Stock Car

Auto Racing). In other parts of the world fantasy soccer (England), cricket (India), and horse racing (Hong Kong) are growing in popularity. In fact, fantasy competition is spreading to arenas outside of sports in games such as fantasy Supreme Court and fantasy movie producer. According to one avid fantasy sports player and successful prognosticator, Ron Shandler, fantasy sports players tend to be sports fans, game players, statistical purists, or some hybrid of the three. Players cite an increased ability to appreciate their favorite sports, competition, camaraderie, and excitement as motivations for involvement. Whereas during the 1980s fantasy sports players had to compile statistics and standings by hand or wait for updates in the mail, today the Internet provides an endless array of easily accessible data and a growing platform for leagues and intrafan communication. In fact, fantasy sports are one of the few financially lucrative Internet businesses and have attracted significant investments from giants including Yahoo!, ESPN, and Comcast. These companies as well as smaller ones have discovered that the average fantasy owner spends three hours a week online monitoring his team and that much of that time is spent while the owner is at work. Although most participants see the benefits of fantasy sports, some observers note not only potential problems with workplace productivity but also other problems, including a fanship that focuses on individuals rather than real teams, a socially isolated and consuming form of fanship, and the potential incorporation of gambling into fantasy sports. To this point fantasy sports have been categorized as games of skill rather than chance, but many people do play for money, and in the fantasy sports industry people debate the incorporation of gambling advertisers.

Nature of the Sport Fantasy sports are played by assembling or joining a league of competitors, selecting a commissioner and a set of rules (a constitution), organizing a player selection process (a draft), agreeing on transaction procedures,

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Every sport pretends to a literature, but people don’t believe it of any other sport but their own. ■ ALISTAIR COOKE

and arranging for a mechanism to compile statistics and keep score. Players in fantasy sports are considered owners, and part of the appeal is to simultaneously be both the on-the-field manager or coach and the general manager or owner who makes personnel and financial decisions. Team success is based on the statistics generated by actual players. In most cases owners select players through either a draft or an auction format. In the typical format an actual player in baseball, football, or soccer can be selected or owned by only one fantasy player in each fantasy league. One variation uses a salary cap mechanism to allow multiple owners of the same player. Still, the standard version of fantasy sports mirrors real sports in that a player plays for only one team. Leagues that use the auction format incorporate salaries by providing each team with an identical starting budget within which all owners must acquire a specified number of players by position. After assembling their team, owners track the progress of their team by watching the statistics that their players assemble in an agreed-upon set of categories. For example, baseball may include batting average, home runs, runs batted in, runs scored, bases stolen, pitching wins, saves, strikeouts, earned run average, and walks plus hits divided by innings pitched. Similarly, a group of categories is created and tracked in every other sport. For each fantasy sport the season lasts as long as the mirrored real sports season, and like the real owners and general managers, fantasy owners research, plan, barter, and sometimes negotiate rule changes during the off-season. Fantasy owners, of course, have no direct control over the actual games in which the statistics are generated. Although luck plays a part given the difficulty of forecasting injuries or other unforeseeable events, successful fantasy players value the work of sabermetricians (analysts of baseball data) such as Bill James or their adherents such as baseball’s Billy Beane, who not only pore over statistics but also constantly attempt to identify the most crucial variables that lead to success, whether success is winning the real game or the fantasy competition. In this way fantasy players are actively engaged in

understanding and quantifying their favorite sports. Still, most player-owners agree that luck, intuition, and deal making remain attractions of fantasy sports.

Competition at the Top Whereas the early fantasy sports players most often were friends of one another or friends of friends, today, through the Internet, players join leagues and play with others across the country or even internationally without ever meeting or even speaking by phone. Leagues form, operate, communicate, and continue entirely online. Communities of owners have Internet message boards. Fantasy sports information is now marketed through magazines, radio and television shows, and most often through a myriad of websites. Experts have emerged and gained notoriety through their publications and seminars and through well-publicized “expert leagues” in which winning carries status beyond just bragging rights. In addition, players who may not be commercially involved in the business of fantasy sports can compete in high-stakes games in which the opening draft may take place in convention halls or casinos and look much like the National Football League or National Basketball Association drafts. Still, as the FSTA indicates, the future of fantasy sports is the average player who joins a league with friends or with strangers over the Internet, spends time at home and at work on “his” computer, and vicariously experiences the on-field sport and the manipulations of ownership while testing his skills against other players.

The Future Fantasy sports combine the love of sports, statistics, competition, and the growth of technology. They are a low-cost, enjoyable hobby that has drawn advertisers. As such, their growth, especially in the near future, seems assured. Fantasy sports attract the casual fan, not just the game player or statistical purist. Although more women are beginning to play, fantasy sports remain overwhelmingly practiced by men. Additionally, in the United States fantasy sports remain a white, middle-class activity. No one knows if fantasy sports will become popular

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among other populations or whether they speak, as now, to a limited audience. As a game, fantasy sports continues to grow and to attract attention from advertisers and sports-related media. In addition, professional sports teams have begun to pay attention to fantasy sports. As Michael Lewis demonstrates in his result book, Money Ball (2003), teams have begun to incorporate sabermetric analytical techniques familiar to fantasy owners in their assessment of talent and strategy decisions. In fact, some fantasy enthusiasts have been hired as consultants by major league teams. The line between fantasy and reality has blurred. Donald P. Levy

Further Reading Coover, R. (1968). The Universal Baseball Association, Inc., J. Henry Waugh, Prop. New York: Penguin. Fine, G. A. (1983). Shared fantasy: Role-playing games as social worlds. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. James, B. (2003). The 2004 Bill James handbook. Chicago: ACTA Publications. Lee, H. (2004). Fantasy baseball strategy: Advanced methods for winning your league. London: Squeaky Press. Lewis, M. (2003). Moneyball. New York: W. W. Norton. Okrent, D., & Lewine, H. (1979). The ultimate baseball book. Boston: Houghton Mifflin. Schwarz, A. (2004). The numbers game: Baseball’s lifelong fascination with statistics. New York: Thomas Dunne Books. St. Amant, M. (2004). Committed: Confessions of a fantasy football junkie. New York: Scribner. Zimmerman, M. (2000). The complete idiot’s guide to fantasy baseball. Indianapolis, IN: Alpha Books.

Fashion

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he permanent change of taste called “fashion” does not apply only to clothes and body type, but to all human activities, from art to language to consumption preferences. Fashion is a way of self-presentation and communication. On the one hand, it promises individuality, uniqueness, and distinction, and on the other hand, it represents sameness and demonstrates an affiliation to a certain culture, subculture, or group. Fash-

ion can also be a protest against fashion—a refusal to participate can itself become a fashion. Fashion is a paradox—it strives for broad acceptance, but in the very moment when it has reached its goal, fashion ceases to be fashionable. Long-term changes in clothing styles and behavior patterns can be observed in all cultures. In hierarchically structured societies, clothes were signs of power and social status—the higher classes were the agents of fashion and fashion changed very slowly from antiquity to medieval times. Fashion has also always served to differentiate and dramatize masculinity and femininity.

History A decisive change of body ideals and clothing styles occurred at the end of the eighteenth century. Nature and naturalness became the new ideals, not only in lifestyles, but also in fashion. Along with men’s wigs and pantaloons, the French Revolution swept away hoops and voluminous skirts, ruffles, silk stockings, high heels, powder, and make up. A slender line, light and flowing dresses “a la Greque,” and cropped hair became popular for women, while long trousers became modish for men. For a short period of time women even survived without corsets. However, whereas the functional clothes and the uniform look of the men became the standard until today, women were soon forced back into corsets to shape the fashionable big breasts, broad hips, and small waists. Another revolution in women’s fashion took place after World War I. Long hair was cropped, corsets and long skirts were thrown away, and women dared for the first time in European history to show their legs. After World War II, driven by the economic interests of the clothing industry, fashion became a mass phenomenon. Industrialization had made the mass production of clothes possible and every year new trends emerged to encourage conspicuous consumption. Today new fashion styles are mostly initiated by young people, but because youthfulness is the ideal of Western societies, all generations try to follow the trendsetters. As always, women are in many ways more affected by fashion; they are not only the protagonists

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European men’s and women’s gymnastic clothing in the 1860s.

but also the victims of new trends. Contemporary stylishness demands not only the right clothes and outfits, but also the right body, which requires a sophisticated body management that reaches from body styling to tattoos and piercing.

Theories Fashion as a social phenomenon has always instigated fierce arguments among scholars from various disciplines. Explanations for fashion and its effects have been offered by scholars of cultural studies and gender studies as well as by historians, anthropologists, linguists, psychologists, and sociologists like Thorstein Veblen (1857– 1929), Werner Sombart (1863–1941), Georg Simmel (1858–1918), and Pierre Bourdieu (1930–2001). In these discourses, the following topics played a more or less important role: human drives and instincts like curiosity or sexuality; the human desire for decoration; social distinctions, identifications, and imitations; and marking out differences. Scholars have often emphasized the ambiguity of fashion, which embodies both the need for conformity and the striving for individuality. The role of fashion in highlighting gender differences and enacting gender has also been a frequent focus of scholarly attention. In addition, economic interests and the huge market behind fashion have also been studied. Not only the reasons, but also the effects of fashion are questioned. Is fashion responsible for increasing consumption, or does it contribute to the democratization and the aesthetics of everyday life?

At the end of the nineteenth century, women’s clothes illustrated the ambivalent trends of the sexualization of the female body along with an increasing prudishness. Legs were taboo, but bosom, butt, and hips were emphasized. A small waist, signalizing delicacy and frailty, was a must that could only be reached by the violent harnessing of the body with the help of a corset. Although after the turn of the century various reform movements tried to popularize freeing the female body, although without a broad public acceptance. The most successful “reform movement” was modern sport of British descent. Because of its orientation toward performance and competition, participation in sports was commonly looked upon as utterly unfeminine, but this did not prevent women from participating in various sports from hockey to ski jumping, but very few women participated in competitions and sport remained to a high degree a male domain.

Sporting Outfits In the wake of modernization at the end of the nineteenth century, body ideals, body management, and behavior patterns changed decisively. Modern sport was, on the one hand, the expression of these changes; on the other hand, it also served as an instigator of them. Gender myths and gender roles, the development of sport, and changing sport clothes and fashions are inextricably intertwined.

THE STREET COSTUME AS SPORT DRESS The street clothes of men did not reduce their freedom of movement, and thus they could also be used for doing sports with few changes. Until the beginning of the twentieth century women also wore sport costumes that were very similar to the clothes they wore on the street. However, there were slight differences that symbolized their social status and emphasized their distinction from

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Fashion Highland Dress for Ladies, 1931 As far back as we can trace the records of our past, Scottish women—Highland and Lowland—gave much attention to their garments. In the higher walks of Clan life the ladies were noted for the style and elegance of their wearing apparel. The tartan skirt, sometimes flounced; the well-fitted bodice or firmly flanged middy, the colours of which varied from the crotul-brown to the deep-hued saffron; the pliant cuaran; the tilted cap and feather, make up an attire beautiful and becoming. The ladies of the Clan were the peers of their sisters in France in the matter of dress design, and were but slightly affected by foreign modes. As a rule they had an instinctive feeling for the fitness of things. A native garb was to them a garb which adapted itself to native conditions, such as climate, and the seasonal changes consequent on different avocations, pastimes, social functions or

the lower classes. Thus, clothes for hiking in the mountains had to be made from special cloth, ice skating costumes were decorated with fur, and riding costumes had to have a certain elegance. Fashionable ideals of femininity also determined which sports women played. For instance, women were not supposed to participate in exercises that could not be done in corsets and long skirts. However, social changes and changes in women’s roles eventually led dresses to be adapted to the demands of different sports, which in turn changed the ideals of beauty and femininity. These changes can be seen in lawn tennis, which was looked upon as an appropriate leisure-time activity for young ladies, not least because the tennis court was an important place in the marriage market. Before World War I, women wore their street clothes, which meant skirts to the floor, starched petticoats, a corset, long and narrow sleeves, a stiff collar, a hat with a broad brim, and high-heeled shoes. Initiatives to shorten the skirts and to allow women to participate in tennis competitions met the fierce, but finally vain, resistance of tennis officials.

domestic usages. Queen Victoria, to whom Highland customs owe much, delighted to speak and write about the costumes of the Highland women, and did much to encourage the wearing of the distinctive Highland Dress by them on suitable occasions. Her own daughters and granddaughters, too, with her warm approval, set a fine example. A Highland Gathering is not a vaudeville show, and responsible committees are moving for a gradual return to correct girls’ dresses at their annual competitions. Already such outstanding places as Balmoral and Braemar have ruled out the incorrect dress altogether; Cowal is more or less in line; so are Toronto and other centres of Caledonian Games. Source: Fraser, J. A. (1931). Booklet from the Banff Highland Gathering and Scottish Music Festival.

However, while female tennis players eventually found social acceptance, public opinion toward swimming remained ambivalent. On the one hand, swimming was believed to have positive influences on health and well-being, but on the other hand, female swimmers were thought to endanger morality and propriety. In the nineteenth century, this dilemma was solved with a strict segregation of the sexes. Although women swam among themselves, they wore voluminous bathing costumes that revealed much less of the female body than ball dresses. Bathing suits gradually changed from long dresses to knee-length trousers, but all bathing costumes were designed to hide the female form. They were always wide and made of nontransparent fabrics that created strong water resistance. However, shortly before World War I, the first competitive female swimmers adopted a tight swimming suit made of a thin black tricot fabric. All other sports, from skiing to land hockey and gymnastics, had to be done in long skirts. Female rowers wore sailor suits, women sailing with their husbands wore floor-length yachting dresses, and horseback rid-

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Soccer shirts in a souvenir kiosk. Source: istockphoto/lcsdesign.

ers, who had to sit sidesaddle, wore riding costumes designed to hide the fact that women have legs. An especially hot issue was the dress question with regard to cycling. Cycling gained more and more adherents at the end of the nineteenth century, not only among men, but also among women, for whom the bicycle meant freedom, mobility, and self-reliance. In fact, cycling was looked upon as a symbol of emancipation. However, cycling in street clothes was not only impractical, but also dangerous. Because long and voluminous skirts tended to get caught in the wheels and narrow skirts raised problems in getting on and off the bike, a practical cycling costume was urgently needed. Conservative women preferred an ankle-length skirt under which there would be trousers. A compromise was the divided skirt, which consisted of two very wide pant legs. The most progressive cyclists chose bloomers, full loose trousers named after their inventor, the American Amelia Bloomer. Women who cycled with trousers were confronted with verbal or even physical aggression. After the turn of the century, the fight about trousers, which guaranteed the necessary freedom of movement, also erupted in other sports. Trousers met forceful resistance with the public, even among women, because they were perceived as a symbol of emancipation. In addition, men and women were both afraid of masculinizing the female sex; the arguments of many men also clearly showed their determination to defend their privileged position. The female cyclists, the first track and field athletes, and the first female pilots with their flying costumes represented a new type of woman who adopted not only the trousers, but also the power and position they symbolized. At the beginning of the twentieth century, men’s sport clothes were adapted to the norm of functionality, which meant that trousers got shorter and shirts were exchanged for sweaters.

SPORTS BECOME FASHION After World War I, sports became fashionable, athletes were worshipped as idols, and newspapers, movies, and advertisements brought sports into the center of public attention. In gymnastic halls and sports grounds a uniform look became popular—in many sports both men and women wore short black trousers and a blouse or sweater. Both the style and the material were oriented to functionality. Eventually the functionality of sport clothes was transferred to street clothes, and “sporting” became an adjective applied to summer dresses as well as to winter coats. Sportiness signaled a new attitude toward body and movement, and new ideals and expectations that women could interpret as liberating, although there was also an internalization of pressures. The fashionable slim body ideal could not be reached with the help of corsets, but needed both sports and diet.

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In the 1950s and 1960s, male and female sport clothes remained functional. Not until the 1970s and 1980s were sporting outfits influenced by fashion trends. The collections of the sporting good companies grew larger, and clothes and equipment became more differentiated and specialized. Technological progress also helped to revolutionize sport clothes and equipment. Sport clothes made from new materials like GoreTex were performance-enhancing and contributed decisively to comfort. Another example of the increasing influence of science and technology on sport fashion was sport shoes, which were adapted to the demands of different sports, and also to the specific needs of men and women. In addition to increasing functionality, specific brands like Lacoste T-shirts or Nike shoes signified social distinctions and conspicuous consumption. Today men and women use sportswear to project a certain image. Whereas in former times female athletes had to chose between top-level performances and femininity, many contemporary sport stars embody eroticism and sexual attractiveness.

The Future Today sports are an essential ingredient of modern life, closely connected with ideals and values like slimness, fitness, and health, as well as with adventure, luxury, and fun. Sports embody the modern approach to life, including the belief that everybody earns what he or she deserves. Sport has left the sporting grounds: Men and women dream of a trained and muscular body and wear sporty outfits, from jogging shoes to baseball caps, which at least convey a sporting image. Sports have become fashionable, but this may not actually lead to an increase in sport activity. Gertrud Pfister See also Beauty

Further Reading Barthes, R. (1983). The fashion system. New York: Hill and Wang. Bourdieu, P. (1996). Distinction: A social critique of the judgment of

taste. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. (Original work published 1979) Bovenschen, S. (Ed.). (1986). Die Listen der Mode. Frankfurt, Germany: Suhrkamp. Lehnert, G. (2000). Geschichte der Mode des 20. Jahrhunderts. Cologne, Germany: Könemann. Lehnert, G. (Ed.). (1998). Mode, Weiblichkeit und Modernität. Dortmund, Germany: Ebersbach. Miah, A., & Eassom, S. B. (Eds.). (2002). Sport technology: Philosophy, history and policy. Special Edition of Research in Philosophy and Technology, Vol.21. Oxford, UK: Elsevier Science. O’Mahony, M., & Braddock, S. (2002). Sportstech: Revolutionary fabrics, fashion and design. New York: Thames & Hudson. Simmel, G. (1905). Philosophie der Mode. Berlin: Pan-Verlag. Sombart, W. (1902). Wirtschaft und Mode. Wiesbaden, Germany: Bergmann. Splett, G. (1993). Sport und Mode. Muenster, Germany: Lit. Textilmuseum, K. (Ed.). (1992). Sportswear. Krefeld, Germany: van Acken. Veblen, T. (1994). The theory of the leisure class. Mineola, NY: Dover Publications. (Original work published 1899)

Feminist Perspectives

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rganized sports with the sorts of rules for competition that we recognize today were first established in schools, colleges, and clubs during the late eighteenth century and spread rapidly during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries in England, North America, and other parts of the Western and colonized worlds. The “cult of athleticism” describes the images of male physical power, aggression, and competitiveness associated with the exaggerated status given to games playing and other sports in the British boys’ public schools during the Victorian period.

Establishing Gendered Sport The early organized sports that developed in countries throughout the West and then in countries colonized by Western immigrants, such as horse racing, cricket, rowing, soccer, rugby, field hockey and American football were specifically male sports, establishing the idea that men were naturally suited to the rigors of the games field. In contrast, women were symbolically aligned to “nature” and to their roles as wives and mothers and

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considered to be unsuited to vigorous physical activities such as competitive sports. Although this was an essentially middle-class construction of womanhood, during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries it was used to generalize about all women as if they were a homogeneous group.

VICTORIAN INFLUENCES The Victorians maximized cultural differences between men and women in sport and used biological explanation to justify them. The outcome was that sport became a thoroughly gendered institution. Although women were never completely excluded from participation, only “feminine-appropriate” activities such as calisthenics, dancing and Swedish gymnastics were actively encouraged for reasons of health, whereas games and sports such as tennis, badminton, cycling, field hockey and basketball were opposed unless they were played in “ladylike” fashion, on the grounds that they would otherwise damage the reproductive potential of the “gentle sex.” This was known as the theory of constitutional overstrain and was popularly applied to middle-class women in Northern Europe, North America, and the Antipodes. In contrast, sports requiring speed, strength, aggression, and physical contact were characterized as “masculine-appropriate” activities. The scene was set for the future of modern sports divided along gender lines and dominated by men. From the start, women participated in far fewer numbers than men, they had access to fewer facilities, there was far less resourcing of women’s sport than of men’s sport, and women had less control over how sport was financed and organized. Women had some autonomy in sport but only when they played in separate spheres from the men, ran their own organizations, made their own rules, and played according to acceptable images of femininity. But in public sport contexts there were stark divisions between the sexes and in many cases outright discrimination against women, providing the trigger for a sport feminist movement. “Miss Wicket” from an 1770 English print.

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Role of First-Wave Feminism All forms of feminism in Western societies have been associated with the subordination of women to men. Firstwave feminism describes the struggles of middle-class Western women during the nineteenth century to get the vote and gain access to education and the professions. Although there was no organized sport-feminist movement at the time, some women were struggling for equality with men in the specific contexts of sport and physical education. Most notably, women struggled to get into the Olympic Games. They challenged the role of the International Olympic Committee (IOC), which, for almost a century from the time of its foundation in 1894, was an undemocratic, self-regulating and exclusively male institution, opposed to women’s participation in Olympic competition. The IOC’s founder and first president, Pierre de Coubertin, declared that, “The Olympic Games must be reserved for men and the

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Feminist Perspective Muscles and Femininity, Circa 1890 And, ladies, when some jealous and false prophet arises to decry your noble efforts by drawing a forbidding picture of your great-greatgrandchildren as huge, muscular amazons divested of sweet womanly charms by too steady encroachment on the field where men alone are fitted to excel, believe him not! By some happy provision of kind Nature, no matter if the woman’s biceps grow as firm as steel, the member remains as softly rounded, as tenderly curved, as though no greater strain than the weight of jeweled ornaments had been laid upon them. This is a comforting assurance, and one that may induce many hitherto prudent ladies to lay aside old fashioned prejudice and join the growing host of womankind in the bowling alley. Bisland, M. (1890, April 16). Bowling for women. Outing.

solemn and periodic exaltation of male athleticism with female applause as reward.”

STRUGGLE FOR OLYMPIC PARTICIPATION Women’s struggles for Olympic recognition centered on their demands (initially in 1917), advanced by a French woman, Alice Milliat, to have women’s trackand-field athletics put on the Olympic program. In defiance of the IOC’s refusal, women created their own organization—the Federation Sportive Feminine Internationale—and every four years, from 1922 until 1934, they organized their own highly successful competitions —the Women’s World Games, with eleven events. However, controversy still raged about women’s participation in the Olympic Games until in 1928 they were grudgingly allowed to compete in five track-and-field events. Women’s early Olympic struggles over equal participation and equal representation on decisionmaking bodies exemplifies the practical ways in which

sport feminism took root. In spite of the fact that women were setting up their own organizations in countries from the continents of the world and were participating in greater numbers in more and more events, it was never without struggles and negotiations and disappointments. Opposition to full and equal participation in all sports continued into the future and is still apparent in the present day.

Second-Wave Feminism Sport feminism is usually associated with the 1970s onward, when women from North America, Western Europe, Australia, and New Zealand started to articulate their demands for sexual equality in sport in books and articles. This was a feature of second-wave feminism, which had focused since the 1960s on issues such as women’s legal status, social welfare and health for women and children, equal opportunities in education, and conditions of work. The particular focus in sport was on equality of opportunity between men and women. Women wanted to take part in all sports, including traditional male sports, such as soccer, rugby, boxing, and snooker; or to have “equivalent” (but not necessarily identical) resources including access to facilities, funding, good-quality coaching, and representation in key administrative positions. The quest for equal opportunities has been associated with the struggles of feminists in liberal democracies—a perspective characterized as liberal sport feminism. Liberal sport feminists have worked within the frameworks of sex-equality legislation in their respective countries—for example, the 1972 Title IX of the Education Amendments (to the Civil Rights Act of 1964) in the USA and the 1975 UK Sex Discrimination Act provided legitimation for removing discrimination against women in sport in public and educational contexts. There are also government-led initiatives intended specifically to improve the position of women in sport vis-a-vis men— for example, the Canadian Association for the Advancement of Women and Sport (CAAWS) and Womensport Australia. Development programs for girls and women

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Before I was ever in my teens, I knew exactly what I wanted to be when I grew up. My goal was to be the greatest athlete that ever lived. ■ BABE DIDRIKSON ZAHARIAS

in sport are also typical of the work of sport organizations and governing bodies throughout the developed world and increasingly in countries in the developing world as well. In addition, voluntary organizations run by women for women have liberal feminist approaches; for example, the Women’s Sports Foundations of the USA and Britain, founded in 1974 and 1985, respectively. There are also international organizations that focus on the global development of women’s sport; for example, the International Association of Physical Education and Sport for Girls and Women (IAPESGW), WomenSport International (WSI), and the International Working Group on Women and Sport (IWG). The advances that have been made by women through national and international initiatives represent a powerful challenge to historically based inequalities in sport between men and women. Many of the liberal sport feminists who have been involved in these practical struggles have also been feminist theorists who have set out to analyze the gendered nature of sport, carefully documenting the history of sex-based inequalities, as well as suggesting ways in which emancipatory changes in sport might come about. Sport feminists, in common with mainstream feminists, have always linked theory to practice.

CRITICISMS OF LIBERAL SPORT FEMINISM Liberal sport feminism has been a powerful, very successful challenge to male-dominated sport. It remains the most popular perspective. However, there are critiques of liberalism for being concerned more with quantitative change than with qualitative change. Liberal sport feminism has been characterized as essentially conservative, tending to overlook the limitations of legal reform and underestimate the extent to which the power of men over women continues to permeate everyday life and culture, including sport. Also, this approach has done little to oppose the structures, values, and distinctly masculine modes of thought intrinsic to mainstream sport, such as aggressive competition, xenophobia, physical and psychological abuse of athletes, violence, and the com-

modification of sports. In brief, the major critique of the liberal perspective is that it fails systematically to relate the concept of equality to wider social, economic, political, and moral issues. Liberalism tends also to treat women as a homogeneous group and misleadingly to imply that an overall increase in participation is an improvement for women in general. Radical and cultural sport feminisms, posited as alternatives, both argue that liberal sport feminism does not go far enough or adequately take into account one or more of the following: a) the gendered social structures that remain in place; b) the huge resistance to changes in the gender relations of power that still exist; or c) the complexities that relate to social changes reflecting global and postmodern developments.

Radical Separatism During the 1980s, the limitations of equal-opportunity programs and philosophies were recognized, and the more critical radical and cultural sport-feminist approaches were maturing. Radical sport feminism focuses on the global dominance of heterosexual men, the resistently patriarchal character of sport, and, deriving specifically from the standpoint of women, their empowerment through separate development. Good examples of radical separatism are the Women’s World Games, mentioned above, and the Association of Intercollegiate Athletics for Women (AIAW) in the United States after the turn of the century, the members of which strongly advocated separate programs for men and women because men’s sports were highly competitive, overspecialized and corrupted by commercialization. In more recent years, lesbians have argued that sexuality, specifically in the form of compulsory heterosexuality, lies at the heart of women’s oppression in sport, and they have been one of the leading groups to oppose discrimination (in particular, sexual discrimination) against women and to spearhead single-sex participation. Radical sport feminists oppose men’s control of sport, arguing that in mixed-sex organizations women

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are usually marginalized and have fewer resources, less convenient access to facilities, and inferior coaching and funding. In contrast, in their own organizations, even though they may have limited resources, women have the power to decide how to develop their own sports. Separate development in sport is sensitive to the specific needs of women, providing spaces and opportunities with no threat of male domination, sexism, or harassment of the sort experienced in other aspects of women’s lives. For religious or cultural reasons, closed female spaces provide the only conditions under which some women will participate in physical activities. Separatism allows women to feel empowered through exercise without feeling inhibited, as they may do in mixed environments. In single-sex organizations there are also better prospects for getting into leadership and decision-making positions. By placing women at the center of both theory and practice, radical feminism values and celebrates the ideal of a specifically feminine characteristic.

Culture and Difference In common with liberal feminism, there is a tendency in radical feminism to treat women as a homogeneous group, prioritizing gender as the primary cause of oppression and failing to take account adequately of other social variables such as age, class, disability, ethnicity, nationhood, religion, politics, or sexuality. The demands of marginalized groups—particularly in recent years— have highlighted the heterogeneity of women, not only within Western nations but also within developing nations and between women from the developed and developing worlds. Sensitivity to difference is intrinsic within the cultural-studies tradition, and sport feminists concerned with the heterogeneity of women’s experiences and with the particular histories, problems, and needs of marginalized groups have used “difference” as both an organizing and a conceptual strategy. Cultural sport feminists have been influential in disrupting the assumed homogeneity of women’s experiences and the misleading tendency to generalize about all women from the perspective of the white, Western, middle-class,

heterosexual, able-bodied woman. They have brought to light ways in which different groups of women experience prejudice in sport in specific ways.

OPPRESSION OF MINORITY WOMEN Highlighting the problems of minority women in sport and acting upon their specific oppressions follows in the tradition of the human rights movement. Specific groups of women have been targeted for development programs in sport, linked to initiatives in mainstream feminism. For example, sport feminists who have derived inspiration from Marxism have drawn particular attention to class differences and capitalist structures that prevent working-class women from participating in sport in equal numbers to their middle-class counterparts. Although this approach has been criticized for privileging class over gender, cultural feminists also oppose the reductionism in radical feminism that prioritizes patriarchal relations of power as the determining cause of gender discrimination. Further, in cultural feminism the concept of hegemony is used to explain that women are active agents struggling creatively for better opportunities in sport; that male domination and other forms of discrimination are incomplete; and that there is a dialectical relationship between agency (freedom) and determination (constraint).

PROBLEMS OF DIFFERENCE Lesbians have been integral to the sport-feminist movement and have played key roles throughout its development. Because of the melding of sport with compulsory heterosexuality and the rampant and damaging expressions of homophobia intrinsic to sport at all levels, lesbians have usually stayed closeted— especially if they are elite athletes or women in prestigious coaching or administrative positions. But some top-level athletes, such as Martina Navratilova, have advanced the lesbian cause by “coming out” and speaking openly about the specific problems facing lesbians in sport. A large number of research projects—with increasingly sophisticated theoretical frameworks, including queer theory—have provided a clear analysis of

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This illustration from the Sydney Sportsman (13 March 1912) provides a decidedly nonfeminist view of women and sports.

the problematic links between sport participation and sexuality. Sport feminism has also spawned critiques based on the problems of other minority groups. For example, during the late 1980s, critical black feminists reacted to the ethnocentrism of white Western sport feminism, exposing the damaging nature of racial stereotyping—notably of African-Americans and Afro-Caribbeans for their supposed “natural” sporting abilities and of women with South Asian origins for their supposed innate lack of sporting ability. The various forms of institutional discrimination based on race and ethnicity were related to women from other ethnic minority groups as well; for example, aboriginal women in Australia and Canada (known as First Nation women). Attention has also been paid to issues of difference, identity, and discrimination relating to gender and disability, and gender and aging in particular. Focus has been placed on the politics of disability and aging, institutional discrimination, and the failure of sports organizations and leisure providers to take affirmative action and implement radical policies around the needs of these minority groups. Cultural feminists have exposed the myths of “equality of opportunity” ideology and practice and have pointed to the need for discriminatory attitudes to be systematically challenged and for sport environments to cater to special needs.

WOMEN FROM THE DEVELOPING WORLD But issues of gender inequalities, exclusion, and discrimination relate even more starkly to women from the developing world than to women in the west. Third World feminism has been used to characterize the work of women who have engaged in political fights against racism, sexism, colonialism, and monopoly capitalism and who have contributed to postcolonial theory, the

gendered nature of colonial rule, and its effect on contemporary postcolonial life. Third World feminists have sought to avoid white Western Euroethnic influences and to deconstruct the characterization of women from the developing world as “other.” However, there are very few sport feminists who are engaging in postcolonial discourses. As mentioned above, there are organizations with a global philosophy that are working hard to improve opportunities in sport for Third World women, but there are few feminist

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theorists—either from the developed world or from the developing world itself—who through their research are working to help girls and women in postcolonial sport. An additional complication is that the heterogeneity of women from the developing world also needs to be taken into account; for example, lesbian and disabled women in sport face exceptionally harsh oppressions, which outweigh those of the majority of women in their countries.

The Future Cultural feminists have tried to avoid the relativism of treating differences as if they are discrete and have investigated the relations of power between them. For example, investigating the nexus of gender, class, and ethnicity or gender, disability, and sexuality highlights the changing and complex natures of difference and identity. But the contemporary interest in postmodernism has led to a tendency in sport feminism— through looking at the intersections of class, gender, ethnic differences, and the other categories of difference— to argue that differentiation is complex, identities are destabilized, and experience is fractured, so that the supposedly overarching systems of power related to capitalist relations or patriarchal relations or racial relations (the “grand narratives”) are no longer viable. The problem of this approach is that concrete, everyday experiences of, for example, social, religious, and political discrimination tend to get overlooked. The resistantly harsh forms of exploitation that make it impossible for poor women to become sportswomen or the practical and ideological barriers preventing disabled women from participating in sport are just two examples of structures of power that are widespread and very real for disadvantaged women throughout the world.

UNAPOLOGETIC APPROACH With postmodernism there has developed something of a trend of sport feminism to loosen its links with the radical politics of gender oppression and interventionism. There is no doubt that increasing numbers of young Western women have an unapologetic approach to par-

ticipation in sport. Although still in smaller numbers than men, they take part in more sports than ever before, including traditional male sports, such as soccer, rugby, and boxing and in the burgeoning numbers of “lifestyle” sports, high-risk sports, extreme sports, ironmen competitions, and others. These women are proud of their bodies, their musculature, their athleticism and sense of raw health, their control, and their sense of empowerment. They do not experience insurmountable barriers, reveling instead in their own physical autonomy. Among this new stream of athletic women are a very few “third-wave” feminists who recognize that their opportunities are in large part the result of the struggles of first- and particularly second-wave sport feminists. But these developments have little relevance for the minority groups mentioned above, in particular for women outside the West, in countries in Africa, Asia, and the Middle East, where sport feminism is in its infancy. They are concerned only with very basic questions of exercise for health, access, facilities, and safety. It is clear that there remains a need for sport feminism to continue to be concerned with social justice. There are huge numbers of women across the world who need greater control over their lives and their bodies, and it is argued that sport feminism should be part of a more general feminist movement working at three levels to make this a reality—the personal, the politics of society, and global revolutionary politics. Jennifer Hargreaves See also Lesbiansim

Further Reading Ahmed, S. (2000). Strange encounters: Embodied others in postcoloniality. London: Routledge. Aitchison, C. (2000). Poststructural feminist theories of representing others: A response to the “crisis” in leisure studies discourse. Leisure Studies, 19, 127-144. Birrell, S. (2000). Feminist theories for sport. In J. Coakley and E. Dunning (Eds.), Handbook of sports studies (pp. 61–76). London: Sage Publications. Birrell, S., & Cole, C. (Eds.). (1994). Women, sport, and culture. Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics. Cahn, S. (1994). Coming on strong. New York: Free Press. Hall, M. A. (1996). Feminism and sporting bodies. Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics.

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Hargreaves, J. (1994). Sporting females. London: Routledge. Hargreaves, J. (2000). Heroines of sport. London: Routledge. Heywood, L., & Drake, J. (Eds.). (1997). Third wave agenda: Being feminist, doing feminism. Minneapolis, MN; London: University of Minneapolis Press. Heywood, L., & Dworkin, S. (2003). Built to win. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Lenskyj, H. (1986). Out of bounds. Toronto, Canada: Women’s Press. Lenskyj, H. (2003). Out on the field. Toronto, Canada: Women’s Press. McDonald, M., & Birrell, S. (1999). Reading sport critically. Sociology of Sport Journal, 16, 283–300. Messner, M., & Sabo, D. (Eds). (1990). Sport, Men, and the Gender Order. Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics. Mohanty, C., Russo, A., & Lourdes, T. (Eds). (1991). Third world women and the politics of feminism. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Nelson, M. B. (1994). The stronger women get, the more men love football. New York: Harcourt Brace. Oglesby, C. (1990). Epilogue. In M. Messner & D. Sabo (Eds.), Sport, men and the gender order: Critical feminist perspectives. Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics. Scraton, S. (1994). The changing world of women and leisure: Feminism, postfeminism and leisure. Leisure Studies, Vol. 13, No. 4: 249–261. Shaw, S., & Slack, T. (2002). It’s been like that for donkey’s years: The construction of gender relations and the cultures of sports organisations. Culture, Sport, and Society, 5(1), 86–106. Smith, Y. (1992). Women of color in society and sport. Quest, 44, 228–250. Sparkes, A. (1994).Writing people: Reflections on the dual crisis of representation and legitimation in qualitative inquiry. Quest, 47, 158– 195. Sparkes, A., & Squires, S. (1996). Circles of silence: Sexual identity in physical education and sport, Sport, Education and Society, I, 77– 101. Theberge, N. (1987). Sport and women’s empowerment. Women’s Studies International Forum, Vol. 10, 387–393. Young, M. (1990). Throwing like a girl and other essays in feminist philosophy and social theory. Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press.

Fencing

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encing is the sport and art of swordsmanship using blunted weapons. Several features of fencing make it distinctive, if not unique. For example, until recently, fencing was the only combative sport open to both men and women, although they complete separately. Fencing also is the only combative sport that has neither weight classes nor height restrictions. Fencing champions come in all sizes and shapes, and competitors meet each other as equals, separated only

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by ability. A person can initiate fencing at any age and can continue to fence for the rest of one’s life. Fencing requires few players and a group may be large or small) and no purpose-built setting or expensive installation. The nature of fencing is such that athletes with visual or physical impairments that might prevent them from taking an active role in other vigorous sports are not only welcome, but also encounter no limit but that of their own talent. Successful fencers have been deaf, blind in one eye, or missing a limb.

History Fencing has several millennia of tradition behind it. Perhaps the earliest reference to a fencing match appears in a relief carving in the temple at Madinet-Habu near Luxor in Upper Egypt, built about 1190 BCE by King Ramses III. The fencers depicted there are using weapons with well-covered points and masks not unlike those used today. A panel of officials and administrators is depicted and distinguished by the feathered wands that they hold. Every ancient civilization—Persian, Babylonian, Chinese, Japanese, Egyptian, Greek, and Roman—practiced swordsmanship as a sport as well as training for combat. Curiously, European swordsmanship—the most immediate ancestor of modern fencing—did not develop until after the advent of firearms (black weapons) during the fourteenth century. Until then men carried ever-heavier swords to cleave through ever-more-ponderous armor. Strength was more critical than skill. However, the development of ballistic weapons rendered armor obsolete, enabling speed, skill, and mobility to prove a greater influence than mere force.This development led to lighter swords (white weapons), which were used with faster, more subtle handwork for better use in close quarters. Thus arose the art of fencing. Learning to use a sword was difficult. The wounds resulting from fencing became infected. Threats to a fencer’s vision were a particular risk. Indeed, it was said that no competent fencing master could expect to end his career with two good eyes. Three innovations, however, made fencing more appealing to students who were concerned for their safety.

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The first innovation came during the seventeenth century, when a light practice weapon was developed. It was called a “foil” because its point had been flattened— “foiled”—and padded to reduce the chance of injury to an opponent. The second innovation was the development of rules of engagement known as “conventions,” in which the valid target was limited to the breast, and the fencer who initiated the attack had precedence unless completely parried (warded off) by the defender. Fencing with foils thus became a “conversation of blades.” However, even with the advent of the foil and its conventions, fencing remained a stylized, slow sport because of the chance of injury to the face and eyes. The third innovation—the invention of the quadrilled (having squares) wire-mesh fencing mask by the English master Joseph Boulogne (c. 1739–1799) and the French master La Boiessiere during the closing decades of the eighteenth century—was the final step necessary to make fencing a completely safe sport. More complex “phrases” (exchanges of blows) became possible after the mask came into widespread use, and foil fencing as it is now known was developed. The conventions prevented fencing from deteriorating into a brawl. These conventions form the basis of modern fencing. Few athletic activities were open to women during the nineteenth century. The exceptions were skating, lawn tennis, gymnastics, and fencing. Fencing was offered at athletic and gymnastic clubs such as the New York Turnverein (founded 1851), which early on included women in its activities. The New York Fencers Club (founded 1883) has had women members since the 1880s, although during the early years women members had to fence at different hours than men of the club. The Fencers Club of Philadelphia (founded 1913) admitted women from its inception. Not all clubs were as gracious; the London Fencing Club (founded 1848) did not admit its first woman member until 1946. The Boston Fencing Club (founded 1840) passed the following resolution in 1858: “no females shall be admitted to the club-rooms under any pretext whatever, except by permission of a member of the government of the club.”

Women’s participation until the twentieth century was largely restricted to salle fencing, that is, women fenced only with foils. The sport’s national governing body in the United States, the Amateur Fencers League of America (AFLA; founded 1891), held its first national championships for men in 1892 but held no events for women until 1912. The first AFLA national women’s foil champion was Adelaide Baylis of the New York Fencers Club. The AFLA added a foil team event for women in 1928. Fencers during the early years of the twentieth century were frequently three-weapon competitors. As time passed, the duration of competitions and the size of the starting fields, as well as the accompanying expenses, continued to increase. The quest for success led fencers to specialize in one weapon or at most two. Each weapon came to have its own aficionados. As noted, women’s fencing had been restricted to the foil, but during the 1970s a group of women, particularly in the United States and England, began campaigning to fence with the heavier weapons. Local events were staged, eventually sectional championships were expanded, and finally national championships were staged. In the United States épée events for women were added to the national championships in 1981. An épée is a sword with a bowl-shaped guard and a blade of triangular cross-section with no cutting edge; it tapers to a sharp point blunted for fencing. Events for women were added to the national championships in 1998. Most women fencers today specialize in one weapon.

Competitions The Olympic Games are connected with much of the history of modern fencing. Fencing was one of the eight sports on the program of the Olympic Games when they were revived in 1896 by Baron Pierre de Coubertin, himself a fencer. Fencing shares with only three other sports (track and field, gymnastics, and swimming) the distinction of having been on the program of every Olympic Games. In 1900 an épée individual event was added at the Olympic Games at Paris. Ramon Fonst of Cuba won. Other events for fencing masters were added on a short-

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A statue of fencer in Wroclaw, Poland.

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Source: istockphoto.com/simm18pl.

term basis. A foil team event was added at the games in St. Louis, Missouri, in 1904. It was won by Cuba. Most of the best European fencers did not attend those games because of the great distance between Europe and St. Louis. At the Olympic Games at Athens, Greece, in 1906 an épée team event was added, won by France; and a saber team event was added, won by Germany. A saber is a light sword with an arched guard that covers the back of the hand and a tapering, flexible blade with a full cutting edge along one side and a partial cutting edge on the back at the tip. A women’s foil individual event was added at the Olympic Games in Paris in 1924. Ellen Osiier of Denmark won. A women’s foil team event was added at the 1960 games in Rome and was won by Russia. At the Olympic Games at Atlanta, Georgia, in 1996 women’s épée individual events and women’s épée team events were held for the first time.

The record for the most championships won by any fencer is seven: Aladar Gerevich (b. 1910) of Hungary won in saber individual and team between 1932 and 1960. He is also the only athlete in any sport to win an Olympic championship at six different Olympics. The record for the most fencing medals of any types is thirteen, held by Edoardo Mangiarotti (b. 1920) of Italy in foil and épée, individual and team, between 1936 and 1960; he won five gold, five silver, and three bronze. Women’s fencing champions in general have been far more dispersed than men’s champions, who have largely been from France, Hungary, Italy, and Russia. In addition to champions from those countries, Olympic women’s champions have included Austrians, Germans, English, Danes, and Chinese. Until the 1960 Olympics at Rome, when a foil team event was added, the foil individual remained the only

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The height of your accomplishment will equal the depth of your convictions. ■ WILLIAM F. SCOLAVI

fencing event for women; the first winner was the Soviet Union. Epée events for women were added for the 1996 Olympics at Atlanta, where the individual champion was Laura Flessel of France; France also won the team event. A world’s women’s foil championship (then known as the “European championship”) was initiated in 1929; the first winner was Germany’s Helene Mayer. A women’s foil team event was added in 1932; the first winner was Denmark. A world’s épée championship was initiated in 1988; and the first Olympic saber event for women took place in the 2004 Summer Olympics in Athens. Other successful women fencers have included Ellen Mueller-Preiss of Austria, the 1932 Olympic champion and two-time world champion, and Ilona Elek of Hungary, the 1936 and 1948 Olympic champion and threetime world champion. At the 2004 Summer Olympics Mariel Zagunis won the first fencing gold medal for the United States in more than a century. Other successful U.S. women fencers have been Maria Cerra Tishman, who was in a three-way tie for second and finished fourth in the 1948 Olympics; Janice York Romary, who tied for third and finished fourth in the 1952 Olympics and was fourth again in the 1956 Olympics; and Maxine Mitchell, who finished sixth in the 1952 Olympics. Marion Lloyd Vince was the first U.S. woman to reach the Olympics finals, placing ninth in 1932. The most successful U.S. woman épée fencer is Donna Stone, who was fifth in the 1989 world championship. The most successful British women fencers have been Gwen Neligan, the 1933 world champion, and Gillian Sheen Donaldson, the 1956 Olympic champion. Fencing offers athletes a much longer competitive career than do many other sports. This fact is best shown by the careers of Janice York Romary, who competed on six U.S. Olympic teams between 1948 and 1968, and Kerstin Palm of Sweden, who fenced in seven Olympics between 1964 and 1988. Palm was the first woman in any sport to participate in that many Olympics. The creation of women’s collegiate fencing was the factor most responsible for increased interest among

women in the United States.Women’s collegiate fencing was years ahead of similar activity in most other U.S. sports for women. Bryn Mawr and the University of Pennsylvania established the earliest college teams during the early 1920s. By 1929 those colleges joined with Cornell and New York University (NYU) to create the Intercollegiate Women’s Fencing Association (IWFA). NYU won the first IWFA team title, and NYU’s Julia Jones won the first individual title. IWFA, known since 1971 as the “National Intercollegiate Women’s Fencing Association” (NIWFA), grew to nearly eighty teams by 1980. However, by 2004 its membership stood at twenty teams, and it has struggled to maintain itself because of the centralization policies of the Intercollegiate Fencing Association (IFA), the U.S. Fencing Association (USFA), the Association of Intercollegiate Athletics for Women (AIAW), and the National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA). A surge in secondary school fencing accompanied the growth of collegiate fencing from the 1950s to the 1980s, but that surge has abated. New Jersey has the most highly developed program, followed by California and New England. Women are increasingly involved in fencing as coaches, administrators, and officials. Julia Jones became the first woman to coach an intercollegiate championship team in 1932. Maria Cerra Tishman in 1965 was the first woman named to the U.S. Olympic fencing committee. Julia Jones in 1970 was the first woman to coach a U.S. international squad, the World University Games team. Harriet King in 1976 became the first woman editor of American Fencing magazine. Emily Johnson, a San Francisco jurist, in 1980 was the first woman elected president of the AFLA. She changed the organization’s name, after ninety years, to the “U.S. Fencing Association” (USFA).

Rules and Play A fencer uses one of three types of weapons: the épée, the foil, or the saber. Competitions for men or women are conducted for all three weapons, although until the 1970s women competed almost exclusively with the

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foil. Fencing events may be conducted as individual events or team events, although even in team events only two fencers meet each other at any one time. Team matches may be run in a “relay” fashion, in which touches (hits against an opponent) are added cumulatively from one bout to the next. International teams are usually composed of three or four on a side, with each competitor meeting each competitor on the opposing side. The foil has a flexible, slender blade, quadrangular in cross-section, and a small, circular guard that is centrally mounted. The maximum blade length is 90 centimeters. A foil fencer tries to score, using only the point of his weapon, by hitting his opponent on the torso. If the fencer touches his opponent’s head, legs, or arms, no point is scored, and the action resumes. If the fencer touches his opponent on the torso, then a point (touch) is scored. If both fencers touch each other, then the official applies the conventions of right of way to assess the situation and awards the touch, if any. Bouts usually are for five touches in elimination pools leading to a final round-robin pool, ten or fifteen touches in directelimination ladders leading to the title bout, or a combination of both methods. Until 1976 women fenced four touch bouts in pools and eight touch bouts in direct elimination. The épée has a wide blade, more rigid than that of a foil. The blade is no more than 90 centimeters long. Epée fencing observes no conventions, and touches are made with the point anywhere on an opponent. If both fencers hit together, then a double-touch is scored against each, and both fencers are counted as having been hit. Epée bouts may be fenced to one touch or multiple touch bouts, in pools or direct elimination, or a combination of both. Epée fencing for one touch is part of the five-event competition called the “modern pentathlon.” The saber has a flexible blade with a maximum length of 88 centimeters. In saber fencing touches made with either the point or one of the two cutting edges count if they land above the opponent’s hips. Saber fencing observes the conventions of foil fencing, al-

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though before World War II it observed some rules more characteristic of a combative weapon. With all three types of weapons bouts in a roundrobin pool last four minutes. Direct-elimination contests are encounters of ten or fifteen minutes, depending on the maximum number of touches. Until 1976 women’s bouts were of shorter duration than men’s. Fencing is conducted on a field of play called a “strip” or “piste,” which is 2 meters wide and 14 meters long. A fencer who exits the side of the piste is penalized 1 meter in distance. A fencer who exits the end of the piste is penalized one touch. Fencers wear a heavy wire-mesh mask with a thick canvas bib to protect the head and neck. They also wear a padded glove on the weapon hand and thick canvas or nylon jackets and knickers. In competition fencers wear additional equipment that permits electric scoring. Until 1940 women fencers could wear dresses or skirts instead of trousers or knickers. Women also wear breast protectors or plastic shields under their jackets. Until electric scoring devices were developed, fencing matches were adjudicated by a jury composed of a president and four assistants. The president has also been called a “director” and, more recently, a “referee,” and the assistants “judges.” At the end of the nineteenth century foil fencers wore black uniforms, and chalk tips on foils aided in the scoring; this system was not popular, particularly in Europe and U.S. colleges, where form was also taken into account in scoring. About the time of World War I and for the next thirty years, fencers wore white uniforms and used red ink on the tips of épées to indicate a touch. Since the invention of the mask, no innovation has had more impact on fencing than electrified scoring. It has eliminated the need for assistants, leaving only the president to officiate. In 1935 épée was electrified in time for the world championships at Lausanne, Switzerland; in 1955 foil was electrified for the world championship in Rome; and in 1989 saber was electrified for the world championships at Denver, Colorado. However, these advances have not been without complications. Electrification has increased startup and maintenance costs

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considerably and has had a steadily debilitating effect on the technique of competitors. Also, despite the objectivity of the equipment, the individual bias of officials remains entrenched. Many observers feel that fencing has been changed from the simulation of a duel into a display in which competitors simply turn on a light with flair and that fencing’s truth and drama have been sacrificed to speed and efficiency. Jeffrey R. Tishman

Further Reading Bower, M. (1985). Foil fencing. Dubuque, IA: Wm. C. Brown. Cass, E. B. (1930). The book of fencing. Boston: Lothrop, Lee & Shepard. Castle, E. (1969). Schools and masters of fence: From the Middle Ages to the eighteenth century. York, PA: George Shumway. (Original work published 1888) Curry, N. L. (1984). The fencing book. New York: Leisure Press. De Beaumont, C. L. (1970). Fencing: Ancient art and modern sport. South Brunswick, NJ: A. S. Barnes. DeCapriles, J. R. (Ed.). (1965). AFLA rulebook. Worcester, MA: Heffernan Press. DeCapriles, M. A. (Ed.). (1951). AFLA rulebook. New York: Amateur Fencers League of America. DeCapriles, M. A. (Ed.). (1957). AFLA rulebook. New York: Amateur Fencers League of America. Garret, M. R., & Poulson, M. H. (1981). Foil fencing. College Park, PA. Penn State University Press. Shaff, J. M. (1982). Fencing. New York: Atheneum. Thimm, C. A. (1968). A bibliography of fencing and duelling. New York: Benjamin Blom. (Original work published 1896) Tishman, J. R. (1990, Spring). Collegiate fencing at risk. American Fencing, 42(1). Tishman, J. R. (1990, Spring). College fencing damaged by NCAA and USFA policies. Swordmaster.

Fenway Park

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ocated in Boston, Massachusetts, Fenway Park opened on April 20, 1912, when the Boston Red Sox beat the New York Highlanders (Yankees) 7 to 6 in front of 27,000 fans. Fenway was originally scheduled to open on April 18, but due to rain, there were two postponements that pushed opening day back to

the twentieth. But, believe or not, the opening of Fenway was not the main headline of the day in Boston. The tragedy of the sinking of the Titanic was the main focus of attention of the nation’s papers, including Boston’s. Although Fenway is primarily known as the home Major League Baseball’s Boston Red Sox and is the oldest stadium in existence to hold a World Series game, several other sports teams have called Fenway home. In 1914 the National League’s “Miracle” Boston Braves played their World Series games at Fenway while their new ballpark was being built. Three professional football teams have also called Fenway home. From 1933 to 1936, the Boston Redskins played at Fenway, before moving to Washington; from 1944 to 1948 the Boston Yanks—today’s Indianapolis Colts—occupied the Fens; and from 1963 to 1968, the Boston (now New England) Patriots played their home games at Fenway before moving to Foxboro. Fenway Park has significance beyond baseball and other sports to which it has been a home. In 1986 the National Park Service’s National Historic Landmark program undertook a nationwide thematic study of historic recreational resources, and its advisory board recommended that Fenway Park be designated a National Historic Landmark. Unfortunately, however, the objections of the owners prevented the designation from becoming official. But the design, charm, and mystique of Fenway Park have not gone unnoticed or unappreciated; elements of it have been incorporated into the layouts of newer facility designs, such as those of Camden Yards, Jacobs Field, Coors Field, Comerica Park, and Pacific Bell Park.

Fenway History Fenway Park has a rich history that has been in no small part created by many of its unique design features, as well as the feats of those who have played there. The left-field wall, also known as the Green Monster, is 37 feet high, with the screen above the wall extending another 23 feet. By way of comparison, the centerfield wall is 17 feet high, the bull pen fences are 5 feet

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Fans arrive at Fenway Park for a game in the fall of 2004.

high, and the right-field fence is 3 to 5 feet high. This configuration is much different than the more uniform modern stadiums of today. From 1912 to 1933, there was a ten-foot-high mound that formed an incline in front of the left-field wall, extending from the left-field foul pole to the centerfield flagpole. As a result of the mound, a left fielder in Fenway had to play the entire territory running uphill. Boston’s first star left fielder, Duffy Lewis, mastered the skill so well that the area became known as Duffy’s Cliff. In 1934 Red Sox owner Tom Yawkey arranged to flatten the ground in left field so that Duffy’s Cliff no longer existed, becoming instead part of the lore of Fenway Park. Another unique feature of Fenway is the seat in the right-field bleachers that is painted red to mark the spot where the longest measurable home run ever inside

Fenway Park landed. Of course, the legendary Ted Williams hit the home run, on 9 June 1946, against the Detroit Tigers. The blast was measured at 502 feet, and legend has it that the ball crashed through the straw hat of the man sitting in section 42, row 37, seat 21. Right field at Fenway has two other unique features. First, no player has ever hit a home run over the park’s right-field roof. Second, there’s Pesky’s Pole, dubbed as such in the 1950s by Red Sox pitcher Mel Parnell, who named the right-field pole after Johnny Pesky, when he hit a home run just inside the pole that won a game for Parnell. That home run was one of only six home runs ever hit by the Red Sox star. An innovation that first appeared at Fenway, now in use in all major league ballparks, is the screen behind Fenway’s home plate that protects fans and allows foul balls to roll back down onto the field. This screen was

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the first of its kind in the major leagues. Another safety feature added in the mid-1970s was the padding at the bottom of both left- and center-field walls. In Game 6 of the 1975 World Series, Red Sox outfielder Fred Lynn crashed into the concrete wall in center trying to make a catch and lay stunned on the field for several minutes. His near-injury prompted installation of protective padding as seen in all stadiums today.

Further Reading Fenway Park. (2005). Retrieved February 18, 2005, from http://www. ballparks.com/baseball/american/fenway.htm Shaughnessy, D. (1996). At Fenway: Dispatches from Red Sox. New York: Crown. Shaughnessy, D. (1999). Fenway: A biography in words and pictures. (1999). Boston: Houghton Mifflin.

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Venue Today Fenway Park seems to have a tradition like no other ballpark in America. As part of its charm, Fenway still has a hand-operated scoreboard in the left-field wall. Green and red lights are used to signal balls, strikes, and outs, and each scoreboard number used to indicate runs and hits measures sixteen by sixteen inches and weighs three pounds. The numbers used for errors, innings, and pitcher’s numbers measure twelve by sixteen inches and weigh two pounds each. Behind this scoreboard is a room whose walls are covered with signatures of players who have played at Fenway Park over the years. Although only scores from American League games are posted there now, the use of this handoperated scoreboard adds to the park’s mystique. As ballparks continue to get larger and larger with more luxury boxes and suites, Fenway keeps its charm as a backyard park, with a “backyard” capacity as well. The largest crowd ever at Fenway was 47,627, but due to fire codes that capacity has been reduced, and today Fenway can hold 36,298, which is the lowest capacity in the major leagues. Finally, even the players get a taste of tradition at Fenway. As other ballparks have state-of-the-art locker-room facilities and player amenities, Fenway’s clubhouses are still small and modest (cramped and uncomfortable could describe them as well). The tunnels that lead to the dugouts are usually wet, and the floorboards creak, which wasn’t unusual for the older ballparks of the Fenway era. But, while those other old parks have disappeared, Fenway remains as a tribute to a storied past. Aaron L. Mulrooney and Alvy Styles

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inland is a republic of 5.5 million inhabitants situated in northern Europe, between Scandinavia and Russia. The country became independent in 1917, having previously been an autonomous Grand Duchy under the Russian Empire and before that (until 1809) a part of Sweden. The political history of the country has had its effects on the organization of sports, which is based on a strong voluntary sports movement divided organizationally on the basis of class, language (Finnish/Swedish), and gender. From its early stages Finnish sporting life has emphasized a relatively few male-oriented sports and top-level competitive events as a way of gaining international success, which was seen to be of great political importance. Track and field and wrestling were the most important sports initially, followed by cross-country skiing. Today, the most popular top-level sports are ice hockey and auto racing. Women’s group gymnastics is one of the most popular sports in terms of numbers of participants.

History of Finnish Sports The main forms of traditional popular sports were developed in the agrarian communities in the countryside. Prominent among them were various strength events (wrestling, stone lifting, pulling and throwing competitions) and traditional throwing/hitting games. Indoor sports practiced in wintertime tested agility and cleverness, for both genders of all ages. Skiing was at first foremost a practical way of moving about, as were horse carriage driving and rowing. They were turned into sports only during the nineteenth century.

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Indigenous sports and forms of modern sport first met at the circus (from the early nineteenth century), and since the 1860s at local folk festivals, where modern shooting and running competitions and traditional combat forms were exhibited. In the 1870s skating became a part of social life in towns, and gymnastics clubs began to organize exercises for men and women. Beginning in the 1880s, cross-country skiing, cycling, and tourism won popularity among the middle class. Allembracing gymnastics and sports clubs became a basic form of organization of physical activity in the 1890s. The model for modern sports in Finland came from both West (England, Scandinavia, later from the United States) and East (Saint Petersburg, Russia) as well as from Central Europe. A national form of men’s gymnastics was developed, emphasizing many-sided, non-

competitive physical exercises. A “national front” against “one-sided” competitive sports of foreign origin formed, centered at first around a Finnish-language gymnastics and sports federation (1900). In 1906 a central Finnish Gymnastics and Sports Federation (SVUL) was founded, with competitive sports as part of its program. Competitive sports won political and social acceptance especially after 1912, when the great success of Finnish athletes at the Stockholm Olympic Games was used to procure sympathy for the cause of national struggle against Russian oppression. Having won independence (1917), Finland kept on running (Paavo Nurmi being its top runner), wrestling, and later on skiing to gain more international fame. Only athletes representing the SVUL could take part in the Olympic Games. The sportsmen and sportswomen of the Workers’ Sports Federation

Finland Key Events in Finland Sports History 1842 Sports activities are made obligatory in the school curriculum for boys.

1920s The Finnish government begins financing sports institutions and training facilities.

1872 Sports activities are made obligatory in the school curriculum for girls.

1926 The world Nordic skiing championships are held for the first of six times at Lahti.

1890s Gymnastics and sports clubs became the basic form for the organization of physical activity.

1952 The Olympics are held in Helsinki.

1896 The Women’s Gymnastics Federation is founded.

1983 The first World Athletics Championships are held in Helsinki. 1987 The comprehensive “Young Finland” sports program is established.

1900 A Finnish-language gymnastics and sports federation is founded.

1993 The Finnish Sports Federation is founded.

1906 The Finnish Gymnastics and Sports Federation (SVUL) is founded.

1995 The Finnish national hockey team wins the world championship.

1906 Finland participates in the Olympics for the first time.

2001 A doping scandal involving Nordic skiers leads to a reevaluation of sports in Finnish society.

1919 The Workers’ Sports Federation is founded and organizes Workers’ Olympiads and Spartakiads.

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(TUL, founded in 1919) participated in Workers’ Olympiads and Spartakiads. The Finnish state began financing sports institutions and training facilities in the 1920s. Private financing took place on a very small scale. The sports movement was seen as a part of ideological popular movements based on voluntary work. Professional sports did not gain structural footing in Finland until the 1990s.

Participant and Spectator Sports According to the most recent survey (2001–2002), the most popular sports in Finland in terms of numbers of participants in organized competitions are floorball, football, volleyball, and golf. The most popular spectator sports are ice hockey, football, Nordic skiing, track and field, and auto racing. Pesäpallo, a Finnish variant of baseball, is locally popular, especially in rural areas. Elite sports have always been considered important in Finland. In the 1920s and 1930s, Finland was counted among the great powers of Olympic sports, especially in track and field, where Paavo Nurmi reigned supreme in long-distance running. Consequently, elite sports became a vital ingredient in the build-up of the Finnish national identity. After World War II, Finnish successes waned, but sports retained its place at the center of national imagery. Finland has taken part in every Olympic Games since 1906. In overall medal standings, Finland occupies eleventh place in Summer Olympic Games medals and fifth place in Winter Games medals. In 1952 Finland very successfully hosted the Olympic Games in Helsinki. Finland also has a proud record in international track and field championships. The inaugural World Athletics Championships were held in Helsinki in 1983, to be followed by the 2005 edition of the event in the Olympic Stadium. Modern indoor arenas built in Turku (1991) and Helsinki (1997) have hosted world championship tournaments in ice hockey. Finland has some of the best facilities in the world for Nordic skiing, notably at Lahti, host city of six world championships, beginning in 1926. The largest annual sports event in Finland in terms of number of spectators

and international media exposure is the World Rally Championship race based in Jyväskylä in Central Finland.

Women and Sport The first form that modern women’s physical training took in Finland was gymnastics, introduced in the curriculum of girls’ schools since the 1860s. The first female gymnastics teachers were schooled at a private institute, since 1894 at the Gymnastics Institute of Helsinki University. Elin Kallio was the leading person in Finnish women’s gymnastics movement, which developed simultaneously with, but separate from, men’s gymnastics. The first Finnish women’s gymnastics club was founded in 1876, the Women’s Gymnastics Federation in 1896. The basis for women’s gymnastics was the so-called Swedish (Lingian) gymnastics. Using it, Elli Björkstén developed a special system for women by the 1920s. Women’s competitive sports had an early start in Finland. In the first decades of the twentieth century, national championships were held in ice-skating, swimming, skiing, and track and field. The 1920s saw a backlash, especially in track and field, during which time women’s participation on national and international levels was strongly opposed by the leading male organizations. At the same time, the women’s gymnastics movement grew enormously, implying a strict gender division in the sports movement. After World War II, women’s committees for promoting women’s rights on all levels were founded in male-controlled sports organizations. There was a new rise in women’s and girls’ sports participation, especially in track and field, crosscountry skiing, and ball games. Football (soccer) was introduced as a women’s sport in the 1970s, followed by other former “male sports,” from weightlifting to boxing.Yet the traditional women’s group gymnastics is still the most popular form of women’s sport, challenged, however, by the growing number of private commercial fitness centers and enterprises. In the seventy-five national sports federations, 34 percent of the membership but only 19 percent of the council members are women.

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The great runner Paavo Nurmi lighting Olympic flame at the Opening Ceremony of the Helsinki Olympic Games (19 July 1952).

Youth Sports Children and youth have long participated in sports activities in obligatory school curriculum (boys since 1842, girls since 1872). First associations for school sports were founded in 1898; in the beginning girls could participate. Sections for girls and boys were founded in some voluntary sports and gymnastics clubs. In 1931 a special federation for boys’ sports was founded within the central sports federation, SVUL; in the TUL a youth section organized sports for children. After World War II, a Sports Federation for Boys and Girls was founded in the SVUL to recruit talented youth and also to promote social youth work; it was supported financially by state. However, the first programs that took into consideration children’s own needs were initiated only in the 1980s, both in the SVUL and in the TUL. Further, in 1987 a comprehensive program, “Young Finland,” was started as a joint effort of sports organizations. In addition the ethical and educational ideal of “fair play” in sport is promoted by a “green card” system, initiated by the Football Association (1991). Currently, the diminishing role of school sports is being discussed actively.

Organizations Finnish sports organizations were brought under the umbrella of the Finnish Sports Federation (SLU; www. slu.fi) in 1993. It has fifteen regional branch organizations and seventy-five national sports associations as full members. On the local level, the SLU encompasses 7,800 sport clubs. The largest national sports associations are those in track and field (www.sul.fi), skiing (www.hiihtoliitto.fi), football (soccer) (www.palloliitto.

fi), ice hockey (www.finhockey.fi), and women’s gymnastics (www.svoli.fi). The Swedish-language central organization, CIF (www.cif.fi), and the Workers’ Sports Federation, TUL, (www.tul.fi) are also members of SLU. The Finnish Olympic Committee (www.noc.fi) has a prominent role in representation and coordination of elite sports.

Sports in Society Sports and elite athletes have generally been highly valued in Finland. Finns have always taken pride in their glorious Olympic history. Success in international sport has traditionally been seen as an entry card into the community of nations. This was evident as late as in 1995, when the Finnish national ice

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Finland Olympics Results 2002 Winter Olympics: 4 Gold, 2 Silver, 1 Bronze 2004 Summer Olympics: 2 Silver

hockey team won its first-ever world championship, a victory that was wildly celebrated and seen in symbolic connection with Finland’s entry to the European Union, which took place in the same year. The high esteem in which elite athletes are held is also reflected in political life: twelve Olympic athletes, most of whom medalists, have been elected to the Finnish Parliament. In 2001 six top Finnish cross-country skiers were caught for doping at the World Championships in Lahti, Finland. This high-profile case in a revered national sport, involving some of the most respected Finnish sports heroes, dealt a severe blow to Finnish elite sports in general. State support was reevaluated and tied to strict ethical guidelines, while private sponsorship plummeted and public opinion became cynical. Already curtailed by economic depression in the early 1990s, the funding of Finnish elite sports lags far behind that of neighboring countries. These domestic constraints do not apply to a handful of Finnish athletes who have been successful in major professional sports, such as Formula One and rally drivers, ice hockey players, and alpine skiers.

The Future The reputation of Finnish elite sports has suffered in the last few years. The doping cases in cross-country skiing were preceded by a match-fixing scandal in the national sport pesäpallo. A rapid change of values has taken place in elite sports, marked by their open commercialization. There is turmoil on the grassroots level as well, as traditional forms of voluntary club activity are threatened by diminishing. municipal financial support for the sports clubs, making them even more dependent on the efforts of volunteers. On the other hand, participation in sports is becoming more individualistic. As financial support from public authorities diminishes, inequality of opportunity to participate in sports increases. State-supported gender equality programs are also still far from meeting their targets. Despite these trends, using the criteria of equality of opportunity to participate in sport and actual levels of

participation, Finland still ranks highly when measured against other nations. Leena Laine and Vesa Tikander

Further Reading Hannus, M. (1990). Flying Finns. Story of the great tradition of Finnish distance running and cross-country skiing. Helsinki, Finland: Tietosanoma Oy. Häyrinen, R., & Laine, L. (1989). Suomi urheilun suurvaltana [Finland as the great power of sport]. In E. Vasara (Ed.), Liikuntatieteellisen Seuran julkaisuja 115. Helsinki, Finland: Liikuntatieteellinen Seura. Laine, L. (1984). Vapaaehtoisten järjestöjen kehitys ruumiinkulttuurin alueella Suomessa v. 1856–1917, I–II (The Development of voluntary organizations in the area of physical culture in Finland in the years 1856–1917). Liikuntatieteellisen Seuran julkaisu (pp. 93A– 93B). Helsinki: Liikuntatieteellinen Seura. Laine, L. (1989). Historische entwicklung des frauensports in Finnland. In C. Peyton & G. Pfister (Eds.), Frauensport in Europa (pp 113– 129), Hamburg: Zwalina., Laine, L. (1996). TUL: The Finnish worker sports movement. In A. Krüger & J. Riordan (Eds.), The Story of worker sport (pp. 67–80). Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics. Laine, L. (2003). Finland: The promised land of Olympic sports. In A. Krüger & B. Murray (Eds.), The Nazi Olympics: Sport, politics and appeasement in the 1930s (pp. 145–161) (Sport and Society Series). Urbana, Chicago: University of Illinois Press. Meinander, H. (1994). Towards a bourgeois manhood: Boys’ physical education in Nordic secondary schools 1880–1940. Commentationes Scientiarum Socialium 47. Nieminen, L. (Ed.). (1991). Physical education in Finnish schools. Helsinki: The Finnish Society for Research in Sport and Physical Education. Palkama, M., & Nieminen, L. (1997). Sport and physical education in Finland. Helsinki: The Finnish Society for Research in Sport and Physical Education.

Fishing

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lthough no one can accurately pinpoint the date “fishing” as a survival strategy to provide food for the stomach was transformed to sport as “food for the soul,” both practical and leisure fishing have been around as long as humankind. Angling, often used synonymously with fishing, is the art and sport of casting a line to a target, using artificial bait to lure and land fish, and often releasing the catch to provide sport for another day. The angler considers fishing as catching

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fish without regard to method, to provide food for the frying pan. Angling has become popular around the world. Its venues include freshwater streams, lakes, and saltwater seas and oceans. Competitors are male and female and span all age groups and all backgrounds. The excitement of a sudden strike arising from calm water, the thrill of the fish pulling on the line, and the ensuing challenge to land the fish creates an attraction for outdoors enthusiasts. Even when the fish aren’t biting, the true “angler” finds sport in merely making accurate casts, hitting a target that may be as far as 375 feet (114 meters) away. Fishing is never a predictable sport—luck and the whims of the fish equalize expertise and modern equipment in all competitive tournaments.

Economic Impact In the United States, the American Sportfishing Association reported that forty-five million Americans over the age of six spent more than $42 billion on fishing tackle, trips, and related services in 2001, with each angler spending an average of $1,046 on fishing. The sportfishing industry is estimated to be a $116 billion business in the United States alone. The National Survey of Fishing, Hunting, and Wildlife-Associated Recreation estimated that Americans sixteen years and older spent an average of sixteen days fishing in 2001, with more than 9 million saltwater anglers and more than 27.93 million freshwater participants. Of that number, 20 percent of women and 37 percent of men participated. Members of minority groups in the United States participated at a lower rate than Caucasian participants did; however, participation rates among AfricanAmerican and Hispanic populations are rising. Similar reports from recreation and environmental agencies in countries around the world demonstrate recreational fishing to be on the rise. In Australia, for example, participation in recreational fishing of all kinds has more than doubled from 284,000 people to about 600,000 people each year with about 34 percent of the population over five years old participating. Economically, recreational fisheries are important, contributing more

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than $570 million a year to the Australia’s economy and supporting an estimated 7,000 jobs. Freshwater and sea anglers in the United Kingdom were estimated at more than 3.5 million in 1994 and are also believed to be on the rise. Fishing seems to have a universal appeal, combining the sporting challenge with outdoor ambience and the accomplishment connected with landing a prize fish.

Early Methods and Equipment Early historians established that fish were first caught with bare hands and that early Persians included fish as part of their national diet, about 3000 BCE. The fish were caught most easily as tides receded, leaving fish flailing on dry beaches or caught in pools of water. A related method known as “tickling” is still practiced in many countries today, where the fisher leans over a pool of water, puts her hands under the fish and proceeds to tickle the belly of the fish. As the fish lazily relaxes with the tickling motion, the fisher makes a sudden grab with spread fingers, and tosses the fish to the riverbank or grassy area, where it can be collected for the evening dinner. Tickling is still popular, especially in the Rocky Mountain region of the United States, in late summer when the waters are low and fish have become trapped in pools near the sides of streams. Spear fishing is believed to be the next form of fishing; however, the valuable spears were too often lost in waters, leaving the hungry fisher without a catch to show for work and without the spear to try again. Harpooning was developed as a form of spear fishing—it allowed the implement to be used repeatedly, saving the spear, and enabling the fish to be hauled in efficiently. Today, harpooning, spear, and bow fishing are all practiced for sport. The Egyptians were the first people to use lines for fishing and a burr as a crude form of bait. Early Egyptian pictures from unearthed tombs depict men using a rod or fish pole with a line attached to catch the fish and a club to render the catch motionless upon hauling it to shore. Their lines were made from a vine, and the burr was attached to the end to attract the fish. Small

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An English fishing stream in winter.

fish would swallow the burr and were drug into the shore. Larger fish were often bludgeoned with a club as they got close to the shore. The Egyptians eventually replaced the vine with lines made from braided animal hair, and the burr with thornwood branches, increasing the range of the cast. They added hooks made from bone to keep the larger fish entangled and on the line. Later, the bone hooks were replaced by ivory, then bronze, iron, and eventually steel, as people from other nations began sharing techniques and materials through trade routes. In A History of the Fish Hook, Hans Jorgen Hurum reported discoveries of bone fishhooks as old as 20,000 years in Moravia and 8,000 years in Nordic countries. European explorers of North American found Native Americans using fishhooks made from wood, stone, and bone. Hurum also reported that early anglers used a gorge, a stick covered by bait, attached to the end of a line. The fish swallowed the baited stick lengthwise, and when the line was jerked tightly, the stick lodged crosswise, allowing the fish to be hauled to shore. The Chinese were known to have used braided silk for fishing lines by 900 BCE. India recorded using fish as food about 800 BCE, catching them chiefly with spears attached to vines, but also with braided hair or silk lines. About 500 BCE, records report Jewish men fishing with woven nets, collecting fish in vast numbers

and beginning the commercial trade with the excess fish hauled in. The first written accounts on fly casting were by Martial, a Roman (10 BCE–20 CE), and Aelian, an Italian (170–230 CE). Artificial bait (an imitation of a fly) is substituted for live lures such as bait fish or worms or grasshoppers. The first accounts of angling by a woman —Dame Juliana Berners in Treatyse of Fysshynge with an Angle—were published in 1496. Berners was an English nun and noblewoman who described both fishing and hunting techniques between 1420 and 1450, as entries in The Booke of St. Albans (1486), the first work published in the English language on hunting and sport. The detailed use of a rod and techniques useful in the sport of fly-casting were first included in a later edition (1496). The seventeenth century was a highly developmental period for angling equipment. Thomas Barker’s The Art of Angling (1651) included detailed drawings of a fishing reel, descriptions of artificial flies, and rods 18- to 22-feet long, with pleated horsehair tied to one end. Izaak Walton and Charles Cotton, in The Compleat Angler (1653), wrote about new tackle and methods of fishing using wire loops or rings attached at the tip end of the rod, to facilitate the untangled use of a running line for both casting and playing a hooked fish. Barker (1667) also refers to a salmon-fishing line of twenty-six yards and the refinement of the reel to manage the line without tangling. In response to the “ones that got away,” anglers began experimenting with material for the line, including gut string (Samuel Pepys, 1667) and of lute string (Robert Venables, 1676). In 1667, Barker also noted the use of a landing hook, called a gaff, for lifting large hooked fish from the water. Charles Kirby, a needle maker, began experimenting with shapes of the hook about 1650. He later invented the Kirby bend, a hook with an offset point that is still in common use worldwide. A rod with guides for the line along its length and a reel emerged by 1770. The earliest rendition of the reel was placed on the underside of the rod, and had gearing that resulted in several revolutions of the spool with

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Fishing The South Wind each crank of the handle. Its popularity was immediate, and became the prototype of the bait-casting reel developed in Kentucky in the early 1800s. On the other side of the Atlantic, the Nottingham reel, patterned after the wooden lace bobbin, was commonly used in Britain. A wide-drummed, ungeared, and free-running reel, the Nottingham was better suited for letting the line and lure float downstream with the current, or for casting lures into waves in deep-sea fishing. The Nottingham reel was the precursor design for today’s flyfishing reels. From 1880 onward, fishing equipment/tackle has been constantly evolving. Fishing line progressed from horsehair, to greased or oiled silk, and today is comprised of a variety of synthetic materials. Anglers found that greased lines floated, and were desired for topwater fishing. If grease or oil were not used on the lines, they would sink and attract deepwater prey. The changes in line composition allowed for greater distance in casting, and increased the anglers’ ability to use either wet or dry flies as bait for lures. In the Nottingham reel, the wooden spool was replaced by spools of hard rubber (ebonite), or by metallic substances. Lighter and evenly tempered crafter spools created a more freespinning effect, and resulted in the reels spinning so fast that the lines became tangled (referred to as an overrun or backlash). To resolve this problem, governors were created. The governor moves across the spool and evenly spreads the line as it is reeled. This fixed the tangling during the uptake of line, but failed to resolve the tangling during casting. In 1880, the Malloch Company (Scotland) introduced the first turntable reel. This reel left one side of the spool open, and turned 90 degrees (hence the name turntable)—or parallel with the rod—during casting, a position that allowed the line to slip easily and rapidly off the spool during the casting phase. For reeling line in, the spool was returned to its original position, perpendicular to the rod. Further reel refinement by Holden Illingworth, an English textile magnate, led to the fixed spool or spinning reel used today. The reel is positioned with the spool aligned with the rod, and usually has a metal guard that is

A FISHERMAN’S BLESSINGS O blessed drums of Aldershot! O blessed South-west train! O blessed, blessed Speaker’s clock, All prophesying rain! O blessed yaffil, laughing load! O blessed falling glass! O blessed fan of cold gray cloud! O blessed smelling grass! O bless’d South wind that toots his horn Through every hole and crack! I’m off at eight to-morrow morn To bring such fishes back! Source: Kingsley, C. (1901). A fisherman’s blessings. In H. Peek, (Ed.), Poetry of sport (p. 260). London: Longmans, Green, and Co.

flipped open during casting, but that closes for reeling. The gears are positioned at angles, so that the line is wound perpendicularly to the crank of the handle. In the twentieth century, with the industrial advances in artificial materials, rods became shorter and lighter without sacrificing strength. Split bamboo was replaced by fiberglass, and then by carbon fiber rods. By the 1930s, the fixed-spool reel was the tool of choice in Europe, and after World War II, in North America and the rest of the world, it created a boom in spin casting. Nylon monofilament and braided synthetic lines were developed in the late 1930s, and plastic coverings for fly lines allowed them to float or sink without greasing. Plastic also became the dominant material for artificial casting lures.

Organizing Competitive Fishing Around the World Freshwater fishing attracts most of the anglers in the United States and Canada; in other nations, saltwater fishing is the sport of choice—most likely because North America has more freshwater streams and lakes than most other continents do, and most of its populous lives further from saltwater. In the United States,

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Many men go fishing all of their lives without knowing that it is not fish they are after. ■ HENRY DAVID THOREAU

official angling competitions began when the Schuylkill Fishing Company was formed in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania (1732). Still in existence today as the Fish House Club, it is believed to be the oldest continuous sporting body in the United States. A national tournament was arranged in 1861, but details are sketchy about results or competition rules. The American Rod and Reel Association was founded in 1874, and the first U.S. national fly-casting tournament was staged in conjunction with the 1893 World’s Columbian Exposition in Chicago. The events were accuracy, accuracy fly, delicacy fly, long-distance bait, and long-distance fly-casting. In the early competitions, all casts were actually made on a lawn, to accurately measure distances because this measurement was not possible yet on water. After the fifth U.S. National Tournament, (1906), the National Association of Scientific Angling Clubs was formed (1906) and became the governing body of the sport of fly-casting. This group later (1960) changed its name to the American Casting Association. The years just before and during World War II were a boom for saltwater fishing. The growth of air travel after World War II made many areas of the world accessible to anglers and introduced them to new fish, such as the dorado of Argentina and the tigerfish of Central Africa. The International Game Fish Association (IGFA) was established in 1939 to promote and regulate big-game fishing, in collaboration between sportsmen from England, Australia, and the United States. Within a year, membership included two scientific institutions, ten member clubs, and twelve overseas representatives. Within ten years, it rose to ten scientific institutions, eighty member clubs, and representatives in forty-one areas of the world. The first overseas representatives were Clive Firth of Australia, and others from Nigeria, New Zealand, Bermuda, the Bahamas, Chile, Costa Rica, the Canal Zone, Cuba, Hawaii, Mexico, and Puerto Rico. Notables among early IGFA members and officers were authors Ernest Hemingway and Philip Wylie, and Charles M. Breder, Jr., Chairman of the Committee on Scientific Activities. In 1978, Field &

Stream magazine turned over the tracking of freshwater records to the IGFA. Today, the IGFA has many activities: ■ ■ ■ ■

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Supervises marine-fishing competitions Establishes the weight categories for lines Keeps championship records Promotes scientific study through the tagging of released fish to explore fish habitat patterns and monitor endangered species Sponsors both saltwater and freshwater competitive events Archives world fishing in the E. K. Harry Library of Fishes

The IGFA Fishing Hall of Fame and Museum in Dania Beach, Florida, contains more than 13,000 books and 150 outdoor and fishing magazines from many countries and in many languages (some from as early as the 1930s), and numerous videos and scientific documents about the sport. Halls of fame and museums are numerous, and contain facts and records about fishing and angling around the world. Many are aligned with a specific type of fish or angling competition. For example, the National Bass Fishing Hall of Fame is located in Hot Springs, Arkansas (www.probassfishinghof.com), and has artifacts, statistics, equipment, and photos about bass fishing. The Internation Big Fish Network (www.ibfn.org) is comprised of 1,600 organizations around the world, and links information on fishing associations and clubs, tournament dates and locations, boat builders and worldwide news, education, and advocacy actions in support of ocean fisheries. The Western Australia Maritime Museum (www.museum.wa.gov.au) has a section entitled “Hooked on Fishing” that has exhibits related to cultural and historical facts of fishing and angling, and includes methods developed by Aboriginal fisherman. Granville Island, Vancouver, Canada, lists among its museum collection: “Hardy Brothers Reels, Rare art, Fry Plates, Salmon Fishing History, Ralph Wahl Photographs” (www.sportfishingmuseum.com). The Amer-

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A father and son fishing on a lake. Source: istockphoto/fullvalue.

ican Museum of Fly Fishing (www.amff.com), in Manchester, Vermont, is an education institution dedicated to fly fishing. The National (US) Freshwater Fishing Hall of Fame and Museum in Hayward, Wisconsin, was organized (1960) to collect and display freshwater angling. It is especially attractive to children, with the building shaped like a giant fish (muskie). Visitors walk through and learn about the history of freshwater fishing, conservation efforts, the catch and release program, and other activities related to angling and fishing. The website also has educational information for kids, including photos for fish recognition, conservation information, and tying knots.

Types of Fishing Today Bait fishing refers to fishing with live bait such as worms, grasshoppers, or small fish. Lures are fake bait such as plastic worms or flashy metal lures (jigs, plugs, or spoons) that attract fish by darting movements as they are pulled through the water. Coined by bass fishermen in the 1960s, the term crankbait has been applied to hard-bodied lures made out of wood, plastic, foam, or other materials that simulate the wiggling, wobbling action of bait fish as it is cranked or reeled in. The avid bait angler has an assortment of lures in the tackle box. Fly-fishing uses a collection of strings, feathers, or other artificial materials, tied to resemble bugs that naturally inhabit lakes or streams and that provide food for fish in their environment. ■

Dry-fly fishing requires the angler to place the fly on the surface momentarily—and to create movement similar to that of a live fly flitting across the top of the water.

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Wet-fly fishing places the fly beneath the surface and requires less line management.

Artful anglers use the techniques according to the natural environmental conditions and the development of the bait during the seasons. Similarly, both fly and bait fishing require knowledge of the seasonal conditions and tastes of the prey, plus a wide array of flies, lures, and bait in varied colors to attract the most elusive prey. Whether using bait, lures, or flies, anglers practice the art of casting, or getting the fishing line from the pole to the place where the fish lie. Techniques for casting are many and combine the skill of placing the line artfully with an understanding of how fish swim, experiential knowledge of where they are likely to hide, and scientific knowledge of the flow of the waters in the stream or lake. Spin casting is considered the easier method, using a reel that releases the line with the cast and the weight of the lure or bait. Fly casting is considered the more difficult sport because of the light weight of the fly and longer line, which is hand fed with each arm movement. Fly-casting line is often heavy and colored at the reel end, and gradually slims and is colorless at the lure end, to allow the angler to see the flight pattern of the line, while not alarming the fish near the fly.

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Fishing The Spirituality of Fishing, 1606 An extract from A Booke of Angling or Fishing. Wherein is shewed, by conference with Scriptures, the agreement between the Fisherman, Fishes, Fishing of both natures, Temporall and Spirituall by Samuel Gardiner, 1606. Every Fisher-man hath his proper baytes, agreeable to the nature of those fishes that hee trowleth or angleth for. For at a bare hooke no Fish will bite. The caseworme, the dewe-worme, the gentile, the flye, the small Roache, and suche-like, are for their turnes according to the nature of the waters, and the times, and the kindes of fishes. Whoso fisheth not with a right bayte, shall neuer do good. Wee that are sprituall fishermen, haue our seurall baites suitable to the stomackes we angle for. If we obserue not the natures of our auditors, and fit ourselves to them, we shall not do wisely. Let such as will not bee led by love bee drawne by feare. But with some the spirit of meeknes will doe most, and loue rather than a rodde doth

In fly-casting tournaments, the target usually is a rubber circle about thirty inches in diameter. For accuracy casting tests, five rings are placed about five feet apart, and the competitor tries for a bull’s-eye in each. Normally, the competitor is permitted two casts at each ring and a total time limit of about eight minutes for all the casts. In accuracy casting, ties are possible because the winner is determined by an aggregate of points scored. Distance events start with a target being placed at medium range, and then moved progressively with each competitor’s successful cast. This is head-to-head competition, with the winner being the competitor who successfully hits the furthest target. Categories are created based upon the weight and type of bait, bug, fly, or plug in both distance and accuracy events. They are also divided by water—either saltwater (billfish, tuna, shark, or other ocean catch) or freshwater (trout, bass, catfish, stripers, pike, muskies, salmon, steelhead, and others)—and sometimes by the specific type of freshwater or saltwater fish found in

more good and we shall do indiscreetly, to deale roughly with such. For as the water of a spacious and deepe lake, being still and quiet by nature, by ruffling windes is moued and disquieted; so a people tractable by nature, by the rough behauiour of the Minister may be as much turmoyled and altered from his nature. The fisherman baiteth not his hook that the fish might only take it, but be taken of it. The red-worme, the case-worme, maggot-flies, small flie, small roche, or such like, are glorious in outward appearance to the fish. So the riches, prioritie, authoritie, of the world, are but pleasant bayts laid out for our destruction. The fisherman’s bayte is a deadly deceite: so are all the pleasures of the world. As all the waters of the riuers runne into the salt sea, so all worldly delights, in the saltish sea of sorrows finish their course. Wherefore mistrust worldly benefits as baites, and feed not upon them in hungry wise.

those waters. Men’s records date back to the 1890s, and women’s records begin in the early 1920s.

Freshwater Fishing Freshwater fish come a variety of sizes and shapes. Most commonly known freshwater game fish include bass, bluegill, trout, salmon, catfish, and crappies, commonly known as panfish. More hearty anglers seek out trophy-sized species like pike, muskie, walleye, and sturgeon. Peter Dubuc’s 46-pound, 2-ounce pike caught in 1940 in New York’s Sacandaga Lake is the North American record. A fish mounted in Michigan’s tourism office weighed 193 pounds and was speared through the ice by Joe Maka in 1974. Such monster fish are rarely caught, with habitats in the dark, deepest parts of the Great Lakes. Canadian biologists have records of lake sturgeon reaching 212, 220, 236, and 275 pounds. Improved electronics and sonar tracking may eventually lead to new record catches in the Great Lakes regions of the United States and Canada.

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Fishing is much more than fish. It is the great occasion when we may return to the fine simplicity of our forefathers. ■ HERBERT HOOVER

Freshwater angling is alluring, and both men and women have contributed to its rich history. Cornelia T. Crosby (1854–1946), a guide in the Maine woods for almost seventy years, was credited with catching more fish with a fly than anyone before her. She is credited as the pioneer of the short skirt (seven inches above the ground) to avoid entangling her submerged feet, as well as with starting the tradition of hooking flies around the band of her hat. Known as “Fly Rod” Crosby from her column The Maine Woods, she was commissioned to carry custom-made rods and write travel brochures for the railroads of the region. Today, the clothing and outfitting of anglers is a multibillion-dollar industry, which continues to develop new gear to make all types of fishing more comfortable and convenient. Crosby’s contemporary was Mary Orvis-Marbury, whose fly tying and recording of the flies used by anglers in the United States (Favorite Flies and Their Histories, 1893) inspired the founding of the Orvis Company, known for fishing apparel, equipment, and tackle. The first Woman Flyfisher’s Club (1932) formed by Julia Fairchild and Frank Connell is credited for modern conservation efforts. Angling is also a lifetime activity. For example, Joan Salvato captured her first title at the age of eleven, held the women’s dry fly accuracy record from1943 to 1946, and recaptured the title in 1951. By age thirty-four, she had seventeen national and one international records, held a distance record of 161 feet and was the first woman to win the distance event against all male competitors. Salvato and her husband Lee Wulff established the Joan and Lee Wulff Fishing School and wrote several books and a monthly feature for Fly Rod & Reel.

Saltwater and Big-Game Fishing Big-game fishing emerged as competitive sport as the motorized boat emerged as a recreational vehicle. Noteworthy to its development was C. F. Holder, who hooked a 183-pound bluefin tuna near Santa Catalina Island, California in 1898. Saltwater big-game fish include tuna, marlin, swordfish, and shark. Big-game competitions include not just catching the biggest fish, but doing so on the lightest tackle and line. Equipment in-

cludes massive rods with butts fitted into sockets mounted on the chair of fighting seats, into which anglers can be strapped. Reels are large with Dacron or Terylene line, and wire leader near the hook. Billfish (including swordfish, marlin, spearfish, and sailfish) are considered some of the most exciting species for ocean anglers. W. C. Boshen caught the first recorded broadbill swordfish in 1913, and only about 800 catches have been recorded catches since. The Sian Ka’an Biosphere Reserve along the Caribbean coast of eastern Mexico is renowned as a fly-fishing and light-tackle capital of the world for bonefish, permit, and tarpon. Saltwater fishing also abounds around the Pacific Rim, Australia, and New Zealand and in the Atlantic Ocean, south of Bermuda.

Record Catches As in freshwater fishing, both men and women are active competitors. Helen Lerner became the first woman to haul a broadbill out of both the Atlantic and the Pacific Oceans, with one being a 570-pounder, caught off the coast of Peru, in 1936. She later received a gold medal from France’s Academie des Sports for catching the first giant tuna on a rod and reel off the coast of Brittany. Helen and her husband Michael Lerner are both known for their scientific contributions to the study and recording of the diet and migratory patterns of many of the ocean’s game fish—inviting scientists on their expeditions—and were instrumental in the formation of the IGFA. Michael served as its president from1941 to 1960. The albacore tuna is prized by saltwater anglers for its fighting spirit and tenacity against being landed once hooked. The women’s bluefin tuna record is 886 pounds, by Gertrude Collings (1970). The IGFA AllTackle Record Bluefin Tuna (Thunnus thynnus) weighed 1,496 pounds, caught by Ken Fraser of Prince Edward Island, Aulds Cove, Nova Scotia, Canada in 1979. Another of the great saltwater catches is the marlin. Although not in the official IGFA records (sharks bit the fish at the boat), Zane Grey, author and world traveler, caught the first “grander,” a 1,040-pound blue marlin

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There’s a fine line between fishing and just standing on the shore like an idiot. ■ STEVEN WRIGHT

off Tahiti (1930). Another 1,000-plus pound marlin wasn’t landed for twenty-two years. The largest fish (by weight) caught by a woman (Kimberly Wiss, 1954) was a black marlin weighing 1,525 pounds hooked off the coast of Peru. Such accomplishments require hours of constant battle between fish and fisher—the woman’s record for the longest single-handed fight with a tuna was 11.5 hours (Francis Low, Nova Scotia, 1936), and justifiably, fishing competitions aren’t categorized just by size. Sometimes records amass over a year; for example, in 1936, Georgia McCoy of Los Angeles set a record for the number and gross weight of tuna captured in one year —fifteen fish for an aggregate weight of 5,284 pounds. Of a lighter nature, the bonefish is prized because of its skittish nature (record catches are only around 12 to 13 pounds) and is rarely caught with a cast less than 80 feet. Bill Smith, of Florida was the first recorded person to catch a bonefish on a fly (1939), and his wife “Bonefish Bonnie” Smith, was the first woman to accomplish the same feat. Keeping the records in the family, Bonnie’s sister Frankee Albright set a record by catching a 48.5-pound tarpon on 12-pound test line and guided others to bonefish, in the shadow of her sister’s feats. In 1993, Deborah Dunaway, of Texas, became the first angler (male or female) in sport-fishing history to collect all IGFA billfish world records; by 1994, she held thirty world records.

Further Reading American Sportfishing Association. (2005). Retrieved March 30, 2005, from http://www.asafishing.org/asa/statistics/index.html Australian Annual Fisheries Report. (2003). Retrieved March 30, 2005, from http://www.fish.wa.gov.au/annualreport/ar2003/oroutput/ roprec01.html Bignami, L. (2004). Fine fishing. Fine Fishing, Fine Travel Internet Magazines. http://www.finefishing.com Bucher, J. (1999). Joe Bucher’s crankbait secrets: The first complete guide to fishing with crankbaits. Iola, WI: Krause. Foggia, L. (1995). Reel women: The world of women who fish. Hillsboro, OR: Beyond Words. Griffin, S. A. (1996). The fishing sourcebook. Guilford, CT: Globe Pequot Press. Hurum, H. J. (1977). A history of the fish hook and the story of Mustad, the hook maker. London: Adams and Charles Black. International Game Fish Association (IGFA). Retrieved from http:// www.igfa.org/history.asp Menke, F. G., & Treat, S. (1975). The encyclopedia of sports: 5th revised edition. Cranbury, NJ: A. S. Barnes. Morris, H. (Ed.). (1998). Uncommon waters:Women write about fishing. Seattle, WA: Seal Press. National Freshwater Fishing Hall of Fame and Museum. Retrieved from http://www.freshwater-fishing.org/museum.html Rutter, M. & Card, D. (1997). Fly fishing made easy: A manual for beginners with tips for the experienced. Old Saybrook, CT: Globe Pequot Press. Sherman, B. (2004). History of fishing. Retrieved on August 30, 2004, from http://www.oldmaster85.com/history _ of _ fishing.htm U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service, National Survey of Fishing, Hunting and Wildlife-Associated Recreation. Retrieved on August 30, 2004, from http://federalaid.fws.gov/surveys/surveys.html#survey _ highlights Wellner, A. S. (1997). Americans at play: Demographics of outdoor recreation and travel. Ithaca, NY: New Strategist. Wulff, J. S. (1991). Joan Wulff’s fly fishing: Expert advice from a woman’s perspective. Mechanicsburg, PA: Stackpole. Zepatos, T. (1994). Adventures in good company: The complete guide to women’s tours and outdoor trips. Portland, OR: Eighth Mountain Press.

Finding Fishing Facts For more angling records, contact the IGFA Hall of Fame or, for female specific information, the International Women’s Fishing Association (IWFA) Hall of Fame or Bass ’n Gal (founded in 1976) and its affiliated clubs throughout the United States and Canada. The IGFA, the American Bass Association, the American Casting Association, and the Billfish Foundation sponsor competitive men’s events. National environmental agencies provide web links to statistics about types of fish around the world. Debra Ann Ballinger See also Hunting

Fitness

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he worlds of sport and fitness have been intertwined since the beginning of sport itself. From the first competitive road race to the first game of basketball, the concepts of sport and physical fitness have played a major role in shaping human culture. Although there is no definitive beginning in regard to the history of sports, there has been a growing participation in all aspects of sports and recreation since the

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German schoolboys exercising in the early twentieth century.

1970s. This trend toward the improvement of overall health and fitness continues to grow. As the search for health expands, a debate as to what optimal fitness really is continues.

Components of Fitness Fitness, itself, is composed of four different elements: cardiorespiratory endurance, muscular fitness, flexibility, and body composition. Cardiorespiratory endurance, or aerobic fitness, relates to the body’s capacity to absorb, transport, and use oxygen during work or exercise. As the body is trained to endure a greater cardiovascular workload, the heart and lungs become stronger thereby increasing an individual’s endurance. A marathon runner would be a prime example of an athlete with a high level of aerobic conditioning. Muscular fitness can be best described as a balance of strength and endurance. Muscular strength is the body’s ability to generate force at a given speed of movement. Muscular endurance refers to the ability of the body to repeat movements and resist muscular fatigue. A better way to distinguish between muscular strength and endurance would to imagine lifting a fiftypound weight just one time—strength—versus lifting a five-pound weight ten times—endurance. Flexibility is often the most overlooked component of physical fitness. Flexibility is the range of motion around a joint or a group of joints. Range of motion is limited primarily by the amount of soft tissue, including muscle and the joint capsule, surrounding the joint. A

gymnast would rely on his or her flexibility as well as strength to complete a strenuous tumbling routine without injury. Body composition is the fourth and final component of fitness. There are two distinct elements with body composition: fat mass and lean body mass. Fat mass, as it implies, is the percentage of fat, both essential and nonessential, that makes up an individual’s body. Essential fat can be found in bone marrow, nerve tissue and in various internal organs. Woman have a significantly greater percentage of essential body fat, around 12 percent, than men, around 4 percent, due to the demands of child bearing. Nonessential fat can be found subcutaneously, or beneath the skin, and is primarily used for excess body fat storage. “Based on data from physically active young adults, it would be desirable . . . to strive for a body fat content of 15% for men (certainly less than 20%) and about 25% for women (less than 30%)” (McArdle et. al. 1996, 570). Lean mass, on the other hand, is comprised of everything in the human body other than fat, such as muscle mass, bone mass, and the weight of the internal organs. An ideal body composition, therefore, would be an individual possessing a healthy body fat percentage: 15–20 percent for men and 25–30 percent for women. These four components are essential for maintaining optimal health and fitness while preventing injury and muscular imbalances. Imagine a long-distance runner who spends her training time running without any regard for strengthening or stretching.While her cardiorespiratory endurance and body composition are favorable, she neglects her muscular strength and flexibility and can possibly set herself up for serious injury in the future. Along similar lines, imagine an amateur bodybuilder who spends a large amount of time lifting weights and increasing muscle mass, but who neglects his cardiovascular health and flexibility. He, too, increases his chance of injury by ignoring two very important components of fitness.

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The will to win is important, but the will to prepare is vital. ■ JOE PATERNO

While it is ideal to have a balance of cardiorespiratory endurance, muscular strength and endurance, flexibility, and a favorable body composition, it is not something that is easily attainable. Good health takes work, but it does not have to resemble work.

Sports and Influence on Culture Sports have played a vital role in the development of culture, both in present and ancient societies. Fitness, however, did not come into mainstream culture as a way to improve health until the 1970s. The concept of fitness was abstract and was more a means to an end, or put more simply, fitness was a necessary component to becoming a better athlete. Consider the ancient Mayan civilization in Central America. The Mayan sport of choice was a precursor to basketball. One difference between the modern version of basketball and the Mayan version was that the winning team would lose

their lives. Whereas a winning team today would receive a trophy, the winning team in those times would be sacrificed as a tribute to the gods and would consider it an honor to be sacrificed Each society and each period in history will interpret the importance of sports and fitness differently. The post–Civil War era of the United States ushered in a time where sports and fitness were a primary source of socializing. Gymnasiums and playing fields were capable of bringing people together when traditional methods may not have been able. Gymnastics, calisthenics, baseball, football, track and field, rowing, boxing, tennis, and golf were not just seen as a way to improve an individual’s health and fitness, rather, and more importantly, these were seen as ways for people to gather and exchange ideas. Similarly, the development of German society in the 1930s and 1940s used fitness and athletics as one way for people to gather, socialize, and

Fitness Bathing in Ancient Rome In the days of Martial and Juvenal, under Domitian, and still under Trajan, there was no formal prohibition of mixed bathing. Women who objected to this promiscuity could avoid the thermae and bathe in balneae provided for their exclusive use. But many women were attracted by the sports which preceded the bath in the thermae, and rather than renounce this pleasure preferred to compromise their reputation and bathe at the same time as the men. As the thermae grew in popularity, this custom produced an outcropping of scandals which could not leave the authorities undisturbed.To put an end to them, sometime between the years 117 and 138 Hadrian passed the decree mentioned in the Historia Augusta which separated the sexes in the baths: “lavacra pro sexibus separavit.” But since the plan of the thermae included only one frigidarium, one tepidarium, and one cal-

darium, it is clear that this separation could not be achieved in space, but only in time, by assigning different hours for the men’s and women’s baths. This was the solution enforced, at a great distance from Rome, it is true, but also under the reign of Hadrian, by the regulations of the procurators of the imperial mines at Vipasca in Lusitania. The instructions issued to the conductor or lessee of the balnea in this mining district included the duty of heating the furnaces for the women’s baths from the beginning of the first to the end of the seventh hour, and for the men’s from the beginning of the eight hour of day to the end of the second hour of night. The dimension of the Roman thermae made impossible the lighting which an exactly similar division of times would have required. Caropino, J. (1940). Daily life in Ancient Rome; the people and the city at the height of the Empire. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.

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German school girls exercising in the early twentieth century.

share ideas. The Nazis used these gatherings as a way of spreading their idea throughout the country, proving that sports and fitness— when used for political ends—can be a powerful force in society. The long-reaching effects of both find their way into the culture of a nation and into their history.

The Modern Olympic Games The Olympic Games are the foremost sporting events in the world. They attract people from all countries to compete against each other in the spirit of competition and fellowship. Because of this the Olympics have an enormous impact on the continued development of society. For example, the first Olympic Games took a very different shape from the present modern Games. The primary difference was that the first games were only for men. Women were not allowed to witness the games, let alone compete, under penalty of death. Although much has changed, the birth of the modern Olympic movement in 1896 continued the tradition of only allowing men to compete. The thought at the time was that athletic competition was detrimental to a woman’s health. Since then, that idea has been dispelled and as one of the results of the women’s rights movement, women’s events gradually have been added to the Games. However, it was not until 1984 that women were allowed to run Olympic distances greater than 1,500 meters. Much has changed, but the ideals that gave birth to the Games still prevail. Sportsmanship, athleticism, honor, and pride continue to form the backbone of the Olympics, and these traits translate into every language and into every culture. The modern Olympic Games have the unique opportunity to showcase sports and fitness to the world. Ideally, the athletes participating in the Games exhibit the physical and moral excellence necessary to compete against the world’s best athletes. The Olympics have become an inspiration to the young. They have also encouraged the nontraditional athlete. Picture an

Olympic athlete. Most often, a young man or woman, physically fit will come to mind. The Special Olympics have made it possible for athletes with varying physical and intellectual abilities to compete against each other with the same ideals as the traditional modern Olympic Games. There are also games for master’s athletes, for those over the age of forty. Gone is the traditional image of the Olympic athlete. The ideals of the Olympic Games are far reaching and do much to demolish the notion that athletes fit into one mold. With these ideals the world of health and fitness becomes more mainstream, more accessible, and socially acceptable.

The Fitness Boom While the worlds of sports and fitness are intertwined, it was not until the 1970s that popular culture was ready to accept fitness as eagerly as it had accepted sports. Fitness had not yet taken on its importance for improving health, and popular opinion likened fitness to work and manual labor. In the 1940s and 1950s, few participated in fitness willingly. Among those who did were Jack LaLanne, Victor Tanny, Joseph Gold, Joseph Weider, and Les and Abbye “Pudgy” Stockton. These fitness pioneers, among others, drew people to the beach in Santa Monica, California—the original Muscle Beach. Visitors came to watch their feats of strength and acrobatic displays. More and more viewers became participants, and these people, originally on the fringe, became a part of the cultural mainstream. Jack LaLanne, Vic Tanny, and Joe Gold all started gym chains with bodybuilding as their main focus. Due to

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The winners in life treat their body as if it were a magnificent spacecraft that gives them the finest transportation and endurance for their lives. ■ DENIS WAITLEY

the influence of Abbye “Pudgy” Stockton, women were introduced to the muscularity and strength that came with bodybuilding. No longer reserved for just for “strongmen,” bodybuilding brought about a change in the mindsets of all those who visited Muscle Beach. From the seeds planted at the Santa Monica came Venice Beach, the home to bodybuilding legends Arnold Schwarzenegger, Frank Zane, and many, many more. Venice Beach in the 1970s brought with it a fitness explosion across the globe. Not only did bodybuilding become mainstream, but the popular opinion of fitness changed dramatically. Americans in the 1970s would do anything to improve their health and fitness. Sports and athletics grew in the 1970s as well. Women became increasingly more interest in participating in sports; however, very little funding was available for the development of woman’s athletics. A landmark law was passed in 1972. Part of a series of educational amendments, “Title IX,” legislated gender equity in athletics. Not only were women becoming more active and more physically fit, a law now existed that called for equal funding and equal opportunity for female athletes. On 21 September 1973, female tennis star Billie Jean King defeated Bobby Riggs in the firstever winner-take-all “Battle of the Sexes” tennis match. The hoopla surrounding this event—and its outcome— provided even more incentive for women to become involved with sports and fitness. By 1977, a record 87.5 million U.S. adults over the age of eighteen claimed to be involved in some sort of athletic activity. The fitness industry continued its growth into the 1980s. Gym owners tailored their facilities to attract customers and new gyms opened around the United States and around the world. A healthy lifestyle was becoming a part of popular culture. No longer was it unfashionable to be athletic, strong, or healthy. With the development of new technology, health and fitness were able to make their way into homes. Fitness tapes became available in the early 1980s and continue to encourage those to whom a gym or health facility may not be accessible. Innovators such as Jane Fonda and Richard Simmons were able to bring their exercise programs to a new population. Joe Weider became a sig-

nificant force in bringing health, fitness, and bodybuilding as close as the mailbox through his magazines and pamphlets. Because of fitness pioneers such as Weider, Gold, Fonda, and Simmons, fitness continues to play a significant role in modern society. The importance of being in good health and physically fit has made and continues to have an impact.

Current and Emerging Trends in Fitness Fitness is a constantly changing field. There are always new machines, methods, and theories aimed at improving the quality of life. Fitness fads may come and go, but there have been several trends in fitness that have lasted several decades and continue to grow in popularity. Aerobic exercise has always formed the backbone of the fitness industry. Running, step aerobics, dance-type aerobics, boxing, kickboxing, and spinning, an indoor cycling class set to music, have all emerged as mainstays in health and fitness facilities. Their popularity continues to grow. Aquatic exercise has also increased in popularity. Water has the unique ability to allow cardiovascular and muscular improvements with little stress on the joints of the body. Aquatic exercise is no longer just swimming laps; almost every class that can be done on land is now being done in the water. Running, spinning, step aerobics, and even strengthening can all be done in the water. With the improvement of health care and longer life spans, older adult exercise has expanded and has also become a necessity to maintain a positive quality of life. Not only are older adults engaging in exercise to maintain and improve health, they are taking part in competitive road races, cycling races, and bodybuilding competitions. Age barriers no longer exist and because of this, fitness classes geared toward the older population are widespread. As grandparents and great-grandparents take part in sports and fitness, they set an example for younger generations. These younger generations have the benefit of improved technology and more abundant food, and

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Fitness Finding Motivation for Fitness Many things motivate an individual to improve his or her fitness level. For some, it can be a personal best time and for others, it can be the chance to emulate their favorite professional athlete. Whatever the case, finding the motivation to exercise is pivotal in obtaining your desired fitness level. Setting a goal is one easy way to find the motivation to improve your fitness. Deciding to lose weight can be a very powerful motivator. This is evident in the amount of money that is spent each year on weight loss products and fitness equipment. Upwards of $50 billion is spent each year on health and fitness. That is motivation. Other forms of motivation can take the form of admiration and imitation of professional athletes. Whole advertising campaigns are built around them. Pictures of athletes are put on cereal boxes. Athletes endorse clothing or product lines. More importantly, the training programs of these same athletes are used as the gold standard for physical fitness in their par-

with these things—and a more sedentary lifestyle— come the increased chance that they will live a less healthy lifestyle than their active older family members. The fitness field combats this possibility of unhealthy living with sports and fitness programs geared toward children and young adults. This fitness trend is now faced with the challenge of improving the heath of future generations and has the opportunity to encourage a lifetime of healthy habits. But the greatest transformation in the fitness field has been the growth of the mind-and-body exercises. There has been a shift toward gentler, more introspective exercises that also contribute to improving cardiovascular health while increasing flexibility and muscular strength. Yoga and pilates would fall into this category of exercise. Yoga has its roots in ancient India (from around 2800 BCE) and focuses on breathing and mindfulness during a practice of held poses. Pilates, on the other hand, was developed by Joseph H. Pilates (1880– 1967) around 1926. Pilates’ method involved a unique

ticular sport. Chris Carmichael, Lance Armstrong’s cycling coach since 1990, has marketed his training programs to encourage new and seasoned riders to improve themselves. Motivation for some can be to ride like Lance. Motivation can also be a personal and private thing. There are individuals who look at a sport and say, “I can do that.” This internal motivation has encouraged the growth of competitive, nonprofessional athletes or, as they may be called, “Weekend Warriors.” These athletes have nothing to prove to anyone else; they are proving over and over again to themselves that they are capable and strong enough to do their sport and to improve themselves. These athletes are the ones at the starting line of a marathon, of a triathlon, or of their own personal Tour de France. These athletes are the ones who are motivating their family and friends so that they can also say, “I can do that.”

Annette C. Nack

series of stretching and strengthening exercises. Both yoga and pilates use an individual’s breath and selfawareness as the focus of exercise. Aside from the obvious strength and flexibility benefits, these mind and body exercises are popular for their stress relieving qualities.

The Future Sports and fitness have taken on many different forms through the ages and will continue to do so until every human has reached his or her optimal health and fitness level. Until then, fitness will continue to evolve and will continue to exert its influence over society and culture. “Play”-specific fitness is becoming more common as people are putting more focus into their free time as their work schedules become more hectic. For example, a man interested in tennis is getting involved with tennis-specific workouts along with playing tennis. Fitness is becoming sport-specific and more common in an everyday commercial gym.

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There is also the dramatic increase in adults becoming involved in marathons, triathlons, biathlons, and century rides. Those sports that were once reserved for elite athletes are now just one item on a list of lifetime goals.

Zinkin, H., & Hearn, B. (1999). Remembering Muscle Beach: Where hard bodies began. Santa Monica, CA: Angel City Press.

Fitness Industry

Annette C. Nack See also Diet and Weight Loss; Fitness Industry; Nutrition; Performance

Further Reading Arnot, R., & Gaines, C. (1984). Sports selection: The first system that shows you how to test, choose, train for the sport that’s right for you. NY: The Viking Press. Bondi,V. (1995). American decades: 1970–1979. Detroit, MI: Gale Research. Bondi,V. (1996). American decades: 1980–1989. Detroit, MI: Gale Research. Cotton, R. T., Ekeroth, C. J., & Yancy, H. (1998). Exercises for older adults: The American Council on Exercise’s guide for fitness professionals. Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics. Feuerstein, G., & Wilber, K. (2001). Yoga tradition: History, religion, philosophy and practice. New Delhi, India: Hohm Press. Findling, J. E., & Pelle, K. D. (1996). Historical dictionary of the modern Olympic movement. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. Fraser, T. (2001). Total yoga: A step-by-step guide to yoga at home and for everybody. London,: Duncan Baird Publishers. Gaines, A. (2000). Female stars of physical fitness. Bear, DE: Mitchell Lane Publishers. Galloway, J. (2002). Galloway’s book on running. Bolinas, CA: Shelter Publications. Hoffmann, F. W., & Bailey, W. G. (1991). Sports and recreation fads. Binghamton, NY: The Hayworth Press. Mangi, R., Jokl, P., & Dayton, O. W. (1987). Sports fitness and training. NY: Pantheon Books. McArdle, W. D., Katch, F. I., & Katch,V. L. (1996). Exercise physiology: Energy, nutrition, & human performance. Baltimore, MD: Williams and Wilkins. Miller, D. (2003). Athens to Athens: The official history of the Olympic games and the IOC 1894–2004. Edinburgh, UK: Mainstream Publishing Company. Nesbitt, J. A., & Driscoll, J. (1995). Sports, everyone! Recreation and sports for the physically challenged of all ages. Cleveland, OH: Conway Greene Publishing Company. Powell, P. (2000). Trailblazers of physical fitness. Bear, DE: Mitchell Lane Publishers. Roitman, J. L. (1998). The American Council on Sports Medicine’s resource manual for guidelines for exercise testing and prescription. Baltimore, MD: Williams and Wilkins. Rose, M. M. (2001). Muscle Beach: Where the best bodies in the world started a fitness revolution. NY: St. Martin’s Press. Shephard, R. J. (1997). Aging, physical activity, and health. Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics. Siler, B. (2000). The pilates body. NY: Broadway Books. Stanley, G. K. (1996). Rise and fall of the sportswoman:Woman’s health, fitness and athletics 1860–1940. NY: Lang, Peter Publishing.

F

itness means more than just being fit. Fitness has become a huge and successful industry. Some of the ideologies and promises that are attached to fitness have a long tradition, but it is still a growing market with an expanding variety of manifestations. What kind of product is fitness, and how did some of the early practices of aerobic and muscular fitness evolve?

Fitness: Commercial Product or (“Induced”) Sport? “Fitness” refers both to biological and social adaptiveness. Fitness usually means striving for and achieving a good physical condition. Fitness means having enough energy. A person who is fit is able to carry out daily tasks without limitations; for example, being able to walk the stairs without becoming exhausted. Fitness may refer to a variety of physical capacities, such as agility, balance, power, speed, a healthy heart and lungs, good flexibility, muscular strength, and endurance. It is about muscle size, body contour, body composition (how much muscle and fat you have), and body symmetry. To summarize, we may distinguish three definitions of fitness: ■

■

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Muscular fitness, generally by means of strength training (weight lifting), mainly directed to enlarging, building, and reinforcing the muscles Aerobic fitness (or cardiovascular/respiratory fitness), primarily to develop the circulation of oxygen through the body, and which conditions the heart and lungs Flexibility through gymnastics and stretching (calisthenics) to increase the suppleness of muscles and joints

These different types of fitness also correspond to the origin and emergence of different kinds of exercises.

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Later on we will discuss the specific origins and histories of muscular and aerobic fitness. Several historians who have studied fitness dealt with their subject in a wide sense. Whorton (1982), Green (1988), and Goldstein (1992) discuss in their books on the history of fitness such subjects as dieting, smoking, alcohol use, vegetarianism, fletcherism (systematic chewing), nudism, tourism, spa resorts, massage, scouting, town development, and even furniture design. In their work, fitness refers to the general individual quest for physical and mental well-being. Around each of these manifestations of fitness a whole branch of industry has developed. In this article we discuss fitness in a more narrow sense, primarily as physical exercises.

“INDUCED SPORTS” Physical education and fitness have been described as “induced sports.” In other words, they are generally organized by state organizations and are intended to reinforce the strength and health of the state’s population. Health policies are being developed to reduce diseases such as high blood pressure, coronary artery disease, and diabetes. These are considered typically modern diseases of developed countries. This attention to lack of exercise and related health risks is, however, not just a modern phenomenon. In 1725 the Scottish physician George Cheyne (1671–1743) published An Essay on Health and Long Life. According to Cheyne, the upper classes, in particular “the Rich, the Lazy, the Luxurious, and the Unactive,” were threatened by a lack of exercise, a surplus of food, intoxicating drinks, and urban lifestyles. Cheyne may be considered a pioneer of “induced sport,” using sport for purposes of health and weight loss. Cheyne (who at one time weighed more than 470 pounds himself) gave advice on a healthy diet and on the best way of keeping fit.

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countries. At the same time a slender body and a healthy, toned appearance have become assets in the competition for jobs and sexual partners. The social pressure for self-control concerning food and physical activity has increased while the cultural tolerance for body fat has decreased. These cultural changes have helped revolutionize the fitness industry. Through a combination of sophisticated marketing, its omnipresence in cities worldwide, and the use of highly technologized equipment (with parameters that tell you how “fit” you are), the industry has transformed itself into a successful modern marketing product. With the flexibility and adaptability to be introduced into a variety of contexts, including working environments, fitness puts the individual participant into the position of a consumer in the market for sport goods and services.

Origins of “Muscular Fitness” Ancient Greeks used weights and resistance exercises to build the human body. Their equipment can be considered the forerunners of modern halters and dumbbells. In the early nineteenth century Johann Christoph Friedrich GutsMuths and “Turnvater” Friedrich Ludwig Jahn incorporated resistance training into physicaleducation programs in school. In 1840 Hippolyte Triat opened the largest gym in the world in Brussels and a decade later opened an enormous gymnasium in Paris. Many of Paris’s most distinguished citizens signed up for classes (Todd 1995). Other important fitness educators of that time were Dudley Allen Sargent and Gustav Zander. They were pioneers in creating systematic methods for mechanized physical training. The machines they built were also used as preventive measures against the threats of a sedentary life. At the same time, these machines contributed to “a subtle redefinition of masculinity” (Thomas de la Peña 2002).

A MODERN SUCCESS STORY The quest for well-being through physical exercise has increased dramatically since the 1970s. Ample available food, a decrease in heavy physical labor, and the motorization of transport have resulted in sedentary lifestyles and the fattening of the population in wealthy

ADVENT OF STRONG MEN Bodybuilding became popular in the late nineteenth century. From the second half of the nineteenth century onward, “strong men” were able not only to promote themselves on stage but also to market strength courses,

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Shouda, coulda, and woulda won’t get it done.

sport institutes, food, clothing, and equipment that carried their name. These strength courses and equipment had much in common with practices in the related fields of physical education and physiotherapy. Internationally, the earliest successful “strong man” and founder of a fitness business was Eugen Sandow (1867–1925). Other well-known people who succeeded him were Bernarr Macfadden (1868–1955), Charles Atlas (1893– 1972) and Bob Hoffman (1898–1985). The promotion tour that Eugen Sandow made through Europe in the 1880s, for example, led to the founding of many clubs for strength sports. Sandow established a chain of Institutes of Physical Culture in London and Boston and developed and marketed equipment for strength training, including a chest expander and a spring-grip dumbbell, a light halter to train the grip as well as the biceps. Another typical story of the time concerns the method of muscle training called Maxalding. Max Sick, born in Germany in 1882, was also a pioneer in bodybuilding. Sick was a very small, sickly boy, who tried to compensate for his physical insecurities by extreme attention to his body. In 1909 he moved to London and changed his name in Maxick. In 1911 he published the book, How to become a Great Athlete, in which he put down his methods for a “natural training of the body” without the use of instruments. Sick was able to control each muscle of his body independently and without the use of equipment.The way in which these training methods spread through Europe was typical for this period. Important also was the role of advertisements in journals like Health & Strength, The Strand Magazine, and Bernarr Macfadden’s journal Physical Culture. Macfadden was Sandow’s most successful successor. He became inspired to build his own body after having seen Sandow perform. His magazine Physical Culture had more than 100,000 subscribers in 1900 (one year after its introduction) and more than 340,000 by the 1930s. Macfadden became one of the largest publishers in the United States; during his lifetime he wrote close to 150 books. His magnum opus was Macfadden’s Encyclopedia of Physical Culture (1911).

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Sandow and Macfadden were also the organizers and promoters of the first large-scale bodybuilding competitions. In 1901 Sandow’s Great Competition took place in the overcrowded Royal Albert Hall in London. This event was followed in 1903 by Macfadden’s contest for “The World’s Most Perfectly Developed Man” in New York, with a prize of $1,000 for the winner—won by Charles Atlas. In talent for marketing, however, Sandow and Macfadden were surpassed by Atlas and his business partner, Charles P. Roman. Atlas acquired fame after winning Macfadden’s “The World’s Most Handsome Man” contest twice, in 1921 and 1922, and went on to use these titles to market his Total Health and Fitness Program, which still thrives today. Bob Hoffman is considered the most influential figure for the adoption of weight training in sports other than weightlifting and bodybuilding. In 1935 Hoffman bought the Milo Barbell Company that had been founded in 1902 by Allen Calvert. This company was the first to develop adjustable barbell sets with plates of different weights. With the help of his magazine Strength and Health, Hoffman was successful in selling barbells and “High-Proteen” tablets.

Striving for Respectability Charles Atlas and other “strength seekers” strived for a respectable place in society. The association of bodybuilding and strength training with the Californian beach culture (“Muscle Beach”) was an important step in achieving social respectability. And respectability meant an enormous growth of the market for products and services. The first modern fitness chains originated around Muscle Beach. The first founder of a major chain was bodybuilder Vic Tanny, who opened his first gym near Muscle Beach at the end of the 1930s. In 1950 he owned forty-five gyms in Southern California, and by 1960 he had eighty-four gyms with 300,000 members. At that point he was spending $2 million a year just for advertising. The most well-known person in the milieu of Muscle Beach was Jack La Lanne, also called “The Godfather of Fitness,” who was born in 1914 and turned 90 in 2004,

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Exercise equipment at a fitness club.

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Source: istockphoto/wolv.

still going strong. In 1936 he opened what he called the nation’s first modern health studio and experimented with primitive forms of strength-training equipment. In 1951 he was offered an opportunity to do daily morning gymnastics shows on local television in San Francisco, and from 1958 to 1985 this show was broadcast on national television. He used his name to establish a business empire of institutes, foods and drinks (with his Jack La Lanne Power Juicer), and books.

THE INFLUENCE OF EXERCISE MACHINES Sport schools for strength training acquired their modern form with the introduction of innovative strength machines. One important breakthrough during the 1980s was the computerization of exercising machines. With these one can now monitor the intensity of the exercises on computer screens and observe the effects on the body and heart rate. In recent years the increasing popularity of exercise machines has contributed to a convergence of the profession of physiotherapy and the sport-school business. More people can be “treated” at

the same time, in the same place, and on identical machines. The work of the fitness trainer and physiotherapist is very much alike in terms of making schedules and explaining the technology of fitness machines.

Origins of “Aerobic Fitness” Running and “aerobic dancing” developed a little later as the propagation of “muscular fitness.” Dr. Kenneth Cooper, the author of Aerobics (1968), can be considered one of the main catalysts of these forms of physical exercise. Before he published his best seller, running was mainly practiced as a sport in track and field. Few people ran on public roads, and those who did were predominantly training for marathons, in which at that time were small-scale events, often with no more than a hundred participants. Cooper’s book had just been published when the adverse effects of being overweight were defined as a general threat to the health of the population. Running became a solution for “manager’s disease,” or the adverse effects of a sedentary white-collar worker’s lifestyle.

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Durability is part of what makes a great athlete.

Cooper’s name is still connected to the famous “Cooper test,” in which an individual’s fitness and endurance are evaluated based on a twelve-minute run, with distance covered and age factored in. Aerobics as a way to achieve fitness was successfully claimed by women entrepreneurs, who offered courses in the form of dance steps to the rhythm of modern music. In this way they were able to create the same aerobic effects as Cooper had associated with running but in a more appealing way of exercising than running along public roads. One of the first of these women entrepreneurs was Jacky Sorensen, who in 1969 established an international franchise chain of aerobic classes. Others, such as Kathy Smith, Richard Simmons, and Jane Fonda soon followed her example. In 1972, Judi Sheppard Missett claimed the term “Jazzercise” as an official trademark, and by 2002 she had 5,300 instructors in thirty-eight countries active under her trademark. In that year her company earned $63 million.

DEVELOPMENT OF THE RUNNING INDUSTRY The running and aerobics industry developed along two main lines: marketing of running shoes and publishing of magazines devoted to running. One company that played a major role in developing and marketing running shoes was Nike. During the 1970s and 1980s Nike associated itself with the famous middle-distance runner Steve Prefontaine (1951–1975), who, because of his alternative looks and antisport-establishment activities, inspired many people to run and to buy Nike shoes. Of course, other shoe companies also entered the runners’ market or, like Adidas and Puma, were forced to defend their place in that market. Gradually, these companies diversified from the shoe business into the general sportclothing business; they also supported the development of running magazines with their advertising. Commercially, magazines with a focus on the runner’s world are able to exist and thrive because of the abundance of advertisements by the sport-shoe industry and other sport-related businesses—for example, those who offer special drinks, clothing, treatments for in-

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juries, and computerized measuring equipment for heart rate. Runner’s World is one of the most prominent of these magazines. Modern running has developed largely outside the established sport organizations, so the organization of long-distance races is often orchestrated through these magazines. At the same time these magazines are also connected with organizations that offer travel and lodging arrangements for races all over the globe.

Fitness as Ideology Many of the modern claims about health and exercise actually have a long tradition. Quite new, however, is the huge scale of the industry and the moral imperatives that are attached to the contemporary health-and-fitness movement. Fitness and slimness have become associated not only with energy, drive, and vitality but also with worthiness as a person; a fit and healthy body is taken as a sign of self-control. Being fit has become a civic duty. The ideology of “healthism” also places heavy emphasis on personal responsibility. Fitness is not just a matter of individual health choices; it has become a matter of social status. It is a tool for distinction and individual comparison. Fitness helps to construct an identity. Fitness represents a dream of absolute health. “The body has become a system of differentiation. The body has become its own garment. The fashion is called fitness” (de Wachter 1984). The fitness industry has been successful in combining elements of traditional sport and cosmetic industries; it successfully blends the pursuit of flexibility and good health with moral, aesthetic, and commercial imperatives. Ivo van Hilvoorde and Ruud Stokvis

Further Reading Cooper, K. (1968). Aerobics. New York: Bantam Books. de Wachter, F. (1984). The symbolism of the healthy body: A philosophical analysis of the sportive imagery of health. Journal of the Philosophy of Sport, XI, 56–62. Fair, J. (1999). Muscletown USA. Bob Hoffman and the manly culture of York Barbell. Philadelphia: The University of Pennsylvania Press.

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Featherstone, M. (1991). The body in consumer culture. In M. Featherstone, M. Hepworth, & B. S. Turner (Eds.), The body: Social process and cultural theory (pp.170–196). London: Sage Publications Ltd. Glassner, B. (1989). Fitness and the postmodern self. Journal of Health and Social Behavior, 30,180–192. Goldstein, M. (1992). The health movement: promoting fitness in America. New York: Macmillan. Green, H. (1988). Fit for America: Health, fitness and American society. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press. Mandell, R. (1984). Sport. A cultural history. New York: Columbia University Press. Park, R. J. (1994). A decade of the body: Researching and writing about the history of health, fitness, exercise and sport, 1983–1993. Journal of Sport History, 21(1), 59–82. Perot, P. (1984). Le travail des apparences. Ou les transformations du corps feminine XVIII-XIX siècle. Paris: Editions du Seuil. Stearns, P. N. (1997). Fat history: Bodies and beauty in the modern West. New York/London: New York University Press. Stein, H. F. (1982). Neo-Darwinism and survival through fitness in Reagan’s America. The Journal of Psychohistory, 10, 163–187. Thomas de la Peña, C. (2002). Dudley Allen Sargent and Gustav Zander: Health machines and the energized male body. In A. Miah & S. Eassom (Eds.), Sport technology: History, philosophy and policy (pp. 9–47). Amsterdam: Elsevier Science Ltd. Todd, J. (1995). From Milo to Milo: A history of Barbells, dumbbells, and Indian Clubs. Iron Game History, 3(6), 4–16. Tyrell, R. (2002). Marvelous Max—The Story of Maxick. Posted on NaturalStrength.com on June 10, 2002. White, P., Young, K., & Gillett, J. (1995). Bodywork as a moral imperative: Some critical notes on health and fitness. Society and Leisure, 19(1), 159–182. Whorton, J. (1982). Crusaders for fitness: The history of American health reformers. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

Floorball

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loorball—also called “unihockey,” “plasticbandy,” “floorbandy,” “salibandy,” and “softbandy”—evolved from a combination of floor hockey and innebandy (indoor bandy—a game similar to hockey). Each team has a maximum of twenty members, with five players on the floor with sticks and a goalie with no stick. The game is played indoors.

History The heyday of floor hockey was the late 1950s and early 1960s, especially in the United States. Floor hockey, adapted from the basic rules of ice hockey, included body checking and used a taped blade of a

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hockey stick but was played on an indoor surface, usually a basketball court. Floor hockey should not be confused with street hockey, which is played outdoors. Many schools incorporated floor hockey as a game for physical education classes at all levels in North America and around the world. At the college level for the past thirty years floor hockey has had a strong representation in the United States at the club level. In other countries such as Canada a number of recreational teams and clubs exist. Floor hockey was adapted for school children in the Netherlands during the 1960s. The Cosom Corporation, a U.S. stick manufacturer, marketed its product for children as an alternative to indoor field hockey sticks. This game, known as “innebandy,” did not allow physical contact; the sticks and ball were changed to lighter materials, and the focus was on skill building. The game was imported to Sweden through Carl Ahlqvist’s brother, who sent Carl twelve sticks as a present. Carl Ahlqvist brought the sticks to his handball club for a pickup game, and soon people were more interested in playing this stick game than handball. Ahlqvist was so inspired by the enthusiasm that he contacted Cosom and bought one thousand sticks, which he sent to teachers at other handball clubs. He established a joint venture with a company, and the game quickly spread in Sweden and neighboring countries. In 1986 Sweden (unnebandy), Finland (salibandy), and Switzerland (unihockey) agreed that the sport should be called floorball and created the International Floorball Federation. The popularity and interest in the sport continued to spread throughout the world. Currently thirty-two countries are represented in the IFF, with more than 215,000 registered players.

Nature of the Sport Floorball combines the speed and skill of hockey with influences from bandy, soccer, and field and ice hockey. The IFF game regulations stipulate a five-on-five game, but on smaller courts the game can be played as four on four or even three on three. Penalty benches are used

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for each team, with a “secretariat” (scorekeeper-penalty keeper) between the benches. The secretariat is responsible for keeping time and making announcements. Holding, checking, blocking, or tripping an opponent is illegal. A player cannot hit, block, lift, push down, or kick an opponent’s stick, nor can a player lift the stick higher than the waist or touch the ball with a hand (the goalie is an exception), jump to reach the ball, kick the ball twice, or hit the ball with the stick or foot when the ball is above knee level. At the youth level one cannot lift the stick higher than the knee. Two referees are responsible for inspecting the rink as well as enforcing the rules.

Facilities and Equipment The rink is rectangular with a minimum length and width of 36 meters by 18 meters and maximum length and width of 44 meters by 2 meters. The rink is encircled by a board about 50 centimeters in height with rounded corners. Two rectangular goal creases—one measuring 1 by 2.5 meters and one measuring 1.6 meters—are located in front; only the goalie can be in these, the goalie cannot leave the goalkeeper’s area, which measures 4 by 5 meters. A substitution zone runs 0.5 meters from the center line down 10 meters, including in front of each bench. The width cannot exceed 3 meters from the board. In 1999 the IFF established certification criteria for all national and international league games that apply to “sticks, balls, goals (goal cages), rinks and face mask for goal keepers.” The Swedish National Testing and Research Institute was contracted to “operate and manage the certification system” so that all equipment that passes the subscribed tests will receive the IFF approval symbol. The goalie wears protective equipment that includes helmet, shinguards, protective trousers, or at least kneepads. The goalie is not allowed to use a stick. All other players use a stick that is made of hollow plastic, must not be longer than 95 centimeters and not heavier than 350 grams. The ball weighs 23 grams, is made of white plastic, is hollow, and has twenty-six holes.

Competition at the Top The European Cup, begun in 1993, is played annually. In 1994 the first European Championships for Men were played, with the first European Championships for Women played a year later. The World Championships, begun in 1996, are played on even years for men and women under nineteen years of age, and on odd years for women and men under nineteen years of age. By 1997 nineteen countries belonged to the IFF. In 2000 the General Association of International Sports Federations (GAISF) granted provisional membership to the IFF and in May of 2004 granted “ordinary” membership, which provides voting status. Proponents hope that this elevation in status will assist in the IFF’s petition to the International Olympic Committee to be considered on the Olympic program. Mila C. Su

Further Reading Floorball. (n.d.). Retrieved August 17, 2004, from http://en.wikipedia. org/wiki/Floorball International Floorball Federation. (n.d.). Retrieved August 17, 2004, from www.floorball.org Short summary of floorball rules. (n.d.). Retrieved August 17, 2004, from http://perso.club-internet.fr/colparis/IFKParis/Short _ summary _ of _ floorball _ rules.htm

Flying

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owered flight is not usually considered a competitive sporting activity, but in its heyday, between 1909 and 1939, aviation exploits captured considerable media interest and public attention. This included exhibitions of aeronautical maneuvers, air races between nominated locations, and efforts to fly over mountains, continents, and oceans. Pilots and navigators pitted their skills against the forces of nature, but many were tempted by a seemingly irresistible spirit of adventure—and by the lure of prize money and a hope of fame—to stretch aerial performances far beyond

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I owned the world that hour as I rode over it, free of the earth, free of the mountains, free of the clouds, but how inseparably I was bound to them. ■ CHARLES LINDBERGH

previous limits. Although technical and mechanical innovations during World War I helped to improve the practical performances of aircraft, these very advances prompted civilian “racing” pilots to fly faster, higher, and further. This was not simply about risk-taking in sport; it was also an enterprise underpinned by technology and business. Pilots used new models of aircraft and the latest engines in an effort to capture a performance edge over race rivals. In these respects, then, flying became a sporting endeavor during the first half of the twentieth century.

Flights of Fancy In 1903, the American brothers Orville and Wilbur Wright were the first pilots to make an independently controlled, practical flight in a powered aircraft. By this time, aeronautics had devotees in Britain and Europe, so experiments with flying were an international concern. But a key question remained: Could aircraft maintain the speed, altitude, direction, and mechanical reliability to cover long distances effectively? In 1909, the British newspaper Daily Mail stimulated public interest in this question by offering a prize of £1000 to any pilot who successfully flew the English Channel—won by the Frenchman Louis Blériot who crossed the channel by air in late July 1909—a considerable feat given that powered flight was barely six years old. Great excitement about aviation followed this achievement, and one month later, an air meet was held at Reims, France, where endurance, altitude, and speed records were set. Similar international air meets were held in 1910 at Los Angeles, Boston, and Long Island, New York—the last of which culminated in a race to the Statue of Liberty. Air races were being organized in various parts of the world: The first had been the London to Manchester Air Race of April 1910, in which the winner— Frenchman Louis Paulhan—collected a prize of £10,000 offered by the Daily Mail. Further contests were staged in Europe—increasingly over long distances—including the Paris–Rome Air Race of May 1911 and the International Circuit Race (Paris–

Brussels–London–Amiens–Paris) of June–July 1911. These public demonstrations of powered flight seemed to suggest that aeronautical technology was at the apex of modernity, poised to play an inevitably progressive role in human society. However, thirty-two accidental deaths were recorded among pilots in 1910 alone—including several of the famous pioneer aviators. Some aircraft crashes occurred because pilots were attempting to stretch aerial performances far beyond previous limits. Specifically, the proposed length of some early long-distance flying contests far exceeded the capacity of powered aircraft to meet them. Thus, some of the early distance-flying events lacked credibility as sporting contests: Race rules were ad hoc, competition was not conducted under the auspices of a sports governing body, and the events themselves were staged as publicity stunts for backers and sponsors.

Technology and Tenacity The pressing need to use airplanes for military purposes in Britain and Europe propelled research and development in aviation as well as large-scale manufacture of aircraft. World War I transformed the dominion of powered flight from a curious pastime for pilots, known colloquially as “birdmen,” to a more systematic and scientific enterprise under the auspices of various national air forces and civilian aero clubs. By this time, the broader social and economic implications of “dependable” air travel were being pursued with earnest. In 1919, the first major intercontinental flights were attempted. Two transatlantic crossings were achieved: the first in stages from New York to Plymouth, the second a nonstop flight from Newfoundland to Ireland— both of which were accomplished by highly experienced former Royal Air Force pilots. These successes signaled the beginning of an era of epic long-distance flights, with airplanes reaching far-off destinations in a fraction of the time taken by sea vessels. The aerial performance stakes had thus been raised again, with considerable pressures and rewards for pilots to win air races or to break existing records. A result was that in the interwar

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Courage is the price that life exacts for granting peace. ■ AMELIA EARHART

period, every ocean in the world was traversed by air, and several pilots had flown from one side of the globe to the other. Some of these flyers captured international attention and became household names: ■

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The American Charles Lindbergh became the first pilot to fly the Atlantic Ocean solo. The Australians Charles Kingsford Smith and Charles Ulm became the first aviators to traverse the Pacific Ocean.

In contrast with to their marginal position in other sports, women were at the forefront of air racing: ■

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The Englishwoman Amy Johnson and the New Zealander Jean Batten each flew from England to Australia. The American Amelia Earhart flew the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans solo.

distance aviation, during the first half of the twentieth century. Daryl Adair

Further Reading Adair, D. (1995). Wings across the world: The heyday of competitive long distance flying in Australia, Sporting Heritage, (1), 73–90. Gibbs-Smith, C. H. (1974). Flight through the ages. London: Crowell. Lovell, M. (1991). The sound of wings: The life of Amelia Earhart. New York: St. Martin’s. Mackersey, I. (1992). Jean Batten: Garbo of the skies. London: Time Warner Books. Pilotfriend Aviation Resources. Retrieved November 22, 2004, from http://www.pilotfriend.com Ross, W. S. (1976). The last hero: Charles A. Lindbergh. New York: Harper & Row. Tennant, K. (1965). Trail blazers of the air. London: Macmillan/St. Martin’s Press. Thomas, J. (1988, April). Amy Johnson’s triumph, Australia 1930. Australian Historical Studies, 23(90).

Several star pilots passed into aviation folklore all too quickly, however, falling victim to fatal accidents or incidents.

End of an Era The heyday of the competitive long-distance flyer was ephemeral. By the late 1930s, practical aviation over great distances was becoming more common, and journeys were completed in days rather than weeks. These flights no longer seemed “epic” or “marathon” achievements, and they began to lose the financial support of race sponsors. Without an element of suspense and imminent danger, it was difficult for promoters to sell the wonder of long-distance flying. Moreover, without regular air races, it was difficult to generate the kind of competitive rivalries that sustained spectator enthusiasm in other sporting endeavors. Improvements in international civil aviation thus spelled the demise of long-distance flying as a sporting contest. For enthusiasts, airplanes were still the subject of sport, such as in Formula 1 Racing of “midget” craft in America. There was also a lingering fascination with aircraft speed and altitude records. But none of this matched the prominence and profile of air racing, and in particular long-

Folk Sports

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olk sports are a diverse group of sports and games whose common element is being popular or related to folk culture. Folk sports include traditional, ethnic, or indigenous sports and games but also new activities that are based on traditional practices. Pub games, noncompetitive volkswalks (folk walks), mass gymnastics, spontaneous sports of the working classes, and games and sports associated with festivals all may be termed “folk.” Folk sports stand in opposition to specialized modern sports and are more related to recreational “sport for all.” They are based on festivity and community rather than disciplinary rules and the production of results and often occur at carnivals and other local public events—contexts where the culture’s rules are temporarily challenged.

What Are Folk Sports? Folk sports are neither one sport nor a well-defined group of sports, and thus they have no single, linear his-

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tory. They are as distinct in different countries as the words for “folk” in different languages: volk (Flemish, German), narod (Russian), peuple (French), folk (Danish, Swedish, English), and popolo (Italian). The concept is European, but games around the world are often labeled “folk sports.” Folk sports and the term folk may be attached to a particular ideology, whether right-wing (volkisches Turnen—German folk gymnastics) or leftwing (sport popolare—popular sport), but in most cases folk sports are neutral in relation to political ideas.

PREMODERN FOLK GAMES AND FESTIVITIES Folk sports as a concept did not exist before the industrial age because neither the notion of “sport” in the modern sense nor the notion of “folk” with its modern connotations of a collective cultural identity existed. In earlier times “sport” meant pastimes (hunting, falconry, fishing) of the upper classes, mainly the nobility and gentry, who distinguished themselves from the “folk.” In addition, aristocratic tournaments and later noble exercises were exclusive, both by gender and class. Meanwhile, the common people, both rural and urban, had their own culture of festivity and recreation. Games and competitions of strength and agility were combined with dances, music, and ritual to form a rich array of activities at festivals and celebrations. These events were connected with religious and seasonal events— often Christianized forms of pagan celebrations—such as Christmas (Jul), the May tree, Shrovetide (the period, usually of three days, immediately preceding Ash Wednesday) and carnival, midsummer dance (Valborg, St. John), harvest festivals, local Stilt racing, as shown here in eighteenth-century Britain, is a popular folk activity around the world.

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fairs, a saint’s day or church festival (kermis), marriages, revels, ale festivals, and wakes. Games brought suspense and excitement into a world of routine and allowed flirting and physical contact between men and women. That is why the erotic and gender relations of traditional folk sports deserve special attention. Their diversity mirrors the inner tensions and distinctions within the folk. Many premodern folk sports were reserved for men. When such sports were competitions based on strength, such as wrestling, stone lifting, caber tossing, and finger drawing, the “strong man,” not the “strong woman,” was the admired image. In Scotland the “stone of manhood” (claich cuid fir), placed beside the house of a chieftain, was used as a test of strength by the young men who had to lift it to prove their masculinity. Games of skill such as the bat-and-ball game tsan, played in the valley of Aosta in Italy, were also traditionally reserved for men. In tsan a batter hits the ball as far as possible into a field where it is caught by the other team. Participation in tsan by women since the 1990s represents the recent transformation of the game into a modern “traditional sport.” However, even such “typical male” sports as wrestling could be practiced by women in premodern times. Japanese women engaged in sumo wrestling, onna-zumo, as early as the eighteenth century, and although they were forbidden from taking part during the Meiji period (1868–1912), they began participating again at the end of the nineteenth century. In Brittany, France, women participated in belt wrestling (gouren). Folk competitions especially for women also were held. Women’s foot races or “smock races” were a typical feature of local events in

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England and Scotland from the seventeenth to the nineteenth century. People held races for “respectable” women and races for women from the lower social classes, including Gypsies, immigrant Irish women, and itinerant traders. The corresponding competitions for men were usually wrestling, cudgeling, stick matches, sack racing, and others rather than foot races. Despite the popularity of women’s races between 1790 and 1830, they disappeared and did not become the forerunners of modern women’s track and field. Women’s folk racing has survived in Wurttemberg, Germany, in the form of a race among shepherdesses that dates to the fifteenth century. In this modern folk event the competitors have maintained the tradition of preventing each other from winning, thus causing much stumbling and laughing, traits that were characteristic of European folk culture. Certain ball and pin games were also played by or even reserved for women. For example, in England, Shrovetide football pitted married women against unmarried women, and Shrovetide stoolball was a women’s sport that resembled modern cricket or baseball. In Aragon, Spain, women played and still play a special form of skittle known as birlas de mulles, or “women’s skittle.” Native American men and women played many ball games, which were similar to each other but had gender modifications. Women also held their own foot races and even horse races. Pima and Papago women raced while tossing sticks ahead. Among the Tarahumara in Mexico women ran hoop races, and in eastern Brazil women took part in log running, although this sport normally was regarded as young men’s test for marriage. Whereas men’s folk sports could have connotations of warrior training, women’s folk sports were nearer to ritual practices—including female shamanism—on one hand and joking with the human dimension of bodily prowess on the other hand. Anthropological interpretations of such activities as fertility rites should be regarded with critical reservation because such interpretations mirror the one-sided view of women from the Western nineteenth century.

DIFFERENCE, TOGETHERNESS, PARODY A fundamental feature of folk sports was the marking of differences. Just as folk competitions marked marital status differences by placing teams of married men against teams of bachelors, they also marked the status differences between men and women. For example, among the Sorbs of Germany men engaged in ritual riding (Stollenreiten), whereas women competed in egg races (Eierlaufen) and other games of agility. Among the Inuit of Greenland the drum dance (qilaatersorneq) of both women and men was an important ritual. Although men and women danced to the same music, women and men used different rhythms and movements. While marking differences inside the community, folk sports also contributed to social cohesion and a sense of togetherness—among women and men, old and young, and different professions. However, considerable variation existed across cultures in the extent that men and women competed together. In Swedish folk sports women competed only against men, not against women. On the island of Gotland (off the coast of Sweden) people held a special type of festival (vag) during which teams challenged each other from parish to parish, with both men’s sports and boys-and-girls competitions. In the latter girls were normally given certain advantages. A girl could, for instance, use both hands in the pulling competition (dra hank), whereas a boy used one hand only. These Swedish folk sports contrasted with the English smock races, where competitions between women and men were rare. Some folk sports were invented to promote togetherness. In Shrovetide races in Denmark one boy had to compete against from four to twelve girls who used a handkerchief in a sort of relay. The result of the race was not important for participants because the prize (money or goods) would be given to the joint feast, regardless of whether the boy or the girls won. More important was the sexual joking that took place as the girls flirted with the boy to distract him and cause him to stumble. Flirtation was an important element of folk festivals. Along with dances, folk sports contributed to the playful encounter between boys and girls, between men

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Folk Sports Volkswalking as a Family Sport In the extract below, Janet Sessions explains the joys of “volkswalking,” an ever-popular volkssport. Volkswalking in each of the 50 states and in 12 foreign countries has been an exciting experience, but a walk I did this past August was a red letter volkswalk for me. I took two of my grandchildren, Erik, age 13, and Karil, age 10, down “memory lane.” In the small town of Evanston, WY, where I grew up, there have been many changes over the years since I have lived there, but still enough of the familiar places that I could show them. For example the place where I went to a movie every Saturday afternoon, and the park where band concerts were held on summer

and women. In societies where rigid segregation of the sexes was the norm, folk sports made flirtation possible by allowing participants to take a time-out from the norm and to run and capture, to touch, or even kiss members of the opposite sex. Many folk games and dances in northern Europe had a strong erotic component, including Shrovetide pageants, Easter fire (which included dancing around or jumping over a fire—often in couples—and flirtatious joking), Maypole festivals, Sankt Hans (midsummer night bonfire), and New Year’s fun. Folk sports were often arranged by so-called youth guilds or game rooms (Lichtstuben), which placed possible marriage partners together. Such activities also occurred in central Asia, where Kazakh youths played the white bone game (ak suiek) on warm summer nights. Two teams of young people—boys and girls—tried to find a bone that a referee had thrown as far as possible into the darkness. While the two teams were searching and fighting for the bone, some pairs of boys and girls searched for erotic experiences and temporarily disappeared in the vast steppe (the vast, usually level and treeless tracts in southeastern Europe or Asia). Folk sports, however, not only affirmed gender identity, but also mocked it in the form of parody. In dance and game, pantomime, and scene play, men could appear as women and women as men. Wearing the cloth-

evenings. I also pointed out the library, where I loved to spend time, and the location of the 10 cent store. The walk route did not go by the schools I had attended, but we took a drive around town after the walk and I showed them the school locations. The kids found out that Grandma had a long way to walk to school with the snow “up to her knees.” It was a very special day for me to share my childhood scenes with my grandchildren and also to share the sport of volkswalking. I am now looking forward to taking my younger grand children on this walk when they are old enough. Source: Sessions. J. (1998, June/July).Volkswalking across time: A family affair. The American Wanderer, 22, 3.

ing of the opposite sex and using body movements that fit the stereotype of the opposite sex appealed to the spectators’ sense of humor. When the European ruling classes of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries tried to suppress the popular games as part of the ruling classes’ attack on folk culture in general, they used the games’ sexual content as moral arguments for the games’ elimination.

SEPARATION AND SAMENESS Modern sport, as it developed in the Western world beginning in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, was to some extent based on folk sports but at the same time marginalized them. Modern sport brought a new sense of discipline and a new set of rules for social relations. What were folk sports before now became highly organized in strictly separated disciplines that aimed at systemizing results and maintaining records. Festivity was replaced by specialization, and many folk sports were abandoned or relegated to folklore. Alongside mainstream sports some folk sports persisted or reappeared in different forms. The circus and freak shows at fairs served as one arena for such sports. Workers’ sport movements were another. In Danish workers’ festivities domestic servants raced with buckets

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Hungarian soldiers dancing at a festival in the early 1800s.

and scrubbers, pottery workers walked with piles of plates on their heads, strongmen and strongwomen pulled the rope in the tug-of-war, and people ran obstacle races while eating cream puffs.

MODERN FOLK SPORTS: WALKING, GAMES, AND FESTIVALS Modern folk sports emerged as a reaction against the specialization of sports and against the disappearance of the festival atmosphere from sporting events. In addition, people sought to resist the anonymity of modern life by engaging in physical activities in community. Modern folk sports developed in three main stages. The first stage was linked to the Romantic (relating to

a literary, artistic, and philosophical movement originating during the eighteenth century) revival that emerged in early nineteenthcentury Europe. Whereas the term folk had carried derogatory undertones of plebs and Pobel—the low and vulgar people—a new positive understanding of the term spread over Europe. Johann Gottfried Herder (1774–1803), a German literary and cultural critic, inspired people to reevaluate and reappropriate folk traditions. The new fascination with “folk” and “popular” culture merged with ideas of democracy, the idea of people’s rights, and the quest for national identities, as in German Turnen, the Slavic Sokol (Falcon) gymnastic movements, and the Danish folkelig gymnastics, which were based on Swedish gymnastics. In some of these patriotic gymnastic movements, folk sports and games (Volksturnen) were revived to contrast against English sport. In Ireland during the 1880s the Gaelic Athletic Association promoted folk hurling as a sport of liberation from British rule and was closely connected with Irish republican nationalism. Icelandic glima wrestling gained similar significance as “national sport.” The second stage in the development of modern folk sports began about 1900 and involved “back-to-nature” movements and progressive youth movements, some of whose activities were labeled “folk.” Woodcraft Indians, originally from the United States, and groups of Woodcraft Folk turned to nature and used names, ceremonies, and practices of the Native Americans while also advocating peace and social community. The Boy Scouts contrasted with this approach by the use of a more

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The essence of sports is that while you’re doing it, nothing else matters, but after you stop, there is a place, generally not very important, where you would put it. ■ ROGER BANNISTER

military model. The German Naturfreunde (friends of nature) movement began as a workers’ tourist movement, wandering and building shelters for volkswalkers across the country. The German youth movement Wandervogel (hiker’s movement) developed outdoor activities in small, self-administered groups of boys and girls. Their members walked, sang, folk danced, competed, and played in the outdoors. After 1945 German and Austrian Volkswandern (folk wandering) was discovered by soldiers of the occupation forces, who took it back to the United States. The American Volkssport Association promotes noncompetitive volkswalk, volksbike, volksski, and volksswim, typically as family activities, under the umbrella of the International Federation of Popular Sports. The third stage in the development of modern folk sports began during the 1970s. It was initially linked to New Games, consisting of newly invented play practice and games festivals, and the “new movement culture,” which began in California. In connection with hippie culture and the movement against the war in Vietnam, young people engaged in noncompetitive play and game. At about the same time in several European countries an interest in reviving and preserving traditional folk sports arose. From the 1970s onward folk sports were organized in national and regional festivals. Among the first to organize was the Belgian Flemish volkssport (typically urban games organized by local clubs), Spanish Basque competitions of force, and French Breton folk games. The Danish traditional games movement began during the 1980s with links to the folkelig gymnastics movement. The International Sport and Culture Association serves as an umbrella organization for folk sports, popular gymnastics, and festivals in about fifty countries. Also new was the spread of folk sports from Third World countries to Western metropolises—and influences in the opposite direction. Capoeira, a traditional Afro-Brazilian sport, became popular among young people in European cities such as Amsterdam, Berlin, and Paris. Tai chi and wushu—based on Chinese war-

rior training and magic folk practices—are now practiced worldwide. The Indonesian martial art pencak silat became a Western sport, and even Japanese sumo wrestling has appeared in Western countries. Immigrant cultures (re)invented new movement forms such as the bhangra dance of south Asians in Britain. On the one hand, by these diffusions folk sports were often transformed into Western specialized sports of achievement with tournaments, bureaucratic organization, and controlled production of results. On the other hand, the diffusions of “exotic” folk sports have also created new practices that are alternative to modern sports in the Western world. In addition, new activities developed that cannot be placed in traditional categories of sport. Bungee jumping is one such activity, based on the Melanesian (relating to the islands in the Pacific northeast of Australia and south of Micronesia) folk ritual of “land diving.” Conversely, Western practices have given birth to new folk practices in Africa, Asia, and the Americas. Trobriand (relating to islands in the southwest Pacific) cricket is the best-known example, transforming a colonial sport into a Melanesian folk festivity of dance, sport, carnival, and gift exchange. Disco dance appeared in China as disike (old people’s disco), which became especially popular among elderly women. Danish sports development aid supported local folk culture of dance and festivity (ngoma) in Tanzanian villages, while Tanzanian Sukuma drumming appeared in Danish youth culture. Some political implications of modern folk sports showed when the Soviet Union collapsed in 1989 under the pressure of democratic movements and ethnic nationalism. Folk sports, which had been repressed during the Soviet era, were revived in many parts of the former empire. The Kazakh New Year’s festivity nauryz reappeared with its dances and games. Mongolians returned to ancient festivities with nomadic equestrianism, belt wrestling, and bow-and-arrow events. Tatars again held their springtime holiday sabantuy, with belt wrestling (korash) in its center. The Baltic peoples assembled at large song festivals. Inuit people from

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Folk Sports Folk Sports and New Games In the extract below, the Polish sociologist Andrzej Wohl notes similarities between folk sports and “New Games”: New trends have made their appearance in the past few years in physical culture—New Games. . . . To some extent it resembles games and play in small medieval towns when the townsfolk was not yet differentiated regarding wealth and prestige. Such game and entertainment on holidays was noisy and merry and the entire urban population took part in them. But this is only apparently a return to the past. It is rather a look at the future world, once again integrated, though on a new and different basis than in the past. Source: Wohl, A. (1989). The scientific study of physical education and sport (p. 56). Slagelse, Denmark: Gerlev Idrætsforsk.

Siberia and Alaska met in drum dance and the winter festivity kivgiq. In Spain after the rule of General Francisco Franco, folk sports accompanied the process of democratic federalization. In Basque country, Catalonia, and the Canary Islands, folk sports became factors in the marking of regional identity. In 1992 the Olympic Games in Barcelona featured a festival of Spanish folk sports showing forty activities of force, throwing, wrestling, and the ball game pelota.The European Traditional Sport and Games Association was founded in 2001 as an umbrella organization for folk sports with a regional perspective.

Nature of Folk Sports Folk sports are based not on specialized disciplines and bureaucratically defined rules, but rather on meeting in an atmosphere of festivity. The aim of folk sports is not to produce winners but rather to foster togetherness and to celebrate diversity and distinction. In contrast to the rigid standardization of modern Olympic sport,

folk sports highlight both the variations among groups and the solidarity within groups. In contrast to the display of sameness and hierarchy, folk sports make otherness visible. However, modern folk sports are not independent from mainstream tendencies. They are often subjected to instrumental use, whether sporting, educational, folkloric, or touristic. Tendencies inside folk sports are working for the integration of folk sports into systems of competitive sports. Among the so-called non-Olympic sports, which hold their own competitions, especially in China and Russia, are many folk sports. Some of their organizations—such as the Tug of War International Federation (TWIF)—strive for Olympic recognition by transforming classic folk sports such as tug-of-war into standardized sports of achievement. (Tug-of-war was, in fact, on the Olympic program from 1900 to 1920.) The Olympic sports system also uses folk sports for the cultural framing of competitive events. On the margins of mainstream sport “sport-for-all” movements use folk sports to promote a healthy lifestyle. Large folk sports festivals have been arranged by the Trim & Fitness International Sport for All Association. Other groups try to integrate folk sports into school education. Folk sports are regarded as a soft form of educational sport or as tools for expressing regional identity in education. As educational instruments, however, folk sports tend to lose their connection with people’s lives and self-organization. Furthermore, people have incorporated aspects of folklore into folk sports, turning living folk practices into regulated, musical, and “original” presentations. Folkloristic sports and demonstration folk sports are exhibited in connection with music and festivals, as under the auspices of Conseil International des Organisations de Festivals de Folklore et d’Arts Traditionnels (The International Council of Organizations of Folklore Festivals and Folk Art). Folklore tends to transform folk sports into a sort of living museum.This transformation can favor the promotion of tourism but weakens the

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connection with people’s social lives. Last but not least, the media are more and more interested in showing folkloristic games. Folk sports serve as colorful elements of “postmodern” event culture. Henning Eichberg

Further Reading Bale, J. (2002). Imagined Olympians: Body culture and colonial representation in Rwanda. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Bale, J., & Sang, S. (1996). Kenyan running: Movement culture, geography and global change. London: Frank Cass. Brownell, S. (1995). Training the body for China: Sports in the moral order of the People’s Republic. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Burke, P. (1978). Popular culture in early modern Europe. London: Temple Smith. Davis, R. (1994). The war of the fists: Popular culture and public violence in late Renaissance Venice. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. Eichberg, H. (1995). Body culture and democratic nationalism: “Popular gymnastics” in 19th-century Denmark. International Journal of the History of Sport, 12(2), 108–124. Eichberg, H. (2003). Three dimensions of playing the game: About mouth pull, tug-of-war and sportization. In V. Møller & J. Nauright (Eds.), The essence of sport (pp. 51–80). Odense: University Press of Southern Denmark. Guttmann, A. (1994). Games and empires: Modern sports and cultural imperialism. New York: Columbia University Press. Hellspong, M. (1989). Traditional sports on the island of Gotland. Scandinavian Journal of Sports Sciences, 11(1), 29–34. Jarvie, G. (1991). Highland games: The making of the myth. Edinburgh, UK: Edinburgh University Press. Laine, L. (Ed.). (1994). On the fringes of sport. Sankt Augustin, Germany: Academia. Leach, J. W. (1976). Trobriand cricket—an ingenious response to colonialism. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. Liponski, W. (2003). World sports encyclopedia. St. Paul, MN: MBI. Liponski, W., & Jaouen, G. (Eds.). (2003). Ethnology of Sport: Studies in Physical Culture and Tourism, 10(1). Møller, J. (1984). Sports and old village games in Denmark. Canadian Journal of History of Sport, 15(2), 19–29. Muller, K. (1970, December). Land diving with the Pentecost Islanders. National Geographic, 138(6), 799–817. Nabokov, P. (1987). Indian running: Native American history and tradition. Santa Fe, NM: Ancient City. Pfister, G. (Ed.). (1997). Traditional games. Journal of Comparative Physical Education and Sport, 19(2). Redmond, G. (1971). The Caledonian games in 19th-century America. Cranbury, NJ: Associated University Presses. Renson, R., de Cramer, E., de Vroede, E. (1997). Local heroes: Beyond the stereotype of the participants in traditional games. International Review for the Sociology of Sport, 32(1), 59–68. Seton, E. T. (2002). The book of woodcraft and Indian lore. London: Kegan Paul.

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Footbag

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ootbag sports include cooperative and competitive games played with a small round ball filled with loose material, usually plastic pellets or sand. Also known by the product name Hacky Sack®, footbags are made by many manufacturers and hand sewn by various artisans. People of all ages and backgrounds play this modern sport throughout the world, both recreationally and competitively. Due to the footbag’s small size and low cost, footbag is a sport that is accessible to everyone.

History Footbag was invented in 1972 in Oregon City, Oregon, when John Stalberger met Mike Marshall, who had been kicking around a handmade beanbag. John joined Marshall in kicking the “sack” and they called the game Hack the Sack. From this game they developed the trademarked product and created a generic term for the sport itself: footbag. Tragically, Mike Marshall died of a heart attack in 1975, at only twenty-eight years of age. Stalberger continued on with their vision. In 1979 a patent was granted and Stalberger later sold the rights for the Hacky Sack® footbag to Kransco (operating under the Wham-O label). John continued to promote footbag in both the United States and Europe and is known around the world as “Mr. Hacky Sack.” In the years following the creation of footbag, many enthusiasts began sprouting up, and a sport was born. As the competitive forms of the sport grew, John Stalberger formed the National Hacky Sack Association (NHSA) in 1977. The NHSA promoted the sport with touring teams and held the first National Footbag Championships in Portland, Oregon, in 1980. From the roots of the National Hacky Sack Association, Bruce Guettich and Greg Cortopassi started the World Footbag Association (WFA) in 1983. The World Footbag Association was largely responsible for the

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Athletes battle in Footbag Net at the 2004 IFPA World Footbag Championships in Montreal, Canada. Source: Jamie Lepley.

growth of footbag through the 1980s and 1990s and continues to promote the sport. As footbag grew, more players, manufacturers, and artisans began sewing and marketing footbags of varying designs. The growth of footbag exploded in the 1990s with the advent of the Internet. The Footbag WorldWide Information Service website (www.footbag.org) provided the impetus for footbag’s growth throughout the world. Players and clubs register, post information, and communicate with footbag players around the world through the website. The increased availability and exchange of videotapes has also contributed to the growth of footbag.

What Is Footbag? The cooperative “circle” game is perhaps the most widely recognized form of footbag play. The object of the circle game is for every player in the circle to kick the footbag at least once before it hits the ground. The official rules include Consecutives, Golf, Footbag Freestyle, and Footbag Net and can be found online at

www.footbag.org. The variety of footbag games is limited only by the imagination of the players. The most popular competitive footbag sports are Footbag Net and Footbag Freestyle. Footbag Net is a singles or doubles court game, like tennis or volleyball, where players use only their feet to kick the footbag over a five-foot-high net. Footbag Net is played on a badminton-sized court, usually outdoors. The rules for doubles net are similar to volleyball; players are allowed three kicks per side, and must alternate kicks between players. In singles, players are only allowed two kicks per side. The footbag (usually a harder vinyl and/or leather ball) may not contact a player’s body above the knee. Footbag Net players frequently employ a varied arsenal of spikes and blocks. These often result in amazing airborne foot-to-foot battles over the net. Footbag Freestyle is the artistic form of the sport. The number of various tricks and moves continues to grow. Credit for the creation of many freestyle moves belongs to Kenny Shults, a top player in both Footbag Freestyle

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and Footbag Net. In traditional freestyle competition, players choreograph routines to music and are judged on various elements. The difficulty and subjective nature of judging freestyle (similar to ice-skating or gymnastics) led to the creation of additional freestyle “shred” events that emphasize difficulty of tricks. Each move or trick has a determinable difficulty rating and the players are rated on the difficulty of tricks performed and linked in a short period of time. Freestyle judging remains one of the more controversial aspects of footbag competition.

Competition at the Top There are many footbag tournaments and events held throughout the world. The most enduring and prestigious is the World Footbag Championships. The first National Championships were held by the NHSA in Oregon in 1980–1983. The WFA held its first national event in Portland, Oregon, in 1983. In 1984 the WFA National Footbag Championships moved to Boulder, Colorado. The WFA then continued the championships in Golden, Colorado, from 1985 to 1993. The name was officially changed to the World Footbag Championships in 1986. The tournament is now known as the IFPA (see below) World Footbag Championships and moves to a different host city each year. In recognition of the increased involvement of footbag clubs worldwide, the first IFPA World Championships outside of North America took place in Prague, Czech Republic, in 2003.

Governing Body The governing body for the sport of footbag is the International Footbag Players’ Association (IFPA), a 501(c)(3) nonprofit organization, initially founded in 1994. The IFPA was granted nonprofit status in July of 2001 and has members across the globe. The IFPA funds the World Footbag Championships, maintains the WorldWide Footbag Information Service (www. footbag.org), publishes the Rules of Footbag Sports, and sanctions 20–30 major footbag competitions around the world every year.

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Key Organizations In addition to the IFPA and the numerous websites, clubs, and international organizations involved in footbag, key organizations include the World Footbag Association (WFA) and the Footbag Hall of Fame Historical Society. The World Footbag Association continues its educational and promotional efforts throughout the world and remains a membership organization. The WFA’s location in Steamboat Springs, Colorado, is also home to the Footbag Museum (housing the World’s largest footbag collection). The Footbag Hall of Fame Historical Society recognizes the accomplishments of footbag pioneers, promoters, and outstanding footbag players. The first members were inducted into the Footbag Hall of Fame on 10 August 1997 in Portland, Oregon. The WFA is currently the physical location of the Hall of Fame and its cyber home is www.footbagcanada.com/hall _ of _ fame.asp.

The Future As footbag continues to grow throughout the world it is expected that there will be more elite level competition. At the same time footbag continues to be recognized as a fun and recreational sport for all ages. Tina Lewis

Further Reading Brimner, L. D. (1988). Footbagging. New York: Franklin Watts. Cassidy, J. (1982). The Hacky Sack® book. Palo Alto, CA: Klutz. Footbag Hall of Fame. (n.d.). Retrieved January 31, 2005, from http:// www.footbagcanada.com/hall _ of _ fame.asp. Footbag WorldWide Information Service. (n.d.). Retrieved January 31, 2005, from http://www.footbag.org. Harley, J. (2001). Performing sport: Freestyle footbag from circle to stage. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Texas, Austin. Kennedy, L. F. (1985). The American Footbag Games (brochure). Vancouver, WA: Kenncorp International. World Footbag Association. (1987). Footbag: An instructional manual. Golden, CO: World Footbag Association. World Footbag Association. (n.d.). Retrieved January 31, 2005, from http://www.worldfootbag.com.

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Football

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merican football had its origins in English rugby football. The game was adapted from rugby during the period from the 1870s to the early 1900s, and the game first became popular in the elite colleges of the East after Harvard University refused to play soccer (association football). Led by Yale University’s Walter Camp (1859–1925), players changed rugby football rules to reflect the desire in the United States for a more scientific, rational game. Only after football became the most prominent college sport, based on a desire for a manly game, did football become professionalized, and the professional game did not challenge the dominance of college football until the 1960s, when television coverage of the National Football League (NFL) became popular. By that time African American players had become prominent in both college and professional football. With increased revenues, professional players formed a labor union and demanded a higher portion of the profits being made by team owners. By the beginning of the twenty-first century, colleges continued to be “feeders” for the professional leagues, and college and professional teams prospered.

Origins Rugby football evolved at Rugby School, one of England’s elite private secondary schools known as “public schools.” Two distinct forms of football had developed in Britain: association football (soccer) and rugby, a contest emphasizing running more than kicking. The English Football Association codified the rules of soccer in 1863, when it was founded by elite ex-public school and Oxford and Cambridge University players working in London. The Football Association had hoped to create one game of the various school and college games but was unable to convince the rugby players of the need for one unified game of football. The Rugby Football Union was formed in 1871 to promote the running game with one set of codified rules. During the 1860s and early 1870s many U.S. collegians were playing

forms of soccer, whereas Harvard students had created a game more akin to English rugby than soccer. On most U.S. campuses football, of the soccer type, had evolved as part of class battles. The sophomores would challenge the freshmen to a kicking game in which the kicking of opponents appeared to be as common as kicking the ball. These games were part of the traditional indoctrination process found on all college campuses where cocky sophomores initiated freshmen through hazing. At Harvard the first day of school in the autumn was concluded annually with what was known as “Bloody Monday,” when the sophomores generally beat the freshmen into submission. Other matches throughout the year might include the freshmen combining with the juniors to battle the sophomores and seniors. These matches became so brutal, especially the Bloody Monday matches, that Harvard authorities banned football in 1860. Most other colleges, however, continued to play football, including two New Jersey institutions—Princeton and Rutgers—which were located only about 32 kilometers apart. A year after the Civil War, when baseball was expanding greatly throughout the United States, Princeton had beaten Rutgers in their first intercollegiate baseball contest 40–2. Three years later Rutgers challenged Princeton to a two-out-of-three football contest. On 6 November 1869, the first intercollegiate football game was played on the Rutgers campus with teams of twenty-five on a side. The agreed-upon rules resembled those of soccer, but the players could bat the inflated rubber ball with hands or fists as well as with feet. The goal posts were eight paces apart and were located at the ends of a 69-meter field. Rutgers accumulated six goals first and won 6–4 before a crowd that included a small number of Princeton partisans, who took the train to New Brunswick. They and the Rutgers fans saw a contest featuring “headlong running, wild shouting, and frantic kicking” and a Princeton player who forgot which end was his and sent the ball to his own goal. The game was followed by a gastronomic and convivial evening that included a roast game dinner, impromptu speeches, and the singing of college

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Football combines two of the worst things in American life. It is violence punctuated by committee meetings. ■ GEORGE WILL

songs. A week later Rutgers visited Princeton, playing under Princeton’s usual rules that allowed the free kick, whereby a player could catch the ball in the air or on first bounce and kick it without hindrance. Princeton’s 8–0 victory called for a third and decisive game, but it was not played, possibly because of institutional interference but more likely because the two institutions were not able to agree on common rules. Although most colleges were playing a variation of association football, the soccer-like game was short-lived despite the rules being codified on several campuses. Harvard was the only major school not playing a form of soccer. The Harvard men called their pastime “the Boston game,” in which a player could catch or pick up the ball and then kick it or even run with it. The opportunity to run with the ball was key in the development of a nonsoccer game in the United States. The game resembled rugby, not played by any other college. Yale, Harvard’s chief rival in crew and baseball during the early 1870s, played its first intercollegiate soccer contest when it beat Columbia in 1872. The Yale victory began what would become the most successful college program during the first century of intercollegiate football. The next year, a “western” school, Michigan, challenged Cornell to a football game, but Cornell’s president, Andrew D. White (1882–1918), banned it when he made his classic comment: I will not permit 30 men to travel 400 miles merely to agitate a bag of wind.” With interest expanding, Yale called a convention to write common rules for league play in 1873 (Peckham 1967). Harvard absented itself from the convention, protesting the soccer game as inferior to its own, and its action drastically changed the history of American football. While Yale, Princeton, Columbia, and Rutgers agreed to common rules, Harvard kept its own. This stance led Harvard to two matches in May 1874 with McGill University from Montreal, Canada. The first game between the most elite institutions in each country was played under Harvard rules and the second under McGill’s rugby rules. Harvard men enjoyed the rugby game and in the spring of 1875 played nearby Tufts College in the first intercollegiate rugby game between colleges in the

United States. Soon Yale asked Harvard to play a football game, but Harvard would agree only if rugby rules were the basis. Yale, to save face, agreed to “concessionary” rules, but they were really those of rugby. Some Princeton men traveled to New England to see the game. Wanting to play the more prestigious Yale and Harvard in the future, Princeton had to change to the rugby game. After Princeton accepted rugby, a convention was called in which the future “Big Three” and Columbia met to adopt standard rugby rules and form the Intercollegiate Football Association (IFA) in the autumn of 1876. Yale was reluctant to accept fifteen men on a team rather than its favored eleven. Nevertheless, the IFA decided to initiate a Thanksgiving Day championship contest between the two leading teams of the previous year. Yale and Princeton were chosen for the first of the traditional Thanksgiving Day games, and the two schools continued to dominate the game for the next two decades. By the 1890s the contest kicked off New York City elite’s social season, giving added social significance to the contest. As many as forty thousand viewed the contest in the Polo Grounds or at Manhattan Field. The Thanksgiving Day tradition spread across the United States; in 1893 the New York Herald called it “a holiday granted by the State and the nation to see a game of football.”

Development The eastern elite schools Americanized the rugby rules that the rest of the schools accepted as their own. Walter Camp, the “father” of U.S. football, had played for Yale in the first Thanksgiving Day championship game. Camp, more than any other person, created the U.S. version of football. Camp began attending football rules meetings in 1877 as a sophomore and continued for the next forty-eight years. In 1880 he suggested possibly the most radical rule in football history, one giving continuous possession of the ball to one team after a player was tackled. In rugby, when a player was downed, the ball would be placed in a “scrummage.” The ball might go forward or backward, with possession in doubt.

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A muddy football player watches from the sideline. Source: istockphoto/nrtn.

To Camp, this rule was not rational. Camp proposed a “scrimmage” in which the team in original possession would snap (center) the ball back to a quarterback who would hand it to another back in a logical play. One team could control the ball for as much as an entire half unless the ball was fumbled away or was kicked to the opponents. Camp, by the early 1880s, suggested incorporating the notion of “downs,” in which one team was given three attempts (downs) to advance 5 yards (4.5 meters) or lose possession of the ball. The 5-yard chalk lines created a “gridiron” effect and a new nick-

name for the game. The consequence of the short distance to be gained in three attempts created the need for exacting plays, the development of signals for calling the plays, and the introduction of players running interference for the ball carrier, another modification of rugby. Mass plays led to the charge of brutality during the late nineteenth century. The change from the more open running of the original rugby game to tight line smashes resulted from a rule to allow tackling below the waist in 1887. The low tackle did much to reduce the effectiveness of open field running and contributed to the unfolding of various wedge formations, including the famous “flying wedge.” Wedges were V-shaped formations that “snowplowed” a particular position in the defense. In the flying wedge players began about 25 yards (23 meters) behind the scrimmage line and progressed at full speed from two angles to form a “V” formation just before the ball was passed to the runner behind the “V.” The play was so brutal to the defensive player at whom it was aimed that it existed for only one season before it was outlawed. Plays such as the flying wedge and other mass plays eventually led to the forward pass, a radical change legislated in 1906 to open up the game. The game’s brutality was evidenced at a time when U.S. society was urbanizing and thought to be losing manly qualities found on the frontier. College students had often been the symbol of the effete, pale, and dyspeptic scholars, persons lacking the virile element considered to be an important aspect of U.S. society. Football could counteract this negative, demasculinized image and give college life the picture of vitality and manliness. As the century waned, Theodore Roosevelt (1858–1919), more than any other person, stood for the strenuous life needed for U.S. leadership in the world. Roosevelt believed that football, if played fairly, could add to the vigor of the nation. “Hit the line hard: don’t foul and don’t shirk, but hit the line hard” was to Roosevelt and many other people a metaphor worth pursuing in life as in football.

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What’s the worst thing that can happen to a quarterback? He loses his confidence. ■ TERRY BRADSHAW

College and Professional Football College football was a U.S. symbol of virility before the first identified contest in which players were known to be paid. The professional game has been traced to the payment of Walter “Pudge” Heffelfinger (1867–1954), the acknowledged greatest college player of the nineteenth century. Heffelfinger was on Walter Camp’s first all-American team in 1889 as well as the next two years. In the autumn after his graduation from Yale, he was playing for the Chicago Athletic Club, as was Ben “Sport” Donnelly, formerly of Princeton. When the club concluded a tour of the eastern United States, Heffelfinger and Donnelly did not return to Chicago. The Allegheny Athletic Association, located near Pittsburgh, saw an opportunity to defeat the rival Pittsburgh Athletic Club with the help of outsiders and recruited Heffelfinger and Donnelly to play for them. Heffelfinger received the enormous sum of $500, approximately a worker’s yearly wage, plus travel expenses, and Donnelly received $250 plus expenses. In a contest with high betting stakes, Heffelfinger picked up a fumble and ran for the game’s only touchdown. Other “amateur” teams began paying their players in western Pennsylvania, upper New York, and especially Ohio. Most of the better players were collegians, who at times played on Saturdays for college teams and competed under assumed names for pro teams on Sundays. Some of the players were professional baseball players as well as collegians. Christy Mathewson (1880–1925), a Bucknell University player and later a star pitcher for the New York Giants, played for Pittsburgh Pirate owner Barney Dreyfuss (1865–1932), who fielded a football team in 1898. The strongest teams early in the twentieth century were formed in Ohio, where Akron, Canton, Columbus, Dayton, and Massillon created unparalleled rivalries, particularly the Canton Bulldogs and Massillon Tigers of towns a buggy ride apart. A scandal emanating from a bribe offer disrupted continuous play, but pro-football in the area was renewed in 1912. By then the game resembled the modern one with the legalization of the forward pass, touchdowns counting six

points and field goals three, and four downs to gain 10 yards (9.1 meters). Ohio again led the way in the professional game. Collegians such as Knute Rockne (1888–1931) of Notre Dame and the great African-American stars—Paul Robeson (1898–1976) of Rutgers and Fritz Pollard (1894– 1986) of Brown—played in Ohio. Rockne once played for six different teams in a two-month period. Massillon hired forty-five top players for one game to ensure that the opponent would not hire any of them. Jim Thorpe (1888–1953), the star of the Carlisle Indian School around 1910, was paid $250 a game in 1915 to play for the Canton Bulldogs.When Thorpe, the “greatest athlete” of the first half of the twentieth century, made his debut at Canton, eight thousand spectators saw him lead the Bulldogs to a victory over the hated Massillon Tigers. Although the crowds at professional games did not compare with those at the best college games, interest in football was increasing when World War I, momentarily, halted the game. Two of the most important pro franchises were a result of industry-sponsored teams—the Green Bay Packers and the Chicago Bears. In Wisconsin in 1919, Curly Lambeau (1898–1965), a Notre Dame dropout, received $500 from the Indian Packing Company of Green Bay to organize a team, the Green Bay Packers. After a 10–1 season playing regional teams, each player was paid $16.75. The following year George Halas (1895– 1983), a former University of Illinois player, organized a team with money from the Staley Starch Company of Decatur, Illinois. Players on Halas’s Decatur Staleys were hired by the company and paid $50 a week, with two hours off each day to practice football. After a ten-win, one-loss, and two-tie season, the average payment for playing was $125 a game. Halas, with the blessing of the Staley company, moved his team to Chicago, where he renamed it the “Bears” because it shared Wrigley Field with the Chicago Cubs baseball team. In 1920 he joined a group that was the forerunner of the National Football League. The NFL was formed as the American Professional Football Association in 1920 and renamed the

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Something goes wrong, I yell at them—Fix it—whether it’s their fault or not. You can only really yell at the players you trust. ■ BILL PARCELLS

National Football League in 1922. Green Bay and Chicago, along with the New York Giants and the Washington Redskins, came to dominate the NFL until the end of World War II. The relationship between the professional game and the intercollegiate game has been a long one and close in many ways. The star players of the early professional teams were mostly collegians from the time of Heffelfinger in the 1890s. Nearly as important, many college coaches had played professional football, including such renowned coaches as Knute Rockne of Notre Dame, Hugo Bezdek (1884–1952) of Penn State, Bert Ingwerson (1898–1969) of Illinois, and Jimmy Conzelman (1898–1970) of St. Louis. Coaches, too, shifted between college teams and pro teams. Examples included Arnold Horween (1898–1985), who moved from the Chicago Cardinals pro team in the 1920s to head Harvard University’s team, and Jock Sutherland (1889–1948), who took over the Brooklyn professional team after a successful career at the University of Pittsburgh. The midwestern Big 10 Conference and the Ivy League in the East were so concerned about profootball during the mid-1920s that they legislated that all employees of athletic departments who took part in professional football games as players or officials were disqualified from employment in athletics at conference institutions. The case of Harold “Red” Grange (1903– 1991), a star halfback at the University of Illinois, led to an outcry by colleges against the pros for signing a player before he graduated from college. During his senior year Grange signed a football contract with the Chicago Bears within a week of playing his last college game against Ohio State in 1925. The reaction was so negative that the NFL decided to make an agreement with the colleges not to sign any football player before his eligibility was completed or his class had graduated. The so-called Red Grange Rule lasted for more than a half-century, when the agreement could no longer stand up under federal antitrust law because it violated the freedom of people to sign contracts, a conspiracy in restraint of trade.

Pro-football received a degree of national attention when Red Grange joined the Chicago Bears and went on an eastern and then southern and western tour, at one point playing seven games in eleven days. Clearly, having the pros feed off the colleges was more important than having the colleges benefit from the pros. Pro-football gained stature because its teams increasingly used the colleges as “farm teams.” In an attempt to ensure an equitable distribution of college players within the professional ranks, the annual draft of college players was devised in 1936. When Jay Berwanger (b. 1914) of the University of Chicago (the first Heisman Trophy winner) was chosen by the worst team in the NFL, the Philadelphia Eagles, it was an attempt to give weaker teams an opportunity to improve their teams immediately. That Berwanger chose to enter business and not the NFL was a reflection of the lack of esteem accorded professional football during the 1930s. Some other star college players, however, were drafted and joined pro teams, including Byron “Whizzer” White (1917–2002) of the University of Colorado, who was paid the NFL’s highest salary of $15,800 to join the Pittsburgh Steelers in 1938. White became a U.S. Supreme Court justice. College coaches and other college athletic officials feared the growth of professional football. At about the time the NFL came into existence, college coaches formed the Football Coaches Association (FCA). According to a New York Times report in 1921, one of the association’s first actions that year was to unanimously resolve that “professional football was detrimental to the best interests of American football and American youth and that football coaches [should] lend their influence to discourage the professional game.” The fear that pro-football would hurt the college game continued through the century. That fear was seen early in creation of the Red Grange Rule, and it continued with such actions during the 1960s as forbidding the mention of pro-football in college football telecasts and lobbying to pass federal legislation to prohibit pro-football from televising games on Saturdays, when college football is

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Football A Sporting Sonnet on Football, 1923 “After the Ball” by Jim Nasium (with apologies to an old song): Bright lights are flashing before the halfback’s eyes; The quarterback and fullback are nursing busted thighs. The tackle tried to buck the line, while offering up a prayer, And in a mass of human fragments he has climbed the Golden Stair. The center rode a mass play through the Pearly Gates; The surgeons in the hospital are mending broken pates. Somebody gouged my eye out, a nose was seen to fall While scrambling over the goal line, after the ball. Chorus: After the ball is over; after the field is clear; What did you do with my eyebrow? Where is the rest of my ear? Somebody has my ulna bone as a souvenir of the brawl, And I lost a lung on the five-yard line, after the ball. The captain took the kickoff and was carted from the game; The fullback tried a cross-buck, and he’ll never look the same. The right end smeared a forward pass, in a quivering mass of remains, One had an armful of arms and legs, another a handful of brains. The quarterback has vanished into the Sweet Bye and Bye; The left end’s in the garbage can searching for his eye. The season now is over—the din, and shout, and all. But some of the boys are not all here, after the ball. Chorus: After the ball is over; after the field was cleared; Somebody’s got my knee-cap, my scalp has disappeared. The boys are in the study room, the cheering squad and all, But some of their principal parts were lost while after the ball. Source: Nasium, J. (1923, January). After the ball. Sporting Life, p. 35

traditionally played. The fear of the pros was a major stimulus in the 1960s decision to allow unlimited substitutions (two-platoon football) to increase fan interest, which was being lost to the more exciting pro game. The fear of professional competition almost led to the creation of a playoff system for college football during the 1960s, but the previous development of “bowl” games at the end of each season made the playoff prob-

lematical and less attractive. In a similar way the success of the Pro Football Hall of Fame in Canton, Ohio, put pressure on colleges to create their own hall of fame. As with the playoff system, the colleges did not financially support the hall of fame idea, and development of a college football hall of fame has languished for decades. College football far outstripped professional football until the 1960s. The college game took advantage of

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claiming to be amateur, with athletes playing for the honor of their alma mater. British amateurism’s upperclass notions of participating in sport purely for enjoyment, not financial benefits, applied to college football in the United States as well. Even though the college game had been developed on a commercial model with huge stadiums, highly paid coaches, and subsidized athletes (either overtly or covertly), people generally believed that the athletes were amateurs.The positive virtue of “amateurism” added to the luster of football traditions of homecoming, pep rallies, “tailgating,” cheerleaders, and marching bands. Season-ending bowl games added to the interest. The Rose Bowl in Pasadena, California, began in 1902 and has been continually played since 1916. During the Depression of the 1930s, several communities, principally in the South, decided that they could help the local economy by hosting bowl games. The Orange Bowl in Miami and the Sugar Bowl in New Orleans started the rush to season-ending contests and were followed by the Cotton Bowl in Dallas and a host of new bowls after World War II. College teams and professional teams lacked a large number of African-American players during the first half of the twentieth century. Southern institutions of higher learning refused to admit blacks until forced to do so by desegregation during the 1960s, and only a few institutions in the North had black students until after World War II. Outstanding players such as Fritz Pollard of Brown and Paul Robeson of Rutgers in the 1910s, Duke Slater (1898–1966) of Iowa and Joe Lillard (b. 1918) of Oregon in the 1920s, Wilmeth SidatSingh (1917–1943) of Syracuse and Kenny Washington (1918–1971) of UCLA in the 1930s, and Buddy Young (1926–1983) of Illinois and Marion Motley (b. 1920) of Nevada in the 1940s were exceptions to the rule. Professional football’s first black player was Charles Follis (1879–1919), who in 1904 played for the Shelby Athletic Club in Ohio. Fritz Pollard played pro-football after his Brown experience, becoming the first AfricanAmerican head football coach in 1919 when he coached the Akron Pros. Blacks played in the NFL until the “color line” was drawn in 1933. Football remained

segregated until the end of World War II, when the Los Angeles Rams of the National Football League and the Cleveland Browns of the All-American Football Conference added black players shortly before Jackie Robinson (1917–1972) desegregated professional baseball.

Television and Football The introduction of television dramatically affected college and pro-football after World War II. Football games were first telecast in the autumn of 1939, but another decade passed before the cable required to carry signals spread from the East Coast as far west as Chicago. By about 1950 the growth of television made commercial telecasts of sport contests profitable. Colleges were concerned that telecasts would have a negative impact on attendance at stadiums, and in 1951 members of the National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) decided to control the number of telecasts of their football games. From 1951 to 1984 the NCAA plan provided for national and regional telecasts each Saturday during the season. This monopoly existed first to limit games on TV and to preserve gate receipts. Later, when the NCAA contract with television networks was worth more than $65 million per year, receiving television revenues became more important to big-time colleges than preserving stadium attendance. A power struggle erupted between the smaller NCAA institutions and those that had regular game telecasts. The smaller institutions, demanding a greater percentage of television funds, helped spur the creation of the College Football Association (CFA). The CFA was created in 1976 to promote big-time football. Within five years the CFA helped sponsor a legal suit against the NCAA by the University of Oklahoma and University of Georgia to break up the NCAA football TV monopoly. A 1984 U.S. Supreme Court decision went against the NCAA, and colleges were thereafter free to create their own television plans. The result was an oversupply of games and lower revenues to most institutions. The professional National Football League had different results from television. The league’s popularity rose greatly after its championship game in 1958, when

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You need to play with supreme confidence, or else you’ll lose again, and then losing becomes a habit. ■ JOE PATERNO

the Baltimore Colts defeated the New York Giants in a dramatic overtime contest seen by millions on television. During that decade the NFL solution to protect stadium attendance was to prevent televising within a radius of 75 miles without permission of the home team. The NFL also decided to pool television money, dividing the TV revenues equally among all the teams. This brilliant decision allowed smaller-market teams, such as the Green Bay Packers and the Pittsburgh Steelers, to remain financially competitive. Competition from a new league also had an impact on professional football. Lamar Hunt (b. 1932), disgruntled at being unable to purchase an NFL franchise, in 1960 decided to form the American Football League (AFL), which soon received a multimillion-dollar television contract from the National Broadcasting Corporation (NBC). With the signing of star college players such as Joe Namath (b. 1943) of Alabama, the AFL received recognition, and in 1966 the NFL, which fought the AFL, accepted a merger of the two leagues. The merger, under the NFL name, became official as a twenty-six-team league in 1970. A playoff between the NFL and AFL beginning in 1967 added excitement and created greater wealth. The championship was called the “Super Bowl,” and Green Bay won the first two contests. The Super Bowl, a kind of U.S. holiday, has had some of the highest ratings in television history, easily surpassing baseball’s World Series in popularity. The NFL introduced Monday Night Football to supplement the traditional Sunday games beginning in 1970. “Prime-time” evening football was the creation of the NFL’s commissioner, Pete Rozelle, and the innovative Roone Arledge of the American Broadcasting Company (ABC). For two decades Monday Night Football surpassed all regular televised sporting events in popularity. Professional football’s increase in wealth from television has spurred both new labor disputes and competing leagues. Players formed the National Football League Players Association in 1956, but the union was not recognized by NFL owners until 1968. A desire for a larger share of the profits eventually led to several

players’ strikes between 1968 and the mid-1980s. New football leagues, also looking at the growing wealth in the professional game, were formed. The World Football League lasted only one season in the mid-1970s. Eight years later the United States Football League (USFL) began as a spring sport in 1983. The March-toJuly schedule did not conflict with that of the stronger NFL for a television audience, but the USFL survived for only three years because of low television ratings. Three years later the NFL established the World League of American Football (WLAF) with teams in Europe and North America. The WLAF acts like a farm system for the NFL and expanded the college football feeder system that has existed for much of the century. Since the nineteenth century football has developed differently in the United States than in the rest of the world, where soccer football is the dominant sport. The game was thriving in colleges well before the professional game took hold. It has remained a game played almost exclusively by boys and men, unlike other popular team sports such as baseball, for which women formed a professional league in the 1940s and 1950s, and basketball, which girls and women made the most popular sport in schools and colleges for most of the twentieth century. Ronald A. Smith See also Super Bowl

Further Reading Baker, L. H. (1945). Football: Facts and figures. New York: Farrar & Rinehart. Braunwart, B., & Carroll, B. (1981). The alphabet wars: The birth of professional football, 1890–1892. Canton, OH: Professional Football Researchers Association. Cope, M. (1974). The game that was. New York: Thomas Y. Crowell. Davies, R. O. (1994). America’s obsession: Sports and society since 1945. Fort Worth, TX: Harcourt Brace. Davis, P. H. (1911). Football, the American intercollegiate game. New York: Scribner’s Sons. Falla, J. (1981). NCAA: The voice of college sports. Mission, KS: National Collegiate Athletic Association. Hickok, R. (1992). The encyclopedia of North American sports history. New York: Facts on File. Jable, J. T. (1978, April). The birth of professional football: Pittsburgh

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athletic clubs ring in professionals in 1892. Western Pennsylvania Historical Magazine, 62, 131–147. March, H. A. (1934). Pro football: Its “ups” and “downs.” Albany, NY: J. B. Lyon. McClellan, K. (1998). The Sunday game: At the dawn of professional football. Akron, OH: Akron University Press. Neft, D. S., Cohen, R. M., & Korch, R. (1992). The sports encyclopedia: Pro football. New York: St. Martin’s Press. Neft, D. S., Johnson, R. T., & Cohen, R. M. (1974). The sports encyclopedia: Pro football. New York: Grosset & Dunlap. Ours, R. (1984). College football almanac. New York: Harper & Row. Peckham, H.W. (1967). The making of the university of Michigan, 1817-1967. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. Porter, D. L. (Ed.). (1987). Biographical dictionary of American sports: Football. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. Roberts, R., & Olson, J. (1989). Winning is the only thing: Sports in America since 1945. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. Rowe, P. (1988). American football: The records. Enfield, UK: Guinness Publishing. Smith, R. (1972). Illustrated history of pro football. New York: Grosset & Dunlap. Smith, R. A. (1988). Sports and freedom: The rise of big-time college athletics. New York: Oxford University Press. Smith, R. A. (1994). Big-time football at Harvard, 1905: The diary of coach Bill Reid. Urbana: University of Illinois Press. Smith, R. A. (2001). Play-by-play: Radio, television, and big-time college sport. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. Watterson, J.S. (2000). College football: History, spectacle, controversy. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. Weyand, A. M. (1926). Football, its history and development. New York: D. Appleton. Whittingham, R. (1984). What a game they played. New York: Harper & Row.

Football, Canadian

A

s with some others aspects of Canadian culture, Canadian football is a mix of Canadian, British, and American influences. It began as rugby that was imported from England in the 1860s. The Montreal Football Club was formed in 1868 and from there rugby spread to McGill University. By 1874, McGill had its own hybrid version of the rules codified for its own use. In that year, Captain David Rodgers challenged Harvard University to two games, one in Cambridge in May, the other to be played in Montreal in the autumn. The one game at Cambridge turned out to be two. The teams agreed to play two games, one under each other’s set of rules. Harvard was so impressed by McGill’s rules

that it began playing rugby the next year and persuaded some of its northeastern school neighbors to adopt the new game. American and Canadian versions of football continued to influence each other as the years went by. Rugby continued its transformation to Canadian football. By 1882, the traditional English scrummage was removed with the Canadians heeling it, that is, the center put the ball into play by tapping it with his heel to the quarterback. On either side of the center was a “scrim support” to protect the center and delay any rush from the opposition. The rule change also meant that possession took precedence over spontaneity. By 1892, a reorganized Canadian Rugby Union was formed and governed the sport and was responsible for a national championship contest. The field was set at a length of 110 yards (100 meters) with a 25-yard (22.9meter) goal area and a width of 65 yards (59.5 meters). There were 15 players on a side, and a game consisted of two 45-minute halves. A team was awarded six points for a goal from a try, five from a drop kick, four from a flying or free kick and a try, two from a safety touch, and one from a rouge. The only two values remaining in Canadian football today are the safety touch and the rouge or single point given when a kick is not returned from the end zone. The field dimensions are the same with one exception. Since 1986 the Canadian Football League changed its end zone to 20 yards (18 meters). Today, teams must gain 10 yards in three downs or lose possession. Prior to World War I there were a number of Unions or leagues including the Quebec Rugby Football Union (1882), the Ontario Rugby Football Union (1883), the Intercollegiate Rugby Football Union (1898), the Interprovincial Rugby Football Union (1907) and the Western Canada Rugby Football Union (1911). In 1909 the title was symbolized by a trophy donated by the Governor General of Canada, Lord Earl Grey (1851–1917). The Grey Cup continues to be trophy given to the team winning the Canadian Football League (CFL) championship. By 1909, the game had evolved further and there were 14 players; the ball was still being heeled out, and

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there was no interference and no forward passing. By 1921 teams were reduced to 12 to a side as they are today, and the ball could be snapped back, although the quarterback had to stay 5 yards behind the snapper. That year the Dominion Championship, or the Grey Cup Game as it was increasingly called, became an East-West competition. The forward pass was approved for all leagues in 1931 and regular recruitment of American players and coaches began that year as well. To halt the flow of American talent and develop the Canadian talent pool, the Canadian Rugby Football Union imposed a residence rule requirement for 1936. Players had to live in the community they represented for one year prior to the season. In 1946, the Canadian Rugby Football Union allowed teams to carry five American imports, and the residence rule of 1936 was abolished. Not all teams rushed to embrace the new reality: The Toronto Argonauts preferred to play with an all-Canadian roster and won the Grey Cup in 1945, 1946, and 1947. The 1947 game was a watershed of sorts. The following year, 1948, saw the Calgary Stampeders defeat the Montreal Alouettes to win the Grey Cup and turn the game into a national festival with its array of cowboys, chuck wagons, pancake breakfasts, horses, and boisterous fans who arrived by the train load in Toronto, the site of the game, for a week-long celebration. The popularity of the game increased, as did the dependence on American talent. The term rugby disappeared as a descriptor, replaced by football since it was more easily understood by American prospects. In 1956, the touchdown was increased in value from five to six points, and the following year the American names for the positions of center, guard, tackle and end replaced the Canadian snap, inside wing, middle wing, and outside wing. The twelfth position was retained, but its name was changed from flying wing to wingback, and later to slot back, flanker, or wide out. Meanwhile, the two dominant leagues in the country from the West and the East formed the Canadian Football Council in 1956, which was renamed the Canadian

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Football League (CFL) in 1958. The Canadian Rugby Football Union turned over the trusteeship of the Grey Cup to the CFL in 1966 and became the Canadian Amateur Football Association (CAFA). In 1986, it changed its name to Football Canada and oversees playoffs of developmental football outside the university system and manages coaching certifications. The universities had already formed their own national playoffs beginning in 1965. The Vanier Cup, named for Governor General Georges Vanier (1888–1967), is presented annually to the university team winning the national championship. Since 1965, the CFL has described its players as imports (those who played football outside Canada prior to their seventeenth birthday) and nonimports (those who had not played football outside Canada prior to their seventeenth birthday). For all intents and purposes, imports were Americans and nonimports Canadians. This legislation meant that naturalized Canadians would continue to be classified as imports and therefore not increase the cost of the Canadian side of the budget. The legislation was responsible for the formation of the Canadian Football League Players Association (CFLPA). In the 1960s and 1970s, CFL football grew in popularity until a series of actions minimized its acceptance. A contentious Designated Import Rule passed in 1970 allowed two American quarterbacks to substitute freely and virtually guaranteed that a Canadian would not play at that position. In the 1980s, a lucrative television contract was canceled, leaving teams in the CFL to scramble to make up the shortfall in revenue. The league found itself competing with Major League Baseball and other entertainment options for the public’s favor and money. By 1993, the league expanded into the United States when it added the Sacramento Gold Miners. The following year, teams from Las Vegas, Shreveport, and Baltimore joined, and in 1995, Memphis, Tennessee, and Birmingham, Alabama, became members of the CFL. In 1995, the CFL moved to North–South divisions that would play for the Grey Cup. Rosters per game were set at thirty-seven: The North could carry fourteen

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imports, three quarterbacks, and twenty nonimports; the South was allowed to carry whomever it wished. A $2.5 million (Canadian) salary cap was in place. Baltimore, now known as the Stallions, won the Grey Cup in 1995. It was the first American team to do so but the American teams withdrew from the league and the CFL reverted to an all-Canadian city format in 1996. The CFL game today differs from the American version chiefly in its size of field, no fair catch, unlimited motion by the backs, three downs to make 10 yards, 20 seconds to put the ball into play, and a single point awarded for a punt or missed field goal when the returning player is tackled in or the ball is kicked out of the goal area. By 2005 the CFL had nine teams in two divisions. In the Western Division are the British Columbia Lions, Calgary Stampeders, Edmonton Eskimos, Saskatchewan Roughriders, and the Winnipeg Blue Bombers. In the Eastern Division are the Montreal Alouettes, Ottawa Renegades, Toronto Argonauts, and the Hamilton Tiger-Cats. The league is also trying to create greater interest in the Atlantic provinces and toward that end has scheduled a game between the Toronto Argonauts and the Hamilton Tiger-Cats in Halifax, Nova Scotia in June 2005. Frank Cosentino, with update by David Levinson

Further Reading Canadian Football League. (2005). Retrieved March 30, 2005. from http://www.cfl.ca Cosentino, F. (1969). Canadian football: The Grey Cup years. Toronto, Canada: Musson Book Co. Cosentino, F. (1995). The passing game: A history of the CFL. Winnipeg, Canada: Bain & Cox.

Football, Flag

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lag football, like touch football, is an adaptation of the full-contact version of U.S. football (sometimes called “gridiron football”). Stopping play in flag football is more difficult than in touch football because defend-

ers must pull a flag attached to a belt worn by the ball carrier rather than tackle or touch the carrier. People have played flag football since the 1950s, but no single organization has emerged to govern the development of rules and standards. As a result, players have developed many styles of play, and rules vary greatly from league to league. People play flag football in public schools, colleges, and recreational leagues throughout the world. Many students are introduced to football by playing a noncontact flag version of the game in physical education classes. Campus recreation services at many colleges offer intramural leagues with men’s, women’s, and coed divisions. In fact, teams from U.S. colleges can compete in a national championship held at a professional football stadium in conjunction with a National Football League (NFL) game. In the main, recreational leagues are offered by local recreation councils. Local teams or leagues may then affiliate with a national organization, adopting the regulations of that governing body. The oldest national governing body is the National Touch and Flag League (NTFL) in the United States. The NTFL, founded in 1960, offers touch and flag football for men and women at various levels of competition through leagues, tournaments, and a national championship. A rival organization is the United States Flag and Touch Football League (USFTL), founded in 1988 in response to the many flag football styles and rules practiced in the United States. The USFTL, in addition to providing leagues and tournaments for men, women, and children, trains and certifies officials and produces educational aids for flag football players. Each league is self-contained. Opportunities exist, however, for teams to compete against teams in other leagues at annual tournaments.

History Scholars generally believe that flag football originated in the U.S. military during World War II. In fact, the U.S. Army’s Fort Meade, Maryland, has the first recorded history of flag football and is widely regarded as the birthplace of the sport. Now people all over the

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A game of flag football between friends. Notice the white material hanging from the players’ waists.

world play flag football. Germany, Canada, France, Israel, Japan, and Sweden have formal leagues, and other countries have informal leagues. The U.S. military was largely responsible for taking U.S.-style flag football to the rest of the world. In many cases U.S. soldiers played football informally at military bases overseas, and this play led to the creation of touch and flag leagues. The flag version of U.S. football was a low-cost form of the game that gave players in other countries an inexpensive way to experience a sport that many had watched on television.

Rules and Play The equipment of flag football is minimal: a football and one flag belt per player. Flag belts differ in the number of flags (strips of fabric) attached and in the manner in which those flags adhere to a belt. To stop play, an opposing player needs to pull just one of the flags. All belts have at least two flags—one placed on each hip. However, some belts have a third flag attached at the rear of the belt. Initially the flags were simply tucked into the belt, but the advent of Velcro allowed players to attach flags more firmly and helped eliminate the problem of flags falling off without being touched. However, dirt and other debris were easily embedded in Velcro’s hook-and-loop system, and this situation created a new problem in keeping the flags attached. To solve the problem, most leagues and tournaments have adopted one of two styles. The first style is a more secure two-flag belt that features a ball-and-socket flag attachment that pops loudly when pulled and makes the flag difficult to be knocked off inadvertently. The second style is a three-flag belt to which flags are attached permanently. In this style the belt is secured with an alligator clip (a small spring-loaded clip that resembles the jaws of an alligator). When a defender grips the flag, the entire belt, rather than just the flag itself, is detached. As with other styles of flag belts, the defender needs to pull only one flag to stop play.

No standard rules and regulations for flag football exist, but the majority of leagues across the world begin with the rules and regulations of the U.S. football code. Games are played on a rectangular field that measures either 100 or 80 yards (90 or 72 meters) long. The number of players per side varies from four to nine, but most leagues consist of teams that have seven to nine players per side. During play each team is given four chances (downs) to move the ball 10 yards (9 meters). Some leagues mark the field in 20-yard (18-meter) increments and require a team to move the ball to the next yard marker to be awarded a new set of downs. Scoring is similar to that for full-contact football: six points for a touchdown, three points for a field goal, two points for a safety, and either one or two points for a point after touchdown. Not all flag football leagues include opportunities for players to kick field goals or extra points—an arrangement that allows the game to be played in areas that lack goal posts. In this version of the game, teams can still choose to try for either a one- or two-point conversion: A one-point conversion begins from the 3-yard line (2.7 meters), a two-point conversion typically begins from the 10-, 15-, or 20-yard line (9, 14, or 18 meters). Although they do not follow uniform rules and regulations, the majority of leagues can be characterized by one of three styles of play: all eligible flag football, ineligible lineman flag football, or screen flag football. Both all eligible and ineligible lineman flag football allow full-contact blocking anywhere on the field. As a

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We know what we are, but know not what we may be. ■ WILLIAM SHAKESPEARE

result, these styles of play encourage teams to incorporate a strong running component in their offensive strategies. The main difference between all eligible and ineligible lineman flag football is, as the terms imply, the capacity of linemen to receive a pass and advance the ball. Again, this situation creates a different style of play, with different physical requirements for those playing the line. That is, a guard or a center in a flag league would typically be slightly smaller and more mobile than an ineligible lineman. The third style, screen flag football, prohibits blocking. Players instead screen defenders from the ball carrier or quarterback without using their hands (similar to defending in basketball). This style of play encourages a strong passing game. Coed leagues usually play screen flag football.

Growth of Flag Football Women have competed in flag football since the 1950s, although until creation of the International Women’s Flag Football Association in 1997, the diffusion of flag football resulted mainly in the expansion of opportunities for men to play the sport. Public schools, colleges, and recreational leagues now offer flag football leagues for women, but these leagues represent a small proportion of league offerings. For example, the USFTL offers seven national championship events for men’s teams, one for coed teams, and one for women’s teams. The NTFL’s Super Bowl does not include any events for women. The National Women’s Flag Football Association (NWFFA), created in 1995, was the first organization devoted to the enhancement of women’s flag football. Diane Beruldsen founded the NWFFA to link women’s leagues, teams, players, and officials to promote women’s flag football. The NWFFA is run by women who want to make flag football a professional sport for women. The NWFFA sponsors the largest women’s flag football tournament in the world—the Key West Women’s Flag Football League/FLAG-A-TAG National Kickoff in Key West, Florida—as well as regional tournaments in the United States. The NWFFA’s success motivated the same women to found the International Women’s Flag Football Associ-

ation (IWFFA). The IWFFA’s mission is to give young girls and women opportunities to enjoy healthy competition and develop teamwork and leadership skills through sportsmanship and fair play. The IWFFA strives to increase the understanding of football theory while promoting good health through physical play and building confidence and self-esteem through execution and play calling. The association created women’s teams in Denmark, Norway, and Holland and sponsors clinics for girls and women throughout North America. The international interest in flag football is not limited to the women’s game. The International Federation of Flag Football (IFFF) was founded in 2000. It’s mission is to become the international governing body of flag football and to work for the integration of flag football as an Olympic sport. The IFFF has hosted the annual World Cup of Flag Football since its inception in 2000. The World Cup and its qualifying tournaments provide competitions for men, women, and children. Forty-eight teams from nine countries competed in the 2004 World Cup. Youth flag football, historically limited to physical education classes, has emerged as a league sport in its own right. In addition to local recreation leagues, the NFL sanctions flag leagues for boys and girls, six to fourteen years old, across the United States.

Outlook Flag football is a growing sport for men, women, and children in countries across the globe. The fractured nature of the governance of the sport, and the resulting diversity in its rules may, albeit intentionally, facilitate the development and popularity of the sport. The number of players required (four-a-side up to nine-a-side) allows the sport to be played in areas with few eligible participants. It also allows the sport to grow— beginning with small numbers of interested players, while being easily adapted for high interest areas. The various contact rules also speak well of the flexibility of the sport. Youth can learn and develop football skills without the risk of injury inherent in full contact football. Men and women of all ages can choose the form

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of the game relevant to their taste and fitness level. In this way, flag football can be played across the lifespan. B. Christine Green

Further Reading Ferrell, J. M., & Ferrell, M. A. (1980). Coaching flag football. Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics. Green, B. C., & Chalip, L. (1998). Sport tourism as a celebration of subculture: The ethnography of a women’s football tournament. Annals of Tourism Research, 25, 275–291. Johnson, J. (1992). Flag football: The worldwide game. Boston: American Press. National Intramural-Recreation Sports Association. (1992). NIRSA flag and touch football rules and officials manual. Corvallis, OR: Author. Windemuth, T. M. (1992). Flagball for the 90s. Reston, VA: National Association for Sport and Physical Education.

Football, Gaelic

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aelic football is a variation of football in which players carry, kick, or punch the ball to reach the opposing team’s goal. It is the fastest growing sport in Ireland among both women and men and has historically been closely linked through its organizing body, the Gaelic Athletic Association (GAA), with Irish nationalism and identity. Gaelic football traces its roots generally back to the seventh century, when other variants of football also emerged. Various forms of folk or mob football existed in Ireland until the mid-nineteenth century, and the staging of such games was closely associated with religious holidays and fair days. Given the dislocation caused by the Irish Famine of the mid-nineteenth century, all forms of sport, and especially football, suffered. While there is evidence that different types of football were played in the postfamine years, it was not until the 1880s that the game was formally organized. Prior to that, in 1854, the Irish Rugby Football Union was formed, and this was followed in 1880 by the establishment of the Irish Football Association. Both these games, while popular, were considered part of the re-

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lentless British influence on Irish life and were rejected by many Irish nationalists. The specifically Gaelic version of football was the last game to emerge in Ireland and is one of the few games in the world to be overtly political in its origins. In 1884 the GAA was founded in Thurles, Ireland, as part of the Irish independence movement. The founders developed several games, including Gaelic football, in a deliberate effort to counter the influence of the British games that then dominated. The first men’s rules for Gaelic football were drawn up that same year. The idea for the establishment of the GAA came from Michael Cusack, who was supported by the legendary Irish athlete Pat Davin. The aim of the association was to promote specifically Irish games and resist the spread of British habits and pastimes among the Irish people. After gaining support for the association from Archbishop Croke of Cashel, the GAA was able to call on the Catholic Church in assisting the spread of the game. All Catholic parishes were encouraged to set up a club, and Cusack was able to claim that the game had, by the end of 1885, spread like a prairie fire.

The Early Years The game of Gaelic football was so successful in its early years because Cusack and Davin, building on British models of sporting organization, codified the game and carefully monitored its rules from the start. This meant that the playing and watching public were able to embrace a well-thought-out and exciting game. From 1887 the All-Ireland Championships in Gaelic football were organized and ran as an annual event. In the first competition, only eight of the thirty-two counties of Ireland entered, but that number grew year after year. The fact that the GAA as a whole, and the game of Gaelic football in particular, was imbued with the spirit of Irish nationalism was an added attraction. The political dimension of the game did cause problems. In the late 1880s and into the 1890s, there was a longrunning struggle for the control of the association between the Catholic Church and members of the advanced nationalist Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB)

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who wanted to use the game to promote their political beliefs. The IRB won the struggle and took control in 1887. In 1888 the association banned all members of the Royal Irish Constabulary, the Irish police force, from taking any part in the games, and later banned its own members from playing or watching any “foreign” games: cricket, association football, rugby union, and hockey. This rule stayed in force until it was repealed in 1971. The easy identification of the GAA with the forces of political nationalism led to a Gaelic football match at Croke Park being attacked by British forces during the Anglo-Irish War of 1919–1921. On 21 November 1920, Tipperary and Dublin had agreed to meet in a challenge match. A crowd of 10,000 attended the game. In response to an IRA attack on British forces earlier that day, a reprisal attack was mounted on Croke Park. British troops fired into the crowd and at the players on the pitch. By the end of the day, thirteen people, including the Tipperary player Michael Hogan, were dead. Hogan was immortalized when a stand at the ground was named after him. After the end of the Irish Civil War in 1923, the GAA played a key role in reuniting the country. From 1925 on, ten percent of all gate receipts were reserved for ground development across the country, and the association rapidly built up a network of the best facilities in the country. In 1926 a Gaelic football match became the first-ever sporting event to be broadcast live on the radio through national broadcaster 2RN. This marked the beginning of an important relationship between the game and the Irish media that has allowed Gaelic football to flourish.The growing popularity of the game was evidenced by the first-ever crowd of 40,000 for a match between Kildare and Kerry in 1929. Although the game has remained strictly amateur at the playing level, the game of Gaelic football has attracted a wealth of corporate sponsorship, including such leading firms as the Bank of Ireland, Allianz, and Guinness. The current stars of the game are highly visible in advertising campaigns, and their success continues to underpin the growth of the game at schoolboy level.

Rules of Play The Gaelic football pitch is from 140 to 160 yards long and from 84 to 100 yards wide. These are the basic dimensions, and some pitches, like that at Dublin’s Croke Park, are at the upper limit, while that of Westmeath’s Cusack Park would be at the lower end of the scale. At each end of the pitch, is an H-shaped post, similar to that in rugby union.The lower half of the post is netted in the style of a soccer goal.When a team propels the ball over the bar, they score one point, while a goal, worth three points, is scored when the ball goes into the net. The team with the highest score is the winners. Each team has fifteen players, including a goalkeeper, and is allowed three substitutions during the game. The game is played over two halves of thirty-five minutes each. Players can kick, punch, and carry the ball, although they must bounce the ball off the turf after every four steps. The game is incredibly physical, and shoulder barging is allowed. The striking of a player is banned, however, and Gaelic football has some of the most severe penalties for players found guilty of violent conduct, with players often being disallowed from representing their teams for a period of months. Gaelic football is organized around the geography of Ireland. The basic unit is the parish club, based around the Catholic Church parishes of the country. For such teams there are annual local and national cup and league competitions. The highest level that a player can compete at is for the county. There are thirty-two counties in Ireland, and each one has a Gaelic football team. The players for each county are drawn from the best parish club players under the county’s jurisdiction. During the winter the counties play in a two-league, fourdivision championship, with relegation and promotion for two teams from each league. While now heavily sponsored and promoted on the Irish-language television station TG4, the league is seen as the secondary competition. The most important competition every year is the All-Ireland Championship that runs every year from May to September. The thirty-two counties, plus teams representing New York and London, play preliminary rounds at the provincial level (there are

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There is no “I” in team.

four provinces in the country: Ulster, Connaught, Munster, and Leinster). The four provincial champions then meet in semifinals, before the last two teams battle out the All-Ireland final for the championship title and the Sam Maguire Trophy at Croke Park, Dublin, in front of a capacity crowd of 85,000.

The Game Overseas The Irish have been one of the most mobile nationalities and have, since forced to leave their country because of the ravages of the mid-nineteenth century, always emigrated in large numbers. On leaving Ireland they have taken their games with them. Naturally, GAA clubs, and Gaelic football in particular, can be found in most countries with a significant Irish immigrant population, namely Australia, Britain, Canada, South Africa, New Zealand, and the United States. The GAA club became a home away from home for many emigrants, and while the game of Gaelic football never broke through and won over the indigenous population, it has always had a popular following among the Irish diaspora. Gaelic football was also popular in Argentina in the first half of the nineteenth century due to the Irish migration, and in recent years it has been played in areas of new migration connected with international business, namely Hong Kong and Dubai. Attempts have been made by the GAA to popularize the game abroad. In 1947, for instance, the All-Ireland final between Cavan and Kerry was played at the Polo Grounds in New York in front of a crowd of 34,000. In 1967 the All-Ireland champions Meath met a team made up of Australian Rules footballers in a game of compromise rules drawn from both codes. Since that date, various attempts have been made to create an annual test series between Gaelic footballers and Australian Rules players. In the 1980s representative teams from Ireland and Australia met in a series of games, played in both countries, but they were financially unsuccessful. Since 1998 a renewed series of International Rules, sponsored by Coca-Cola, has been played on an annual home-and-away basis and has proved to be a great success. Crowds in both Australia and Ireland

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have been large, and it seems that the series offers Gaelic football a solid and regular international outlet.

Women’s Gaelic Football Gaelic football remained a men’s game for almost one hundred years. Then, the Ladies Gaelic Football Association was founded in 1974, and it has had at the center of its mission statement as a goal to involve as many young girls and women in this Irish sport. The women’s association has been successful since its inception. In the schools Gaelic football for girls is a popular alternative to the women’s version of hurling, camogie (the Irish women’s national game, also founded by the GAA). The game is an exact copy of the men’s game with no rule changes or concessions made because the competitors are women, as happened with the creation of camogie. Women’s Gaelic football is a contest between two sides of fifteen players each. The pitch is from 129 to 147 meters (140 to 160 yards) long and from 79.5 to 92 meters (84 to 100 yards) wide. The goal at each end of the pitch is H-shaped, similar to that used in rugby union with the lower part of the post netted in the same way as a soccer goal. Players score one point for kicking the ball over the uprights and three points for propelling the ball into the goal net. The winning side is the one with the greatest number of points. Players are allowed to handle and kick the ball, although they are prohibited from running with the ball farther than four steps. Of the thirty-two Irish counties, twelve compete at the senior level, while an additional nineteen also have junior teams. The widespread support for the game at the junior level and the game’s popularity in the school system as an alternative to camogie means that the game’s future is secure. In the formative years of women’s Gaelic football, its main stronghold was in the province of Munster in the southwest of Ireland, as evidenced by Kerry’s winning the All-Ireland Championship nine consecutive times in the 1980s. In the 1990s the game spread across Ireland, and winners of the All-Ireland now come from all

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over the nation. The growth of the sport is spectacular. It is estimated that in excess of 30,000 Irish women are regularly playing Gaelic football. In cities in other countries with large Irish immigrant populations, Gaelic football is being taken up as a sport for the women of the diaspora. The Ladies Gaelic Football Association is not officially affiliated with the GAA, but it is recognized by the larger organization. As sport and as a recent organization, the Ladies Gaelic Football Association does not appear to have as close links with political nationalism as does the GAA, but the popularity of the sport does illustrate how important traditionally Irish forms of sport are within the nation. Its rapid spread outside Ireland suggests that it has a secure future.

The Future The game of Gaelic football is undoubtedly the most popular sport in Ireland. There are more competitors playing the game, and the spectator figures, both live and those for television viewing, were higher in 2003 than even for international soccer. In recent years many of the country’s Gaelic football grounds, including the headquarters, Croke Park, in Dublin, have been modernized and facilities improved. The game is a great success as it ties together local community pride at the parish level, with support for an original and exciting Irish phenomenon. While the game remains strictly amateur at the playing level, the GAA as an organization has become highly professional in its approach to managing Gaelic football. As a result it is a thoroughly modern sport with excellent media coverage, high levels of sponsorship and support, and nationwide community programs. While it may be a game that no one else in the world plays, the future of Gaelic games is bright. Mike Cronin

Further Reading Bradley, J. (1999). British and Irish sport: The garrison game and the GAA in Scotland. The Sports Historian, 1, 81–96. Cronin, M. (1998). Enshrined in blood: The naming of Gaelic Athletic Association grounds and clubs. The Sports Historian, 1, 1–23.

Cronin, M. (1999). Sport and nationalism in Ireland: Gaelic games, soccer, and Irish national identity since 1884. Dublin: Four Courts Press. De Búrca, M. (1980). The GAA: A history of the Gaelic Athletic Association. Dublin: Cumann Lúthchleas Gael. Gael, C. L. (1984). A century of service, 1884–1984. Dublin: Cumann Lúthchleas Gael. Hughes, A. (1997). The Irish community. In P. A. Mosely, R. Cahsman, J. O’Hara, & H. Weatherburn (Eds.), Sporting Immigrants. Crows Nest, New South Wales: Walla Walla Press.

Foro Italico

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he Foro Italico (Italian Forum) sports complex is located in Rome. The Fascist Academy for Physical Education was established in the forum, then named the “Foro Mussolini,” and was progressively extended until World War II. After the liberation of Italy, the forum hosted large sports events such as the 1960 Olympic Games and the 1990 soccer World Cup.

History The fascist youth organization Organizzazione Nazionale Balilla (ONB) was founded in 1926 to educate Italian youth physically and morally. The question of the need for an organization of physical education was finally raised in a country that had no great tradition of sports or gymnastics. In 1926 the ONB began to consider creating a school to train physical education teachers, and Renato Ricci, ONB president, began construction of the Fascist Academy for Physical Education to educate teachers who would later teach the children of the whole of Italy. Ricci placed the architect Enrico Del Debbio in charge of designing the buildings for the academy. The foundation stone was laid on 5 February 1928. The Fascist Academia of Physical Education, the Marble Stadium, the Cypress Stadium, and an obelisk were then completed. After 1928 new buildings were completed before World War II: a hotel to the south (1933), the Sphere Fountain (1933), several tennis courts (1933–1934), a hotel to the north (1935– 1936), a weapons room (1935–1936), two indoor

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swimming pools (1936–1937), a private gymnasium for the Italian premier Benito Mussolini (1937), the Empire Square (1937), and so forth.

DEVELOPMENT OF THE FORO MUSSOLINI With the transformation of the ONB into the Italian Youth of the Lictor (Gioventu Italiana del Littorio— GIL) in 1937, the youth organization moved to the direct leadership of the Fascist National Party (PNF), and Ricci left his post. The architect Luigi Moretti succeeded Del Debbio and created a new general plan for the forum. During the mid-1930s the goal of presenting Rome as a candidate city to host the 1940 Olympic Games led to the development of the Foro Mussolini. With this goal in mind the Cypress Stadium was extended after 1937 and was more often called the “Olympic Stadium” (Stadio Olimpionico) or the “Hundred Thousand Stadium” (Stadio dei Centomila). With the radicalization of fascism, monumentalism gained ground, and the general plan of 1936 consisted of a parade ground that could hold 400,000 people and that would be located at the foot of a 100-meter-high statue of Mussolini giving a Roman salute. This project was not carried out, and Achille Starace, secretary of the PNF, took advantage of the situation to make a gift of the ground to the PNF, which built the Palazzo Littorio (1938–1943), which today is the seat of the minister of foreign affairs (1956–1960). At the beginning of the 1940s Moretti drew up a last general plan (1941), which provided for other monumental installations.

FASCIST SPORTS FACILITIES The Foro Mussolini was not only one of the most important fascist constructions, but also one of the biggest sports complexes of the period. Ricci’s strong political commitment and his typically fascist willingness to allow young Italians to build the “new Italy” marked the history of the Foro. The myth of youth expressed itself in Ricci’s choice to hire only young professionals (architects, engineers, sculptors, artists, etc.), often between twenty and thirty years of age. A fervent defender of physical education as an essential complement to fascist

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moral education, Ricci wanted above all to build a sports complex where the “fascist way of life” would be taught. He therefore favored athletics that allow full exercising of the body, and he was critical of soccer and its passive spectators. Soccer could not be played in the Marble Stadium, and the Cypress Stadium was deliberately of a reduced size so that the spectacle aspect could not take priority over the educational aspect. The fascists were proud of the architectural and artistic style of the Foro Mussolini. The progressive construction, carried out by several designers, could not guarantee a unity of styles; nevertheless, a great harmony of the whole emerges. The Foro has both antique and modern elements, illustrating the eclectic nature of architecture during the fascist period.The Greco-Roman style is present in the sixty statues that surround the Marble Stadium (donations from several Italian provinces), in the marble or bronze statues that decorate the Foro in several places, and in the numerous mosaics. The Roman style is also present in the landscape of the Mario hill in the background, in the almost five thousand trees—Mediterranean for the most part—that were planted, and even in the name Foro. Under fascism the buildings were colored in Pompeian red, an obvious reference to the city at the foot of Mount Vesuvius, and the white of the statues, frames, and side walls show the contrast and the complementary nature of traditional colors. Marble is everywhere. Moreover, modernity is expressed in the techniques of construction, the building materials (reinforced concrete), and the style of several buildings (the obelisk, the weapons room, the Sphere Fountain, Mussolini’s gymnasium, etc.).

Venue Today After World War II the administration of the complex was dispersed. With the difficult management of its fascist past, the forum now is used for big sports events such as the Rome international tennis championships or the world championships. The weapons room was transformed into an armor-plated hall for major trials. In order to host the 1960 Olympic Games, the Olympic Stadium was enlarged (1952), and an Olympic

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water sports stadium (1956–1960), a training ground, and the International Student House (1958–1960) were built. After the Olympic Games the Foro Italico hosted the world swimming championships, the world athletics championships, and the 1990 soccer World Cup. The Italian National Olympic Committee (CONI) moved into the buildings of the old academy, and the Higher Institute for Physical Education (ISEF) and then the University Institute for Motor Sciences (IUSM) of Rome took up residence in the thermals baths. Daphne Bolz

Further Reading Il Foro Italico e lo Stadio Olimpico [The Foro Italico and the Olympic Stadium]. (1990). Rome: Tomo.

Foxhunting

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oxhunting is a field sport in which a group of riders and dogs pursue a fox—if one appears—crosscountry until the fox escapes or is killed. It is recreational, not competitive, and is as much a ritual as it is an actual hunt. Traditionally the practice of the wealthy, foxhunting remains an expensive sport. It was also primarily a male sport until the nineteenth century, but today men and women participate in approximately equal numbers.

History Hunting foxes with hounds during winter months emerged in England during the late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries as other game animals became scarcer. By the early nineteenth century it had become formalized, mainly due to the influence of Hugo Meynell (1735–?), who introduced the “scientific” breeding of hounds and established codes of etiquette in the Quorn hunt in Leicestershire. His influence was soon felt throughout the country, and by the end of the

nineteenth century there were two hundred packs of hounds, the structural base of any hunt; the numbers have remained more or less constant since that time. Hunt clubs divided the United Kingdom into informally agreed “territories” for this quintessential rural sport, one whose basis was defined as involving a contest with nature and animals. Most hunts practice for three days a week during the season. Farming landscapes were often designed to meet the needs of local hunts, whose leading members were usually aristocrats with a considerable influence in their areas. Although most hunting took place on horseback there were mountainous and marshy areas where the hounds were followed on foot. Each hunt developed a distinctive uniform: the leading officials and servants usually wear scarlet coats, known colloquially as “pink,” with distinctive buttons; others wear black, or tweed jackets. Before World War I the sport’s value for men was often justified as offering training for cavalry officers. Unlike many modern sports, foxhunting has made little use of formal rules and national organizations because the sport is noncompetitive (theoretically) and locally based. In Britain associations of Masters of Fox Hounds and Hunt Secretaries have been the main regulatory bodies but much has depended on self-imposed codes of etiquette. These are usually transmitted by word of mouth, although some have appeared in guides to behavior for the socially ambitious. The latter became increasingly important in the later nineteenth century as the costs of hunting meant that many packs were now supported by members’ subscriptions instead of aristocratic benevolence. The sport’s popularity was due mostly to two factors—it became one avenue by which the aspiring newly rich could be introduced to and reinforce existing rural elites, and it offered entertainment for all social classes, as the deferential lower classes watched the rich at play. Claims that it is a “democratic” sport need to be treated with care; inclusiveness would be a better description. Foxhunting appeared in other parts of the world, especially throughout the British Empire and its former colonies; in countries such as the United States and Australia, variations were adopted

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If you chase two rabbits, both will escape. ■ ANONYMOUS

that were suited to local conditions. There were also some hunts in Italy and Spain. Other offshoots have included point-to-point racing, “national hunt” horse racing, and equestrian competitions involving hurdles.

Gender Balance In its early years foxhunting was almost entirely a masculine activity, largely because of its associations with aggression, heavy drinking, and the speed of the chase. Men have dominated the developments and much of the literary popularization, through the writings of Anthony Trollope and Siegfried Sassoon. Women had, however, participated occasionally in earlier forms of hunting on horseback such as hawking and stag hunting; Queen Elizabeth I (1533–1603) had been a formidable rider in the earlier years of her reign. The Marchioness of Salisbury (d. 1835) ran her own pack of hounds in the 1790s. The great increase in female participation came in the later nineteenth century. Convention (as well as flowing gowns) had dictated that women could only ride sidesaddle instead of astride, and this limited their ability to join in the chase at speed. Around the 1850s new developments in saddlery, and the addition of a pommel, made the use of sidesaddles more secure, and it eventually became acceptable for women to wear riding breeches and boots, provided that they were concealed by a false skirt front that enveloped the rider’s legs. Only after World War I did younger women discard their skirts along with the old inhibitions and begin to sit astride their horses. Within the limits posed by changing attitudes to women’s athleticism and the practical physiological implications of menstruation, pregnancy, and so on, some active horsewomen became as daring, even as reckless, on the hunting field as many men. The convention that they went through gates opened specially for them gave way by the late Victorian period to their leaping hedges and fences together with male riders. Even so, there was some debate as to whether active hunting made for stronger breeding mothers, or if the aggressive riding inhibited pelvic development if the girl began too young.

Most women hunted wearing female versions of male headgear (top and bowler hats) worn over hair nets and veils designed to protect delicate complexions from overexposure to a frequently harsh climate. A tanned face is now more acceptable but hair nets still appear frequently. Like men, most women now wear lightweight protective helmets, after some serious accidents in the later twentieth century prompted a greater concern with safety. Even so, few hunting seasons pass without some broken bones after falls at hedges and fences.

Social and Moral Issues When women began to hunt regularly in the 1870s, questions of social acceptability became paramount. It was normal for women to reflect the social status of their fathers or husbands and to assess the social credentials of newcomers. Fringe events such as hunt breakfasts and balls were useful vehicles for this task. But tensions arose because the subscriptions of new members were essential to maintain the sport in periods of agricultural recession, and this financial need was at odds with the selection and elimination process often organized by the women hunters. Significant problems also arose when established women hunters tried to act as moral arbiters. Male hunting groups had often existed on the fringes of sexual license and the occasional appearance of mistresses and courtesans sometimes led to social ostracism. A well-known example illustrates the difficulties this could cause. The most famous courtesan of mid-Victorian England was “Skittles,” Catherine Walters (1839–1920), who rose from humble origins to wealth through the beds of aristocratic admirers, and who proved to be a courageous and active rider with a quasi-religious enthusiasm for hunting. Her other legacy has been that the hunting field has remained one of the trysting grounds both for legitimate romance and illicit affairs. In the late twentieth century, Prince Charles’s (b. 1948) companion, Camilla Parker-Bowles (b. 1947), attracted considerable media attention when riding to hounds, in sharp contrast with Diana, Princess of Wales (1961–1997), who reportedly disliked riding.

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A red fox. Source: istockphoto/celtic-art.

Gender Integration Although most masters of packs have been men, the twentieth century saw a steady increase in the role of women taking such responsibilities. In some cases it was claimed that hunts were kept in existence during World War I solely by women. There were many instances in the 1920s and 1930s where women outnumbered male riders. In cultures increasingly dependent on mechanized transport, the recreational use of horses grew rapidly, especially among women, and hunting benefited from this enthusiasm. Since the 1790s there had been hunt “patronesses” who had presided over the social events that reinforced hunting seasons. Women had been in charge of such related sports as otter hunting and beagling before 1914, and the postwar period saw others becoming Masters (never “Mistresses”) of Fox Hounds, the titular and organizational head of each hunt, as well as the leading riders on any day out and the final arbiters of etiquette. (They

were often called “Dianas,” referring to the goddess of hunting.) Even so these women relied frequently on their husbands’ positions and wealth and often combined joint mastership with their spouses. This development marked a partnership in maintaining established local status rather than a new independence or domination by the female Masters. Slowly, as foxhunting became a respectable, even essential, part of the ruling classes’ female life cycle, the claim died out that women who participated in the sport were defeminized. Women could exhibit, within limits, some of the aggression that had previously been a male preserve. Perhaps the most bizarre manifestation of women’s new level of involvement was the role that hunting mothers took in the sporting initiation rites of their children, male or female. This was the “blooding”; the blood of a newly killed fox was smeared on the child’s face using the severed tail or “brush” to do the painting. By contrast, lower-class women appeared largely as spectators, but the later twentieth century saw a small growth in their numbers among the humbler hunting staff, as grooms and kennel maids. Only rarely did they work with the key huntsmen and whippers-in, the professional servants who manage the packs and the apparatus of a day’s hunting. This gender integration is in sharp contrast with practice in the United States, where there are some workingclass foot hunts in which men use dogs to chase gray foxes. In the New Jersey pine barrens, for instance, women may appear as distant spectators or drivers of the pickup vehicles, but local social conventions ban

FOXHUNTING

them from the actual hunting itself. Gender segregation remains much stronger where other social and sporting activities are similarly divided. In the growing antihunting movement that has emerged in the United Kingdom since the 1980s women and men play equal parts, both as hunt saboteurs and in public political campaigns. The appeal is always to consciences over animal welfare rather than using the older claims that foxhunting was defeminizing, but there has also been a strong element of class antagonism. The moral argument is couched in strictly egalitarian gender terms. In 2002 the Scottish Parliament was persuaded to ban hunting foxes with hounds and the English Parliament was expected to do likewise in 2004. A fierce debate led to mass protest by hunt supporters, including violent clashes with the police and the invasion of the House of Commons as well as arguments about the relative powers of the two Houses of Parliament, Commons and Lords. The future of the sport remains uncertain, with the possibility of illegal activity and its eventual replacement by “drag hunting,” in which a scented trail replaces the fox as the quarry. In November 2004, the British Parliament outlawed the hunting and killing of mammals using dogs. Despite attempts to block the legislation through the courts, the ban became effective in February 2005. Hunts are still allowed to chase foxes with dogs but can only kill them by shooting. Many may do this, or shift to following human and artificial scents for a day’s sport. The overall effect of the legislation will take some considerable time to become clear.

Picture and Print The iconography of foxhunting has concentrated largely on men, either in groups or as individuals, whose portraits on horseback adorned many country houses. By far the best known of these artists was Sir Alfred Munnings (1878–1959). Women were usually regarded as subordinate subjects, included in group scenes. The exceptions appeared in Victorian and other periodicals, where engravings and photographs were used to emphasize the desirable exclusiveness of the hunting field —the Empress Elizabeth of Austria was a favorite sub-

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ject. Modern country magazines aimed at the socially aspiring continue to photograph elite women for the same purpose—in Britain, Princess Anne, the Princess Royal (b. 1950) and a former Olympic competitor, has proved a favorite subject. Whilst men have also dominated hunting literature, women have made a major contribution. A trio of men, Robert Smith Surtees (1805–1864), the inventor of Jorrocks, an honest and jolly squire, Anthony Trollope (1815–1882), who put hunting into many of his fortyseven novels, and Siegfried Sassoon (1886–1917), who made foxhunting part of a nostalgia for Edwardian England, were read by many who did not hunt. At the end of the twentieth century the English philosopher Roger Scruton produced a lyrical apologia for the sport at a time when it was increasingly threatened. As far as women were concerned, Skittles’s hunting exploits occupied part of a mediocre novel during her lifetime: Skittles: A Biography of a Fascinating Woman (1864), by W. S. Hayward. One of the most important contributions to the sport’s modern popularity came in the novels written jointly by two Irish women. Beginning with The Silver Fox in 1879, Edith Oenone Somerville (1858– 1949) and Florence Martin (1862–1915) wrote, as “Somerville and Ross,” fiction set in the Irish countryside. Action, love, and social conscience went hand in hand to portray foxhunting as an essential part of a romanticized rural order in which hunting women played a key role. In 2004 the London Times contributor Jane Shilling produced a lyrical account of her introduction to the sport as an adult and a justification for its being allowed to continue. John Lowerson

Further Reading Blow, S. (1983). Fields Elysian: A portrait of hunting society. London: J. M. Dent & Sons. Blyth, H. (1970). Skittles, the cast Victorian courtesan: The life and times of Catherine Walters. London: Rupert Hart-Davis. Carr, R. (1976). English foxhunting: A history. London: Weidenfeld & Nicholson. Ferguson, G. (1993). The green collars: The Tarporley Hunt Club and Cheshire hunting history. London: Quiller.

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I will always be someone who wants to do better than others. I love competition. ■ JEAN-CLAUDE KILLY

Hufford, M. T. (1992). Chaseworld: Foxhunting and storytelling in New Jersey’s pine barrens. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Itzkowitz, D. C. (1977). Peculiar privilege: A social history of English foxhunting. Hassocks, UK: Harvester. Lowerson, J. (1993). Sport and the English middle classes, 1870–1914. Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press. Lowerson, J. (1996). Foxhunting. In D. Levinson & K. Christensen (Eds.), Encyclopedia of world sport (pp. 359–363). Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO. Sassoon, S. (1928). Memoirs of a foxhunting man. London: Faber. Scruton, R. (1999). On hunting. London: Yellow Jersey. Shilling, J. (2004). The fox in the cupboard: A memoir. London: Viking. Sinclair, A. (1998). Death by fame: The life of Elizabeth, Empress of Austria. London: Constable.

France

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rance is a European country with a population of 62 million people. It has been a republic since 1870, except for a short period during World War II. Although decentralization laws were introduced during the 1980s, France is still characterized by a centralist tradition inherited from the Napoleonic period in economic, cultural, political, and administrative domains. This has given Paris, the capital, exceptional significance on a national scale. The development of sports in France during the twentieth century grew out of gymnastics traditions that date back to the nineteenth century.

History Following the 1789 French Revolution and throughout the nineteenth century, the country’s long military tradition combined with a growing hygienic trend to favor the development of private gymnasiums. Its defeat by Prussia in 1870 resulted in France’s painful loss of the Alsace-Lorraine region. It also gave rise to an unusual development of highly structured clubs devoted to gymnastics practices. These became federated in 1873, producing an extremely influential association called the Union des Sociétés de Gymnastique de France. The association, which enjoyed the support of the military and civil authorities until World War I, promoted

republican-inspired, patriotic group activities that gathered together workers, artisans, and people from the lower middle class. The values and practices of these clubs were different from those of the aristocracy, which preferred fencing, horseback riding, dancing, or tennis, and from those of the new urban middle class, which preferred other sports. The first sports clubs appeared in France in the 1870s, often at the initiative of British residents. The student areas of Paris and a few other large cities turned out to be particularly fertile environments for these clubs. In 1889 a multisports organization called the Union des Sociétés Françaises de Sports Athlétiques (USFSA) was created, which gradually made a name for itself as a reference institution for most sports in France. Despite considerable resistance from political and educational circles, both of which preferred gymnastics practices, the sports movement spread. Not the activity of Pierre de Coubertin, the founder of the modern Olympic Games, nor the organization of the 1900 Olympic Games in Paris, nor even the 1901 law pertaining to the freedom to create associations appeared to have played any major role in this development. However, the USFSA fell victim to growing pains and to the rising conservatism of its directors in the face of the social transformations that were affecting sports adepts. It split in 1920 into a series of federations by sports category. Post–World War I society in France was able to turn its attention to leisure. Mass sport and sports entertainment were able to develop for a number of reasons: (1) a boom in the specialized press (for example, the publication of La Vie au Grand Air and L’Auto); (2) the collapse of nationalist gymnastics practices and the success of a number of symbolic events such as the 1919 Interallied Games, the 1924 Paris Olympic Games, and the Tour de France (initiated in 1901); (3) the construction of sports stadiums; and (4) the rise of professional football in 1930. Mass sport and sports entertainment continued to progress slowly, supported by the action of France’s Popular Front government in 1936 in favor of leisure activities and then by the

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France Pascal on Diversions growth of associations during the German Occupation (1939–1944). Due to the difficult economic situation in the post– World War II years, it was not until the rise of France’s Fifth Republic in 1959 and the advent of profound changes to French society that sport began to experience exponential growth. Under the impetus of Charles de Gaulle, the government made sport a public service during the 1960s. This encouraged building necessary infrastructures and supervising or even introducing more sportsmanship into physical education programs. Thanks to a number of factors—the rising standard of living, the greater participation of women in economic life, the spread of television, and the success of the main sporting publication, L’Equipe—25 percent of the French population were practicing a sport by 1967. The 1970s were marked by a rage for outdoor sports, the appearance of a sports-for-all ideal, and a relative loss of momentum for sports policy. During the 1980s, sports continued to grow steadily and in 2000, 83 percent of the population aged 15 to 75 declared that they practiced a sport, compared to 75 percent in 1987. More people practiced nonfederated sports than traditional sports. The relationship between the government and the sports association environment, which was defined quite specifically in a series of statute laws in 1945, 1975, 1984, and 2000, has remained steady, with the allocation for sport at around 0.5 percent of the national budget. As a result of the public and private subsidies allocated to elite sports, France ranked about eighth among sporting nations in the early twenty-first century.

Participant and Spectator Sports In addition to the highly popular entertainment provided each year by the Tour de France bicycle race, the Five-Nations (now the Six-Nations) Rugby Tournament, the Roland Garros tennis tournament, and the French football championships, the latter part of the twentieth century was marked by a few major events, such as the Winter Olympic Games at Grenoble in 1968 and then

The French mathematician and thinker Blaise Pascal weighs in on what motivates people to choose certain activities in this extract from his essay, “What Our Diversions Reveal About Us” (1670): Thus so wretched is man that he would weary even without any cause for weariness from the peculiar state of his disposition; and so frivolous is he that, though full of a thousand reasons for weariness, the least thing, such as playing billiards or hitting a ball, is sufficient to amuse him. But will you say what object has he in all this? The pleasure of bragging tomorrow among his friends that he has played better than another. So others sweat in their own rooms to show to the learned that they have solved a problem in algebra, which no one had hitherto been able to solve. Many more expose themselves to extreme perils, in my opinion as foolishly, in order to boast afterwards that they have captured a town. Lastly, others wear themselves out in studying all these things, not in order to become wiser, but only in order to prove that they know them; and these are the most senseless of the band, since they are so knowingly, whereas one may suppose of the others that, if they knew it, they would no longer be foolish.

at Albertville in 1992, and the World Football Cup in 1998. Football remained the most popular sport, not only as a spectator sport, but also as the most practiced sport (with more than 2 million registered federation members). Since the 1980s, the strong growth of televised sports entertainment, the competition among public and private channels, and the scramble for audience have all widened the gap between popular sports and others. During the period from 1993 to 1997, 67.5 percent of sport-televised hours were devoted to only nine

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Baron de Zuylen’s six-seated 20 hp Panhard and Levassor car, which ran in the tourist section of the Paris–Berlin race of 1901.

disciplines (listed from most televised to least): football, auto racing, tennis, cycling, rugby, basketball, athletics, boxing, and golf. Differences in media coverage alone can’t explain the French hierarchy in sports, however, since the federations with more than 200,000 members are for the following sports (listed from the largest to the smallest): football, tennis, judo, pétanque (a lawn game), basketball, rugby, skiing, golf, sailing, handball, and karate. Golf, sailing, and judo, which have fewer registered federation members, have had the highest growth rates since the 1980s. The culture of traditional practices is so widespread that bowls and pétanque draw in more than 700,000 members, making that federation one of France’s largest. The French are regularly outstanding at the international level in cycling (especially track cycling), judo, fencing, horseback riding, rugby, and canoeingkayaking, for reasons that are also linked to the country’s historical legacy. They also perform at high levels in skiing, athletics, boxing, football, volleyball, handball, and tennis, although sporadically.

Women and Sport Besides a few early exceptions in mountain climbing, gymnastics, and swimming, women didn’t really appear in sports in France until after 1900, with the establishment of clubs like the Ondine de Paris in 1906, Fémina Sport in 1912, and Academia in 1915. Because men’s sports and gymnastics federations refused to let them participate, women founded their own federations, but they were unable to reach an agreement on just what “women’s sport” should be. The Union Française de Gymnastique Féminine, created in 1912, defended a conservative, hygienic concept of women’s

sport that contrasted with that of the Fédération des Sociétés Sportives Féminines, created in 1916 and presided over by Alice Milliat, a tireless advocate of women in sports. Alice Milliat also disagreed with the international federations and with Pierre de Coubertin on women’s participation in the Olympic Games. In reaction, she founded the Women’s International Sport Federation and, in April 1921, launched the first “Women Olympic Games” in Monte Carlo. Shaken up by the change of attitude taking place at the international level after 1928, French sports federations gradually began to accept women as members. As a result, the two rival women’s federations disappeared. French society was deeply patriarchal, however (women obtained the right to vote only in 1945), and the cycling, rugby, and boxing federations, among others, refused to change their statutes to allow women members until the 1980s. Generally speaking, the popular image of women as wives and mothers slowed the development of women’s sport in France; until the 1960s women were channeled into activities that conformed more closely to feminine standards, such as gymnastics, swimming, and basketball. More women began to participate in sports after 1960, as women became more involved in the country’s economic life. The 1970s movement in favor of gender equality, followed by the slow maturing of French attitudes during the 1980s and 1990s, helped to boost the proportion of women practicing a sport—from under 10 percent in 1968, to 32 percent in 1983, and then to 64 percent in 1994 (when 72 percent of men were practicing a sport). The type of sport activity was still highly correlated with gender—25 percent of French women were doing various types of fitness exercise, ranging from aerobics to sophrology (a relaxation technique), 23 percent were swimming, and 22 percent were walking and hiking. Men were devoting themselves to cycling, tennis, and football. Certain sports have never attracted many women, in particular football, rugby, boxing, and cycling. Since the 1970s, women have been practicing sports

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A solo cyclist nearing the top of the awesome Mt. Ventoux in France. The tower is a military radar installation. Source: istockphoto/Newsue.

more, but the increase appears to have especially benefited noncompetitive and noninstitutionalized activities. While 4 million women were registered in sports federations in 1992, by 2003 only 33 percent of registered women were members of Olympic federations. Despite the remarkable international success in tennis (Amélie Mauresmo), fencing (Laura Flessel), swimming (Laure Manaudou), and cycling (Jeannie Longo), for example, only 6 percent of French women currently compete in sports, compared to 17 percent of men— and the gap widens as age increases. There are also not many women on the steering committees of sports federations. On average, they represent under 13 percent, which is far below expressed parity objectives.

Youth Sports In 2000 more than 90 percent of young people aged 14 to 17 practiced a sport outside the school system. In school, between the mandatory physical education and optional sports practiced within a school sports association, nearly 100 percent did. And yet the very idea of youth sports is new in France, and so there is no concerted policy with respect to it. Since the 1982 decentralization laws, the government itself depends heavily on local governments (communes, departments, and regions), which finance about a third of sports activities in the country, including a significant part for promoting sports to young people. During the 1980s, for example, the communes set up sports activities in sensitive neighborhoods in the suburbs of large cities as a response to urban violence and juvenile delinquency. During the 1990s, enthusiasm was generated for such activities by creating social programs that were financed nationally through a city policy that received contributions from all the ministries involved (National Education, Youth and Sports, and the Interior). Following the sweeping laws on socio-educational and sports facilities of the 1960s, which were focused on youth sports practiced within federations, other more recent programs are still concentrating on infrastructure, but with a vision that is better adapted to the changing youth culture. In 1991, “J Sports,” a nationwide pro-

gram that was eventually taken over by the communes, enabled the creation of 1,500 local sports facilities. In addition to these public programs, many organizations that contain a sports component also target young people’s activities. These include, for example, the country’s 150,000 sports associations, youth and cultural centers, and youth organizations like the scouts, municipal day camps, summer camps (municipal, corporate, or leisure centers), and youth hostels.

Organizations The French sport system is based on linking up public and private structures. Besides the national federations for individual sports, both Olympic and non-Olympic, like the Fédération Française de Football (Soccer) and the Fédération Française de Natation (swimming), there are also what are called multisport “fédérations affinitaires” whose statutes provide for a political,

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France Key Events in France Sports History 1873 The Union des Sociétés de Gymnastique de France is established. 1889 The Union des Sociétés Françaises de Sports Athlétiques is founded. 1894 The first automobile race in the world is held in France. 1900 The Olympics are held in Paris. 1901 The first Tour de France bicycle race is held. 1906 The women’s sport association, Ondine de Paris, is founded. 1912 The Union Française de Gymnastique Féminine is founded.

1921 The “Women’s Olympic Games” in Monte Carlo is tagged by Alice Milliat and the Women’s International Sport Federation. 1923 The first Le Mans auto race is held. 1924 The Olympics are held Paris. 1930 Professional soccer becomes popular. 1968 The Winter Olympics are held at Grenoble. Regional and local governments take a greater role in supporting sports. 1991 The “J Sports” program leads to the building of many sports facilities. 1992 The Winter Olympics are held at Albertville.

1916 The Fédération des Sociétés Sportives Féminines is founded.

1998 France hosts and wins the World Football Cup.

1919 The Interallied Games are held in Paris.

1998 The “Festina Affair” indicates that doping is common among Tour de France riders.

educational, or religious commitment (for example, the socialist Fédération Gymnique et Sportive du Travail, the educational Union Nationale du Sport Scolaire, or the Catholic Fédération Sportive et Culturelle de France). These federations are accredited by the state so that they can obtain funding and exercise a public service function as long as they respect certain administrative, technical, financial, and ethical principles (sports clubs are prohibited from being listed on the stock exchange, for example). As a result, all federations are organized around the same government-defined master statutes. The Youth and Sports Ministry is in charge of the government’s national policy on developing sports and high-level sports. Beyond its own budget, it can count on a National Sport Development Fund (the FNDS), which is drawn from the revenue of various national lotteries. Its objectives are carried out by ministerial offices at the regional and departmental levels throughout the country. Each federation also has regional and departmental headquarters; each one is a member of the Comité National Olympique et Sportif Français (CNOSF), which coordinates both the federations and

the national Olympic committee. The CNOSF also has regional counterparts. At the local level, there are administrative units for sport that implement municipal policies, and municipal sport services that represent the local sports movement and are members of a national municipal sports federation (FNOMS).

Sports in Society Sports have an ambiguous status in French society. The public authorities consider them an educational tool, providing that they are protected from society’s “dangers.”They are very popular as spectacles, yet generally not considered an essential part of French life. Still, government assistance does exist for high-level athletes, in the form of financial contributions, training programs, and aids for integrating the work environment. The Institut National du Sport et de l’Éducation Physique (INSEP) is the public organization that helps to prepare the national teams. National identity is occasionally—but rarely—an issue in sports events. During the 1998 elections, for example, the extreme right was making a lot of news. The World Cup victory of France’s mixed-race football

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France Olympics Results 2002 Winter Olympics: 4 Gold, 5 Silver, 2 Bronze 2004 Summer Olympics: 11 Gold, 9 Silver, 13 Bronze

team, led by its captain Zinedine Zidane, provided an opportunity to counter that by rallying the French population to join together in spite of individual differences in opinion. The occasion received a lot of media coverage, and the power of sport as a means of social integration was taken up politically. During the 1990s and early 2000s, French sporting news was shaken up by several widely publicized cases. One such case arose from the construction of the Stade de France, a stadium in the suburbs of Paris that had been on the agenda since 1938 and which was finally completed for the 1998 World Football Cup. The project was highly polemical and involved a number of sensitive financial trade-offs. In another, football’s image was tarnished by revelations of the corrupt dealings of well-known entrepreneur Bernard Tapie, a former minister of urban affairs and the owner of the Olympique de Marseille, France’s best football team of the 1980s. First accused of rigging a match against the Valenciennes team, he was swept away by a wave of scandals and eventually served a prison sentence. France was upset by another scandal in 1998, the “Festina Affair,”in which it came out that doping practices were commonplace among Tour de France riders. Following the case, some particularly strict legislation was passed in France, which has ruffled some international sports authorities. Finally, stadium violence—never an issue in France until the mid-1980s—emerged as a major problem, although without reaching the levels of the hooliganism seen in England or Italy.

The Future The close relationship in France between the government and the sports movement has become a problem in the European context of free circulation of goods and individuals (the 1995 Bosman ruling). This could cause public authorities to withdraw their involvement; on the other hand, they are likely to refocus on elite performance and on combating doping practices and violence in sport. No longer certain of the integrative and educational virtues of sport, local governments are adopting a wide range of strategies; these are creating a

greater inequality nationwide in support. Over the medium term, resorting to the use of private partners to help mass sports survive will only serve to reinforce the impact of popular spectator sports, to the detriment of other sports. Thierry Terret See also Le Mans; Tour de France

Further Reading Arnaud, P. (1985). Les athlètes de la République. Toulouse: Privat. Arnaud, P. (1998). Le sport en France. Une approche politique, économique et sociale. Paris: La Documentation française. Arnaud, P., & Terret, T. (1996). Histoire du sport féminin. Paris: L’Harmattan. Augustin, J. P. (1995). Sport, géographie et aménagement. Paris: Nathan. Callède, J. P. (2000). Les politiques sportives en France. Paris: Economica. Davisse, A., & Louveau, C. (1998). Sport, école, société: la différence des sexes. Paris: L’Harmattan. Duret, P., & Trabal, P. (2001). Le sport et ses affaires. Paris: Métailié. Ministère des Sport and INSEP. (2002). Les pratiques sportives en France. Paris: éditions de l’INSEP. Terret, T. (2000). Education physique, sport et loisir. 1970-2000. Marseille: AFRAPS. Vigarello, G. (2002). Du jeu ancien au show sportif. Paris: Seuil.

Franchise Relocation

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any sports franchises throughout the world have established loyal fan followings in their respective communities. In some cases, teams have maintained continuous operations for well over a century, creating stability within their host cities. However, one characteristic of the professional sports industry in North America, where the vast majority of franchises are privately owned, is the relocation of teams to new communities. Often, relocating teams have left fans feeling betrayed. These feelings have been exacerbated when it became apparent that many recent relocations were driven more by a desire of the owners to increase profits than a lack of support from fans within the established community.

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Understanding Why Teams Relocate The relocation of franchises has occurred frequently within the North American professional sports context, where teams have been traditionally controlled by owners willing to uproot their clubs to seek out more lucrative alternatives in other cities. This has been happening since the emergence of sport leagues in the late nineteenth century, but a resurgence has occurred in recent years as the presence of teams has emerged as a status symbol for communities seeking “big-league” standing. This has resulted in intercity competition to attract professional sports franchises and in the allotment of billions of dollars in public funds to construct facilities for housing franchises. Leagues generally frown on franchises relocating, as they view long-term stability among their members as a key to the overall success of leagues as a whole. As a result, teams must receive approval from their parent leagues in order to relocate. In the early years of sport-league operations, team relocations were done to ensure the survival of the franchise; typically, a team would be struggling to maintain financial solvency, and relocation would be undertaken as a last-ditch effort to keep the team alive. This was generally witnessed in the instability of sport leagues during their formative years, when franchise relocations have occurred more frequently and many teams folded or merged with other clubs. However, the movement of franchises in some professional sport leagues during the 1990s frequently saw teams moving from good situations to even better ones, as franchises were lured with promises of guaranteed revenues and new, state-of-the-art facilities. And though it would appear that there has been more resistance at the municipal level to fund sport stadiums to facilitate relocation in this century, the threat of relocation remains an important negotiating tool for teams with their respective communities.

League Relocation Histories Cities and teams have played what some observers have described as “the stadium game,” in which scarce public resources have been allocated to fund sport facilities for professional teams. This process has been in place

since communities began building publicly funded sport facilities for use by private franchises. However, one particular incident in the early 1980s set a precedent that opened the door for the relocation of a number of National Football League (NFL) franchises during the 1980s and 1990s.

NATIONAL FOOTBALL LEAGUE In 1980, the Los Angeles Rams relocated from their home at the Los Angeles Memorial Coliseum to nearby Anaheim. Because of the proximity of the two cities, the NFL did not consider the move to be a relocation, as it was still within the greater Los Angeles metropolitan area. However, the Los Angeles Memorial Coliseum Commission (LAMCC) was left without a major tenant and commenced negotiations with the owner of the Oakland Raiders, Al Davis, about the possibility of relocating to Los Angeles. The team in Oakland was not in any financial distress, but the LAMCC’s offer was too good for Davis to pass up. In 1980, Davis announced that the Raiders would be moving to Los Angeles from Oakland. However, according to the NFL’s constitution and bylaws, any franchise move would need the approval of at least three-quarters of the league’s owners. The league voted 22–0 (with five abstentions) to block the move. The NFL considered the fact that the Raiders were well supported in Oakland and that the league could retain the option to place an expansion franchise in the stadium vacated by the Rams when they moved to Anaheim. A defiant Davis chose to relocate anyway and sued the NFL, charging that its franchise-relocation rules were anticompetitive according to US antitrust laws. Davis received a $14.58 million award (which, according to US antitrust laws, was trebled) and relocated his team to Los Angeles for the 1982 season. Due to the precedent set by Davis, NFL teams realized that they could relocate freely if other cities offered more attractive packages to teams and chose to challenge the NFL’s authority to stop the move. If the NFL tried to block a move, individual teams could potentially sue the league on the grounds that it was violating antitrust laws. With this in mind, the Baltimore Colts moved to Indianapo-

FRANCHISE RELOCATION

lis is 1984, the St. Louis Cardinals to Phoenix in 1998, the Los Angeles Rams to St. Louis in 1995, the Raiders back to Oakland in 1995, the Cleveland Browns to Baltimore in 1996, and the Houston Oilers to Nashville in 1997, all with the approval of the NFL.

MAJOR LEAGUE BASEBALL Major League Baseball (MLB) franchises have not relocated as frequently as NFL franchises in recent decades, although teams have also used the threat of relocating in order to exact new stadiums and more lucrative lease agreements. Perhaps the most noteworthy relocations for baseball occurred in 1958, when the Brooklyn Dodgers and New York Giants relocated to Los Angeles and San Francisco, respectively, making Major League Baseball truly a nationwide league. Other notable relocations during the 1960s and early 1970s included the Washington Senators to Minnesota (as the Twins), the Milwaukee Braves to Atlanta, the Philadelphia Athletics to Oakland, and the Seattle Pilots to Milwaukee (as the Brewers). Finally, a revived Washington Senators franchise moved to Arlington, Texas, to become the Texas Rangers in 1972. In all of these cases, the desire to relocate was motivated by the possibility of greater fan support in the new market. This was followed by over thirty years of franchise stability in baseball, which lasted until the Montreal Expos, suffering miserably from poor fan support, announced that they would relocate for the 2005 season.

Threat of Relocation as a Bargaining Stance Underneath such apparent stability, MLB teams have been able to use the threat of relocation to gain new stadiums and more lucrative lease arrangements with their host communities. A catalyst for this process was the aggressive pursuit of MLB franchises by several cities during the 1990s, including that by St. Petersburg, Florida. That city built a publicly funded facility suitable for hosting a baseball team and then set out to obtain a franchise. Leveraging the threat of moving to Florida, several major-league teams, including the Chicago White Sox, were able to receive new stadiums in their home communities.

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NATIONAL BASKETBALL ASSOCIATION The National Basketball Association (NBA) has also witnessed franchise relocations, although teams from this league have not aggressively pursued other cities in order to improve their financial situations in their home markets. Instead, many franchises have seen their teams relocate multiple times to multiple cities in order to remain financially viable. For example, the Atlanta Hawks’ franchise started in 1949 as the Tri-Cities Blackhawks, moving to Milwaukee in 1951 and becoming the Hawks. The team then relocated to St. Louis in 1957 before finally settling in Atlanta in 1968. Similarly, the Washington Wizards commenced operations as the Chicago Packers in 1961, relocating to Baltimore in 1963 as the Bullets. In 1973 the team moved to suburban Washington D.C. and finally, in 1998, changed its name to the Wizards and moved into a downtown Washington arena. Other current teams also have had nomadic existences. The Los Angeles Clippers started as the Buffalo Braves, moving to San Diego in 1977 before finally arriving in Los Angeles in 1984. The Sacramento Kings had previous incarnations as the Rochester Royals (1945–1957), Cincinnati Royals (1957–1972), Kansas City–Omaha Kings (1972–1975), and Kansas City Kings (1975–1985) before moving to Sacramento in 1985. Other teams that began operating in cities other than their current ones include the Detroit Pistons (who moved from Fort Wayne in 1957), the Philadelphia 76ers (who were the Syracuse Nationals until 1963), the Houston Rockets (who played four years in San Diego before relocating in 1971), and the San Antonio Spurs (who played as the Dallas Chaparrals in the American Basketball Association until 1973). An interesting feature of NBA franchise movement has been the legacy of team names that have little association with their new communities. For example the aptly named New Orleans Jazz operated from 1974 through 1979, before relocating to Utah in 1979. The team kept its original name, despite the fact that Salt Lake City is not known for its jazz music. Similarly, the Minneapolis Lakers, playing in the “Land of Ten Thousand Lakes,” moved to Los Angeles in 1960. The team

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Business is a combination of war and sport. ■ ANDRE MAUROIS

kept the name despite the dearth of lakes in the Los Angeles area. More recently, the Vancouver Grizzlies moved to Memphis in 2001, while the Charlotte Hornets relocated to New Orleans in 2002. These two moves (along with most of the moves previously mentioned), were undertaken primarily to maintain the financial stability of the teams, as due to various reasons the teams were not receiving adequate support in their original markets. The fact that teams moved so frequently before 1985 is a reflection of the lack of stability of the NBA as a whole, which did not see its rise in popularity until the late 1980s.

NATIONAL HOCKEY LEAGUE The National Hockey League has also seen franchise relocations due to the financial struggles of teams in their home markets. The 1970s through the early 1990s saw several teams move to new cities, including the Kansas City Scouts, who moved to Colorado (as the Rockies) in 1976 and later to New Jersey in 1982, where they were renamed the Devils. In 1980 the Flames moved to Calgary, after eight seasons in Atlanta, while the Minnesota North Stars became the Dallas Stars in 1993. More recent relocations have involved several of the franchises that were absorbed by the NHL after the World Hockey Association (WHA) ceased operations in 1979. Of the four teams in the WHA—Hartford, Quebec City, Winnipeg, and Edmonton—only Edmonton remains. In 1995 the Quebec Nordiques were sold and relocated to Denver, becoming the Colorado Avalanche; the Winnipeg Jets moved to Phoenix, Arizona, in 1996 and were renamed the Coyotes. Finally, the Hartford Whalers moved to Raleigh-Durham to become the Carolina Hurricanes.

The “Stadium Game” Moves by NBA and NHL teams would suggest an attempt by team owners to attain some stability for their franchises. However, moves by NFL teams and the threat of a move by MLB teams in the 1990s would indicate that teams were actively involved in the “stadium

game” in order to exact more profits for their teams. Teams were able to achieve this by using the threat of relocation to entice better offers from local and prospective communities, many of whom were willing to finance new, state-of-the-art facilities for use by teams. So what was it that made professional sports teams so enticing for local communities, which were willing to dedicate hundreds of millions of dollars of public monies to lure or retain teams? The answer lies in two major changes in the competitiveness of major urban centers in North America, and particularly in the United States, that created an environment for the frequency of franchise relocations. The first was a decrease in government funding that forced local communities to become more entrepreneurial vis-à-vis major decisions regarding city image and infrastructure development. The second was a changing economic climate that saw the decline of traditional industries, which led to hardships for several major US centers. As a result, cities were forced to reinvent themselves, and teams and their new facilities emerged as anchors for larger downtown urban-revitalization projects that sought to draw tourism and other spending back into downtown cores decimated by the flight to the suburbs that had occurred in previous decades. In addition, the notion that having a major-league franchise bestowed a certain degree of legitimacy on a city led several cities to actively pursue franchises during the 1980s and 1990s. For example, several multibillion-dollar urban-redevelopment projects, including Baltimore’s Inner Harbor, have prominently featured new sport facilities. In Baltimore’s case, a new baseball facility was constructed for the Orioles, and a new football stadium was built to lure the NFL’s Cleveland Browns team (renamed the Ravens) to Baltimore in 1996. Thus, the result of this was a period during which teams and cities played “the stadium game,” as teams sought new concessions for their existing communities using the threat of moving to new, more lucrative climes. This bargaining leverage led teams to obtain unprecedented control of revenue streams from their fa-

FREE AGENCY

cilities and saw a movement from the multipurpose facilities built with public funds during the 1970s to new single-sport facilities with new opportunities for revenue generation like luxury suites, luxury seating, personal seat licenses, and other amenities. In the case of some leagues, virtually all team movements during this period saw teams going from strong financial positions to even stronger ones. Nevertheless, it has been the teams that have not relocated (but threatened to) that have benefited the most from the rash of relocations that have occurred over the past fifteen years. However, in the long run, the possibility of team relocation may erode fan support, and teams may find it difficult to establish ties to their new communities that equal those with their original communities. In most cases, franchises relocate to markets that have larger metropolitan statistics areas and thus have the potential to draw more fans and ultimately more money for team owners. However, there is a risk to doing this, as the new market often does not have an established base of fans to draw upon. As a result, teams may struggle to establish a loyal fan base similar to that of the market they have just vacated. In the long run, it is in the best interests of fans, teams, and their parent leagues to keep teams in communities that have shown a history of supporting their local franchises. Daniel S. Mason See also Fan Loyalty

Further Reading Andelman, B. (1993). Stadium for rent: Tampa Bay’s quest for major league baseball. London: McFarland & Company. Baade, R., & Dye, R. (1990). The impact of stadiums and professional sports on metropolitan area development. Growth and Change, 21 (2), 1–14. Baim, D. (1994). The sports stadium as a municipal investment. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. Cagan, J., & deMause, N. (1998). Field of schemes: How the great stadium swindle turns public money into private profit. Monroe, ME: Common Courage Press. Danielson, M. (1997). Home team: Professional sports and the American metropolis. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Elkin, S. (1987). City and regime in the American republic. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

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Euchner, C. (1993). Playing the field: Why sports teams move and cities fight to keep them. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press. Mason, D. S. (1997). Revenue sharing and agency problems in professional team sport: The case of the National Football League. Journal of Sport Management, 11, 203–222. Noll, R., & Zimbalist, A. (1997). Sports, jobs and taxes. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press. Quirk, J., & Fort, R. (1992). Pay dirt: The business of professional team sports. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Quirk, J., & Fort, R. (1999). Hard ball: The abuse of power in pro team sports. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Rosentraub, M. (1999). Major league losers: The real cost of sports and who’s paying for it (2nd ed.). New York: Basic Books. Rosentraub, M. S., & Swindell, D. (2001). Negotiating games: Cities, sports, and the winner’s curse. Journal of Sport Management, 16, 18–35. Shropshire, K. (1995). The sports franchise game: Cities in pursuit of sports franchises, events, stadiums, and arenas. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Silver, J. (1996). Thin ice: Money, politics, and the demise of an NHL franchise. Nova Scotia, Canada: Fernwood. Swindell, D., & Rosentraub, M. S. (1998). Who benefits from the presence of professional sports teams? The implication for public funding of stadiums and arenas. Public Administration Review, 58, 11–20.

Free Agency

F

ree agency—the ability of players to shop their services to the team of their choice—is an important issue in professional sports labor markets. It has long been a source of discontent between players and team owners and a source of frustration and confusion to sports fans. Team owners express concern that free agency causes increases in salaries for star players; such increases might reduce the competitiveness of some, if not most, teams in the league and might make solvency more difficult for small-market teams. League officials express concern that free agency might reduce competitive balance, which is in the financial interest of the league. In a similar vein fans often express concern that their favorite players might move from team to team after free agency is introduced, reducing the loyalty that fans have for particular teams. Although these concerns are often expressed in the popular media and are the basis for policies artificially

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limiting player movement in professional labor markets, sports economists have generally found that although salaries increase with free agency, competitive balance tends to be unaffected and that no team in the four major U.S. professional sports has been bankrupted by free agency. Although free agency might increase the incentive for good players to move from teams in small cities to teams in large cities, free agency does not seem to have substantially increased the movement of players over time. Finally, concerns over fan apathy are not supported by evidence in the aggregate: Free agency has not reduced attendance or television viewership. In the United States various levels of free agency were introduced in Major League Baseball (MLB) in 1976, the National Football League (NFL) in 1992, the National Hockey League (NHL) in 1995, and the National Basketball Association (NBA) in 1996. Because free agency was instituted first in Major League Baseball, and therefore more years of data exist with which to test the impact of free agency on several variables of interest, the majority of economics research on the impact of free agency focuses on professional baseball. Free agency is typically structured so that players who meet certain criteria, most often a minimum amount of professional experience, are allowed to shop their services to the team of their choice. Thus, free agents choose where they will play and have a direct role in the negotiation of their salary. In Major League Baseball, players with six years of big league experience qualify as free agents. In other leagues somewhat different age and experience restrictions are placed on free agency; yet, these differences do not change the nature of the concerns enumerated earlier. Although players can shop their services to all teams, free agents do not necessarily take the highest salary bid; compensating differentials, such as being close to home or having a chance to win a championship, might induce a player to accept less than the maximum bid for his services. Free agency differs from the so-called reserve system, in which teams hold the exclusive rights to a player’s

services from year to year until the team sells, trades, or releases the player. The reserve clause in baseball was often literally the last line on a player’s annual contract and stipulated that the player could not play with another team without permission or release. The reserve clause was a common source of labor strife between players and team owners during the twentieth century. In 1970 Curt Flood of the St. Louis Cardinals sued Major League Baseball, claiming that the reserve clause violated the Thirteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution; however, the U.S. Supreme Court dismissed the case in 1972. In 1975 Andy Messersmith and Dave McNally won an arbitration hearing that allowed them to file for free agency starting in 1976. Soon after baseball team owners came to terms with the baseball players’ union about the actual structure of free agency.

Average Salaries After free agency was introduced in professional baseball, average salaries began to increase. In 1976 the average salary in professional baseball was $51,000 ($170,000 in 2004 dollars). In 1980 the first milliondollar free-agent contract was signed between Nolan Ryan and the Houston Astros. By 2004 the average salary had increased to $2.48 million, with the three highest annual salaries earned by Manny Ramirez of the Boston Red Sox ($22.5 million), Alex Rodriguez of the New York Yankees ($25 million), and Carlos Delgado of the Toronto Blue Jays ($19.7 million). Salaries are expected to continue to increase as long as team owners earn more revenue. In nonfree agency environments team owners exert considerable control over player salaries; this control tends to depress salaries and allows team owners to retain more of the revenue generated by players. Free agents typically receive a salary closer to the revenue they generate for team owners. Free agents who sign for considerable salaries are high quality players for which fans are willing to pay to watch. Team owners generate revenue through ticket sales and media contracts, which are primarily influenced by the quality of the team.

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Show me a guy who’s afraid to look bad, and I’ll show you a guy you can beat every time. ■ LOU BROCK

High quality players are expected to increase team revenues, and free agency allows players to negotiate for a larger share of these increased revenues. Regardless of whether free agency exists, team owners (especially in larger markets) earn considerable revenues from hiring high quality players. If a team owner retains the property rights to a player’s services (contract), then the team owner stands to gain from selling the player’s services (contract) to a team that would generate more revenue from hiring the player. In freeagent markets the player receives the returns that would have gone to the team owner sans free agency; hence the natural conflict between owners and players over free agency. The key difference between free agency and the reserve system is from whom the player’s services are purchased, not necessarily the dollar value of the purchase. In either system the player will ultimately play for the team that values him the most; the only difference is who gets the proceeds from selling the player’s services. To operationalize this logic, assume that a player provides $1 million of value to Team A and $2 million of value to Team B and that the player currently plays for Team A for a salary less than or equal to $1 million. The revenue that a player provides a team is the maximum salary that he will be paid by that team. Because Team B values the player more than Team A does, the owner of Team B is naturally inclined to negotiate for the player’s services. Without free agency the two team owners negotiate a trade for the player, perhaps involving a cash payment to the owner of Team A to compensate for losing the player. For example, the two owners may agree to keep the player’s salary the same and split the $1 million (or more) difference between the value of the player to Team A and the value of the player to Team B.

Negotiation In free agency the situation is somewhat different. Now the owner of Team B negotiates with the player (or his agent). The player rightly believes that he is more valu-

able to Team B than to Team A but might not know exactly how much he is worth. Many times free agents look to players with similar performance statistics who have also been free agents. The salary of comparable players is often used as a guideline for negotiation. The free agent’s salary is expected to increase, but the team that ultimately hires the player is no different with free agency. Although without free agency the owner of Team A may decline to trade or sell the player’s services to Team B (perhaps for strategic reasons, e.g., Team A and Team B are divisional rivals), experts generally believe that team owners are profit maximizers. In the absence of free agency the owner of Team A will sell the player’s contract to Team B if the sale is profit enhancing. The implication is that player movement may be only somewhat limited by the lack of free agency and only somewhat enhanced after free agency; that is, player movement is expected to be basically the same regardless of whether free agency exists. In economics this logic is embodied in the Coase theorem, which has been applied to a variety of problems. Although the Coase theorem is by no means universally accepted it seems particularly appropriate for professional sports labor markets. Specifically, the Coase theorem predicts that free agency will increase player salaries but will not affect the ultimate allocation of players across teams. Therefore, fears that competitive balance will be permanently skewed by free agency may be misplaced. Notwithstanding the perception that free agency increases the probability that wealthy, largemarket teams will monopolize high quality (and expensive) talent, the Coase theorem (and common sense) suggests that the wealthiest teams will purchase the best players with or without free agency. How has the Coase theorem withstood empirical tests in professional sports? Numerous studies have focused on three implications of the Coase theorem: player salaries, player movement, and competitive balance. Overall, the results tend to support the Coase theorem and are here outlined briefly.

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The first implication is player salaries. Rottenberg (1956) was the first economist to systematically analyze the economics of an open market for baseball players. Cassing and Douglas (1980), Sommers and Quinton (1982), and Quirk and Fort (1992) all show that player salaries increased after the advent of free agency and that the salaries paid to free agents approach the true value of the players to their teams. Subsequent studies have generally confirmed that free agents tend to be paid more than nonfree agents, everything else being equal, but that players are rarely paid more than the revenue they generate for their teams (season-ending injuries are the most common exceptions). The second implication is player movement. The Coase theorem says player movement should not be significantly affected by free agency, a fact that has been called the “invariance principle.” Most studies find that player mobility was at least as common, if not more common, during the era before free agency. For example, Cymrot (1983) shows that players often leave a winning team in a small city for a lower-quality team in cities with rapidly growing populations. A contrarian view is taken by Hylan, Lage, and Treglia (1996), who argue against the invariance principle. They find that older pitchers, better pitchers, pitchers in big cities, and pitchers on better teams are less likely to move after free agency.

Competitive Balance The third implication is competitive balance. The Coase theorem says competitive balance should be unaffected by free agency. Competitive balance is typically defined as “a greater number of teams having a legitimate chance to contend for a playoff spot and therefore a championship.” Numerous studies in professional baseball suggest that the competitive balance in Major League Baseball has not been significantly reduced by free agency. Another concern is that free agency alienates fans and that fans therefore attend or view a sport’s events less often after free agency is introduced. That is, re-

gardless of what the actual data suggest, fans may perceive free agency as a mechanism of skewing success toward a relatively small number of teams and away from the majority. This perception might cause a reduction in attendance and television viewership as fans feel the sport is less competitive; this feeling in turn reduces the financial well-being of a league’s teams. If this situation were the case, league officials and team owners might wish to restrict player mobility in the financial interest of the league and its teams, although such a restriction would introduce distortions in the labor market. Unfortunately, no studies have directly investigated the impact of free agency on attendance. Some evidence indicates that roster turnover can cause a decline in attendance to MLB games, but aggregate attendance changes do not seem to have been affected by free agency. Overall, the evidence suggests that the impacts of free agency are consistent with the implications of the Coase theorem: fears that free agency increases player mobility, skews competitive balance, and reduces the attractiveness of the sport seem to be misplaced. Of the expressed concerns, only the increase in player salaries seems justified but is not surprising because team owners must directly pay the free agent. Another concern affiliated with salary increases “caused’’ by free agency is that ticket prices increase in response to salary increases, making the sport less affordable and pricing some fans out of the market for live sporting events. Although we might reasonably assume that higher salaries cause price increases, this assumption actually confuses causation and correlation. Salaries are, for the most part, determined before the beginning of the season and are not affected by the number of tickets sold or the number of people who watch the games on television. If team owners seek to maximize profits, ticket prices are determined by the interaction between demand for live events and variable costs, those that change with the number of tickets sold. If salaries do not influence variable costs, they cannot influence ticket prices. However, ticket prices might in-

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crease after a team signs a high-salaried free agent if the demand for the team’s games increases. In 2000 the Texas Rangers signed Alex Rodriguez for an average salary of $25 million per year. That year the Rangers increased ticket prices, not because of the higher payroll but because more Rangers fans attended Rangers baseball games. Increases in attendance are not caused by high salaries but rather by the quality of the players who are paid high salaries.

The Future Free agency will likely continue to be a source of friction between team owners and players and a possible source of frustration and confusion to sports fans. The idea that players making millions of dollars seek to increase their salaries, often at the expense of their current team’s quality, seems to many people to contradict the spirit of sports and reduces fans’ vicarious enjoyment derived through their favorite team’s success. The 1994 MLB player’s strike, the lockout of NBA players in 1998, and the lockout in the NHL after the 2004 season all had free agency as a primary point of contention. Ultimately, the debate over free agency centers on how owners and players divide the league’s revenues (between profits and wages) and seems to have little direct effect on team and league performance or on how fans value the sport as an entertainment event. Craig A. Depken II See also Collective Bargaining; Unionism

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Further Reading Butler, M. R. (1995). Competitive balance in Major League Baseball. American Economist, 39(2), 46–50. Cassing, J., & Douglas, R. W. (1980). Implications of the auction mechanism in baseball’s free agent draft. Southern Economic Journal, 47(1), 110–121. Coase, R. C. (1960). The problem of social cost. Journal of Law and Economics, 3(1), 1–44. Cymrot, D. J. (1983). Migration trends and earnings of free agents in Major League Baseball, 1976–1979. Economic Inquiry, 21(4), 545– 556. Depken, C. A., II. (1999). Free agency and the competitive balance of Major League Baseball. Review of Industrial Organization, 14(3), 205–217. Depken, C. A., II. (2002). Free agency and the concentration of player talent in Major League Baseball. Journal of Sports Economics, 3(4), 335–353. Drahozol, C. R. (1986). The impact of free agency on the distribution of playing talent in Major League Baseball. Journal of Economics and Business, 38(2), 113–121. Eckard, E. W. (2001). Free agency, competitive balance, and diminishing returns to pennant contention. Economic Inquiry, 39(3), 430– 443. Fort, R. D. (2004). Sports economics. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall. Horowitz, I. (1997). The increasing competitive balance in Major League Baseball. Review of Industrial Organization, 12(3), 373– 387. Hylan, T. R., Lage, M. J., & Treglia, M. (1996). The Coase theorem, free agency, and Major League Baseball: A panel study of pitcher mobility from 1961 to 1992. Southern Economic Journal, 62(4), 1029– 1042. Kahane, L., & Shmanske, S. (1997). Team roster turnover and attendance in Major League Baseball. Applied Economics, 29(4), 425– 431. Quirk, J., & Fort, R. D. (1992). Pay dirt: The business of professional team sports. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Rottenberg, S. (1956). The baseball players’ labor market. Journal of Political Economy, 64(3), 242–258. Sommers, P. M., & Quinton, N. (1982). Pay and performance in Major League Baseball: The case of the first family of free agents. Journal of Human Resources, 17(3), 426–436.

Games of the New Emerging Forces (GANEFO) Gay Games Gender Equity

Gambling

Gender Verification Germany

See Horse Racing; Internet

Globalization Goalball

Games of the New Emerging Forces (GANEFO)

Golf Greece Greece, Ancient Growth and Development Gymnastics, Apparatus Gymnastics, Rhythmic

T

he Games of the New Emerging Forces (GANEFO) grew from a complex post–World War II political environment, with the fledgling independent nation of Indonesia and its dynamic leader Ahmed Sukarno at the center. Sukarno observed international relations among the United States, the USSR, China, and Taiwan; the Arab nations and Israel; and the new independent states in Africa, Asia and South America and developed political theories that categorized nations as Old Established Forces and New Emerging Forces.

Sukarno’s Strategy On these theories Sukarno constructed a strategy to place Indonesia, and hence him, as president, as leaders of a movement that would catapult the New Emerging Forces to dominance over the Old Established Forces. While Sukarno was solidifying these theories, Indonesia was awarded, in May of 1958, the 1962 Asian

G Games. The decision was met with skepticism by many who were not convinced that Indonesia had the organizational or economic power to run the games. Part of the Sukarno strategy was a position of supposed neutrality while concurrently soliciting aid from the Old Established Forces. He approached the United States for assistance with Asian Games preparations in the fall of 1958, but the United States did not respond. The Soviet Union, when asked for assistance, responded immediately, providing a loan enabling Indonesia to build the main sport complex for the games, including a 100,000-seat stadium, and several other venues. Japan loaned money for a major hotel project.

P OLITICAL REPERCUSSIONS By 1962 facilities were nearly complete, but there was concern from several nations that preparations were delayed because the official games invitations had not been issued. Indonesia’s Department of Foreign Affairs refused to issue visas for athletes from Taiwan and Israel, thus delaying the invitations. Indonesia invited all members of the Asian Games Federation to Jakarta in April of 1962 to confirm their state of readiness. During the visit, flags of Taiwan and Israel were prominently displayed with the flags of the other nations. This satisfied Taiwan and Israel but agitated several Arab nations and China. One month prior to the opening of the games, Chinese Prime Minister Chou En-Lai officially warned Indonesia that there would be repercussions if Taiwan were allowed to compete. Taiwan asked other nations to join in a boycott if Taiwan were refused entry to the games.

Nevertheless, the games opened in August with neither Israel nor Taiwan allowed to compete. This threw the games into a political frenzy, with international sport officials meeting on a near-daily basis to seek a resolution. India’s International Olympic Committee (IOC) representative Guru Dutt Sondhi held that Asian Games Federation rules were being broken and the Federation should immediately remove its sanction from the games and the games should be called the “Jakarta Games.” This announcement caused the international federations of basketball and weightlifting to withdraw their approval from the games, and those sports were cancelled. The International Amateur Athletic Federation (IAAF) and Federation Internationale de Natation (FINA, the international swimming federation) issued similar warnings for the sports of athletics and swimming, but those sports were not cancelled. Sondhi was eventually run out of Jakarta by a mob on the last day of the games, escaping on a plane back to India. A few months later, he led the IOC effort to place sanctions on Indonesia.

The Creation of GANEFO In November 1962 President Sukarno gave a speech proposing that Indonesia host the Games of the New Emerging Forces of the World (GANEFO), which would be for countries from Asia, Africa, South America, and the socialist countries. Sukarno stated that “sport has some relation to politics. Indonesia proposes now to mix sport and politics.” In April 1963 a preparatory conference was held.

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Organizers announced that the GANEFO games would be held every four years and were to be based on Olympic ideals and the spirit of the Asia-Africa Conference at Bandung in 1955. Another goal was to break the imperialist monopoly in sports. The first games were held from 10 to 22 November 1963, with forty-eight nations attending. China had the largest contingent of the games and won the most medals, taking advantage of their first opportunity to participate in a large international competition for the first time in several years; they had withdrawn from the Olympic movement after the 1952 Olympic Games over the issue of Taiwan’s participation. Organizers announced that five world records had been set during the games. The IAAF refused to ratify times by North Korea’s Sim Kim Dan in the 400- and 800-meter athletics events, as the IAAF had not sanctioned the event.

SUSPENSION AND SANCTION CONFUSION The international federations threatened to pass out suspensions for any athletes that had participated in the GANEFO games, barring them from Olympic participation, but backed away after this turned out to be impractical; for instance, athletes from Japan, the host of the upcoming 1964 Olympics, had participated. Turmoil over suspensions and sanctions lingered, however; the IOC suspended Indonesia from membership, then reinstated them after Indonesia agreed to follow IOC rules. Due to the confusion, however, Indonesia and North Korea did not compete in the 1964 Olympic Games, and Iraq’s National Olympic Committee boycotted in solidarity with Indonesia.

ATTEMPTS AT STRUCTURE AND LEGITIMACY Immediately after the 1963 GANEFO games, a GANEFO Congress was held in Jakarta, which authorized that GANEFO continental committees and national GANEFO committees be established, mirroring the structure of the International Olympic Committee. The head of China’s GANEFO delegation, Jung Kaotang, noting the games’ slogan, “Onward! No Retreat!”

wrote after the games that GANEFO “marks the end of the imperialist monopoly and manipulation of international sports activities” and is “a powerful current in international sports, which cannot be checked by anyone on earth. “The GANEFO torch, once lit, will shine forever,” he concluded.

GANEFO Seen as Destructive IOC press attaché Frederic Schlatter, writing in the Olympic Review in May 1964, stated that “the ‘GANEFO’ Games were a typical illustration of an infiltration into sport of destructive political elements” and that the “International Olympic Committee has no greater nor more urgent a problem than to consider this particular one during the 4-year Olympiad which begins in 1964.” The 1967 GANEFO games were scheduled to be held in Cairo, but a volatile political landscape led to several realignments, including Indonesia’s new government’s reestablishing of ties with Taiwan, and the games were canceled. A smaller, fifteen-nation Asian GANEFO was held in Cambodia in 1966, but the organization dissolved thereafter. Speaking to the seventy-third IOC congress in Munich in 1972, IOC President Avery Brundage noted that the IOC response to the games had eventually been successful. He said, “As an international athletic competition it was a farce, and it has not been repeated since.” Daniel Bell

Further Reading Bell, Daniel. (2003). Encyclopedia of international games. Jefferson, NC: McFarland Publishing. GANEFO Federation. (1964). GANEFO opens new era in world sports: Chinese sports delegation in Djakarta. Peking, China. Pauker, E. (1964). GANEFO I; Sport and politics in Jakarta. Santa Monica, CA: Rand Corp. Permanent Secretariat of the GANEFO Federation. (1965). GANEFO Games of the New Emerging Forces, its principles purposes and organization. Jakarta, Indonesia.

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Schlatter, Frederic. (1964, May). Is the Olympic spirit in danger? Olympic Review, No 86, 79–80. Sie, S. (1978). Sport and politics: The case of the Asian Games and the GANEFO. In B. Lowe, D. Kanin, & A. Strenk (Eds.), Sports and international relations (pp. 279–296). Champaign. IL: Stipes Publishing.

Gaming See Internet

Gay Games

F

ormer Olympic decathlete Dr. Tom Wadell realized a dream by staging the first Gay Games in San Francisco in 1982. His goal was to organize an inclusive, safe sport and cultural event for gays and lesbians —without excluding heterosexuals—as an alternative sports event free of the homophobia existing within mainstream sports. (Homophobia can best be described as the irrational fear and hatred of gay, lesbian, and bisexual people, manifested through prejudice, discrimination, harassment, physical violence, and the like.) Combating stereotypes about gays and lesbians in sports, empowering individuals, and building bridges between mainstream and “queer” communities are central goals of the Federation of Gay Games (FGG), the international governing body of the Gay Games. Since its foundation in 1989, the federation has been responsible for “safeguarding the spirit, integrity and quality of the Gay Games” by selecting, supporting, and controlling their host organizations. The Gay Games have been staged every four years since 1982 and have grown into one of the largest international sport and cultural events. With more than ten thousand participants in about thirty different sports, it exceeds the Olympic Games in terms of sheer numbers. Furthermore, several thousand people participate in cultural events (e.g., choir and band perform-

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ances) during the Gay Games. The organization is run by thousand of workers, mainly volunteers, and Gay Games events are attended by up to a million spectators. Gay Games VII will take place in Chicago in 2006, returning to the North American continent, after the fifth and sixth editions were held in Europe (Amsterdam) and Australia (Sydney), respectively. Over the past two decades, the Gay Games have grown into an enormous popular and successful international, multimillion dollar, queer rainbow event. However, this success has been tempered to some extent by financial problems, management crises, and internal and external criticism.

What Is “Olympic” about the Gay Games? Waddell founded San Francisco Arts and Athletics, which organized the first “Gay Olympics” in 1982. The use of the name “Olympics,” however, was successfully opposed by the International Olympic Committee, through a court injunction, shortly before the games started (International Olympic Committee v. San Francisco Arts and Athletics). The refusal of the IOC to “lend” “Olympic” to the Gay Games has often been referred to as discrimination against gays and lesbians within GLBT (gay, lesbian, bisexual, transgender) communities. But since 1910, numerous other events (e.g., Deaf Olympics, Military Olympics, Senior Olympics) have been legally refused use of the word Olympic or Olympic symbols, the Special Olympics, a sport event for people with cognitive impairments, being the only exception. Moreover, only events sanctioned by the FGG are allowed to use the name “Gay Games” and the related symbols. The spectacular official opening and closing ceremonies of the Gay Games, including a parade of all participants, distinguished by country, do to some extent resemble those of the Olympic Games The most important difference with the Olympic Games or other international competitive sport events for specific groups (e.g., the Universiade for students) is that there are no qualifying criteria to compete in the Gay Games. Everyone is welcome to participate within a sport, the only

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selection criterion being the order of registration. In most sports a maximum number of teams or participants is allowed. The traditional Olympic motto “participating is more important than winning” is mirrored by Gay Games’ “doing one’s personal best.” Nevertheless, many participants are very seriously competing for a medal or to “win the gold.” Gay Games participants vary enormously in age and sporting abilities. Therefore, individual sport events like swimming and track and field are organized by age classifications (according to the standards of the international swimming and track and field federations), and team sport events are often divided into categories based on skill. This means that there are many medals to be won. Also, each participant of the Gay Games can collect a general medal of participation.

Developments Through the Years The first Gay Games (Challenge 1982) were held in San Francisco, on a budget of $350,000. This event saw 1,350 athletes from twelve countries competing in seventeen different sports. When the next games (Triumph 1986) were also hosted by San Francisco four years later, the number of sport participants had risen to 3,500. (Founder Tom Waddell died of AIDS shortly after these games.) In 1989 the local organization, San Francisco Arts and Athletics, became the international governing body, the Federation of Gay Games. Gay Games III (Celebration 1990) took place in the Canadian city of Vancouver, welcoming nearly 7,500 athletes in twenty-three sports and 1,500 cultural participants (up from 400 in the first games). For the first time world records in the master age class (in swimming) were broken and were officially recognized, and the organization was confronted with financial losses, although the local economy had profited enormously. New York City was the home of Gay Games IV (Unity 1994), where the number of sport participants had again increased to 11,000 from forty-five countries. The games were organized to coincide with the twenty-fifth anniversary of the GLBT festival, commemorating the city’s Stonewall riots of 1969.

In 1998 the Gay Games were held outside the North American continent for the first time. Friendship 1998 was hosted by “the gay capital of Europe”: Amsterdam. These sixth Gay Games had a budget of $7 million and welcomed a record number of nearly 14,500 sports participants. Shortly before the games started, it became clear that financial mismanagement threatened the full staging of the Gay Games program, which was guaranteed by extra subsidies granted by the city of Amsterdam. Gay Games VI (Under New Skies 2002) were held in the Southern hemisphere, in Australia. Several of the Olympic venues of the 2000 Sydney Games were used by 11,000 athletes and 1,000 cultural participants from more than seventy countries. As in the other Gay Games, the most popular sports in Sydney were swimming, track and field, marathon, volleyball, and tennis. Again, the organization was confronted with a large financial deficit, partly due to overly optimistic expectations concerning ticket sales for several official program events. Along with repeated financial mismanagement by the host organizations, there has been another challenge to the unity and solidarity of the international GLBT sporting community. An unresolved conflict between the assigned host of Gay Games VII in 2006, Montreal, and the FGG resulted in withdrawal of official assignment. Chicago became the new official Gay Games destination. Since the Montreal organization continues its preparations for an international queer sports event, two separate international gay/lesbian sport and cultural events will be held in 2006. Moreover, the European sister organization, the EGLSF (European Gay and Lesbian Sport Federation), has withdrawn their membership from the FGG. Since 1992, the EGLSF has organized the EuroGames in the years without a Gay Games. The “large-scale edition” of the EuroGames, which is held every four years, has also grown into a big queer sport and cultural event, with Munich 2004, welcoming over 55,000 participants in twenty-six different sports. To combat the financial and managerial problems

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Gay Games “Oath of the Athletes” that have accompanied the Gay Games since 1990, the federation wrote a strategic plan in 2003 with stricter rules for future host cities. Twenty “core sports” were identified, covering a range of team and individual sports for men and women of different ages. Depending on the country and region of the host city (national culture and natural evironment), extra sports can be added to the program. In Sydney, for example, a sailing event took place. The federation wants to limit extra official cultural events, outreach programs, and parties that are not securely financially covered or based on reliable ticket sales expectations. Processes of globalization and commercialism have accompanied the original idealistic goals of the Gay Games. In spite of the existing financial perils, the Gay Games have developed as a result of a perfect fit between growing sport tourism and gay tourism industries and can be identified as the biggest celebration of queer subculture.

Inclusiveness? As was mentioned earlier, with respect to sporting abilities the Gay Games are very inclusive, because there are no qualifying criteria to participate. But what about other aspects of inclusion? Although the event is regarded as separative and most participants are indeed gay men and lesbian women, the vision of the FGG is to be sexually inclusive, and therefore straight men and women are also welcome to participate. In Sydney, 95 percent of the participants identified themselves as homosexual, 3 percent as bisexual, and 1 percent as heterosexual. Over the last years the games tended to be more inclusive to transgender people as well, although as in mainstream sport, most sport events are strictly structured by gender and do not include mixed gender or separate transgender categories. On registration forms, however, participants have more possibilities than only “male” or “female” to describe their gender. (One percent of Sydney 2002 participants identified themselves as transgender.) In some editions of the Gay Games, the organization was rather successful in pursuing an equal gender ratio

I, [name], on behalf of all the athletes in this stadium Pledge to fully participate in the Gay Games by honoring the Spirit of their origins. I pledge to celebrate the uniqueness of these Games in their purest realm of sportsmanship Where there is no shame of failure Only glory in achievement and the shared fulfillment of each personal best. In these Games I have no rivals; Only comrades in Unity.

among participants. In San Francisco and Amsterdam, more than 40 percent of all participants were women. In Sydney, as in some other Gay Games, men clearly outnumbered women. Gender equality and inclusiveness are important to the federation, as witnessed, for example, by the coed presidency of the executive committee and in the development of outreach programs for women and non-Western participants by host organizations. Since the event has grown enormously in its relatively short history, as well as becoming more professional and commercial, the integrative philosophy mainly holds true for the increasing cooperation between gay/lesbian sport organizations (from informal groups to clubs and international federations) and mainstream institutionalized sport. Many volunteers and most of the officials are heterosexual. Since most sport events during the Gay Games are sanctioned by international sporting bodies, there are more possibilities for elite athletes to compete and for new national and world records (mainly in the master age classes) to be recognized. In contrast to many international mainstream sport events, young athletes are largely underrepresented. The majority of the participants are between 30 and 49 years of age. In Sydney, 20–29 year olds made up 7 percent of the total group, and 14 percent fell in the age category of 50 and over. Explanations for the senior

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character of the event are twofold. First, many young gays and lesbians are still participating in mainstream sport and are not members of the gay/lesbian sport clubs that provide the majority of participants in the Gay Games. Second, many young gays and lesbians are still studying and therefore have less income, which is a major impediment for participating in the Gay Games. Apart from travel and accommodations costs, registration fees and tickets to official Gay Games events and parties are rather expensive, which has led critics to characterize the event as the “Pay Games.” The Gay Games are therefore certainly not inclusive to all people, regardless of income. Furthermore, the majority of the participants is highly educated and “white”: among the Sydney participants 43 percent received a college or university degree and only 9 percent identified themselves as persons of color (including members of tribal and indigenous groups). The underrepresentation and exclusion of lower income groups and nonwhite people are partly compensated, however, by special outreach programs for people from GLBT communities in countries in Eastern Europe, Pan American, South Asia, and Africa. For many of the participants from these countries, it is extremely difficult to lead an openly gay/lesbian lifestyle at home; the sense of “freedom to be who you are” and of international solidarity and community is probably even more empowering for them than it is for other participants.

ence in their daily lives. But it would be somewhat naïve to expect international sporting events to make the world a better place. For many participants the Gay Games are mainly a gay/lesbian sport and cultural event and a celebration of subculture, during which they strive for their personal best, a medal, friendships, one-night stands, or to meet a steady partner. Many don’t identify with or believe in the wider political or ideological impacts of the Gay Games (although they may be eager to buy official souvenirs with the respective Gay Games logos and mottos, like Triumph, Unity, or Friendship). There is not only support for, but often also criticism of the Gay Games from individuals and organizations within GLBT communities, as well as other persons in public life, journalists, and “common people.” The most important question for both gay/lesbian and straight people is, Why is it necessary to have separate games when gays/lesbians want to integrate into mainstream society? People might give different answers to this question: visibility, emancipation, empowerment, resistance, celebration, freedom, integration. Maybe the best answer to this question is a return question: Why are gay/lesbian events like the Gay Games more often “attacked” for being separative than, for example, maleonly professional sport events like football or rugby championships, sport events for students or certain branches of the military, Jewish Games, or any multicultural sport and cultural festival?

Integration or Separation?

Contested Sports Spaces

The central vision of the FGG and the respective host organizations is formulated in terms of their contribution to emancipation and integration. Their aim, to contribute to a better world through international sport events, is not unique to the Gay Games; it is similar to Olympic ambitions of “fraternization” and “peace.” The games certainly can benefit processes leading to personal empowerment, identity development, and temporary feelings of recognition and security instead of the marginalization, fear, and/or violence that many gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgender people still experi-

Visible (separate) sport participation by lesbians and gays can certainly challenge, but simultaneously confirm, stereotypical images of gay and lesbian people. The more challenging Gay Games events include samesex (ice) dancing competitions and gay male competition in hard contact sports, whereas male cheerleaders and tough lesbian football or ice hockey players may confirm existing stereotypes of sporting gays and lesbians. Since most of the public at large read or hear about and see these events through mainstream newspapers and television, and since the mass media often

GENDER EQUITY

look for stereotypical “queer signs,” it is not plausible that the Gay Games only contribute to images of cultural integration. GLBT sport events possess possibilities for “queer resistance” to the mainstream sports culture and “integration of sexual difference,” but their existence and visibility does not automatically lead to greater acceptance of sexual diversity by the public. Agnes Elling

Further Reading Bell, D. (2003). Why can’t the Gay Games be the Gay Olympics? Retrieved on May 2004, from www.internationalgames.net/topics/ gayolympics.htm Elling, A., De Knop, P. , & Knoppers, A. (2003). Gay/lesbian sport clubs and events: Places of homo-social bonding and cultural resistance? International Review for the Sociology of Sport, 38(4), 441–456. Eurogames. (2004). Retrieved November 24, 2004, from http://www. eurogames.info Federation of Gay Games. (2003). Image of the Gay Games. Retrieved November 24 2004, from http://www.gaygames.com Gay Games Amsterdam. (1996). Gay Games Amsterdam 1998: Friendship through culture and sports. Amsterdam: Businessplan. Krane, V., & Romont, L. (1997). Female athletes motives and experiences during the Gay Games. Journal of Gay, Lesbian, and Bisexual Identity 2, 123–138. Labreque, L. (1994). Unity: A celebration of Gay Games IV and Stonewall. San Francisco, CA: Labrecque Publishing. Pitts, B. (2000). Gay Games. In K. Christensen, A. Guttmann, & G. Pfister (Eds.), International encyclopedia of women & sport (pp. 441–444). New York: Macmillan. Waddell, T., & Schaap, D. (1996). Gay Olympian: The life and death of Dr. Tom Waddell. New York: A.A. Knopf. Young, P. D. (1994). Lesbians and gays in sports. New York: Chelsea House.

Gender Equity

E

quity in sport is about fairness. But experiencing fairness in sport has been, and is, problematic for girls and women because sport traditionally has been defined as a masculine activity, and women historically have been excluded. Sport was developed by and for men and is also ruled, for the most part, by men. The

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values that are dominant in most sports are also closely connected to a traditional definition of masculinity, which praises toughness, competitiveness, and aggressiveness. In this connection it is important to remember that masculinities and femininities are social constructions. They refer to what are acceptable behaviors for women and men. According to Patricia Flor (1998), the former chairperson of the United Nations Commission on the Status of Women, the topic of women and sport belongs in the human-rights context. At the Second World Conference on Women and Sport in Namibia in 1998, she stated that, “Over two decades, the international community confirmed time and again explicitly in U.N. documents that the principle of non-discrimination encompasses the right of all women and girls to engage in sport, physical and recreational activity on an equal basis with men and boys” (Flor, 1998). The year 1995 was a very important one for organizations working toward equal rights for women in sport. The United Nations Fourth World Conference on Women, which took place in Beijing for the first time in history, devoted space in its final document to the question of women’s active physical lives. It is mentioned in three places in the document. Under Chapter IV, Women and Health, for example, it is written that the following actions should be taken: “Create and support programs in the educational system, in the workplace and in the community to make opportunities to participate in sport, physical activity and recreation available to girls and women of all ages on the same basis as they are made available to men and boys.” To fulfill these fairness goals of gender equity in sport, it is necessary to have equality of access, recognizing inequalities and taking steps to address them. Since equality in sport still does not exist, it is also about changing the culture and structure of sport to ensure that it becomes equally accessible to everyone in society (Sport England, 2000).

Equality and Equity In an article called “Human Rights in Sports,” Kidd and Donnelly (2000, 139) point out that in a Canadian

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A female sumo competitior in a ritual position.

boys and men could not get the same access to the soccer fields that they had because the time and fields available now had to be divided between the two genders. As mentioned above, equity in sport is about equality of access and recognizing inequalities. But let us look at women’s and men’s access to the Olympic Games, to media representation, and to coaching and leadership roles. context those seeking to improve opportunities for girls and women in sport have changed their focus from equality to equity. Equality is defined as “treating persons the same” and equity as “giving all persons fair access to social resources, while recognizing that they may well have different needs and interests.” This is particularly important for gender equity in sport because girls and boys, women and men often have different needs and interests in sport and physical activity due to their socialization and background. According to Coakley and Donnelly (2004), equity would involve taking steps to make up for the years of underfunding and underservicing often experienced by girls’ and women’s sport. One example mentioned is the women-only hours in pools and weight rooms, which may create a comfort level for many women who have had negative experiences in a male environment or who may have never dared to exercise in a place dominated by males.

Difficulty of Fairness to Both Genders It should also be mentioned that, though many people support fairness as a principle, it becomes problematic when fairness to both genders has to be put into practice. Many people do not want to give up what they already have to achieve fairness. Access to sport facilities can be used as an example here. When girls in Norway in 1975 were allowed to play soccer, it meant that some

Access to Participation Today women compete in sports that they did not have access to a few years ago, such as wrestling and boxing. Though women compete in many of the same sports as men, they sometimes play according to different rules and do not always compete in the same events. For example, in cross-country skiing, the longest distance for men is 50 km, while the longest for women is 30 km. The reason for this difference is the erroneous idea, based on supposed physiological gender differences, that women are the weaker sex. Some people will also argue that the goal should not be that women and men participate in exactly the same events, but that no one should be banned from a sport or event because of his or her gender. In apparatus gymnastics, for example, we don’t see men on the balance bar or women in the rings, but of course both women and men can perform on these apparatuses. There are, however, a few sports in which men are not allowed to compete, such as rhythmic sport gymnastics and synchronized swimming.

Differences around the World There are large differences around the world concerning girls’ and women’s participation in sport. In most countries men are more actively involved than women, particularly when it comes to competitive sport. In the Scandinavian countries almost as many adult women as men participate in recreational sport and leisure-time

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Table 1. Women’s participation in the Summer Olympic Games Year

physical activity. In some countries women do participate more in exercise and sport than ever before, but this does not mean that all women have the same access to physical education, to recreation, to sport facilities, or to competitive sport. From a worldwide perspective, exercise and sport may be irrelevant for women whose primary concern is getting enough food, water, and shelter.

Effects of Feminism The reasons for the increasing number of physically active women are, of course, due to a number of factors. This increase can be partly explained as a result of a liberal feminist agenda, which has aided equal-rights legislation for the situation of women in society at large. The influence of this feminist agenda and its consequences for women’s sport, however, differs between nations, because gender ideologies will vary both between cultures and within a culture. A more radical feminist perspective will question the development that has taken place in the Western world. It may be looked upon as a “sport on men’s premises” (liberal feminism). Many sociologists have argued that real gender equity can never be achieved in sport activities and organizations exclusively shaped by the values and experiences of men (Fasting, 1997) and that gender equity in sport implies a change in the culture of sport.

Women’s Access to the Olympics Women’s access to the Olympic Games has increased dramatically since the first women participated in the Games in modern times. The first of the “modern Olympics” was held in 1896, with no female participants. Four years later nineteen women, 1.6 percent of all participants, competed, in three events. When the first Winter Olympic Games were organized in 1924, 5 percent of the participants were women; the thirteen women were allowed to compete in only two events. In the 2002 Olympic Winter Games in Salt Lake City, women competed in thirty-seven events and accounted for 36.9 percent of the participants. Table 1 focuses on the Summer Olympic Games and shows that the number of events have increased paral-

Events

Participants

% of all participants

1908

3

36

1.8

1928

14

290

9.6

1952

25

518

10.5

1968

39

781

14.2

1984

62

1567

23.0

2000

132

4063

38.2

lel with the number of female participants. The sports that have been added to the women’s competitions in the Summer Olympic Games since 1996 are soccer, softball, weightlifting, taekwondo, triathlon, and wrestling. The latest sports included in the Winter Olympic Games are curling, ice hockey, pentathlon and bobsleigh (International Olympic Committee, 2004). This positive development concerning gender equity can partly be explained by the decision of the International Olympic Committee (IOC) that all sports seeking inclusion in the program must include women’s events (Stivachtis 1998). There are huge differences in rate of participation among different countries. Some have even had more female than male participants; this was the situation for Norway at the Olympic Games in Atlanta in 1996. But there are also countries that don’t have any female participants at all. The reason might be that they have no female athletes who qualify, but it might also be due to discrimination and religious restrictions. In Atlanta in 1996, twenty-six nations did not have any female participants. Four years later this number had decreased to six. A women’s-rights activist body, “Atlanta Plus,” has demanded that countries that do not allow women to take part in sport should not themselves be allowed to participate in the Games and that the IOC is contravening its own Olympic Charter by letting these countries participate. Atlanta Plus has, therefore, with reference to human rights, demanded an Olympic ban on those countries in the Atlanta, Sydney, and Athens Games. They have compared the situation to the former ban of South Africa and named it “gender apartheid.” The IOC, however, has never agreed to their demands, in spite of the fact that Atlanta Plus has received support from major organizations and groups such as the Women’s Sports Foundation of the USA, the United

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Gender Equity Hardly Equity in 1884 The following is an account of one man’s disastrous attempt to organize a women’s baseball team. Baltimore, Md., July 7.—[Special.]—The 4th of July a man brought to this city from Philadelphia nine blondes and nine brunets, and put them to playing ball at Oriole Park—the grounds of the American association team, which is now in the West. The audience was very small, not large enough to pay expenses, and the playing was very bad. Saturday the same females played at Monumental Park before an audience of thirtytwo people. The manager left Saturday night, and has not been seen since. The result is the female base-ball players are stranded here without a cent in their pockets, and with no means of returning to their homes in Philadelphia. Today they applied to the Mayor for passes to Philadelphia, but he could not grant them. They are half starved and in a sad plight. Source: Female ball-players stranded. (1884, July 8). Chicago Tribune, p. 6.

Nations, and the Parliamentary Council of Europe (Hargreaves 2000).

Inequality in Prize Money Another area for elite-level female athletes where the inequality between the two genders is striking is in prize money. A few years ago at the Manitoba Tennis Open in Canada, the Tuxedo Tennis Club offered a $2,000 first prize for the men’s championships, which were held on a Sunday on the club’s center court. The prize money for the women’s final was $125, and it was held on a Friday on a side court (http://www.caaws.ca). At Wimbledon in 2002, the women’s top prize was increased to £486,000, while the equivalent men’s prize still was higher, £525,000 (news.bbc.co.uk). Ladies Professional Golf Association 1998 Player of the Year Annika Sorenstam won four tournaments and earned a record $1,092,748 in 1998. If she had been on the

men’s PGA tour, that would have put her in 24th place for earnings. In some sports and in some competitions, the prize money is the same for women and men, but this is still more an exception than a rule.

Media Representations Many studies show that female athletes are both underrepresented in media coverage and portrayed in a gender-stereotypical way. Their lack of visibility in media compared to male athletes may have a negative influence on their opportunities to obtain sponsors, so this may for some sports and some women become a catch-22—in which one factor negatively affects another and is in turn itself affected. As an example of underrepresentation, the following study from Germany illustrates the point. A content analysis of four daily German newspapers in 1979 found that only 5 percent of all coverage dealt with women’s sport, although women accounted for 34 percent of the membership in the German sports clubs. Twenty years later, in 1999, the same study was done, and the results showed that the female membership had increased to 39 percent, but coverage of women’s sports had risen to only 10 percent (Hartmann-Tews and Rulofs 2001). One factor is the amount of women’s sport in the media; another important area is how the female athlete is depicted or portrayed. A study examined media treatment of female athletes throughout CBS’s sixteen-day telecast of the 1992 Winter Olympics in Albertville, France. The findings revealed that although women were depicted in physically challenging events that defy stereotypical notions of femininity, such as mogul skiing and luge, the sport media reinforced “a masculine sports hegemony through strategies of marginalization” (Daddario 1994, 275). It was found that the television commentators were condescending in their descriptors, which trivialized the achievements of the female athletes. There was a strong tendency to blame female athletes for their failures, while excuses were made for the failures of the male athletes. There was also a diminishing of the women by casting them as “little girls.” And there was the consensus that female athletes were

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A student and sensei working on aikido technique.

typically cooperative while the men were typically competitive.

Coaching and Administrative Roles Over the last twenty to thirty years we have seen an enormous increase in the participation of girls and women in physical activity and sport. This evolution, however, has not been reflected in the development of female leadership. Acosta and Carpenter (2004) have conducted a longitudinal study of women in U.S. intercollegiate sport (from 1977 to 2004). Though sport is organized differently in the United States. compared to many other places in the world, the study findings are interesting. Concerning coaching, it shows that only 44.1 percent of all women’s teams in 2004 were coached by women. However, in 1972 (the year Title IX was enacted) more than 90 percent of women’s teams were coached by a woman. Acosta and Carpenter suggest that some of the factors that may explain this development may be market based, others may be based on discrimination and disparate recruitment, and others on an expansion of the career goals of women. Having few female coaches seems also to be an international phenomenon. There is also a trend showing that the higher the performance level of the female athletes, the larger is the chance that they will have a male coach. This means that relatively few top-level female athletes are coached by women, but almost no elite male athletes are coached by a woman. A study from Britain (Brackenridge 1987) found that between 6 and 8 percent of full-salaried coaches were women, while Canada reported that one out of five high-performance coaches were women (Laberge 1992). Studies have shown that in addition to there being few female coaches, they have less status, lower salaries, and less power than their male counterparts (Knoopers 1989; Laberge, 1992). The same phenomenon has been found in sport administration. Why is it still like

this, in spite of the fact that sport politicians all over the world seem to agree that female leadership in sport must be increased?

Barriers to Leadership for Women The largest barrier for women’s involvement in leadership roles in sport seems to be that sport organizations are dominated by a male culture that either excludes women or does not attract nor accommodate large groups of women (Fasting 1997). Job-search committees or election committees, which usually consist of all men, also often use subjective evaluative criteria, which means that women often will be seen as less qualified than men. In practice this means that men have used their male network to help them during job searching and hiring processes or during the election procedure of coaching and administrative positions. Sexual harassment is more likely to be anticipated and also experienced by women, and women coaches and administrators often feel they are judged by more demanding standards than men (Coakley and Donnelly 2004). Being an officer in a voluntary sport-governing body requires a heavy investment of time and energy plus a flexible home and work life. The structures of the sport organizations themselves and the way they operate are not very often questioned. This is, however, as mentioned before, the key point in gender equity; that is, recognizing that women and men may have different needs and interests.

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People in the States used to think that if girls were good at sports their sexuality would be affected. Being feminine meant being a cheerleader, not being an athlete. The image of women is

Outlook It seems that gender equity or fairness in sport is difficult to achieve in practice, in spite of the fact that most people will agree upon the principle whether it is from a fairness or a human-rights perspective. The European Union, and many other European countries, have during the last ten years committed themselves to gender mainstreaming as a “new” strategy for developing gender equality in a society at large.This is based on the fact that other legal-opportunity approaches like “equal treatment” and “positive action” have not been successful enough. The same can be said for sport organizations.

Effectiveness of Gender Mainstreaming The question is whether gender mainstreaming in sport will be more successful than other strategies. By “gender mainstreaming” is meant the integration of a gender focus in the mainstream of an organization’s processes and work. It can be defined as follows: “Gender mainstreaming is the systematic integration of gender equality into all systems and structures; policies, programs, processes and projects; into cultures and their organisations, into ways of seeing and doing” (Rees 2002, 2). According to Rees, mainstreaming turns attention away from individuals and their rights, or their deficiencies and disadvantages, and focuses instead on those systems and structures that produce those deficiencies and disadvantages in the first place. It seeks to integrate equality into those systems and structures. But she also states that gender mainstreaming is a highly effective long-term strategy that complements the effect of equal treatment and positive action. Gender mainstreaming seeks to identify the ways in which existing systems and structures are “institutionally sexist.” It seeks to neutralize the gender bias, and it is an approach to produce policies and processes that seek to benefit men and women equally. The overall aim of gender mainstreaming is that something should be changed, primarily the culture of an organization, and that one needs statistics and research to do that. To achieve gender equity in sport, we therefore must see a

change in the sport culture as a prerequisite to gaining equality for women and men in sport. Kari Fasting See also Body Image; Coeducational Sport; Disordered Eating; Feminist Perspective; Gender Verification; Injury Risk in Women’s Sport; Lesbianism; Psychology of Gender Differences; Sexual Harassment; Sexuality; Women’s Sports, Media Coverage of

Further Reading Acosta, R. V., and Carpenter, L. J. (2004). Women in intercollegiate sport. A longitudinal, national study twenty-seven year update: 1977–2004, Women in Sport and Physical Activity Journal, 13(1), 62–89. Brackenridge, C. (1987). Ethical concerns in women’s sport. Coaching Focus, (6), 5–6. Coakley, J., and Donnelly, P. (2004). Sports in society. Issues and controversies. First Canadian Edition. Ryerson, Toronto: McGrawHill. Daddario, G. (1994). Chilly scenes of the 1992 Winter Games: The mass media and the marginalization of female athletes. Sociology of Sport Journal, 11, 275–288. Fasting, K. (1997). Equality of opportunity—the evolution of democracy in sport. Proceedings, The 40th Anniversary ICHPER—SD World Congress, Kyung Hee University, Korea, July 4–9, 1997. Fasting, K. (2000). Women’s role in national and international sport governing bodies. In B. Drinkwater (Ed.), Women in sport. The encyclopedia of sports medicine. An IOC Medicine Commission publication in collaboration with the International Federation of Sport Medicine (pp. 441–453). Oxford, UK: Blackwell Science. Flor, P. (1998). Statement presented at The Second International World Conference, Women in Sport. Windhoek, Namibia, May 19–22. Hargreaves, J. (2000). Heroines of sport. The politics of difference and identity. London: Routledge. Hartmann-Tews, I., & Rulofs, B. (2001). Representations of male and female athletes in the media and sports reporting: A comparative study of German newspapers in 1979 and 2000. Paper presented at the 6th Annual Congress of the European College of Sport Science —15th Congress of the German Society of Sport Science, Cologne, Germany, 24–28 July. International Olympic Committee. (2004). Women and sport progress report. A review of IOC policy and activities to promote women in and through sport. 3rd World Conference on Women and Sport, 7– 10 March, Marrakech, Morocco. Kidd, B., and Donnelly, P. (2000). Human rights in sports. International Review for the Sociology of Sport, 35(2), 131–148. Knoopers, A. (1989). Gender and the salaries of coaches. Sociology of Sport Journal, 6(4), 248–362. Laberge, S. (1992). Employment situation of higher performance coaches in Canada. Sport Canada, Occasional Papers 3(1), 1–49. Rees, T. (2002). A new strategy: Gender mainstreaming. Paper

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changing now. You don’t have to be pretty for people to come and see you play. At the same time, if you’re a good athlete, it doesn’t mean you’re not a woman. ■ MARTINA NAVRATILOVA

presented at the 5th European Women and Sport Conference in Berlin, April 18–21.. Hotel Crowne Plaza, Berlin, Germany. Stivachtis, K. M. (1998). Women’s participation in the 18th Olympic Winter Games in Nagano. Olympic Review (April–May), 41. Sport England. (2000). Making English sport inclusive: Equity guidelines for governing bodies. London: Sport England. U.N.’s Fourth World Conference on Women. (1995). Report, part II, Platform for action. Beijing, China, September 4–15.

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n a patriarchal society men and women relate on unequal terms, and sports are but one aspect of a society in which masculine power is constructed and maintained. In sports people in superordinate roles see forceful, strong, able, independent women as a menace; thus, for these people maintaining and reproducing a myth of female frailty is a top priority, and they have reinforced this myth by “verifying” the sex of the world’s top women athletes. The body is directly involved in a political field, and its manifestations in sports spill over into social life and vice versa.

Prohibition of Women’s Sports During the past century discourses surrounding gender and sports have certainly changed. Powerful male alliances in the medical establishment once ruled, and doctors were able to construct female physiological deficiencies and prohibit numerous physical activities for women. Today male control of the sports industry and its trivializing or obscuring media practices, combined with definitions of femininity linked to (hetero)sexual attractiveness and reproductive functions, propagates female subjugation and perpetuates women’s exclusion from “masculine” sports domains. The “knowledge” historically espoused by the (male) medical profession was informed by the ascribed social positions of women and led to representations of their bodies as inferior, deficient, and incapable compared with those of men. Subsequently, the ideology of women’s sports became imbued with prohibitions and inhibitions. When women began to compete seriously

in sports, people had concerns about the acceptability of certain sports because of women’s unique reproductive capacity. Throughout history middle-class women bore the responsibility of ensuring not only their own health but also the health of the ensuing generations. Women’s exercise regimes have been decided by doctors and prescribed to women with distinct class and ethnic biases. Although reproductive health was of paramount importance, doctors viewed the reproductive capacity of Anglo-Saxon, middle-class women as a more valuable commodity than that of their working-class, immigrant counterparts; the idea that some of these women might prefer to remain childless was unpardonable, and the fact that labor performed by working-class women might be just as demanding as sports was ignored. People have expressed concern, never substantiated, that sports, particularly of the vigorous, competitive variety, would “masculinize” women physically, behaviorally, and psychologically. Sports were considered to waste women’s vital force and to disable them from completing the requisite reproductive and domestic duties associated with their gender. A curious emphasis on the incompatibility between sports and women’s breasts, which are thought to prevent women from making appropriate movements, is bound in medical control over women’s reproduction and sexuality. The gradual increase in women’s opportunities to participate in sports and other physical activity has been tempered by precise constraints that set the boundaries beyond which young women should not attempt to move, thereby reaffirming a dainty, delicate, docile femininity, the legacy of which is still a constraint on women’s experiences of their bodies.

Sex, Gender, and Sexual Orientation People often confuse and use inconsistently the terms sex, gender, and sexual orientation. The term sex usually refers to the dichotomous distinctions between male and female based on genetically determined physiological characteristics. Gender usually defines the psychological and cultural dimensions of masculine and

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feminine. Sexual orientation delineates one’s sexual attraction: heterosexual, bisexual, or homosexual. The process variously called “gender verification” or “sex testing” attempts to reveal an athlete’s sex; however, gender or sexual orientation ambiguity is the underlying reason. The sex of a petite figure skater, gymnast, or synchronized swimmer married to her (male) coach is rarely questioned. Women who excel at “power” sports are often considered masculine, lesbian, or not really women at all. Sex testing is based on a simple gender logic that classifies all people as one of two sex categories: male or female. These categories are seen in biological terms, and they are conceptualized to highlight difference and opposition; in fact, they are called “opposite sexes.” Dedication and hard work are required to maintain a simple binary classification system because it is inconsistent with evidence showing that anatomy, hormones, chromosomes, and secondary sex characteristics vary in complex ways and cannot be divided into two simple categories. However, the International Olympic Committee (IOC) and other sports governing bodies have been willing to spare no effort to maintain a twocategory system, which in effect maintains male supremacy and control over female bodies. The participation of girls and women in sports has always presented a threat to the preservation of traditional gender logic. Because men are presumed to have an advantage in most sports, some people suspect that female athletes who do well may be men in disguise and present a threat to men’s domination. Consequently, girls and women have been excluded from playing many sports or are encouraged to play only sports that emphasize grace, beauty, and coordination. Women are now allowed (by men) to participate fully in some traditionally male sports such as basketball and soccer and Olympic events in which athletes demonstrate speed and power; however, their femininity is often called into question, and forty years ago international sporting federations actually began “testing” women athletes to ensure their status as women. Al-

though the practice was recently abandoned (1999), the most successful women athletes continue to have their sex, gender, or sexual orientation questioned.

Ancient Olympics—A Male-Only Club The first Olympic sex test took place in ancient Greece and was instituted to keep women from disguising themselves as men. Athletes and trainers had to pass naked as they arrived at the ancient Olympics lest any women sneak in to watch or participate. The founder of the modern games, Baron Pierre de Coubertin of France, actually wanted the Olympics to remain a maleonly “club”; however, women slowly gained more and more rights to participation. Nineteen women participated in the 1900 games, and fifty-seven in the 1912 games. The number of women competing in the games has steadily grown along with the competitiveness of the women’s events. Of course, as the women competitors became fitter and/or more skilled, their performances became more “manly.” To cite a few examples, the 1988 Olympic record in the women’s 400-meter freestyle swimming event would have surpassed all men’s performances prior to 1972; the 15-kilometer women’s cross-country skiing standard in 1994 would have beaten all men’s marks before 1992; and the winning women’s 30-kilometer time in 1992 outstripped everything that men competitors had accomplished previously. As women’s performance standards improved markedly, questions began to arise concerning the actual “femininity” of many of the supposedly women Olympic competitors. In fact, the IOC was chagrined to learn that three track and field champions who competed as women in the pre–World War II games eventually underwent reconstructive surgery to remove external, male reproductive structures. The IOC also had to retrieve the medals of a Polish sprinter who competed as a woman when it learned that she had male reproductive organs. After World War II, when the former Soviet Union and other Eastern Bloc countries fielded rather formidable women’s Olympic teams

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(both in terms of performance and appearance), the IOC became concerned about widespread rumors that at least some of the “females” on the teams were actually male and began strict sex testing of all competitors.

External Examinations In 1966 the IOC introduced sex testing; this testing continued to be controversial until its discontinuation thirty-three years later. The Olympic Charter (1983) stated that all competitors registered as women had to report to the femininity control head office. Initially, at every major championship, women lined up in the female medical officer’s waiting room. In turn each woman walked, passport in hand, into the examining room and dropped her towel, and examiners performed an external gynecological exam in order to issue the “femininity certificate” that allowed her to compete. Those competitors who failed to report could not take part in the games. Women competitors with a femininity certificate were exempted from another examination upon presenting that certificate to the femininity control head office. The certificate operated much like South Africa’s pass card during apartheid (racial segregation), which communicated the message to blacks that they are an underclass so suspicious that they require surveillance. Because women don’t need a special card in other walks of life, a sex test obliquely tells women that their success in sports is worrying, suspicious, or even unnatural. Many athletes found the external examinations invasive and offensive, and, in fact, the examinations proved to be ineffective. As technology advanced and women’s performances continually improved, the IOC moved on to other methods of sex testing.

Sex Chromatin Test The sex chromatin test, which relies on the biological fact that cells of most females contain two X chromosomes, whereas cells of males contain one X and one Y chromosome, was first used at the Mexico Olympic Games (1968). The test consists of a simple cheek swab in which oral-cavity cells are painlessly scraped from the

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inside of an athlete’s cheek and then examined for the presence of the XX chromosomal constitution. This test was used from 1968 through 1992 despite its significant problems. It was unreliable, allowing some athletes with distinct “male” advantages because of their abnormal XXY chromosomal pattern to compete as women while basking in the benefits of increased strength and power afforded by their Y chromosome and subsequent high levels of testosterone. In the Journal of the American Medical Association geneticist Dr. Albert de la Chappelle reported that one in five thousand women has a hormonal imbalance called “adrenal hyperplasia,” which gives them the shape and muscular strength of a man despite their female genitalia and XX chromosomes. On the other hand, women who are ostensibly female were disqualified. Dr. de la Chappelle also recognized that six women in one thousand look like women, think they are women, have a body composition and musculature that seem entirely female, but “fail” the test because of their Y chromosomes. A condition called “androgen resistance” makes some XY women immune to the sexual-developing and strengthpromoting qualities of testosterone and leaves them physiologically female despite the absence of the XX chromosomal constitution.

DNA Testing Finally recognizing that such problems existed, the IOC in 1992 decided to move on to more sophisticated tests that look even more closely at the genetic makeup of the Y chromosome with methods based on deoxyribonucleic acid (DNA). These tests were also a poor choice because, as mentioned, some XY persons are essentially female. Nonetheless, the 1996 games in Atlanta, Georgia, incorporated a complicated, expensive, and time-consuming process of “SRY sex identification,” which included screening of athlete DNA, confirmation of testing, and counseling of “detected” athletes. The SRY sex-identification process still did not eliminate all the issues surrounding the accuracy of the tests, and at the 1996 Atlanta games officials reverted to the

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cheek-swab method. About one in four hundred females at the Atlanta games tested positive for male chromosomal material, but all tests were eventually ruled “false positives.” Eight women were permitted to compete because seven of them had androgen insensitivity, and the other had an enzyme deficiency, which effectively neutralized male sex hormones.

was forced to return her Olympic and other medals and retired from competition surrounded by controversy. To avoid this development, it was proposed that any athlete who failed the sex test be rushed to the isolation ward of a hospital and that the news media be told that she had developed a highly contagious disease. Some women who “failed” the test were instructed to feign injury or actually were fitted with casts.

Men “Caught” Masquerading as Females

Abandonment of Sex Testing

In a few cases men have disguised themselves as females; however, more often than not hermaphrodites or genetic males who have believed (or wished) they were females have been ruled against. German high jumper Dora Ratjen, who set a world record of 1.7 meters at the 1936 Olympics, was found in 1938 to have both male and female sexual organs. She was banned, and although she had lived as a woman previously she changed her name to “Hermann” and lived the rest of her life as a man. Two Frenchwomen on the 1946 European silver medal-winning relay team later were found to be living as Frenchmen. Claire Bresolles had become Pierre; Lean Caula had become Leon. Erika Schineggar of the Australian national ski team, who won the 1966 downhill ski title, was also “caught” with male chromosomes. Supposedly her male sexual organs had been hidden inside her body since birth. Later she changed her name to “Eric,” competed in cycling and skiing as a male while undergoing four genital surgeries, and is said to have married and become a father. Women who have been “caught” as males often didn’t know about their Y chromosome and have suffered psychologically from the trauma of being disqualified from competition and having their medals revoked and success in sports discounted. Polish sprinter Eva Klobukowska passed a 1966 gynecological examination at the Budapest European Championships. After the introduction of sex chromatin testing, in Kiev at the 1967 European Cup, she was found to have extra chromosomes. Despite having a rare condition that gave her no advantage over other athletes, she

In 1990 the International Amateur Athletics Federation (IAAF), the governing organization for track and field, called for the abandonment of gender verification and convened a working group of international experts, including ethicists, sports governors, physicians, and women athletes, in support of such abandonment. The group concluded that women with birth defects of the sex chromosomes do not possess an unfair advantage and should be permitted to compete as females. People who have been both legally and psychosocially female since childhood should be eligible for women’s competition regardless of their chromosomal constitution. The IAAF discontinued routine gender verification in 1992. On the other hand, for an additional nine years, the IOC continued to ignore the compelling evidence that sex testing is discriminatory and traumatic for athletes with sex chromosomal disorders regardless of the method of analysis employed. Finally, because of the high frequency of “false positives” (eight out of eight women at the Atlanta games) and pressure from the IOC’s Athlete’s Commission, the American Medical Association, the American College of Physicians, the American College of Obstetrics and Gynecology, the Endocrine Society, and the American Society of Human Genetics, among others, the practice was abandoned for the 2004 summer games in Sydney, Australia, on a “trial basis.” The IOC hasn’t completely eliminated its interest in the sexual anatomy of women athletes. The decision to suspend gender verification depended in part on the

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opportunity for officials to gain a peek at athletes’ genitals during doping testing, which requires freshly voided urine. Gonadectomized (relating to surgical removal of the testes) males would pass superficial examination, of course, but such persons—as long as they were not doping themselves with steroids—would not be in a position to benefit from testosterone because the hormone would essentially vanish along with their testes.

Implications A woman who excels in sports, although no longer subjected to sex tests, may still have her sex, gender, or sexual orientation questioned. With so much concern over which competitors are “real women,” the possibility that a woman athlete could masquerade as a male competitor and take home an Olympic medal has been completely ignored. Women may pretend to be men to gain status, safety on the street, the right to earn a living, and even the right to participate in sports. The rhetoric of women “failing” their femininity tests and being “caught” masquerading as males is embedded in a strict gender logic and masculine sporting hegemony (influence) that should be questioned. Janelle Joseph

Further Reading Blue, A. (1987). Grace under pressure: The emergence of women in sport. London: Sidgwick and Jackson. Coakley, J. (2001). Sport in society: Issues and controversies (7th ed.). Boston: McGraw-Hill. Daniels, D. B. (1992). Gender (body) verification (building). Play & Culture, 5(4), 370–377. De la Chappelle, A. (1986). Why sex chromatin should be abandoned as a screening method for “gender verification” of female athletes. New Studies in Athletics, 1(2), 49–53. Ferguson-Smith, M.A. (1994). Gender verification. In M. Haines et al., (Eds.), Oxford textbook of sport medicine (pp. 355–366). New York: Oxford University Press. Fox, J. S. (1993). Gender verification—What purpose? What price? British Journal of Sports Medicine, 27(3), 148–149. Hall, A. (1981). The Canadian Research Institute for the Advancement of Women papers: Sport sex roles and sex identity. Ontario, Canada: CRIAW.

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Germany

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ermany is a federal republic in central Europe with sixteen states and a population of about 82 million people. The democratic constitution emphasizes individual liberty and the division of powers. Germany is a welfare state with a social market system, which leads to a high degree of social security and high levels in the areas of education, technological development, and economic productivity. The reunification of the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic in 1990 led to considerable socioeconomic changes, partly because it was necessary to increase the standard of living and build up the inadequate infrastructure in the eastern part of the country. Today Germany suffers from high unemployment, a recession, and economic problems that have caused a restructuring of the welfare system.

History Germany has a rich sporting tradition, and today sports are an integrated part of German culture and physical activities are a valued part of the German lifestyle.

THE EIGHTEENTH AND NINETEENTH CENTURIES At the end of the eighteenth century, in accordance with the ideals of the Enlightenment, Johann Friedrich GutsMuths (1759–1839), a Saxon educator, developed a teaching concept that included physical education as a precondition for mental development and intellectual learning. In his 1793 book, Gymnastics for Youth, GutsMuths introduced a large collection of exercises and games, from climbing and balancing to running, jumping, and throwing, from swimming, ice skating, and hiking to exercises for improving the senses. This led to the introduction of gymnastics and other directed, quantifiable physical activities into the educational curriculum of several Philantropine, (boarding schools established by philanthropists); the aim was to

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Plans for rowing club facilities in Berlin and Hamburg in the 1890s.

Their work found many adherents, partly because they emphasized exercises for beauty and grace, which reflected nineteenthcentury ideals of femininity.

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educate useful citizens, but GutsMuths’s vision excluded girls and women. The gymnastics of GutsMuths served as a model for Turnen, a comprehensive concept of games, exercises, and physical activities—ranging from climbing and balancing to running, jumping, and throwing, and from wrestling to playing games—initiated by Friedrich Ludwig Jahn (1778–1852), commonly known as the father of gymnastics. Jahn’s goals were to liberate Germany from French occupation, to overthrow the feudal order, and to form a German nation state. The principles of Turnen differed fundamentally from the sporting ideas developed in England in the same period. Turnen did not, for example, attach any importance to records and abstract performance; instead, it used a person’s height as the criterion for judging a high jump. All-around exercising of the body was preferred to specialization, and the Turnen movement strove to improve the nation’s strength rather than individual performance. With the foundation of the second German Empire in 1871, the movement’s dream of a united Germany came true. Although Turnen was initially exclusively a male activity, since the 1830s, physical education was available for the small group of girls whose parents could pay for it. In the course of the nineteenth century, there was increasing concern about the effects of industrialization and urbanization on the health of girls and women. Among the first champions of physical education for girls and women were Phokion Heinrich Clias (1782– 1854) and Johann Adolf Ludwig Werner (1794–1866).

With the industrialization and modernization of society at the end of the nineteenth century, various reform movements changed the physical activities of the German population. A games movement propagated games and outdoor exercises and fought for the establishment of playing grounds; a hiking movement addressed German youth; a gymnastic and dance movement, which focused on health and aesthetics, became the women’s domain. In 1893, the Workers Gymnastic Association (ArbeiterTurnerbund, ATB), which became a serious rival of the bourgeois Turnen and sport movement, was founded. By 1924, the Deutsche Turnerschaft (German Turners Federation) had 11,000 clubs with 1,750,000 members, and the ATB had 6,373 clubs with 653,000 members. In both organizations the female membership was around 20 percent. The workers sport movement encouraged the health and fitness of male and female workers. Yet, in many ways, with regard to training and competition as well as to the organization of events, including the proletarian Olympic Games, the workers sport movement did not differ very much from its bourgeois rivals. In the beginning, it rejected competition, but soon yielded to the fascination of elite performances. Since the end of the nineteenth century, modern sport with its orientation toward competition and record-keeping soon spread from its country of origin, Great Britain, to Germany. In Germany, modern sport followed the example of Turnen and was organized into clubs and federations. After the turn of the century, women were allowed to participate in Turnen and in some of the new sports, especially those which authorities believed did not

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Germany endanger health, beauty, or morals. On the tennis courts or the ski slopes, women had to play their traditional role as decoration. However, a few unconventional women tried many types of sport, from parachuting to ski jumping. Before World War I, public interest focused not on the Olympic Games, which were nearly invisible, but on horse racing (because of the betting) and cycling. In 1909, Germans admired the first motored flight on a drill ground in Berlin. In the following years, curiosity and a craving for sensation enticed tens of thousands of spectators to visit flight shows.

WEIMAR REPUBLIC In the wake of the profound political, economic, and social changes that followed World War I, sport experienced an enormous upswing. Indicators of the growing importance of sport included an increase in the percentage of people participating in sport activities, an increasing number of competitions and sport events, and increasing sport coverage in the mass media, which created sport stars like the boxer Max Schmeling and the automobile racer Bernd Rosemeyer. Sport became fashionable and attracted large audiences. For example, up to half a million spectators watched the car races on the AVUS in Berlin, the first freeway (Autobahn) in the world and for a long time one of the most important ones. Girls and women were also infected by the sport fever. Corsets, long skirts, and narrow blouses were replaced by trousers and sweaters. The sport girl with long legs, slim hips, and short hair, became the new ideal for many women. In Germany and throughout Europe, a variety of gymnastic systems were propagated, some emphasizing health and hygiene, some more intent on the aesthetics of human movement. The proponents of gymnastics strongly criticized modern sports and their obsession with quantified achievement. They were concerned principally with the quality of the movement, the form and shape of the body, and the harmonious development of the whole person. Although the gymnastics movement advocated a rather traditional image of womanhood, it

Key Events in Germany Sports History 1793 Gymnastics for Youth by GutsMuths is published. 1800s The Turnen movement takes hold in Germany. 1830s Physical education is open to young women of wealthy families. 1893 The Workers Gymnastic Association is founded. 1913 The German Sport Award is established. 1936 The Olympics take place in Berlin. 1950 The German Sport Confederation is founded. 1970s The “Sport for All” campaign is launched. 1986 Government support for top-level athletes is increased.

spoke to many who liked the idea of an essentially feminine movement culture free from men’s interference and control.

NATIONAL SOCIALISM In National Socialist (Nazi) ideology, biological and racist ideas led to a partial redefinition of sport and the shaping of a new centralized sport system. The Nazis had the same aims and used the same strategies here as they did in other areas. On the one hand, sport organizations that did not fit into the National Socialist sport system, like the workers’ sport association and later the Jewish sport organizations, were dissolved; on the other hand, physical education became a central pillar in the schools and—at least on paper—in the structure of the Nazi state. Physical education was supposed to prepare men for their predetermined biological role as fighters and women for their role as mothers. Clubs and federations of the bourgeois Turnen movement were reorganized and forced to adopt the Nazi ideology. Jews were thrown out of the sport clubs.

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Young women in a physical education class in the early twentieth century.

Although top-level sport and the Olympic Games did not readily fit into the National Socialist ideology of “fitness for Führer and fatherland,” the new rulers realized their propaganda advantages and supported the 1936 Olympic Games, which took place in Berlin. At these Games, Germany was a successful nation. National Socialist myths and ideals were even embodied in the architecture and the sculptures of the Olympic station, which were designed following the ideas of Adolf Hitler.

AFTER WORLD WAR II After the devastation and deprivation of World War II, the German population turned back to sport, in part because they represented a more attractive world than the ubiquitous ruins of their defeated nation. But within the context of the Cold War, sport became increasingly important as a symbol of power and dominance. Athletes were looked upon as diplomats in track suits. The astonishing success of East Germany’s athletes, especially the female athletes, sprang from a number of interrelated factors: the centralized search for athletic talent, which began with the systematic recruitment of children; scientific research designed to maximize performance; the concentration of economic resources on sport; the high prestige, social security, and other material rewards (such as trips abroad) granted to successful athletes; and medical manipulation through drugs. The focus on elite athletes came at the expense of recreational sports. Among other things, the facilities available to ordinary citizens were few and poor. After the reunification of Germany, the sport structures in the new German states were modeled, more or less, on West Germany’s less-centralized structures.

Sport Today In the last decade, German sport experienced an enormous differentiation process. On the one hand, toplevel sport won increasing importance and public attention, and on the other hand, more and more sport activities that were not competition- and performanceoriented, from yoga to roller skating, became popular. This “de-sportification” process motivated new groups —women, senior citizens, and disabled persons, among others—to take up sport, and a whole new sport market developed that decisively changed the face of sport. At present there is a broad spectrum of sports, with different aims, purposes, rules, rituals, and practices. The spectrum ranges from top-level competitive sports to mass sport and recreational activities, and from sports for health to team games. Sports may be played informally or organized by different providers in different settings. Private firms have joined municipalities and even informal groups as providers of sport courses or facilities, from tennis courts to fitness studios. In Germany, physical education is obligatory in all schools and classes. And top-level sport, competition sport, and sport for all are organized into a central sport system with ninety-thousand sport clubs.

Organizations The federal structure of Germany is reflected in the structure, organization, and division of responsibilities

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Germany Olympics Results 2002 Winter Olympics: 12 Gold, 16 Silver, 7 Bronze 2004 Summer Olympics: 14 Gold, 16 Silver, 18 Bronze

in the field of sport. Sixteen sport federations, which are responsible for sporting activities in the sixteen German states, exist beside fifty-eight sport federations for the various types of sport. The umbrella organization is the German Sport Confederation (Deutscher Sportbund, DSB), founded in 1950. Because the DSB coordinates all sport in Germany, it is engaged in elite as well as mass sport and conducts numerous initiatives and campaigns. One of the most successful activities of the DSB is the German Sport Award (Deutsches Sportabzeichen), founded in 1913, which is given to those who have reached a certain performance level in certain sports. The conditions of the test vary according to age and sex. Since 1913, around 25 million Sport Awards have been given. Another successful activity of the DSB was the “Sport for All” campaign in the 1970s. Slogans such as “Make yourself fit by doing sport” or “A clever person improves his endurance” or “Movement is the best medicine” were coined and propagated; jogging meetings were organized. As a result of this campaign, jogging, cycling, and, later, roller skating and Nordic walking, inside and outside of the sport clubs, gained more and more adherents. The popularity of jogging and roller skating is shown by the numbers of participants in a recent event —thirty-five thousand runners and skaters participated in the Berlin Marathon in 2003. Sport organizations, from the clubs to the federations and the DSB, are based on the principles of democracy, autonomy, volunteering, and reciprocity. The leaders of sport organizations are volunteers, and many of the coaches and instructors are compensated only for their expenses or given a small amount of money as recognition of their work. The principle of reciprocity means that the engagement of volunteers is compensated by the engagement of others. Thus, the public relation official in a club, for example, writes reports for the press without getting paid, but he need not pay to use a trainer. Today the professionalization of sport organizations

is a much-discussed and contested issue. Many of the bigger clubs and the national federations, which started at the end of the 1990s, employ at least some paid persons, who are mostly responsible for coordination, but also help with training. In many clubs and federations, however, paid and volunteer personnel work well together. The federal government and local authorities provide legal and material support for sports organizations in those cases where the latter’s staffing and financial resources are insufficient. However, the relationship of the state and organized sport is always characterized as partnership and cooperation. The German constitution has no regulations referring to sport. However, in accordance with the constitutional division of responsibilities, public promotion and support of sport clubs and federations are primarily a responsibility of the states. The federal government is mainly concerned with sport issues of national or supranational importance. Therefore, it provides financial support to top level sport and top level athletes. The resources come from several places, including a lottery.

Competition at the Top Top-level sport was reorganized in 1986 to encourage the systematic training of athletes, and around thirty-five hundred athletes are currently training in centers that are supported mainly by the federal ministry of inner affairs. These centers provide medical advice and care and coordinate education and training for athletes and their trainers. This federal ministry also supports thirtyeight schools that place a special emphasis on sport. In these schools, there are no conflicts between school and training, and it is possible for students to earn an education in spite of their engagement in top-level sport. It is even possible for some (older) athletes employed by state institutions to earn a living and practice their sport. Under certain conditions, athletes are also supported by an organization called German Sport Aid, which gets its money through the selling of sports postage stamps, a lottery, and other activities.

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When I go out on the ice, I just think about my skating. I forget it is a competition. ■ KATARINA WITT

Sport Clubs The main sponsors of sport are clubs. All sport clubs are nonprofit organizations, but they are very different with regard to their size, their philosophies, and their values and cultures. Small clubs that have only one sport exist beside huge sport associations with several thousand members who have not only numerous sports in their clubs, but also fitness rooms, swimming pools, and restaurants. Around 35 percent of the 90,000 sport clubs have fewer than 100 members, 34 percent have 101 to 300 members, and 31 percent have over 2,300 members. Up to 70 percent of the cost of clubs is financed by membership fees and events or activities; the rest comes from sponsors and from the states or communities.

Noncompetitive Sports Research shows that more than 50 percent of Germans are active in sports, but that most of those who claim to be active participate in sports irregularly or with a low intensity. More than 30 percent of Germans belong to a sport club, and 38 percent of the members of these sport clubs are female. The involvement of women in sports depends more on age, class, and ethnic origin than does the involvement of men. In German clubs, girls typically begin to withdraw from sports participation when they reached the age of fourteen, while boys stay active until they are at least eighteen. Men and women of higher social status are more likely than the less affluent to be athletically active, but the effect of this variable is greater for women than for men. The participation of ethnic minorities is marginal in German sport. This is especially true for girls and women from an Islamic background. The most popular sports in Germany are physical activities that can be easily integrated into everyday life, like hiking, cycling, swimming, jogging, and gymnastics, which attract mostly women. Number one among the organized sports is soccer—the soccer federation has more than 6 million members and 10 percent of them are women. The second-largest federation is the German Gymnastics Federation with 5 million members;

girls and women are in the majority with 70 percent of members. Then follows the German Tennis Federation (1,840,311 members), the German Shooting Federation (1,550,580 members), the German Track-and Field Federation (866,197 members), and the German Handball Federation (827,905 members). Team handball was developed at the end of World War I by members of the Turnen movement for women who were excluded from other team games like soccer. But it soon became a fast and aggressive game that attracted more and more men. Team handball is also popular in Scandinavia, Eastern Europe, and South America.

The Future Germany is a country where sport plays a very important role and where the number of participants has continuously increased. One reason for this is the engagement of new sectors of the population, like senior men or women who use sport for health and fitness. Another reason is that the increase in the commitment of sport-minded people and the introduction of new sports have roused the interest of formerly sportabstinent people. The current favorite sports are street ball with boys, Nordic walking with seniors, and roller skating with female and males of all ages. Gertrud Pfister See also East Germany; Eiger North Face; Olympic Stadium (Berlin),1936

Further Reading DSB Jahresmagazin. (2005). Frankfurt, Germany: DSB. Emrich, E., Pitsch, W., & Papathanassiou, V. (2001). Die Sportvereine. Ein Versuch auf empirischer Grundlage. Schorndorf, Germany: Hofmann. Hartmann-Tews, I. (1996). Sport für alle!? Strukturwandel europäischer Sportsysteme im Vergleich: Bundesrepublik Deutschland, Frankreich, Großbritannien. Schorndorf, Germany: Hofmann. Jütting, D. H., & Jochinke, M. (Eds.). (1996). Standpunkte und Perspektiven zur Ehrenamtlichkeit im Sport. Münster, Hamburg, & London: Lit. Krüger, M. (1993). Einführung in die Geschichte der Leibesübungen. Schorndorf, Germany: Hofmann.

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Opaschowski, H. (1995). Neue Trends im Freizeitsport. Hamburg, Germany: BAT. Pfister, G. (1980). Frau und Sport: Frühe Texte. Frankfurt, Germany: Fischer. Pfister, G. (1996). Physical activity in the name of the fatherland: Turnen and the national movement. Sporting Heritage, 1, 14–36.

Globalization

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odern sport is bound up with an interdependent global network that is marked by global flows and uneven power relations. For example, people across the globe regularly view satellite broadcasts of English Premier League and European Champions League matches. In these games the best players drawn from Europe, South America, and Africa perform using equipment—boots, balls, uniforms, and so on—that is designed in the West, financed by multinational corporations such as Adidas and Nike, and hand-stitched, in the case of soccer balls, in Asia using child labor. This equipment is then sold, at significant profit, to a mass market in the towns and cities of North America and Europe. In the production and consumption phases of global soccer, several transnational corporations are involved—some corporations both own the media companies and have, as in the case of Sky TV, shareholdings in the soccer clubs they screen, creating part of what sociologists term the “global media-sports complex.” The global flows that pattern world sport have several dimensions. These include the international movement of people such as tourists, migrants, exiles, and guest workers; a technology dimension created by the flow between countries of the machinery and equipment produced by corporations and government agencies; an economic dimension centering on the rapid flow of money and its equivalents around the world; a media dimension in which the flow of images and information between countries is produced and distributed by newspapers, magazines, radio, film, television, video, satellite, cable, and the World Wide Web; and finally, an ideological dimension linked to the flow of val-

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ues centrally associated with state or counterstate ideologies and movements. All five dimensions can be detected in late twentieth-century sports development. The global migration of sports personnel has been a pronounced feature of recent decades and appears likely to continue in the future. The flow across the globe of goods, equipment, and “landscapes” such as sports complexes and golf courses has developed into a multibillion-dollar business in recent years and represents another transnational development in the sport sphere. The flow of finance in the global sport arena centers not only on the international trade in personnel, prize money, and endorsements, but also on the marketing of sport along specific lines. The transformation of sports such as American football, basketball, golf, and soccer into global sports is part of this process. Closely connected to these flows have been media-led developments. The media-sports complex projects images of individual sports, leisure forms, and specific cultural messages to large global audiences—for example, the worldwide audience for the 2004 Athens Olympic Games. The power of this media-sports complex has forced a range of sports to align themselves with this global model, which emphasizes spectacle, personality, and excitement. At the level of ideology, global sports festivals such as the Olympics have come to serve as vehicles for the expression of ideologies that are transnational in character. For example, the opening and closing ceremonies of the Athens Games were designed to project images of and messages about Greece both to its own people and to a global audience.

Understanding Global Sport Processes Three approaches can help make sense of these global sport processes. First, sports have to be studied in the context of the societies in which they are played, and the interconnected political, economic, cultural, and social patterns that shape modern sport must be emphasized. Attention also has to be given to how these patterns both enable and constrain people’s actions— there are “winners” and “losers” in this global game.

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No one goes there anymore— it’s too crowded. ■ YOGI BERRA

Societies are no longer—and except in very rare cases were never—sealed off from other societies. Ties of trade, warfare, migration, and culture are long-standing in human history—for instance, elaborate connections were made throughout Renaissance Europe. More recent globalization processes have constructed new sets of “interdependency chains,” networks that connect people from distant parts of the globe. It is in this context of global power networks that the practice and consumption of elite modern sport can be best understood. Second, a long-term perspective can help to trace, describe, and analyze the global sport process. A historical and comparative approach can explain how the present pattern of global sport emerged out of the past and how it is connected to a range of “civilizational struggles.” The third helpful approach is through an understanding of the concept of globalization. The concept

refers to the growing network of interdependencies— political, economic, cultural, and social—that bind human beings together, for better and for worse. These globalization processes are not of recent origin nor do they occur evenly across all areas of the globe. The processes that involve an increasing intensification of global interconnectedness are by their nature long-term, but during the twentieth century the rate of change gathered momentum. Despite the unevenness of these processes, it is difficult to understand local or national experiences without reference to these global flows. In fact, our living conditions, beliefs, knowledge, and actions are intertwined with unfolding globalization processes, which include the emergence of a global economy, a transnational cosmopolitan culture, and a range of international social movements. A multitude of transnational or global economic and technological exchanges, communication networks, and

Globalization English and Continental Figure Skating In Europe there are two distinct schools of figure skating, and two only, though both schools have slight local variations. These are the English and the Continental. Skating, that is to say, straight-ahead skating, seems to have been made fashionable in England by the Royalist exiles returning from Holland at the restoration. Pepys in 1662 notices it, but it was many years before any attempt was made to skate on an edge. In 1772 one Robert Jones described the inside and outside edges, the forward roll, the outside forward 3, and other figures. His treatise is so advanced, however, that he must have had many keen forerunners, of whose practice he made use. On the Continent we find elementary works on figure skating at about the same date, but the art does not seem to have flourished to any great extent until the visit

of the American, Jackson Haines, to Germany and Austria in 1864–5. Thanks to the wonderful performances of this skater, a new interest was awakened. In Germany, Austria, Scandinavia, and Russia he produced a great impression, but not so in England, and he does not seem to have introduced any new movements in the form of rockers, counters, or brackets; these were of later birth. Since the time of Jackson Haines, figure skating has been developed on separate and distinct lines by the English on the one hand, and by the central Europeans on the other; the movements and figures performed are the same in each case, but the methods adopted are entirely distinct, and even opposed to one another. Source: Wood, G. (1900, March). European figure skating. Outing, 6, 687.

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An old basket with the bottom knocked out, set up as a basketball hoop on a brick wall, shows the little equipment needed to play basketball. This makes it appealing around the world. Source: istockphoto/dgilder.

migratory patterns characterize this interconnected world pattern. As a result, people experience spatial and temporal dimensions differently. There is a “speeding up” of time and a “shrinking” of space. Modern technologies enable people, images, ideas, and money to cross the globe with great rapidity. These processes lead to a greater degree of interdependence, but also to an increased awareness of a sense of the world as a whole. People become more attuned to the notion that their lives and where they live are part of a single social space—the globe. Globalization processes, then, involve multidirectional movements of people, practices, customs, and ideas that include a series of power balances, yet have neither the hidden hand of progress nor some all-pervasive, overarching conspiracy guiding them. Although the globe can be understood as an interdependent whole, in different areas of social life, established and outsider groups and nation states are constantly vying with each other for dominant positions. This growth in the multiplicity of

linkages and networks that transcend nation-states suggests that we may be at the earliest stages of the development of a “transnational culture” or “global culture,” of which sport is a part. This entails a shift from ethnic or national cultures to supranational forms based upon the culture either of a superpower or of cosmopolitan communication and migrant networks. In this connection there is considerable debate as to whether global sport is leading to a form of homogenized body culture— specifically along Western, or American, lines. There is some evidence to support this notion, yet global flows are simultaneously increasing the varieties of body cultures and identities available to people in local cultures. Global sport, then, seems to be leading to both a reduction in contrasts between societies and a growth of new varieties of body cultures and identities. Several of the more recent features of globalization include an increase in the number of international agencies and in global forms of communication; the development of global competitions and prizes; and the development

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Globalization Cricket Replaces Wrestling in West Africa They [the Akan people] are not at all limited in their means of enjoyment. They have games of all sorts: the boys have organized swimming and shooting parties, and the girls have parties for collecting firewood and picking snails. At the riverside they have sports of peculiar kinds, chief among which is what is called in the Akan language Avensin, or Aguma. Two opponents meet to wrestle arm to arm, leg to leg, and body against body, in a rather violent but artful manner. Until one of them succeeds in conquering the other by sending him down or getting his opponent exhausted, the contest is a draw. This game is somewhat similar to the Japanese “Ju-jitsu,” at least in principle. Our regret, however, is that with the growth of English schools, this healthy and muscle-developing pastime is being gradually given up for the more at-

of notions of rights and citizenship that are increasingly standardized internationally. The emergence and diffusion of sport in the nineteenth century is clearly interwoven with this overall process. The development of national and international sports organizations, the growth of competition between national teams, the worldwide acceptance of rules governing specific—that is, Western—sport forms, and the establishment of global competitions such as the Olympic Games and the men’s and women’s soccer World Cups all indicate the increasing globalization in the sports world. If consideration is given to the issue of international sport success in the late twentieth century and in the early part of this new century, it is clear that this success involves a contest between systems located within a global context. Sport success depends on several elements: the availability and identification of human resources, methods of coaching and training, the efficiency of the sport organization, and the depth of knowledge of sports medicine and sport sciences. However, these elements are a necessary but not sufficient explanation of international sport success. In addition to these ele-

tractive games of cricket and football. Cricket and football are good games; nobody doubts that. The fear is not that we are discarding the good for the bad, but that we are dispensing with the essential for the convenient. Our national character as a race of people having endurance and capable of prolonged exertion involving determination to see a thing through to its end, stands the risk of being modified, and in time altogether lost, if we give up our national games, pastimes, and customary practices. Cricket and football games help to make good sportsmen, good soldiers, good administrators, as well as good conservatives. But if the Akans have to acquire or enrich these qualities, should they do so at the risk of losing their national character? Source: Danquah, J. B. (1928). Gold Coast: Akan laws and customs and the Akim Abuakwa constitution (pp. 229). London: George Routledge & Sons, Ltd.

ments, sport development within a particular society also depends on the status of that nation in the sports international rank order. Less developed nations tend to underutilize their talent and performers or lose them to more powerful nations in the global sports process. Global sport processes can thus lead to an underdevelopment or a dependent development of a nation’s talent.

TALENT MIGRATION The migration of performers, coaches, administrators, and sport scientists within and between nations and within and between continents and hemispheres is also a pronounced feature of late twentieth-century sport. Migration of this elite talent has become a decisive feature that structures the experience of sport in different societies. The movement of technology and the manufacture of clothing, footwear, and equipment is a worldwide industry that wealthier nations are able to access to a far greater degree than their poorer counterparts, and the implications of this global sports industry for sustainable sport systems are not clear. In addition to

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these global flows, the images of sport stars and tournaments flow round the globe via the media sport complex. The interconnected web of media and corporate interests structures, though it does not completely determine, the sports experience for performers and consumers alike.

NATIONAL PRIDE AND SPORT Global sporting success not only reflects national sport systems but also reinforces national esteem. Global sport involves a form of patriot games in which images and stories are told to us about ourselves and others; elitelevel achievement in sport also tells us something about what it is to be human.With its emphasis on rational and efficient performance, specialization, scientization, competition, and professionalization, achievement sport reinforces the myth of the superman.This myth is sustained by the ideology and findings of the sport sciences, which tend to be concerned with identifying the conditions necessary to produce the ultimate performance. The global sport system accordingly involves the mechanisms of production, experience, and consumption. Achievement sport demands the identification and development of talent, its production on a global stage in a single or multisport event, and its consumption by direct spectators or, through the media complex, a global mass audience. Over time there is a tendency toward the creation of a global achievement-sport monoculture—a culture in which administrators, coaches, and teachers promote and foster achievement-sport values and ideologies and where competitions and tournaments are structured along highly commodified and rationalized lines. Within the global sport system, not only are nations rank-ordered internationally, they are also grouped, more or less, along political, economic, and cultural lines into core, semiperipheral, and peripheral blocs.

Western Domination and Eastern Challenges At the core of most team- and individual-based sports lie the countries of Western Europe, North America—

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excluding Mexico—and former “white” Commonwealth countries such as Australia. Semiperipheral countries tend to involve former socialist countries and some emerging nations such as South Korea. Peripheral countries include most Islamic nations, the majority of African countries, and most South Asian countries. Whereas the West may be challenged on the field of play by noncore countries, control over the content, ideology, and economic resources associated with sport still tends to lie with the West. Yet through state policy noncore countries can use major sport festivals to solidify internal national identification and enhance international recognition and prestige. However, both in terms of hosting events and making relevant decisions, the West dominates in international recognition, respectability, status, and prestige. The more high-tech and commodified the sport, the more dependent success is on the elements of the global sport process identified earlier. As a result, the West tends to win out. Indeed, the last decade has seen not only the recruitment by Western nations of sport scientists and coaches from the former Soviet bloc, but also the drain of athletic talent from Africa and South America in sports such as soccer to the economically more powerful clubs of Europe. Noncore leagues remain in a dependent relationship with the dominant European core. In other sports such as track and field and baseball, this drain of talent flows to the United States. The West also remains dominant in terms of the design, production, and marketing of sports equipment. Innovations emerge in the West, sport federations tend to be controlled by Western officials, and global sport tournaments are usually located in the West. In the past decade or so there have, however, been challenges to the achievement-sport ideology and to Western domination. Though no longer in existence, the Soviet bloc mounted a sustained challenge to the West for some forty years, though it too was incorporated into the ideology of achievement sport. Despite the ideological differences between Castro’s Cuba and the capitalist West, Cubans participate in the Olympics, and by some measures outperform the core capitalist

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countries. The recent Chinese success in the Olympics will only accelerate with the holding of the 2008 Olympic Games in Beijing. Non-Western success on the field of play, in specific sports such as badminton and middle- and long-distance athletics, is beginning to be matched by the involvement of non-Western personnel as coaches, officials, administrators, producers of sports goods and media outlets, and as hosts of major tournaments. Though England was the cradle of modern sport, the relative decline of Great Britain on the sports field —despite the improved, if overhyped success in the Sydney Olympic Games—is matched by its fading influence in the corridors of power of global-sport politics. This could indicate how things might develop in this century for Europeans and perhaps for Westerners more generally. One main source of potential dispute may well be the Olympic Games. As yet, however, the West is the winner in the global-sport contest, and hegemonic control remains with Westerners. Global sport has not, however, led to complete homogenization: The consumption of nonindigenous cultural wares by different national groups is both active and heterogeneous, and there is a continuing resistance to global sport processes. Yet the political economy at work in the production and consumption of global sport and leisure products can lead to the relative ascendancy of a narrow selection of capitalist and Western sport cultures. Global sport processes can therefore be understood in terms of the attempts by more established white, male groups to control and regulate access to global flows and also in terms of how indigenous peoples both resist these processes and recycle their own cultural products. We are currently witnessing simultaneously the homogenization of specific body cultures— through achievement sports, the Olympic movement, and sports science programs—and an increase in the diversity of sports and body cultures. It is possible, however, to overstate the extent to which the West has triumphed in terms of global sports structures, organizations, ideologies, and performances.

Non-Western cultures, as noted, resist and reinterpret Western sports and maintain, foster, and promote, on a global scale, their own indigenous recreational pursuits—for example, Kabbadi, an ancient Indian game that now has an international World Cup. Clearly, the speed, scale, and volume of sports development are interwoven with the broader global flows of people, technology, finance, images, and ideologies that are controlled by the West, in particular by Western men. In the longer term, however, it is possible to detect signs that the disjunctions and nonisomorphic patterns that characterize global processes are leading to the diminution of Western power in a variety of contexts. Sport may be no exception. Joseph Maguire See also International Politics; Internet; Sports Politics; Sport Tourism; Sport and National Identity

Further Reading Maguire, J. (1999). Global sport: Identities, societies, and civilizations, Cambridge: Polity Press. Maguire, J., Jarvie, G., Mansfield, L., & Bradley, J. (2002). Sport worlds: A sociological perspective. Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics.

Goalball

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oalball is a team sport, an indoor court game, designed specifically for athletes with visual impairments and is currently played throughout the world from grassroots levels to the Paralympics. The game was devised after World War II to assist newly blinded veterans with an activity that would not only help them become active again, but one that would assist in learning better sound localization.

History Goalball has its roots in Europe following World War II. The original version was played on a much smaller court with a larger ball and was played only by men. It

GOALBALL

was in 1976 at the Games for the Disabled (later called Paralympics) in Toronto, Ontario, that those representing the United States first heard about the game. The track and swimming athletes in attendance combined forces to become our first goalball team, learning about the game in the aisle of the bus on the way to the gymnasium. Needless to say, the U.S. team did not fare very well that day, coming in ninth out of the nine teams participating. Most European teams had been competing for many years. Butler University in Indianapolis, Indiana, hosted the 1982 World Goal Ball Championships, which were the first world championships for the blind to be held in the United States. (Goal ball was originally two words but over time has become goalball.) One major rule change of interest had to do with penalties. The three team members on the court are both offense and defense. Originally, when a player caused a penalty, he was taken off the court and the remaining two players had to defend a throw from the other team. Currently, the person making the penalty must defend the throw alone on the court. The one causing the penalty now has the chance to redeem his or her error. Goalball is played worldwide and is the only team sport for those with visual impairments played at the elite Paralympic level. In the September 2004 games in Athens, the U.S. women won silver behind Canada’s gold and the U.S. men won bronze behind Denmark’s gold and Sweden’s silver. Regional and national competitions throughout the year keep athletes in shape for international competitions. Major controversies are often the reason for rule changes. In goalball the only required piece of equipment is a blindfold so those that qualify by level of visual impairment still will be playing completely in the dark. Most controversies have centered around whether players can see anything that would give them an advantage in orientation. Eyeshades have changed over the years from airline-type sleep shades to ski goggles taped inside and out to players now patched (gauze pad taped over the eye) prior to putting the goggle in place at the Paralympic level.

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What Is Goalball? Goalball is played on a court about the size of a volleyball court with two end zones where three team players from opposing teams are contained. Court lines are taped with string underneath so players can feel where they are for orientation. The ball has bells inside, which assist in locating the ball for defense. All players must wear a blindfold so the game is completely tactile and auditory. The objective of the game of goalball is to score on the opposing team by sending the ball across their endline. A score is worth one point. The game as far as ball, court, and rules is the same for men and women. However, the men’s game is usually a faster game. Players stand to throw the ball as if they were bowling. Defense begins in a squat position with a center and two wings each covering major sections of the court. As the ball approaches and the players anticipate where the ball will be, they dive out on their sides much as a soccer goalie might to defend the goal, which is the entire end line. Once the ball touches a player, the team has ten seconds to make the offensive throw to the other team. Players alternate fast and slow as well as downthe-line and cross-court shots to keep the defense on their toes. While the only required piece of equipment is a blindfold, players wear padding and protective gear based on their style of sliding to defend. Equipment restrictions have to do with inappropriate materials for gymnasium flooring and padding extending too far from the body. Goalball participants are typically adults for most competitions. Players need good knees, a keen sense of hearing, and great athletic ability. The center should be able to cover the entire width of the court with wings backing up the center. Wings are typically the throwers although all are permitted and encouraged to throw since the rule states that only two consecutive throws per player are permitted before a penalty is called. Since the eye gear is the only required piece of equipment, it is a great game for reverse inclusion (including the ablebodied population with those with disabilities).

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Competition at the Top Each October through June, the United States Association for Blind Athletes hosts regional championships that include goalball culminating in a national championship in June. Internationally, there are several invitational meets yearly as well as World Games and the Paralympics every four years (two weeks after the Olympics at the same site). Nineteen seventy-six was the first time goalball was played in a Paralympic-type competition. The United States entered a quality men’s team in the 1980 games in the Netherlands. Men and women representing the United States have competed in every Paralympic Games since 1984.

drews, Fife, has been at the center of golf’s recorded history. However, pictures and records from many other nations depict a sport resembling the ancient ball-andstick target game. ■

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Further Reading International Blind Sport Federation. (2005). Retrieved February 16, 2005, from http://www.ibsa.es/eng/deportes/goalball/presentacion. htm USA Goalball. (2005). Retrieved February 16, 2005, from http://www. angelfire.com/hi5/usa-goalball

Golf

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olf is a ball-and-stick game, the chief aim of which is hitting a small, hard ball into small holes placed at prescribed intervals around a grassy course. Today, golf reaches out to people of all ages and has become one of the premier world sports recreationally and professionally. The International Golf Federation (IGF) recently requested recognition from the International Olympic Committee for the 2008 games, citing world participation of more than sixty million men and women. In the early years of the modern Olympic games, golf was one of the events staged.

A Roman game called paganica was introduced to France and Germany and then to the Netherlands. Chole, a derivative of hockey, played in Belgium as early as 1353, may have provided the most direct link to Scotland. Reportedly, a Scottish regiment aiding the French against the English in 1421 became entranced by the sport and, when the regiment returned home, members played a modified version that became golf as we know it today.

Golf became so popular that the Scottish parliament of James II banned golf in 1457 because it interfered with military training for the wars against the English. The ban continued through the parliaments of James III (1470) and King James IV (1491). In 1502, with the Treaty of Glasgow between England and Scotland, James IV lifted the ban and was the first recorded purchaser of golf equipment—a set of clubs. In 1553, the Archbishop Hamilton of St. Andrews granted the local population the right to play on the St. Andrews links, and the game took root as Scotland’s own sport. Mary, Queen of Scots, was the first recorded female golfer, and according to legend, that partly led to her demise. She was seen playing golf shortly after the death of her first husband, Lord Darnley. Such behavior was considered unfit for a woman in mourning and, presumably, contributed to her being convicted and beheaded in 1587. Her indelible mark on golf history remains her introduction of caddies, in reference to the cadets she brought along to carry her equipment. Despite being banned on Sundays, initially for interference with military archery training and the nation’s defense and later for stealing attendance from church, golf’s evolution continued:

Scottish Claims Scotland has long claimed to have founded the game of golf, and its headquarters for golf rules housed within the Royal and Ancient Golf Club (R&A) at St. An-

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1618: the “feathery ball” was introduced. 1642: John Dickson was officially licensed as the ball-maker for Aberdeen, Scotland.

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An advertisement from the 1920s for a variety of Spalding golf products.

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1659: Records from the American colonies show that golf was banned from the streets in Albany, New York. 1744: The Honourable Company of Edinburgh Golfers formed and honored its annual champion with a silver chalice. 1754: The St. Andrews Golfers Club, later named the Royal and Ancient Club (R&A), formed and published the first rules of the game.

Soon, other clubs sprang up, including Royal Burgess of Edinburgh (1773), Royal Aberdeen (1780), and, in the United States, the South Carolina Golf Club in Charleston (1786). In each of these clubs, membership was restricted to mostly noblemen and gentlemen, who engaged in interclub fall and spring matches involving hefty wagers.

Rules Development Before the published rules of the St. Andrews golfers, golf had been played at a variety of venues, on courses with differing numbers of holes.The “Old Course” at St. Andrews was originally eleven holes leading out from the club/university grounds to the water. The golfers then played the same holes in reverse—twenty-two holes total. The first rule established by the St. Andrews golfers, to speed up play and standardize distance, was that the ball was to be teed within one club of the last hole. In 1764, the members converted the first four holes to two holes each because they were too short and slowed play, which left an eighteen-hole venue—nine holes out from the clubhouse, and nine coming back in. This standardized future courses.The front nine score is still referred to as the “out” score, and the back nine as the “in” score, referencing the revised St. Andrews layout. For years, golf was governed separately—in the United States by the United States Golf Association (USGA), and in the United Kingdom by the British Golf Association (BGA) and the R&A—and lacked standardization of equipment and rulings. In 1952, the first world code of rules was established between the R&A and USGA. In an effort to standardize play for professionals and amateurs in all major competitions,

the USGA assumed control of the U.S. Women’s Open in 1953. This paralleled the organization and alignment of the British Women’s Open with the R&A and helped promote tournament play for professionals and amateurs alike. In 1958, further organization of amateur standards came from the formation of the World Amateur Golf Council, in collaboration with the USGA and organizations from thirty-two other countries. A new system for handicapping was implemented, in which each golfer had a single USGA handicap instead of various other versions. This allowed men and women and golfers of varying skill levels to participate equitably. The R&A and USGA joined the IGF in 2000 and affiliated with associations worldwide to establish and maintain standardized rules for an equitable playing field. Scoring systems, equipment, rules for play, length of holes for “par” from tee to green, amateur status, and player etiquette are all governed by IGF rules. Even with standardization, competitive golf provides scoring options. In medal play, players keep an aggregate score across all eighteen holes and compete against the course, their personal records, or other golfers on

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Golf “His Drive” He’s not a business wizard, Socially he does not shine, And for a place in politics His name is not in line. In fact, for all these honors He never seems to strive, But hear that “foursome” murmur: “Gosh, how that man can drive!” Perhaps he lacks ambition, Or perhaps he doesn’t care To climb success’s ladder, Though all his friends are there. Mayhap “Reward of Virtue” In some measure he derives From a muttered exclamation,— “Great Scott, how that man drives!” So when his life is over, Not one will say of him, “He made his name in business” Or “Left a fortune, trim.” But the tott’ring old-time golfers Who still are quite alive Will whisper at his passing, “Law, how that man could drive!” Source: Street, L. H. (1923). Sporting Life, 71(8), 27.

and have a handicap of 0. A professional golfer competing in a handicapped tournament might even have a negative handicap and have to add strokes to his or her score at the end, or on a hole. In medal play, the golfer’s handicap is subtracted from the gross (total) eighteenhole score to arrive at a net score. Many leagues and tournaments award prizes on both gross and net scores. In match play, opponents compete hole by hole, with a point scored for the winner of each hole. Using handicaps in match play, the score per hole is adjusted according to the handicap, before the point is awarded. Match play is still the most common scoring system for collegiate golf and many amateur championships—a tradition established at the matches at St. Andrews. The handicapping system has made golf an attractive leisure sport for golfers of all levels—it rewards individuals for playing at their best and allows players with different skill levels to compete equitably. Newer courses have different teeing grounds (tee boxes) on each hole, designed so that golfers of differing ability, age, strength, handicap, or gender would use a similar length shot or club in their approach shot to the green. This provides golfers an equitable chance to achieve a “net” par on a hole. A course rating system has also been designed to identify difficulty, according to length (rating) and topography (slope) for each course.

Equipment Creates Professional Golf the same or different rounds and days. This is the format most commonly broadcast on television and played by leisure golfers and those on the professional tours— the medalist is the golfer with the lowest stroke total. Golfers who play regularly are encouraged to honestly and accurately record all rounds to establish a handicap. Under USGA rules, handicaps are derived by the difference or partial difference between their best twenty-round average subtracted from par (normally 72). Par is derived by the distance on each hole—and the number of strokes an expert golfer should need from tee to green, plus two putting strokes. Golfers who consistently play par golf are called scratch golfers

The first golfing equipment was a handmade ball of feathers tightly wound around a center of either stone or other material that could be molded into a round shape and clubs constructed of whatever wood was indigenous to the countryside. The title “The World’s First Golf Professional” was given to Allan Robertson, a feather ball maker from St. Andrews, who developed a new club with a slender wooden shaft and an iron head. Robertson continually built clubs that were lighter and more flexible than those of his contemporaries. The change in clubs led to a fundamental change in the golf swing. The amateur golfers wore crested wool jackets that represented their clubs but also limited their arm move-

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It took me seventeen years to get three thousand hits in baseball. I did it in one afternoon on the golf course. ■ HANK AARON

ments to about 180 degrees and a wristy swing. This created a low, flat, and often rolling shot—good initially in the Scottish winds, but not resembling the swing taught today. Robertson, not of the “gentlemen’s” class, was not so restricted. He and the other caddies turned professional golfers sported sweaters and were able to experiment with different swings. Other professionals were merchants who made clubs, designed and laid out courses, and made golf apparel for the club members. The caddies and other professionals would assist with the morning matches between the gentleman members but would gather later for their own rounds while the members socialized in the clubhouse. As the gentlemen’s matches (match play format) became more established, many clubs began employing club professionals to manage their courses and operations, and to teach the game. In 1854, the R&A invited each of the twelve clubs in existence to send two golfers for a “Grand Tournament,” which was played over several days. The last day the professionals played and recorded their round—Robertson’s 80 was about 25 strokes less than that of the amateurs participating in the club match play. Thus, the challenge of the professionals was born. As word spread about the professional challenges, some of the amateurs joined, leading to the term open play. Today, “open tournaments” are still played with amateur and professional golfers competing against one another. The establishment of rules, equipment development, and professional golf have always been intertwined. As numbers of competitors increased worldwide, equipment changed to gain the competitive edge. The “guttie,” or gutta-percha ball (made of a natural balata-like substance) was introduced in 1848 and, by the mid 1850s, had replaced the feathery ball. The guttie was machine produced, cheaper, and produced a consistent ball flight. Professionals began experimenting with new swings to curve shots and impart backspin to reduce the roll on the hard greens. Tom Kidd, winner of the 1873 Open, built irons with metal spines across the faces— producing backspin far beyond that of the flat-surfaced irons. Although the R&A banned the protrusions, oth-

ers took up the challenge to find a swing and new irons that could so dramatically change their games. In 1890, the brassie club was introduced—a brass plate was added to the sole of the wooden club. Harry Vardon invented the modern upright swing and a grip that controlled the longer swing path—one that interlocked the little finger on one hand with the index and middle fingers on the other. Today, 95 percent of touring professionals use the Vardon grip. Vardon won the British Open six times between 1896 and 1914 and was hired by Spaulding Company, of the United States, in 1900 to teach and tour with Spaulding’s equipment. While in the United States, Vardon won the 1900 U.S. Open and inspired Americans to adopt his grip and swing. Over the next few decades, several equipment and rule changes affected golf: ■

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The rubber core ball, patented by Coburn Haskell in 1898, enabled the ball to travel further. Grooved-faced irons were invented in 1902. The mass production of golf clubs developed from 1900 to 1920, and clubs were numbered and standardized. William Taylor introduced the dimpled-pattern ball cover in England in 1905. The Goodrich Company introduced a golf ball with a rubber core filled with compressed air in 1906. The R&A banned the center-shafted putter in 1910, but the USGA kept it legal. Arthur F. Knight patented steel shafts, also in 1910. The USGA allowed them in tournaments in 1926, and the R&A followed suit in 1929. One of the last rules to be standardized worldwide was the size of the golf ball when, in 1990, the R&A adopted the 1.68-inch diameter golf ball (previously 1.62-inches) standardized by the USGA.

The industry continues to experiment with and develop balls with different dimple patterns, covers, or core composition to entice golfers to purchase new equipment and gain a competitive edge. Manufacturers hired professional golfers to tour at various clubs, give clinics, and promote equipment for

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their new sporting goods industry. The first female professional, Mrs. Gordon Robertson, was hired at Princess Ladies Golf Club, in 1908. Professional golfers were skillful players, but others were employed by clubs and seldom had time to perfect their games. Vardon’s playing success in the United States led to an exodus of Scottish, Irish, and English professionals across the Atlantic, where Americans had the money to pay for lessons and equipment. Among the Scots who joined the immigrant movement was Donald Ross, who moved to North Carolina and built dozens of courses. As these pros toured the United States, they gave lessons, held exhibition matches, and played events like the U.S. Open. The Professional Golfers Association of America (PGA) was formed in 1916 and held its first championship with a prize of $500 to the winner. Among the best-known pros were Walter Hagen and Gene Sarazan. In 1935, Helen Hicks was one of the first women hired by Wilson Sporting Goods to promote women’s golf through exhibitions and clinics and to advise the company about golf club design for women. Mildred “Babe” Didrikson Zaharias, 1932 Olympic track and field medalist, also turned to golf. In 1935, declared a professional by the USGA, she played professionally until 1946. Reinstated as an amateur in 1946, she won seventeen amateur titles in two years, including the 1947 British Women’s Open Championship—the first U.S. golfer to do so. Her personality and international fame attracted spectators and brought attention to women’s professional golf. She ushered in a new style of clothing, shedding long, tight skirts and other restrictive garments for knickers and slacks, which gave more freedom to swing for distance and increased comfort. This interest sparked the industry to pay more attention to women as clients. The Women’s Professional Golf Association (WPGA) was chartered in 1944 but disbanded in early 1949 because of financial stress. Following World War II, steel-shafted clubs were introduced as factories transitioned from war to peacetime productions. Professionals began playing with these cheaper clubs that would not warp when wet,

and didn’t whip and twist as the hickory shafts did. The shafts maintained a better swing pattern throughout the down swing, so the professionals learned to keep their wrists cocked longer and swing harder, releasing the wrists at the end to increase clubhead speed and shot distance. Byron Nelson, who won eleven tournaments in a row in 1945, adopted the new swing and taught many of the great players of the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s. Also developing the upright swing to perfection was female golfer Mickey Wright, who won eight-two tournaments between 1955 and 1973—her swing is considered the best swing of all time, male or female.

Participation for All Although professional golf receives much media coverage, amateur golf continues to flourish throughout the world and across the ages. The National Golf Foundation (NGF) reports that in the United States ■

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26.2 million golfers aged eighteen and older played at least one regulation round of golf in the previous twelve months, 36.7 million Americans five years or older played a round of golf or visited a golf practice facility, 6.1 million junior golfers ages five to seventeen have either played a round of golf or visited a golf practice facility, 45 percent of golfers (11.9 million) are aged eighteen to thirty-nine, 33 percent of golfers are seniors (ages 50+), 22 percent (5.76 million) are female golfers.

The ratios are similar in other Western countries, and participation in Asian countries is growing as well. Public golf courses have developed to the point that the sport is much less limited by cost—the median price of a round of golf at an eighteen-hole municipal or daily fee course in the United States is $36 to $40 including cart and green fee. Most courses also have provisions for individuals with mobility impairments. The NGF estimates that roughly 10 percent (2.4 million) of today’s U.S. golfers represent a racial minority:

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A golfer hits from the fairway. Source: istockphoto/Skashkin.

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882,000 are African-Americans 1,400,000 are Hispanic 851,000 are Asian/Pacific Islanders 712,000 are self-identified by survey respondents as “other,” which includes Native Americans and mixed races

Breaking Down Barriers: Women and Minorities in Golf Although golf today reaches out to a diverse population, clubs did not readily open their doors to women or to persons of color or diverse backgrounds for many decades. The gender barrier began breaking down with the earliest recorded reference to a women’s competition in 1810, at Musselburgh, Scotland. The North Berwick Club in Scotland included women in its activities in 1832. The Ladies’ Golf Club at St. Andrews (1867) was the first official golf club for women, and on 19 April 1893, Issette Person convened a meeting of dedicated women golfers in London, forming the Ladies Golf Union (LGU). In addition to promoting general interest in the women’s game, its goals were to develop a

“handicapping” system, provide uniform rules, and fund an annual championship tournament for women. Later that year, the first Women’s British Amateur Championship had thirty-three contestants at the nine-hole course at Royal Lytham and St. Anne’s Golf Club. The Amateur Golf Association of America (later renamed the USGA) organized in 1894 and held its first U.S. Amateur Championship in Newport, Rhode Island; one year later, its first women’s U.S. Amateur was held at the Meadow Brook Club on Long Island, New York. By 1900, U.S. men and women were winning golf medals at the Olympic games. The USGA and LGU agreed to hold biennial amateur competitions between the United States and Britain in 1932. The first official Curtis Cup was held in May at England’s Wentworth Golf Club, witnessed by 15,000 spectators, and won by the U.S. team (led by Marion Hollins) over the British team (led by Joyce Wethered). Wethered’s matches with Glenna Collett Vare became so legendary that towns closed up shop and gave workers the day off to watch the matches, which were credited with permanently raising the standards of women in golf. Robert Tyre (Bobby) Jones, U.S. golfing legend of the 1920s and 1930s and the only player to win the Grand Slam of men’s golf, reportedly called Wethered the “greatest golfer of all time, man or woman.” In 1950, during the U.S. Women’s Open Championship, the Ladies Professional Golf Association (LPGA) certificate of incorporation was signed, and the women’s golf tour consisted of eleven events and a total purse of $50,000. Today, international competition for women is as extensive as that for men: ■

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The 1990s brought the Solheim Cup sponsored by Karsten Manufacturing, which created biennial professional match-play competition between the LPGA and European Women’s Professional Golfers Tour (WPGET). Since 1988, LPGA Rookie-of-the-Year winners have heralded from Sweden, Scotland, England, Japan, Australia, and South Korea.

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Golf The Origins of Some Golf Terms “Fore!” is Scottish in origin, and is a shortened version of the word “before” or “afore.” The old Scottish warning, essentially meaning “look out ahead,” is believed adopted from military circles, where it was used by artillery men as a warning to troops in foreword positions. Golfers as early as the 18th century simply adopted this military warning cry for use on the links. “Links” is a term that refers to tracts of low-lying, seaside land—characteristically sandy, treeless, and undulating, often with lines of dunes or dune ridges, and covered by bent grass and gorse found in Scotland. From the Middle Ages onward, linksland (generally speaking, poor land for farming) were common grounds used for sports, including archery, bowls and golf. “For the Birds?” The term “birdie” originated in the

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In 1988, Mercury LPGA Series was instituted as the first television series for women’s golf and Betsy King (U.S.) became the first player ever to receive $6 million in career earnings.

International competition for men was already firmly entrenched. The game of golf spread early to South Africa (1885) and Japan, where, in 1914 at Komozawa, the Tokyo Club was founded, triggering the golf boom in that nation. The race and class barriers were not so easily erased, however. In South Africa, for example, clubs banned persons of color from playing on their courses, and today many clubs still restrict memberships and play to males and to those “voted” acceptable. The rich history of golf included prominent AfricanAmericans long before the U.S. Civil Rights movement of the 1960s, however: ■

John M. Shippen was actually the first AfricanAmerican professional golfer and played in the U.S. Open at the age of sixteen in 1896—the officials and golfers believed that he was half Shinnecock Indian.

United States in 1899. H.B. Martin’s “Fifty Years of American Golf ” contains an account of a foursomes match played at the Atlantic City (N.J.) CC. One of the players, Ab Smith relates: “my ball . . . came to rest within six inches of the cup. I said ‘That was a bird of a shot . . . I suggest that when one of us plays a hole in one under par he receives double compensation.’ The other two agreed and we began right away, just as soon as the next one came, to call it a ‘birdie.’” In 19th century American slang, “bird” referred to anyone or anything excellent or wonderful. The term “eagle” soon became common to refer to a score one better than a “bird.” Also by analogy, the term “albatross” for double eagle—an even bigger eagle! Source: Adapted from the Golf History FAQ on the USGA website. Retrieved February 22, 2005, from http://www.usga.org/questions/faqs/usga _ history.asp

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George F. Grant, a dentist and one of the first African-American golfers following the Civil War, patented the golf tee. Joseph M. Bartholomew, a caddie from the age of seven, constructed a golf course in 1922, in New Orleans, that is still in play today, and is named after him. Ben Spiller competed equally with the likes of Ben Hogan in the mid 1940s. Spiller and Ted Rhodes finished in the top twenty-five of a PGA tour event in 1948 in Los Angeles.

Not until 1955 and a lawsuit by Alfred (Tup) Holmes, however, were public golf courses in Atlanta, Georgia, and other parts of the nation opened to people of color. The PGA didn’t remove the Caucasianonly clause of its constitution officially until 1961. PGA professionals still boycotted South Africa in the 1980s because of exclusion of black players. The female color barrier was overcome largely because of such athletes as two-time Wimbledon (tennis) champion Althea Gibson, who joined the LPGA tour in 1963. That same

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Golf is a good walk spoiled.

year, the final round of the U.S. Women’s Open was televised and helped to expose young girls, regardless of race, to the possibilities of golf for leisure or career. Four years later, African-American Renee Powell became a regular player on the LPGA tour, and the women in golf became champions of equal rights for women everywhere: They refused to hold the tournament at any venue where Gibson or Powell were not allowed into a clubhouse or faced other discrimination. Today, the international and diverse representation in golf is evident, with young players of all races taking top honors on both men’s and women’s tours. Worldwide, competition for women is found in North America, Asia, and in Europe. Asiam women’s golf started with the Thailand Ladies Amateur Open Golf and Inter-Club Team Championships (1978), and in 1979, the Nichirei International U.S.–Japan Team Championships were inaugurated. For men, there are professional golf tours in Australia, Africa, Asia, Europe, South America, and North America. Although some private clubs still hold to prejudicial constraints by race and gender, other clubs and organizations are being developed to cater only to women or golfers from minority populations. Many clubs have accommodations for persons who are blind or physically challenged, some have special mobility provisions, and wheelchair golf has worldwide competitions. Golf also has expanded to youth, through efforts of professional associations. In 1987, Judy Bell became the first woman elected to the USGA executive committee, and two years later, reflecting the growing appeal of the game to younger girls, the LPGA began sponsoring the PGA Urban Youth Golf Program and the LPGA Girls Golf Club. This club has expanded its outreach throughout the United States, Canada, New Zealand, and Australia, in partnership with the USGA and the Girl Scouts of the USA. International competition for juniors includes the Junior Ryder Cup, and the International Golf Federation sponsors clinics and junior tournaments around the globe. The PGA, LPGA, R&A, and national professional associations sponsor youth clinics, sponsor teaching schools, and donate

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equipment to schools and community associations to attract youth to the sport.

Recognition of Champions In 1998, the World Golf Foundation (www.wgv.com/ hof/organizations.html) was established in St. Augustine, Florida, to represent all major golf organizations throughout the world, to honor the history of golf and achievements of its greatest individuals, and to teach both golfers and the general public about the game and its positive values. The website lists all major golf organizations as partners and has representatives from each on its advisory board. The USGA (www.usga.org) and R&A (www.randa.org) also have web links to museums and archives worldwide for information on golfing heroes, pioneers, golf history, evolution of equipment and the rules.

Growing Participation Golf has won a prominent place as a leisure pursuit, a competitive sport, and a corporate lifestyle, and it continues to grow. Participants around the world will find a wide array of opportunities to enjoy and celebrate golf as a sport for all age groups, and for amateurs and professionals alike. Debra Ann Ballinger See also British Open; Masters; Pebble Beach; Ryder Cup; St. Andrews

Further Reading Chambers, M., & Alcott, A. (1995). The unplayable lie: The untold story of women and discrimination in American golf. New York: Golf Digest Pocket Books, Simon & Schuster. Crosset, T. W. (1995). Outsiders in the clubhouse: The world of women’s professional golf. New York: State University of New York Press. Dawkins, M. P., & Grahan, C. K. (2000). African American golfers during the Jim Crow era. Westport, CT: Praeger. International Golf Federation (IGF). Retrieved from www. internationalgolffederation.org Joy, D. (1999). St. Andrews & The Open championship: The official history. Chelsea, MI: Sleeping Bear Press. Kennedy, J. (2000). A course of their own: A history of African American golfers. Kansas City, MO: Andrews McMeel.

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Greece Olympics Results 2004 Summer Olympics: 6 Gold, 6 Silver, 4 Bronze

McDaniel, P. (2000). Uneven lies: The heroic story of African-Americans in golf. Lanham, MD: National Book Network. Rutter, H. (2000). The illustrated golf rules dictionary. Chicago: Triumph Books. Sinnette, C. H. (1998) Forbidden fairways: African Americans and the game of golf. Chelsea, MI: Sleeping Bear Press.

Greece

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reece occupies 131,940 square kilometers in southern Europe, jutting into the Mediterranean Sea and sharing its northern border with Albania, Macedonia, Bulgaria, and Turkey. Nearly 4 million of Greece’s 10.6 million people live in Athens, the capital and largest city. Terrain, climate, narcissism, and competitiveness have shaped Greek sports, which include soccer, weightlifting, skiing, snowboarding, mountaineering, hang gliding, windsurfing, and beach volleyball.

History The Greeks adopted the Olympic Games in the eighth century BCE, weightlifting in the sixth century BCE, and the marathon in the fifth century BCE. These contests did not continue uninterrupted into modernity, perhaps because a succession of empires conquered Greece. Independent again since 1829, Greece rekindled its enthusiasm for sports. In 1913 Christos Kakalos, along with two Swiss climbers, became the first to climb Mount Olympus, Greece’s tallest mountain at 2,917 meters. In 1924 Turkish refuges founded in Athens the Athletic Union of Constantinople, and in 1926 soccer teams in Athens, Piraeus, and Thessalonica coalesced into the Hellenic Football Federation. In 1993 Mount Parnassos hosted the first snowboard race in Greece, and since 2002 Greek resorts have hosted beach volleyball tournaments for women and juniors.

Participant and Spectator Sports Fans in Greece display the same passion for soccer that fans in the United States display for football, with the

Greek Cup analogous to the Super Bowl. The Athletic Union of Constantinople leads Greek teams with thirteen Greek Cups, its first in 1931 and its most recent in 2002. Mountaineering rivals soccer in popularity and has a religious mysticism that soccer lacks. Those people who climb Mount Olympus and Mount Athos pass Orthodox monasteries, symbols of the belief that in ascending a mountain a climber approaches God. The Greek mainland, Crete, and the Ionian and Aegean islands all boast mountains that challenge novice and veteran alike. Between December and April these mountains also attract skiers and snowboarders. The most popular, Mount Parnassos, has twenty slopes that span 14 kilometers and range between 1.6 and 2.3 kilometers in elevation. Since 1994 Mount Parnassos has hosted the Panhellenic Giant Slalom Race. Greek beaches and resorts mix sun, water, and sports. Golden Beach on Paros Island attracts athletes and tourists to beach volleyball, windsurfing, water skiing, snorkeling, scuba diving, and bicycling.

Women and Sports In May 1993 women athletes and academics at the first International Conference in Sports Sciences formed the Hellenic Union for Promoting Women in Sports and Physical Education. The union acknowledges that women occupy an ambiguous status in Greek sports. Nike, the goddess of victory, is a woman; but only 25 percent of Greek women ages eighteen to sixty participate in competitive or recreational sports. Soccer clinics routinely attract more boys and men as spectators than girls as participants. Some men assert that women lack the strength and stamina to compete in sports, claiming, for example, that the female foot is too small and delicate to withstand the rigors of soccer. Despite these attitudes Greek women have made progress, notably in beach volleyball. Since 2002 Rhodes Island has hosted the Hellas Open, a tournament on the Federation Internationale de Volleyball (FIVB) Beach Volleyball World Tour. The 2004 open attracted seventy-four women’s pairs from Europe, Africa, Asia, Australia, and

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A city sidewalk is rebuilt for the 2004 Olympics.

the two-headed eagle of the Byzantine Empire, faces east and west to unite symbolically the two halves of the Roman Empire. Another local club, the Greek Mountaineering Association of Aharnon (www. center.gr/climb/mountain), runs a school six weekends every December and January, culminating in an ascent of Mount Olympus.

Sports in Society

Greek youth gravitate to soccer much as U.S. youth gravitate to football and baseball. The Hellenic Football Federation sponsors the Greek Youth Championship, an annual event analogous to baseball’s Little League World Series in the United States. Each June and July the city of Kalamata hosts the Zeus Cup International Youth Soccer Tournament. Like U.S. football and baseball, soccer attracts more Greek boys than girls, whereas beach volleyball attracts more girls than boys. Since 2002 the Greek resort of Xylokastron has hosted the FIVB Under-18 Beach Volleyball World Championship.

Historians view narcissism and competitiveness as being at the core of Greek character. In this view sports are not an end but rather a means of drawing attention to one’s physique. Muscle tone and suntan mark the Greek athlete’s preoccupation with self. Competition functions as drama. Champions distinguish themselves from opponents as do protagonists from the chorus. In both sports and drama the spectators impart meaning to the spectacle because athlete and actor crave their adulation. In both sports and drama emotional intensity unites athlete and spectator. Greeks tend to romanticize sports, contrasting their passion against what they view as the corporate mentality toward sports in the United States. In this view sports assume a moral dimension, with Greek athletes the bulwark against sports as capitalist enterprise devoid of suspense and emotion.

Organizations

The Future

The General Secretariat for Sports (www.sport.gov.gr) is a government ministry. Beneath it are fifteen national federations. The largest, the Hellenic Football Federation (www.epo.gr), boasts 2 million members and 5,773 soccer clubs. Other federations include the Hellenic Weightlifting Federation (www.weightlifting.gr) and the Hellenic Beach Volleyball Association (www. beachvolleyball.gr). Beneath the national federations are local clubs, of which the Athletic Union of Constantinople (www.aek.com) is an example. Its emblem,

The Greek idyllic view of sports may have to change with the scrutiny of the twenty-first century. In 2000 Greek sprinters Kostas Kenteris and Katerina Thanou staged a motorcycle accident to avoid a drug test. In 2004 the Greek National Organization of Medicines seized anabolic steroids and diuretics from the warehouse of track coach Christos Tsekos. That year the International Olympic Committee stripped Greek weightlifter Leonidas Sampanis of a bronze medal for having too much testosterone in his urine. These

the Americas and four thousand spectators, although no Greek pair finished higher than seventeenth.

Youth Sports

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Greece: Sports. (n.d.). Retrieved February 9, 2005, from http://www. hri.org/nodes/grsport.html Hickok, B. (2004). Everything you wanted to know about sports. Retrieved February 9, 2005, from http://www.hickoksports.com

Greece Key Events in Greece Sports History

Greece, Ancient

776 BCE The Olympics are first held at Olympia. 394 CE

The Olympics end.

1766

The Englishman Richard Chandler discovers the site of Olympia.

1896

The first modern Olympics are held in Athens.

1906

The Olympics are held in Athens.

1924

Turkish refugees found the Athletic Union of Constantinople in Athens.

1926

The Hellenic Football Federation is established.

1993

The 1993 Hellenic Union for Promoting Women in Sports and Physical Education is founded.

2002

The Hellas Open beach volleyball tournament begins on Rhodes.

2004

The Summer Olympics are held in Athens.

controversies may signal the retreat of traditional sports in Greece. The future may belong to beach volleyball, windsurfing, and their ilk—sports that combine sun and sex appeal. Christopher Cumo See also Olympics, 2004

Further Reading Gardiner, E. (1970). Greek athletic sports and festivals. New York: Macmillan. Go Greece. (n.d.). Retrieved February 9, 2005, from http://www.go greece.com

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n ancient Greece sports had a cultural significance that was unequalled anywhere else in the world before the rise of modern sports.

Homeric Age The poems of the ancient Greek Homer, written no later than the eighth or seventh century BCE, show that the Greeks conducted athletic contests before 776 BCE (when the quadrennial games at Olympia began). Secular and religious motives mingle in history’s first extensive “sports report,” found in Book XXIII of Homer’s Iliad in the form of funeral games for the dead Greek hero Patroclus before the walls of Troy. The sports at the funeral games included chariot racing, boxing, wrestling, foot racing, and discus and javelin throwing. The Iliad also offers evidence that funeral games at the death of heroes and kings were common in Greece. The contests in Homer’s Odyssey, on the other hand, were essentially secular: Odysseus was challenged by the Phaeacians to demonstrate his prowess as an athlete. A Phaeacian tells Odysseus, “Thou art no athlete.” This passage is perhaps the first use of the word athlete, deriving from athlos (contest), in Greek literature.

Olympic Games In general, ancient Greek culture included both cult sports and secular contests. The most famous association of sports and religion was certainly the Olympic Games that began in 776 BCE. Through time the Earth goddess Gaea, originally worshiped at Olympia, was supplanted in importance by the sky god Zeus, in whose honor priestly officials conducted quadrennial

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The bravest are surely those who have the clearest vision of what is before them, glory and danger alike, and yet notwithstanding, go out to meet it. ■ THUCYDIDES

athletic contests. The importance of the Olympic Games is evidenced by the fact that a “sacred truce” was signed by the kings of Elis and Pisa, who disputed control of the area, to ensure the safety of the competing athletes. This truce also covered the period of travel to and from the games. Strict observance of the truce ensured the peaceful observance of the games until an edict ended them in 392 CE. (The modern Olympic Games have not enjoyed such protection, being suspended in 1916, 1940, and 1944 because of war.)

Periodos By the sixth century BCE only citizens of the Greek citystates were permitted to compete in the games, and all were expected to exercise this privilege. During the years after the Persian Wars (fifth century BCE) the Olympic Games reached their greatest popularity. Other Panhellenic (relating to Greece) festivals were

The Antikes Panathenaeisches Stadium.

started at Delphi (in honor of Apollo) and Corinth in 582 BCE and at Nemea in 573 BCE. These four events were known as the periodos, and great athletes, such as Theagenes of Thasos, prided themselves on victories at all four sites. The prestige accorded athletic triumphs brought with it not only literary accolades (as in the odes of the poet Pindar) and visual commemoration (in the form of statues of the victors) but also material benefits, contrary to the amateur myth propagated by nineteenth-century philhellenists (admirers of Greek culture). Because the Greeks were devoted to secular sports as well as to sacred games, no city-state was considered a proper community if it lacked a gymnasium where, as the word gymnos indicates, naked male athletes trained and competed. Except in militaristic Sparta, Greek women rarely participated in sports of any kind. Except for the priestess of the goddess Demeter, women were excluded from the Olympic Games even as spectators.

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Greece, Ancient Extract from Homer’s The Odyssey, c. 850 BCE BOOK VIII. Ulysses speaks: “Aldermen and town councillors of the Phaeacians, we have had enough now, both of the feast, and of the minstrelsy that is its due accompaniment; let us proceed therefore to the athletic sports, so that our guest on his return home may be able to tell his friends how much we surpass all other nations as boxers, wrestlers, jumpers, and runners.” [...] The foot races came first. The course was set out for them from the starting post, and they raised a dust upon the plain as they all flew forward at the same moment. Clytoneus came in first by a long way;

Pausanias, the second-century CE traveler, wrote of races for girls at Olympia, but these races in honor of the goddess Hera were of minor importance.

Contests in the Olympic Games Contests in the ancient Olympic Games included: Foot races. People held foot races as independent events as well as part of the pentathlon, which consisted of five parts: running, jumping, throwing the discus, throwing the javelin, and wrestling. The length of a foot race was determined by the length of the stadium. One length of the stadium was equal to a stade, a distance of about 182 meters. The three types of foot races were the stade or short race, the diaulos or two-stade race, and the long race (dolichos) of seven to twenty-four stades. Different races were held for different age classifications. The runners assumed a more upright position than the modern crouching stance, but otherwise their form was similar to that of the present day. In the short races the contestants ran in heats, and the winner of each heat ran in the finals to determine the victor. The pentathlon was not introduced until the eighteenth Olympics. It resulted from the evolutionary process of selecting the various events that could pro-

he left every one else behind him by the length of the furrow that a couple of mules can plough in a fallow field. They then turned to the painful art of wrestling, and here Euryalus proved to be the best man. Amphialus excelled all the others in jumping, while at throwing the disc there was no one who could approach Elatreus. Alcinous’s son Laodamas was the best boxer, and he it was who presently said, when they had all been diverted with the games, “Let us ask the stranger whether he excels in any of these sports; he seems very powerfully built; his thighs, calves, hands, and neck are of prodigious strength, nor is he at all old, but he has suffered much lately, and there is nothing like the sea for making havoc with a man, no matter how strong he is.”

duce the best all-around athlete. The pentathlete was a representative of the Greek ideals of harmony and balance as opposed to specialized and one-sided development. Jump. The rules of the jump were similar to those of modern contests except that the athletes used hand weights made of stone or metal, called halteres, to assist their momentum. The broad jump or long jump was the only type of jump that had any place in the games. Unlike the modern broad jumper who employs a long run prior to the takeoff, the Greeks employed a few short, springy steps, like the modern high jumper, to prepare for the takeoff. During the approach to the takeoff, halteres were scarcely swung. Immediately before the takeoff, the jumper momentarily checked his run and utilized the upward and downward swing of the arms with the halteres to coincide with the spring of the legs. The use of the weights added to the distance of the jump. Discus throwing. Discus throwing, like jumping, existed only as an event in the pentathlon. The discus was made of polished stone or metal. The standard pentathlon discus was circular in form with an average diameter of a little less than 30 centimeters and a

GREECE, ANCIENT

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Hoplites in full armor at the ancient Olympia.

weight of 1.8–2.2 kilograms. Unlike the modern method of hurling after making two or three complete turns, the Greeks employed a relatively fixed position. Artists found the perfectly proportioned body of the discus thrower a favorite subject. Javelin throwing. The athletic javelin was from 2.4 to 3 meters long, lightweight, and had a blunt point. The athlete threw it by means of a fixed thong, attached near the center of gravity, which gave the javelin a rotary motion in flight. In comparison with discus throwing, javelin throwing was a test of skill rather than of strength. Wrestling. Wrestling, the last event in the pentathlon, was perhaps the most popular and universal of all Greek exercises. It was part of the pentathlon as well as a separate event in the Olympic Games. Wrestling had two modes: standing and ground. The former mode was the most common and popular. The contestants stood upright, face to face, and each tried to throw his opponent to the ground without falling himself. Three falls constituted a victory. In ground wrestling the object was to throw the opponent to the ground, and then the struggle continued until the opponent admitted defeat. Boxing. Boxing, as an independent event, was introduced in the twentythird Olympics. Greek boxers closely resembled modern boxers in their techniques. Their blows and parries were similar to those of today. Differences did exist, however, because Greek boxers confined their blows almost entirely to the head; body blows were not practiced and may have been prohibited by rules. Apparently no regulations existed to prevent hitting a man who was down. The Greeks wound thin thongs of dry, hardened leather about 3 meters long about A classic symbol of ancient Greek sports, the Amphore Pankration.

their palms instead of using gloves. Greek boxing had no rounds; the combatants continued uninterrupted until one was knocked unconscious or was compelled by wounds or fatigue to accept defeat. No weight classifications existed, so boxing eventually became a sport of the heavyweights. Pancratium. The pancratium was introduced in the thirty-third Olympics. It was a primitive, rough-and-tumble activity combining many elements of boxing and wrestling. Despite its seemingly undisciplined qualities, it was governed by definite rules to eliminate brutality. Biting, gouging, and strangling were prohibited. Victory was achieved when the opponent admitted defeat. Chariot racing and horse racing. Chariot racing and horse racing were popular. Generally the racing program comprised events for full-grown horses, colts, four-horse chariots, and two-horse chariots. The two-horse chariot race was probably the oldest event. The nature of these sports more or less limited them to men who were wealthy enough to maintain stables.

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Greece, Ancient The Achievements of Three Sisters (41–47 CE) Hermesianax, son of Dionysisus, of Tralles Caesarea, but also a citizen of Athens and Delphi, makes this dedication to Pythian Apollo for his daughters who likewise obtained the same citizenships: Tryphosa, who won the stade races [one length of the stadium] at the Pythian games [in Delphi] when they were directed by Antigonus and when they were directed by Cleomachidas, and at the next Isthmian games [in Corinth] directed by Juventius Proclus. She came in first among the girls. Hedea, who won the chariot race in armor at the Isthmian games when they were directed by Cornelius Pulcher, and the stade race at the Nemean games directed by Antigonus and again at the Sicyonian games directed by Menoetas. . . . And Dionysia, who won the stade race at the Isthmian games directed by Antigonus, and again at the Asclepieia in holy Epidaurus under the direction of Nicoteles. Source: Moretti, L. (1955). Iscrizioni agonistiche Greche (pp. 163–164). Rome: Angelo Signorelli. In R. S. Robinson (Ed.), Sources for the history of Greek athletics. Chicago: Ares. 163–164.

mercialism, the Olympic Games ended in 394 CE, not to be renewed for more than fifteen hundred years—in 1896 at the first modern Olympic Games. Alberto Jori See also Olympia

Further Reading Buhmann, H. (1972). Der Sieg in Olympia und in den anderen panhellenischen Spielen [The victory at Olympia and in the other Panhellenic games]. Munich, Germany: UNI-Druck. Drees, L. (1967). Olympia: Gotter, Kunstler und Athleten [Olympia: Gods, artists and athletes]. Stuttgart, Germany: Kohlhammer. Golden, M. (1998). Sport and society in ancient Greece. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Harris, H. A. (1972). Sport in Greece and Rome. London: Thames & Hudson. Harris, H. A. (1979). Greek athletes and athletics. London: Hutchinson. (Original work published 1964) Jori, A. (2003). Filostrato sulla decadenza della ginnastica [Philostratus on the decline of gymnastics]. In S. Palmieri (Ed.), Studi per Marcello Gigante [Studies in honour of Marcello Gigante] (pp. 173–216). Bologna, Italy: Societa Editrice il Mulino. Kennell, N. M. (1995). The gymnasium of virtue: Education and culture in ancient Sparta. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. Roller, L. E. (1981). Funeral games for historical persons. Stadion, 7, 1–18. Scanlon, T. F. (1984). Greek and Roman athletics: A bibliography. Chicago: Ares.

Growth and Development

Decline Athletic ideals at Olympia were high; contestants swore by the gods to obey the rules and to conduct themselves in an honorable manner. However, from the late fifth century BCE the games began to decline. The Greek ideal of the all-around athlete was lost as more and more champions began to specialize. The Roman conquest of Greece in 146 BCE brought about a further decline in the Olympic Games. During the early centuries of the Christian era, only at Olympia did people attempt to keep alive the classic Greek ideal of physical excellence as part of citizenship. Some of the professional athletes respected the sanctity of these games. However, after a period of increasing scandal and com-

G

rowth, maturation, and development are three concepts that are often used together and sometimes considered as synonymous. Growth starts at conception and continues until the late teens or even the early twenties for a number of individuals. Growth refers to the increase in size of the body as a whole or the size attained by the specific parts of the body. The changes in size are outcomes of (a) an increase in cell number or hyperplasia, (b) an increase in cell size or cell hypertrophy, and (c) an increase in intercellular material, or accretion. These processes occur during growth but the

GROWTH AND DEVELOPMENT

predominance of one or another process varies with age. For example, the number of muscle cells is already established shortly after birth. The growth of the whole body is traditionally assessed by the changes in staturemeasured in a standing position, or for infants, in supine position (recumbent length). To assess the growth of specific parts of the body, appropriate anthropometric techniques have been described (Lohman et al. 1988).

MATURATION Maturation refers to the process of becoming fully mature, It gives an indication of the distance that is traveled along the road to adulthood. In other words the tempo and timing in the progress toward the mature biological state. Biological maturation varies with the biological system that is considered. Most often the following biological systems are examined: sexual maturation, morphological maturation, dental maturation, and skeletal maturation. Sexual maturation refers to the process of becoming fully sexual mature, that is, functional reproductive capability. Morphological maturation can be estimated through the percentage of adult stature that is already attained at a given age. Skeletal and dental maturation refer respectively to a fully ossified adult skeleton or dentition (Tanner 1962, 1989; Malina, Bouchard, and Bar-Or 2004).

DEVELOPMENT Development is a broader concept, encompassing growth, maturation, learning, and experience (training). It relates to becoming competent in a variety of tasks. Thus one can speak of cognitive development, motor development, and emotional development as the child’s personality emerges within the context of the particular culture in which the child was born and reared. Motor development is the process by which the child acquires movement patterns and skills. It is characterized by a continuous modification based upon neuromuscular maturation, growth and maturation of the body, residual effects of prior experience, and new motor experiences per se (Malina, Bouchard, and Bar-Or 2004). The

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postnatal motor development is characterized by a shift from primitive reflex mechanisms toward postural reflexes and definite motor actions. It further refers to the acquisition of independent walking and competence in a variety of manipulative tasks and fundamental motor skills such as running, skipping, throwing, catching, jumping, climbing, and hopping (Keogh and Sugden 1985). From school age onward the focus shifts toward the development of physical performance capacities traditionally studied in the context of physical fitness or motor fitness projects. Motor fitness includes cardiorespiratory endurance, anaerobic power, muscular strength and power, local muscular endurance (sometimes called functional strength), speed, flexibility, and balance (Pate and Shephard 1989).

Studies Over Time According to Tanner (1981) the earliest surviving statement about human growth appears in a Greek elegy of the sixth century BCE. Solon the Athenian divided the growth period in hebdomads, that is, successive periods of seven years each. The infant (literally, while unable to speak) acquires deciduous teeth and sheds them before the age of seven, at the end of the next hebdomad the boy shows the signs of puberty (beginning of pubic hair), and in the last period the body enlarges and the skin becomes bearded (Tanner 1981, 1). Anthropometry was not born of medicine or science but of the arts. Painters and sculptors needed instructions about the relative proportions of legs and trunks, shoulders and hips, eyes and forehead, and other parts of the body. The inventor of the term anthropometry was a German physician, Johan Sigismund Elshotz (1623–1688). It is noteworthy that at this time there was not very much attention given to absolute size but much more to proportions. The first published longitudinal growth study of which we have record was made by Count Philibert de Montbeillard (1720–1785) on request of his close friend Buffon (Tanner 1981). The growth and the growth velocity curves of Montbeillard’s son are probably the best known curves in auxology (study of human

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The series of drawings on the following pages show different exercises used to encourage normal physical development.

growth); they describe the growth and its velocity from birth to adulthood which have been widely studied since then in various populations (see, for example, Eveleth and Tanner 1990). Growth velocity refers to the growth over a period of time. It is frequently used to indicate changes in stature over a period of one year. Another significant impetus in the study of growth was given by the Belgian mathematician Adolphe Quetelet (1796–1874). He was in many ways the founder of modem statistics and was instrumental in the foundation of the Statistical Society of London. Quetelet collected data on height and weight and fitted a curve to the succession of means. According to this mathematical function, the growth velocity declines from birth to maturity and shows no adolescent growth spurt. This confused a number of investigators until the 1940s (Tanner 1981, 134). At the beginning of the nineteenth century there was an increased interest in the growing child due to the appalling conditions of the poor and their children. A new direction was given by the anthropologist Franz Boas (1858–1942). He was the first to realize the individual variation in tempo of growth and was responsible for the introduction of the concept of physiological age or biological maturation. A number of longitudinal studies were then initiated in the 1920s in the United States and later in Europe. These studies served largely as the basis of our present knowledge on physical growth and maturation (Tanner 1981; Malina, Bouchard, and Bar-Or 2004).

Physical Fitness In several nations there is great interest in developing and maintaining the physical fitness levels of the citizens of all age levels, but special concern goes to the fitness of youth. Physical fitness has been defined in many ways. The American Academy of Physical Education adopted the following definition: “Physical fitness is the ability to carry out daily tasks with vigor and alertness, without undue fatigue and with ample energy to engage in leisure time pursuits and to meet the above average physical stresses encountered in emergency situations”

(Clarke 1979, 1). Often the distinction is made between an organic component and a motor component. The organic component is defined as the capacity to adapt to and recover from strenuous exercise, it relates to energy production and work output performance. The motor component relates to development and performance of gross motor abilities. Since the beginning of the 1980s the distinction between health-related and performancerelated physical fitness has come into common use. Health-related fitness is then viewed as a state characterized by an ability to perform daily activities with vigor, and traits and capacities that are associated with low risk of premature development of the hypokinetic diseases (i.e., those associated with physical inactivity) (Pate and Shephard 1989, 4). Health-related physical fitness includes cardiorespiratory endurance, body composition, muscular strength, and flexibility. Performancerelated fitness refers to the abilities associated with

GROWTH AND DEVELOPMENT

adequate athletic performance, and encompasses components such as isometric strength, power, speed-agility, balance and arm-eye coordination. Since D. A. Sargent proposed the vertical jump as a physical performance test for men in 1921, considerable change has taken place both in our thinking about physical performance, physical fitness and about its measurement. In the early days the expression “general motor ability” was used to indicate one’s “general” skill. The term was similar to the general intelligence factor used at that time. Primarily under the influence of Brace (1927) and McCloy (1934), a fairly large number of studies have been undertaken and a multiple motor ability concept replaced the general ability concept. There is now considerable agreement among authors and experts that the fitness concept is multidimensional and several abilities can be identified. An ability refers to a more general trait of the individual, which can be

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inferred from response consistencies on a number of related tasks whereas skill refers to the level of proficiency on a specific task or limited group of tasks. A child possesses isometric strength since he or she performs weIl on a variety of isometric strength tests. Considerable attention has been devoted to fitness testing and research in the United States and Canada. The President’s Council on Youth Fitness, the American Alliance for Health, Physical Education, Recreation and Dance (AAHPER) and the Canadian sister organization (CAHPER) have done an outstanding job in constructing and promoting fitness testing in schools. Internationally the fundamental works of Fleishman (1964), and of the International Committee for the Standardization of Physical Fitness Tests, now the International Council for Physical Activity and Fitness Research (Larson 1974), have received considerable attention and served, for example, as the basis for nationwide studies in Belgium.

GROWTH AND DEVELOPMENT

pends on the growth velocity and also on the measurement error. During periods of rapid growth it is necessary to increase the frequency of the measurements. For stature, for example, it is recommended to carry out monthly measurements during the first year of life and to measure every three months during the adolescent growth spurt. Although some recent evidence (Lampl et al. 1992) suggests that there is much more variation in growth velocity, with periods of rapid change (stepwise or saltatory increase) followed by periods of no change (stasis) when growth is monitored over very short periods of time (days or weeks). Cross-sectional standards for growth are most often presented as growth charts. Such charts are constructed from the means and standard deviations or from the centiles of the different sex and age groups. Conventionally, the 3rd, 10th, 25th, 50th, 75th, 90th, and 97th percentiles are displayed. The 3rd and 97th percentiles delineate the outer borders of what is considered as

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“normal” growth. This does not imply that on a single measurement one can decide about the “abnormality” of the growth process. Children with statures outside the 3rd and 97th percentiles need to be examined further. Longitudinal growth velocity reference values are obtained from the analysis of individual growth data. Individual growth curves are fitted to the serial measurements of each child. For many purposes graphical

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fits are sufficient, but mathematical curves may also be employed. Most mathematical curves or models presently in use are developed for growth in stature. Some models have also been applied for a few body dimensions, such as body mass and diameters. A number of structural models have also been proposed to describe the whole growth period from birth to adulthood (such as those by Preece and Baines in 1978, and Bock and Thissen in 1980). For most growth studies cross-sectional standards have been published. Tanner (1989) has argued that “tempo-conditional” standards, meaning standards that allow for differences in the tempo of growth between children, are much finer instruments to evaluate the normality of growth. Such conditional standards combine information from longitudinal and cross-sectional studies. Other conditional standards can be used such as standards for height that allow for height of parents (Tanner 1989).

GROWTH IN SOMATIC DIMENSIONS From birth to maturity the growth in length and body mass follows a so-called general growth pattern (Tanner 1989, Malina, Bouchard, and Bar-Or 2004): rapid gain during the first years of life (20 cm/year in the first year and 10 cm/yr in the second year), a rather steady gain (5 cm to 6 cm/year) during middle childhood (5 to 6 years until the onset of puberty), again a rapid increase, or growth spurt during puberty (about 10 cm/year at about 14 years, i.e., the age of reaching the maximum velocity in boys and 8 to 9 cm/year at about 12 years in girls), and subsequently a slow increase until adulthood when the growth velocity decreases to 0 cm/yr. During this time the length increases from about 50 cm at birth to 178 cm in U.S. boys and 163.5 in U.S. girls. On average, girls are slightly smaller than boys until they reach the onset of the pubertal growth spurt at the age of about ten years. At that time girls start to grow taller than boys. Boys catch up again and grow, on the average 12 to 13 cm taller then girls at adulthood. Body mass, body segments (arms, legs, trunk) breadths, and circumferences all follow a similar growth pattern.

Subcutaneous fat or adiposity and dimensions of the head and face follow another pattern.

Biological Maturation The assessment of biological maturity is thus a very important indicator of the growing child. It is therefore a valuable tool in the hands of experienced kinanthropometrists and all other professionals involved in the evaluation of the growth and development of children.

METHODOLOGICAL CONSIDERATIONS As mentioned already, several biological systems can be used to assess biological maturity status. In assessing sexual maturation the criteria described by Reynolds and Wines (1948, 1951) synthesized and popularized by Tanner (1962) are most often used. They should not be referred to as Tanner’s stages since they were in use long before Tanner described them in Growth at Adolescence. Furthermore, there is considerable difference in the stages for pubic hair, breast, or genital development. For breast, pubic hair, and genital development, five discrete stages are described (Tanner 1962). These stages must be assigned by visual inspection of the nude subject or from somatotype photographs from which the specific areas are enlarged. Given the invasiveness of the technique, self inspection has been proposed as an alternative but more information is needed on its reliability and validity before it can be used in epidemiological research. Age at menarche, defined as the first menstrual flow, can be obtained retrospectively by interrogating a representative sample of sexually mature women. Note, however, the influence of error of recall. The recall data are reasonably accurate for group comparisons. The information obtained in longitudinal or prospective studies is of course much more accurate but here other problems inherent to longitudinal studies interfere. In the status quo technique representative samples of girls expected to experience menarche are interrogated. The investigator records whether or not menstrual periods have started at the time of investigation. Reference standards can be constructed using pro-

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The greatest oak was once a little nut who held its ground. ■ ANONYMOUS

bits or logits for which the percentage of menstruating girls at each age level is plotted against chronological age (CA), whereafter a probit or logit is fitted through the observed data. Morphological age can be assessed by means of the age at peak height velocity, that is, the age at which the maximum growth velocity in height occurs. This requires a longitudinal study. An alternative to define morphological age is to use percentage of predicted height. The actual height is then expressed as a percentage of adult height. The problem here is to define adult height. Several techniques have been developed for the prediction of adult height. The techniques developed by Bayley (1946), Roche et al. (1975a) and Tanner et al. (1983) seem to be the most accurate and most commonly used. The predictors in these techniques are actual height, chronological age, skeletal age, and, in some techniques, parental height and/or age at menarche for girls. Until now no practical useful technique has been developed to assess “shape age” as another indicator of morphological maturity. Dental maturity can be estimated from the age of eruption of deciduous or permanent teeth or from the number of teeth present at a certain age (Demirjian 1978). Eruption is, however, only one event in the ossification process and has no real biological meaning. For this reason, Demirjian et al. (1973) constructed scales for the assessment of dental maturity, based on the principles developed by Tanner et al. (1983) for the estimation of skeletal age. Skeletal maturity is the most commonly used indicator of biological maturation. It is widely recognized as the best single biological maturity indicator (Tanner 1962). Three main techniques are presently in use: the atlas technique, first introduced by Todd (1937) and later revised by Greulich and Pyle (1950, 1959), the bone-specific approach developed by Tanner et al. (1983, 2001), the bone-specific approach developed by Roche et al. for the knee (1975b), and for the hand (1988). The bones of the hand and wrist provide the primary basis for assessing skeletal maturation, which is based upon changes in the developing skeleton that

can be easily viewed and evaluated on a standardized radiograph. Traditionally, the left hand and wrist is used. It is placed flat on the X-ray plate with the fingers slightly apart. Hence, when a film is viewed, the handwrist skeleton is observed from the dorsal (posterior) as opposed to the palmar (anterior) surface. The changes that each bone goes through from initial ossification to adult morphology are fairly uniform and provide the basis for assessing skeletal maturation. These are referred to as maturity indicators, specific features of individual bones that can be noted on a hand-wrist X-ray and that occur regularly and in a definite, irreversible order (Greulich and Pyle 1959).

GREULICH –PYLE METHOD (GP) The GP method is based on the original work of Todd (1937) and is sometimes called the atlas or inspectional method. It entails the matching of a hand-wrist X-ray of a specific child as closely as possible with a series of standard X-ray plates, which correspond to successive levels of skeletal maturation at specific CAs. The method is most often used as follows. The age identified as typical of the standard plate with which a given child’s film coincides, represents the child’s skeletal age (SA). Thus, if the hand-wrist X-ray of a seven-year-old child matches the standard plate for eight-year-old children, the child’s SA is eight years. However, the method was intended to and should be applied by rating the skeletal maturity of each individual bone. Each bone is matched to the standard plates in the atlas in the same manner as above, and the one with which the individual bone most closely coincides is noted. The SA of the standard plate is the assigned SA of the bone in question. The process is repeated for all bones that are present in the hand and wrist, and the child’s SA is the median of the SAs of each individually rated bone.

TANNER-WHITEHOUSE METHOD (TW) The TW method, sometimes called the bone-specific approach, entails matching features of twenty individual bones to a series of written criteria for stages through which each bone passes from initial appearance on a

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You have to expect things of yourself before you can do them. ■ MICHAEL JORDAN

radiograph to the mature state. The twenty bones include seven carpals (excluding the pisiform) and thirteen long bones (radius, ulna, and metacarpals and phalanges of the first, third, and fifth digits). Each stage is assigned a specific point score and the scores are summed to give a skeletal maturity score. The maturity score can be converted to an SA, which is referred to as the 20-bone SA. The revised TW method (TWII) provides a carpal SA based on the seven carpals and a radius, ulna and short bone (RUS) SA, in addition to the 20-bone SA. Most recently new reference data have been published, together with some modifications of the system (Tanner et al. 2001).

FELS METHOD The Fels method is based on the same twenty bones as the TW method plus the pisiform and adductor sesamoid. The authors defined their own maturity indicators and specific criteria for each. They are based on a variety of shape changes and several ratios between linear measurements of the long bones of the hand and wrist. Grades are assigned to the indicators for each bone by matching the film being assessed to the described criteria. The assigned grades and ratios are then entered into a microcomputer, which calculates an SA and a standard error of the estimation.

SKELETAL AGE All of the methods for the estimation of skeletal maturity yield an SA that corresponds to the level of skeletal maturity attained by a child relative to the reference sample. In the GP method, the reference sample is American children in the CIeveland, Ohio, area studied between 1931 and 1942; in the TW method, the reference sample is British children from several areas of the country studied between 1946 and 1972 (Beunen et al. 1990; Tanner et al. 2001 have reported more recent TWIII reference data); in the Fels-method, the reference sample is the Fels longitudinal study which includes American children from southern Ohio studied between 1932 and 1972. Given the differences in the methods as well as in the reference sam-

ples for each, the skeletal maturity status of a child rated by all three methods may be quite different. It is important that the method used to estimate SA be specified. SA assessment is a method to estimate the level of maturity which a child has attained at a given point in time relative to reference data for healthy children. The three methods for assessing skeletal maturity have their strengths and limitations. It is important to note, however, that SAs derived from the GP, TW, and Fels methods are not equivalent. The methods differ in criteria, scoring, and the reference samples upon which they are based. There are, in addition, apparent population differences in skeletal maturation. For example, skeletal maturation is somewhat advanced in American black compared to American white girls (see Malina, Bouchard, and Bar-Or, 2004). The changes that each bone goes through from initial formation to epiphyseal union or adult morphology, however, are the same; the rate at which the process progresses varies among populations.

AGES AT ATTAINING STAGES OF SEXUAL MATURATION

The ages at which individual children attain various stages of pubic hair, breast, and genital development and attain menarche are ordinarily derived prospectively from longitudinal studies in which children are examined at close intervals during adolescence, usually every three months. The time of appearance of each stage and the duration of each stage of secondary sex characteristic development, that is, how long the individual spends during a particular stage, can be estimated with a reasonable degree of accuracy. In the case of menarche, the girl is interviewed as to whether it has occurred and when. Given that the interval between examinations in most longitudinal studies is relatively short, age at menarche so derived is quite reliable. Sample sizes in longitudinal studies, however, are not ordinarily large enough to derive population estimates and may not reflect the normal range of variation. Hence, a different method, the status quo method,

GROWTH AND DEVELOPMENT

is used to estimate ages at the attainment of specific secondary sex characteristic stages and of menarche. The resulting estimates apply only to the population and do not apply to individuals. A large sample of boys or girls, which spans the ages at which the particular developmental stage normally occurs, is surveyed. It is most often performed for menarche, but can be performed for the different stages of development of secondary sex characteristics. Selected percentiles for ages at which specific stages of secondary sex characteristics are attained in a national sample of Dutch youths, based on status quo estimates, are given in Table 1. Median ages at menarche in several samples of North American and European girls are summarized in Table 2. The menarcheal data

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are derived primarily from status quo surveys, but several ages from prospective (longitudinal) studies are also included. In contrast to the status quo method for estimating the age at menarche, many studies use the retrospective method, which requires the girl to recall the age at which she attained menarche. With careful interview methods reasonably accurate estimates can be obtained.

Table 2. Median Ages at Menarche in Several Samples of North American and European Girls Location

Median age

North America

Table 1. Selected Percentiles for Ages at Which Stages of Secondary Sex Characteristics Are Attained in a National Sample of Dutch Youth PERCENTILES

Pubic hair

PH2 PH3 PH4 PH5

Menarche

12.4

white

12.6

black

12.1

Belgium, national, Flemish

13.2

Federal Republic of Germany, Bremen

13.3

German Democratic Republic, Gorlitz

13.0

France, Paris, national

12.8

Greece, national

12.6

10

50

90

9.1 10.2 11.4 12.5

10.5 11.7 12.9 14.2

12.3 13.1 14.5 —

9.0 10.2 11.3 12.2

10.8 11.7 12.6 14.0

12.6 13.1 14.0 16.4

Italy, different regions

12.4 to 12.8

14.9

Netherlands, national

13.3

Females B2 B3 B4

12.9

US, national

Europe

Sex characteristics stage

Breast

Canada, Quebec

11.7

13.3

Hungary Szeged

12.8

County Szeged

12.8

Poland Males Genital

Pubic hair

Warsaw G2 G3 G4 G5

9.3 11.6 12.7 13.5

11.3 13.1 14.0 15.3

13.3 14.5 15.6 18.6

PH2 PH3 PH4 PH5

9.0 11.7 12.9 13.5

11.7 13.1 14.0 15.0

13.5 14.5 15.5 18.4

B = breast; G = genitals; PH = pubic hair Source: Adapted from Roede and Van Wieringen (1985).

Cities

12.7 13.0

Russia, Moscow

13.0

Sweden

12.7 to 13.0

Switzerland, Zürich

13.4

UK, Northumberland

13.3

Newcastle

13.4

Yugoslavia, Zagreb

12.7

Source: Adapted from Malina, Bouchard, and Bar-Or (2004).

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Physical Fitness As mentioned in the introduction, the physical fitness concept and its measurement have evolved over the years and recently the distinction between health- and performance-related fitness has been introduced.

KEY PHYSICAL FITNESS TEST BATTERIES Since 1958, a number of physical fitness test batteries have been used in the United States, Canada, and Europe. These include the AAHPER youth fitness test (1958, 1965), CAHPER (1965), Fleishman (1964), Simons et al. (1969), ICPFT (Larson 1974), Fitnessgram (1987), NCYFS II (Ross and Pate 1987), AAHPERD Physical Best (1988), and EUROFIT (Adam et al. 1988). In most batteries the same components are included and quite often the same tests are proposed. For example for evaluating health-related fitness, a 660-yard or 1-minute run-walk is used to test cardiorespiratory endurance; pull-ups or a flexed arm-hang is used for testing upper body muscular endurance and strength. In evaluating performance, a standing long jump and/or softball throw is frequently the test for strength and power, and running speed is tested with a 50-yard/50meter dash or shuttle run. With increasing awareness about safety and risks involved in testing, some testing procedures have been adapted; for example, sit-ups were originally tested with straight legs and hands crossed behind the neck whereas in more recent procedures the arms are crossed over the chest, the knees are bent and the subject curls to a position in which the elbows touch the knees or thighs. In the latter procedure there is less risk of causing low back pain.

PHYSICAL PERFORMANCE Information on attained levels of physical performance during preschool years are limited. Performances in several motor tasks (agility, jumping, running, throwing, and catching) is almost linear between 3 and 6 years. At this age boys consistently show better results than girls, except for balance.

Between 5 and 8 years children show considerable increase in running speed, and a steady, more gradual increase in other fitness items (strength and muscular endurance). Performances of girls show an almost linear increase between 6 and 14 years, and thereafter a slight increase or a plateau. For strength characteristics (isometric strength, explosive strength, and muscular endurance) boys show an adolescent growth spurt about 6 months after the growth spurt in length (Beunen et al. 1988, Malina, Bouchard, and Bar-Or 2004).

Interrelationships and Young Athletes Growth and maturation are confounded in their effect on performance. The associations become more apparent during the adolescent growth spurt. Boys and girls who are advanced in their maturity status are taller and heavier, and generally have larger body dimensions than average or early maturing peers. Especially in boys around the adolescent growth spurt (average 14 years) early maturing boys outperform the average and late maturing boys in most performance characteristics (Beunen 1989). Child and adolescent athletes grow in a manner similar to nonathletes. Many samples of athletes in different sports have heights that fluctuate above and below the reference median. Gymnastics is the only sport that consistently presents a profile of short stature in both sexes. Moreover, female gymnasts trend to be slow maturers. However, there is not compelling evidence to support the notion that regular athletic training and competition beginning at relatively young ages appears to accelerate or decelerate growth and biological maturation. But as researchers point out (for example, Malina, Bouchard, and Bar-Or 2004), systematic training for sport is a significant factor affecting body composition and performance characteristics of young athletes. G. Beunen See also Exercise and Health; Nutrition; Youth Sports

GYMNASTICS, APPARATUS

Further Reading AAHPER. (1958). Youth fitness test manual. Washington: AAHPER. AAHPER. (1965). Youth fitness test manual (rev. ed.). Washington: AAHPER. AAHPERD. (1988). The AAHPERD physical best program. Reston VA: AAHEPRD. Adam, C., Klissouras, V., Ravassolo, M., et al. (1988). Eurofit: Handbook for the Eurofit Test of Physical Fitness. Rome: Council of Europe. Committee for the Development of Sport. Bayley, N. (1946). Tables for predicting adult height from skeletal age and present height. Journal of Pediatrics, 28, 49–64. Beunen, G. (1989). Biological age in pediatric exercise research. In O. Bar-Or (Ed.), Advances in Pediatric Sport Sciences, 3, Biological Issues (pp. 1–39). Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics. Beunen, G., Lefevre, J., Ostyn, M. et al. (1990). Skeletal maturity in Belgian youths assessed by the Tanner-Whitehouse method (TW2). Annals of Human Biology, 17, 355–376. Beunen, G., Malina, R. M., Van ‘t Hof, M. A., et al. (1988). Adolescent growth and motor performance: A longitudinal study of Belgian boys. Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics. Brace, D. K. (1927). Measuring motor ability. New York: Barnes. CAHPER (1965). Fitness performance test manual for boys. Toronto: CAHPER. Clarke, H. H. (1979). Academy approves physical fitness definition. Physical Fitness News-Letter, 25, 1. Demirjian, A. (1978). Dentition. In F. Falkner & J. M. Tanner (Eds.), Human Growth: Postnatal Growth, 2, 413–444. New York: Plenum. Demirjian, A., Goldstein, H., & Tanner, J. M. (1973). A new system for dental age assessment. Human Biology, 45, 211–227. Eveleth, P. B., & Tanner, J. M. (1990). Worldwide variation in human growth. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Fleishrnan, E. A. (1964). The structure and measurement of physical fitness. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall. Greulich, W. W., & Pyle, I. (1950, 1959). Radiographic atlas of skeletal development of the hand and wrist. Standford, CA: Standford University Press. Keogh, J., & Sugden, D. (1985). Movement skill development. New York: Macmillan. Lampl, M., Veldhuis, J. D., & Johnson, M. L. (1992). Saltation and stasis: a model of human growth. Science, 258, 801–803. Larson, L. A. (Ed.). (1974). Fitness, heaIth, and work capacity: International standards for assessment. New York: Macmillan. Lohman, T. G., Roche, A. F., & Martorell, R. (Eds.). (1988). Anthropometric standardization reference manuaI. Champaign IL: Human Kinetics. Malina, R. M., Bouchard, C., & Bar-Or, O. (2004). Growth, maturation, and physical activity. Champaign IL: Human Kinetics. McCloy, C. H. (1934). The measurement of general motor capacity and general motor ability. Research Quarterly, 5, 46–61. Pate, R., & Shephard, R. (1989). Characteristics of physical fitness in youth. In C. V. Gisolfi & D. R. Lamb (Eds.), Perspectives in exercise science and sports medicine:Youth, exercise and sport. Indianapolis, IN: Benchmark Press. Reynolds, E. L., & Wines, J. V. (1948). Individual differences in physical changes associated with adolescence in girls. American Journal of Diseases of Children, 75, 329-50. Reynolds, E. L., & Wines, J.V. (1951). Physical changes associated with

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adolescence in boys. American Journal of Diseases of Children, 529–547. Roche, A. F., Chumlea, W. C., & Thissen, D. (1988). Assessing the skeletal maturity of the hand wrist: Fels method. Springfield: Thomas. Roche, A. F., Wainer, H., & Thissen, D. (1975a). Predicting adult stature for individuals. Monographs in Pediatrics, 3, 1–114. Roche, A. F., Wainer, H., & Thissen, D. (1975b). Skeletal maturity: Knee joint as a biological indicator. New York: Plenum Press. Roede, M. J., & Van Wieringen, J. C. (1985). Growth diagrams 1980: The Netherlands third nationalwide survey. Tijdschrift Sociale Gezondheid, Suppl, 63. Ross, J. G., & Pate, R. R. (1987). The national children and youth fitness study Il: A summary of findings. Journal of Physical Education, Recreation and Dance, 56, 45–50. Simons, J., Beunen, G., Ostyn, M. et al. (1969). Construction d’une batterie de tests d’aptitude motrice pour garçons de 12 à 19 ans par le méthode de l’analyse factorielle. Kinanthropologie, 1, 323–362. Simons, J., Beunen, G. P., Renson, R., et al. (Eds.). (1990). Growth and fitness of Flemish girls. The Leuven Growth Study. HKP Sport Science Monograph Series 3. Champaign IL: Human Kinetics. Tanner, J. M. (1962). Growth at adolescence. Oxford: Blackwell Scientific Publications. Tanner, J. M. (1981). A history of the study of human growth. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Tanner, J. M. (1989). Fetus info man: Physical growth from conception to maturity. Cambridge, MA, Harvard University Press. Tanner, J. M., Whitehouse, R. H., & Cameron, N., et al. (1983). Assessment of skeletal maturity and prediction of adult height (TW2 method). London: Academic Press. Tanner, J. M., Whitehouse, R. H., & Cameron, N. (2001). Assessment of skeletal maturity and prediction of adult height (TW3 method). London: Saunders. Tanner, J. M., Whitehouse, R. H., & Takaiski, M. (1966). Standards from birth to maturity for height, weight, height velocity and weight velocity. Archives of Diseases of Childhood, 41, 454–471,613–635. Todd, J. W. (1937). Atlas of skeletal maturation: Part 1: Hand. London: Mosby. van ‘t Hof, M. A., Roede, M. J., & Kowalski, C. J. (1976). Estimation of growth velocities from individual longitudinal data. Growth, 40, 217–240.

Gymnastics, Apparatus

P

eople have performed some form of gymnastics since the earliest known sports activity. Modern apparatus and modern gymnastics began to appear early during the nineteenth century and have continued to evolve. Gymnastics, once nearly exclusively a European sport, has become universally practiced, although its development still lags in Africa and much of Asia and

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Other people may not have had high expectations for me . . . but I had high expectations for myself. ■ SHANNON MILLER

Latin America. Since 1952 men and women of the former Soviet Union, Japanese men, and Romanian women have dominated international competition in artistic gymnastics. Gymnasts from Germany, Czechoslovakia, and other European countries and more recently from the United States and China have also performed well.

Origins People performed balancing and tumbling activities in Egypt and China before 2000 BCE. During the second millennium BCE Minoan athletes on the island of Crete in the Mediterranean not only balanced and tumbled, but also grasped the horns of a charging bull and vaulted with a front handspring to a landing on the bull’s back. As part of their training in skills needed in warfare, the ancient Romans used wooden horses to practice mounting and dismounting. This apparatus evolved into the vaulting and pommel horses of gymnastics. Early models were built to resemble horses with saddles or had at least one end curved upward like the neck of a horse.The three sections of the gymnastics horse still retain the names neck, saddle, and croup (rump). Acrobats during the Middle Ages and early Renaissance worked as court entertainers, but not until the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries did a modern form of gymnastics begin to develop. About that time many pieces of gymnastics apparatus were invented, mostly by Germans such as Friedrich Ludwig Jahn (1778–1852) and Johann Friedrich Guts Muths (1759– 1839). Swiss, Danish, and Italian educators also promoted gymnastics activity. Important contributions to gymnastics originated in Sweden, and gymnastics activity began in the United States during the early nineteenth century. Swiss and German immigrants in the United States founded turner (gymnast) clubs, and Czechoslovakian immigrants founded American Sokol (falcon) clubs that emphasized physical fitness and gymnastics. The turners promoted the introduction of physical education classes in U.S. schools, and most early school physical education activity involved gymnastics.

Gymnastics festivals featuring huge numbers of athletes of all ages are a remarkable European tradition. The emphasis is on participation rather than competition. In gymnaestradas thousands of gymnasts from turner clubs and Sokol clubs participate in mass demonstrations, team and individual competitions, and workshops involving artistic and rhythmic gymnastics, folk dancing, acrobatics, and related activities. Many U.S. schools during the late 1800s favored Swedish gymnastics, a highly structured system of exercises that used specialized apparatus and was said to have healthful benefits. The Young Men’s Christian Association (YMCA) has also promoted gymnastics for men and women. The Amateur Athletic Union (AAU) held its first national gymnastics championships in 1888 and controlled the sport for the next half-century until conflicts with the National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) and other considerations led to formation of the U.S. Gymnastics Federation in 1962.

Emergence of Female Gymnasts The United States deemphasized gymnastics about the turn of the twentieth century as people responded to educators’ preference for team sports to develop democratic and social skills and physical symmetry and grace. The rise of physical education professionals’ control over women’s athletics led to the deemphasis of competitive sports for women. Girls and college women participated in “play days” in place of their former competitions. Play days emphasized participation for all rather than hard competition between the most talented. The theory behind such deemphasis argued that competitive sports are adverse to the health interests of women athletes, and physical education professionals— largely women themselves—controlled women’s sports until the 1960s. World Cup and World Gymnastics Championships offer international competitions at the highest level, as do U.S. and European championships and multisport competitions such as the Olympics, Goodwill, Commonwealth, World University, Pan American, Central American, and Caribbean Games. With the rise of

GYMNASTICS, APPARATUS

715

Three types of vaulting horse from the 1920s.

international gymnastics competition after World War II, gymnastics officials felt a great need for rules standards and better judging. The International Gymnastics Federation formulated the first Code of Points in 1949 to have guidelines for the 1950 World Gymnastics Championships. Before then little consistency existed in judging practices from country to country. At the Olympic Games in 1948 considerable differences among judges’ scores had led to noticeably inaccurate judging. Later editions of the code defined difficulty levels of skills and added more specific rules. Since World War II, and especially since the early 1960s, gymnastics has grown greatly in the United States. Much of this growth has been caused by the increased coverage of gymnastics on television, and especially by coverage of the Olympic performances of Olga Korbut of the Soviet Union in 1972 and Nadia Comaneci of Romania in 1976. Korbut was the first of a new breed of young women gymnasts who caught the public’s imagination. When Korbut fell at the end of an event, her tear-streaked face not only tugged at viewer’s heartstrings, but also put a human face on Communist athletes, popularly held to be little more than automatons by most people on the other side of the Cold War’s ideological divide. Comaneci continued in Korbut’s mold, becoming the sweetheart of Olympic viewers, and scored the first perfect 10 in Olympic gymnastics history at the 1976 Olympic Games in Montreal, Canada. Korbut’s and Comaneci’s youth and diminutive size set the standard for women gymnasts, who became increasingly younger and smaller during the 1970s. In the United States growth of women’s gymnastics has been especially great since 1974, with most of the growth occurring in private clubs and in the participation of these clubs in the Junior Olympic program. Increasing

support of gymnastics was closely related to the poor showing by the United States in international gymnastics competition, especially in comparison with the Soviet Union. The American Association for Health, Physical Education and Recreation’s Division for Girls and Women’s Sport sponsored the first national gymnastics championship for women in 1969, and the Association for Intercollegiate Athletics for Women sponsored championships for women from 1971 until 1982, when the NCAA gained control of this competition. Gymnasts such as Comaneci and Korbut captured the public imagination and inspired generations of girls, both in the United States and worldwide, but public policy changes also contributed to the rapid growth of gymnastics for women in the United States. Title IX of the 1972 Civil Rights Act mandated that athletic opportunities be provided for girls in high school and college. Under Title IX, and in subsequent interpretations mandating a rough proportionality in the number of sports offered to males and females, gymnastics has become widespread as a sport in colleges. However, although Title IX has benefited women’s gymnastics programs, some people have blamed it for the decline

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Gymnastics is my entire life.

■

SVETLANA BOGUINSKAIA

Gymnastics, Apparatus Margaret Streicher on Gymnastics and Gender The extract below is a quote from Margaret Streicher, an Australian physical education teacher who influenced German students through much of the twentieth century: The truly masculine in men’s gymnastics and the truly feminine in women’s gymnastics are expressions of male and female nature and cannot be willed into existence. To seek femininity consciously is to produce only a distortion of it. Everyone agrees that men’s gymnastics are a matter for men. With equal justice, women’s gymnastics should be a matter for women. Useful scientific information can come from a man as well from a woman, but neither men’s gymnastics nor women’s are simply matters of scientific information. Each is a whole, and like every whole, each must grow. Neither can be fabricated. Source: Pfister, G. (Ed.). (1980). Frau und sport (A. Guttman, Trans.). Frankfurt, Germany: Fischer.

in the number of men’s programs as schools have chosen to cut programs in order to be in compliance. U.S. women’s gymnastics also benefited in 1981 when Comaneci’s coach, Bela Karolyi, defected and began training gymnasts in the United States.Two of his most famous students were Mary Lou Retton, who won five medals at the 1984 Olympics in Los Angeles, and Kerri Strug, whose performance despite an injured ankle helped the United States win its first team gymnastics championship at the 1996 Olympics in Atlanta, Georgia. The trend toward smaller and younger gymnasts has led many people to worry that the desire to achieve the ideal causes problems for many participants. Many girls develop eating disorders such as bulimia or anorexia nervosa in order to fit into the pattern that Comaneci and Korbut began. Gymnastics training at an early age

also can lead to long-term problems such as osteoporosis, which can be made more probable by the late onset of menarche (the beginning of the menstrual function), a common side effect of athletic training at a young age. Critics also have used Strugg’s valiant second vault in Atlanta to point out that women’s sports have adopted the “gotta play hurt” mentality of men’s sports, with possibly serious consequences for young athletes.

Men’s Events Men’s apparatus gymnastics events include the horizontal bar (high bar), rings (still rings), floor exercise (free calisthenics), parallel bars, pommel horse (side horse), and vault (long horse).

HORIZONTAL BAR (HIGH BAR) The horizontal bar is a flexible steel bar, measuring about 2.8 centimeters in diameter and 2.4 meters in length, mounted approximately 2.6 meters above the floor. Gymnastics skills consist of swinging and vaulting types of movements. Swinging movements are done either with the trunk and legs close to the bar (in-bar moves) or with the body fully extended from the hands (giant swings). Competitive routines should have no stops; body parts other than the hands or soles of the feet are rarely in more than momentary contact with the bar; releases of one and both hands from the bar are common; and dismounts often consist of multiple somersaults (triples have been executed), sometimes with one or more twists.

RINGS (STILL RINGS) The rings are wooden and are spaced 50 centimeters apart and suspended from a height of about 5.6 meters. The lowest part of the rings is about 2.6 meters above the floor. Ring activities include swinging movements, held positions, and slow movements that emphasize strength.

FLOOR EXERCISE (FREE CALISTHENICS) The floor exercise uses a square floor area measuring 12 meters on each side and is performed on a mat

GYMNASTICS, APPARATUS

717

Instructions for raising and lowering on the horizontal bars from J. A. Beaujeu’s A Treatise on Gymnastic Exercises (1828).

3.2 centimeters thick. Tumbling skills are combined with balance and positions and movements emphasizing strength and flexibility.

PARALLEL BARS The parallel bars are flexible wooden rails measuring 3.5 meters in length. Their height and width are adjustable, but for competition the height is set at about 1.7 meters above the floor. Movements consist of vaults, swings, balance positions (held for two seconds), and slow movements that emphasize strength (e.g., presses to handstands). The gymnast releases and regrasps the bars with one hand at a time or with both hands simultaneously while being above or below the bars.

or piano) is used, and the movements should conform to the tempo, rhythm, and spirit of the music.

P OMMEL HORSE (SIDE HORSE)

VAULT (SIDE HORSE VAULT)

The pommel horse is a cylinder that measures 35.5 centimeters in diameter and 162.5 centimeters in length and is covered with leather or fabric. The pommels are set 40 to 45 centimeters apart, and the height of the horse is 1.25 meters to the top of the pommels. All movements on the horse are swinging movements (no stops or slow movements employing obvious strength are permitted). Only the hands should touch the horse.

The vaulting horse for women is the same apparatus that men use. However, the vaults are performed across the short dimension of the horse, and its height is set at 1.2 meters.

UNEVEN BARS (UNEVEN PARALLEL BARS) The uneven bars originally were an adaptation of the men’s parallel bars, and thus the bars were identical to the men’s bars but with one bar set higher than the other.

VAULT (LONG HORSE) The vaulting horse is the same apparatus as the pommel horse, with the pommels removed. The height to the top of the horse is 1.35 meters. The horse is vaulted along its length, with an approach run of up to 25 meters.

Women’s Events Women’s apparatus gymnastics events include the floor exercise, vault (side horse vault), uneven bars (uneven parallel bars), and balance beam.

FLOOR EXERCISE Women gymnasts use the floor area and mat of the men’s event. Movements are continuous and involve tumbling, dance, and gymnastic movements, as well as momentary balance positions. Music (taped orchestra

BALANCE BEAM Originally the balance beam was wooden, measuring 5 meters in length and 10 centimeters in width.The beam height is set at 1.2 meters. Competitive routines consist of tumbling, balance, and gymnastic movements.

Competition at the Top Western European countries dominated international gymnastics competition before World War II. In the Olympic Games of 1896 through 1948 Finland, Switzerland, and Italy each won team medals four times; France, the United States, and Hungary each won twice; and eight other countries (all European) each won once. Italy won the team gold medal four times, and the United States, Germany, Switzerland,

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Rhythmic gymnastics makes football look easy. ■ UNKNOWN

Finland, and Sweden each won the team gold medal once. In 1952, with the entrance of the Soviet Union into Olympic competition and the rise of Japan as a gymnastics power, the situation changed greatly. In the eleven Olympic Games staged between 1952 and 1992 Japan and the Soviet Union won the men’s team gold medal five times each, and the United States won once. At the 2004 Olympics in Athens, Greece, in artistic gymnastics Romania finished first, followed by the United States, Japan, and China. In the men’s team competition Japan won gold, the United States won silver, and Romania won bronze. In the women’s team competition Romania won gold, the United States won silver, and Russia won bronze. Paul Hamm of the United States won gold in the men’s individual all-around competition; Carly Patterson of the United States won gold in the women’s individual all-around competition. Other gold medals were won by Kyle Shewfelt of Canada, men’s floor; Catalina Ponor of Romania, women’s floor; Gervasio Deferr of Spain, men’s vault; Monica Rosu of Romania, women’s vault; Haibin Teng of China, men’s pommel horse; Dimosthenis Tampakos of Greece, men’s rings; Catalina Ponor of Romania, women’s balance beam; Emilie Lepennec of France, women’s asymmetric bars; Valeri Goncharov of Ukraine, men’s parallel bars; and Igor Cassina of Italy, men’s horizontal bar.

Governing Bodies A national federation administers competitive gymnastics in most countries. In the United States gymnastics has been organized on different levels by several organizations. The U.S. Turner Clubs, American Sokol clubs, and the YMCA have long histories of staging competitions for members, and for many years the AAU sponsored most open gymnastics competitions. The NCAA controls collegiate competitions, and many state athletic associations stage interschool competitions at the high school level. Private gymnastics schools stage interclub competitions, especially for young women. USA Gymnastics (www.usa-gymnastics.org), formerly known as the “U.S. Gymnastics Federation” (USGF), is the parent organization for all U.S. gymnastics competition and is

responsible for U.S. participation in international competitions. In turn, national federations belong to the International Gymnastics Federation (FIG, www.fig-gym nastics.com), which was founded in 1881 as the governing body of international gymnastics. Richard V. McGehee and Russ Crawford

Further Reading Bowers, C. O., Fie, J. K., & Schmid, A. B. (1981). Judging and coaching women’s gymnastics (2nd ed.). Palo Alto, CA: Mayfield. Cahn, S. (1994). Coming on strong: Gender and sexuality in twentiethcentury women’s sports. New York: Free Press. Cooper, P. (1980). Feminine gymnastics (3rd ed.). Minneapolis, MN: Burgess. Coulton, J. (1981). Sport acrobatics. New York: Sterling. Fukushima, S. (1980). Men’s gymnastics. Boston: Faber & Faber. Goodbody, J. (1983). The illustrated history of gymnastics. New York: Beaufort. Guttman, A. (1991). Women’s sports: A history. New York: Columbia University Press. International Gymnastics Federation. (1993). Code of points for artistic gymnastics for men. Moutier, Switzerland: Author. International Gymnastics Federation. (1993). Code of points for artistic gymnastics for women. Moutier, Switzerland: Author. Loken, N. C., & Willoughby, R. J. (1977). Complete book of gymnastics (3rd ed.). Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall. Murray, M. (1979). Women’s gymnastics: Coach, participant, spectator. Boston: Allyn and Bacon. Ryan, J. (1995). Little girls in pretty boxes: The making and breaking of elite gymnasts and figure skaters. New York: Doubleday. Ryser, O., & Brown, J. (1990). A manual for tumbling and apparatus stunts (8th ed.). Dubuque, IA: Wm. C. Brown. Schmid, A. B. (1976). Modern rhythmic gymnastics. Palo Alto, CA: Mayfield. Schmid, A. B., & Drury, B. J. (1977). Gymnastics for women (4th ed.). Palo Alto, CA: Mayfield. Turoff, F. (1991). Artistic gymnastics: A comprehensive guide to performing and teaching skills for beginners and advanced beginners. Dubuque, IA: Wm. C. Brown. Wallechinsky, D. (1984). The complete book of the Olympics. New York: Viking.

Gymnastics, Rhythmic

A

lthough athletes in ancient Greece performed exercises that combined flexibility, strength, and movement with aesthetic appeal and grace, rhythmic gymnastics as athletes practice it today is a product of

GYMNASTICS, RHYTHMIC

719

Israeli rhythmic gymnasts.

the physical education and sports culture of twentiethcentury northern Europe. Although men practice rhythmic gymnastics, it is mainly a women’s sport, and only women compete in the Olympics. Rhythmic gymnastics developed out of a German reform movement in gymnastics and physical education during the early twentieth century. The movement emphasized appreciation of the human body and natural body movement in performance and exercise. In 1946 rhythmic gymnastics became a sport when the Soviet Union defined it as a sport separate from apparatus gymnastics—which uses equipment such as the pommel horse, horizontal bar, and balance beam—and began to train girls and young women. At first rhythmic gymnastics was confined to nations of the Soviet bloc, and only the Soviet Union, Czechoslovakia, and Bulgaria competed in the first “international” competition in 1961. The International Gymnastics Federation (FIG, www.fig-gymnastics.com) recognized the sport in 1962 and became the governing body. In 1963 the first world championships were held. By the mid-1970s rhythmic gymnastics had spread to North America, and by 2005 120 nations were participating. The individual all-around competition became an Olympic event in 1984, and the team competition was added in 1996. At the 2004 Olympics in Athens, Greece, Russia finished first; Italy finished second; Bulgaria and Ukraine tied for third. Russia won the group all-around competition; Alina Kabaeva of Russia won the individual allaround competition.

Rhythmic gymnasts perform choreographed tumbling and dance routines to music on a floor mat and use apparatus—clubs, ball, rope, ribbon, and hoop—in their routines. Depending on the apparatus, a gymnast might move around, over, or under it; balance on or with it; toss and catch it; spin or twirl it; swing it; roll it; jump over it; and so forth. The goal is to perform a routine that demonstrates flexibility and agility, is in time with the music, shows a creative use of the apparatus, and is pleasing to the observer. The team competition or group exercise brings four or five team members onto the mat together; each member performs the same routine using the same or different apparatus. Team members also exchange apparatus and must display the same level of movement as in individual performance. The individual routine lasts 90 seconds; the group routine lasts 150 seconds. Judges rate performances on degree of difficulty, harmony of the movement and the music, flexibility, appearance, and ability to follow rules such as staying on the mat and wearing an appropriately colored leotard. Despite its being an Olympic sport since 1984, critics of rhythmic gymnastics continue to question whether it is really a sport, given the somewhat subjective nature of the judging process, the use of music, and the emphasis on appealing body movement and control. Although popular with enthusiasts, rhythmic gymnastics has not yet rivaled apparatus gymnastics in popular appeal. David Levinson

Further Reading Bott, J. (1995). Rhythmic gymnastics: The skills of the game. North Pomfret, VT: Trafalgar Square Publishing. Jastrjembskaia, N., & Titov, Y. (1998). Rhythmic gymnastics. Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics.

Handball, Team Hang Gliding Hazing Henley Regatta

Handball, Team

Heptathlon Highland Games Hockey, Field Hockey, Ice Hockey, In-line Holmenkollen Ski Jump Holmenkollen Sunday Home Field Advantage Homophobia Honduras Horse Racing Horseback Riding Human Movement Studies Hungary Hunting Hurling

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ineteen million people in more than 150 countries play team handball. In Europe team handball is second in popularity only to soccer. The sport, also called “continental handball,” “European handball,” or “Olympic handball,” is fast paced and physically demanding, combining elements of basketball and soccer. Team handball bears no resemblance to four-wall handball or court handball.

Origins We can trace the ancestry of team handball back three thousand years to ancient Greece. In his Odyssey the Greek poet Homer described a game invented by Anagalla, a princess of Sparta: “O’er the green mead the sporting virgins play, their shining veils unbound along the skies, tossed and retossed, the ball incessant flies.” King Alexander of Macedon (356–323 BCE) played handball on a sphairisterion (ball court). The Roman physician Claudius Galenus described harpastum, played on a sphaeristerum (ball arena attached to public baths or located on the estates of the wealthy). According to Walter von der Vogelweide, knights played a sport called “fangball” during the Middle Ages. All of these were ball games that teams played in open fields. Modern team handball, some historians claim, was developed in Germany in 1897 when Konrad Koch worked up a game to train gymnasts. In 1915 Max Heiden added several more elements of play, including a set of rules. In 1917 Karl Schelenz moved team

H handball with eleven players on a team from the gymnasium to a large soccer-like field. However, other historians claim that modern team handball evolved in Scandinavia early in the twentieth century. Swedish sources refer to seven-player handball being played in 1907. Historians who support a Danish origin believe that the Dane Fredrik Knudsen codified the seven-player sport in 1911. Because of the colder climate, Scandinavians played more on modernlooking, smaller indoor courts than on large outdoor fields. In Europe team handball developed further under the auspices of association football (soccer). In 1926 the International Amateur Athletic Federation appointed a committee representing the eleven countries where handball was played to develop a set of standardized rules. The International Amateur Handball Federation (IAHF) was founded during the 1928 Olympic Games in Amsterdam, Netherlands. Avery Brundage (later president of the International Olympic Committee) was its first president. Twenty-five countries belonged to the federation by 1934. Germany, as host of the 1936 Olympics, added men’s team handball to the Olympic Games in Berlin. This sport was the outdoor, European version with eleven players on each team. The German team defeated five other teams to win the gold medal. The 1940 and 1944 Olympic Games were canceled because of World War II, but this hiatus did not stop the spread of team handball. In 1937 Norway recognized team handball as a women’s sport. Prisoners of war at Camp Borden, Ontario, Canada, introduced the sport to Canada during

the 1940s. French immigrants teaching in Canadian secondary schools, especially in Quebec, taught the sport. Eastern Europeans supported team handball in large numbers, surpassing Scandinavians in participation.The International Handball Federation replaced the IAHF in 1946. However, when the Olympic Games resumed in 1948, team handball was not on the program. European immigrants living in the metropolitan areas of New York and New Jersey introduced the indoor version of team handball to the United States about 1959. Dr. Peter Buehning, a promoter of the sport, organized the United States Team Handball Federation. The U.S. Army popularized team handball as a camp sport in many areas. College and high school students, looking for new indoor activities, also began playing team handball. The sport became even more popular when Germany announced that it would again feature men’s team handball (the indoor variation with seven players on each team) at the 1972 Olympic Games in Munich. Yugoslavia won the gold medal. Women’s team handball was included in the 1976 Olympic Games in Montreal. The Soviet men’s and women’s teams won the gold medals. In 1980 the men’s team from East Germany and the women’s team from the Soviet Union won gold medals at the Moscow Olympic Games, which some Western nations boycotted. In 1984 Yugoslavia won both men’s and women’s gold medals at the Los Angeles Olympic Games, which some Communist nations boycotted. Most nations were represented at the Olympics in Seoul, South Korea, in 1988, when the men’s team from the Soviet Union and the women’s team from

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South Korea won. In 1992 the men’s Unified Team (former Soviet players) won the gold at the Olympic Games in Barcelona, Spain, as did the women’s team from South Korea. In 1996 at the Olympic Games in Atlanta, Georgia, the Danish women’s team and the Croatian men’s team won the gold. In 2004, at the Olympic Games in Athens, Greece, the Danish women’s team and the Croatian men’s team won the gold.

Practice In Europe team handball is still played outdoors, on open fields similar to soccer fields, with eleven players on each team. However, the last sanctioned championship of eleven-player outdoor team handball was held in 1966. The seven-player indoor version is more popular. People play indoor team handball on courts that measure 40 by 20 meters—35 percent larger than basketball courts. A team has six court players and a goalie. The object is to throw a hard leather ball (18 centimeters in diameter) into the opponents’ goal net (2 meters high by 3 meters wide) while defending one’s own goal net. Players may throw the ball with their hands, propel the ball with any part of the body above the knee (they may not kick the ball), and advance the ball by dribbling it an unlimited distance like a basketball. However, after players stop with the ball, they must shoot or pass within three seconds. Players may not carry the ball more than three steps or kick it. Team handball is played in two thirty-minute halves with no time-outs. Halftime is a ten-minute rest period. The sport demands strength, skill, speed, stamina, strategy, quick reactions, and agility. The offensive attacks and defensive strategies occur at either end of the court within 6 to 9 meters of the goal. Little play occurs in the center of the court. Theoretically, team handball is a noncontact sport. However, the fast breaks, quick maneuvers to pass or block, and leaps and dives to penetrate and shoot make contact inevitable. Team handball can be an elegant statement of individual and team achievement. A. Gilbert Belles

Further Reading Blazic, B., & Soric, Z. (1975). Team handball. Winnipeg, Canada: Winnipeg Free Press. Edwards, R. W. (1984). Team handball: A familiar name but a different game. Journal of Physical Education, Recreation, and Dance, 55(2), 27–28. International Handball Federation. (2004). Retrieved December 10, 2004, from http://www.ihf.info Neil, G. I. (1976). Modern team handball. Montreal, Canada: McGill University Press. Rowland, B. J. (1970). Handball: A complete guide. London: Faber and Faber.

Hang Gliding

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ang gliding is a sport in which people soar using a hang glider—a wing made of an aluminum or carbon fiber frame and a synthetic sail and a triangularshaped structure below the wing that allows a pilot to carry and maneuver the glider. The pilot wears a harness that is hooked to the glider and takes off on foot on a slope or is towed aloft by a vehicle on flatlands. Hang gliding allows a pilot to admire fantastic views in the company of soaring birds with only the rush of the wind to break the silence. Hang gliding pilots find rising air currents and use them to climb, stay aloft, and fly over the landscape. With the right weather pattern hang gliders can travel long distances—the world record (regularly broken) stands at 703 kilometers (437 miles), flown by Mike Barber in 2002 in Texas. Pilots can reach altitudes of more than 6,000 meters (countries set their own legal altitude limits).

History Hang gliding is a relatively new sport that began during the early 1970s, but its development had a long evolution. Legends, including that of Icarus in Greek mythology, show that people dreamed to fly even during ancient times. The Italian Renaissance artist and inventor, Leonardo da Vinci, studied flight, as did many inventors during the nineteenth century: Otto Lilienthal of Germany, Sir George Cayley of England, and John Mont-

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A hang glider soars high over the northen beaches of Sydney, Australia. Source: istockphoto.com/ mattscherf.

gomery of the United States built successful motorless flying machines.The development of powered flight by Wilbur and Orville Wright of the United States during the early 1900s started with nonpowered soaring flights from the dunes of North Carolina. The pursuit of powered flight put soaring on the sidelines, and it resurfaced in Germany only after World War I. In the United States during the 1960s National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) engineer Francis Rogallo and his wife, Gertrude, developed a triangular wing designed as a reentry device for spacecraft. By the early 1970s the design was adapted to launching on foot and spread throughout the United States and Europe.The sport of hang gliding was born. Instructors use two main methods to teach hang gliding: training-hill sessions and tandem flying. Most schools use a combination of both.The development of safe towing practices using a winch or an ultralight (a light recreational aircraft typically for one person and powered by a small gasoline engine) has promoted tandem flying, which is less physically demanding and appeals more to women.Tandem flying is done on a larger hang glider that is designed for two persons: a pilot (or instructor) and a passenger (or student). This arrangement allows a student to learn skills with handson experience under the supervision of an instructor.

Women in Hang Gliding Women historically have been a minority in hang gliding (5–10 percent of participants). However, the development of smaller and lighter gliders and the evolution

of teaching techniques during recent years have promoted the participation of women. With new technology and materials the equipment is better adapted to lighter-weight pilots. Some participants believe that hang gliding is popular among women because it is aesthetically appealing and requires finesse in control. The glider is controlled by weight shift, which requires upper body motions but not excessive strength.

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The hang gliding world distance record for women is held by Kari Castle of the United States. In 2001 she flew 350 kilometers (217.5 miles) from Zapata, Texas. Judy Leden of England holds the Guinness World Records altitude record (for men and women): On 25 October 1994, she took off at 11,856 meters (38,898 feet) from a balloon over Wadi Rum, Jordan, and flew back to Earth.

this upward wind and stay up above the ridge. Thermal soaring uses rising columns of warm air known as “thermals.” Thermals develop over dry, darker, or rocky terrain that absorbs and then radiates heat from the sun. A pilot uses a thermal by circling and climbing in it. To aid in soaring pilots use altimeters (to measure altitude) and variometers (to measure the rate of climb or descent).

Competition at the Top

The Future

With the exception of the Women’s World Meet held every other year, men and women compete together in hang gliding competitions. Hang gliding has three forms of competition: aerobatics, speed gliding, and cross-country. Aerobatics (or freestyle) is a routine of aesthetically pleasing maneuvers judged on precision, technique, and elegance. Speed gliding, the newest form, is a short race close to the ground between pylons. Cross-country, the most common form of competition, is a long race along a course that is determined by turnpoints (reference points such as the takeoff and landing spot) and a goal. Cross-country competitions typically last one to two weeks. A different task is set for competitors every day. Each task may be on a course that is from 80 to 240 kilometers in length and may last from two to six hours. The course may be a straight line to the goal, a series of doglegs, an out-and-return course, or a triangular course. Competitors prove that they have flown the task along the course by taking aerial photographs of the turnpoints or by recording their flight path with a GPS (Global Positioning System). To complete the course competitors must find rising air currents along their way and plan their flight so that they achieve the fastest time. Accomplishing this requires a knowledge of weather conditions on the large scale and small scale and honed soaring skills. (The terms soaring and gliding are often used interchangeably; however, soaring refers particularly to using air currents to stay aloft.) The two main types of soaring are ridge soaring and thermal soaring. Ridge soaring takes place when wind strikes a slope and is deflected upward. A pilot can ride

Hang gliding, like any other type of aviation, is constantly evolving as new technologies and materials cause the gliders to change form. Through the years gliders have become safer and more efficient, their rates of descent becoming slower and their speeds faster. These changes improve performance while soaring and traveling distances. Claire Pagen

Further Reading Cheney, P. (1997). Hang gliding for beginner pilots. Colorado Springs, CO: United States Hang Gliding Association. Leden, J. (1996). Flying with condors. Spring Mills, PA: Sport Aviation Publications. Pagen, D. (1991). Understanding the sky. Spring Mills, PA: Sport Aviation Publications. Pagen, D. (1993). Performance flying. Spring Mills, PA: Sport Aviation Publications. Pagen, D. (1995). Hang gliding training manual. Spring Mills, PA: Sport Aviation Publications. Palmieri, J., & Palmieri, M. (1997). Sky adventures, fantasies of free flight: True stories by pilots. Roanoke, VA: Sky Dog Publications. Palmieri, J., & Palmieri, M. (1998). Sky adventures, stories of our heritage. Roanoke, VA: Sky Dog Publications.

Hazing

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n recent years law enforcement agencies, school officials, parent groups, and community leaders have become more aware of the negative effects of hazing on athletes. Hazing is a challenge that athletes encounter everywhere in the world. However, hazing is not re-

HAZING

Win or lose, do it fairly.

stricted to athletes, but rather surfaces in the workplace, fraternities and sororities, the military, and in many other organizations where membership is sought and where the approval of the group is deemed important by those seeking admission. Hazing in sports offers vivid pictures of human experience that run the gamut from the amusing and the affectionate to the abusive and the abominable. One might think that a single word could not bear such contradiction. Yet, hazing is an all-purpose word that lends itself to a qualifier, as seen in a Sports Illustrated for Kids interview with children between the ages of fourteen and seventeen who were asked, “Do you think there is good hazing and bad hazing?” They replied, “Yes.” As a framework for capturing the essence of hazing, a consideration of the good, the bad, and the ugly offers an appropriate starting point. We have few succinct ways to describe what some people consider “good” forms of hazing: swimmers bonding over breakfast in their pajamas after teammates awaken them in the middle of the night; football players singing their college fight songs to audiences of well-meaning, although tunefully impaired, professional athletes and coaches; good-natured contests designed to build camaraderie and esprit d’corps are thought of as routine team-building exercises. People consider these to be harmless gestures that encourage athletes to get to know and support one another. In contrast, the practice of hazing has also produced a vocabulary of its own, reflective of a far less benign form of behavior. Athletes and nonathletes, and the culture in general, have more than passing familiarity with beatdowns, forced drinking, public humiliation, shaved heads, simulated sex acts, swirlies, tea bagging, and threats of physical and mental harm. Activities played out under the guise of bringing athletes together divide the athletes into victims and perpetrators.

History College campuses during the 1800s were, in some respects, much different than those of today. Most of the institutions of higher education were single-gender, and

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of that group most were men’s colleges. The “football rush,” an annual interclass football game staged between freshmen and sophomores, conveys a feeling for the atmosphere in schools of the day. To avoid the interference of professors, students scheduled the game to coincide with Monday afternoon faculty meetings. On “bloody Monday” the brutal hazing of freshmen would take place on the football field at the hands of the once lowly sophomores now moved up in the class power structure. In 1923 the beating of Hobart freshman Lloyd Hyde resulted in two senior football players being expelled and three other senior athletes receiving lesser punishments for their involvement in the beating. The athletes who assaulted Hyde may have been members of the same fraternity. This would not have been uncommon during the 1920s, a decade when college fraternity hazing had become rampant. In February 1932 the editors of the Law Journal urged higher education authorities to ban all forms of hazing because “it does not make for education, but for barbarism.” Another seventy years passed before many public policy makers and educators recognized that the brutality associated with hazing constitutes criminal conduct and took steps to pass legislation barring it. Between 1990 and 2002 the number of antihazing statutes in the United States increased from twenty-five to forty-three.

Prevalence of Hazing among Athletes Despite the long history of negative hazing among athletes, people have done little research on the topic in general. The first baseline study of hazing was undertaken at the direction of Edward R. Koll, president of Alfred University, after an incident on that campus. Of the 2,027 athletes who responded to a national survey, 80 percent were subjected to what the researchers called “questionable” (humiliating or degrading) or “unacceptable” (high probability of causing physical injury and/or being illegal) activities as part of their initiation into a college sports team. More than 50 percent were involved in some kind of alcohol-related activity, and 35 percent participated in a drinking contest.

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Hazing Definitions of Hazing The legal definitions of hazing vary considerably from state to state. In Minnesota, for example, hazing is defined as a means of “committing an act against a student , or coercing a student into committing an act, that creates a substantial risk of harm to a person in order for the student to be initiated into or affiliated with a student organization” (Minnesota State Code 127.465). In contrast, the state of Florida uses this definition when determining if hazing as occurred: “As used in this section, ‘hazing’ means any action or situation which recklessly or intentionally endangers the mental or physical health or safety of a student for the purpose of initiation or admission into or affiliation with any organization operating under the sanction

Since that initial study others have followed. Based on the findings across these studies, several trends are emerging. Specifically, although the frequency of hazing does vary by sport, athletes may be hazed regardless of the sports they play. Men athletes are more likely to have physical harm done to them during hazing, whereas women athletes are more likely to experience humiliating or embarrassing forms of hazing. Additionally, significant numbers of athletes are unable to correctly define hazing while believing that being subjected to these kinds of experiences as a condition of joining a team is worth it. In effect, athletes who have been hazed and who haze have difficulty distinguishing between what they call “fun” and “hazing.”

Challenges In September 2004 Garrett Watterson, a first-year football player at Sandwich High School in Massachusetts, was the target of a “beatdown” by nine of his teammates. One of the blows he received resulted in a ruptured spleen. Initially, he told his family that he suffered the injury when tackled at practice. While Watterson was undergoing surgery, local prosecutors charged with felony assault and battery two of the players accused of

of a postsecondary institution. Such term includes, but is not limited to, any brutality of a physical nature, such as whipping, beating, branding, forced calisthenics, exposure to the elements, forced consumption of any food, liquor, drug, or other substance, or other forced physical activity which could adversely affect the physical health or safety of the student, and also includes any activity which would subject the student to extreme mental stress, such as sleep deprivation, forced exclusion from social contact, forced conduct which could result in extreme embarrassment, or other forced activity which could adversely affect the mental health or dignity of the student” (Florida State Code 240.1325).

instigating the beatdown and causing the injury, while the remaining players were charged with misdemeanor hazing. This example provides insight into the patterns that contribute to the difficulty that athletes have in distinguishing hazing that constitutes criminal conduct and/ or socially deviant behavior from benign hazing. Consistent with other types of interpersonal violence, denials on the part of both victims and perpetrators occur while strong codes of silence are enforced. At the same time, community members often rely on explanations or rationales to minimize the behavior. In this case, some students at the high school believed the incident was “blown out of proportion” and that the criminal charges were “excessive.” To demonstrate their support for the instigators, students wore T-shirts calling attention to the unfair treatment that the alleged perpetrators were receiving. This lack of sensitivity for the victims, coupled with the secretive nature of the practice, contributes to its potency as a socializing agent and the willingness of so many people to ignore the trauma caused to the victims. Hank Nuwer, an expert in the subject, points out recent trends in entertainment contribute in a negative way to

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the social mores that influence hazing. He notes, “The media standards have changed in terms of embarrassing somebody. We humiliate. We vote people off. Kids are very aware that you laugh at these things” (Wahl and Wertheim 2003, 68). When considered from the standpoint that hazing occurs among the young and is tied to a belief system that justifies this behavior as a necessary price of acceptance, the task of intervening is challenging.

The Future As more states have adopted antihazing laws, and as educational institutions have been called upon to develop student conduct codes that address hazing, systemic mechanisms to educate athletes about hazing are slowly being put into place. Perhaps in time these measures will result in more athletes being able to discern the difference between team-building exercises and forms of interpersonal violence. However, given the cycle of violence that exists in hazing, more education and education of the right kind are needed. Ellen J. Staurowsky See also Anti-Jock Movement; Youth Culture and Sports

Further Reading Egan, E., & Dempsey, B. (2004, June). Kids speak out: Hazing. Sports Illustrated for Kids, 16(6), 50–55. Ehrlich, J. H. (2003, December 2). Mepham investigation highlights limits to disclosing records. New York Law Journal, 16. Gershel, J. C., Katz-Sidlow, R. J., Small, E., & Zandieh, S. (2003, May). Hazing of suburban middle school and high school athletes. Journal of Adolescent Health, 32(5), 333–335. Johnson, J., & Holman, M. (2004). Making the team: Inside the world of sport, initiation, and hazing. Toronto, Canada: Canadian Scholars Press. Longman, J. (2004, September 29). At Mepham, play begins but the pain never ends. New York Times, p. D1. Nuwer, H. (2001). Wrongs of passage: Fraternities, sororities, hazing, and binge drinking. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press. Nuwer, H. (2003). The hazing reader. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press. Robinson, L. (1998). Baptized a hawk: Initiations in junior hockey. In L. Robinson (Ed.), Crossing the line: Violence and sexual assault in Canada’s national sport (pp. 56–64). Toronto, Canada: McClelland & Stewart.

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Smith, R. (1988). Sports and freedom: The rise of big-time college athletics. New York: Oxford University Press. Staurowsky, E. J. (2003). Hazing. In D. Cotton & J. Wolohan (Eds.), Law for recreation and sport managers (pp. 282–293). Dubuque, IA: Kendall/Hunt Publishing. Wahl, G., & Wertheim, L. J. (2003, December 22). A rite gone terribly wrong. Sports Illustrated, 99(24), 68.

Henley Regatta

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stablished on 26 March 1839, the Henley Regatta has been held at Henley-on-Thames, England, for more than 160 years amid world wars and issues of amateurism, foreign competitors, and participation by women. The regatta remains the world’s grandest spectacle in rowing, with the flair of the Victorian era preserved by its dress, protocol, Pimm’s (a liqueur), lemonade, and cucumber sandwiches in the Steward’s Area but juxtaposed against state-of-the-art rowing shells cutting through the calm surface of the Thames River. The regatta brings the British traditions of rowing and the modern complexity of the realm of crew into harmony for one week each June as contestants vie for prizes called the “Lady’s Plate,” the “Grand,” and the “Diamond Challenge Sculls.” The regatta originated after twenty thousand people were drawn to the banks of the river when Oxford and Cambridge crews in search of neutral water raced at Henley just outside London. The regatta began as the brainstorm of W. P. Williams-Freeman and Captain E. Gardiner, who sought to bring an event to the ancient river city. A regatta seemed a logical way to attract commerce and even a rail line. The regatta committee formed a board of stewards to host events that would draw competitors, spectators, and commerce. Seeking to attract as many types of boats and styles of rowing as possible, during its first ten years the regatta hosted only seven events, mainly singles, doubles, and fours events based on rivermen’s skills that had developed through the centuries into the amateur art of rowing. Getting crews of eight athletes—the eight being

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Vivian and Guy Nickalls, a successful team in the early twentieth century.

the premier rowing event—to participate was difficult because of the difficulties of transporting the rowing shells, which are about 18 meters long. The Henley course is considered to be hallowed ground. Along its banks Temple Island boasts the Etruscan-style Fawley Court Temple, built in 1771 by James Wyatt. This landmark is held in such high regard as part of the regatta tradition that it was purchased by the board of stewards and is typically referred to by the race announcers—when the shells race by it—as simply “Fawley time.” In 1850 the Henley race became a royal regatta when the town council, hoping to draw entries, sought the patronage of Prince Albert, who accepted.The royal family has graced the Steward’s Area ever since.

Not-So-Calm Waters The issue of foreign crews, in particular those of the U.S. laboring class, participating in the regatta and the issue of professional coaches coming to Henley and breaking the amateur code of the British gentleman athlete wreaked havoc among the regatta organizers as early as 1872, when a U.S. sculler (one who propels a boat by oars called “sculls”) raced for the Diamond Sculls prize. The issue seemed to become more poignant depending on who was winning or losing, especially when the British were beaten by the U.S., Belgian, and Canadian entrants in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Crews of the London Rowing Club, Cambridge, Oxford, and Leander—Britain’s oldest boat club, tracing its origin to 1818—considered rowing to be their sport and Henley to be their coveted

prize. Early incidents, such as in 1895 when the Cornell University eight rowed on in the Grand race, leaving Leander sitting at the start when a regatta official failed to hear the Leander club state that it was not ready to row, had British newspapers labeling U.S. entrants as poor sportsmen. The Vesper boat club of Philadelphia was banned from early regattas because of what the British saw as a violation of amateur status. Among the sporting figures to add to the issue of amateur status at Henley was U.S. racer Jack Kelly—father of Princess Grace of Monaco—who was reputed to have been refused entry to the Diamond Sculls race in 1920 because he had laid bricks one summer. Kelly went on the next month to win the Olympic gold medal at Antwerp, Belgium. Perhaps the greatest single competitor at Henley was Sean Drea of Ireland, who won the Diamond Sculls race three times in 1973, 1974, and 1975. World War I decimated the numbers of available British rowers, and the regatta fell upon hard times until 1919, when the Henley course was used for the Peace Regatta by Allied nations’ crews. Henley was the Olympic regatta course in 1908 and 1948. The regatta began to receive a flood of applications by foreign crews after World War II. From then on the regatta became a world-class event, equivalent to Olympic competition, although different in structure. Modern Olympic rowing competition takes place on a currentless course that is six lanes wide. Henley is raced two lanes at a time on a true river course in single elimination style—with the winner progressing.

HEPTATHLON

Today, as one hundred years ago, the course is laid out along the river with wooden posts and booms. The posts and booms make a canal out of the river, allowing other boat traffic to proceed by. After the regatta the posts and booms are dismantled and stored at regatta headquarters until the next year. Originally the course had a slight dog-leg, giving one crew an advantage; however, the modern course is a straight, fair, course for both crews.

Further Reading Burnell, R. (1989). Henley Royal Regatta: A celebration of 150 years. London: Trafalgar Square Publishers. Dodd, C. (1989). Henley Royal Regatta. London: William Heinemann. Tomalin, G. H. J. (1972). The Henley Royal Regatta since 1839: A pictorial review with text. Henley-on-Thames, UK: Julian Berrisford Associates. Underwood, L. (Ed.). Henley Royal Regatta 1839–1989. Ipswich, UK: Belgrave Publishing.

Heptathlon

Classes and Levels The rowing events can be classed as sweep rowing and sculling by eights, fours, pairs, and singles. At the top level are six open events for men and—added in the late twentieth century—three open events for women. Below the top level participants are regulated by age and racing experience in order to keep more experienced rowers, for instance, from mixing in with less talented rowers. At the intermediate level are three events for men who are considered the best of the club and student crews. The next level offers five men’s events for the majority of club and student oarsmen. Finally, two events are held for junior boys, who must be under the age of nineteen on regatta day. The events for open men are Grand Challenge Cup (8+), Stewards’ Challenge Cup (4–), Queen Mother Challenge Cup (4✕), Silver Goblets & Nickalls’ Challenge Cup (2–), Double Sculls Challenge Cup (2✕), and Diamond Challenge Sculls (1✕). The events for open women are Remenham Challenge Cup (8+), Princess Grace Challenge Cup (4✕), and Princess Royal Challenge Cup (1✕). The events for intermediate men are Ladies’ Challenge Plate (8+), Visitors’ Challenge Cup (4–), and Men’s Quadruple Sculls (4✕). The events for junior boys are Princess Elizabeth Challenge Cup (8+) and Fawley Challenge Cup (4✕). The events for club men are Thames Challenge Cup (8+), Wyfold Challenge Cup (4–), and Britannia Challenge Cup (4+). The events for student men are Temple Challenge Cup (8+) and Men’s Student Coxed Fours (4+). Susan Saint Sing

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he heptathlon, which consists of seven track-andfield events staged on two days, is the women’s counterpart of the men’s ten-event decathlon. The heptathlon was introduced in 1981 to replace the five-event pentathlon, which had been the major multiple-event competition for women. On the first day of a heptathlon athletes compete in high jump, shot put, 100-meter hurdles, and a 200meter race. On the second day athletes compete in javelin, long jump, and a 800-meter race. That the women’s event increased from five to seven events is an acknowledgment of women’s athletic ability and improving performances. That women do not yet compete in a decathlon indicates the continuing belief that women are not physically able to meet the demands of a ten-event competition.

Origins Before the early twentieth century either women did not participate in multiple-event competitions or their competitions were unrecorded. Thus, tracing the development of the heptathlon is a matter of tracing the growth of multiple-event competitions more generally. That growth has involved continuous revision of the number and type of events involved and of the scoring systems used to compare performances. Early multiple-event competitions were for men only and seem to have been linked with ideals of masculinity. In 708 BCE, for example, the Greeks introduced a pentathlon to their Olympic program. It incorporated

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running, discus, javelin, long jump, and wrestling. The pentathlon became the central event of the Olympics because Hellenism (devotion to or imitation of ancient Greek thought, customs, or styles) valued versatility. In modern times the opposite has become the case, with versatility viewed more as feminine and specialization more as masculine. The symbolism of the pentathlon as it relates to gender is complex. During the nineteenth century all-around competitions were held for men in Ireland, but the United States introduced them to formal athletics programs. The Amateur Athletics Union (AAU) championships in 1884 featured a ten-event competition that incorporated a 1-mile run, a 100-yard race, 120-yard hurdles, 880-yard walk, shot put, high jump, hammer throw, pole vault, 56-pound weight lift, and long jump.These events were completed in one day. Several versions of multiple-event competitions have been held around the world since that early competition. Some countries hold a one-hour decathlon. The best known, however, are the decathlon, a track and field event for men; the modern pentathlon, which involves fencing, shooting, horseback riding, swimming, and cross-country running; the triathlon, which involves cycling, running, and swimming; and the women’s heptathlon.

Development The women’s pentathlon is the earliest known multipleevent competition for women. National and international competitions began early during the twentieth century. They consisted of long jump, shot put, 100meter race, high jump, and javelin and took place during two days. One can view the introduction of the women’s pentathlon as the beginning of acceptance of athletic competition as a valid part of femininity. However, that the women’s pentathlon was not part of the Olympic program until 1964 indicates the limitations of such acceptance. After World War II the pentathlon program changed: Shot put, high jump, and the 200meter race took place on the first day and the long jump and 80-meter hurdles on the second day. The program was altered again in 1961, with the 80-meter hurdles moved to the first day and the 200-meter race to

the second. The distance for hurdles was changed to 100 meters in 1969. After 1977 all events took place on one day, the order being 100-meter hurdles, shot put, high jump, long jump, and 800-meter race. The heptathlon was introduced in 1981. During the early twentieth century women’s pentathlon events were taking place at the amateur level long before they were introduced to the Olympics. An increasing number of heptathlon competitions have been held since 1981 at elite and nonelite levels in the United States, Europe, Africa, and Asia. College-level competitions also are held in the United States. However, the heptathlon remains a minority sport for women.

Competition at the Top Although the pentathlon and the heptathlon retain minority status, both have had notable women competitors and closely fought contests. Comparing women’s performances across time is difficult because of the changing nature of the event and the different scoring systems used. In 1938 the record for the pentathlon was held by Gisela Mauermayer of Germany, who scored 418 points. Her performance, which took place in Stuttgart, Germany, included a 13.07-meter shot put, a 5.62-meter long jump, a time of 12.4 seconds in the 100-meter hurdles, a 1.56-meter high jump, and a 36.90-meter javelin throw. Mauermayer was the top woman athlete of the prewar period. She also held world records in the shot put (Warsaw, 1934) and the discus (Berlin, 1936) and ran on the relay team that broke the record at the 4 ✕ 100-meter race in the Berlin Olympics in 1936. Indeed, top heptathletes have often held records in other individual events. Fanny Blankers-Koen of the Netherlands was the first record holder in the postwar version of the pentathlon. Blankers-Koen scored a total of 4,692 points with a 11.50-meter shot put, a 1.60-meter high jump, 24.4 seconds in the 200-meter run, 11.4 seconds in the 80-meter hurdles, and a 5.88-meter long jump. Irena Press of the Soviet Union was an elite performer of the post-1961 pentathlon with 10.7 seconds in the 80meter hurdles, 17.16 meters in the shot put, 1.63 meters in the high jump, 6.24 meters in the long jump, and

HIGHLAND GAMES

24.7 seconds in the 200-meter run. After the hurdles distance was changed to 100 meters in 1969, Burglinde Pollak of East Germany turned in a great performance at Erfurt, Germany, in 1970 with 13.3 seconds in the 100-meter hurdles, 15.57 meters in the shot put, 1.75 meters in the high jump, 6.20 meters in the long jump, and 23.8 seconds in the 200-meter run. At the 1972 Olympics in Munich, Germany, Heide Rosendahl of West Germany and Mary Peters of Great Britain both broke the world record, with Peters winning marginally by ten points in the last event, which was a 200-meter race in which Rosendahl actually finished ahead of Peters. An even closer contest occurred at the Montreal Olympics in 1976 when Siegrun Siegl and Christine Laser, both of East Germany, finished with the same score. Judges decided to award the victory on the basis of which athlete had performed better than the other in the most events: Siegl had outperformed Laser in three of five events. Although Ramona Neubert of East Germany was the first world record holder in the heptathlon, Jackie Joyner-Kersee has been the best-known heptathlete. At the 1986 Goodwill Games in Moscow Joyner-Kersee became the first woman to score more than seven thousand points (7,184).The records she set in the event are indicative of women’s growing achievement in the heptathlon: 12.85 seconds in the 100-meter hurdles, 1.88 meters in the high jump, 14.76 meters in the shot put, 23.00 seconds in the 200-meter run, 7.01 meters in the long jump, 49.86 meters in the javelin, and 2 minutes, 10.02 seconds in the 800-meter race. In the 1988 Olympics in Seoul, South Korea, Joyner-Kersee scored 7,291 points—394 points ahead of her nearest rival. She dropped out of the Olympics in Atlanta, Georgia, in 1996 because of injury and retired in 1998 after winning her fourth Goodwill Games heptathlon. She has held the heptathlon world record since 1986. The gold medal winner at Atlanta was Ghada Shouaa, who became Syria’s first gold medal winner. She also won the gold medal at the 1995 world championships. That Shouaa is a Christian and also the first gold medal winner from Syria—a Muslim country— shows how gender, culture, and sport interact.

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Scoring The heptathlon scoring system is based on the idea that different skills can be measured in such a way that comparison among athletes is possible. Although the heptathlon is based on the idea that participants display their all-around athleticism, excellence in one or two events often may determine the victor. The events are assigned scores whose primary purpose is to rank competitors, not to weigh the absolute and relative value of performances in all events. Nevertheless, controversy has surrounded the adequacy of different scoring systems. As a consequence, they have changed over time.

The Future One might argue that women’s equality in multipleevent competitions will not be achieved until a women’s decathlon is created. However, as the following anonymous poem suggests, for many people the heptathlon is the ultimate in sporting participation. The magnificent seven, the perfect score Two days, seven trials, and chances to soar Towards heaven the luck magnificent seven

Andrea Abbas

Further Reading Payne, H., & Payne, R. (1981). The science of track and field athletics. London: Pelham Books. Quercetani, R. L. (1990). Athletics: A history of modern track and field athletics (1860–1990). Milan, Italy: Vallardi & Associati.

Highland Games

T

he Highland Games are competitive gatherings held throughout the world to celebrate the heritage of Scotland’s Highlanders.The games are particularly popular in Scotland, Canada, and the United States but take place wherever a large population of Scots lives. Scottish “clans,” somewhat complex extended family groups, gather at these meetings to watch and participate in games on the local, national, and international levels.

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Among her most noted accomplishments, Cynthia Morrison was the first woman to compete in the Scotland Highland Games “heavy athletics” contest in 1994.

The events held at games vary, but three main competitive event categories exist at most games: athletics, piping, and dancing. Other events include tug-of-war, wrestling, and fiddling. Competition is open to persons of any background, not just those of Scottish heritage. Professional and amateur sections exist for competition, and the athletic competitions have women’s, men’s, and masters’ divisions.

Origins Precursors of the games had been held for hundreds of years. Highlander clans would often relax after a successful hunt by testing each other’s prowess at sports or by proving who had the mightiest warriors. More formally, the Braemar Gathering dates back to the reign of King Malcolm III of Scotland (1057–1093), and the Ceres Games in Fife, Scotland, claim to date back to 1314. The modern revival of the games is linked to the status of Highlanders in Great Britain. Highlanders were separated from the rest of Scotland not only by mountains but also by language (Gaelic) and culture. After the last Jacobite (a partisan of James II of England or of the Stuarts after the revolution of 1688) rising the English attempted to quell further rebellion by passing the 1747 Act of Proscription, preventing Scottish Highlanders from playing the pipes, wearing their native kilt, or doing anything linked with Highland tradition. Eventually the importance of celebrating Scottish Highland traditions grew out of this suppression. The first Highland Society Gathering was held in 1781 at Falkirk Tryst, and the Act of Proscription was repealed in 1782. Annual Highland Games were supported by the St. Fillian’s Society by 1819. A turning point in Highland Games history occurred when Queen Victoria of England attended the Braemar Gathering in 1848. With her interest in Highlander culture and purchase of an estate in the area, everything connected with the Highlands became fashionable. Royalty continues to support the games by appearing at the Braemar Gathering. In the United States the First Sportive Meeting of the

Highland Society of New York was held in 1836. Canada’s oldest games (1863) are still held by the Antigonish Highland Society.

Athletics Athletics at the games include “heavy events” and “light events” (running and jumping events). The main heavy events are the caber toss, stone throw, weight throw, weight toss, hammer throw, and the sheaf toss. The implements used often vary in size and weight, making record keeping nearly impossible from year to year in the Highland Games. The caber toss is perhaps the most famous event. The caber, a trimmed tree trunk tapered at one end, is usually 4.8–6.7 meters long and 40–59 kilograms in weight. A competitor lifts it, runs with it in any direction, and then attempts to flip it so it lands in the

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People understand contests. You take a bunch of kids throwing rocks at random and people look askance, but if you go and hold a rock-throwing contest—people understand that. ■ DON MURRAY

ground straight up with the top side down (considered “twelve o’clock”). Each competitor gets three attempts, and the winner is the competitor who turned the caber closest to twelve o’clock, with every landing from nine o’clock to three o’clock being judged a valid toss. If no one makes a valid toss, the caber is trimmed to a shorter length until at least one competitor can flip it within the acceptable range. This event originated during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries as forestry workers of the Highlands pitched logs into rivers. The stone throw originated from the “stone of strength” (clachneart) that was often found outside of the homes of Highland clan chieftains. Visitors to a home were encouraged to test their strength by throwing this stone. Today’s stone weighs 7.2–14.5 kilograms (3.6–5.4 kilograms for women), is thrown for distance, and usually taken from a local stream. The weight used in the weight throw (12.7–25.4 kilograms for men, 6.3–12.7 kilograms for women) is attached to a handle or ring by a chain measuring not more than 45 centimeters. The weight is squared off or spherical and is thrown for distance with one hand. The hammer used in the hammer throw is a metal ball weighing 7.5–9.9 kilograms (5.4–7.2 kilograms for women). It is attached to a handle made of wood or cane and thrown for distance. The competitor swings the hammer around his head a few times before release. In the weight toss and the sheaf toss a competitor throws an implement (weight toss: 25.4 kilograms for men, 12.7 kilograms for women; sheaf toss: a 7.2- to 9 kilogram bag of hay or sticks for men, a 4.5- to 5.4-kilogram bag of hay or sticks for women) over a crossbar without dislodging it, with three attempts at each height before the crossbar is raised. In the weight toss a competitor must stand directly under the crossbar, throwing the weight over the bar in an arc.

Piping Piping is a Scottish tradition dating back to 100 CE; bagpipes became popular during the eleventh century. Pipers compete as individuals or as part of a pipe and drum band. Pipers use the Highland bagpipe, which

has a scale that differs from pipes of other countries. Judges score the events, with pipe bands being judged 60 percent on piping, 20 percent on drumming, and 20 percent on members’ work together. Specific types of music, such as the march, the strathspey, the reel, the hornpipe, the jig, and the piobaireachd, are used in the different levels of competition.

Dancing Highland dancing is competitive and strenuous. Men and women compete in different costumes: men in a kilt, doublet (jacket), sporran (pouch worn at the waist, often covered in fur), and hat; women in “Aboyne dress”: vested white blouse, plaid over the shoulder, and a full, graceful skirt. Dancers are judged 80 percent on technique, 10 percent on general deportment, and 10 percent on timing. Usually a piper provides music. Dance competitions include the Highland fling, the sword dance (gille chaluim), seann triubhas, and the reel. Competitors belong to one of five classifications, the highest being “open.”

The Future The Highland Games continue to attract thousands of spectators and are one of Scotland’s main tourist attractions. Today nearly one hundred games a year are held in Scotland, about three hundred across the United States and Canada, and many other annual gatherings around the world as people find family togetherness through the Scottish clans and kinship of the Highland Games. Christina L. Hennessey

Further Reading Brander, M. (1992). The essential guide to the Highland Games. Edinburgh, UK: Canongate Press. Donaldson, E. A. (1986). The Scottish Highland Games in America. Gretna, LA: Pelican Publishing. Jarvie, G. (1991). Highland Games: The making of the myth. Edinburgh, UK: Edinburgh University Press. Lynch, M. (2001). The Oxford companion to Scottish history. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. Scottish Official Highland Dancing Association. (1994). The A.B.C. of

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Highland dancing & games directory. North Berwick, UK: Kinmor Music. Vroblesky, V., & Snyder, C. (1988). The Scottish athletic events: A portrait of the heptathlon in America. Bruceton Mills, WV: Scotpress. Webster, D. (1973). Scottish Highland Games. Edinburgh, UK: Reprographia.

Hockey, Field

F

ield hockey evolved as a stick-and-ball game with a heavy British influence—from the creation of the rules of the game to its being played throughout the world. Originally referred to as “hockey,” it is now called “field hockey” to make the distinction from ice hockey.

Early History of the Game Field hockey is one of the oldest “stick-and-ball ” games. It flourished as far back as the early part of the Middle Kingdom dynasty of Egypt (2000–1786 BCE), as depicted in tomb paintings. Similar forms of the game were also cited or depicted in the antiquity of Ethiopia, Greece, Rome, and even by the Aztecs in South America. Related stick and ball games of earlier times include hocquet (French for a shepherds’ crook) referring to the shape of the stick, hurley (Ireland), bandy (England) and shinty (Scotland). The modern history of field hockey began in England where the game was introduced to the elite colleges and public schools-comparable to America’s Ivy League and private schools. The sport was quickly embraced and spread to other countries. In most other countries the men have very high visibility, except in North America, where although men do play the game, there is a general perception that it is a women’s sport.

The Game Develops The early modern history of field hockey is fragmentary for both men and women. The first documented rules for men were from England for the Blackhealth Hockey Club in 1861 and for Eaton College in 1868. By the early 1900s men’s field hockey had spread to the

United States, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and several other countries by the turn of the century. Men’s hockey was spread throughout the Continent and then the world, mostly through Britain’s military presence in many countries including India and Pakistan, who would become two of the dominate countries in this sport. Men’s field hockey developed quite differently from the women’s game and each game existed separately until the 1970s. Field hockey became an Olympic event for men in 1908 with England, Scotland, Ireland and Wales as well as France and Germany competing for the first gold medal. For the following decades, hockey would appear in the Olympics at irregular intervals until 1928 when it became a permanent event. One of the critical changes that provided consistency and stability was the establishment of a world governing body. In 1924, Paul Léautey, a Frenchman, invited hockey officials from Austria, Belgium, Czechoslovakia, France, Hungary, Spain, and Switzerland to a meeting to discuss the need to unify field hockey development. With their support he created the Fédération Internationale de Hockey sur Gazon to serve as the official organization for field hockey. Other countries that have added teams in the past decades include the Netherlands, South Africa, Hong Kong, Japan, Egypt, Trinidad and Tobago, and most recently the United Arab Emirates. The top ten teams based on the 8 December 2003 rankings are Germany, Netherlands, Australia, Korea, Pakistan, India, Argentina, England, Spain, and Malaysia. One of the extraordinary records in field hockey is the “golden era” of India’s Olympic teams. From 1928 to 1956, India won six consecutive gold medals with a stellar record of 28 straight victories, scoring 178 goals and allowing only 7. Some of the major rule changes include the introduction of the penalty corner in 1908, calling different types of stick interferences in 1938, and changing from two substitutions to unlimited (rolling) substitutions. With the unlimited substitutions, the game has increased in flexibility and in the evolution of specialty players especially on the short corner.

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Games played with the ball, and others of that nature, are too violent for the body and stamp no character on the mind. ■ THOMAS JEFFERSON

The Women’s Game In 1887 the Molesey Ladies Hockey Club was credited for adapting hockey for the enjoyment of women. Field hockey was quickly incorporated into the programs of several public schools in Scotland and England and clubs, both college and recreational, were also formed by the late 1880s. From 1889 onward, associations in the north and south territories of England, Wales, and Scotland had been established. The first women’s hockey publication, The Hockey Field, was started in England by Edith Thompson in 1901. Although sources credit hockey being played at Goucher College as early as 1897, the establishment of women’s field hockey in the United States has been primarily associated with Constance M. K. Applebee (1873–1981), who introduced the sport in 1901. In January 1922, the United States Field Hockey Association (USFHA) was created. The sport for women had expanded in the southern hemisphere by 1903 with the establishment of the Australian Women’s Hockey Club in Sydney. Five years later, New Zealand formed their own association. Japan and Korea were competing by the 1930s. Worldwide expansion notwithstanding, women’s European teams have always had an advantage in opportunities for competition over other teams in other parts of the world since Europe had the greatest concentration of women players in the smallest geographical area. The first postwar request for women’s field hockey to be added to the Olympic program was made in 1946. The International Olympic Committee’s (IOC) rejection prompted the FIH to propose a World Festival of Women’s Hockey in May 1948 in Amsterdam. The 1960s saw changes in attitudes that began to infiltrate the associations as politics began to influence the development of the sport. The IFWHA was faced with a decision on whether or not to hold the 1971 tournament in South Africa. Acutely aware of apartheid, IFWHA made an unprecedented boycott and moved the host location to New Zealand. At the same time the organization was experiencing financial pressures. In order to obtain government funding of national sport

teams, the IFWHA relinquished its non-competitive policies and ranked its member teams, so at the tournament unofficial rankings as well as a winner were announced. The tournament in Edinburgh, Scotland in 1975 was the first World Championship for Women sanctioned by the IFWHA. For its part, every two years since 1970, the FIH had been holding a sponsored competition, known after 1974 as the FIH Women’s World Cup. Individual countries began to establish their team’s training and competition schedules around these international events. As increasing commitments of time and energy were required of players, countries were forced to think of new ways to sustain and compensate them. The discussion of inclusion of women’s field hockey in the Olympics underwent serious consideration by the International Olympic Committee in the 1970s. A 1974 membership poll of 34 member associations revealed 17 in favor, 6 opposed, and 2 undecided. Even within the group that supported consideration, there was concern that the high ideals of the IFWHA might be compromised by a transfer to the Olympics. While the debate on inclusion in the Olympics continued in the February 1975 meeting, the IFWHA received a letter from the FIH that the IOC had notified the FIH that the women’s event had been approved. In 1976, the IOC announced that women’s field hockey would be included in the 1980 Olympics. An example of addressing a venue for player development at elite level was made in 1977 when the first FIH junior cup for girls was held. With the Olympics on the horizon, women’s hockey appeared in the Soviet Union in 1977 with teams formed in the southern Ukraine and Uzbekistan. Women were also integrated into the Soviet field hockey association and the national women’s teams began to compete in 1979. China appeared on the women’s scene in 1994 and since 2000 the team has secured international status ranked in the top five teams. Currently there are 114 countries represented through national associations that are members of the FIH. Playing opportunities range from country to country.

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An English woman playing field hockey around 1900. The All England Women’s Hockey Association was formed in 1895.

Development opportunities may include players under 15, 16, 18, and 21. Sometimes there are opportunities for veterans or Master level players. Club teams can include recreational, competitive, local, and college.

Major Controversies in the Sport. For both men and women, the selection process of national governing bodies as well as the FIH continues to appear in the media, especially for elite competitions such as the Olympics. Each association has its own selection criteria for each competition, sometimes through player rankings along with other types of evaluations. There is also an appeal process that is available for dissatisfied players and coaches to use. Sometimes player and coach personalities conflict, as well as those of fellow players, beyond a workable level. Therefore, although the player might be the most talented and skilled player, there is such a negative contribution to the team’s composition that they are not selected. Recent examples include the exclusion and subsequent discussion on whether or not Dhanaraj Pillay should be a member of India’s Olympic team in 2004. On occasion organizational politics arise in selection of players and coaches to the dissatisfaction of other players or officials such as the appointment and resulting resignation of Tracey Belbin in 2003 as the women’s coach of the United States. Another controversial issue has been the merger between men’s and women’s associations and governing bodies. The Fédération Internationale de Hockey sur

Gazon (FIH) was founded in 1924 by Mr. Paul Léautey representing both men and women. In 1927 the International Federation of Women’s Hockey Association (IFWHA) was formed. The major objectives of the IFWHA were to “standardize and popularize the game of field hockey among women of all nations.” The founding members of the IFWHA were Australia, Denmark, England, Ireland, Scotland, South Africa, the United States, and Wales. With the establishment of the IFWHA, there were now two hockey federations: one focused on women and one included both sexes. A love-hate relationship between the two federations arose and persisted for close to half a century. The major conflicts between the FIH and the IFWHA revolved around membership in regards to participation in the matches and the rules. As IFWHA membership expanded, the issue of how to handle the teams that were associated with the FIH arose. In 1953 a joint consultative committee between IFWHA and FIH was formed to promote exchanges of information and cooperation between both Federations and ultimately secure uniformity in the rules and regulations and sensitive issue of participation in international matches. Besides its own set of rules, the IFWHA required that its games be officiated by women officials while FIH matches permitted male officials. FIH also required that any rules of play had to be established by an independent rules-making body just like the International Hockey Rules Board (IHRB); a formal organization, comparable rules-making process, established committee membership, and actual rules of play. Talks stalled because FIH would not agree to recognize any decisions made by the IFWHA Rules and Umpiring sub-committee until an independent rules-making body was established. In September 1966, a constitution for the proposed independent rules-making body was accepted and in January 1967, the Women’s International Hockey Rules Board was established by unanimous vote and would work in close cooperation with IHRB. The ongoing conflict between these two organizations was one reason that field hockey for women was

HOCKEY, FIELD

not included in the Olympics until 1980. Unable to mediate between the two, the IOC had continuously recognized the FIH as the official organization for men’s and women’s field hockey. In 1979, the officers of the IFWHA began negotiations with the FIH. As the positioning and posturing continued, it seemed that the FIH was maintaining control of power and not attempting to provide an equitable transition for the IFWHA. Finally in 1981, the IFWHA was absorbed into the FIH. Since then all national organizations have gradually merged to one governing body that is responsible for all members. One of the concerns that had been expressed within the IFWHA before the merger was finding ways to increase female interest in coaching and officiating at all levels and that with the number of male coaches in FIH, a merger would lessen opportunities for females. One of the ironic controversies for males in the United States is that with limited opportunities to play at all levels in male league; males try to get on female teams to gain playing experience. Field hockey in the United States is considered a women’s sport reflected in the history and control of the development and evolution of the sport. Men formed the Field Hockey Association of America (FHAA) in 1928, four years after the women, spearheaded by Henry Greer, and since then have struggled to develop a program for boys and men. Conversely, the merging of FHAA to the United States Field Hockey Association (USFHA) helped provide financial support and some structure to enhance male participation. Field hockey has become one of the few sports where males have tried to use Title IX and related legal cases to argue a case to allow males to participate on female teams at various levels. There are mixed emotions and reactions to this situation as many believe boys would intimidate girls through physical advantages as well as skew the game from its philosophical construction towards females. The political decision of several countries to boycott the Olympics in 1980, the first year for women to compete at that level, has for some, disadvantaged the de-

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velopment of women’s programs as it delayed their competitive presence at the global level.

Nature of the Sport Eleven players including a goaltender make up a team and there are many variations on how players may be arranged on the field depending on the coaches and the skill and talent of the players. Positions fall into three categories; attack, midfield (playing both attack and defense), and defenders. The point of the game is to score more goals than the other team. Players wear a uniform of shirt, skirts or shorts, mouth and shin guards. The goalie wears protective equipment that includes a helmet with facemask, gloves, leg pads, booties, and many wear mouth and neck guards as well as chest protectors.

EQUIPMENT Players use a stick 35 inches (90cm) long made of wood or specific synthetic materials which tapers to the bottom of the stick to a short hook curved (rounded) at the bottom to hit the ball which is 2.75 inches (7 cm) in diameter. The shaft of the stick to the “head” is flattened on one side so the ball can be easily hit. The playing field is 100 yards long (91.4 m) and 60 yards wide (55 m) with flags placed at each corner of the field.There is a scoring circle, which is really an arch, in front of each goal of which the radius measures 16 yards (14.63 m). Goals are rectangular 6.8 feet (2.1 meters) high and 12 feet (3.7 meters) wide, measured by goal posts and crossbar, white in color, 2 inches wide (50 mm) and 3 inches (75 mm) deep.There are two side boards 4 feet (1.22mm) long and 18 inches (460 mm) high and a backboard of the same height and a 12 foot (3.66m) long line at the base of the goal with a net behind them. The net hangs loosely to prevent the ball from rebounding after a shot. Goals are placed at the center of the goal line also referred to as the back line. There are two officials or umpires, who make calls for off-sides, player offenses, as well as check equipment including sticks, goals, field, uniforms and lineups.

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Field hockey uses what is called a “mandatory experiment” to test for a time a proposed change that the Hockey Rules Board has included in the Rules of Hockey. Until it becomes an official rule, all members of all hockey federations must play by this rule. Two mandatory experiments currently under review are allowing a defender to use the stick to stop or deflect a shot at goal at any height and not requiring the ball to be stopped before a shot at the goal at a penalty corner. To learn about the many other rules in field hockey go to www.fihockey.org and click on rules.

Competition at the Top Hockey became an Olympic event for men in 1908 with a sporadic existence until 1928.Women played in their own international competitions until 1980 when approval for Olympic participation was given by the IOC. The method of world ranking recently established by the FIH includes the following major tournaments over a four-year period. Olympic Games (including qualifying events), World Cup (including qualifying events), Champions Trophy, Champions Challenge, and the Continental Federation Championships as well as their qualifying events. Other competitions include European championships, Asian Games, Pan American Games, African Games, Commonwealth Games (every 4 years), and the Junior World Cup (every 4 years). There have been many honored athletes and coaches in field hockey including: Beth Anders, (United States, player and coach), Ric Charlesworth (Australia women’s coach), Carsten Fisher (Germany), Marieke van Dorn (Netherlands), Katrina Masotta (Argentina), Marina vander Merwe (Canadian Women’s coach), Balbir Singh (India) and Dhyan Chand (India).

Governing Body The Fédération Internationale de Hockey sur Gazon (FIH) was founded in 1924 as the world governing body and in 1979, incorporated the International Federation of Women’s Hockey Association (IFWHA). One can locate information on other federations and associations at the website (www.fihockey.org). Hockey

Rules Board functions as the body for the creation, revision, deletion, and testing of rules to benefit the game and maintain the safety of the players. Information on the Board is located in the rules sections of the FIH website.

Indoor Hockey Not to be confused with street hockey, floor hockey, or floorball, indoor hockey is field hockey moved inside. It has been in existence at least forty years serving as a way for players to continue and maintain their momentum over the winter months. The FIH published its first indoors rule book in 1966; prior to that time, the German Hockey Association produced the rules. Two years later, the FIH formally recognized the indoor game and included indoor hockey as part of hockey in their Constitution revision. In 1988, rule responsibilities were transferred to the Hockey Rules Board. Competition started in Europe in 1974 with the European Indoor Cup for men and women and would be held every three years. The first Pan American Cup was held 17 March 2002 in the U.S., where it was decided which teams would be participating in the first international world competition that would be held in Leipzig, Germany in 2003. One of the concerns about the tournament was the number of scheduling conflicts and tapping of the player pools, that not necessarily the best teams or players would be present. The rules are adapted to the smaller and shorter field. There are six players including the goalkeeper. Two umpires with a playing time of 20 minutes in a half each have 5 minutes half time. Other specifics of the rules can be found in the rules section of the FIH website.

The Future Field hockey has had several challenges in the last few decades, a critical one being the possible elimination from the Olympics.The FIH is working on ways to maintain interest and support of the sport as membership continues to remain fairly consistent. Providing international rankings, and testing rule changes to help improve the game for both players and spectators are

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A good hockey player plays where the puck is. A great hockey player plays where the puck is going to be. ■ WAYNE GRETZKY

hopefully steps to help maintain the status of the sport. However, as other national governing bodies also have to address the many issues for their members including organizational structure and financial stability, there will need to be discussion on all levels with all those who are invested in the continuation of the sport to contribute their insights, suggestions, and concerns for its success. Mila C. Su

Further Reading Adelson, B. (2000). The composite guide to field hockey. Philadelphia: Chelsea House Publishers. Cox, R., Jarvie, G., & Vamplew, W. (Eds.). (2000). Encyclopedia of British sport. Oxford, UK: ABC-CLIO. Fédération Internationale de Hockey. (2004). Retrieved November 24, 2004, from http://www.fihockey.org/ Grant, C. H. B. (1984). Gender gap in sport: From Olympic to intercollegiate level. Arena Review, 8(2), 31–47. Home of Hockey. (1998). Retrieved November 24, 2004, from http:// www.fieldhockey.com McBryde, J. (1986). The bipartite development of hockey: The bipartite development of men’s and women’s field hockey in Canada in the context of separate international hockey federations. Master’s thesis. Vancouver, BC: University of British Columbia. Shaner, J. P. (1975). The history and development of the International Federation of Women’s Hockey Association. Master’s thesis. Northampton, MA: Smith College.

Hockey, Ice

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ce hockey is a winter sport played on an ice rink. Two teams of players wearing skates and utilizing long sticks with a curved blade at the end attempt to put a hard rubber puck into their opponent’s net. Ice hockey requires players to be able to skate, stickhandle the puck, pass the puck, and shoot on goal. It is often called the fastest game on earth. Ice hockey can be played both indoors and outdoors, but it is primarily played indoors at an organized level. There are numerous other versions of hockey including in-line, street, ball, and floor hockey. Since the first modern game of hockey was played indoors in Canada in 1875, the game has developed ex-

tensively in Canada and the United States but it also very popular in Sweden, Finland, the Czech Republic, Russia, and most of the countries that formed after the demise of the USSR. These countries with cold winters have dominated the sport of ice hockey at the international level. The game has recently begun to attract participants from countries with warmer climates, such as Brazil and Mexico. The number of countries belonging to the International Ice Hockey Federation (IIHF), the international governing body of ice hockey, now exceeds fifty, including the most recent members, Macedonia and Liechtenstein, who joined in 2001.

History Many scholars of the game believe that early versions of ice hockey were played by ancient Egyptians, Greeks, Romans, and Arabs. In more recent history a number of sports have been recognized as early forms of the modern game of ice hockey. The sport of Irish hurling featured a stick that resembled a hockey stick. The English game of field hockey has distinct similarities but is played on grass. The Native American game of baggataway, which developed into the modern game of lacrosse, also had distinct similarities to the early game of ice hockey. Games that even more closely resembled hockey were played in Canada, Britain, Holland, and many other countries where it was cold enough for rivers, ponds, or lakes to freeze. It is generally accepted, although conflicting accounts exist, that British soldiers stationed in Canada created the modern version of the game in the 1850s. Despite the difficulty of articulating the exact historical origins of the game of ice hockey, there is little dispute that the first modern indoor ice hockey game was played on 3 March 1875, at the Victoria Skating Rink in Montreal, Canada. The Stanley Cup, which is considered one of the most prestigious trophies in ice hockey, was created in 1893, when Lord Stanley of Preston, governor general of Canada, decided that the leading hockey club in Canada each year should be awarded. It is the oldest professional team sport trophy. The first North American league was the very short-lived International Hockey

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League (IHL). It was followed by the National Hockey Association (NHA) in 1910 and the Pacific Coast Hockey Association (PCHA) in 1911.Teams from these two leagues eventually played for the Stanley Cup trophy until 1917. The NHA folded in 1917, and it immediately reemerged as the National Hockey League (NHL). The PCHA folded in 1926, leaving the NHL as the only professional league in Canada and the United States. The NHL eventually settled as a six-team league until the growing popularity of the game led to expansion in the late 1960s and 1970s that continued through the 1990s.The NHL currently has thirty teams, twenty-five in the United States and five in Canada and is considered the best professional ice hockey league in the world. The International Ice Hockey Federation (IIHF) was created in 1908 to govern, develop, and promote ice hockey throughout the world. It was originally called the Ligue Internationale de Hockey sur Glace (LIHG) and was based in Europe. The founding member countries were France, Bohemia, Great Britain, Switzerland, and Belgium. The first European Championships were held in 1910 in conjunction with the congress of the LIHG. Many of the LIHG teams competed in the first Olympic ice hockey tournament in the 1920 Summer Olympic Games in Antwerp. Canada and the United States were added to the organization shortly after the first Olympic tournament and were the first nonEuropean countries admitted to the LIHG. The 1924 Chamonix Winter Olympic Games were the first Winter Olympics, and the hockey event was also considered the world championship. In 1928 the Olympics, World, and European Championships were all held at the same time. The leaders of the LIHG decided to hold world championships every year beginning in 1930. Canada dominated early international competition, winning six of the first seven Olympic gold medals. But Canada was replaced on top of the ice hockey podium by the USSR. Between 1952 and the breakup of the USSR, it was a dominant force in international competition. The result of the breakup of the USSR has been a degree of parity in international ice hockey competition.

Ice hockey is growing in popularity worldwide. The IIHF now has over fifty member federations. There has been continuous growth in the game of hockey as it has spread across the globe. In the 1990s national hockey federations from Iceland, Andorra, Ireland, Israel, Turkey, Singapore, Argentina, and Namibia joined the IIHF. Hockey is regarded as the fastest growing sport for women and girls in Canada, and the entrance of women’s hockey in the Olympics, with the 1998 Nagano Games, helped to promote the game for girls and women worldwide. The National Hockey League has expanded to include teams in many warm-climate cities, such as Dallas and Tampa. Despite this expansion the NHL has struggled in the United States to compete with basketball, football and baseball and remains a distant fourth to the big three in terms of spectator support.

Nature of the Game Indoor ice hockey is played on a patch of ice commonly referred to as a rink. A rink in Canada or the United States is typically 200 feet long and 85 feet wide. In Europe a rink is slightly longer than 200 feet but significantly wider than North American rinks at 98.5 feet. The rink is generally rectangular in shape but the corners are rounded. The ice surface is surrounded by boards that have Plexiglass and netting on top to keep the puck from going into the stands and injuring spectators. The playing surface is divided into three zones marked by lines painted on the ice. A red line runs across the width of the ice and splits the surface into two equal halves. Two blue lines are placed approximately forty feet on each side of the red centerline. The area between the two blue lines is called the neutral zone. There are also two thin red goal lines placed approximately ten feet from the end of the boards. The goals are placed on these lines. The area between the goal line and blue line is referred to as the end zone or as the defending and attacking zones. In addition to these five lines there are five face off circles painted on a rink. Two face-off circles are located in each end zone and one at center ice. Face-offs can be taken within any of these face-off circles or at four other face-off spots

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Hockey, Ice Competition for Players in the 1890s As the number of teams grew, so did competition for players. The following account of the Ontario Hockey Association Meeting in 1895 outlines this and other issues affecting ice hockey’s early development into a professional sport. On Saturday afternoon when the annual parliament of the Ontario Hockey Association was convened at the Queen’s Hotel nearly 50 delegates were present, representing about 20 clubs, an increase over the last yearly gathering of 30 delegates. Last year there was an appreciable decrease in the interest in the game taken in Toronto, which could be ascribed to the lack of a first-class representative city team, but legislation towards the formation of such a seven was enacted by the hockeyists on Saturday, both the local and outside delegates combining in furthering the scheme. Many telling arguments were used by VicePresident McFadden in favor of establishing an intermediate series, which would embrace all the clubs that have proved themselves to be too strong for the junior and too weak for the senior, but it was thought by a goodly proportion of the members that the time was hardly ripe enough for so radical a change, and the matter was left in abeyance. . . . The first business transacted was the admittance of Norwood, Lindsay and the Victorias of Kingston to the full privileges of the full privileges of the association. The latter club takes the place vacated by the

with the neutral zone. The only players allowed inside the face-off circles are the two players taking the face-off. Each player must be equipped with a stick and substantial protective equipment, including a helmet with a cage or shield, shoulder pads, elbow pads, hockey gloves, padded hockey pants, shin guards, and skates. The players must also have hockey socks that cover the shin guards and a hockey jersey that is worn on top of the shoulder and elbow pads. The puck is a very hard black rubber disc that is 1 inch thick and 3 inches in diameter with the top and bottom flat surfaces being very smooth to allow the puck to slide easily across the ice.

Athletics, but does not assume their liabilities. President Brown in opening the proceedings spoke glowingly of the progress of the association, which he though was largely due to the energetic efforts of the Secretary. . . . The large attendance he thought spoke well for the future of the game. The sub-committee’s report . . . expressed the opinion that the number of clubs in the senior series in Toronto and elsewhere was too great and the matches too many. It was pointed out that the Canadian Hockey Association is a five club league, and that a city the size of Ottawa was allowed only one team in the senior series. Treasurer A.R. Creelman’s statement . . . showed that the affairs of the association financially were all that could be desired, there being a balance of $191.49. . . . McFadden wanted the rules altered so that a player could not play for more than one club during one season. This would shut out Bank League players from participation in the O.H.A. cup matches, and it seemed to be the general opinion that the league was the chief factor in the surfeit of hockey that Toronto had last year. After getting this expression McFadden withdrew his motion. An endeavor will be made to get the city clubs together for the organization of a representative Toronto team fit to hold its own with Queen’s or any of the other eastern clubs. . . . Source: Too many teams. (1895, December 9). Toronto Globe, p. 8.

How the Game Is Played The game of ice hockey is played with six players on the ice at one time. The six players include three forwards, two defensive players, and a goalie. The three forwards consist of a right wing, a left wing, and the center. The center plays in between the two wingers and controls the flow of play. The two defensive players play side by side. Despite being labeled forwards and defense, all players on the ice have both offensive and defensive responsibilities—with the exception of the goalie. The goalie’s primary job is to keep the puck out of the net and as part of that job to communicate with

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A hockey player skating towards the puck.

the other players on the ice. The three forwards are considered a line. There are usually several lines of forwards and several defensive pairings on each team. A line plays a shift that is approximately one minute in length although this varies by the level of hockey being played, the speed of the game, and the position of the players. Games that are played at a higher level and faster speed require players to take shorter shifts. Defensive players tend to take slightly longer shifts than forwards and centers. Defensive players may also be considered a part of a line or separately as a defensive pair. Players can change on the fly in hockey—while the game continues—or when play stops. Changing on the fly often requires a player to jump over the boards instead of using one of the doors at either end of the team bench. Forwards and defensive players often change at separate times to avoid being caught in a bad line change. Ice hockey games are divided into three equal periods of play. Professional and international games are played in three twenty-minute periods of stop time; that is, each time the puck is out of play the clock stops. Recreational games are often played with running-time periods or stop-time periods of ten or fifteen minutes or

Source: istockphoto/jamirae.

some combination, with the last three to ten minutes of the last period being stop time. The game is started with all players on their side of the center line. The puck is dropped between the two centers in a face off, and each player attempts to win possession of the puck. The goal of ice hockey is to score more goals than the opponent. A goal is scored when the puck crosses completely over the opponent’s goal line. A player attempts to put the puck in the net with his or her stick. A puck that is unintentionally deflected off of any part of the hockey player’s body into the net is considered a goal. But a puck may not be intentionally kicked, blocked, or deflected into the net by any part of the body. The decision on whether of not the deflection was intentional is up to the discretion of the referee. At higher levels of ice hockey, a goal judge behind the goal determines whether or not the puck entered the goal, and in the National Hockey League, officials may make use of video replay to review a goal judge’s decision. Possession of the puck changes quickly in hockey. Once a defending team gains possession of the puck in the defensive zone, they work to move the puck into the neutral zone while maintaining possession of the puck. This process is referred to as a breakout. The defensive

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I had all my own teeth and I wanted to keep it that way. ■ TOM GLAVINE

players move the puck up to the forwards in set patterns. Once the puck is controlled in the neutral zone, the defensive team is now on the offensive and attempts to establish possession of the puck in the offensive zone. Two primary tactics are used to do this: The first is by carrying the puck into the zone and past the defenders, setting up deep in the offensive zone close to the goal. The other tactic is “forechecking,” or dumping the puck into the offensive zone—shooting it past the defensive players and off the boards—and having the forwards rush in, control the puck, and put intense pressure on the defensive players. The defensive team uses a number of tactics to respond to the attacking team. The defensive players can attempt to stand the offensive players up on the blue line and not allow them to establish possession in the offensive zone. The defense may also allow the offensive team to gain possession in the zone by backing up with them and waiting for the offensive player to make a mistake and give up possession of the puck. One player may stall his opponent until a teammate who is coming back into the zone attempts to steal the puck from the offensive player. This tactic is called back-checking. Some teams also utilize the neutral zone trap with all five of the players on defense located between the center line and the defensive blue line making it very difficult for the offensive team to move the puck into the offensive zone and often resulting in the offensive team dumping the puck in and giving up possession. There are a number of rules in ice hockey that impact the game. Two violations of the rules that do not result in penalties are icing and offside. Icing is called when the puck is played from the defensive side of the centerline across the end line. Offside is called when a player crosses into the offensive zone ahead of the puck. Both of these rules attempt to eliminate the opportunity for teams to score easy goals by having a player stay in the offensive zone, behind the defensive team or ahead of the puck. There are a number of other rule violations that result in penalties to players. Minor penalties are assessed for a wide range of infractions, including tripping, slashing, and hooking, that do not result in injury

to that player. Minor penalties require the offending player to spend two minutes in the penalty box while his or her team plays with only five players on the ice. If a goal is scored before the end of the two minutes, the penalty ends. Major penalties are assessed for more serious infractions of the rules, such as punching another player or causing a minor injury to an opponent. Major penalties result in a five-minute removal from the ice. A goal being scored during a major penalty does not end the penalty as it does for a minor penalty. The players must stay in the penalty box for the entire five minutes. The major significant difference in the women’s and youth game is the absence of body checking. Women, girls, and boys under a certain age are not allowed to bodycheck in the game of ice hockey. Many recreational men’s leagues also prohibit the use of body checking. Most women’s, youth, and collegiate hockey leagues require players to wear a full cage on their helmets to protect the face and head. All ice hockey games are played on the full-size hockey rink, although rink size varies between Europe and North America. There is also a version of ice hockey that was developed for athletes with a disability. Sledge hockey is played on a regulation ice hockey rink and incorporates many of the rules of ice hockey. It is played on an aluminum sled that has two skate blades attached to the bottom. The players use two very short fiberglass sticks with picks on the end to pass, shoot, and maneuver their sleds. Sledge hockey is very popular in North America, but it is also played in such countries as Norway and Sweden. The Canadian National Sledge Hockey Team is the current world champion, but it finished fourth at the 2002 Winter Paralympics in Salt Lake City. White upper-class men dominated the first few decades of the development of modern ice hockey. The last three decades have resulted in many changes within the sport. The costs of the equipment and ice rental have continued to limit participation, but programs now exist that provide opportunities for some children to play hockey who otherwise could not afford it. The passage of Title IX in 1972 has facilitated the growth of

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How organized are you? Could your life be called a ballet or is it a hockey game (or a pin-ball machine)? However, even in a hockey game, good hockey players learn to skate to where the puck WILL BE. ■ UNKNOWN

women’s collegiate sport in the United States and has resulted in more opportunities for women to play ice hockey at the high school and collegiate level.

Competition at the Top The IIHF is responsible for most of the major international ice hockey competitions. The IIHF controls Olympic competitions for both men and women, the World Championships for men, the World Championships for women, the World Under 20 and Under 18 Championships for young men, and the Club Championships, which include the European Champions Cup, the Continental Cup, and the European Women Champions Cup. A number of other international competitions exist that are not under the auspices of the IIHF. The World Cup for men, competitions for Under 22 Women’s National teams, and the Under 18 Junior World Cup for boys are not controlled by the IIHF. The World Cup of Hockey began as the Canada Cup in 1976 and was held five times until it was replaced in 1996 with World Cup competition. Other regional ice hockey competitions or leagues include the Eastern European Hockey League (EEHL), which has top teams from Latvia, Ukraine, Belarus, and Russia. The International Ice Hockey League (IIHL) was formed in 1999, featuring teams from Slovenia, Hungary, Croatia, Yugoslavia, and Slovakia. The Euro Hockey Tour includes a series of events featuring teams from Russia, Czech Republic, Sweden, and Finland. Major national competitions exist in Canada, the United States, Russia, Sweden, and Finland. All of these countries have a number of hockey leagues and one league that is considered the top league. In Canada and the United States, the top league is the National Hockey League, in Sweden the top league is Elitserien Info, and in Finland the top league is the SM-Liiga Info. There have been many great hockey players in the history of the sport of ice hockey. But arguably the greatest player to lace up ice hockey skates was Canadian Wayne Gretzky. Gretzky won four Stanley Cups while with the Edmonton Oilers. He continues to hold the

NHL records for goals (92), assists (163), and points (215) in the regular season. Gretzky scored at least 100 points fourteen times, and he had at least 200 points four times in his NHL career. He scored at least 50 goals in nine separate seasons and had at least 60 goals in five other seasons. He had two phenomenal career seasons where he scored more than 80 goals.

Governing Bodies Overseeing organizations include: Hockey Canada (www.hockeycanada.ca); International Ice Hockey Federation (www.iihf.com); National Hockey League (www.nhl.com); and USA Hockey (www.usahockey. com). Laura Frances Chase See also Lake Placid; Maple Leaf Gardens; Stanley Cup

Further Reading Avery, J., & Stevens, J. (1997). Too many men on the ice:Women’s hockey in North America. Victoria, Canada: Polestar Book Publishers. Diamond, D., Duplacey, J., & Zweig, E. (2003). The ultimate prize: The Stanley Cup. Kansas City, MO: Andrews McMeel Publishers. Etue, E., & Williams, M. (1996). On the edge: Women making hockey history. Toronto, Canada: Second Story Press. EuroHockey. (2004). Retrieved January 20, 2005, from http://www. eurohockey.net Falla, J., Batten, J, Hornby, L., Johnson, G., & Milton, S. (2001). Quest for the cup: A history of the Stanley Cup finals 1893–2001. Toronto, Canada: Key Porter Press. Fischler, S., & Fischler, S. (1996). Great book of hockey: More than 100 years of fire on ice. Lincolnwood, IL: Publications International, Ltd. Goyens, C., Orr, F., Turowetz, A., & Duguay, J. (2000). Blades on ice: A century of professional hockey. Markham, Canada: TPE. Gregg, R. (1999). Hockey: The technical, the physical and the mental game. Stettler, Canada: FP Hendriks Publisher. Harris, C. (2003). Breaking the ice: The black experience in professional hockey. Toronto, Canada: Insomniac Press. Houston, W. (1992). Pride and glory: 100 years of the Stanley Cup. Toronto, Canada: McGraw-Hill Ryerson. Jenish, D’Arcy. (1996). Stanley Cup: One hundred years of hockey at its best. Toronto, Canada: McClelland and Stewart/Tundra Books. Leonetti, M. (2001). Cold war: A decade of hockey’s greatest rivalry, 1959–1969. Toronto, Canada: HarperCollins Publishers. McFarlane, B. (1973). The story of the National Hockey League. New York: Scribner. McFarlane, B. (1999). Stanley Cup fever: More than a century of hockey greatness. North York, Canada: Stoddart Publishers. McKinley, M. (2000). Putting a roof on winter. Vancouver, Canada: Greystone Books.

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Pincus, A., Rosner, D., Hockberg, L., & Malcolm, C. (1999). NHL: The official illustrated history. North Vancouver, Canada: Whitecap Books Ltd. Scanlan, L. (2002). Grace under fire: The state of our sweet and savage game. Toronto, Canada: Penguin. Scott, R. (2000). Ice time: A Canadian hockey journey. Toronto, Canada: Viking. Strachan, A. (1999). One hundred years of hockey. Toronto, Canada: Key Porter Press. Theberge, N. (2000). Higher goals: Women’s ice hockey and the politics of gender. Albany: State University of New York. Vaugh, G. (1996). The puck starts here: The origin of Canada’s great winter game: Ice hockey. Fredericton, Canada: Goose Lane Editions. Willes, E. (2004). The rebel league: The short and unruly life of the World Hockey Association. Toronto, Canada: McClelland & Stewart. Young, S. (1989). 100 years of dropping the puck. Toronto, Canada: McClelland & Stewart.

Hockey, In-Line

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n-line hockey, based on the rules of ice hockey, is played on skates designed with their wheels in a line, unlike traditional four-wheel roller skates or “quads,” which have a pair of wheels in the front and another in the rear. Other names for the sport include roller hockey, street hockey, and skater hockey. In-line hockey’s hotbeds are North America and Europe, with increasing growth in Australia, South America, Asia, and Africa.

History Roller skating became very popular in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, and quad-skate roller hockey quickly developed as a sport. In-line hockey, however, has a much more recent history and has been played with ever-increasing sophistication since the mid-1980s. In 1979 Scott Olson of Minneapolis, Minnesota, found an old pair of in-line skates, improved on the design, and marketed the skate as an off-season training device for ice hockey players. In 1984 Minneapolis businessman Bob Naegele Jr. purchased Olson’s fledgling company, named it Rollerblade, Inc., and effectively marketed the skates to the general public.

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With in-line hockey taking off, entrepreneurs saw a potential moneymaker. In 1992 Joe Mireault founded the National Inline Hockey Association (NIHA) along with Bob Naegele III, whose father had created Rollerblade. That fall, Roller Hockey International (RHI), an aspiring professional league, had its first exhibition, with Team USA playing Team Canada. In 1993 David McLane created the World Roller Hockey League (WRHL), which played all of its games at Walt Disney World in Orlando, Florida; Roller Hockey Magazine, the first glossy publication to cover the fledgling sport nationally, debuted; and RHI concluded its first twelve-team season—the Anaheim Bullfrogs defeated the Oakland Skates to win the Murphy Cup, named after one of RHI’s founders, Dennis Murphy. Also in 1993 Paul Chapey, a longtime quad roller hockey player, created the Koho California Cup, a regional in-line hockey series for amateurs. The following summer, in St. Louis, Missouri, Chapey and his partners produced the first North American Roller Hockey Championships. Nicknamed “NARCh,” the event grew into the world’s premier amateur in-line hockey tournament. About this time the United States Amateur Confederation of Roller Skating (USAC/RS) became aware of the in-line craze. Long having administered quad roller hockey, USAC/RS felt that it was the obvious organization to lead the sport. USA Hockey (which eventually purchased the assets of the NIHA) and its in-line offshoot USA Hockey InLine, disagreed. Complicating matters, there were also international governing bodies —the Federation Internationale de Roller Skating and the International Ice Hockey Federation, which both created world championship events in the mid-1990s. In 1998 Bill Raue created Major League Roller Hockey (MLRH) to take advantage of Roller Hockey International’s one-year hiatus, and after joining the league, the Anaheim Bullfrogs won its third championship. When in-line hockey first began, the players were almost all men, but many more women now play. In 1998, according to the Sporting Goods Manufacturing

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Association, the sport’s participant numbers (3.8 million) surpassed those of ice hockey in North America. Those numbers have since decreased, but there are still about 2.7 million in-line hockey players in the United States and Canada. That reversal in growth was caused by the demise of the professional leagues RHI and MLRH, the focus on elite players by tournament operators, the lack of cooperation between competing tournament organizations and governing bodies, and the overproduction of equipment by manufacturers. Since many sporting goods stores found themselves with significant surpluses in inventory for in-line hockey after the downturn of the sport, many stores were caught “holding the bag” and were forced to dump inventory, thus losing interest in reordering any in-line products at all. In-line hockey has seen few controversies or scandals; however, at the 1999 Pan American Games, Steve Vezina, the goaltender for Team Canada, tested positive for several banned substances and Canada was stripped of its gold medal.

Nature of the Sport In-line hockey is played four on four, plus goalies, unlike ice hockey, which is played with five skaters on a side. The object is to put the puck or ball past the other team’s goaltender. With two (total) fewer skaters on the playing surface, there is more room to maneuver. Puck control is very important; if you have possession of the puck, the other team cannot score. With an emphasis on offense, shutouts are rare, and goalies rate their play more on wins than on goals-against average. While the basic rules of in-line hockey are similar wherever it is played, there are variations. Leagues split the game into two halves, three periods, or four quarters. Amateur leagues prohibit checking and have a notolerance attitude toward fighting, while semipro leagues permit both. Another major difference between in-line hockey and ice hockey is the elimination of ice hockey’s blue lines. Ice hockey has three established zones: defensive, neutral, and offensive, defined by two blue lines and a red line at center ice. Inline hockey only uses two zones, separated by a center red line. While ice hockey has an offsides rule, where the puck must pre-

cede the attacking player into the offensive zone, most in-line hockey leagues do not call offsides, thus opening up the game for more scoring and excitement. Many of in-line hockey’s first facilities were recreational roller hockey and/or ice hockey rinks converted for the purpose by melting the ice and playing on the concrete subsurface. A polyurethane substance called Roll-On often was painted on concrete to facilitate wheel grip and stopping ability. As the game moved indoors, companies like Sport Court and Ice Court created smooth plastic surfaces, and pucks were specially designed for those surfaces. Other important pieces of equipment include skate frames (chassis), which moved in design from steel to plastic to high-quality lightweight aluminum; better wheels (designed for grip and durability); and new composite and one-piece sticks. A player’s size is not as important a factor in the amateur game because of the open space on the playing surface, the prohibition against checking, and the speed and ability of many smaller players. As a result skating, stick handling, and passing and receiving the puck are paramount, making in-line hockey a great game for smaller players, including girls and women. In-line hockey has never been an Olympic sport, and its path to any potential Olympic glory is a doubtful one, because there is not one established world governing body to represent the interests of the sport and because the International Olympic Committee is trimming sports from the Olympic program.

The Future In-line hockey’s skyrocketing growth reached a plateau in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. While the RHI and MLRH pro leagues failed in the late 1990s, semipro leagues continued to attract top players such as Gerry St. Cyr, Rob Laurie, and C. J. Yoder. This development of new “stars” offers hope that in-line hockey will grow in the future.

Governing Bodies International governing organizations are: Federation Internationale de Roller Skating (FIRS, www.roller sports.org) and International Ice Hockey Federation

HOLMENKOLLEN SKI JUMP

(IIHF) Inline (www.iihf.com/inline.htm). North American governing bodies include USA Hockey InLine (USAHIL, www.usahockey.com/inline/main/home), USA Roller Sports (USARS, www.usarollersports.org), Canada Inline Hockey (CIH, www.canadianhockeyin line.com). Richard Neil Graham

Further Reading Inline Hockey Central. (2005). Retrieved March 31, 2005, from www. inlinehockeycentral.com National Museum of Roller Skating. (2005). Retrieved March 30, 2005, from http://www.rollerskatingmuseum.com SkateLog. (2005). Retrieved March 31, 2005, from http://www. SkateLog.com

Holmenkollen Ski Jump

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he Holmenkollen Ski Jump, located at Holmenkollen, in Oslo, Norway, is the oldest and perhaps still the most esteemed jumping hill used for modern ski jumping. It is an arena rich in winter sport traditions. Since 1892 the hill has been a venue for the winter season’s ski jumping competitions. Holmenkollen never was the biggest of hills, but the site has an aura of skiing history as well as a well-known ambience. The yearly contests [“Holmenkollen Sunday”] attract tens of thousands of spectators. At the Olympic competitions that took place here in 1952, more than 120,000 spectators were said to have been present.

History of the Hill The hill was a product of the Norwegian interest in skiing and ski jumping, especially. The location of skiing’s most important hill in Norway’s capital, Oslo, and Holmenkollen’s position as the center of Norwegian ski sport was also a result of the urban middle classes taking control of the originally rural sport. After having started on a smaller nearby hill called Husebybakken in

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1879, the local skiing club initiated a move to an area situated higher above the city of Oslo in 1892, giving them access to a larger hill and more favorable conditions, and ensuring more snow for a longer period of time. The longest jumps from the first Holmenkollen hill, however, did not measure more than 21.5 meters. But from then on, a continuous expansion involving all areas of the hill has been going on. The landing slope has been dug deeper, and the in-run to the jump has been made much longer and higher, making the whole hill larger and steeper. Today’s record for the longest standing jump is 132.5 meters. The discussion that took place concerning the enlargement of the hill is illustrative of the way ski jumping as a sport has been regarded. When the first scaffolds were built to make the in-run steeper, they were met with outcries of contempt. The scaffolds were called “the tower of Babel,” and it was said that their presence turned the noble sport of skiing into an acrobatic competition, not a challenge of how to meet and master natural obstacles in the winter terrain. However, the scaffolds were there to stay. They were refurbished and enlarged on several occasions. The hill today is part of a combined winter sports area, with modern facilities for cross-country skiing and biathlon as well facilities as for spectators and media representatives. The development of the site has been a steady process. However, the modernization of the hill has been focused on the big international events that have taken place there. The Winter Olympic Games of 1952 had Holmenkollen as a major venue. Although the hill is privately owned by the Foreningen til Skiidrettens Fremme (Association for the Promotion of Skiing), it was the Oslo city council that granted funding for the renewal. Later renovations were also funded by the Norwegian state. In 1952 it was the architect Frode Rinnan’s functionalistic inspirations that were brought to the ski jumping hill. Pure, simplistic, and functional forms were to be the characteristics of the modernized venue. The World Cups in Nordic Skiing of 1966 and 1982 also took place here. From the beginning the Holmenkollen Ski Festival gathered enormous interest and

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was a popular end-of-season event both among spectators and athletes. The jump’s status as something special in Norwegian and international skiing history is demonstrated by the fact that up until recent years, the hill could, except for these major events, be used for the annual races only. No training was allowed on the hill. There was also an element of fair play involved: It was felt that local and national skiers should not have any advantages when the big competitions were held there. In other words the jump was more a monument than a facility for everyday use, “elevating” the hill to a very special status as a ski jumping hill. Only as late as the 1990s were floodlights installed, making jump training on dark winter evenings possible. The venue also has attractions in the off-season. Inside the jump is a restaurant, built in 1952, and attached to this is the famous Holmenkollen ski museum, started in 1923, now one of the leading museums of its kind. These attractions have made the jump one of Oslo’s main tourist attractions year-round. Modern ski jumping hills are usually, because of their size, subject to nature’s changing conditions. Holmenkollen has experienced this too. In February and March when the annual races usually take place the weather can be quite nice, but it can also be quite foggy. However, since its start in 1892, the competition has been cancelled only twice.

Holmenkollen Today Holmenkollen hill is a national symbol. King Olav jumped here as a young prince in 1922 and 1923, something that added immensely to the Danish-born prince’s image as true Norwegian royalty. The day of the annual competitions have been called “Norway’s second national day.” Its hold on the Norwegian people was illustrated in 1946 when more than 100,000 men, women, and children turned up to watch the first competitions on the hill after World War II. The races had then been cancelled since the winter of 1940 due to the reluctance of Norwegian skiers to compete with local Nazi and German occupation forces. But after the war, people by their presence supported the image of the

venue as a special symbol of Norwegian and international ski jumping. Although the hill is not among the biggest or most modern, it is still a symbol of ski jumping, and the competitions held here create an atmosphere that makes the yearly contests into a national festival and a multicultural public rejoicing.

The Future The size of the hill makes the venue’s future uncertain. Expansion of the site seems to have reached its bearable limits. According to engineers and other experts, it is not possible to extend the hill, whether to heighten the tower and the in-run or to make the landing area deeper. As the development of competitive ski jumping seems to demand ever bigger hills, the solution could be to build a completely new hill in another place. The challenge for the future would then be to keep the name and transfer the atmosphere and the skiing traditions to the new venue. The debate about how to do this has just begun. Matti Goksøyr

Further Reading Breili, M., & Schjelderup, T. (1982). 100 år med ski på bena. Oslo, Norway: Dreyers forlag. Goksøyr, M., Andersen, E., & Asdal, K. (1996). Kropp, kultur og tippekamp. Oslo, Norway: Universitetsforlaget. Vaage, J., & Kristensen, T. (1992). Holmenkollen: Historien og resultatene. Oslo, Norway: De norske Bokklubbene. Vaage, J. (1971). Holmenkollen. Oslo, Norway: De norske bokklubbene.

Holmenkollen Sunday

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olmenkollen Sunday is the highlight of the Holmenkollen Ski Festival held each March at the Holmenkollen Ski Jump in Oslo, Norway. The day is a party for all kinds of people, from the Norwegian king and royal family to sports-loving citizens to the world’s best skiers. It has been compared with a Derby Day at

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Epsom in England or a Grand Prix Sunday in Bois de Boulogne in France. The presence of the royal family has been a feature of the day since Norway’s independence from Sweden in 1905. The new royal family vowed to attend the skijumping competition at Holmenkollen every year. The crown prince, Olav, twice jumped Holmenkollen hill, adding to his identity as Norwegian royalty and to his popularity. He never won the competition, but his mastering the hill and greeting the crowd pleased spectators. Although the first Holmenkollen competition in 1892 took place on a Sunday, the competition has not always been held on a Sunday. From 1893 until 1925 the competition took place on a Monday. Even though it was staged on a working day the ski-jumping competition remained popular. Spectators arrived by foot, by horse carriages, and by the new Holmenkoll-bane, a tram that transported people from the city center to the heights of Holmenkollen. The organizers seem to have hoped to institutionalize the day as a holiday to celebrate the Norwegian national sport, and some employers were more or less forced to give their employees the day off for the occasion. However, as hopes of establishing a national holiday gradually vanished, organizers concluded that compelling employees to miss a day of work to witness something as ideal as a sport —especially the national sport—was wrong. After 1926 the Holmenkollen competition was moved back to a Sunday. However, this move also caused a problem because the local priesthood objected to what it saw as a breach of church holiday peace. The operator of the local tram company also objected. These objections, however, could not prevent Holmenkollen Sunday from being a success. A record number of spectators flocked to the competition that year.

Postwar Celebration Since 1926 Holmenkollen Sunday has been something special for ski jumping and for winter culture. Huge crowds of spectators have attended, especially in 1946, when more than 100,000 attended. After five years of war and occupation the event was labeled the “Peace

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Race.” The king of Norway, Haakon VII, by then an even more elevated national symbol after having symbolized five years of resistance to German occupiers during World War II, returned to the hill that he and his people had been prevented from visiting since 1940, making the competition that year even more special. During most of the post–World War II era Holmenkollen Sunday has remained an important event. The number of spectators has varied between thirty thousand and seventy thousand, depending on weather and the quality of Norwegian skiers participating. The postwar Holmenkollen Sunday for many decades was part of a Holmenkollen week or sometimes half-week. By the end of the twentieth century, because the development of international skiing left less time on the international racing agenda, the week was reduced to a Holmenkollen weekend. On this weekend Saturday’s traditional cross-country race of 50 kilometers through the forests of Oslo plays a vital part, both as a sports event and as a popular social event. From the beginning of the skiing competitions at Holmenkollen ski jumping attracted the most interest among spectators. Ski jumping was an integral part of the Nordic combined events. This combination meant that skiers had to finish the cross-country race to be allowed to jump the hill. One tradition that followed the combined competition was the presentation of the Ladies’ Cup to the best jumper in the combined class— the skier who best combined the will to struggle through the cross-country course with flair and grace in the air. However, as ski jumping has developed, giving more emphasis to length than to flair and grace, the Ladies’ Cup has lost some of its importance.

The Future Holmenkollen Sunday organizers have experimented with adding competitions to the ski jumping that traditionally has been the principal competition. Both mass skiing races and elite cross-country races have been staged. Holmenkollen Sunday remains a vibrant event at which people watch elite ski jumpers and experience a gala social event, often dressed in what have

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An ardent supporter of the home town team should go to a game prepared to take offense, no matter what happens. ■ ROBERT BENCHLEY

become traditional Norwegian sports costumes: woolen sweaters, frieze (a heavy, coarse wool and shoddy fabric with a rough surface) trousers, rucksacks, and little flags. The meaning of Holmenkollen Sunday thus seems to have changed little during the last hundred years. Matti Goksoyr

Further Reading Bo, O. (1993). Skiing throughout history. Oslo: Det norske samlaget. Kleppen, H. (1998). Holmenkollen. Oslo: Samlaget. Vaage, J., & Kristense, T. (1992). Holmenkollen: Historien og resultatene. Oslo: De norske bokklubbene.

Home Field Advantage

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n sports such as basketball, the home team is victorious in over half the contests. In individual sports, for example, golf, athletes perform slightly better on their home “turf.” International competitors show a similar preference for familiar territory: Olympic athletes and World Cup soccer players perform better than expected in front of the home crowd. All these phenomena are grouped under the heading of “The Home Field Advantage,” or more generally “The Home Advantage.” While the home advantage has been studied for over twenty-five years, the reasons for it remain elusive. A full range of explanations has been offered and each receives some empirical support. As a consequence, the home advantage turns out to be a rich arena for developing the social science of sport.

The Magnitude of the Home Advantage A range of values for the home advantage has been reported. For professional sports the home team wins between 61 percent and 76 percent of the contests in soccer, with lesser levels for hockey (56 percent–64 percent), basketball (64 percent–65 percent), and football (54 percent–63 percent). Professional baseball shows the lowest levels of home advantage (53 per-

cent–59 percent, though this can rise to 75 percent for “special” games like opening day). At the collegiate level, research finds home advantages in men’s basketball (58 percent–78 percent), football (59 percent–60 percent), field hockey (56.5 percent), and softball (56 percent), and women’s basketball (57 percent). Scholastic teams in cross-country (54 percent), wrestling (54 percent), basketball (51 percent–62 percent), and football (52 percent–58 percent) also are more likely to win at home, as are athletes playing club cricket (53 percent– 57 percent). There is no consistent explanation for why the size of the home advantage varies by sport. It is difficult to determine levels of the home advantage because the quality of the teams matters: Good teams playing weaker ones are unlikely to need the edge of the home crowd (or the boost the crowd provides the weaker home team is unlikely to result in a victory), and it is difficult to attribute a win solely to the factors thought to produce the home advantage. Research to date suggests that the home advantage may be most consequential when teams are equally matched or when the home team is slightly weaker than the visiting team. Some studies cast the level of advantage in terms of an increased probability that the home team wins. Such studies find that, beyond variables influencing game outcomes, being the home team has a very small positive effect on the chance that the home team will win. Alternatively, a home advantage is defined by how an athlete (or team) performs relative to some baseline expectation, such as a world ranking, golf strokes in earlier rounds, or goals scored at away games. Here too the size of the home advantage is found to be small, but in the correct direction: Home teams or athletes in individual sports perform better than they otherwise might, even if they don’t win the event.

Sociological Explanations Many explanations start with the presumed influence of the crowd. The crowd provides social support for athletes and spurs them on to better performance. Research suggests that crowd effects are greater for team sports than individual sports and at indoor venues com-

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Home Field Advantage pared with outdoor arenas. Crowd noise can increase the home advantage by interrupting opponent’s onfield communications, influencing the perceptions and decisions of referees, altering game strategies, and enhancing the home team’s performance via the greater support of a loud, partisan crowd. Social solidarity and the rituals surrounding sports are also linked to the home advantage. Athletes can be representatives of the local community, creating a bond between team and fans: The home advantage is greater when teams and athletes are seen as representing collectives like colleges, cities, or nations. Rituals and ceremonies (e.g., opening day or senior night) can also boost the play of home athletes. The sociological bases for the home advantage are summed up in the oft-cited influence of local tradition, identification, and pride.

Social Psychological Factors A home advantage arises in part from the subjective decisions made by officials. Studies find that referees in college and professional basketball, professional soccer, and hockey may be more likely to make calls favorable to a home team. Judges in sports like figure skating and ski jumping may show a bias toward athletes performing in front of a home audience. Some decisions do appear to be influenced by the crowd. When spectators engage in behaviors like booing, officials may call more fouls against the visiting team. The visiting team may also engage in more aggressive behavior that leads officials to call violations. The simple presence of crowd noise may make observers more likely to award fouls to the visitors.

Psychological Explanations A mixture of psychological processes and states contributes to the home advantage. Athletes think they play better in front of a home crowd, suggesting that a greater confidence, motivation, or self-efficacy is present. The arousal of the home athlete may positively raise performance, while visiting teams may be overly aggressive and thus commit more fouls. Learning the contours of the home court or field is another psycho-

How to Ensure Home Field Advantage Trenton, N.J., Oct. 13.—[Special.]—The Princeton Faculty has declared that after Jan. 1, 1885, no game shall be played with any colleges on grounds other than those of the contesting colleges. This order will probably encounter considerable opposition among the alumni students, who regard the Thanksgiving and DecorationDay games in New York as time-honored and legitimate institutions. Source: A Princeton edict. (1884, October 14). Chicago Tribune, p. 7.

logical explanation, as is the claim that home athletes protect their “turf” in a manner similar to the territoriality displayed by animals. Some argue that playing in front of home crowds may actually lower athletic performance. Apprehension of performing for an audience may create anxiety. Several studies find a “championship choke,” where the home team has a greater chance of losing the deciding game of a play-off series or a reduced home advantage at “crucial stages of the competition.” The extent of these home disadvantages continues to be debated.

Physiological Effects One early explanation for the home advantage—fatigue due to travel—incorporates physiological reasons for the home team’s better performance. Athletes, especially professionals, may be “worn down” from the constant travel required by their sport. Such expectations are not well supported by the evidence. The home team often has to travel to the venue as well, and the home advantage does not seem to get larger as seasons progress and travel increasingly takes its toll. Travel would seem to wear equally on competitors in individual sports. Still, the influence of travel has exceedingly small, but significant, effects on the home advantage, with more marked influences found as athletes (or teams) travel across larger numbers of time zones.

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Home Field Advantage Root, Root, Root for the Home Team The great Irish playwright George Bernard Shaw offered this opinion about fans: What is both surprising and delightful is that spectators are allowed, and even expected, to join in the vocal part of the game . . . There is no reason why the field should not try to put the batsman off his stroke at the critical moment by neatly timed disparagements of his wife’s fidelity and his mother’s respectability.

Recent research into the physiological bases of the home advantage investigates hormonal and other biological changes prior to sporting events. Athletes, especially those playing on their home court, do show slight increases in some chemicals (e.g., testosterone) that may improve performance. Increased aggression has been found for some athletes facing well-established rivals. However, as with most findings, the evidence is not consistent.

Future Home Advantage Research As research develops, a greater variety of sports, leagues, geographic locations, and levels of competition will be added to where a home advantage occurs. The list of factors contributing to the advantage will be similarly broadened. One particularly promising line of inquiry looks at changes in levels of the home advantage over time. Studies find the home advantage increases as athletes learn the contours of a new stadium, decreases as leagues market to a nationwide audience, and fluctuates from moment to moment during the course of the athletic event itself. The temporal dynamics of the home advantage are just beginning to be understood. We know more about the “what” of the home advantage than its “why”: What produces the home advantage in sport is not one thing, but many things. The outcome of any given contest may hinge on one of the factors listed earlier, but it is highly unlikely that all in-

fluence the results of a given game. The home advantage is the result of many little effects leading to a better performance by athletes playing in front of a supportive crowd. D. Randall Smith See also Fan Loyalty

Further Reading Courneya, K. S., & Carron, A. V. (1992). The home advantage in sport competitions: A literature review. Journal of Sport & Exercise Psychology, 14, 13–27. Edwards, J., & Archambault, D. (1989). The home-field advantage. In J. H. Goldstein (Ed.), Sports, games, and play: Social and psychological viewpoints (2nd ed., pp. 333–370). Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Nevill, A. M., & Holder, R. L. (1999). Home advantage in sport: An overview of studies on the advantage of playing at home. Sports Medicine, 28, 221–236.

Homophobia

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omophobia is a fear or hatred of homosexuals. Despite the fact that sport provides a wonderful venue for positive and healthy experiences, homophobia exists in sport and is one of a number of reasons that participants in sport are discriminated against on the basis of sexual orientation. Sport is a gendered experience, and the sporting context is filled with intimate linkages between sport and masculinity, femininity, and gender exploration. Over the past two decades, many authors have embedded discussion about homophobia in their writings on gender and sexuality in sport. Best known perhaps for identifying homophobia as one of the pressing issues of our time are the following authors: Messner (1992), Tomlinson and Yorganci (1997), Lenskyj (1992), Guttmann (1996), Hargreaves (2000), Pronger, (1990), Griffin et. al. (2002), and Griffin (1998). Homophobia takes a number of forms. It can be a prejudice or negative prejudgment about those who are

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homosexual or thought to be homosexual. It can take the form of a stereotype, where an individual or group is thought to have characteristics assumed to be indicative of homosexuality. It can also be a discriminatory behavior toward a person or group being treated differently, usually negatively, on the basis of sexual orientation. Elimination of homophobia is seen by many as an important step in making sport an equitable and safe place for participants. Homophobia has also been located on the continuum of sexual harassment and abuse in the sporting context (Brackenridge and Kirby 1997). On one end of the continuum, the authors locate discriminations on the bases of, for example, gender, sex, sexuality, and sexual orientation, and on the other end of the continuum are sexual abuses such as assault and sexual violence. Much like the sexual harassment and abuse that participants might experience in other social institutions, victims of homophobia describe it as debilitating, shaming, isolating, and traumatic (Kirby, Greaves, and Hankivsky 2000). What is homophobia and how does it affect girls and women and boys and men in sport? Rowe (1995, 123) writes that there is an intimate linkage between sport and maleness and that it is women’s increasing involvement in sport that has contributed to a destabilization of social categories of relationships and identities. In the sport world, this means that hegemonic masculinity dominates femininity, and heterosexuality remains the organizing discourse rather than homosexuality or any other forms of sexuality. Further, the principle referent in sport is the heterosexual male, followed closely by the heterosexual female and only afterwards, perhaps, by the gay male or lesbian respectively. Heterosexuality is assumed, and persons who are not heterosexual experience active (because they are individually and collectively unable to participate fully in sport) or passive discrimination (because they are made to feel invisible). However, since sport is so intrinsically male defined and male dominated, it is virtually impossible to write about homophobia without also writing about gender boundaries in sport, hegemonic masculinity, compul-

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sory heterosexuality, heteronormativity, homoeroticism, the gay gaze, and homonegativity. Perhaps this makes homophobia look more complex, but it is essential to understanding the particular discrimination dynamic.

What Is Homophobia? Here are a few useful definitions: ■

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Sexual orientation or sexual orientation identity (S.O.I.) is one’s sexual attraction to another and how one identifies oneself as a result of that attraction (Devor 1989). Homosexuality is a sexual orientation or sexual attraction towards a person of the same sex. “Gay” means men who are sexually attracted to men. “Lesbian” means women who are sexually attracted to women. Bisexuality is a sexual orientation or sexual attraction towards people of both sexes. Heterosexuality is a sexual orientation or sexual attraction toward those of the other sex. The assumption of heterosexuality, or normative heterosexuality, determines the experience of most athletes in sport, including gay men and lesbians, as it does in society generally. This means that athletes may need to declare their sexual orientation if they do not want to be assumed to be heterosexual (Anderson, et al. 2001). Sexual discrimination is behavior that is discriminatory towards a person or group based on their perceived or actual gender identity or sexual orientation. This includes a general intolerance toward difference (the “chilly climate”), harassing behaviors, and sexual abuse. The chilly climate in sport is characterized by a thriving sexist environment (Kirby et al. 2000, 46), in which athletes and other participants feel less than safe. The homophobic chilly climate is characterized by verbal abuse that goes unchecked, sexual jokes, showing of pornographic materials, sexual allusions about one’s sexual orientation, use of vulgar language, sexual comments about one’s apparel, tolerance of heterosexist or homophobic attitudes in

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Be bold. If you’re going to make an error, make a doozy, and don’t be afraid to hit the ball. ■ BILLIE JEAN KING

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coaches (even coaches from other teams or other nations), unwanted sexual comments, tolerance of sexual discrimination, and tolerance of sexual harassment or abuse. A chilly climate is sustained by those who tolerate and thus are complicit in such behaviors. Homophobia is harassment when intolerant attitudes and behaviors are expressed toward individuals or groups who are assumed to be homosexual and for whom the behavior is unwelcome. Note that harassment is not what the originator intends with an expressed attitude or behavior, but rather how another, on the receiving end, experiences these attitudes and behaviors. In the sport environment, harassing or abusing behavior includes taunting or belittling of others, threatening them, making hurtful comments or jokes about them, physically hurting or harming them or assaulting them (including sexually assaulting them).

T YPES OF DISCRIMINATION Homophobia is expressed in direct and indirect ways. Direct discrimination is the treating of oneself (internalized homophobia) or others in less favorable ways because of homophobic attitudes. It includes keeping one’s sexual orientation secret, taunting self or others for their “homosexual manners,” excluding oneself or others from sport participation, creating reasons for exclusion of self or others that have nothing to do with performance but do have something to do with sexual orientation, refusing to hire someone because of his or her sexual orientation, and abusing self or others for being homosexual. Indirect discrimination happens when organizational systems (rules, policies, and practices) negatively impact those of one group (e.g., homosexuals) more so than those of other groups (e.g., heterosexuals). It includes having rules that differentially and negatively affect gay or lesbian athletes or same-sex couples; for example, family membership criteria in clubs where families are defined in traditional ways, lack of access to spousal pensions and benefits because of homosexual

orientation, or scheduling of social events which appeal only to those who are heterosexual. Messner (1992, 371) wrote that “homophobia and misogyny were the key bonding agents among male athletes, serving to construct a masculine personality that disparaged anything considered ‘feminine’ in women, in other men, or in oneself.”

Negative Undercurrents So boys and men in sport are encouraged to develop homonegativity or negative attitudes and discriminatory behaviors towards nonheterosexuals. For girls and women, homophobia takes on many different forms including internalized homophobia (fear or hatred of one’s own homosexuality) and a disparaging of the “masculine” in women or in oneself. So too, eroticism, and in particular, homoeroticism, are part of sport. While we can admire the athletic body, sport also gives us the opportunity to admire the sexual body. Rowe (1995) also suggests that lesbianism in sport attracts much more media attention, and negative attention at that, than does homosexuality among men. The research on imperatives in sport by Kirby, Greaves, and Hankivsky (2000) provides a useful, though perhaps quite-difficult-to-read, starting place, with a description of homophobic attitudes and discriminatory behaviors of athletes in sport. They write that the pattern of enforced secrecy (or “dome of silence”) over athletes on this issue suggests that the quality of sport experience for all participants suffers because of an environment of intolerance.

ROLE OF HETEROSEXISM Of the seven negative undercurrents in modern sport that may contaminate the experience for some participants, identified by Kirby, Greaves, and Hankivsky (2000), heterosexism/hypersexuality is the one that has particular importance in understanding homophobia. Kirby et al. (2000) report that modern sport reflects, in its organization and functions, the patriarchal nuclear family model, including its norms and values. These include heterosexism (and its accompanying feature of

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compulsory heterosexuality [Rich 1980]) and hypersexuality. They regard sport as a gendered experience in which participants learn “appropriate” gender roles but also where forms of sexism (in particular, heterosexism) are tolerated. Heterosexism is discrimination based on heterosexual privilege, where heterosexuality is seen as the social and sexual norm for all sport participants and sport participants are directed into heterosexuality. This applies equally to women and to men and can take overt and covert forms. Overtly, heterosexism can be seen as officially sanctioned discrimination. For example, where sexualization of sporting events occurs, sport is glamorous but in a heterosexual way (see figure-skating pairs competition or ice dancing). Female and male athletes compete together in a form of ritualized heterosexuality displayed to the judges and the audience. The athletes are evaluated according to gender-specific and heterosexually appropriate yardsticks. So too, sport cultivates “feminine” and “masculine” positive (read heterosexual) images through careful orchestration of performance requirements and marketing. As Kirby et. al. (2000, 114) state: It is the androgynous woman or lesbian, the “not quite masculine enough man” or gay who provide obvious contradiction to the heterosexual imperative (Brackenridge, 1993). For example, strategic marketing seeks to ensure that successful male athletes, often with a pretty young woman on their arm, are portrayed as masculine, heterosexual stars who are competitive, tough minded and can be counted on when the going gets tough. Successful female athletes are often portrayed as “the girl next door” or with a boyfriend or husband, an assurance to the public of the heterosexuality of these athletes.

HYPERSEXUALITY Hypersexuality is present primarily in sport for males. It is a phenomenon in which the ideal image of a successful male athlete presumes also characteristics of great virility and superactive sexual (and heterosexual) appetite. There is abundant sex and, by assumption,

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promiscuity and a tendency to sexual violence of some athletes. It may be that some coaches actively contribute to a sporting environment that is supportive of the hypersexuality of younger athletes when these coaches provide stories of their own experiences, condone and sometimes participate in initiation and hazing rituals, and encourage sex talk among male, and sometimes female, athletes (Kirby et. al. 2000). While the existence of such imperatives may be difficult to accept for those of us who participate in sport, many are well aware of the negative and homophobic undercurrents that taint sport. It is through confronting these that we can reduce or eliminate their effects. Sport will then be able to guarantee a positive and healthful experience for all. In sport, if we discriminate against one group of marginalized people, then we are not offering an equal chance for all, and the promise of sport is so much greater than the “chilly” version we have been offering up to now. The challenge is to offer nonhomophobic sport. Sandra Kirby See also AIDS and HIV; Gay Games; Lesbianism

Further Reading Anderson, L., Healy,T., Herringer, B., Isaac, B., and Perry,T. (2001). Out in the cold: The context of lesbian health in Northern British Columbia. Vancouver, Canada: Centre of Excellence for Women’s Health. Brackenridge, C. H. and Kirby, S.L. (1997). Playing safe: Assessing the risk of sexual abuse to elite child athletes. International Review for the Sociology of Sport, 32, 407–418. Devor, A. H. (1989). Gender blending. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press. Griffin, P. (1998). Strong women, deep closets. Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics. Griffin, P., Perrotti, J., Priest, L., and Muska, M. (2002). It takes a team!: Making sport safe for lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender athletes and coaches. New York: Women’s Sport Foundation. Guttmann, A. (1996). The erotic in sports. New York: Columbia University Press. Hargreaves, J. (2000). Heroines of sport: The politics of difference and identity. London: Routledge. Kirby, S .L., Greaves, L., &. Hankivsky, O. (2000). The dome of silence: Sexual harassment and abuse in sport. Halifax:, Canada: Fernwood. Lenskyj, H. (1992, Fall). Unsafe at home base: Women’s experience of sexual harassment in university sport and physical education. WSPAJ, 19–33.

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Messner M. (1992). Power at play: Sports and the problem of masculinity. Boston: Beacon Press Pronger, B. (1990). The arena of masculinity: Sports, homosexuality and the meaning of sex. New York: St. Martin’s Press. Rich, A. (1980). Compulsory heterosexuality and lesbian existence. SIGNS, 5, 631–660. Rowe, D. (1995). Big defence: Sport and hegemonic masculinity. In A. Tomlinson (Ed.), Gender, sport and leisure (Vol. 3, pp .123–133). Aachen, Germany: Meyer & Meyer. Tomlinson, A., & Yorganci, I. (1997, May). Male coach/female athlete relations: Gender and power relations in competitive sport. Journal of Sport and Social Issues, 21(2), 134–155.

Honduras

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onduras, the second-largest Central American Republic, has a long Caribbean coastline and borders Guatemala, El Salvador, and Nicaragua. The capital city, Tegucigalpa (and its twin city, Comayagüela), is located in the south-central part of the country. The nation’s commercial center is San Pedro Sula, in the northwest corner. The national population in 2002 was 6,828,000.

History The prehistoric Mesoamerican ball game reached as far south as western Honduras, where one of the bestknown ball courts forms a prominent position in the archeological site of Copán. This court features the classic layout but lacks stone rings. Honduras is one of the poorest countries in the Central American and Caribbean region and has a relatively weak sport tradition. It participated in the 1921 Centennial games in Guatemala City, but for much of the twentieth century, sport development in the country lagged behind development in other Central American republics.

Participant and Spectator Sports The most popular amateur sport in Honduras—and the only professional sport—is soccer. In 2004, eleven teams formed the first division of the professional

league. Honduran national soccer teams are also active in international tournaments.

CENTRAL AMERICAN GAMES Honduras participated in the first and third Central American Games in Guatemala City (1973 and 1986), and hosted the fourth Games in Tegucigalpa (1990) and the sixth Games in San Pedro Sula (1997). In 1973, Honduras sent only fifteen athletes; they participated in men’s track and field and cycling, winning one gold medal (50-kilometer walk) and two silver medals (20-kilometer walk and marathon). Honduras did not attend the second Games in El Salvador, but in 1986, 151 men and 46 women participated in twenty sports, winning three gold medals (track and field, boxing, and judo), twelve silver medals (track and field, bowling, boxing, soccer, judo, wrestling, and swimming), and twenty-one bronze medals (basketball, baseball, bowling, boxing, fencing, judo, weight lifting, wrestling, swimming, softball, and tennis). As host nation for the fourth Games, Honduras presented the largest delegation and built a new sports complex that included three gymnasiums, stadiums for baseball and track and field, tennis courts, a swimming pool, and housing for visiting athletes and officials. Private facilities were volunteered for other events, and shooting was held in Guatemala. Ana Fortín, a Honduran, won five gold, two silver, and one bronze medal in swimming, setting several records. Four years later, Claudia Fortín set a new Central American Games record in swimming. For the sixth Games in San Pedro Sula, new sports facilities were constructed and the Games were dedicated to peace.

CENTRAL AMERICAN AND CARIBBEAN GAMES (CA&C) Although it sent twenty-two athletes to the second Games in 1930, for the next sixty years Honduras participated in only a few Central American and Caribbean Games. In the 1930 Games in Cuba, Honduras won third place in soccer and second place in shot put. In

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Honduras 1935 in El Salvador, Honduras sent forty-three male athletes who participated in track and field, basketball, baseball, and soccer. After missing the next two Games, Honduras sent seventy-seven men and twenty-three women to the sixth Games in Guatemala, winning third place in soccer and women’s basketball, and participating in discus, baseball, bowling, and men’s basketball. Honduras missed all the following Games until the 1974 competition in the Dominican Republic, where it sent a small group of athletes and won no medals. Twelve years later, Honduras sent twenty-four men and two women, including a marathoner, to the Dominican Republic and won the silver medal in soccer. In Mexico in 1990, Honduras participated in women’s basketball, men’s judo (one bronze), taekwondo, table tennis, and volleyball, and men’s and women’s bowling, racquetball, and swimming (Ana Fortín: silver in the 100- and 200-meter backstroke; Claudia Fortín: bronze in the 400-meter medley), as well as equestrian sport (two women; two silver medals). Through 1990, Hondurans had won six silver and five bronze CA&C medals. In 1993 Claudia Fortín won Honduras’ first gold medal in the CA&C Games. In 2002, Honduras won a gold medal in men’s freestyle wrestling; one bronze medal each in men’s and women’s judo; two bronze medals in women’s karate; and four bronze medals in women’s rowing.

PAN AMERICAN GAMES Honduras began to participate in the Pan American Games in 1975, finishing in eighth place in the 10,000meter walk and sixth place in the 20-kilometer walk. In 1979 Honduras took eighth place in the women’s 3,000-meter walk and fourth place in the 20-kilometer walk. In 1983, Honduras placed seventh in the 20-kilometer walk, and in 1987 it placed sixth in the same event. The same athlete achieved all four of the racewalk places. In 1991, Hondurans placed eighth in hammer throw and fourth in soccer. The first Pan American Games medals for the country came in 1995 (bronze in boxing, women’s judo, and men’s soccer). In 1999

Key Events in Honduras Sports History 1921 Honduras participates in the Centennial games in Guatemala City. 1956 The National Olympic Committee is established. 1973 Honduras participates in the first Central American Games. 1975 Honduras participates in the Pan American Games for the first time. 1990 Honduras hosts the fourth Central American Games. 1995 Honduras wins its first medals at the Pan American Games. 1997 Honduras hosts the sixth Central American Games. 2004 The first National Student Games take place.

Honduras won the silver medal in men’s soccer, losing the gold to Mexico. Honduras won one bronze medal in the 2003 Pan American Games.

OLYMPIC GAMES Honduras has participated very little in the Olympic Games. Six male track-and-field athletes first participated in the Mexico City Games in 1968. Six Honduran swimmers competed in the 1984 Olympics. Swimmer Ana Fortín carried Honduras’ flag and competed in the 1988 and 1992 Olympics. Two male swimmers also competed in 1988, and Claudia Fortín and two male swimmers competed in 1992. In 2004 a Honduran man competed in the 400-meter race.

Women and Sport In Tegucigalpa, recreational play and amateur leagues exist for women in basketball and softball. Girls are admitted to children’s baseball leagues, and in 1989, the star pitcher for the Honduran team that defeated Costa

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Rica in an international competition for ten- to twelveyear-olds was a girl, Kenia Sánchez.

Youth Sports All over the country boys are involved in recreational soccer play. Streets and any open area, no matter its small size or its inconvenient location (for instance, next to a steep valley slope) serve as playing grounds; rocks often mark the goals. However, league play in youth soccer and baseball are available only in the larger cities. Sports have not been developed in public schools, but a few private schools have sports facilities such as playing fields, courts, and gymnasiums. On 4 June 2004, the first National Student Games, organized by the Office of Culture and Sport of the Ministry of Education, were inaugurated. Student athletes at this event represented most of the country’s provinces.

Organizations Honduras’ National Olympic Committee was established in 1956. However, the nation’s lack of resources for the support of international sport competition limited its participation in the Olympic Games. The National Soccer Federation (Federación Nacional de Fútbol de Honduras; FENAFUTH) administers the country’s most popular sport.

Future Sport developments in Honduras will continue to be limited by competing demands for scarce resources in areas of social need such as education and health services. In 2004, the National Soccer Federation recognized the support of President Ricardo Maduro, whose government is backing a bank loan of $4 million to initiate “seedbeds for the future,” a plan to build eighty first-class soccer fields for amateurs, two in each province in the country, to establish four pilot centers for soccer development, to conduct training programs for officials, coaches, and sports managers, and to purchase equipment. Maduro believed that by promoting sports the country will increase the number of citizens com-

mitted to facing challenges, working in teams, and serving as examples for future generations. He said that “in spite of the needs of Honduras’ people, sport is an important part of my administration, because it builds support for Honduras by encouraging national pride.” Maduro also assured his support for national basketball. Richard V. McGehee

Further Reading Ferreiro Toledano, A. (1986). Centroamérica y el Caribe a través de sus juegos [The Central and Caribbean Games]. Mexico City, Mexico: Artes Gráficas Rivera. Minar, E. (1996). Historia de la natación hondureña [The Story of Honduran Swimming]. Tegucigalpa, Honduras: Solidaridad Olímpica and Comité Olímpico Hondureño.

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acing on horseback, as opposed to riding horses for travel, probably began about 6,500 years ago among nomadic peoples of Central Asia. It seems to reflect a human propensity to race—on foot—and by other means that spans a good bit of human history and appears in various forms across cultures. People will apparently race on whatever animals will carry or pull them—reindeer in Siberia, elephants in Southeast Asia, camels in the Middle East, to name but a few. Horse racing and chariot racing were events in the ancient Olympics and became even more popular across the Roman empire 2,000 years ago. Modern horse tracing began in England in the twelfth century, fueled by swift Arabian horses brought back by returning crusaders from the Middle East. Thoroughbred racing remains the most popular form of horse racing today. Other major forms are harness racing, steeplechase racing, and quarter-horse racing. Horse racing is popular worldwide and major racing nations include Great Britain, the United States, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, France, South Africa, Japan, and Argentina. Harness racing is especially popular in

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North America and steeplechase in Britain. Horse racing is a multibillion-dollar global business involving a broad range of industries and people including owners (nowadays often syndicates), breeders, trainers, jockeys, grooms, veterinarians, and others. Television coverage has made several trainers and jockeys wealthy celebrities. However, for most owners, racing is an expensive and exciting hobby rather than an economic venture.

Thoroughbred Racing Modern horse racing began in the twelfth century in England when swift Arabian horses were brought to the island by returning crusaders. Over the next centuries Arabian stallions were bred with English mares to produce horses that were swift and hearty and ideal for racing. In the early eighteenth century horse racing emerged in England as a major spectator sport for the nobility, with betting a major enticement to the track. A proliferation of race courses and the growth of breeding industry led to the formation of the Jockey Club in 1750, which continues to control the rules, race courses, and regulation of breeding in Britain. Although thoroughbred racing is not the prerogative of the elite, during its formative years in Britain the sport did depend on upper-class patronage to provide racing stock. Prize money also came mainly from these upper-class patrons, along with contributions from those people, such as publicans and politicians, who stood to gain money or praise from their local race meetings. This style of racing, associated with heats, matches, and long-distance events, was transported to British colonies throughout the world. Until railways revolutionized transport for both horses and people in the mid-nineteenth century racing remained a local or, at best, a regional sport. Spectators did not have to pay to view thoroughbred racing until courses became enclosed during the late nineteenth century, at which time entry fees helped swell the purses. Moreover, the structure of racing was changed to attract a paying crowd, and sprints and handicaps replaced long-distance, stamina-testing events.

The program for an Exeter Autumn Meeting.

The greatest financial stimulus to thoroughbred racing during the twentieth century was the totalizator (tote). The totalizator is a machine for registering bets and computing payoffs in pari-mutuel betting. Under the pari-mutuel system the aggregate pool of bets on all horses is divided among those people who bet on the winning horse, less deductions to cover operating costs and to make contributions to the racing industry. Gate money courses signaled the widespread commercialization of racing in which courses competed both for spectators and horses, and, in turn, increased prize money impinged on those directly involved in satisfying the demands of the owners—the jockeys, trainers, and breeders.

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Horse Racing Man O’ War The extract below tells the tale of the great racing horse, Man o’ War: This is the time of year when the leaves are falling, the frost is on the pumpkin and the turf men gather round the hot stoves in their stables and spin yarns. This year the chief topic is Man o’ War, the Riddle colt, of whom the stable owner followers never tire of talking. “I’ve seen ‘em all,” said “Brown Dick” as he poked the fire at Churchill Downs, “and this Riddle hoss has ’em all beat to a frazzle. “Freeland, Boundless, Rey el Santa Anita, Like Blackburn, Alan-a-Dale, Miss Woodford, Domino, Look Out and the bunch—dawgs, I tell you, all dawgs compared to dis Riddle colt.” And to prove the truth of his statement, “Brown Dick” points to the wonderful record of Man o’ War this year and last. Man o’ War, sure enough, is just now the king of the turf, and Cleopatra is the Queen.

Even before the enclosed course, thoroughbred racing had begun to change as long-distance heats were generally abandoned, races for heavyweight jockeys were increasingly rare, more two-year-olds were being raced, and sweepstakes (in which each of many owners paid a stake into the prize fund to enter his or her horses) were replacing matches (in which two horses raced in a head-to-head contest for a money wager between their owners) and races for plates and other nonmonetary awards provided by a race committee. All of these changes can be explained by a growing commercial attitude on the part of owners. Britain introduced thoroughbred racing to all its colonies. The first organized race meeting in the United States was held in 1665 in New York State. By the eve of the American Revolution 150 thoroughbred stallions had been imported from England. Another one hundred followed by 1800, including Diomed, winner

The great Riddle colt has won $166,140 this season. This exceeds by more than $100,000 the amount won by any other horse, colt, filly or gelding. Cleopatra finished second on the winning list with $45,511, just nipping out Exterminator, who won $45,265. Leonardo headed the list of 2-year-old colts with $36,078, but Step Lightly, by her victory in the Futurity, stopped him with $49,221. Step Lightly heads the list of winners of the 2-year-olds of the season. Man o’ War had an unbroken string of eleven victories. This is the best showing made by any horse of any time. All the other horses, with the exception of Leonardo II. And Tryster, which have clean scores of four and five victories, respectively, were beaten at some period during the season. Cleopatra won six races, was second five times, third twice and unplaced once out of fourteen starts. Source: Spink, A. (1921). One thousand sport stories (Vol. 2, pp. 110–111). Chicago: The Martin Company.

of the first Epsom Derby in 1780, whose success at stud did much to improve U.S. racehorses. Horse racing became the first truly nationwide sports spectacle in the United States, particularly when a few meetings pitted horses from the North against champions from the South even before the Civil War. U.S. thoroughbred racing lagged behind Britain in development, partly because no overarching administrative and legislative body existed comparable to the Jockey Club, founded in 1750 and virtually in charge of British racing by the mid-nineteenth century. However, turf abuses in the form of race fixing and drug use during the 1890s brought the imposition of repressive state legislation that forced U.S. racing to clean itself up and restructure administratively. The United States Jockey Club was established in 1894, but, in comparison with the power of its European counterparts, it has been weakened by the independence of state racing commis-

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sions, and its main function has been to maintain the American Stud Book, the official record of thoroughbred breeding in the United States and Canada. One distinctive U.S. innovation was the monkey-ona-stick style of riding in which the saddle was pushed forward and the stirrups and reins shortened so that the jockey rode with knees bent, crouching along the horse’s neck. When U.S. riders invaded British turf during the last decade of the nineteenth century, their success quickly led to an abandonment of the English style of riding, modeled on the erect seat of the hunting field. Another U.S. innovation has been dirt tracks, often much smaller than tracks in Britain, thus offering spectators a better view. In Asia most international racing attention focuses on Japan, where the past two decades have brought vast investment in bloodstock and in racing itself. The Japan Cup, a weight-for-age event, was inaugurated in 1981 as the richest race in the world. Run at Tokyo’s Fuchu racecourse on the last Sunday in October, it attracts high-quality horses from all over the racing world. With the exception of France, racing in Europe remained relatively unintegrated until well into the era of European economic unity. In Paris, however, the Prix de l’Arc de Triomphe began in 1920 to attract the best horses in Europe. The main stimulus to rendering European racing more cosmopolitan was the adoption of an integrated pattern system in 1971 by Britain, Ireland, France, and Italy, followed by Germany two years later. Essentially this system classifies races according to their degree of importance and allows international comparisons to be made as to the racing ability and breeding potential of bloodstock. Today, the thoroughbred racehorse is little more than a mechanism for gambling. Indeed, racing cannot exist without gambling. When the South Australian government banned betting during the 1880s, the local racing industry collapsed. In most countries betting has provided a lifeline for racing in that a portion of the totalizator takings has been injected into the sport. This has been the case nowhere more than in Japan, where subsidized admission reduces the cost of entry to less than

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seventy-five cents; subsidized prize money means that up to fourteen races will be on the program; and augmented club profits ensure excellent viewing and betting facilities.

Harness Racing Harness racing began in rural America during the early 1800s as people faced one another in horse-drawn carriages along country roads, village main streets, and even wide city avenues. However, not until the nineteenth century did people in the United States begin to think of it as a sport. People began to use the term harness racing at the end of the nineteenth century; until then it was called “trotting,” a term applied to trotters and pacers alike. The standardbred harness horse either trots or paces. A trotter moves its legs in diagonal pairs—front right and rear left together, front left and rear right together. A pacer performs the opposite action: The right front and right rear legs move at the same time, followed by the left front and left rear legs. The trot or the pace are inherited by most standardbreds. Training makes them able to maintain the gaits at high speed over long distances. Trotters come in two varieties: line gaited and passing gaited. Viewed from the front or rear, a linegaited trotter’s front and hind feet are in a direct line with each other when the horse is in motion. A passinggaited trotter’s hind feet land outside the front feet. A pacer is readily identified by its side-swaying motion. Whereas a trotter’s body is usually balanced in the center, a pacer is constantly shifting its weight from side to side, which creates the rocking motion that inspired the nickname “side-wheelers.” Most pacers racing today wear hopples (or hobbles). A pacer that races without them is said to be “free legged.” Trotters and pacers originally were ridden to saddle. However, their gaits lent themselves to being hitched to wagons and racing carts known as “sulkies.” A sulky is a light two-wheeled carriage constructed for a single person. During most of the nineteenth century sulkies were made with high wheels. When bike-wheel sulkies were introduced in 1892, high-wheelers immediately fell into disuse.

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Pacer’s harness and rigging. Notice the position of the legs.

Through the years major improvements have been made in the sulky, including a single-shaft design created by aeronautical engineer Joe King. His design featured an arched shaft over the horse’s back connected to the back pad of the harness. Both the U.S. Trotting Association and the Canadian Trotting Association banned the single-shaft design. Joe King went back to his drawing board and designed the modified sulky, which was more traditional and less controversial than its predecessor. Its new features appealed to many trainers, and the modified sulky, with variations, has been the standard. Unlike thoroughbred racing jockeys, harness drivers are usually full-size adults and often 40 years of age or older. Driving a horse in a harness race is not only for professionals; owners also may participate.The Harness Racing Museum and Hall of Fame is located in Goshen, New York. This town, known as the “cradle of the trotter,” is also home of Historic Track, the first sporting site in the United States to be designated a registered National Historic Landmark. The major harness races are the Hambletonian and that Little Brown Jug.

Steeplechase Steeplechase developed from foxhunting in England. Steeplechase is especially popular in Britain, less so in the United States. Steeplechase racing takes place on grass, and it involves jumping over barriers. Steeplechase began as informal races between fox hunters and later became an event between foxhunting seasons. Gradually these races became events independent of foxhunting and took the forms of timber racing, hurdle racing, and point-to-point races. In the early 1800s they became permanent features of British sport, with the Grand National Steeplechase at Aintree first competed in 1839 or earlier. Aintree was built to replicate the obstacles encountered during the hunt and allow spectators to see the start as well as the finish. In the United States races have been held since the

1830s but did not emerge as generally popular until the late 1860s and has never been as widely popular as either thoroughbred or harness racing. Steeplechases in the United States are classified as timber or hurdle races. Steeplechase also is popular in Australia and New Zealand, Ireland, Wales, Scotland, and France. The Sport of Kings Challenge is held at several sites, including Morven Park (Virginia), Callaway Gardens (Georgia), Cheltenham (England), and Leopardstown (Ireland). Other major races are the Grand National, Cheltenham Gold Cup, and the Champion Hurdle.

Horse Racing and Society Horse racing is a leisure activity which provides the means for people to express what is apparently the universal need to gamble. Horse racing also expresses a tie in many societies to an earlier, rural way of life. Horse racing represents the rural/urban dichotomy in many nations; breeding and the development of race horses is a rural activity while actual racing more often takes place at tracks in or near urban areas. Horse racing is a major contributor to the economies in nations such as the United States, England, Ireland, Australia, and Japan. It can be an important source of income for successful owners, trainers, jockeys, and bettors, although most owners and bettors lose rather than win on their investments. A survey by the Barents Group LLC in the United States titled The National Impact of the Horse Industry in the 1990s, which covers both racing and breeding, indicates the enormous economic impact of

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Horse Racing racing. It provides nearly 500,000 jobs, has a $34 billion impact on the economy, and pays about $500 million in taxes to state and local governments. Major issues for owners include increasing the size of purses and reducing taxes on the industry. Expansion of betting opportunities through simulcasting of races at other tracks, phone betting, and internet betting are all issues for track owners and horse owners and trainers. Supporters of more income opportunities for owners point to the number of jobs and support for many other establishments such as restaurants near race tracks. Racing remains a major draw at many rural fairs. Horse racing is, perhaps most importantly, a major source of revenue for states and nations who take a percentage of the betting pool. The control of racing varies from nation to nation. In Britain, the Jockey Club is the central authority. In the United States, the Jockey Club mainly governs breeding while control of racing and facilities rests with state racing boards. In Australia, too, the state boards have much authority.

WOMEN IN HORSE RACING Horse racing is largely a man’s sport, although there have been notable female owners and jockeys. Nonetheless, the story of women in horse racing has been one of struggle against male control and, paradoxically, of resistance to women’s participation by owners and other women influential in turf affairs. Races between women during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries were a novelty. The only event in which women competed regularly against men was point-to-point steeplechasing in nineteenth century Britain. It was an amateur version of steeplechase organized by foxhunt clubs. In 1929 the Master of Hounds Committee ruled women ineligible to point-topoint race except in races confined to women. Since then parallel races for men and women have been the norm, with only a few races open to both. Legal action and equal opportunity legislation has opened horse racing to women. The United States was the first to drop the barrier after Kathy Kusner, an Olympic equestrian, took court action in 1968 in Mary-

“Hat Pins and Hunches”: An Old English Song Ye lads who love a steeplechase and danger freely court, sirs, Hark forward all to Liverpool to join the gallant sport, sirs, The English and the Irish nags are ready for the fray, sirs, And which may lose and which may win, ’tis very hard to say, sirs.

land to secure her riding license. The United States had more than sixty registered women jockeys by the early 1970s. In England the Jockey Club did not allow women to race on the flat until 1972 or to compete against male amateurs until 1974 or against male professionals until 1976, when it was forced to do so by the Sex Discrimination Act. In Australia federal legislation forced all of the country’s racing authorities to accept women riders in 1979. The first woman in modern racing to ride against men was the U.S. rider Diane Crump at Hialeah Park in Florida in 1969. The first woman to win—possibly the first woman to beat men in a professional sports event—was Barbara Jo Rubin aboard the horse Cohesion at Charles Town, West Virginia, in 1969. In 1971 Cheryl White became the first African-American woman jockey to win a thoroughbred race at Waterford Park, West Virginia. Harness driver Bea Farber was the first woman to win a title at a major track and the first to break the thousand-win barrier. Only a few women riders have won the respect of their male competitors. Leading U.S. male jockey Angel Cordero concedes that Julie Krone, winner of nearly two thousand races during her first decade as a professional, “don’t ride like a girl, . . . she can ride with any jockey in the country.”

CONTROVERSIES Horse racing has also come in for its share of criticism beyond charges of sexism. Because of the gambling

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Horse Racing Reindeer Racing among the Chukchee of Siberia Their greatest amusement in winter and spring is racing with reindeer. One single man may arrange a race for which he offers one or more prizes, or several living in the same camp may join forces. Among our nearest neighbors there were fifteen races during the winter. A race is announced a long time ahead, for instance: “When the next moon is full, there will be a race at N. N.” As the time draws nearer, every visitor who comes along is asked when the race is to be held at N. N., and at last the answer is “tomorrow.” Most of the guests who live far away arrive a day before the race and some even bring their reindeer several days ahead, so they will be well rested and in good condition for the big day. Every Chukchi has at least one pair of swift racers. [ . . . ] And all morning sled after sled whirls into the camp, bringing the nearest neighbors, men and women, old and young, and soon the place is filled with fur-clad, happy and chattering people, sleds and reindeer. At last, towards noon or after noon, the race can start. Only men take part, boys of sixteen to old men of sixty. They all get their sleds in order and line up anywhere. At the call, “ta-ham!”, they start with the one who is giving the race in the lead, but otherwise without order. Some sit calmly waiting and let one after another pass them by, but if it should happen that a reindeer balks they all return and wait for the driver to gain control. The start of the race is most disorderly and congenial, there is no order of starting and no time keeper, but the one who reaches home first wins the race, no matter whether he was off first or last. [ . . . ] Before the racers are out of sight, the “tines,” those flexible wooden rods with a walrus peg, whine through the air, the reindeer break into a full gallop, and the whole row of sleds, sometimes five or six, other times up to twenty-five, disappear among the trees. While you wait for their return you talk and smoke and talk some more, until some one shouts, “They’re coming, they’re coming,” and everyone runs

out—women, children and old folks. Three or four sleds are in the lead, the reindeer are straining to the utmost, urged on to further effort by the drivers, who with arms high in the air, are using the reins as a whip on the right reindeer and the “tine” on both reindeer. The racing is almost as hard on the driver as on the reindeer. Soaked with perspiration and with frost in hair and eyebrows, the driver is entirely unprotected from the spray of snow from the hoofs. Snow flies about his ears and many a lump of hard snow hits his face. He can barely keep his eyes open and sees little beyond the hind legs of his reindeer. He is all covered with snow, but there are many helpful hands to brush off the winner—the others have to take care of themselves. [ . . . ] The Chukchi are very proud of the honor of taking first place, and a couple of swift reindeer are highly prized. At the races that winter a few men were always among the winners, and others participated hopefully and faithfully and took turns at being the last. One man was especially good at breaking his sled, and repeatedly coming in last on a wreck. It sometimes happens that things do not run off as smoothly as they should because some one may come in as winner by taking a short-cut. No fuss is made right away so the man takes his prize but he may not be allowed to keep it. The rightful winner talks to some of the older men, explains what happened, and asks them to look into the matter. Yes, he is right, everything did not go off straight, they will think it over. They talk back and forth and after a couple of days they make a trip to the one who cheated and tell him he had better give his prize to the next man. I have twice seen such advice followed without protests, but in both cases the ones who cheated were younger men than the winners, and that makes quite a difference. Had the case been reversed, I do not think it would have been any use for the younger man to complain. Source: Sverdrup, H. U. (1938). With the people of the Tundra (pp. 79–82). Oslo, Norway: Gyldendal Norsk Forlag.

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When you’re riding, only the race in which you’re riding is important. ■ WILLIE SHOEMAKER

element, the possibility of cheating through fixing races or enhancing performance through drug use has long been a problem and has led to numerous scandals. Major efforts at reform—usually by putting racing under a government board—has been the usual response to scandals. Since the 1960s drug use has been a regular concern. Controversies continue over the use of Lasix, a drug which controls bleeding in the lungs and is legal in some states; Bute, which masks pain; and pain killers such as morphine. The most recent controversy concerns the use of “milkshakes,” a bicarbonate of soda mix that gives horse more stamina. Efforts to control drug use include the random testing of horses and the use of detention barns for twenty-four or forty-eight hours before races to keep horses apart from personnel who might administer the drugs. Critics of racing charge that owners and trainers are not supportive enough of these measures. Horse racing is also criticized by animal rights advocates who see the entire industry as exploitative of animals and specifically criticize the use of pain-masking drugs, neglect of horses, and the killing of healthy horses who are no longer useful for racing or breeding. Nonetheless, the appeal of horses and horse racing goes well beyond the track and stable and is part of the national folklore of several nations. Especially popular are several legendary racehorses with some, such as Man o’War, Secretariat, Citation, Seabiscuit, Nijinsky, Nijinsky II, and Phar Lap, memorialized in literature, sports writing, and film.

vived by turning themselves with government approval into year-round betting establishments, with slot machines a key element of the formula. And there were complaints that the quality of racing at some larger tracks was less than it had been in the past. At the same time, major thoroughbred stakes races continued to flourish, offering ever larger purses, often with corporate sponsorship. Some experts predict a future of far fewer tracks and races but much larger purses at major races.

Governing Bodies Key governing organizations in horse racing include the American Quarter Horse Association. (www.aqha. com); Australian Racing Board (www.australian-racing. net.au); Canadian Trotting Association (www.trotcan ada.ca); Harness Tracks of America, Inc. (www.harness tracks.com); National Hunt Committee (http://www. thoroughbredbreedersassociation.co.uk/nationalhunt. htm); National Thoroughbred Racing Association (www.ntra.com); The Jockey Club (U.S., www.jockey club.com; U.K., www.thejockeyclub.co.uk); Thoroughbred Racing Association of North America, Inc. (www. tra-online.com); and United States Trotting Association (www.ustrotting.com). David Levinson, based in part on work by Ralph B. Ballou Jr., Joyce Kay, Philip A. Pines, and Wray Vamplew See also Ascot

The Future Horse racing has always had periods of growth and decline. It declined in popularity in Britain in the 1980s and then rebounded in the 1990s. In the 1990s, it declined in the United States as a spectator sport and as a venue for gambling. This is due in part to the easy availability of other forms of gambling including offtrack betting, casinos and state-sanctioned lotteries of various kinds. Many small tracks closed as the supply of lower-level horses suitable for racing diminished. Others in states such as Pennsylvania and Delaware sur-

Further Reading Ainslie, T. (1970). Complete guide to harness racing. New York: Trident Press. Bedford, J. (1989). The world atlas of horse racing. London: Hamlyn. Cassidy, R. (2002). The sport of kings: Kinship, class and thoroughbred racing in Newmarket. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Coates, A. (1983). China races. Hong Kong: Oxford University Press. Denhardt, R. M. (1979). The quarter running horse: America’s oldest breed. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. Fox, K. (1997). The racing tribe. Oxford, UK: Social Issues Research Centre. Freedman, H., & Lemon, A. (1990). The history of Australian thoroughbred racing. Melbourne, Australia: Southbank Communications.

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Harrison, J. C. (1968). Care and training of the trotter and pacer. Columbus, OH: U.S. Trotting Association. Hill, C. R. (1988). Horse power: The politics of the turf. Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press. Hillenbrand, L. (2001). Seabiscuit: an American legend. New York: Random House. Holland, A. (1991). Classic horse races. London: MacDonald. Longrigg, R. (1975). The turf: Three centuries of horse racing. London: Eyre Methuen. Munting, R. (1996). An economic and social history of gambling in Britain and the USA. Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press. Pines, P. A. (1980). The complete book of harness racing. New York: Arco Publishing. Pollard, J. (1988). Australian horse racing. Sydney, Australia: Angus & Robertson. Smiley, J. (2004). A year at the races: Reflections on horses, humans, love, money and luck. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. Tanner, M., & Cranham, G. (1992). Great jockeys of the flat. London: Guinness. Trubiano, E. (1982). The Carolina Cup, 50 years of steeplechasing and socializing. Columbia, SC: R. L. Bryan. Vamplew, W. (1976). The turf: A social and economic history of horse racing. London: Allen Lane. Welsh, P. C. (1967). Track and road: The American trotting horse. Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press. Woodruff, H. (1847). The trotting horse of America. Philadelphia: John C. Winston. Zuccoli, C. (1992). The fields of triumph: Guide to the world of racing. Milan, Italy: Monographic.

Horseback Riding

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orseback riding refers to a number of related sports, the most popular being show jumping, dressage, and eventing, all three of which are Olympic sports. Other equestrian sports are hunter seat, western seat, saddle seat, sidesaddle, endurance, and gymkhana. Riding sports emerged as activities for the general public in Europe and the United States around the turn of the twentieth century. They have become enormously popular, both as recreational activities and as competitive sports, especially with girls and women. It is estimated that about 80 percent of riders are women, who compete with men as equals. The sport involves not just riding but also the purchase, sale, and care of the horses, and includes stabling, training, and relationships with the associated equipment and clothing in-

dustries. Riders must be physically fit and must therefore devote time to personal fitness training. Horseback riding is an amateur sport, and given the high cost of the horse and its care and training and the time the rider and horse must devote to training, most participants are relatively affluent. Riding sports are governed by strict rules and are often highly ritualized, with stringent clothing and behavior requirements. Horseback riding has remained a largely European and North American sport, but there is growing interest in it in South America, New Zealand, and Australia. At the 2004 Olympics the nine team medals went to seven countries: two each to Germany and the United States, and one medal each to the Netherlands, Spain, France, Britain, and Sweden. Riding has been criticized by animal rights groups, but with far less vehemence than has been directed at horse racing and rodeo.

Show Jumping Show jumping is a sport of speed, power, and precision. Riders guide their horse around a course of turns and jumps in a specified time period. The event takes two rounds: Those who complete the first round “clean”— without time or jumping faults—compete in the second round on a shorter course that requires more speed. The horse and rider with the fastest time and fewest penalties win the event. Show jumping developed in western Europe and the United States and remains most popular there. Jumping classes range from a preliminary level up to the Grand Prix.

Dressage Dressage, French for “training,” is the discipline of developing the horse’s three natural gaits of walk, trot, and canter through years of rigorous day-by-day training and coaching. It is considered the ballet of horse riding. In competition, horse and rider follow a prescribed test in an enclosed arena. The test measures the degree of training observable in movements such as extension of the stride or lateral movements. Horses progress through a series of levels, including four Federation

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This drawing from Hungary shows assembled cavalry attending a joust.

Equestre Internacionale (FEI) levels. Grand Prix, the highest level, is contested at major competitions, including the Olympics. The Grand Prix contest is judged in two parts, the eight-minute Grand Prix test and the freestyle, or Kur, which is choreographed by each competitor and set to music.

Three-Day Eventing Three-day eventing, also known as combined training, is the most complete test of horse and rider. It began as a test of the United States Army cavalry, which needed to gallop long distances, negotiate the natural obstacles found on cross-country trips, and perform demanding parade movements. The modern three-day event tests the ability of riders to control their mounts and have quick reflexes. Horses are expected to display bravery, fitness, obedience, agility, speed, and endurance. Day one is for dressage, where requirements are lower than in Grand Prix dressage. Day two is the fourphase endurance test—two sets of trotting and slow cantering, with steeplechase; and then the grueling cross-country event to test endurance and jumping abil-

ity. Day three is for stadium jumping. The jumps are lower than in show jumping and the goal is to test the horse’s fitness, which can easily be measured following the preceding full day of riding. Three-day events are organized by level and use a star system to indicate difficulty: one star (*) indicates a preliminary three-day event, two-stars (**) indicate intermediate difficulty, and three-stars (***) indicate an advanced event. Four-star (****) events are for internationally experienced and successful combinations of horses and riders and are limited to the Olympics and the World Equestrian Games. The major equine competitions are the Olympics; the World Equestrian Games; Burghley, Blenheim, and Badminton in the United Kingdom; and Essex, Fair Hill, and Radnor in the United States.

Endurance The equestrian discipline of endurance challenges competitors to complete a long and arduous trail ride within a set amount of time. The inauguration of endurance riding as an organized equestrian sport may be traced

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Horseback Riding Extract from Anthony Trollope’s “The Lady Who Rides to Hounds” (1865) Women who ride, as a rule, ride better than men. They, the women, have always been instructed; whereas men have usually come to ride without any instruction.They are put upon ponies when they are all boys, and put themselves upon their fathers’ horses as they become hobbledehoys: and thus they obtain the power of sticking on to the animal while he gallops and jumps, and even while he kicks and shies; and, so progressing, they achieve an amount of horsemanship which answers the purposes of life. But they do not acquire the art of riding with exactness, as women do, and rarely have such hands as a woman has on a horse’s mouth.The consequence of this is that women fall less often than men, and the field is not often thrown into the horror which would arise were a lady known to be in a ditch with a horse lying on her. I own that I like to see three or four ladies out in a field, and I like it the better if I am happy enough to count one or more of them among my own acquaintances. Their presence tends to take off from hunting that character of horseyness, of both fast horseyness and slow horseyness, which has become,

to 1955 and the first Travis Cup, the Western States Trail Ride. From the United States the sport spread to Europe and elsewhere. The first international competition was held in Rome in 1986 with eleven nations competing. Races are generally twenty-five, fifty, or one hundred miles long with careful veterinary supervision at required stops along the course. Riders must be fit and must carefully gauge their horse’s fitness and set a pace that will allow them to finish. Each horse’s condition is carefully monitored at specific checkpoints, and horses appearing in any way unfit to go on are removed from competition. Awards are given both for finishing first and for the most fit horse, based on a physical examination. Arabian horses, which are valued for their hardiness and

not unnaturally, attached to it, and to bring it within the category of gentle sports. There used to prevail an idea that the hunting man was of necessity loud and rough, given to strong drinks, ill adapted for the poetries of life, and perhaps a little prone to make money out of his softer friend. It may now be said that this idea is going out of vogue, and that hunting men are supposed to have that same feeling with regard to their horses, the same and no more, which ladies have for their carriage or soldiers for their swords. Horses are valued simply for the services that they can render, and are only valued highly when they are known to be good servants. That a man may hunt without drinking or swearing, and may possess a nag or two without any propensity to sell it or them for double their value, is now beginning to be understood. The oftener that women are to be seen “out,” the more will such improved feelings prevail as to hunting, and the pleasanter will be the field to men who are not horsey, but who may nevertheless be good horsemen. Source: Trollope, A. (1865). The lady who rides to hounds. Hunting sketches. London: Chapman and Hall.

stamina, are the most popular breed for endurance competitions. Endurance riding has become popular in part because of the allure of being outdoors on horseback and the nostalgic appeal of an earlier, simpler rural way of life. Riders often develop a deep bond with their horse and with other riders who share the outdoor experience.

Sidesaddle Sidesaddle riding, which was the preferred style for European women for at least three hundred years, essentially disappeared in the 1930s when women resumed riding astride. It began to make a comeback in the 1970s as part of an interest in American history that was spurred by the U.S. bicentennial. Old saddle styles

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were redesigned to fit modern sensibilities and make it easier for women riding sidesaddle to engage in jumping and cross-country events. The modern sport was born with the founding of the World Sidesaddle Federation in 1980. The basic riding position is similar to the astride seat except that the right thigh is pressed against the upright pommel to maintain a secure seat. The sidesaddle has some significant advantages for those who have injuries and physical limitations. The modern sidesaddle rider competes in special sidesaddle classes or in open classes against astride riders. While a majority of the sidesaddle riders show in pleasure classes, some riders compete in jumping, contest classes, trail classes, and even team penning. Another favorite class of sidesaddle riders is the costume class.

Hunter Seat Riding Hunter seat riding, based on the hunting traditions of Europe, poses a whole new set of challenges for horse and rider. The goal for success is not being the fastest or jumping the highest, but rather displaying correct form, balance, control, and seamless transitions, both jumping and “on the flat.”

Stock Seat (Western) A style of horsemanship developed to meet the needs of Western frontiersmen and cattle ranchers, stock seat riding has nonetheless grown to be an acceptable and popular sport for women.

Saddle Seat Riders of American Saddlebreds and Morgans compete in saddle seat riding and equitation contests. They ride on a small, flat saddle and keep their stirrups very long as they guide their horses through patterns and gait changes, including special gaits unique to the American Saddlebred breed.

Gymkhana Gymkhana is usually a series of contests with ponies rather than horses. Such competitions are used to in-

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troduce young people to riding sports. Gymkhana comes from the Hindi gend-khana, meaning “racket court.” The Hindi derivation of the name is probably due to the fact that many of these activities were developed by members of the British army while they were stationed in colonial India during the nineteenth century. Gymkhana may involve a wide variety of events and the rules are far simpler than for other riding events. The most common competition has riders complete a straight, meandering, or circular obstacle course. Other gymkhana events include best-groomed horse, most smartly dressed rider, handkerchief catching, egg balancing, musical chairs, musical rides, and wrestling on horseback. Winning is less important than giving young riders the opportunity to become comfortable around horses. Gymkhana has gone hand in hand with the rise of pony clubs. Today pony clubs, which are open to young people up to the age of twenty-one, have three primary goals: (1) to encourage young people to ride, (2) to provide them with an all-around education about horsemanship, and (3) to inculcate values regarding sportsmanship and correct behavior. The great charm of gymkhana is that the framework of the competition and the contests themselves generate high levels of enjoyment.

Women and Horseback Riding With the exceptions of horse racing, polo, and rodeo, horseback riding is mainly a women’s sport. Women account for more than 80 percent of those involved in equestrian sports and they win a sizeable percentage of medals at major competitions. It was not always this way. When horses were used primarily for farming and other work, transportation, and to carry cavalry troops into battle, riding was a male activity. Although there are some famous women riders in history—Boadicea, the widow of the king of East Anglia, Anne of Bohemia, Catherine de Medici, Joan of Arc, and Queen Elizabeth I of England—they have been the royal and aristocratic exceptions.

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Opportunity opened for women in general only when the horse became economically and militarily obsolete with the appearance of the automobile and other means of fossil-fuel transportation in the early twentieth century. Horseback riding then became a recreational activity and a sport. In horseback riding, age, skill, and experience determine at what level of the sport women compete, and not their gender. Women’s success should not be a surprise, because women possess several advantages over men in riding horses. Women enjoy greater stability in the saddle due to their wider hips and lower center of gravity. With less physical strength, women must rely on important riding techniques that require balance and finesse. Most importantly, women communicate better with horses than do most men. As pack animals, horses respond better to a softer touch, gentle manner, and soothing voice, and effective communication with one’s horse is considered a vital component of success in riding. A key event in women’s riding history was the introduction of the sidesaddle in Europe in the thirteenth or fourteenth century. It is not clear who first introduced the sidesaddle, but Elizabeth I of England (1533–1603) gets credit for making it the only accepted riding style for upper-class women (peasant women continued to ride astride). Soon after this, hunting and cross-country riding came to be seen as unsafe and not appropriate for respectable women. The major innovation in the sidesaddle came about 1830 with the invention of the leaping horn, which made it safer to ride face forward and to jump. By the late 1800s in the United States, ranch life on the Western frontier necessitated that women ride astride, and the new style spread to Europe, although it took time to be generally accepted. However, by 1938 nearly all women were riding astride and the sidesaddle seemed to be history. But renewed interest in the United States associated with preparation for the 1976 bicentennial led to the founding of the U.S. Sidesaddle Association in 1974 followed by the World Sidesaddle Federation in 1980. Today many of the major horse

shows in America and Europe offer both flat and jumping classes for sidesaddle competitors. Female participation in hunting, racing, and Olympic competition, which began in 1912, was slow to develop. The first female equestrian was dressage rider Marjorie Haines of the United States, who competed in the 1952 Olympics.

Governing Bodies Horseback riding is governed by numerous national organizations. The primary international organization is the Federation Equestre Internationale (www.aherra. com). Major American and British organizations include the following: the American Endurance Ride Conference (www.aerc.org), the American Horse Shows Association (www.equistrian.org), the British Equestrian Federation (www.bef.org), the United States Dressage Federation (www.usdf.org), the United States Equestrian Federation (www.usef.org), the United States Eventing Association (www.eventingusa.com), and the World Sidesaddle Federation (www.sidesaddle.org). David Levinson, based in part on material by Mary Conti, Linda Bowlby, and Scott Crawford

Further Reading Beach, B. (1912). Riding and driving for women. New York: Scribner’s. Clarke, J. S. (1857). The habit and the horse. London: Smith, Elder & Co. Decker, K. D-C. (1995). Riding: A guide for new riders. New York: Lyons & Burford. Disston, H. (1961). Know about horses: A ready reference guide to horses, horse people, and horse sports. New York: Bromhall House. Evans, N. (1995). The horse whisperer. New York: Delacorte Press. Friddle, M. C., & Bowlby, L. A. (1994). The sidesaddle legacy. Bucyrus, OH: World Sidesaddle Federation. Haw, S. (1993). The new book of the horse. New York: Howell Book House. Hitchcock, F. C. (1962). Saddle up. London: Stanley Paul. Imus, B. (1992). From the ground up: Horsemanship for the adult rider. New York: Howell Book House. Kydd, R. (1979). Long distance riding explained. New York: Arco. Micklem, W. (2003). Complete horse riding manual. New York: DK Publishing. Midkiff, M. D. (1996). Fitness, performance and the female equestrian. New York: Howell Book House.

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Morris, G. (1990). Hunter seat equitation. New York: Doubleday. Paulo, K. (1990). America’s long distance challenge. North Pomfret,VT: Trafalgar Square. Phillips, M. (1993). Horse and hound book of eventing. New York: Howell Book House. Rodenas, P. (1991). Random House book of horses and horsemanship. New York: Random House. Skelton, B. (1988). Side saddle riding: Notes for teachers and pupils. London: Sportsman Press. Vernam, G. R. (1994). Man on horseback. New York: Harper and Row. Wofford, J. C. (1995). Training the three-day event horse and rider. New York: Howell Book House.

Human Movement Studies

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he term Human Movement Studies is one of several now used by higher-education units that once were called departments, schools, or colleges of physical education. Other current designations include, but are not limited to, human performance; exercise science; sport and exercise sciences; kinesiology; health, physical education, and recreation. The largest percentage of institutions presently using the designation Human Movement Studies seems to be in Australia. Sportwissenschaft (sport science) appears to be the preferred term in German-speaking countries. The title of the twentyfifth-anniversary conference of the International Association of Higher Schools of Physical Education, held in Lisbon in 1987, was “Human Kinetics —Movement Humain.” Human Movement (the term is often capitalized) also is considered to be a field of study that seeks to bring together numerous and diverse research specializations and interests and to integrate and apply the knowledge that is gained for the betterment of humankind. Brooke and Whiting’s Human Movement—A Field of Study was published in 1973. The inaugural issue of the Journal of Human Movement Studies, which appeared in March 1975, declared: “Research findings are inevitably fractionated . . . and it is seldom meaningful to apply such

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findings until they have been integrated into some conceptual whole.” Four years earlier the new journal Sportwissenschaft had expressed hope that “sport science” might somehow become an integrative science. The Journal of Human Movement Studies aspired to encourage and make available research by people operating in many disciplines, professions, and occupations. These included physiological contexts of human behavior, the development of movement behavior, movement in a societal context, personality and movement behavior, movement in communication, aesthetic evaluation in movement, techniques for the analysis of movement, and comparative studies of movement. Within a year seven hundred subscriptions from thirty countries had been received.

What Does Human Movement Include? Proponents have repeatedly pointed out that Human Movement is concerned with purposeful, or intentional, activity, not “involuntary sensory responses.” Therefore, its study cannot be restricted to molecular biology and physiology. Psychological, social, aesthetic, and other matters need to be involved. The Journal stated that animal studies would be accepted only if they had implications for the study of human movement.

ROOTS IN PHYSICAL EDUCATION Although some insisted that Human Movement was a new field of endeavor, others maintained that this was substantially a new term for what historically had been known as “physical education,” which during the 1960s had begun to establish itself as an academic discipline. Declarations were made in the 1970s that Human Movement Studies constituted an important area of academic inquiry that offered significant potential for both research workers and practitioners; these declarations resonate with Franklin Henry’s assertion, published in the Journal of Health, Physical Education, and Recreation in 1964, that, “There is a scholarly field of knowledge basic to physical education . . . constituted of

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I always know what’s happening on the court. I see a situation occur, and I respond. ■ LARRY BIRD

certain portions of such diverse fields as anatomy, physics and physiology, cultural anthropology, history and sociology, as well as psychology.” As the Journal of Human Movement Studies and numerous individuals would do a decade later, Henry also had declared, “The focus of attention is on the study of man as an individual, engaging in motor performances required in daily life and in other motor performances yielding aesthetic values or serving as expressions of his physical and competitive nature.”

attention of a growing number of female physical educators. Participants at the 1941 conference on modern dance held by the Ling Physical Education Association (founded in 1899 to bring together women who had studied at Bergman-Osterberg’s school or Stockholm’s Central Gymnastic Institute) were favorably impressed with presentations given by Lisa Ullman (who had come from Essen to Dartington Hall in 1934) and Rudolph von Laban (who recently had found refuge in England) and persuaded the board of education to promote modern dance in English schools.

EMERGENCE OF THE TERM MOVEMENT Movement, “either by itself or in composite terms such as ‘basic movement,’ ‘movement training,’ ‘human movement studies’ or ‘art of movement,’” Peter McIntosh (1981, 222) points out, emerged in connection with British physical education following World War II. Traditionally, children in government schools had been exposed to exercise through gymnastics. (At Rugby, other elite “public” schools, and those grammar schools that sought to emulate them, games and sports predominated.)

GYMNASTICS SYSTEMS FROM OTHER COUNTRIES The Swedish “system” of gymnastics, which consisted of specific movements executed to command (and which had a strong therapeutic dimension), had been introduced in England in the mid-1800s.The work was popularized by Martina Bergman-Osterberg, who began giving classes to female teachers in 1881. Her school, which moved to Dartford in 1895, was the country’s first residential college for training teachers of physical education. By 1914 there were five other training colleges for women. The quality of physical education for boys would remain limited until male teachers began to be trained at their own specialized colleges in the 1930s. Visits by Niels Bukh and his associates brought Danish gymnastics, which featured continuity of movement and rhythmic qualities, to the attention of English teachers in the late 1920s. During the 1930s “natural” and “rhythmic” gymnastics, then popular in various European countries, as well as modern dance, attracted the

GROWTH OF MODERN DANCE The Physical Education Act of 1944 moved physical education from the control of the chief medical officer for health to the Ministry of Education—a change that reflected broader tendencies within education to emphasize social and psychological matters. In physical education this redirected the earlier physiological/ health orientation, notably among female physical educators. The uniqueness of each individual, problem solving, and creative approaches to learning received considerable attention during the 1950s, a period during which interest in modern dance continued to grow. Laban’s theory of “modern educational dance” (the title of his often-reprinted small 1948 book) featured creativity, not stylized movements. Effort (“the strivings of the body and mind”) was the common denominator of all movement; its four elements were weight, space, time, and flow. In 1946 Ruth Morison, a tutor at I. M. Marsh College of Physical Education, began applying Laban’s principles of movement to gymnastics, with the intent of developing children’s “body awareness.” Her small booklet Educational Gymnastics (1956) became the basis for her more extensive A Movement Approach to Educational Gymnastics (1969) and the “new gymnastics,” as it sometimes was called, which encouraged children to solve a problem by moving in their own way and their own rhythm to tasks set by the teacher. To enhance opportunities for creativity, teachers used ropes, bars, ladders, boxes, and other equipment that could be moved into various configurations. By the

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1960s “movement education” permeated the curriculum at women’s physical-training colleges.

Movement Education in America

In 1926 Margaret H’Doubler, who created the country’s first dance major at the University of Wisconsin, conducted a workshop dealing with fundamentals of movement in relation to dance, sports, and other activities. In addition, as movement education was coming into being, modern dance was a well-established part of the curriculum at many colleges and universities. An article in the October 1956 issue of the Journal of Health, Physical Education and Recreation endorsed the importance of creative dance and rhythmic movement for children and spoke favorably about the British Ministry of Education’s publication Moving and Growing (1952), which featured the new developments. (Interestingly, during the late 1950s and the 1960s American physical educators also gave extensive attention to regulated forms of “fitness” exercise.)

American female physical educators learned about “movement education” through contacts with English colleagues.The theme of the March 1964 issue of Quest, the journal of the National Association for Physical Education of College Women and National College Physical Education Association for Men (now the National Association for Physical Education in Higher Education) was “The Art and Science of Human Movement.” There are “few ideas related to physical education,” the editors observed, that have had as much impact on professional discussions in recent years. Ideas were quickly incorporated into programs for children In Movement Experiences: Curriculum and Methods for Elementary School Physical Education (1967), Evelyn Schurr stated, “In recent years the physical-education program in American elementary schools has been greatly influenced by programs of English physical educators.” An exercise routine from A receptive atmosphere already nineteenth-century Europe. existed. The playground movement and the formation of the Playground Association of America in 1906 (leading members of the physical-education profession were involved) encouraged freer types of activities than did gymnastics, which remained the foundation of the curriculum during the early 1900s. Developmental aspects of play, games, and sports were given considerable attention within the physical-education curriculum by the 1920s.

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Criticisms of Movement Education

Some female and most male physical educators found the extensive and unsupported claims of movement education to be extreme. Pure and Applied Gymnastics (1955) by A. D. Munrow, director of gymnastics at the University of Birmingham, raised a number of questions regarding its unverified assumptions. In chapters dealing with mobility, strength, endurance, and skill exercises, Munrow included relevant information from Schneider and Karpovich’s The Physiology of Muscular Exercise (1948); Bovard, Cozens, and Hagman’s Tests and Measurements in Physical Education (1949); and other sources derived from experimental studies. Munrow also referred

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Korean rope walking.

to “circuit training,” the exercise program that instructors at the University of Leeds recently had created to motivate male students to carry out individualized exercise programs. Among those who were skeptical of what were seen as extreme and diffuse claims was David Best, who had been on the faculty at Chelsea College of Physical Education. In Expression in Movement and the Arts: A Philosophical Inquiry (1974) and a series of articles in the Journal of Human Movement Studies, he pointed to the often unacknowledged “confusion in the use of the term ‘movement’ . . . a slide from a very general sense of the term to an implicitly more restricted sense,” and other inconsistencies.

INFLUENCES IN THE 1970S Physical education is one of those fields that are highly susceptible to broader social is political events and ideologies. The spectacular images of athletes, especially female gymnasts, at the1972 Olympic games focused attention on high-level performance, which requires specific and rigorous training. In the United States such tendencies were intensified by the enactment of the 1972 Education Act (Title IX), which mandated equity for females in intercollegiate and interscholastic athletics. In spite of what was sometimes claimed, there was no evidence that the approaches endorsed by “movement education” developed any of the specific skills needed to succeed in basketball, field hockey, or any other sport. The Olympic games and a growing number of other international competitions prompted more extensive studies of biomechanical, physiological, and psychological parameters of performance. The increasing volume of such research was one of several factors that contributed to reorienting many departments heavily toward the biological sciences during the 1980s.

OPPORTUNITIES FOR PHYSICAL EDUCATORS Since the late 1800s, a small number of physicians, physiologists, and other investigators had been studying various parameters of human performance. So had a few individuals whose field was physical education. Opportunities for the latter were more extensive in the United States, where by the 1920s departments of physical education with four-year bachelor’s-degree programs had been established at universities and colleges. By 1942 fifty-four institutions also offered graduate degrees. One-third of the contributors to the influential Science and Medicine of Exercise and Sport (1960) were physical educators. The intention of this book was to bring together authoritative evidence across disciplines dealing with physical activity and the human organism; it opened with the statement, “in recent years great progress has been made in the scientific study of exercise and sports.”

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Researchers whose faculty appointments were in a department of physical education (or one of the new names these would adopt) grew by remarkable proportions over the next four decades. Increasing numbers of physical educators also joined the American College of Sports Medicine, which from its inception in 1954 had been open to individuals in many fields. Sports medicine organizations in most other countries tended to be limited to physicians and perhaps researchers in certain physiological sciences. The growth of professional sports franchises, fitness centers, and other for-profit ventures; the advent of exercise stress testing for cardiac patients; and other health, sport, and exercise undertakings expanded employment opportunities, led to the development of new areas like sports management, and resulted in greater specialization within faculties as well as in the undergraduate curriculum. This prompted the creation of organizations like the International Society of Biomechanics in Sports, founded in 1967. Between 1968 and 1985, in North America alone, at least seven organizations dedicated to one of the areas traditionally included within physical education were created (e.g., North American Society for the Sociology of Sport, 1978). Most quickly established their own journals. These events fostered more—and better—research in the various “subdisciplines” and at the same time increased the fractioning (or “fragmentation,” a word that was used frequently in the United States) of knowledge that the Journal of Human Movement Studies had hoped to help remedy. Similar events that were occurring elsewhere have been discussed by Renson (1989) and by Haag, Grupe, & Kirsch (1992).

Increase in Status An article that appeared in 1968 in Physical Education (the journal of the Physical Education Association of Great Britain and Northern Ireland), while citing Henry’s 1964 article, stated that the establishment of university B. Ed. degree programs might be the first step in giving greater status to physical education in Britain. Following the James Report of 1972 (a British govern-

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ment study on teacher preparation), which declared that teacher training should be preceded by completion of study in an academic area, traditional three-year teachertraining colleges began to amalgamate with local polytechnics and universities. For example, Anstey College of Physical Education, which offered a three-year course in movement studies and education, became a part of Birmingham Polytechnic in 1975. Dartford College of Physical Training merged with Thames Polytechnic and became part of the School of Movement and Recreation Studies. Following amalgamation with Brighton Polytechnic, Chelsea College of Physical Education became known as The Chelsea School of Human Movement and looked forward to offering a BS Honors degree in sports science as well as a BA in Human Movement. In 1975 Liverpool Polytechnic launched its Honors BS degree in sports science within the Faculty of Science, not in association with physical education.

Debate on Nomenclature Perhaps nowhere were debates about what term best represented a newly configured department more intense than in the United States. In 1990 Karl Newell reported sixty-nine different names currently in use. These included Physical Education, Recreation, and Human Performance; Human Movement Program; Human Movement Studies; Health and Human Performance; Sport and Movement Studies; Kinesiology; Exercise Science. The last two were the most frequently adopted. Newell also noted that this “chaos” had come at a time “when societal interest in physical activity is at an alltime high” and made the perceptive observation that, “To some degree this chaos has been created and sustained by the prevalence of indifferent and inconsistent nomenclature in the field of physical activity and the inability to articulate clearly and consistently the academic programmatic themes”—the same criticism that several individuals in Europe and Canada were making.

The Future Within academia the word “science” has more prestige than does “studies.” And theoretical work has more

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status than do applied and practical matters. The international journal Human Movement Science was initiated in 1982 to provide “a multidisciplinary forum for the presentation and discussion of experimental, methodological and theoretical studies of human movement . . . with special focus on motor control, motor learning and coordination.” The intent was to achieve both integration of scientific knowledge and integration of theory and practice. Experimental psychology and biomechanics have been the subject of perhaps the greatest number of articles; contributions dealing with neurophysiology and neural network modeling also have appeared. In some fields the application of research to the world in which human beings live is of very considerable importance. Medicine is one; so is that which traditionally had been known as “physical education.” It seems of no small significance, therefore, to note that the editors of Human Movement Science have stated that there exists “a strong need in applied areas.” Roberta J. Park See also Biomechanics; Kinesiology; Physical Education

Further Reading Best, D. (1974). Expression in movement and the arts: A philosophical inquiry. London: Lepus Books. Brooke, J. D. & Whiting, H. T. A. (Eds.). (1973). Human movement— A field of study. London: H. Kimpton. Burton, E. C. (1977). The new physical education for elementary school children. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co. Fletcher, S. (1984). Women first: The female tradition in English physical education, 1880–1980. London: The Athlone Press. Haag, H., Grupe, O., & Kirsch, A. (Eds.). (1992). Sport science in Germany: An interdisciplinary anthology. Berlin/Heidelberg, Germany: Springer-Verlag. Henry, F. M. (1964). Physical education—An academic discipline. Journal of Health, Physical Education and Recreation, 35(7), 32–33, 69. McIntosh, P. C., Dixon, J. G., Munrow, A. D. & Willetts, R. F. (1981). Landmarks in the history of physical education. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. Morison, R. (1969). A movement approach to educational gymnastics. London: J. M. Dent and Sons, Ltd. Munrow, A. D. (1955). Pure and applied gymnastics. London: Edward Arnold Ltd. Newell, K. M. (1990). Physical education in higher education: Chaos out of order. Quest, 42 (3), 227–242.

Renson, R. (1989). From physical education to kinanthropology: A quest for academic and professional identity. Quest, 41(3), 235– 256. Sweeney, R. T. (1970). Selected readings in movement education. Menlo Park, CA: Addison-Wesley Publishing Co.

Hungary

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he origins of Hungarian sports date back to the settling of the nomadic Hungarian tribes during the ninth century. These Magyar tribes came to Europe from Russia and roamed on horseback while improving their riding, archery, hunting, and falconry skills. These skills weren’t just a part of everyday life; they played an important role in a tribe’s religious practices and beliefs. When Hungary adopted Christianity in 1000 (after unification by King Stephen I), the Christian culture was part of the newly created kingdom both politically and economically. After King Stephen I’s House of Arpad died out in 1301, the House of Anjou assumed the Hungarian throne. During the years of Anjou reign foreign knights arrived at the royal court, creating a Western-style culture. They held lavish jousting tournaments at the recently constructed castles and forts (such as Buda, Visegrad, and Esztergom). King Matyas (Matthias Corvinus), who ruled Hungary from 1458 to 1490, supported the influences of the Italian Renaissance. This era was the glorious time of Hungarian history, when economic prosperity and stable governance endured almost a lifetime. Mansions and castles (Buda, Visegrad, and Tata) were rebuilt to resemble those in Italy; Matyas also founded baths, libraries, and publishing facilities. After his death the country declined for decades. After its defeat by the Ottomans at the Battle of Mohacs (1526), Hungary broke into three parts, the largest part being ruled by the victorious Ottomans, who remained there for 150 years. The western part of Hungary came under the rule of the Hapsburgs (who dominated the politics of the country until 1921). During the early sixteenth century the

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Hungary Olympics Results 2004 Summer Olympics: 8 Gold, 6 Silver, 3 Bronze

Reformation (a religious movement marked by rejection or modification of some Roman Catholic doctrine and practice and establishment of Protestant churches) was the biggest influence on physical culture. The Reformation had the most followers in the third part of Hungary —Transylvania—which retained the national language and culture lacking in the parts held by the Ottomans and the Hapsburgs. Protestants founded schools, where they taught new subjects in the local language. John Comenius, the Czech-Moravian educator, wrote his pedagogic work Orbis Sensualium Pictus around 1650– 1654 in Sarospatak in northeastern Hungary. In it he described the importance of physical education and the role of pedagogy (the art of teaching) in protecting health.

Enlightenment and Education During the second half of the eighteenth century the ideals of enlightenment spread over the country. The conservative Hapsburgs tried to slow this spread, but in Queen Maria Theresa’s education decree Ratio Educationis (1777), physical education was included as an optional subject. The first writings about modern sports came from western Europe. Wealthy aristocrats (such as Istvan Szechenyi and Miklos Wesselenyi) who traveled through England, France, and the German principalities and scientists and doctors promoted the introduction of new sports in Hungary. Szechenyi supported horseracing, swimming, rowing, and sailing and constructed a ballroom. Wesselenyi advocated hunting and fencing.

The first national swimming pool in Pest, Hungary, in 1844. Source: Hungarian Museum for Sport and Physical Education.

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A mounted Hungarian (Magyar) warrior in the early sixteenth century.

Hungarian sports were heavily influenced by politics. Through the last quarter of the century the market and mass media also played an ever-increasing role. After World War I Hungary became independent after nearly four hundred years but lost two-thirds of its territory. More than 3 million Hungarians found themselves living in neighboring countries (Romania, Czechoslovakia, and Yugoslavia). That’s why during the 1920s many athletes who had begun their career in Hungary represented Romania, Czechoslovakia, or Yugoslavia at international competitions.

Olympic Games Both men set an example of the new European “gentleman” in the country. The small number of urban middleclass people, whose number rose significantly during the nineteenth century, favored gymnastics, swimming, and skating. Beginning in the 1860s Hungarian sports progressed rapidly. In 1867 the government enacted compulsory physical education in schools. After the 1860s new sports such as tennis, cycling, wrestling, and boxing gained popularity. Modern sports clubs (Nemzeti Torna Egylet, 1867; Magyar Athletikai Club, 1875) opened, followed by federations such as Magyar Labdarugo Szovetseg (Hungarian Football Federation) in 1901. Several sports began to hold national championships. At the first tennis championship in 1896 both male and female players were allowed to compete. The winner was Countess Paulina Palffy. Around the turn of the century sports periodicals such as Hercules were established. As part of the Austro-Hungarian empire, Hungary participated in numerous international competitions, particularly in other parts of the empire (Vienna, Prague) and in Germany. In the first modern Olympic Games in Athens, Greece, in 1896, Hungary participated with thirteen athletes. Alfred Hajos won two gold medals in swimming. The Hungarian team was led by Ferenc Kemeny, who had been elected to the International Olympic Committee (IOC) in 1894. During the twentieth century, especially after 1945,

Between the two world wars the Olympic Games were especially important in Hungary. However, in 1920 Hungary wasn’t invited to participate in the Olympics in Antwerp, Belgium, but rejoined the Olympic movement in 1924. Through the 1920s table tennis was the most successful Hungarian sport internationally. At the Olympics in Berlin, Germany, in 1936 Hungary won ten gold, two silver, and two bronze medals. After World War II the Soviet Union occupied Hungary. The Soviet model was enforced on every aspect of life, including sports. During the Soviet era sports were used as propaganda to demonstrate the success of socialism. During the 1950s a generation of well-trained athletes took part in Hungarian sports. At the Olympics in Helsinki, Finland, in 1952 Hungary won sixteen gold medals. Hungary also performed well in soccer during the 1950s, winning victories at the 1954 World Championship, but lost in the final against Germany. During the period from the 1960s to the 1990s the government supported mass sports only if they served a political purpose. The government helped finance professional sports to raise their level of support among the people. During the 1980s athletes were allowed to sign contracts with Western clubs. New sports such as baseball and Asian martial arts came to Hungary, imported by students studying abroad. During the early 1990s aerobics were not for just “Western imitators” anymore. After the political changes of 1989–1990 the govern-

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Hunting

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unting is the pursuit and killing of animals for subsistence, for the ritual of war, and for sport. The sportsman-hunter did not emancipate himself from the subsistence-hunter and the warrior-hunter until the nineteenth century.

The Rise of Hunting as Sport

Hungarian women competing at archery in 1889.

ment largely stopped financing sports and left no adequate system of financing in its place. Tax breaks and subsidies for foundations and civil organizations dedicated to sports might be the solution, but sports policies are ever-changing. Because of the media, the attention is again mainly on professional sports. The most successful sports are still the Olympic sports such fencing, swimming, wrestling, and kayak-canoeing, but the most popular is soccer. The most prominent body in Hungarian sports is the Hungarian Olympic Committee, whose president, Pal Schmitt, and general secretary, Tamas Ajan, are IOC members. Katalin Szikora

Further Reading Ajan, T. (Ed.). (2000). Magyarok az olimpiai jatekokon. Budapest, Hungary: Magyar Olimpiai Bizottsag. Foldes, E.-K., & Laszlo-Kutassi, L. (1989). A magyar testneveles es sport tortenete. Budapest, Hungary: n.p. Siklossy, L. (1929). A magyar sport ezer eve I-III. Budapest, Hungary: n.p.

Humans or something akin to them have hunted game for more than 1 million years. The use of fire and the presence of stone tools suitable for dismembering a carcass and of animal bones at sites inhabited by Homo erectus identify him as the first hunter. The first hunters stalked game for food not sport. The domestication of plants and animals some 10,000 years ago made possible the accumulation of a food surplus. Humans could now hunt by choice rather than necessity, a prerequisite of sport. But the hunter was not yet pure sportsman for he was also a warrior and the hunt proxy for war. In China the Han Dynasty (206 BCE–220 CE) classified hunting within the Ministry of War. In Egypt the pharaoh was the alpha warrior-hunter. Amenophis III (1411?–1375 BCE) slaughtered 102 lions, 96 bulls and innumerable other animals in a series of hunts. Tutmosis III (reigned c. 1500 BCE) killed 120 elephants in a single outing. Babylonian king Ashurbanipal (seventh century BCE) styled himself the “hunting king.” So long as the aristocracy held power and prestige, the hunt retained a nebulous status between war and sport. Hunting began to tilt toward sport with the waning of the nobility in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The English Civil War of the mid-1600s, the formation of the United States during the late 1700s into a nation without an aristocracy, and the French Revolution (1789) signaled the eclipse of the nobility. At the same time the ideal of the citizen-soldier of the French Revolution gave way to the professional soldier and officer cadre of Prussia. War no longer needed the hunt. Free from its role as provisioner for

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Hunting Methods, Etiquette, and Safety

Hunting polar bear in Alaska.

hunter-gatherers and dress rehearsal for warriors, hunting became a sport in the nineteenth century. Literature traces the evolution of the hunter from warrior to sportsman. The protagonists Theseus from antiquity and Siegfried from the Middle Ages were warrior-hunters. In pursuit of Minotaur and dragon respectively, Theseus and Siegfried elevated themselves above the common man. They were nobles whose prestige entitled them to the hunt. By the 1800s, however, the warrior-hunter had receded from history and from the literary landscape. Natty Bumppo, the protagonist of James Fenimore Cooper’s Leather-Stocking Tales (1823–1841), has none of the refinement and grace of the aristocrat. He is a woodsman, the product of a democracy in which anyone with pluck and initiative can hunt for sport.

Hunting involves a range of methods to capture the prey. An animal will try to elude a hunter as it would any predator, compelling him to use stealth in reconnoitering an area for game. The patrol on foot is perhaps the oldest method of hunting. A hunter takes care to walk into the wind to prevent it from carrying his scent ahead of him, a circumstance that would alert animals in his path. Nesting birds—grouse for example— pose little problem. A hunter may approach a stand of trees, opening fire when the birds take flight. As an alternative a hunter may use a dog—a pointer is ideal— to identify a tree with birds, to position itself at the foot of a tree and to bark on command to startle birds aloft. Once a hunter has made a kill a dog is invaluable in retrieving it. The ease of bird hunting and the opportunity for several kills in an outing attract large numbers of hunters. The presence of several hunters in an area demands caution. A hunter should keep his gun perpendicular to the ground as he awaits the approach of a bird. Upon sighting a bird he may track it, being certain never to bring the gun below a 45-degree angle with the ground. This precaution is especially important given that bird hunters tend to use shotguns. Even at 45 degrees a shotgun may disperse shot with a horizontal rather than upward trajectory. If the hunt is on private property as is common in Europe, a host has every right to dismiss from his land a hunter who arcs his gun dangerously low. The presence of several hunters poses an additional problem. Two hunters may fire simultaneously at a bird, each being unsure whether one or both hit it. Etiquette dictates that the hunter with the greater number of kills award the bird to the hunter with fewer. Big game, bear, and elk, for example, are another matter. Their keen nose and speed makes a kill difficult. A hunter should reconnoiter an area for lush vegetation that entices game to feed, approaching these spots at dawn or dusk when animals are likely to feed. A hunter does well to approach at dawn with daylight ahead. Bear, elk, and other large animals have small killing

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Hunting “Queen of the Chase”: Empress Elizabeth of Austria (1837–1898) Born in 1837, Elizabeth (nicknamed “Sisi”), a Bavarian princess, married the Emperor of Austria, Franz Josef, in 1854. After the birth of their four children who were removed for a separate formal upbringing, she became increasingly discontented with the “golden fetters” of one of the most rigid royal courts in Europe and suffered often from depression. A keen horserider since childhood, she spent an increasing amount of time away from Austria in search of freedom and excitement, often traveling under a pseudonym to reduce formality. She was already a grandmother when she first encountered foxhunting in England in 1874.Two years later she moved to the British Isles for the hunting season and returned for several years. She hunted both in the English Midlands and in Ireland. A bold, almost reckless rider, she was led through the fields by a pilot, Captain Bay Middleton, a handsome, enthusiastic cavalry officer ten years her junior. The empress found foxhunting a liberating experience after the rigid Vienna court life. Whatever the rumors about her relationship with male admirers away from the hunt, her position in one of the grandest European royal families protected her from ostracism. Instead, she became a model for other aristocratic women and the socially ambitious. The press published engravings of her hunting exploits, and she enjoyed being painted on horseback.

zones, increasing the chance that a hunter will wound rather than kill an animal with the first shot. Etiquette (and often law) require a hunter to pursue a wounded animal until the kill has been made. At dusk, however, a hunter must postpone the pursuit until morning. When the object is big game, a wise hunter will fire only at a stationary animal to be sure of killing it outright. This precaution is vital in stalking bear for a wounded bear may turn on a hunter and kill in its fury. As an alternative to stalking big game on foot, a hunter may take a position above the ground in a seat, either free standing or in a tree. A hunter in a seat will have a bet-

Her hunting career lasted less than a decade as family crises, ill health, and depression reduced her mobility. On 10 September 1898 she was assassinated in Geneva, Switzerland, by an Italian anarchist, Luigi Lucheni, who stabbed her to death with a homemade dagger. Sisi has remained a foxhunting legend and histories of the sport frequently reprint an anonymous piece of doggerel verse, written after an Irish hunt: The Queen of the Chase! The Queen! Yes, the Empress! Look, look, how she flies, With a hand that never fails And a pluck that never dies. The best man in England can’t lead her— he’s down! “Bay” Middleton’s back is done beautifully brown. Hark horn and hark halloa! Come on for a place! He must ride who would follow The Queen of the Chase!

John Lowerson

ter view of an area than will one on the ground and will be in better position to fire safely. Given the perils of hunting a prudent hunter will sacrifice the benefit of camouflage to the need for safety by wearing a bright color, orange is ideal, to alert other hunters of his presence.

Hunting Weapons The first hunters, driven by necessity rather than sport, used whatever was handy: stones, bones, sharpened sticks. Humans invented the spear 15,000 years ago and the bow and arrow 10,000 years ago, which had

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Though I am an old horse, and have seen and heard a great deal, I never yet could make out why men are so fond of this sport; they often hurt themselves, often spoil good horses, and tear up the fields, and all for a hare, or a fox, or a stag, that they could get more easily some other way; but we are only horses, and don’t know. ■ ANNA SEWELL, “BLACK BEAUTY”

by 3000 BCE spread to hunters throughout the world. Since the fourteenth century the gun has been the weapon of choice. The type of game dictates the choice of gun. Hunters of birds and other small game use a shotgun. Unlike a rifle a shotgun radiates its projectiles through space in a cone that increases in size with the distance to a target. The dispersal of shot over an area increases the odds of hitting small, moving game. A shotgun obviates the need for precision. A hunter does not aspire to be a marksman with a shotgun. It is enough to shoot near a target to hit it. A hunter may use a double-barreled shotgun that fires two cartridges at a time, dispersing shot over an even wider area. Its drawback is the need to reload after each shot. Should a hunter miss, the quarry will escape before the hunter can reload. For this reason hunters who favor a fluid action and who do not worry about the accuracy of the first shot prefer repeating shotguns. These carry several cartridges, which a hunter fires one at a time until a kill has been made. Although suitable for small game a shotgun is inadequate for large animals. The dispersion of shot increases the odds that a hunter will wound rather than kill big game, hitting it in several spots rather than penetrating the heart or brain with lethal force. For this reason the hunter of big game uses a rifle. The grooves in its barrel give a bullet a spin analogous to the spiral of a football, putting it on a straight trajectory. A hunter must be a marksman with a rifle. A shot near the heart may merely wound the quarry; a shot must penetrate the heart to kill the animal outright. The modern rifle can kill at 400 yards, a distance that allows no margin for error.

The Danger of the Hunt as Unrestricted Sport Like other hunter-gathers the Amerindians hunted for subsistence, preserving the balance between human and animal populations. Europeans and their descendents upset this balance. The New World was a land of bounty they believed. They thought it foolish to limit

the hunt amid plenty. Moreover they rued what they perceived as tyranny in Europe. As a counterweight to absolutism Thomas Jefferson conceived of America as an experiment in liberty. This experiment played out in the context of English philosopher John Locke’s notion of individual rights. The individual was capable of regulating his own conduct and needed neither aristocrats nor heavy-handed agents of government as interloper. The concepts of individual rights and limited government put few checks on hunters, precipitating a crisis on the Great Plains. For millennia bison were the dominant fauna on the plains, but European Americans viewed them an impediment to progress. Bison grazed the grass ranchers coveted for their livestock and sustained Native Americans with their meat. In killing bison European Americans appropriated land for their livestock and crops and deprived the plains Indians of their livelihood. In the name of progress, hunters swarmed west of the Mississippi River, where they drove bison to their death from drowning in the Missouri River and shot them from trains that crisscrossed the West. Gunman Billy Tilghman killed 3,300 bison in seven months. Buffalo Bill Cody tallied 4,280. During the 1870s hunters killed as many as 250,000 bison a month. This savagery bled the population of bison from 60 million in the eighteenth century to little more than 1,000 in 1893. Naturalists counted only twenty bison in Yellowstone National Park in 1894, and the New York Zoological Gardens had only fifteen.

The Regulation of the Hunt The massacre of bison coincided with the rise of landgrant universities, which graduated agriculturalists, foresters, and biologists sensitive to the need to protect game from slaughter. Many of them, particularly agriculturalists, affiliated with the Republican Party, emboldening its liberal wing and causing a schism between liberals and conservatives. Liberals advocated the passage of laws regulating hunting whereas conservatives defended the status quo that allowed hunters to do as they pleased. The result was stalemate. In 1871

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On safari in Africa.

Congress debated but did not pass a bill that would have set a quota on the number of bison hunters could kill. Three years later Congress passed a bill to regulate bison hunting, which President Ulysses Grant vetoed. Only in 1894 with bison on the brink of extinction did Congress with the acquiescence of President Grover Cleveland outlaw hunting bison on federal land. Liberals registered a second triumph with the Game and Wild Birds Preservation and Disposition Act of 1900, which restricted the sale of feathers and skins and the interstate transport of illegally killed birds in hopes of ending the poaching birds in the West and their transit east for sale in the cities of the Midwest and eastern seaboard. The next year President William McKinley’s assassination brought Theodore Roosevelt to the Oval Office. Conservationist, sportsman, naturalist, and historian, Roosevelt sought to balance the right of sportsmen to hunt with the duty of government to protect game for future generations of sportsmen and nature enthusiasts. His belief that sportsmen held the upper hand led him to ally with conservationists. In 1908 Roosevelt convened the White House Conference of Conservation and established the National Conserva-

tion Committee. By December 1909 forty-one states had followed suit with conservation committees of their own. The Federal Aid in Wildlife Restoration Act of 1937 affirmed the federal-state partnership, giving each state $3 for each $1 it contributed to protecting game and its habitat. Deference to the states has created a patchwork of laws. Arizona permits a hunter to kill one bison—on state not federal land—during his life with applications backlogged for years. Maine limits hunters to four rabbits per day in season whereas Arizona allows ten. California has forty-one sets of regulations to govern deer hunting with each set applying to a region of the state. In 1989 Utah banned the hunting of elk more than one year old in three regions of the state, leaving hunters elsewhere free of this restriction. Arizona divides antelope season into thirds, allotting the first to hunters with shotguns and rifles, the second to those with muzzle-loaders and the third to sportsmen with bow and arrow. In 1990 California allowed the killing of only six bighorn sheep, awarding permits by lottery. Colorado, Michigan, and Maine all allot different durations for hunting raccoons.

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Hunting Hunting Clubs Hunting clubs were established to address the issues of equipment cost and maintenance, as well as to provide an opportunity for socializing. The following is the constitution of the Fort Gibson Hunt Club, published in June 1835 in the American Turf Register and Sporting Magazine. Having duly considered the subject for which we, at our last meeting, were appointed a committee, beg leave to offer the following as a constitution for the government of the Club. ARTICLE 1. The Club shall be called the Fort Gibson Hunting Club. ART 2. The officers shall be a President, a Vice President, and a Secretary who shall also act as Treasurer. ART 3. It shall be the duty of the President to attend all meetings of the Club and preside in all business transactions. He shall call a meeting of the Club whenever requested to do so by three or more members, and order the Secretary to give notice of such meeting the day previous thereto. In the absence of the President, the Vice President shall act as President. A majority of the members present at the post shall constitute a quorum to transact business. ART 4. The officers of the Club shall be elected annually; those elected at this meeting shall serve until 31st Dec. 1835. ART 5. It shall be the duty of the Secretary to keep a book in which he shall make a fair record of all the transactions of the Club, and furnish for publication, in the American Turf Register and Sporting Magazine, such accounts of all the interesting hunts, &c. as the Club may think proper from time to time to publish. ART 6. There shall be a Committee of three appointed by ballot, who shall assess all fines under such By-Laws as may hereafter be adopted. ART 7. The dogs shall be under the exclusive management of the President, who shall employ a suitable person to take charge of the kennel, and perform such duty in relation thereto as the President may,

from time to time, assign him. The kennel shall contain bear, wolf, deer, and fox dogs. ART 8. All necessary expenses for the purchasing and feeding of the dogs, building kennel, hiring keeper, &c. &c. shall be borne at the joint expense of the Club, the Treasurer shall, on the order of the President, pay the accounts, and is authorized to draw upon the sutler for the necessary funds, for which the Club are pledged. ART 9. On the withdrawing of a member from the Club, all his right, title, and interest in the dogs, kennel, &c. shall be vested in the Club, and no member shall, in any way, dispose of or transfer his interest to any person whatever. ART 10. Members admitted to the Club, previous to the 1st January, 1836, shall pay their proportion of all expenses previously incurred; members admitted after that time shall upon admission pay. ART 11. All persons wishing to become members shall be proposed by a member in proper person, or in writing addressed to the President, and the member proposed shall be balloted for at the next meeting of the Club; two black balls shall exclude him. ART 12. Each member shall sign this Constitution and be governed by it and such By-Laws as may, from time to time, be adopted by the Club. This Constitution shall not be altered but by a majority of two-thirds of the members belonging to the post. Major R.B. MASON, of Dragoons, President. Lieut. F. BRITTON, 7th Infantry Secretary. Resolved, That this Club subscribe for the American Turf Register and Sporting Magazine from its commencement, and its Editor be elected an honorary member. Resolved further, That the formation of this Club, and the proceedings thus far be published in the American Turf Register and Sporting Magazine. Source: Menna, L. K. (Vol. Ed.). (1995). Sports in North America—A documentary history. Vol. 2: The origins of modern sports, 1820–1840 (pp. 291–292). Gulf Breeze, FL: Academic International Press.

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Women as Hunters Historical records and artifacts identify a number of women of the aristocratic and royal classes who were hunters, going as far back as ancient Egypt, Greece, and Rome. In later centuries, Charlemagne’s wife Hildegarde and their six daughters were hunters, who sought wild boar as prey. Elizabeth I of England (1533– 1603), Mary Queen of Scots (1542–1587), France’s Catherine de Medici, (1519–1589), and Sweden’s Queen Christina (1626–1689) were all among the ranks of female hunters. And foxhunting has long been a sport engaged in by women in the upper classes of European society. Hunting became more egalitarian—both in terms of gender and class—for women in North America. Pioneer and frontier women learned how to handle firearms as well as men, and true-life heroines like Annie Oakley and Martha Jane (“Calamity Jane”) Canary are legendary for their marksmanship in the “Wild West” of the late 1800s. Around the time of World War II, hunting became much more of a male bastion in the United States, with girls and women discouraged from participating in the sport. However, that trend began to change in the later decades of the twentieth century, and in the 1990s, American women who were hunters grew in number from 1 million to more than 2 million.

The Future of Hunting As a means of subsistence hunting has been important for millennia, though for an increasingly small fraction of humans. As a sport, hunting must grapple with a growth in human population that shows no sign of tapering. More than 6 billion people crowd earth, challenging its capacity to produce ever more abundant harvests. Even with improvements in crop yields farmers can feed more mouths only by increasing the acreage under tillage and by using insecticides and herbicides. An increase in farmland comes at the expense of uncultivated land and the game on it. Insecticides and herbicides can accumulate to toxicity in the fat of wildlife, reducing the game available to hunters. The

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concentration of wealth in North America and Europe will likely keep farmers and hunters at loggerheads. Meat consumption rises with income, pressing ranchers to increase their pastureland and to graze that land intensively. Where will game feed? At the same time agriculture will continue to shed workers for machines and chemicals. People who once farmed swell the world’s cities, pressing them to devour habitat as they expand. The affluent exacerbate the problem of urban sprawl by ringing their cities with suburbs, shopping centers and parking lots, all at the expense of game. As the amount of land suitable for hunting shrinks, and the number of game declines, competition among hunters should intensify. By its nature competition produces few winners and many losers. The few will be an elite, restoring to hunting a vestige of the elitism it had in antiquity and during the Middle Ages. Most if not all hunting may assume the character of safari, with affluent Americans and Europeans traveling the globe for game. Whether they will find enough to satiate their desire for sport remains open to question.

Governing Bodies Governing organizations include Boone and Crockett Club (www.boone-crockett.org), International Professional Hunters Association (www.internationalpro hunters.com); National Rife Association (www.nra. org), and U.S. Sportsmen’s Alliance (www.ussports men.org). Christopher Cumo See also Fishing

Further Reading Elman, R. (Ed.) (1980). The complete book of hunting. New York: Abbeville Press. Hobusch, E. (1980). Fair game: a history of hunting, shooting, and animal conservation. New York: Arco. Mitchell, J. (1980). The hunt. New York: Knopf. Newton, D. (1992). Hunting. London: Franklin Watts. Robinson, W. L. (1984). Wildlife ecology and management. New York: Macmillan.

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Hurling

H

urling, which many people consider to be the fastest and fiercest of team sports, is the national field sport of Ireland. Two teams of fifteen players each use sticks (hurleys or camans) made of ash to hit a small, hard ball (slitter or sliothar) through H-shaped goalposts that are normally located 137 meters apart on a field 82 meters wide. The broad blade of a hurley allows the ball to be hit along the ground and overhead. The ball may be caught in the hand and kicked as well as struck, but it may not be lifted off the ground with the hand. One of the chief skills of hurling is the ability to carry the ball on the blade of the hurley by bouncing it up and down while running at full speed. Fitness is vital for success in hurling because of the duration and pace, which allow minimal substitutions. Games are typically sixty minutes (two thirty-minute halves), although major provincial and All-Ireland games are eighty minutes (two forty-minute halves). Teams consist of a goalkeeper and fourteen field players arranged in combinations of midfielders, backs, and forwards. Substitutions are allowed during the game but generally only because of injury. Hurling is governed by the Gaelic Athletic Association (GAA), which was founded in 1884 “to bring the hurling back to Ireland.” Whereas the Irish have played almost every sport in the world, Ireland’s own major national sports—hurling and Gaelic football—are played virtually exclusively by the Irish.

History Hurling was first mentioned in the Irish Annals in a description of the Battle of Moytura (1272 BCE). The invaders first defeated the residents in a game of hurling and then did likewise in the battle for the lordship of Ireland. Hurling is also mentioned in the oldest known Irish legal code, the Brehon Laws, providing compensation for any player injured during a match. Although today hurling is played largely in the south (and particularly the southeast) of Ireland, it has always

been an all-Ireland sport. Thus, the famous Ulster hero, Cuchullain, is said to have been an outstanding player. The idea of the Irish hero as a hurling hero continued in the tales that outlined the exploits of Finn MacCool and his Fianna during the second century CE. Furthermore, the centrality of hurling to the Irish could not be diminished by the raids of the Norsemen nor by the coming of Christianity and the influence of St. Patrick. England’s invasion of Ireland in 1169 may have resulted in hurling being imported to England because traces of such a sport survive in Cornwall and elsewhere.

Development One might be tempted to speculate that all stick-andball games have common origins, and hurling, cricket, hockey, and shinty (Scotland’s national sport) possibly have a shared genesis but have developed according to context and climate. The context within which the modern sport of hurling developed most fully in the south, rather than the north, apparently has much to do with the anglicization of Ireland.

Modern Innovations Whereas technological innovations have influenced the style of play in many modern sports, hurling has had few such innovations. The caman (hurley), which is 1.07 meters long, and the sliothar, which weighs between 100 and 130 grams, are still made of traditional materials. Some players have adopted helmets for safety purposes, but such equipment is not compulsory. With time the number of players per team has been reduced from twenty-one to fifteen. A team scores one point for hitting the sliothar over the cross bar and between the posts and three points for driving the sliothar under the cross bar into the goal. When the ball crosses the sideline, a free hit (puck) is given against the team who drove it out at the point where the ball crossed the line. If the ball is driven over the end line by an attacker, the defending team pucks it from the 4.6-meter goal area. If the ball goes off a defender over the end line, the attacking team pucks the ball 64 meters out from the goal at a point opposite where the ball crossed the end

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line. The strongest players can puck the ball 90 meters or more. Attackers may not “carry” the ball into their opponents’ goal area. If they do so, this act results in a puck from the goal area from which attackers must retreat 12.8 meters. If a defender fouls within the 19.2meter line, a free stroke is awarded on that line at a point opposite where the foul took place. Although shoulder charging is permitted, pulling, tripping, pushing, or charging from in front or behind are penalized by a free hit. Originally a goal was greater in value than any number of points, as was the case with “tries” in rugby’s football or “rouges” in Eton’s field game. Thus, results were expressed in the form of “Team A: 1–8, Team B 0–10,” indicating that team A, having scored one goal and eight points to team B’s no goals and ten points, was the winner. However, through time a goal has been reduced first to being equal to five points (1892) and fi-

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nally to three points (1896), as it is today. Such changes have increased the spectator appeal of hurling. Timothy J. L. Chandler

Further Reading Arlott, J. (Ed.). (1975). The Oxford companion to sports and games. London: Oxford University Press. Carroll, N. (1979). Sport in Ireland. Dublin, Ireland: Department of Foreign Affairs. Gaelic Athletic Association. (1991). Rules. Dublin, Ireland: Author. Guiney, D., & Puirseal, P. (1965). The Guinness book of hurling records. Dublin, Ireland: Macmillan. Mandle, W. (1987). The Gaelic Athletic Association and Irish nationalist politics, 1884–1924. London: Helm. Maolfabhail, A. (1975). Caman: Two thousand years of hurling in Ireland. Dundalk, Ireland: Croom Helm. Puirseal, P. (1983). The G.A.A. in its time. Dublin, Ireland: Author. Smith, R. (1969). The hurling immortals. Dublin, Ireland: Spicer. Sugden, J., & Bairner, A. (1993). Sport, sectarianism and society in a divided Ireland. Leicester, UK: Leicester University Press. Viney, N., & Grant, N. (1978). An illustrated history of ball games. London: Heinemann. West, T. (1991). The bold collegians. Dublin, Ireland: Lilliput.

Iditarod India Indianapolis 500 Injuries, Youth

Iditarod

Injury Injury Risk in Women’s Sport

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Israel

ogsled racing, or “mushing,” is both a way of life and a sporting competition for participants, most of whom come from cold, snowy climates in North America and Europe. The Iditarod Trail sled dog race, commonly referred to as the “Itidarod” or “The Last Great Race on Earth,” is probably the best-known dogsled race in the world. On the first Saturday in March, mushers from across the world enter the Iditarod, starting in Anchorage, Alaska, and finishing about 1,100 miles later in Nome. The Iditarod is one of several sled dog races, which vary by location (for example, the Yukon Quest, a 1,000-mile race run each year between Whitehorse,Yukon, and Fairbanks, Alaska), by distance (for example, the Open North American Sled Dog Race Championship for sprint racing, held annually in Fairbanks since 1936), or by distance covered per day (for example, the multiday stage races occurring in North America and Europe that involve a defined distance per day, which are similar to the Tour de France in cycling).

Italy

History

Innebandy Interallied Games Intercollegiate Athletics International Olympic Academy International Politics Internet Interpretive Sociology Iran Ireland Ironman Triathlon Islamic Countries’ Women’s Sports Solidarity Games

Dogs, typically huskies and malamutes, have been used traditionally in northern parts of North America to help pull humans and their equipment over the rugged landscape. Competitive racing with dog teams commonly occurred in Native villages, and in 1908, a 408-mile allAlaska sweepstakes race was begun in Nome, Alaska. But it was a 1925 diphtheria outbreak in Nome, which

required a serum delivery from a town 647 miles away (Nenana) by dog teams facing blizzard conditions, which caught the media’s attention. It is this serum run that is commemorated by the modern Iditarod. It was Dorothy G. Page (c. 1920–1989), the secretary of the Aurora Dog Mushers Association, chair of the Wasilla-Knik Centennial Committee, and mother of the Iditarod, who promoted the idea of holding a sled-dog race in 1967 on the Iditarod Trail as part of the one-hundreth anniversary of Alaska’s purchase from Russia. This historic seven-hundred-mile trail had originally been used by dog teams to transport supplies, mail, and gold to the inland mining town of Iditarod. Page wanted to celebrate the history of the trail and the important place of sled dogs in Alaskan history. She worked with Joe Redington Sr. (1917–1999), a skillful musher from Oklahoma, often called the father of the Iditarod, to create a fifty-mile race along this trail. Redington, who had been using dog teams since he moved to Alaska in 1948, was concerned that dog teams were disappearing from native villages due to the increasing popularity of snow machines. After this race was successfully held a second time in 1969, Page suggested that the distance be increased to five hundred miles, finishing at the ghost town of Iditarod. Redington and others extended this idea into a thousand-mile race, past Iditarod to better-known Nome. This would also allow the race to commemorate the 1925 diphtheriaserum run. The first Iditarod was run in 1973. Redington guaranteed a $50,000 purse, an enormous amount for a dogsled race at that time. He ended up cosigning a

loan for $30,000 of that amount with his home as collateral. Fundraising efforts kept him from competing in this first race, which was won twenty days later by Dick Wilmarth. Thirty-four teams started on a trail no one had used for forty-eight years. Spectators as well as mushers wondered if anyone could finish it, but twentytwo teams completed it. The last-place musher, John Shultz, took thirty-two days and was awarded the first Red Lantern, the prize always given to the last musher to complete the race. Redington entered the next nineteen races; he completed his last race at the age of 80 in 1997. The race consists of two routes: the southern route, which is run in odd years, and the northern route, which is run in even years. The actual race distance varies with each route and the conditions that prevail that year, but it is approximately 1,100 miles. Race times have come down dramatically since the beginning of the Iditarod; the first 10-day Iditarod was completed by Martin Buser in 1992. The 2004 Iditarod was won by Mitch Seavey in a time of 9 days, 12 hours, and 20 minutes. The race begins in downtown Anchorage at 10 a.m. on the first Saturday in March. The mushers first race twenty miles to Eagle River as part of a fundraiser called the Idita-Rider. Fans bid to ride in a musher’s sled, and this money is used to pay as much as $1,049 to mushers who finish from thirty-first place to last place. The teams are then trucked twenty-nine miles to Wasilla, where the race begins in earnest the next day. Teams leave at two-minute intervals, and the time difference is adjusted during the mandatory twenty-four-hour stop.

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When a man wants to murder a tiger, he calls it sport; when the tiger wants to murder him, he calls it Ferocity. ■ GEORGE BERNARD SHAW

Racers also have to take two eight-hour mandatory stops. Numerous en route awards are provided in addition to the purses. For example, a seven-course gourmet meal is prepared for the first musher reaching the Yukon River, who also gets $3,500 in $1 bills. Another award, which includes a trophy and $2,500 in gold nuggets, goes to the first musher to arrive in Unalakleet, on the coast. The Iditarod Hall of Fame was created in 1997 by the Anchorage Daily News to honor those who have contributed to this race, such as mushers, veterinarians, and trailbreakers. Volunteers are an integral part of this event. For example, volunteer veterinarians from across North America come to monitor the dogs before and after the race and at each checkpoint. They also do random drug testing on the dogs. Other volunteers, including individuals from villages along the route, complete tasks needed to ensure the race runs successfully, such as breaking trails with snow machines and helping to move trail supplies to drop spots. The Iditarod is one sporting event where women compete on a par with men. The first two women to run the Iditarod both completed the race in 1974. Libby Riddles became the first female champion in 1985. Susan Butcher is the most successful female champion, having won the Iditarod four times between 1986 and 1990. She ran the race seventeen times, and was the first woman to place in the money when she came in nineteenth in the 1978 race.

ica to assist in this race—reinforce its importance through their ongoing involvement. Commonly portrayed as one of the last great sporting adventures, it is an important cultural event in the lives of Northerners and an exciting sporting competition for spectators. Most importantly, it provides participants with a way of life that brings them meaning. The Iditarod may occur over a few weeks each March, but the dedicated athletes who compete—the mushers and their dogs— live this preferred way of life throughout the year. Victoria Paraschak

Further Reading Beeman, S. (2003). The Iditarod. Alaska Geographic, 28(4). Brown, T. (1998). Iditarod country: Exploring the route of the last great race. Fairbanks, AK: Epicenter Press. Dolan, E. (1993). Susan Butcher and the Iditarod trail. New York: Walker Publishing. Freedman, L. (1993). George Attla: The legend of the sled-dog trail. Harrisburg, PA: Stackpole Books. Freedman, L. (1999). Father of the Iditarod: The Joe Redington story. Fairbanks, AK: Epicenter Press. Freedman, L., & Jonrowe, D. (1995). Iditarod dreams: A year in the life of Alaskan sled dog racer DeeDee Jonrowe. Fairbanks, AK: Epicenter Press. Hood, M. (1996). A fan’s guide to the Iditarod. Colorado: Alpine Blue Ribbon Books. Mattson, S. (Ed.). (2001). Iditarod fact book: A complete guide to the last great race. Fairbanks, AK: Epicenter Press. O’Donoghue, B. P. (1999). Honest dogs: A story of triumph and regret from the world’s toughest sled dog race. Fairbanks, AK: Epicenter Press. Wendt, R. (1996). Alaska dog mushing guide: Facts, legends, & oddities. Wasilla, AK: Goldstream Publications.

Significance The Iditarod, and sled-dog racing in general, are among the most important sporting activities in Alaska. The Iditarod is Alaska’s official sled-dog race, and at the turn of the millennium, several of Alaska’s top-ten athletes of the century were dog mushers. Mushers, the media, and spectators from around the world contribute to the local economy. Volunteers—such as members of small communities along the trail, pilots who drop off supplies for the mushers and fly out injured dogs, and veterinarians who take time from their practices across North Amer-

India

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he seventh largest and second most populous nation of the world, India is formed by several states and territories; its capital, New Delhi, is located in the mid-north of the country. After more than two centuries of British colonial influence, India became independent in 1947. The homeland of many religions and welcoming to many others, India is overwhelmingly Hindu.

INDIA

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An Indian man hauls goods on a bicycle.

Importation of British Sports

But in this country of more than a billion people, Jainism, Buddhism, Sikhism, and Christianity also have numerous adepts. Before 1947, India included what are now Pakistan and Bangladesh, both of which have a Muslim majority.

Britain, the dominating power from 1755 and the imperial ruler from 1858, imported its own sports to India, a country that, like Britain itself, accepted male dominance and rigid division by social class. The Encyclopedia of Sport, published by the London journal The Sportsman in 1911, pictured India as the most attractive ground for hunting what is “big game.” Indian nobles and princes welcomed polo. Two famous clubs, Royal Calcutta, founded in 1829, and Royal Bombay, formed in 1842, became popular places to play, and the Maharajah of Ratlam became a wellknown player. Cricket was played first on Indian soil in 1728, but Indians did not join the game until 1892, when the Parsi minority began to play an annual match with the Britons. In 1907 Hindus entered the game and in 1912 Muslims also entered. Lawn tennis spread through Indian territory due to the influence of British civilian and military officers. Yearly tournaments were established, including the Punjab Championship of Lahore (1885), the Bengal Championship of Calcutta (1887), and the All Indian Tournament of Allahabad (1910). Initially reserved for Britons, these tournaments eventually included Indi-

India The Akhara In the extract below, Ratan Patodi, who publishes a magazine on the art of Indian wresting, describes the Indian akhara (gymnasium). What is an akhara? It is a place of recreation for youth. It is a shrine of strength where earth is turned into gold. It is a sign of masculinity and the assembly hall of invigorated youth. Strength is measured against strength and moves and counter moves are born and develop. . . . An akhara is where one prays

and where offerings are given and distributed. Its earth is saluted and taken up to anoint one’s shoulders and head. And then one wrestles and the sound of slapping thighs and pounding chests fills the air. Grunts and groans of exertion echo ominously. One trounces and in turn is trounced. Exercise is done. Laziness and procrastination are drowned in sweat.

Translated by Joseph S. Alter

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India Olympics Results 2004 Summer Olympics: 1 Silver

ans, who won in 1915 for the first time. In 1905 an Indian entered the All England Championship of Wimbledon. Before 1900 an Indian football association dominated by Britons managed a regular seasonal activity. But more attractive than football to the Indian middle class was field hockey, and in 1920, biennial interprovincial tournaments were started. Historians attribute two silver medals for the 1900 Paris Olympic Games to India, but the medaled athlete, Norman Pritchard, was a British resident, and neither track and field nor boxing met with enthusiasm among Indians. Long before the British arrived, India had a welldeveloped tradition of wrestling in which the wrestler could hook only the shoulder and trunk. A great Indian athlete of the early twentieth century was an undefeated wrestler named Gama. He toured Europe in 1910 but was avoided by many European champions.

Indian Sporting Independence After Indian troops fought on the British side during World War I, the British government allowed Indians

greater autonomy in local and regional representations, and enlarged their electoral quota. India’s standing in the world also increased as a result of the nonviolent resistance to British rule led by Mohandas Gandhi, the leader of the Congress Party. In sports, too, India acquired international recognition. It took part unofficially in the Olympic Games in Antwerp in 1920 and, after the foundation of an Olympic committee in 1926, entered the Amsterdam games of 1928 officially. In Amsterdam, India won in field hockey, the first of six straight, and eight total, triumphs. These remain India’s only gold Olympic medals. After India defeated an unofficial British team in 1928, the English Hockey Association withdrew its entry to the Olympics; fearing to be beaten by a colony, it refused to play with India until the 1948 Olympics. However, England assumed a different attitude toward cricket and lawn tennis. The Board of Control for Cricket was formed in India in 1929, and three years later England played its first official test match against India. In lawn tennis, formally organized in 1920, India competed for the Davis Cup. During the 1930s, the

India Key Events in India Sports History 1829 The Royal Calcutta polo club is founded. 1842 The Royal Bombay polo club is founded. 1892 Indians play cricket against the British for the first time. 1885 The tennis Punjab Championship of Lahore is held for the first time. 1910 The Indian wrestler Gama tours Europe. 1915 An Indian wins an official tennis tournament in India for the first time. 1920 Biennial interprovincial field hockey tournaments begin.

1920 India competes unofficially in the Olympic Games. 1926 The Indian Olympic Committee is formed. 1928 India competes in the Olympics and wins its first gold medal, in field hockey. 1929 The Board of Control for Cricket is was formed. 1951 The first Asian Games are held in New Delhi. 1974 India reaches the Davis Cup but refuses refused to play against South Africa in protest against its apartheid regime. 1983 India wins the cricket World Cup.

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An early Indian cricket team with trophy.

against its apartheid regime, and again in 1987. In recent years, men’s doubles and mixed doubles led by Leander Paes won nine Great Slam Tournaments; Paes also took the bronze medal in singles in the 1996 Olympics.

Indian Sports Today

Jaipur polo team was reputed to be one of the best in the world. Before its final field hockey match against Germany in the Berlin Olympics in 1936, the Indian team paid tribute to Gandhi and the Congress Party. After the match, the Nazi dictator Hitler congratulated Dhyan Chand, the greatest Indian player ever, and invited him to socialize with his officers. Chand politely refused.

Sports in Independent India India acted as a catalyst for Asian sports. It launched a proposal for Asian Games in 1949, and the games began in 1951 in New Delhi. The government of Jawaharlal Nehru opened gradually to the presence of women in sports. In the 1930s, Parsis and Jews allowed women to play volleyball, but the fruits of the new access to sports for women took many years to mature. In 1964, P.T. Usha reached the finals in the Olympic 400 hurdles in Tokyo; in the 2003 world championship meet in Paris, Anju Bobby George took the bronze medal in the long jump; the women’s national field hockey team won the Commonwealth Games in 2002. In cricket, India won the 1983 World Cup, while in lawn tennis it reached the Davis Cup finals in 1974, when it refused to play against South Africa in protest

In the 2004 Olympics in Athens, India entered a small delegation. Poverty affects a majority of the population, and the culture is more oriented to philosophy and contemplation than to sports. The demanding athleticism of contemporary sports is also not appealing to most Indians. Gherardo Bonini

Further Reading Alter, J. (1995). Game the world champion: Wrestling and physical culture in colonial India. Iron Game History, 2, 3–9. Arlott, J. (1976). The Oxford companion to sports and games. London: Oxford University Press. India’s Golden Moments. (2004). Retrieved December 15, 2004, from http://www.bharatiyahockey.org/olympics/golden Mangan, J. A. (2004). The sport in South-East Asia. The International Journal of the History of Sport (Vol. 21). London: Frank Cass.

Indianapolis 500

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n 1906 Carl Fisher and his partners Jim Allison, Frank Wheeler, and Arthur Newby purchased 132 hectares of land northwest of Indianapolis, Indiana, to develop an enclosed course that could be used both for automotive testing and occasional racing. They constructed a 4-kilometer-long rectangular track paved with macadam. The first race held at the track on 19 August

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Most people never run far enough on their first wind to find out they’ve got a second. ■ WILLIAM JAMES

1909, was disastrous.The track surface disintegrated, resulting in crashes that killed two drivers, two mechanics, and two spectators, and the race was stopped before its completion. The track was then resurfaced with paving bricks and reopened in 1910. The first Indianapolis 500 race took place at the so-called Brickyard on Memorial Day 1911, although not without controversy. Ray Harroun is listed as the official winner, although some people believe that Ralph Mulford actually crossed the finish line first but was denied the victory because of errors by lap counters. Harroun averaged 119 kilometers per hour in his win. In 1916 the race was shortened to 482 kilometers, and, because of World War I, only twenty-one cars entered. The race was suspended in 1917 and 1918 because the United States had entered the war. Howdy Wilcox won the 1919 race with an average of 160 kilometers per hour, becoming the first driver to reach that speed. The World War I U.S. flying ace Eddie Rickenbacker and a group of associates purchased the track in 1927. Rickenbacker sold the track to Tony Hulman in November 1945 for $750,000. Hulman had it refurbished for racing, including repaving all but a yard of the brick surface with asphalt, for the Memorial Day weekend of 1946.

The Race Thirty-three cars compete in the Indianapolis 500 at the Indianapolis Motor Speedway. For the rolling start, the cars are arranged in eleven rows of three cars, with their positions determined by qualifying speed. Unlike qualifying at most races, where the fastest qualifier always starts at the front, or pole, position, qualifying at Indianapolis takes place on four days on two weekends in mid-May. The fastest qualifier on the first day gets the pole position despite the possibility that other cars could qualify at even faster speeds on subsequent days. Indeed, Arie Luyendyk’s record for the fastest qualifying speed at Indianapolis, set in 1996 with a four-lap average of 379 kilometers per hour, was good for only twentieth place because he did not qualify on the first day. Scott Goodyear’s pole-qualifying speed was more

than 4.8 kilometers per hour slower than Luyendyk’s. Luyendyk also holds the winning race record, 297 kilometers per hour, set in 1990. The first few of the two hundred laps of the race are hotly contested as the fastest cars and drivers make their ways to the front. Mishaps during the race usually bring out yellow caution flags, and drivers then dive into the pits for fuel and fresh tires. Quick pit work by crews is critical to keep their cars from losing positions. Given the relative equality of the cars and drivers, most races are closely contested. In the closest finish on record, Al Unser Jr. won over Scott Goodyear by .043 seconds in 1992. In addition, an accident or mechanical failure can occur at any time and drastically change situations. In 1912 Ralph DePalma was in the lead on lap 198 when engine failure ended his day, and in 1999 Robby Gordon had to make a pit stop for fuel on lap 199, losing the lead and the race to Kenny Brack.

Indianapolis 500 Race Cars Cars used in early Indianapolis 500 races were largely of European manufacture, but by the early 1920s U.S. manufacturers began building cars especially for the race. Indianapolis race cars have always been of open-wheel design. The famous “Indy car,” a single-seat vehicle powered by a front-mounted four-cylinder Offenhauser motor with rear-wheel drive, was developed during the 1930s and reigned supreme for nearly three decades. Then, in 1961 veteran Formula 1 driver Jack Brabham drove an underpowered rear-engine, rear-wheel-drive Cooper to a ninth-place finish. In 1963 another Formula 1 star, Jimmy Clark, finished second in a rear-engined Lotus-Ford behind Parnelli Jones’s traditional roadster. Like the initial 500, the finish of this race was controversial because Jones’s car was leaking oil badly in the final laps of the race and, had a European driver in a radical European-designed car not been in second place, Jones likely would have been black-flagged, giving the race to Clark. All Indianapolis 500 race cars now utilize the rear-engine, rear-wheel-drive layout. Mechanical failures, tire failures, or the slightest error by drivers can result in horrendous crashes, and numerous drivers, as well as some mechanics and specta-

INJURIES, YOUTH

tors, have lost their lives at the track. Both qualifying and race speeds have generally increased through the years, although race-sanctioning bodies, such as Championship Auto Racing Teams (CART) and the Indy Racing League (IRL), have occasionally attempted to slow the cars with rules changes, largely for safety purposes. However, technology, particularly in terms of engine design, tires, and aerodynamics, advances so rapidly that speeds have not diminished greatly despite efforts to slow the cars. Buddy Rice’s 2004 pole-position qualifying speed was 357 kilometers per hour, for example. Fortunately, racing at Indianapolis Motor Speedway has been made much safer by the phenomenal handling and braking of modern Indy cars and by driver protection afforded by the composite materials used to construct the cars, helmets designed to withstand severe blows, and flame-retardant driving suits.

Drivers The Indianapolis 500 has been the pinnacle of auto racing in the United States since its inception, and many drivers, such as A. J. Foyt, Mario Andretti, and Rick Mears, became household names. Several families have figured prominently in the Indianapolis 500. Brothers, such as Bobby and Al Unser, and fathers and sons, including Mario and Michael Andretti, have raced successfully at the 500. In 1977 Janet Guthrie became the first woman to drive in the Indianapolis 500. Since then several other women have entered the race, and Sarah Fisher, who qualified for her fifth Indianapolis 500 in 2004, has the talent to finish at or near the front.Willy T. Ribbs became the first African-American driver at Indianapolis in 1991.

Further Reading History of the Indianapolis 500. (2003). Retrieved May 14, 2004, from http://www.indystar.com/library/factfiles/sports/autoracing/ indy500.html Indianapolis 500: The greatest spectacle in racing. (n.d.). Retrieved May 15, 2004, from http://www.indy500.com/stats/ Reed, T. (2004). Indy: The race and ritual of the Indianapolis 500 (2nd ed.). Dulles, VA: Brassey’s. Taylor, R. (1991). Indy: Seventy-five years of racing’s greatest spectacle. New York: St. Martin’s Press.

Injuries, Youth

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ports-related injuries are usually defined as immediate (acute) or long-term (chronic) traumas resulting from sports participation that require medical attention or that force an athlete to discontinue participation for some time. Sports for youth are presumably intended to positively affect their health and well-being, so the prospect of injuries is a perennial concern. The sheer frequency of injuries, however, requires those who supervise sports to prepare for their occurrence and prevent them as much as possible. The regularity of sports injuries also, importantly, suggests that youth in the process of becoming athletes are socialized to accept injury risks and the possibility of pain and disability. Among the most important youth sports-injuries questions are related to the following:

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Prospects The Indianapolis 500 is one of the world’s major sporting events, drawing more than 500,000 enthusiasts each year. Despite changes in cars, drivers, and sanctioning bodies and despite challenges from stock car racing, the Indianapolis 500 should remain “the greatest spectacle in racing” for years to come. Garry Chick

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The frequency and severity of sports injuries The unique affects on youth The sports in which injuries most commonly occur The causes of sports injuries How injuries can be prevented Whether current trends point to a more or less injurious sports environment for youth The role of adults and the medical community in sports-injury issues

Youth Sports Injuries Sports participation is the number one leisure pursuit of children worldwide. Far more youth than any other age group participate in sports, so research on injuries is

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critical in ensuring healthy and safe sports experiences. Research on sports injuries is conducted both to improve injury treatment and to prevent injuries from occurring, with studies ranging in size from one athlete (case study) to entire populations. Epidemiology is the study of rates of injuries (or diseases) in populations for developing prevention efforts. Most epidemiological studies of sports injuries have been conducted within the last thirty years. These studies have used a variety of methods, age groupings, time periods, and sports, so it is often difficult to draw firm conclusions. The most systematic research on the frequency and causes of sports injuries tends to focus on elite athletes. A relatively small amount of research exists on the psychology and sociology of sports injuries, although it has similarly emphasized elite performers. Some national and international organizations, such as the Centers for Disease Control in the United States and the European Home and Leisure Accident Surveillance System of the European Union, as well as sports organizations and private firms, conduct ongoing sports injury surveillance programs to track and respond to injury trends. Despite the limitations of the research, some conclusions can be comfortably drawn. Epidemiological studies that track injuries arising from all sources show sports as consistently among the most common sources of injuries to youth, and that youth have higher sportsinjury rates than adults do. Most studies also show boys sustaining injuries at higher rates than girls do. The most common traumas are to the musculoskeletal system and include such injuries as muscle bruises, ligament strains, and bone fractures. Some sports also involve repetitive motions or impacts that may result in overuse injuries to joints, such as the shoulders of baseball pitchers and the elbows of gymnasts. Athletes in these sports often learn to ignore chronic pain, and the consequences of their injuries are not fully realized until years of participation have passed. Injuries to the head, spine, and trunk are generally less common are disturbing because they involve vital organs. Catastrophic injuries and fatalities, though rare, have unfortunately taken place in some youth sports and

have prompted recommendations for changes to training routines, rules, and equipment. Examples include heat stroke among football players, somersault accidents in gymnastics, and commotio cordis, a term used to describe sudden heart failure and death after an object hits the ballplayer’s chest wall. The risk of heat stroke may be reduced by holding practices during cooler periods, ensuring proper water intake, and monitoring athletes. Although cases of catastrophic gymnastics accidents differ, some athletes are evidently overmatched by increasingly difficult gymnastics maneuvers. Commotio cordis cases in baseball, and other traumas related to baseball impacts, have resulted in the development and use of softer baseballs for youth.

Unique Group, Unique Circumstances Youth participants in sport are vulnerable to certain types of trauma, because of their developmental characteristics and their dependency on adults to organize and conduct sports programs. Pre-participation examinations by physicians may identify potential risks. Many youth sports injuries, however, are the result of poor conditioning, undeveloped sport skills, the changing nature of young bodies, and elements of the social environments in which they practice and compete. The ends of long bones in youth ages four to ten are particularly prone to injury because they are weaker than the remaining bones and the sites of bone growth. During puberty, youth of the same age may differ significantly in height, weight and strength, yet may be grouped together for competition, creating risk to smaller, less mature athletes. Most youth sports also depend on parents and adult volunteers who, though perhaps well meaning, may be unaware of the developmental characteristics of children or may be overly devoted to competitive success. In some cases, the social and psychological environments created by adults may result in youth being encouraged to play while injured, or return to play before fully recovering from an injury. Burnout, depression, and eating disorders among young athletes have also been documented. Finally, adult leaders may not be fully versed in safety guidelines and equipment use and

INJURY

Pain is only weakness leaving the body.

might not hold basic first aid knowledge and skills. Hence, they may not recognize unsafe conditions and may not be able to respond to emergencies in a skilled or timely manner. The development of year-round training and specialization in youth sports, as well as the popularity of alternative sports that feature high-risk activities, represent new challenges in efforts to reduce youth sports injury. Even though most sports injuries are minor, the human and financial costs can be substantial. The financial costs of youth sports injuries have been estimated at $1.8 billion annually, but perhaps the most common and significant human cost is an inactive and unhealthy life. Stephan Walk

Further Reading Adirim, T. A., & Cheng, T. L. (2003). Overview of injuries in the young athlete. Sports Medicine, 33(1),75–81. Belechri, M., Petridou, E., Kedikoglu, S., & Trichopolous, D. (2001). Sports injuries among children in six European Union countries. European Journal of Epidemiology, 17(11),1005–1012. Caine, D. J., Caine, C. G., & Lindner, K. J. (Eds.). (1996). Epidemiology of sports injuries. Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics. Damore, D. T., Metzl, J. D., Ramundo, M., Pan, S., & Van Amerongen, R. (2003). Patterns in childhood sports injury. Pediatric Emergency Care, 19(2),65–67. Garret, Jr., W. E., Kirkendall, D. T., & Squire, D. L. (Eds.) (2001). Principles and practice of primary care sports medicine. Philadelphia: Lippincott, Williams & Wilkins. Hambidge, S. J., Davidson, A. J., Gonzales, R., & Steiner, J. F. (2002). Epidemiology of injury-related primary care office visits in the United States. Pediatrics, 109(4),559–656. Lateef, F. (2000). Commotio cordis: An under appreciated cause of sudden death in athletes. Sports Medicine, 30(4),301–308.

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articipation in physical activity has many benefits, including the physical responses to exercise that may reduce the risk of coronary heart disease, some forms of cancer, and obesity, along with psychosocial benefits of improved self-image, pleasure derived from

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the activity, and social rewards of meeting people. However, in competitive sports, particularly at the elite level, the health costs can outweigh the health benefits, most notably in the increased incidence of injury. Attempts to quantify the amount of injury that is caused by participation in sports are thwarted by the difficulty in defining what people mean by “injury.” For example, injuries are often recorded only if the athlete is hospitalized or submits an insurance claim. However, athletes also suffer injuries that do not require such action but that may still lead to a reduction in training and, often, to some medical treatment. Therefore, we can broadly define injury as “the outcome of some stress that causes damage to the body and that the body is unable to immediately adapt to.” Most regular participants in physical activity can expect to experience some kind of injury. The severity of the injury can be judged according to the duration or permanency of the damage, the time taken off sports and/or work, and the economic costs of treatment and any loss of earnings. Additionally, social costs can include having to suspend participation in an activity that is central to a person’s lifestyle. We can classify sports-related injuries in two ways. First, injuries can be acute (traumatic) or chronic (overuse or recurrent). Acute injuries are the outcome of a specific traumatic event, whereas chronic injuries develop slowly by overuse or by training with a previous injury. The most common sports-related injuries are chronic in the form of contusions and sprains. However, these injuries are activity dependent, and in some sports, such as horse riding and skiing, acute injuries such as fractures are the most common. Second, injuries can be primary or secondary. Primary injuries are the result of a direct stress on a body part. However, sometimes a person receives a primary injury that goes unnoticed because the injured body part is particularly robust and able to mask the symptoms. The injury will not be noticed until a referred pathological response from a less robust body part occurs. This is a secondary injury. For example, a person may injure his or her back but will not notice the pain until some tightness from

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the primary injury is carried down into the legs, which the person may experience as hamstring pain. The hamstring injury is secondary, the “real” injury is the primary injury to the back.

Causes and Prevalence The main causes of injury incorporate both internal and external factors. Internal factors include a high body mass index placing strain on joints and muscles, anatomical imbalance predisposing the athlete to particular injuries, lack of flexibility, and muscles failing to contract and relax appropriately. If the athlete’s body has not been adequately prepared for the coming activity by gradually becoming fit in an appropriate training program and warming up before performance, the athlete increases the risk of becoming injured. Athletes may have more difficulty controlling for external factors because these originate outside their own body. These factors include a poor environment or adverse weather conditions, collision with another player or equipment, and the vulnerability to injury from training with poor technique or when fatigued. Some injuries are caused by wearing inappropriate clothing, such as poorly designed or ill-fitting trainers and clothes or jewelry that might catch on equipment or by not wearing protective clothing such as shin pads or gum shields. Indeed, so-called improvements in some equipment include changes that are designed to improve the performance of the athlete but actually increase the risk of injury. For example, streamlined clothing enables skiers to travel faster but does not protect them if they crash at high speed, and padding enables players in contact sports to deliver harder tackles and blows to an opponent but will not necessarily protect their body from the impact of such contact. Injuries caused by such external factors are likely to be more severe than injuries caused by internal factors because the body is designed to restrict damage and so is better able to regulate internal injuries than those out of its control. The prevalence of injury is dependent on the type of injury and the nature of the activity. The sports in which

chronic injuries are most likely to occur are endurance sports such as distance running and swimming or those requiring repetitive movement such as weightlifting and gymnastics. Acute injuries are most prevalent in contact sports, where the nature of the activity presents the possibility of traumatic damage. Where the environment is particularly unpredictable, the risk of fatal injuries is highest, such as in climbing and air sports. The highest actual numbers of injuries occur among young males, but these numbers are highest because young males are the population most likely to participate in physical activity. When injury incidence is calculated against the amount of participation, no difference exists in overall injury rates between male and female participants or between age groups.

Who Is Susceptible? Although gender and age might not seem to be factors in the relative incidence of injury, males and females and children are prone to particular types of injuries. For example, males seem to experience more acute injury, whereas females experience more chronic injury, probably related to participation patterns. Children’s injuries are often attributable to undertaking at a young age training programs that are too strenuous for an immature body. In particular, during growth spurts bone length may increase much quicker than muscle development, creating a loss of flexibility. Simultaneously, the training program may mean that children’s muscles are strong relative to their bone strength, leaving them vulnerable to fractures. Young athletes may suffer permanently stunted growth if their growth plates are damaged. Regardless of the gender or age of athletes, susceptibility to injury may also be the result of personality differences and the social context in which athletes perform their sport. Athletes who are more extroverted may become injured because they crave excitement and so take risks. They are also likely to have a high pain threshold, which means they may tolerate the “warning signs” that pain gives to indicate damage to a body part. In addition, they may become bored by rehabili-

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An injured hockey player is attended to on the ice by the team doctor. Source: istockphoto/jtomason.

tation if they do get injured and so may not complete their treatment. Introverts are likely to be more hesitant in performing their sport and more pessimistic if they are injured. This fact means that any injury may take on an inflated significance and will be perceived to have a negative effect on their lives. Several other personality characteristics are likely to increase the chance of injury. These include being highly anxious and countering this anxiety with overly aggressive play or being a risk taker and displaying injury as a mark of courage and, particularly, masculinity. Additionally, athletes who lack self-confidence because of competitive failure may feel the need to punish themselves for their lack of success or to punish others for the pressures caused by their high expectations and do so in a way that risks injury. Other negative life stresses may also affect the athlete’s risk of injury. These stresses include the death of a loved one, the break-up of a relationship, or simply daily hassles at home or work. Such stresses can distract the athlete’s attention or cause fatigue, so increasing the possibility of injury. The effect of such stresses may be reduced if the athlete has a

strong support network of family and friends and good personal coping resources.

Social Context Injury is socially constructed because the culture in which athletes perform and the interaction with other people may contribute to athletes’ choice about whether to take risks and also to the experience of being injured and the recovery process. The growing competitiveness of sports in recent decades has meant that athletes may train harder and adopt a “win at all costs” attitude. This attitude has created a culture in which taking risks and enduring pain and injury become an accepted aspect of participation in sports. As a result, health is sometimes sacrificed in the interests of athletic glory. Certainly those people most at risk of injury appear to be those who are involved in sports clubs because in this context participation tends to be competitive rather than recreational. Such trends may also explain why injury incidence is higher among middle-class athletes than working-class athletes because club membership tends to be higher in the middle class.

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An injured bullfighter being helped from the ring.

When competitive sports take place in a professional context and when athletes’ livelihoods are dependent on their sports participation, economic and commercial interests can take precedence over the well-being of athletes. The income of professional athletes is likely to be determined by the level of their performance, and so they may take risks and play with injuries in order to maintain their salary. When sports events are given media coverage, an athlete who takes such risks will be celebrated as an exemplar of appropriate behavior. For example, during the men’s rugby union world cup in 2003, a photograph of the English player Neil Back, with a head wound and blood flowing down his face, appeared in a national newspaper under the headline “Bloody Marvellous.” This trend has a twofold effect. First, the athletes themselves learn that other people expect them to tolerate pain and injury. Second, those viewing the media spectacle learn that injury is the price to be paid if they wish to participate at the same standard as the athletes they are watching. The elite professional sports are not the only ones that perpetuate risk-taking behavior. In less popular sports, the fact that fewer people participate means that those who do have an increased chance of success. Athletes participating in such “minority” sports may, therefore, also take risks because they strive for athletic accomplishment. Whether a sport is professional or amateur, elite or recreational, the performance likely takes place in interaction with other people. These people may put pressure on athletes to perform in such a way that they may become injured or feel that they should continue to

participate when they have an injury. Such pressure is most likely to come from coaches, whose own performance as coaches will be judged by the standard of their players, and so they will want their athletes to perform at the highest level, even if risking injury and playing hurt are the price to be paid. In some cases coaches deliberately inconvenience injured players to encourage them to return to play as quickly as possible. Tactics used include requiring injured athletes to spend more time at the club than is required of fit athletes, often not allowing injured athletes to leave until traffic has built up, necessitating a longer journey home, and isolating injured athletes from the rest of the team, for example, during meals. Athletes also may feel pressured by teammates to place the interests of the team above their personal bodily well-being. Sometimes even trainers and physical therapists may pressure athletes to return to play quickly after an injury, even if they are not fully rehabilitated, because this behavior is seen as evidence that trainers and therapists are able to provide effective treatment and so legitimates their own skills.

Implications The importance of sports in many athletes’ lives means that an injury and any subsequent need to take time out from sports create feelings of despondency, frustration, anger, and even guilt. As a result, athletes will often take extreme measures to maintain their athletic existence and identity. Most notably, these measures take the form of consuming pain-killing drugs to mask the pain of injury and to enable continued participation. The choice of continuing to participate while injured carries the likely consequence of the injury becoming more severe or permanently disabling or, in some cases, even causing death. Certainly in sports such as U.S. football players can expect a shortened life expectancy as a consequence of the stress placed on their body during their playing career. The costs of sports-related injuries can, therefore, include the financial burden of health care and the loss of income in either the short or long term, as well as potential loss of self-esteem and a sense of social isolation.

INJURY RISK IN WOMEN’S SPORT

The legal profession has long intervened in sports to serve the interests of public health and to protect injured victims of sports-related violence. In 1993 the World Medical Assembly produced ethical guidelines to help physicians meet the needs of injured athletes. However, a cultural gap remains between the rules of sports and the laws of society, whereby some violent activities that are unlawful outside of sports are legitimated within sports, such as the harm that has been caused to many boxers. When a national law is broken, a person may face criminal prosecution, with a consequence of imprisonment and payment of damages or compensation. However, players who break the law of sports are likely to receive a lesser penalty, such as a suspension or fine, unless a civil prosecution is brought against them for assault. Additionally, medical professionals may be liable for prosecution for misdiagnosis or withholding of information about the true extent of a medical condition. Sometimes this situation arises because medical professionals find themselves in a position in which team managers, and even the players themselves, pressure them to declare fit an injured player when their medical opinion would suggest otherwise. As a result, coaches and other members of the sports network have also been confronted with charges of negligence. The causes of sports-related injury are multifaceted, and the consequences for the injured athlete, the world of sports, and the broader society are far-reaching. In considering the evidence of the physical, psychological, and social aspects of the injury experience, this dimension of sports participation presents a challenge to the oft-proclaimed assumption that the relationship between exercise and health is wholly positive. Elizabeth C. J. Pike See also Medicine, Sports; Pain

Further Reading Bird, S., Black, N., & Newton, P. (1997). Sports injuries: Causes, diagnosis, treatment and prevention. Cheltenham, UK: Stanley Thornes. Grayson, E. (1999). Ethics, injuries and the law in sports medicine. Oxford, UK: Butterworth Heinemann.

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Harries, M., Williams, C., Stanish, W., & Micheli, L. (Eds.). (1998). Oxford textbook of sports medicine. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. Heil, J. (1993). Psychology of sport injury. Leeds, UK: Human Kinetics. Howe, P. (2004). Sport, professionalism and pain: Ethnographies of injury and risk. London: Routledge. Hutson, M. (2001). Sports injuries: Recognition and management. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. Nicholl, J., Coleman, P., & Williams, B. (1991). Injuries in sport and exercise. London: Sports Council. Norris, C. (1998). Sports injuries: Diagnosis and management. Oxford, UK: Butterworth Heinemann. Pargman, D. (1999). Psychological bases of sport injuries. Morgantown, WV: Fitness Information Technology. Pike, E., & Maguire, J. (2003). Injury in women’s sport: Classifying key elements of “risk encounters.” Sociology of Sport Journal, 20(3), 232–251. Renstrom, P. (Ed.). (1993). Sports injuries: Basic principles of prevention and cure. London: Blackwell Scientific Publishing. Waddington, I. (2000). Sport, health and drugs: A critical sociological perspective. London: Spon Press. Young, K. (Ed.). (2004). Sporting bodies, damaged selves: Sociological studies of sports-related injury. Oxford, UK: Elsevier Science Press.

Injury Risk in Women’s Sport

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he concept of risk is used to describe a situation in which a person engages in an activity whose outcome is uncertain. Sometimes the activity is pleasurable, since risk is experienced as exciting, challenging, and leading to self-improvement, particularly when taking the risk ends in gain. However, because risk taking has no certain result, it can also be a negative experience, resulting in fear and leading to harm. In sport, taking risk is often an integral part of the activity. Risk may result from doing sports in unpredictable environments where there is an element of personal danger, such as mountaineering; or from performing a “risky” move that may not work, such as trying for an ace in tennis, but risking a double fault. Risk in sport also takes the form of an athlete pushing the body to the limits of physical ability: for example, running faster, jumping higher, lifting heavier weights than ever before; tackling a bigger

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Ankle guards worn by early women field hockey players.

player; or simply taking part in sport while feeling unwell or in pain. In these cases the athlete is taking a chance that he or she may achieve sporting success but, in the process, they risk injury, disability, and sometimes even death. Where injury is the outcome of sporting activity, this takes the form of either an acute or a chronic, injury. Injury is demarcated from pain, since pain may be related to the exertion of engaging in physical activity, while injury is an indication that there is damage to the body, which may prevent continued participation in the sport. An acute injury tends to be more dramatic, most commonly in the form of fractures, concussion, and/or lacerations. Chronic injuries tend to be more long-term and are often related to overuse, in the form of sprains and inflammation. Male athletes have higher incidence of injury and, in particular, seem to be more subject to acute injuries, while female athletes seem to experience more chronic injury. This is likely to be related to the types of sport and style of play of male and female participants. Such patterns of participation have partly been determined by the history of men’s and women’s involvement in sport.

it also resulted in women’s sport being seen as inferior compared with the men’s. The perceived superiority of male sport forms has meant that males are more active in sport than females, which is reflected in higher injury incidence for male athletes. In addition, in avoiding any association with female sport forms and their perceived inferiority, males have also tended to do sports in ways that pay less attention to self-preservation and so are conducive to injury risk. This tendency particularly involves participating in intensive training and body-contact sports such as football and rugby. However, when injury incidence is measured against participation rates, it becomes apparent that female athletes are just as likely to become injured as male athletes. By way of explaining this trend, it seems that, for women to be taken seriously and gain legitimation for their sport, they have to participate on men’s terms. This means that in more recent times women have become incorporated into a system that normalizes risk of injury. In particular taking bodily risks and playing in pain may be seen as indicators of commitment to their sport and their team.

The History of Women’s Sport

Factors Contributing to Injury Risk

Women’s sport has developed in the context of a struggle over what is considered “appropriate” behavior for females. In particular, ideologies of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries presumed that women were frail and vulnerable. As a result, sporting activities were differentiated into gender-appropriate categories. For example, women’s events would cover shorter distances or have restricted movement compared with men’s events. Women’s sport has also tended toward more aesthetic activities, such as gymnastics and dancebased activities, rather than power and body contact sports. This diminished physicality served to minimize the challenge to a female athlete’s femininity. However,

The tradition of channeling females into sports that are consistent with societal expectations of femininity does not eliminate any risk of injury. For example, gymnastics has an integral aesthetic element, consistent with feminine norms. However, in order to succeed in elite gymnastics, female competitors, unlike their male counterparts, are in a race against the biological clock. This is because the judging criteria means that they are most likely to be successful between the ages of twelve and eighteen, before their bodies have been fully affected by the developments related to puberty. There are two main implications to this. First, the training that these young athletes undertake is so intensive that they will

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Injury Risk in Women’s Sport develop muscle at a faster pace than their bone is developing. This means that they are prone to such injuries as stress fractures, and they may damage their joints permanently, such that they will never grow to their full height. The intense training also means that puberty may be delayed, resulting in reduced bone density, premature osteoporosis, and curvature of the spine. Second, in starting their training at such a young age, these athletes learn that pain and injuries are normal, and that resting an injury is wasting the little time that is available to them to be at the peak of their careers. Athletes who have ventured into sports that have traditionally been male domains continue to experience constraints related to their gender that contribute to the risk of injury. The grounding of some sports in a history of male-only participants means that the equipment that the women use is often that designed for men. For example, in rowing the shoes that are fitted to the boat are often in men’s sizes, which means that female participants find that their feet are not securely fastened. This situation presents these competitors with a sporting environment that carries an inherent injury risk. In ice hockey females are often not taught to bodycheck since this sport, like many others, was adapted to be “appropriate” to women. The result of this is that body checking has been eliminated, at least in part, in some women’s leagues. However, this has led players to adopt other tactics to compensate, and these tactics are sometimes both illegal and dangerous, creating a situation in which the potential injuries from body checking have been replaced by alternative injuries from adaptive, creative play. It is possible that these injuries may be avoided if players actually received training in “safe” body checking. Women who participate in competitive sport often find themselves needing to expose themselves to physical risk and, if injured, to play hurt, in order to gain legitimation for their sport. In other words, to be treated as equal to male athletes means playing by normative male standards. It is, perhaps, something of a paradox that at the same time as women receive better training and improved material conditions in sport, they are si-

Training in Pain This extract from an interview with Nicky, an elite female rower, reveals how she and other female rowers refuse to “give in to the pain,” even if it means training with an injury: I had all these men next to me . . . I was just determined that I was going to keep my score down and not give in to the pain . . . I think the only time really that the training does stop is if someone is actually physically ill or maybe if they had a serious enough injury to stop them training. It’s not often the case that people will stop when they’ve got an injury if they think they can carry on with it . . . There is a girl down at the club who has problems with a stomach ulcer and she still trains with it . . . I’ve had one girl lying on the floor . . . dragging her by the arms trying to stretch her back out because she was in pain.

multaneously exposed to, and increasingly adopting, the masculine trait of viewing their bodies in instrumental ways. Thus, many female athletes accept that bodily sacrifice is the means to pursuing the end of competitive sporting success, mirroring their male counterparts. As a result, while it is often suggested that women are more concerned than men with preserving relationships with other athletes, and so are less likely to engage in behavior that may harm another player, female athletes are still subject to the legitimation of pain and injury in sport. They learn to take risks and play hurt to demonstrate character, consolidate group membership, and avoid being dropped from a team. It seems that this is particularly the case for women in higher socioeconomic groups.These women tend to be more actively involved in sport (due, at least in part, to having more available money and time free from domestic responsibilities), and they also have higher sport-related injury rates than women in lower socioeconomic groups.

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A female athlete examines a shoulder injury. Source: istockphoto/lovleah.

In combination with this is the fact that there are generally fewer competitors in women’s sports than in men’s. This means that those who do participate have an increased chance of succeeding, and so any sacrifice may be deemed worthwhile. Indeed, the sporting success of the former Communist societies of the Soviet Union (USSR) and German Democratic Republic (GDR) has often been explained by suggesting that these countries recognized the potential for international sporting success due to the relative lack of competitors in women’s events. We now know something of the long-term health damage that the female athletes competing under these regimes suffered as a result of the “win at all costs” attitude. For example, Olga Korbut, the former Soviet gymnast who won gold at the 1972 Munich Olympics, said that her strongest memories of her competitive days were of fatigue and pain,

particularly related to lumbago in her back. Other female former athletes from Communist societies are known to have taken anabolic steroids (sometimes without knowing they were doing so, as a result of strategic coaching practices) and ended up with overtraining injuries and signs of virilism. However, it is not difficult to find female athletes with injury careers from other nations, one of the more famous examples being the USA track and field athlete, Mary Decker Slaney who, during the 1990s, had nineteen sport-related surgeries and lived in constant pain. While elite athletes may normalize injury risk due to the financial and media status that high-level performance sport offers, it is less easy to understand why nonelite female athletes are prepared to accept injury risk. This acceptance may be explained by what would appear to be contradictory reasons for participating in the first place. For many women involvement in physical activity is to develop and maintain an ideal body shape, consistent with social norms of femininity (slender and toned). For others sport may be an environment in which a body that is inconsistent with femininity (large and muscular) can become its own success story, enabling sports performance. In both cases the sport becomes so central to maintaining the female athlete’s identity that it is more important to continue to be involved in the sport than to discontinue participation as a result of pain or injury. Indeed, for many women, while injuries may be seen as unattractive according to feminine norms, they are actually often positively valued and displayed as a physical sign of their commitment to training.

Medical Care for Injured Female Athletes In keeping with the trend of women’s sport developing later than the men’s counterparts and continuing to be taken less seriously, so it is also the case that female athletes often do not have access to the same level of medical support that male athletes do. The lack of medical care may be, in part, because it is not only women’s sport, but also women’s pain and injuries that are taken

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less seriously. As indicated earlier, women tend to be prone to chronic, rather than acute, sport-related injuries. The very nature of such injuries is that they are less dramatic, and so are often regarded as less “interesting,” by medical practitioners, who prefer to deal with more acute injuries. Additionally, chronic injuries are often viewed as less serious injuries. This situation is exacerbated because women are more likely than men to display the emotions associated with pain, since emotional display is less consistent with masculinity. This means that when male athletes do complain about pain, they are taken seriously, whereas women’s injuries become normalized and even ignored. The end result of this is that women learn that their injuries, as with their sport, are less important than men’s and to play in pain, with the potential implications of long-term injury and even disability. In addition, the lack of medical care means that female athletes have to find alternative sources of help with their injuries. Most commonly, women will turn to their coaches and/or their teammates for advice. This is clearly problematic, since they are seeking advice from the very people who benefit from an injured player returning quickly to sports participation. Indeed, most female athletes indicate that the greatest source of pressure to take risks and play while injured comes from other players and their coaches. Furthermore, it is unlikely that the people offering the medical advice will have the medical qualifications to enable them to offer informed help. The relative underdevelopment of women’s sport means that those in coaching positions are not always even qualified to coach and are certainly not qualified to offer medical support, particularly at amateur levels of participation. Many female athletes have turned to complementary and alternative forms of medicine in order to gain help that takes their injuries seriously. In particular practices such as physiotherapy, osteopathy, chiropractic, and various forms of massage have become popular with those women able to afford such treatment. In their use of massage and fragrant oils, these treatments offer medical practice more consistent with femininity. In ad-

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dition the treatments involve the client as a more active participant in their own recovery, rather than simply suggesting the “rest and pain killers advice” that are seen as staples of orthodox medicine. This practice is also consistent with an athlete’s need to maintain a sense of self as someone who is active, and so it reduces the threat an injury poses to the athletic identity.

Dilemmas and Future Developments It is clear that as women’s sport has developed, so female athletes have learned that gaining equality means playing by the same standards as their male counterparts. This development, in turn, has created a culture in which performance sport carries the requirement that the risk of injury be accepted. As a result, in contemporary sport both male and female athletes learn to tolerate high levels of pain and disregard injury. Many athletes have normalized injury to such an extent that they go so far as to deny that their sport is risky. Most say that the pleasure in sports participation makes the pain worthwhile, and, on retiring from elite competition, that they miss their sport and would do it all again. It is clear that these findings leave those working with female athletes with a dilemma: how to develop women’s sport without sacrificing the well-being of the individual performer for improved sporting achievements. Research is ongoing to review the pressures on athletes to continually improve standards and to consider whether it is possible in contemporary society to promote a more positive image of cooperative participation, rather than merely competitive performance. In addition investigations are being undertaken into how best to encourage and support injured performers to gain effective medical care. As women’s sport moves toward greater equality with men’s, further research needs to be conducted to understand more fully female athletes’ experiences of their sporting activities and to help inform appropriate health-care practices for injured athletes. Elizabeth C. J. Pike

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Further Reading Coakley, J. (2004). Sports in society: Issues and controversies. London: McGraw-Hill. Hoberman, J. (1992). Mortal engines. New York: Free Press. Maguire, J., Jarvie, G., Mansfield, L., & Bradley, J. (2002). Sport worlds: A sociological perspective. Leeds, UK: Human Kinetics. Nicholl, J., Coleman, P., & Williams, B. (1993). Injuries in sport and exercise. London: The Sports Council. Nixon, H., & Frey, J. (1996). A sociology of sport. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth Publishing Company. Pike, E. (2004). Risk, pain and injury: “A natural thing in rowing”? In K. Young (Ed.), Sporting bodies, damaged selves: Sociological studies of sports-related injury. (pp. 151-162). Oxford, UK: Elsevier Science Press. Pike, E., & Maguire, J. (2003). Injury in women’s sport: Classifying key elements of “risk encounters.” Sociology of Sport Journal, 20(3), 232–251. Ryan, J. (1995). Little girls in pretty boxes. New York: Warner Books. Sparkes, A. (2000). Illness, premature career-termination, and the loss of self: A biographical study of an elite athlete. In R. Jones & K. Armour (Eds.), Sociology of sport: Theory and practice. (pp. 13–32). Harlow, UK: Longman. Theberge, N. (2000). Higher goals: Women’s ice hockey and the politics of gender. Albany: State University of New York. Thing, L. (2004). Scars on the body: The risk management and self care of injured female handball players in Denmark. In K. Young (Ed.), Sporting bodies, damaged selves: Sociological studies of sports-related injury. (pp. 195-209). Oxford,UK: Elsevier Science Press. Tulloch, J., & Lupton, D. (2003). Risk and everyday life. London: Sage. Waddington, I. (2000). Sport and health: A sociological perspective. In J. Coakley & E. Dunning (Eds.), Handbook of Sports Studies. (pp. 408–421). London: Sage. Waddington, I. (2000). Sport, health and drugs: A critical sociological perspective. London: Spon Press. White, P., & Young, K. (1999). Is sport injury gendered? In P. White & K.Young (Eds.), Sport and gender in Canada. Oxford, UK: (pp. 69– 84). Oxford University Press.

Innebandy

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nnebandy—arguably the most popular sport in Sweden—is almost unknown in the United States, even though it developed there from a game called “unihok” during the 1950s. Innebandy is similar to what North Americans know as “floor hockey,” but players use a whiffle ball instead of a puck, creating a faster game. As in floor hockey, innebandy players use sticks that are similar to ice hockey sticks. Innebandy is relatively easy

for new players to master, and the equipment is minimal, making it attractive for club and youth team sponsorship. Whereas in North America floor hockey remains a recreational game primarily played in physical education classes, innebandy is played both at the recreational level and at the competitive level—including international competition between national teams throughout Scandinavia and the rest of Europe. In Finland the sport is called “salibandy,” and in Switzerland it is called “unihockey.” The International Floorball Federation, founded in 1986, regulates international play. The first national teams competition outside of Europe was played in 1999 in Singapore, where the Europeans were joined by teams from the host country and from Australia and Japan. The history of innebandy crosses the oceans between Scandinavia, the rest of Europe, and North America several times; first references to the sport date back to the early 1500s. The original game perhaps was a game called “bandy” that people played on ice with sticks and a softball-sized ball. Bandy is still popular in Scandinavia and is thought to have led to the development of ice hockey in North America. Historians think floor hockey developed from ice hockey as a way for players to practice during the off season. People originally played floor hockey indoors with either a puck or a lightweight plastic ball. When the sport was adopted by Swedish visitors to the United States during the 1950s, a whiffle ball became standard (because Swedish bandy used a ball rather than a puck). Although people know the sport by a variety of names throughout Scandinavia and the rest of Europe, the name “floorball” achieved dominance with the founding of the International Floorball Federation.

Rules and Play Because innebandy is a relatively new sport, the rules, equipment, and rink and goal sizes have changed several times. Today the international rink measures 40 by 20 meters with a goal on each end measuring 160 by

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Men playing innebandy.

115 centimeters. In recreational play the rink dimensions vary, but they generally adhere to the rule that length equals two times width. A team has six players, one of whom is a goalkeeper. As in other similar sports, the object is to score more goals than the opposing team. Innebandy has three twenty-minute periods. Perhaps a major difference between bandy, ice hockey, and floor hockey and innebandy is the level of participation by women. Innebandy is the only sport among these four that has supported national-level teams and international competition by women since its beginning. Women’s and men’s national teams followed similar paths of development, with the first major competition, the European Cup, held in 1993 in Finland for women and in Sweden for men. The first European championships were held for men in 1994, followed by the first women’s European championship in 1995. The first world championship for men was held in 1996 in Sweden, and the first world championship for women was held in 1997 in Finland. The championships are held every year: in odd years for women and in even years for men.

Competition at the Top According to the International Floorball Federation, Finland won the 2002 men’s world university championship and the 2003 men’s U19 world championship;

Sweden won the 2003 women’s world championship, the 2004 men’s world championship, and the 2004 U19 women’s world championship. Linda S. Stanley

Further Reading International Floorball Federation. (1998). The international floorball. Solna, Sweden: Author. Olsson, C., & Persson, P. (1996). Innebandy. Stockholm, Sweden: Raben & Sjogren.

Inter-Allied Games

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he Inter-Allied Games were organized in France out of an American initiative. They took place in Paris from 22 June to 6 July 1919, just a few months after the armistice of 11 November 1918. In these games (described by the press as “military Olympic games”), soldiers from the different Allied forces waiting to return to their home countries competed against one another. Eighteen delegations out of the thirty-one that had been invited participated in the games. With the exception of Great Britain, most of the great sporting nations were there. The program, similar to that of the

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The minute you start talking about what you’re going to do if you lose, you have lost. ■ GEORGE SHULTZ

Olympic Games, included a dozen different sports, with a total of seventy-six events. There were a few warspecific events, such as a hand grenade throw, however. The American and French delegations were by far the largest; when it came to sports results, the Americans came out well ahead of the French. Although the Inter-Allied Games were presented again in 1946 at a more modest level, the 1919 Inter-Allied Games did constitute a unique event, for a number of reasons.

History The initiative for the Inter-Allied Games originated with Elwood S. Brown, a young chief athletic officer in the American Young Men’s Christian Association (YMCA), well known for its success in promoting sports in the Far East. General “Black Jack” Pershing, the American commander, was made aware of the proposal in November 1918, and placed Colonel Wait C. Johnson of the American Expeditionary Forces (AEF) in charge of organizing the games, along with Brown and the YMCA, which also was the major financer for the event. The French authorities, anxious not to oppose the United States (which had just tipped the course of the war), agreed to have the games take place in France. Since there were no facilities available for the competitive events, the Americans built a stadium in the Paris suburbs, which was completed in three months. The stadium was officially presented to France during the closing ceremony to commemorate the entente between the two countries. For the American soldiers, the games were a logical follow-up to the military training they had received before they entered the war in 1917 and continued to receive on the front, where they trained in camps or in the Foyers du soldat, run by the YMCA’s French-American Union. The announcement of the Inter-Allied Games provided a further objective for AEF’s athletic training. In spring 1918, 300 YMCA instructors were sent to France, and two million dollars was set aside to be invested as soon as an armistice went into effect. Within a few months, a full program of sports activities was proposed to the AEF. When the number of men in-

volved in the competitive events that took place in the months before the final games was tallied up, George Wythe (1919) was able to announce that there were 28 million participants in all (since each man participated a number of times), and at least that many spectators in the grandstands for all the mass events. France seemed to be the only country ready to take up the American challenge, for reasons of prestige. Marshall Philippe Pétain, the French commander in chief, declared that “the Americans attach considerable importance to this meeting. France must be represented there with dignity.”

Significance Terret (2002) showed that the Inter-Allied Games can be analyzed through four different but complementary perspectives: military, cultural, political/diplomatic, and sports. From the military point of view, preparing for the games was a way to contribute to the men’s physical and mental training during the last months of the war. The general view among the American military authorities was that sports could help to keep the morale of the Allied troops from eroding. The Inter-Allied Games themselves were presented as an example of fraternity among the Allied populations. As William Taft said in 1922, “They symbolized the ends for which the war itself was fought.” The demobilization period was also considered to be fertile ground for all sorts of misconduct and temptation. The games addressed the fear provoked by the fact that the energy (notably sexual) of the millions of demobilized soldiers still in Europe was no longer being channeled. From the cultural viewpoint, the Inter-Allied Games paved the way to promoting a sports culture— particularly through YMCA activities—in countries where modern sports were still in the early stages of introduction. It was thanks to the games that certain sports activities (basketball, for example) became well established in France and Italy. The YMCA also aimed to use sports to help spread certain models, not only of masculinity (boxing was the main vehicle for this, as Wakefield, 1997, showed), but also of education and

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Christianity, in conformity with the vision of society already developed for the United States. The Americans in charge of the AEF were aware of the issues involved: “While America played, Europe, not forgetting how America had fought, watched” (Colver et al. 1919, 127). The Allies were just as aware, as the French publication la Vie au Grand Air indicated in its 15 June 1919 issue when it wrote that the Inter-Allied Games were “an admirable means of propaganda for the United States.” From the political point of view, the Inter-Allied Games were inseparable from the concurrent proceedings around the peace conference. In that sense the games were an extension of the “Wilsonian” policy of interventionism in Europe being carried out by the United States. One aim was to reduce the role that France might be led to play in continental Europe after the fall of Germany. The political stakes help to explain why, during the Inter-Allied Games, the sports events setting Americans and French against one another were particularly rough. Speaking for the AEF, Newton Colver acknowledged this: “Contests in which American soldiers were competitors rarely attracted the same intense enthusiasm as those in which a Frenchman and an American scrapped it out. As soon as ‘La Guerre’ was ‘fini’ another ‘Guerre’ started, France against America” (Colver et al. 1919, 129). From the sports viewpoint, the games helped to confirm, a year before the Summer Olympic Games at Antwerp, Belgium, that the Olympic machine could rise from the ashes of the canceled 1916 Berlin Games. Furthermore, a number of the athletes present later participated in the Antwerp Olympics, several winning medals (for example, Charles Paddock in track and field and Norman Ross in swimming). The disagreement between Pierre de Coubertin and Elwood Brown concerning the use of the term Olympic was rapidly settled. In 1920 Mr. Brown even was granted a status as representative of the International Olympic Committee (IOC) in certain capacities, in addition to his YMCA responsibilities. The Inter-Allied Games also contributed to spread new forms of physical training and practice

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that had been tested in the United States. As a matter of fact, a number of American specialists stayed in Europe after the games as technical advisors. And in countries like France, where political authorities still had a very low opinion of sports, the games had a veritable impact by raising public awareness of the diplomatic importance of sports. Thierry Terret

Further Reading Colver, J., Unmack, W., Johnson, W., & Brown, E. (Eds.). (1919). Official athletic almanac of the American Expeditionary Forces 1919: AEF championships. New York: American Sports. Pope, S. (1992). Patriotic games. New York: Oxford University Press. Taft, W. H. (Ed.). Service with fighting men: An account of the work of the American Young Men’s Christian Associations in the World War. New York: Association Press. Terret T. (2002). Les jeux interalliés de 1919: Sport, guerre et relations internationales. Paris: L’Harmattan. Wakefield, W. (1997). Playing to win: Sport and the American military, 1898–1945. Albany: State University of New York Press. Wythe, G., & Hanson, J. (Ed.). (1919). The Inter-Allied Games: Paris 22 June to 6 July 1919. Paris: Société anonyme de publications périodiques.

Intercollegiate Athletics

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ntercollegiate athletics refers to varsity sport programs conducted at U.S. colleges and universities that are controlled and operated by college and university athletic departments. Many intercollegiate athletic team members, particularly on the Division I level (the highest level college athletic competition), receive athletically related financial aid from their institutions to participate in athletics. According to the National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA), the governing body for many intercollegiate athletics for four-year colleges and universities, a student-athlete is “a student whose enrollment was solicited by a member of the athletics staff or other representative of athletics interest with a view toward the student’s ultimate participation in the intercollegiate athletics program” (2004, 70).

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NCAA member institutions are separated into three separate divisions. According to the NCAA (2004): ■

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Division I institutions must sponsor at least seven sports for men and seven for women or six for men and eight for women. Division I institutions must also offer a minimal number of athletically related scholarships to sport participants. Division II institutions must also offer a minimal number of athletically related scholarships, but fewer than Division I institutions offer. Division III institutions are prohibited from offering athletically related financial aid to student-athletes. In addition, Division III athletic departments are funded as other university or college departments are. This concept is drastically different from the Division I philosophy, which requires that athletic departments raise most if not all of their own money from sources outside the institution.

Other non-NCAA institutions throughout the country also sponsor intercollegiate athletics; for example, the National Association of Intercollegiate Athletics (NAIA) and the National Junior College Athletic Association (NJCAA) institutions sponsor college athletic programs. NAIA institutions espouse dedication to academic achievement of student-athletes above their athletic performances. Through its “Champions of Character” program, the NAIA “seeks to create an environment in which every student-athlete, coach, official, and spectator is committed to the true spirit of competition through five tenets: respect, integrity, responsibility, servant leadership, and sportsmanship” (NAIA 2004, 2). The NJCAA is the governing body of intercollegiate athletics for two-year institutions. Many student-athletes who compete on the junior college level seek to transfer to four-year institutions after completing degree requirements at their respective junior colleges. Many influential individuals have been involved in intercollegiate athletics since its inception. Coaches such as Dean Smith (University of North Carolina), Eddie Robinson (Grambling State University), Paul “Bear” Bryant (University of Alabama), Mike Krzyzewski (Duke

University), John Thompson (Georgetown University), Bo Schembechler (University of Michigan), Joe Paterno (Penn State University), Nolan Richardson (University of Arkansas), and Pat Summitt (University of Tennessee) have become household names during the past few decades. Former college student-athletes such as Joe Montana (University of Notre Dame), Hershel Walker (University of Georgia), Grant Hill (Duke University), Michael Jordan (University of North Carolina), Earvin “Magic” Johnson (Michigan State University), Larry Bird (Indiana State University), Peyton Manning (University of Tennessee), Mia Hamm (University of North Carolina), Rebecca Lobo (University of Connecticut), and Dawn Staley (University of Virginia) helped give their respective alma maters national exposure.

Intercollegiate Athletics: The Early Period Today’s intercollegiate athletic programs differ greatly from athletic programs of yesteryear. Early athletic programs on most college campuses were part of studentcreated extracurricular programs that developed as a reaction to the rigorous academic curricula of the time. Established at many institutions during the late 1800s, extracurricular programs included debate clubs, literary societies, fraternal systems, and athletics. Before these programs, faculty members and campus administrators frowned on athletic activities. At the time, athletics was considered a major deterrent to student learning and achievement (a notion still popular). Despite opposition, the intercollegiate sports phenomena began to develop with the increased immigration of German-born citizens, who brought the concept of gymnasiums and the sport of gymnastics to the United States. According to Rudolph (1990), there were at least sixty German gymnastic clubs in American cities by 1853. Until the late 1870s, most intercollegiate sport activities were organized by students in athletic clubs that were similar to today’s intramural sports systems. Gymnastics and intramural sports systems did much to change the minds of Americans regarding sports.

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Tossing the ball to start a women’s basketball game at Smith College in 1904. Source: Smith College Archives.

Despite the increasing popularity of intercollegiate athletics during this time, however, nothing could match the overall impact of football on society and the American higher education system.

Birth of Football After the Civil War, colleges saw only minimal increases in student enrollments. According to Chu: Without guarantees of steady monies, faced with public indifference towards the value of higher education and uncertain of short-term enrollment trends, college leadership constantly searched for means to attract the funds, prestige, and enrollments that meant survival for their schools. (1989, 22)

To increase institutional funding, intercollegiate athletics soon became the program to which university and college presidents turned. Although the first “official” intercollegiate athletics contest took place in 1852 in the sport of crew, no sport contributed more to the financial growth experienced by American institutions of higher learning than football. “Few movements so captured the colleges and universities” (Rudolph 1990, 374). Born as an offspring of the English game of soccer, football officially arrived on college campuses in 1869 in a contest played between Princeton and Rutgers, although the game had existed in some form for thousands of years. “Team games involving round ob-

jects made of rubber or leather have been played since ancient Egypt” (Ashe 1988, 89). From the beginning, football quickly began to dominate both the American athletics scene and campus life. During the late 1800s, the game became so widely accepted that for the first time since the founding of Harvard College in 1636 (America’s first institution of higher learning), colleges began to recognize the existence of intercollegiate athletics. Other college presidents and faculty members, however, opposed the relationship between higher academe and athletics. Despite football’s immense popularity, it was also very brutal and inhumane. The equipment was made of cloth padding instead of hard plastic, and leather helmets did little to protect against massive head injuries. Without established rules and regulations, career-ending injuries and even deaths occurred. During the 1905 season, the Harvard football team played in only two games in which concussions did not occur. In that same year, a total of eighteen football athletes were killed while playing the sport, prompting President Theodore Roosevelt (a devoted fan of the sport whose son played football at Harvard during the early 1900s) to summon college athletics leaders to the White House to discuss reforming rules and regulations governing the sport. Taking President Roosevelt’s threat to abolish football in the United States seriously, coaches and physical education directors from Harvard, Yale, and Princeton were charged with getting “the game played on a thoroughly clean basis” (Morison, cited in Rudolph, 1990, 376).

Governing Bodies The year 1905 also marked the formation of the Intercollegiate Athletics Association of the United States (IAAUS, and later, the NCAA), which became the official governing body of intercollegiate athletics. Students

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When a team outgrows individual performance and learns team confidence, excellency becomes a reality. ■ JOE PATERNO

who had managed athletic programs were soon replaced by university administrators who assumed the responsibilities for hiring and paying coaches, arranging and financing contests, organizing team travel, building new stadiums, and promoting athletics in general. With these changes, intercollegiate athletics had officially “arrived.” During its early stages, the NCAA had to persuade member institutions to join; however, by the 1920s, many schools were actively seeking membership. By 1930, the presidents at several prestigious universities including Michigan, Columbia, Princeton, and the College of New York had publicly defended college athletics. Many schools of the era were poorly endowed and received minimal, if any, foundation grant funding. Administrators also had little confidence in their ability to generate more income for their respective institutions. Therefore, many relied on athletics to generate funding for their universities and colleges. By 1945, the NCAA boasted 210 members.

Arrival of the African-American Student-Athlete In the late 1800s and early 1900s, along with the changes to the sports programs themselves, the “face” of college athletics and American sports in general began to change as more African-Americans began to participate in organized sports and college athletics. Despite intercollegiate athletics becoming an important part of American society during the early period, AfricanAmerican athletes played no major role in the growing sports phenomena. Discriminatory laws ensured that very few African-Americans attended predominantly white institutions (PWIs) during the late 1800s. Instead, most African-Americans attended historically black colleges and universities (HBCUs). By 1892, however, students at HBCUs began competing in varsity athletic events. Biddle (now Johnson C. Smith) University and Livingstone College played in the first HBCU football game on 27 December 1892. Unlike PWI athletic programs of the era, however, funding for HBCU athletic programs was extremely deficient. According to

Ashe (1988), despite the passing of the second Morrill Act of 1890, which provided federal funding for historically black land grant schools (BLGs), the BLGs never received their fair share of the funding. Very few African-Americans participated in varsity athletics during the late 1800s; however, that changed with the “birth” of American football. The first AfricanAmerican athletes began participating in college athletics at PWIs about the same time as athletics became important at HBCUs. William Henry Lewis was perhaps the first accomplished, nationally known AfricanAmerican football player at a PWI. Lewis played football at Amherst and Harvard and was named to the All-America team in both 1892 and 1893. Other great African-American student-athletes such as Paul Robeson, Fritz Pollard, Jesse Owens, Jerome “Brud” Holland, and Jackie Robinson followed Lewis. During the 1930s, many institutions had new stadiums to fill, thus, more African-Americans were recruited to play. After World War II, an even larger influx of AfricanAmericans attended colleges under the Servicemen’s Readjustment Act (known as the GI Bill of Rights); from then on, the list of African-American studentathletes (AASAs) grew exponentially. According to a study conducted by Northeastern University’s Center for the Study of Sport in Society, during the 1998– 1999 academic year, 56 percent of Division I men’s basketball players and 46 percent of football players were African-American. In many instances, AASAs make up an even larger percentage of starters (those who are on the field or on court when a contest commences) or major contributors to their teams.

Women’s Involvement in Intercollegiate Athletics A milestone in women’s intercollegiate athletics was the first intercollegiate women’s basketball game between Stamford and the University of California in 1896. Although not embraced as quickly by the public as men’s sports programs, sports involving women advanced steadily over the following decades. However, such advances did not come easily.

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The leaders of various women’s college sports programs established the Association of Intercollegiate Athletics for Women (AIAW) in 1971. Because of Title IX, a provision in the 1972 Education Amendments that mandated equal access and opportunities for women in education, institutions of higher learning experienced a massive increase in young women participating in sports. Although Title IX led to increased opportunities for women to participate in sports, the law also played a major role in the demise of the AIAW and the decrease in the number of women athletic coaches and administrators. Institutions were forced to create more opportunities for women athletes, so the NCAA sought to combine the AIAW with its membership. The NCAA was eventually successful in engulfing the AIAW, and as a result, men replaced many women coaches and athletic administrators. NCAA institutions have moved slowly toward true gender equity since the passage of Title IX. Under the “effective accommodation test,” which is more commonly known as the “three-prong test,” established by the U.S. Department of Education, an institution will be found to comply with Title IX if it satisfies any one of the following criteria (Suggs 2003a): 1. The institution has the same proportion of women on sports teams as it has women in the student body. 2. The institution has demonstrated a history of and continued efforts toward program expansion for female student-athletes. 3. The institution has otherwise demonstrated that the school’s current athletic program effectively accommodates the interests and abilities of the school’s female student-athletes. University and athletic administrators have learned that Title IX will not be easily ignored. Many women student-athletes have filed lawsuits against their alma maters because of discriminatory practices or lack of athletic opportunities. In addition, several men’s student-athletes and coaches who have had their sports eliminated to create more opportunities for women

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student-athletes have also brought lawsuits against their respective institutions for discrimination. Title IX will surely continue as a strong force in college athletics.

Trends and Controversies Surrounding College Athletics From the time athletics was introduced to American institutions of higher learning, it has been challenged and criticized, often with good reason. Throughout its history, intercollegiate athletics has simultaneously served as both the pride and the ultimate embarrassment of institutions across the country. Forced into an inauspicious relationship, the marriage between academe and athletics has not always been healthy or stable. Some of the controversies related to today’s college sports programs are the following: ■ ■ ■

Student-athlete graduation rates Increased academic requirements for student-athletes Unethical behavior by athletic staff members, coaches, and student-athletes

STUDENT-ATHLETE GRADUATION RATES Student retention and degree attainment have long been major topics of concern for many constituent groups. Students and their parents have an obvious interest in retention, because attending college is of little value in career development unless the student is able to persist through completion of some degree. College and university faculty and student affairs departments care about degree attainment because it signifies that their work with students has been successful. Legislators and policy makers are increasingly focused on an institution’s graduation rate because they see it as a measure of institutional performance or accountability. Intercollegiate athletic departments are also feeling the increased demands of accountability placed on institutions of higher education. Thus, because of the increased attention and scrutiny placed on college athletic programs, graduation has evolved as the main measure of studentathlete success or failure for NCAA member institutions (Watt and Moore 2001).

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Intercollegiate Athletics Keeping it Pure Keeping professionals out of college sports has always been a major interest of supporters of college sports. In the following statement, sports pioneer Amos Alonzo Stagg makes the case for amateurism. The discussion of allowing members of college baseball teams to play baseball in the summer for money as brought out in various interviews of athletic directors, strikes me as having developed some shallow thinking. Most of the men interviewed seemed to make a distinction in favor of the baseball player. I can see no logic in granting permission to students to play baseball for money and not extending the same privilege to men to play football, basketball, or any other sport through which a student can earn money. The inevitable result of granting such privileges to baseball men would be a legitimate demand for similar privileges to men in other sports who wished to capitalize on their skill. There can be no other logical result. All college athletics, therefore, would become totally professionalized. While we now have lapses of adherence to the amateur rules because of men cheating by playing base-

Some experts warn of the dangers of comparing student-athlete graduation rates to the rates of studentathletes at other universities and believe that comparing one institution’s student-athletes to its student body is a better test of how that institution is doing in educating its student-athletes than is comparing that institution to another one (Naughton 1996). The NCAA began tracking student-athlete graduation rates in 1983. NCAA graduation rates are based on a comparison of the number of students who enter a college or university and the number of those who graduate within six years. For example, if one hundred students enter college and sixty graduate within six years of initial enrollment, the graduation rate is 60 percent (NCAA 2000). The NCAA published the first comprehensive study of student-athlete graduation rates in 1992. That study fo-

ball for hire, unless we extended similar privileges to other sports, we should have vastly more cases of deception in other sports than we now have in baseball under the present rule. The reason why there have been as few lapses as there have been from amateurism is because of the rule against using one’s skill in athletics for gain. Once extend the privilege openly to baseball men to play for money, the foundations on which college athletics are built have been fatally weakened and the whole system has collapsed.There would then be numerous cases of professionalism in which events there already is a market for college athletes, and that market would multiply immeasurably. The inevitable logical result would be a compelling demand that all college athletes be extended the same privilege to use their athletic skill to make money. Our college sports would then be thoroughly professionalized, and we should have the spectacle of our colleges and universities lending the prestige of their name to Tom, Dick and Harry for advertising purposes. Source: Spink, A. (1921). One thousand sport stories (Vol. 2, pp. 298–300), Chicago: The Martin Company.

cused on graduation rates of all Division I college and university student-athletes. Benson (1996) later compared the graduation rates of student-athletes who attended public institutions and those who attended private institutions. The NCAA has also compared the graduation rates of student-athletes to the graduation rates of the general student body on their respective campuses and has formulated race-specific analyses that compare AASA graduation rates to African-American student graduation rates. Suggs (1999) indicates that in 1999 student-athlete graduation rates were at their lowest level in seven years for football and basketball players. African-American football and basketball players consistently graduate at lower rates (often much lower rates) than do other students and student-athletes at their respective institutions. Thus, even though African-

INTERCOLLEGIATE ATHLETICS

American student-athletes make up the majority of Division I football and basketball players, their institutions continually fail to support them academically. Because of student-athlete academic underachievement, in 1991 the NCAA established a directive requiring all Division I institutions to establish academic support for studentathletes (known as Student-Athlete Support Programs or SASPs). Despite this, many still debate whether SASPs are viable components of American higher education and whether SASPs are truly effective. However, according to Underwood (1984), a well-designed, comprehensive academic support program can help studentathletes solve their personal problems, can lead to graduation, and can help unlock doors to future employment and personal success.

INCREASED ACADEMIC STANDARDS FOR STUDENT-ATHLETES

In 1983, the NCAA membership again passed new legislation to strengthen initial eligibility standards for incoming first year student-athletes. Proposition 48, which became effective in the fall of the 1986–1987 academic year, required the incoming prospective studentathlete to have a 2.0 grade point average, on a 4.0 scale, while taking at least eleven core subjects consisting of English, mathematics, social science, and physical or natural science. The prospect would also have to score either 700 on the combined verbal-mathematics Scholastic Aptitude Test (SAT) or 15 on the American College Test (ACT) to qualify for athletic aid and competition in his or her first year at the institution. Despite its good intentions, Proposition 48 has been one of the most controversial and reviled pieces of legislation to be passed by the NCAA membership and has been branded as racist legislation that negatively affected a disproportionate number of African-American prospective student-athletes. Despite initial opposition to the rule, however, Proposition 48 has been credited with raising student-athlete graduation percentages. In 1996, the NCAA membership adopted Proposition 16, which further strengthened the academic standards established with Proposition 48. Though not as

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controversial as its predecessor, Proposition 16 was also opposed by those who felt that the previous legislation provided enough safeguards for student-athlete academic integrity. Proposition 16 specifies that incoming student-athletes must meet standards for high school GPA and standardized test scores on the InitialEligibility Index to be eligible to compete in college athletics during their first year.

UNETHICAL BEHAVIOR American culture has created a “win at all costs” mentality among coaches, student-athletes, students, and sports fans alike. Unethical behavior such as illegal cash payments to student-athletes, improper student-athlete/ professional sports agent relationships, and academic improprieties have plagued intercollegiate athletics for decades. Intercollegiate athletic scandals are not new phenomena, however. Athletic improprieties led to both the 1929 Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching (Carnegie Foundation) Report and the Sanity Code of 1948: ■

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The Carnegie Report concluded that popular college athletes were recruited through deception and dishonesty. The Sanity Code was viewed as an extension of the Carnegie Report and was the first national endeavor to require college control of intercollegiate athletics, a concept reinforced by the 1991 Knight Foundation’s report.

During the 1980s, newspapers and magazines published numerous stories about the serious abuses in the athletic programs at major universities, including Tulane, Virginia Tech, Kentucky, Maryland, Oklahoma, Oklahoma State, Illinois, Minnesota, Southern Methodist, Georgia, Florida, Texas Christian, Clemson, and San Francisco. More recently, allegations of academic improprieties involving student-athletes have surfaced at the University of Minnesota and the University of Tennessee . At Minnesota from 1994 to 1998, a former secretary in the athletics academic counseling office was

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involved in preparing approximately 400 pieces of course work for as many as eighteen men’s basketball student-athletes. Unfortunately, allegations such as these are not uncommon occurrences. Although scandals involving college student-athletes, coaches, and institutional staff members create national headlines, most college sport improprieties are unintentional, inadvertent, or minor in nature. The minor improprieties are referred to as secondary violations. Major violations, which occur far less frequently, make local and national headlines and center around such activities as the following: ■ ■ ■

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Gambling Academic fraud Illegal contact with professional sports agents or athletic boosters Recruiting improprieties

The Future Intercollegiate athletics will continue to play a dominant role on college and university campuses. Many athletic administrators and coaches predict that several of the top-rated Division I-A athletic programs will break away from the NCAA and form their own “Super Conference.” This mentality has already been displayed through the formation of the Bowl Championship Series (BCS), the system in which Division I-A “Big Six” college athletic conferences—the Atlantic Coast Conference, the Big East Conference, the Big Ten Conference, the Big Twelve Conference, the Pacific Ten Conference, and the Southeastern Conference—compete in multimilliondollar-generating postseason football games. Although a portion of the funds generated by the BCS are distributed throughout the NCAA membership, Big Six conference institutions and their conference offices keep most of the funds.Those involved in intercollegiate athletics predict further separation between the “haves” and the “have-nots” in the future. In addition, because of decreased state funding for colleges and universities across the country, athletic programs at smaller institutions will have to rely less on subsidies from the institution and concentrate more on

fund-raising. Such decreases in funding may ultimately lead to a decrease in the number of intercollegiate sports institutions sponsor in future years. Divisions I-AA and II athletic departments will be affected greatly by decreased institutional funding. In what many feel was an attempt to shield itself from future lawsuits filed by minority students, the NCAA membership voted to extend the previous sliding scale established by Proposition 16, thus allowing prospective student-athletes who scores as low as 400 on the SAT or a sum score of 37 on the ACT to attend college and participate in varsity athletics during their first year. “Athletes now can score the equivalent of zero on the SAT or ACT as long as their high school grades are very high” (Suggs 2003b, A-35). Many fear that the new initial eligibility rules will lead to grade inflation on the high school level, thus increasing the number of marginal or less prepared prospective student-athletes admitted to colleges and universities. Conversely, even though initial-eligibility standards for incoming athletes were weakened, continuing eligibility regulations were strengthened greatly, making it much more difficult for student-athletes to maintain academic eligibility in subsequent years after their initial enrollment. Other concerns are the following: ■

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The new rules pertaining to continuing eligibility will hamstring the student-athletes because they will not be able to change their majors as other students on campus do; thus, student-athletes may be placed in less difficult majors to preserve athletic eligibility. Student-athletes will simply not be able to meet the enhanced academic standards required to maintain academic eligibility while in college. Ultimately, lesser-prepared students will be admitted to institutions but they will be subjected to greatly increased academic standards once in college. Student-athlete support staff members who monitor student-athlete academic progress will be terminated if student-athlete academic failure rates increase.

Although intercollegiate athletics has been criticized throughout its history, one cannot ignore the positive factors associated with college sports. Traditionally, ath-

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When you’re are playing for the national championship, it’s not a matter of life or death. Its more important than that. ■ DUFFY DAUGHERTY

letics has provided many student-athletes, who may not have otherwise attended college, an opportunity to further educate themselves. Many student-athletes receive athletically related financial aid, which allows them to pursue a college education. Winning programs often serve as a source of great pride for alumni, students, fans, and institutional staff members. Most importantly, student-athlete graduation rates are now at an all-time high. Despite the problems, many intercollegiate athletic programs have promising futures. Derrick Gragg See also Amateur vs. Professional Debate; College Athletes; Drake Group; Scholar-Baller; World University Games

7 years for athletes in football and basketball. Chronicle of Higher Education, A-58–A-59. Suggs, W. (2002, July 26). Who’s going to play? Coaches and advisers fear racial impact of the NCAA’s proposed academic standards. Chronicle of Higher Education, A-43. Suggs, W. (2003a, February 7). Smoke obscures fire in Title IX debate as federal panel adjourns. Chronicle of Higher Education, A-31. Suggs, W. (2003b, September 12). Athletes’ graduation rates set a record. Chronicle of Higher Education, A-35. Thelin, J. (1994). Games colleges play. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. Underwood, C. (1984). The student-athlete: Eligibility and academic integrity. Lansing: Michigan Statue University Press. Watt, S. K., & Moore, J. L. (2001). Who are student-athletes? New Directions for Student Services, 93, 7–18. Wiggins, D. K. (1991). Prized performers, but frequently overlooked students: The involvement of black athletes in intercollegiate sports on predominantly white campuses, 1890–1972. Research Quarterly for Exercise and Sport, 62(2), 164–177.

International Olympic Academy

Further Reading Ashe, A. (1988). A hard road to glory: A history of the African-American athlete. New York: Amistad Press. Astin, A. W., & Oseguera, L. (2002). Degree attainment rates at American colleges and universities. Los Angeles: University of California, Los Angeles, Higher Education Research Institute. Benson, M. T. (1996). Graduation-rates data (1986–87, 1987–88, 1988–89, and 1989–90 entering classes), undergraduate enrollment data (fall 1995), [and] student-athlete admissions data (1992– 95 entering freshmen classes). NCAA Division I Graduation-Rates Report. Overland Park, KS: National Collegiate Athletic Association. Byers, W. (1995). Unsportsmanlike conduct: Exploiting college athletes. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. Chu, D. (1989). The character of American higher education & intercollegiate sport. Albany: State University of New York Press. Fleischer, A., Goff, B., & Tollison, R. (1992). The National Collegiate Athletic Association: A study in cartel behavior. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Naughton, J. (1996, July 12). Athletes lack grades and test scores of other students. Chronicle of Higher Education, A-37–A-38. National Association of Intercollegiate Athletics. (2004). Coming home: The new NAIA, a proud past, a dynamic future. Retrieved August 14, 2004 from National Association of Intercollegiate Athletics Web site: http://www.naia.org/campaign/history/history.html National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA). (2000). 2000 NCAA Division I, II & III graduation-rates summary. Indianapolis, IN: National Collegiate Athletic Association. National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA). (2004). What’s the difference between Divisions I, II, and III? Retrieved August 14, 2004 from National Collegiate Athletic Association Web site: http:// www.ncaa.org/about/div _ criteria.html Orr, J. (1969). The black athlete: His story in American history. New York: Lion Press. Rudolph, F. (1990). The American college & university: A history. Athens: University of Georgia Press. Suggs, W. (1999, September 10). Graduation rates hit lowest level in

T

he International Olympic Academy (IOA), the intellectual center of the Olympic Movement, emerged out of the concerns of eminent sports personalities in the international community. In the late 1920s, concern for the Olympic Movement led those who were inspired by the ideas of the French educator and sportsman Pierre de Coubertin (1863–1937)—first Ioannis Chrysafis and then Carl Diem and Ioannis Ketseas—to develop a plan of operation for the IOA. The Hellenic Olympic Committee accepted this plan in 1938. In its forty-fourth session in 1949, the International Olympic Committee (IOC) approved the establishment of the IOA by the Hellenic Olympic Committee under IOC auspices. The Hellenic Olympic Committee undertook the operation and all the expenses of the IOA. The aims of the IOA, as reported in article 3 of the Regulation for the Organisation and Operation of the IOA, are the following: (a) the foundation and operation of an international intellectual center in Ancient Olympia that will see to the preservation and propagation of the Olympic idea, (b) the study and application of the pedagogical and social principles of the Olympic

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Movement, (c) the foundation and operation of national Olympic academies all over the world, and (d) the organization of international educational sessions and conferences to propagate the Olympic ideal.

Facilities and Programs The IOA has pioneered Olympic education. In 1961 it began its educational activities in tents, and today its activities are carried out in modern facilities that include four conference halls, volleyball, basketball, and tennis courts, football fields, and a swimming pool. There is also a well-equipped library on the IOA premises with approximately fifteen thousand books and magazines and a wide range of videotapes about the Olympic Movement. Every year approximately 2,500 persons participate in the international and national educational activities of the IOA. Eminent personalities specializing in letters, culture, and sports present study results and new ideas about the Olympic Movement. Since 1961 the following sessions have been organized on the IOA’s premises in Ancient Olympia: ■

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Forty-four international sessions for young participants (1961–2004) with 7,745 participants from 169 countries. Nine international sessions for educators from institutes of physical education (1978–1991) in which approximately 505 university professors participated. Three international sessions for directors of physical education (1986–1990) in which 147 directors participated. Six joint international sessions for the staff of institutes of physical education (1993–2003) in which 566 persons from approximately 75 countries participated. Eight international sessions for the members and staff of national Olympic committees and international federations (1978–1991) in which 954 persons from 119 countries participated. Six international sessions for directors of national Olympic academies (1986–2003) in which 348 persons from 121 countries participated.

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Seven joint international sessions for directors of national Olympic academies, members and staff of national Olympic committees, and international federations (1992–2004) in which 806 officials of the International Olympic Movement participated. Twelve international seminars on Olympic studies for postgraduate students (1993–2004) in which 443 young academic scientists from 76 countries participated. Ten international seminars for sports journalists (1986–1999) in which 434 journalists of print and electronic press from all over the world participated.

Olympic Education The IOA’s Olympic education programs focus on four main areas: 1. Scientific academic training, which includes lectures, discussions, and presentations by Olympic medallists; 2. Artistic activities, which include painting, sculpture, dance, music, poetry, literature, and photo workshops; 3. Sport activities, which include men and women participating in common sports activities and traditional games; 4. Social activities, which include traditional dances, songs, and costumes from many different countries. Through its educational and cultural programs, the IOA plants the seeds of international peace and promotes solidarity, mutual understanding, and tolerance. During the sessions, friendships and relationships are built that contribute to the formation of a more peaceful world. The IOA also collaborates with the International Center for the Olympic Truce, to which the IOA has symbolically assigned offices at the premises in Ancient Olympia.

Cultural Diversity and Gender Equality One of the main goals of the IOA is furthering the ideal of gender equality. At the request of the IOA, Olympic Solidarity agreed to help cover the transportation cost

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for participants in order to ensure that an equal number of young men and women participated in sessions. The rule of equality is also meticulously observed in the selection of the coordinators of the discussion groups and of the participants in the international seminar on Olympic studies for postgraduate students. The longterm goal is to increase the number of women serving as officials in the Olympic Movement. There is also an emphasis on ensuring that lecturers come from all cultures and that both genders are equally represented. Since these students will eventually constitute the international scientific community specializing in Olympic issues, this education will ensure that gender differences will be gradually overcome.

Reports and Internet Dissemination To promote scientific research on Olympic studies, the IOA publishes Reports of the Sessions, which are available at www.ioa.org.gr. By 2004 the IOA had published forty-three Reports on the Sessions for Young Participants and nine Reports on the Special Sessions. In 1995, on the initiative of IOA president Nikos Filaretos, the IOA published the handbook Keep the Spirit Alive (1995) under the auspices of the IOC Commission for the IOA and Olympic education. It also created an educational tool in the form of a small museum that can be used in schools. The International Olympic Academy has made two changes that will allow more people to be informed about its activities and to have direct access to its scientific work: (1) On the website of the Academy (www. ioa.org.gr), there is a database where researchers have free access to twelve thousand pages of scientific books (the site is frequently visited by researchers from all over the world), and (2) for five consecutive years, IOA sessions have been transmitted directly through the Internet. About five thousand people each day follow the sessions lectures. In collaboration with the Internet coordinator of the IOA, young people from different parts of the world also have the opportunity to question session lecturers directly. In the framework of the program on Olympic Education, the IOA also collaborated with the Athens

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2004 Olympic Organising Committee and the Greek Ministry of Education on the development of a complete series of educational books for teachers and for pupils of all ages, from six to nine, nine to twelve, and twelve to fifteen.

Collaboration with National Olympic Academies and Universities With the IOA’s support, 126 national Olympic academies have been founded to diffuse the Olympic ideal. Members and officials of the 126 national Olympic academies have participated in educational seminars sponsored by the IOA to learn about issues in Olympic education, and many academies have developed their own Olympic education programs. In collaboration with these national academies, the IOA has also organized art competitions and Olympic literary competitions worldwide. For the last fourteen years, the IOA has also collaborated with universities all over the world to organize postgraduate seminars, and seminar students now constitute a rich source of research and knowledge for the Olympic Movement and the Centers of Olympic Studies around the world.

The Future During the last forty-four years, the IOA has completed a great amount of work in Olympic education, the results of which can be measured by the fact that the term “Olympic education” is now recognized on an international level and Olympic education is now part of educational curriculums in many different countries. The future seems auspicious. Kostas Georgiadis

Further Reading Georgiadis, K. (2001). International Olympic Academy: International understanding through Olympic education. The journal of the International Council for Health, Physical Education, Recreation, Sport and Dance. Special Olympic Issue XXVII(2). International Olympic Committee. (1995). Keep the spirit alive:You and the Olympic Games. Lausanne, Switzerland: IOC Commission for the IOA and for Olympic Education.

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Müller, N. (1975). Die Olympische idee Pierre de Coubertins und Carl Diems in ihrer Auswirkung auf die Internationale Olympische Akademie (IOA). Bd I (Textband) Bd II (Quallenband). Graz. Diss. Pappas, N. (1979). History and development of the International Olympic Academy 1927–1977. Report of the Eighteenth Session of the International Olympic Academy at Olympia. Athens: IOA.

International Politics

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he Europeanization and universalization of sport were the remarkable features of the post–World War I world. This was a new phenomenon by its sheer magnitude and impact on the public. Modern sport entered the twentieth century largely as the private fiefdom of the new social classes born of industrialization and urbanization. It was a social innovation, confined to national boundaries, that had its roots in the emergence of new forms of social activity. Engendered thus by private initiative, the new sports associations and clubs pursued goals that were essentially commercial and pleasurable. What it more, for the most part they excluded women, laborers, and certain ethnic minorities. What was interesting about these early sports developments is that in all European countries (apart from Russia) and the United States, the state displayed a total lack of interest in the new movement. Modern sport in its institutionalized and competitive forms (the setting up of national and international federations, the organization of international competition between national teams, the reinvention of the Olympic Games) did not show any sign of their immediate utilization for political ends. The defenders and promoters of sport could hardly have imagined that after the turn of the century sporting competition would have an impact on public opinion and become an instrument of international policy. Sport, “sportsmen,” sports associations and clubs up to that time hadn’t been seen as potential actors in social and cultural life, in politics and economics, in international affairs.

However, this hadn’t been the case with gymnastics and physical and military training. Gymnastics societies, for example, were the pedagogical and political instruments for building a national identity. To learn to put one’s body at the service of one’s country stems from a strategy of acculturation of the common people in the same way as was the learning of language and national culture. After World War I, however, all this began to change. Particularly in Europe, there was an extraordinary upsurge in the sports phenomenon and, more especially, a constant rise in the number of international tournaments. Sport and sporting spectacle became a nearuniversal phenomenon. The press, both general and specialized, contributed powerfully to this expansion. From the 1920s, sport was winning a national and international audience, and the relationship between sports and geopolitical events was posing an autonomy problem for the national and international sports movement, for its capacity to override petty prejudices and divergent ideologies. This growing internationalization and politicization of sport inevitably drew in broader issues, like religion, social class, women, and race. Sometimes these issues engendered a split in the movement, with various groups playing among themselves and developing new sporting values,and sometimes modes of playing suited to themselves (British games exported to the colonies, like cricket in the West Indies; worker noncompetitive sports; specifically female sports and competitions, as examples). As the century progressed, there was a mounting tension, especially in Europe, between amateur-elitist sport for rich, privileged males and commercial spectator sport for the mainly middle classes, with the latter finally winning out.

Initial Stages of Internationalization of Sport The spread of sport internationally was the result of the following major developments:

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Serious sport has nothing to do with fair play. It is bound up with hatred, jealousy, boastfulness, disregard of all rules and sadistic pleasure in witnessing violence: in other words it is war minus the shooting. ■ GEORGE ORWELL

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The creation of international federations ensured that sport rules would be consistent and respected the world over. Until 1914 there were only thirteen of these, which is evidence of how weak the growth of sport worldwide had been up to this point. After 1918 the number increased to twenty-one, eight new federations being set up between 1924 and 1932. However, often these organizations were set up without the knowledge or against the will of the British. A number of these federations were created through French initiative. Thus, the Federation Internationale de Gymnastique was founded with the support of Charles Cazalet, chairman of the Union des Societes de Gymnastique de France; similarly, the Federation Internationale de Ski was set up on the initiative of the Club Alpin Francais, and the Federation Internationale de Football Amateur in 1904 by Robert Guerin, despite England’s opposition. Fencing and horse riding also had their international headquarters in France. Setting up major international competitions put sport in the public eye. As mentioned above, a number of these competitions were the result of French enterprise, in particular the modern Olympic Games, revived in 1892 by Baron Pierre de Coubertin, which took place for the first time in Athens in 1896, and later the Coupe du monde de football (the Football World Cup), which was founded by Jules Rimet in 1928, the first competition taking place in 1930 in Uruguay. Jules Rimet was chairman of the International Federation of Football at the time. Moreover, the World Cup was founded during the Amsterdam Olympic Games, where football featured among the events for the second time. It is true that in football, as in many other sports, the granting of autonomy to a World Cup resulted from an evident desire to avoid the restrictive protection of the Olympics. The Olympic Games were reserved for amateurs, whereas the World Cup allowed amateurs to compete against professionals. Most of the world championships were set up before 1939: ice skating in 1896, shooting in 1897, tennis in 1900, gym-

nastics in 1903. Then, after World War I, fencing and cycling had their federations in 1921, bobsledding and ice hockey in 1924, table tennis in 1927, wrestling in 1929, football in 1930, and skiing in 1937. Swimming and athletics world championships were not inaugurated until after World War II and were for a long time considered unnecessary because of the Olympic Games. The major national competitions whose participants came from all over the world are also worth noting. Many of these events were sponsored by the press, and they included such events as the Tour de France, which was created in 1903 by the French newspaper L’Auto, and the Tour d’Italie (the “Giro”), which was set up in 1909 by the Italian Gazetta dello sport, and was based on the Tour de France. However, the spread of international sport did not automatically lead to events being organized between national teams; the first events were arranged between clubs. The idea of making up a team representative of an entire country could only happen if there was a sufficient number of clubs and sporting associations for each event. That was essential if playing and watching sport were to become mass phenomena. In this respect the British took the lead. The very first international event had been between the England rugby team and its Scottish counterpart on 27 March 1871, the match taking place in front of approximately three thousand spectators. In 1877 Ireland played against England, and in 1881 England played Wales. By the early 1900s, national teams were competing against each other on a regular basis (leaving aside the Olympic Games). As far as the Olympics is concerned, the number of participating countries increased with each Olympics: 13 in the first modern games of 1896, 29 at the 1920 games, and 44 by the Paris Olympics of 1924. By the time of the Berlin Games of 1936, the number was 49. By 1920, the International Olympic Committee, founded in 1894, represented thirty-five different nationalities.

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There were many factors that hampered the organization of sports events, one of which being the means of transportion available. The success of the national and then international championships was dependent on the expansion of communication links, most notably those of the railway system. Similarly, the lack of sports facilities seriously hindered the development of playing and watching sports. If sport was to become an expanding social phenomenon, it was at least partly dependent on the few enterprising towns and cities that built stadiums, swimming pools, and velodromes that could house both athletes and spectators. This expansion of facilities really took effect only after 1925. The rapid growth of sports competitions also owes much to the advertising and business opportunities that they presented to constructors, manufacturers, and salespeople. This was especially the case for “merchandized” sports, such as cycling and car racing, as well as sports that required material accessories, such as tennis. As one example, the French newspaper L’Auto saw the promotional possibilities when it founded the Tour de France in 1903; other sports journals followed suit.

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The Advent of Authoritarian Regimes As the numbers of international sports competitions increased and became established, countries became aware of the extraordinary social, cultural, economic, and political scope of sport.The phenomenon only took on real significance after 1918. It was not until 1925 that journalists started keeping records of each country’s total number of victories or medals in these competitions so as to compare their respective national sports policies. From that time on, it was no longer the British or the French or the Americans who were considered to be the paragons of virility and vitality, but the Italians (1922–1944), then the Germans (1933–1945), and later, after 1945, the Soviet Union (up to 1991), for whom sport—and sporting success internationally— was to become a reflection of their political regimes. The following were the principal features of this new state-controlled sports system in which sport played a functional, utilitarian role:

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Sport was taken under first state, then party control, thereby eliminating all private clubs and organizations, whether religious (like Catholic or YMCA,) or traditional, like the German Turnen and worker sports groups in Germany, the pan-Slav Sokol in the Soviet Union, or bourgeois clubs and local associations in Italy. By linking sport ideologically and even organizationally with the ruling political party, the leadership and its agencies could better supervise, control, and “rationalize” the sporting and leisuretime activities of the population. State-controlled sport pursued certain utilitarian functions on behalf of the ruling party, above all to promote a togetherness, a “culture of consent,” involving all sections of the population (once “undesirables” had been removed—like Communists, Jews, Gypsies, the disabled, and homosexuals in Nazi Germany; and “enemies of the people” in the Soviet Union). The totalitarian state put great store by a “theatricalization” of sport, using ritual, symbol, and pageant played out in vast stadia (and, in Spain, in bullrings). Where possible, such rituals were attached to international sporting spectacles, like the Olympic Games (with the Nazi-introduced torch relay, heightened emphasis on the playing of national anthems, raising of flags, contingent marching into the stadium, etc.). In the Soviet case, this was epitomized before World War II in the spartakiads, and after the war in the Olympic Games, which the USSR set out (successfully) to dominate in the full glare of world publicity. A militarization of sport occurred, with military and paramilitary organizations providing sponsorship opportunities for full-time training. Authoritarian societies also introduced national fitness programs with a bias toward military training. After an initial period of uncertainty about competitive sport (in the Soviet Union, Italy, and Germany), the state realized its potential for diversion and unity at home and recognition and prestige abroad. It therefore established the most efficient state-controlled system of spotting, nurturing, and

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International Politics British Versus U.S. Sports In the preface to a book about Olympic history by famed Olympic coach F. A. M. Webster, Sir Arthur Conan Doyle—author of the Sherlock Holmes mysteries—compares British versus American support for their respective athletes. My dear Webster, I read the proofs of your book with the greatest interest. You have certainly done more than any single man I know to preach enthusiasm, methodical enthusiasm, in the matter of national athletics. I sincerely hope that your efforts will bear fruit, and that we shall make a better showing in the future as compared with the best of other countries. We know that we have the material. There is no falling off there. I think the human machine is at its best in these Islands. But we have got into the way of doing things rather less thoroughly than they might be done, and that is the point that wants strengthening. It is a very deplorable thing that we were not able to raise the money which would have made athletics more democratic, and put the means of practicing them within the reach of the bulk of the people. We tried hard and

rewarding talent through a hierarchy of rankings, remuneration, sports schools, sports medicine, and science. This system also involved the elite athletes’ sponsorship as “state amateurs,” so that they could take part in international tournaments where student or amateur regulations barred professionals. To illustrate the emphasis given to winning international tournaments for the greater prestige of the Fascist or Communist systems, Fascist Italy came second to the United States in the Los Angeles Olympics of 1932 and third behind Germany and the United States at the “Nazi” Olympics in Berlin in 1936. In 1934 Italy staged and won the football World Cup; this victory did more than anything else, before fanatical home supporters, to ensure Mussolini’s popularity: He greeted the team, made speeches, and led the sporting parade in the Via

failed. The result is that we build on a much narrower base than the United States, which has twenty athletic clubs to our one, and widespread municipal facilities by which every man has a chance of finding out his own capacities. The country is full of great sprinters and shot-putters who never dream of their own powers, and have no possible chance of developing them. We sorely need also some methodical inspection of our public-school athletes, to put them on the right lines and save wasted or misapplied effort. I know how much you, Flaxman, and others have done in this direction; but no man who has his own work to do can spare the time which is needed for such a task. What you have done is, however, remarkable, and in 1916, when we shall have some national heart-searchings, your conscience at least will be at ease. Yours sincerely, ARTHUR CONAN DOYLE May 1914 Source Webster, F.A.M. (1914). The evolution of the Olympic Games 1829 B.C.–1914 A.D. London: Heath, Cranton, & Ouseley.

dei Trionfi. Four years later, Italy retained the World Cup. This success, allied to Italy’s Olympic, boxing. and cycling achievements, attracted many visitors to Italy to study Italian sport, especially the sports academies where young athletes were trained more or less full-time. Both before and after the Berlin Olympics, Nazi Germany used sport explicitly to break the country’s cultural isolation. Between 1920 and 1930, Germany had taken part in fewer than twenty international sports meetings annually. In preparation for the 1936 Olympics (which it won), however, there were as many as seventy-eight in 1935 alone. As was the case with Italy, participation in international events ensured that Germans were appointed to leading posts in international sports federations. Small wonder that most federations supported participation in the Berlin Games

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This cartoon from a 1923 issue of Sport Life points to the role played by sports in uniting the United States and Europe.

(only the United States and the Netherlands expressed strong reservations). While the 1932 Los Angeles Olympics were the first to attract a million spectators, Berlin could boast more than 3 million. Germany also played host to the Winter Olympics at GarmischPartenkirchen in 1936. Both the Summer and the Winter Games had more participating nations, more athletes, and more journalists than ever before. Germany’s unexpected victory at the Berlin Olympics demonstrated to the German people and the world what a strong unified Germany could achieve under National Socialism and Adolf Hitler. While Franco’s Spain was not strong enough to cultivate the wide range of Olympic sports, it was the suc-

cess of the football club Real Madrid that greatly contributed to Spain breaking its international isolation. Recognizing the value of football, the regime provided citizenship for foreign stars who came to play professional football in Spain (Di Stefano from Colombia, Gento from Brazil, Kopa from France, Puskas from Hungary), and they were amply remunerated. Real Madrid’s success can be judged by its dominance of the European Champions Cup, which was introduced in 1955: Real won the Cup five years in a row, 1955 to 1960. With the conclusion of World War II, the Soviet leadership set out to demonstrate the preeminence of sport in Soviet society. Success was intended to advertise the advantages of Soviet socialism and to win over Third

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On Tuesday, September 5 [1972], the Olympics finally died in the blood of seventeen people. I would not have written that line that day, but now, some time after, it seems clearer and clearer that this is precisely what happened . . . ■ JOEL OPPENHEIMER

World countries in what was seen as the battle of the ideologies, capitalism versus socialism. In weightlifting, wrestling, and volleyball, Soviet teams quickly won world championships. But it was the Olympic Games that most vividly demonstrated Soviet sports success: From its debut in the Summer Games of 1952 until it competed as the “Unified Team” in Barcelona in 1992, the USSR “won” every Olympics, Summer and Winter, with the sole exception of 1968.

Posttotalitarian Developments The approaches to sport under Fascism and Communism have been taken to new heights by many nations in the post-Fascist and post-Communist world: the preselection of talented athletes, their nurturing in special academies, the application of science and medicine for enhancing performance, extensive state support, the demise of amateurism and acceptance of full-time, wellremunerated professionals, the encouragement of women’s sport, even the widespread use of drugs. All these aspects of elite sport, which had occupied a central position in the sports systems pioneered by totalitarian states, are now common in the international politics of sport. The use of sport as a symbol of vigor and for the sake of national representation certainly as not been absent from Britain, France, and the United States in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. Nor has a culture of consent. These have been present, but the issue is one of degree. Under totalitarian regimes, the state-driven priority given to these objectives was infinitely higher. Yet, given the tentacular nature of today’s mass media, the pharmaceutical and genetic possibilities, and the commercial and professional principles that dominate sport in the modern world, the opportunities for exploiting sport for political and nationalistic purposes are vast and beyond the wildest dreams of any dictator. What is certain is that the globalization of sport and the role sport plays in international politics are greater today than they have ever been. James Riordan See also Sport Politics; Sports and National Identity

Further Reading Allison, L. (Ed.). (1994). The changing politics of sport. Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press. Arnaud, P., & Riordan, J. (Eds.). (1998). Sport and international politics: The impact of Fascism and Communism on sport. London: Spon Press. Coubertin de, P. (1966). The Olympic idea: Discourses and essays. Cologne, FDR: Carl-Diem-Institut an der Deutschen Sporthochschule Koln. Dunning, E., Maguire, J., & Pearton, R. (1993). The sports process, a comparative and developmental approach. Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics. Guttmann, A. (1992). The Olympics: A history of the modern games. Champaign: University of Illinois Press. Hoberman, J. (1984). Sport and political ideology. Austin: University of Texas Press. Holt, R. (1989). Sport and the British: A modern history. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. Ilmarinen, M. (Ed.). (1984). Sport and international understanding. Berlin, FRG: Springer Verlag. Kruger, A. The role of sport in German international politics, 1918– 1945. In P. Arnaud & J. Riordan (Eds.), Sport and international politics (pp.–96). MacAloon, J. (1981). This great symbol: Pierre de Coubertin and the origins of the modern Olympic games. Chicago: University of Chicago. Murray, B. (1996). The world’s game: A history of soccer. Urbana and Chicago: The University of Illinois Press. Peppard, V., & Riordan, J. (1992). Playing politics: Soviet sport diplomacy to 1992. Greenwich, CT: Jai Press. Riordan, J. (1977). Sport in Soviet society. London: Cambridge University Press. Riordan, J. (1991). Sport, politics and Communism. Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press. Riordan, J. (2002). Sport under Communism and Fascism. Stadion International Journal of the History of Sport, 28(2), 267–274. Riordan, J., & Kruger, A. (Eds.). (1999). The international politics of sport in the 20th century. London: Spon. Riordan, J., & Kruger, A. (Eds.). (2003). European cultures in sport: Examining the nations and regions. Bristol, UK: Intellect Books.

Internet

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he Internet is systematically changing the global face of sports. Whether through rendering the traditional sports pages obsolete, blurring the lines between fan and competitor, or offering a space to discuss sports with a friend from the other side of the world, the Internet is fueling a shifting relationship between fan and game as it further globalizes the world of sports. The Internet does not merely offer fans “courtside seats,” from the privacy of one’s home, but also the opportunity

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to bet on those games, while you play those games via online gaming. Regardless of the specific manifestation, the Internet has forever altered the nature of sports in its media coverage, fan participation, and overall industry development.

On the Web, the live is much less important than the nearly live—the real value is the Monday morning syndrome, when you come into work and catch up with the goals you missed at the weekend. The secret, in my opinion, is a comprehensive and up-to-the minute news sports offering that gives you all the background and TV and radio can’t give you what you want. (Rowe 2001, 169)

Information and Dialogue Newspapers provided information about the favorite team/player of those living in the 1950s, and ESPN’s SportsCenter served the same purpose for a generation of sports fans in the 1980s and 1990s. Now, the Internet offers information and spaces of dialogue for sports fans in the twenty-first century. Stephen McDaniel and Christopher Sullivan argue the importance and popularity of sports websites on the Internet. In comparing USA Today and CBS SportsLine.com, McDaniel and Sullivan found far greater activity on the sports site: ■

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In March 1995, the online version of USA Today received 103,399 hits compared with 338,709 at CBS SportsLine.com. Four months later, traffic increased at both locations, with almost 270,000 hits at USA Today, compared with almost 750,000 at CBS SportsLine.com.

A website like soccer.net receives 100,000 hits on an average day, amassing 8,000,000 during peak events. Like most sports websites, soccer.net offers: ■ ■ ■ ■ ■

The latest soccer news A soccer store Pages specific to the World Cup Analysis concerning professional leagues Indexes linking to home pages of national teams from countries ranging from Chile to the Netherlands

Other sites follow suit, sometimes offering access to pictures, audio, or video clips, including press conferences and postgame interviews, and actual game footage. Whether users seek information on a trade or an injury, the Internet is slowly rendering newspaper sports pages insignificant, given the quick, immediate availability of information.

Sports websites dedicated to news and information are immensely popular. In 1998, David Rowe found that the Yahoo UK & Ireland search engine offered 4,271 categories and 14,591 sites devoted to sports. In 2004, a U.S. Google search found 165,000,000 sports websites. The different types of websites range from traditional sports news sites to team pages and more nicheoriented pages. ESPN, USA Today, Sports Illustrated, CBS SportsLine.com, ABC, Fox Sports, and numerous other media outlets all use the Web as an extension of their efforts in print and television. All the major sports leagues host their own webpages, which provide statistics, standings, stories, tickets, merchandise, multimedia interviews with players, and game clips.

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Trade rumors Political activism of athletes Naked photos of athletes Criminality among athletes

The latter two types are crucial for understanding the full scope of sports and the Internet, in that the medium allows for greater sexualization of female athletes. Numerous unregulated sites focus on female athletes as little more than sexual objects. Some contain sexy pictures endorsed and promoted by players themselves, but many others feature underground photos, or those from athletic contestants that highlight “the assets” of female athletes. For every website facilitating information gathering or allowing fans to follow their

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The only place where success comes before work is in the dictionary. ■ VIDAL SASSOON

team from any place in the world, an equal number are dedicated to the body parts and sexuality of Anna Kournikova, Lauren Jackson, Maria Sharapova (still a minor), Brandy Chastain, Amy Acuff, and numerous others. That comparable sites are not dedicated to male athletes is revealing, demonstrating the masculine orientation of sports and the Internet. The Internet has also fueled almost an obsession with the criminality of athletes. A number of white nationalist websites are dedicated to uncovering the criminal activities of athletes, but the mainstream press, Internet commentators, and self-proclaimed feminists also use the Internet to give voice to the “dark side of sports.” Websites are dedicated to uncovering the supposed problem of overindulged athletes who lack discipline, and thus commit crimes without regard for anyone but themselves. The Associated Press, like other websites, recently sent out a wire story that merely listed athletes, all but one of whom were black, accused of various crimes. Not mentioned in the article is that five out of the seven were never charged with a crime or were found innocent. The tag line for badjocks.com, “when Cops meets SportsCenter,” reflects this ideological agenda. The focus of these websites is on the criminality of black athletes, replicating the practice of using the Internet as a space of the most transparent forms of American racism.

INTERACTIVE OPPORTUNITIES Another significant dimension of Internet sports webpages is the chat room or discussion Listserv. Virtually every website offers fans the opportunity to converse about their favorite teams or players. Some sites even give fans the opportunity to communicate with players, coaches, and owners. On any given day at the National Basketball Association’s site (NBA.com), for example, fans debate the merits of a particular trade, usually offering an alternative that would have enhanced their team. Similar discussions are found throughout the Web, with topics ranging from whether college athletes should be paid and if professional athletes are overpaid, to the Kobe Bryant case and the Iranian Olympian’s re-

fusal to compete against an Israeli during the 2004 Olympics. Revealing the interactive nature of sports webpages, online discussions of sports encompass part sports commentary, part fan bravado, and part armchair managing, in which fans assert their knowledge about the problems and solutions associated with contemporary sports. A related dimension to the sports website and chat room is the fantasy sports league. Throughout the Internet, fans accept the challenge of becoming a general manager, drafting their own team in preparation of the forthcoming season. With team in hand, players compete against one another via player statistics. The phenomenon of fantasy sports exists outside of virtual reality, yet its growth has been facilitated by the Internet as another medium that allows fans to become part of the action.

Globalization In recent years, many discussions within sports literature have concerned the globalization of sports. From ESPN and Sports Illustrated to numerous academic texts, sports commentators ubiquitously celebrate the shrinking world of sports in the erasure of borders. Absent from these discussions is any recognition of the importance of the Internet in both generating interest in sports throughout the globe and in facilitating the movement of athletes around the world. Regardless of location, fans can now follow a particular team or player for statistics, player movement, or any news related to the team. In the United States, the Internet allows fans to follow Real Madrid, David Beckham, cricket matches in India, and the next Nigerian basketball start—and actually watch contests via the Web. The Internet allows fans to experience athletic contests throughout the globe regardless of the availability of television coverage and has facilitated an increased popularity of ■ ■

Sports—such as basketball, extreme sports, football Teams—such as Los Angeles Lakers, New York Yankees, Manchester United

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Athletes—such as Yao Ming, Michael Jordan, Barry Bonds, Ichiro Suzuki, Patrick Sapp

It is no coincidence that the increased popularity of Michael Jordan around the globe—so much so that in the early 1990s he was determined to be the most recognized face throughout the globe—corresponded with the Internet’s growth. Whether through web advertising or sites dedicated to sports or webcasts, the popularity and profitability of the sports enterprise throughout the world is the result of Internet opportunities. The Internet has been crucial in the scouting and recruiting of players from throughout the world, even the most remote locations. Before the Internet, NBA scouts or those from major league baseball faced difficult obstacles securing information about players in Asia, Africa, or Latin America. The NBA, basketball leagues around the world, the National Football League (NFL), professional soccer and baseball leagues, and even Ultimate Fighting in Asia now use the Internet to gather information about potential athletes as the basis of recruitment. The result is an increasing number of international athletes competing within the United States and a growing number of American athletes taking their skills to Europe, Asia, and Latin America. In 1999– 2000, 11 percent of the NBA players were international players, mostly from Europe. The 2001–2002 NBA draft included seventeen players drafted from overseas. The Internet gives these players visibility to NBA teams and their fans, brings basketball to the rest of the globe, and is leading to a shift in the balance of power within the NBA.

A Fan or Competitor? The Internet blurs lines between fan and athlete, the real and virtual world, by providing Internet users the opportunity to interact with the game more directly. Even though the increased availability of the Internet and greater number of sports websites has already affected the sports world—game playing and media coverage— future innovations will further expand the agency and power of fans. We are already seeing the beginning impact with the systematic shift of fans from passive on-

lookers to active participants. The Internet provides fans with instant information about a particular play or game, even offering fans game-time polls or spaces to voice anger or disgust about a referee’s call or a coach’s decision in the midst of a game. The Internet, with online game broadcasting, provides access to otherwise unavailable sporting events and determines the nature of its coverage. Through the Web, fans can alter camera angles or points of focus, offering viewers the ability to produce individualized sports programming. A contributor to a men’s magazine captures this dynamic relationship, revealing the shifting relationship between fan, sports, and the media, as well as illustrating the specific links between Internet activity and sexualization within sports. Imagine you’re watching one of your favorite sports, like female mud wrestling. With the Internet, you’ll be able to zoom in on a contestant, bring up her statistics (including bust size), and even monitor her pulse and body temperature (so you know just how hot she is) . . . But the biggest advantage the Internet will offer is viewer shot selection. While we already have things such as race cam, you’re at the mercy of program director as to when it’s shown. With Internet broadcasting, however, you’ll be able to choose which camera you want to look through at any one time, meaning that when a car crashes and burns during the Grand Prix, you will be able to look through the race cam to watch the medics arrive. If that doesn’t tickle your fancy, then there’s set to be another development within the not too distant future— athlete cam. Thanks to miniature cams strapped to the athlete’s body, you’ll finally get close enough to the action to almost smell the sweat. And when virtual reality arrives, you’ll be able to feel the blows of a hard tackle in a rugby match, provided both you and the footballer wear virtually reality bodysuits. (Rowe, 2001, 169)

The Internet provides the tools to transgress or violate conventional mores inside and outside of sports. Soon, fans will be able to experience a 100-mph fastball from Eric Gagne, or a Jerome Ignalia slap shot through “athlete camera,” elucidating the powerful ways in

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Internet On Gaming The advent of Internet gaming and gambling has worried many people who see it as a serious problem among college students. Although the cautionary words below were written in 1836 by William Alcott, a popular author of the time, the concerns expressed are still relevant. Even Voltaire asserts that “every gambler is, has been, or will be a robber.” Few practices are more ancient, few more general, and few, if any, more pernicious than gaming. An English writer has ingeniously suggested that the Devil himself might have been the first player, and that he contrived the plan of introducing games among men, to afford them temporary amusement, and divert their attention from themselves. “What numberless disciples,” he adds, “of his sable majesty, might we not count in our own metropolis!” Whether his satanic majesty has any very direct agency in this matter or not, one thing is certain; gaming is opposed to the happiness of mankind, and ought, in every civilized country, to be suppressed by public opinion. By gaming, however, I here refer to those cases only in which property is at stake, to be won or lost . . . Gaming is an evil, because, in the first place, it is

which the Internet is blurring or otherwise destroying the division between fan and competitor. The expanded powers of Internet users, coupled with increasing realism of the Internet broadcasts, are slowly replacing both stadium visits and the television as a means for fans to watch sports. The Internet offers power and control unlike television, and privacy, close-ups, and interactive information not available during in-person sport watching. Because it is cheaper, easier, and provides means to become “part of the game,” the Internet will continue to alter the relationship between fan and game. Just as television and the satellite dish diminished the power and importance of radio broadcasts or attending games in person, the Internet is lessening the significance of newspaper sports pages and television,

a practice which produces nothing. He who makes two blades of grass grow where but one grew before, has usually been admitted to be a public benefactor; for his a producer. So is he who combines or arranges these productions in a useful manner,— I mean the mechanic, manufacturer, & c. He is equally a public benefactor, too, who produces mental or moral wealth, as well as physical. In gaming, it is true, property is shifted from one individual to another, and here and there one probably gains more than one loses; but nothing is actually made, or produced. If the whole human family were all skilful gamesters, and should play constantly for a year, there would not be a dollar more in the world at the end of the year, than there was at its commencement. On the contrary, is it not obvious that there would be much less, besides even an immense loss of time? [Every man who enjoys the privileges of civilized society, owes it to that society to earn as much as he can; or, in other words, improve every minute of his time. He who loses an hour, or a minute, is the price of that hour debtor to the community. Moreover, it is a debt which he can never repay.] Source: Alcott, W. A. (1836). On gaming. In The young man’s guide. Boston: Perkins and Marvin.

as fans trade their lounge chairs and newspapers for keyboards and monitors that offer greater realism, armchair control, and access to virtually every sport, in every nation, and at any time.

Video Games In addition to allowing users to compete against others (including professional athletes), the Internet has been crucial in the development of the sports video-games industry, which is the crown jewel of the video-games world: ■ ■

Video games are a one billion dollar per year industry. Sports games account for more than 30 percent of all video games sales.

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Since 1989, more than 19 million units of John Madden football have been sold. In 2002 alone, EA Sports sold 4.5 million units. (Ratliff, 2003, 96)

Virtually every game now offers an online component in which players can compete against one another via the Internet. Players can challenge opponents throughout the globe to a game of John Madden Football or NBA Live. The realism of these games is enhanced by the competitive, trash-talking elements associated with Internet-based sports games. The possibility of competing against actual athletes via the Internet, which ESPN has reported as increasingly common, reflects the power of this medium. Beyond advertising (ESPN.com has an entire Web section dedicated to video games that functions as a source of advertisement), the Internet provides ample opportunities for fans to talk about sports video games through Listservs, chat rooms, and numerous websites. Almost all these websites are dedicated to providing statistics and information about the top video game players in addition to information about the games. The elevation of video game players to cyber athletes is but another signifier of the ambiguous relationship between the actual world of sports and the Internet-driven world of virtual sport. In 2004, Sports Illustrated on Campus published an article on college cyber athletes that began with the following description: At 20, Jeremy Deberry surely is the best football player at Central Piedmont Community College in Charlotte, N.C. He practices six days a week, plays both ways and is generally regarded by his peers as among the nation’s elite performers, having earned the moniker the Champ. Few address the sophomore as anything but. (Sports Illustrated on Campus, February 5, 2004, 17)

These accolades were not directed at a high school all-American or even a finalist for the John Wooden award, but at a video game player. Jeremy Deberry is one of many talented virtual athletes, cashing in on hand-eye success with fame and fortune. Donning jer-

seys, talking trash, and working from excessive levels of testosterone, these virtual sporting competitors use the Internet to elevate their celebrity or status within the sports gaming community. The creation of Cyber Athletic Professional Leagues, which use the Internet to organize tournaments and to advertise the prowess of their athletes (results, statistics, scores), is a testament to the relationship between the Internet, cyber gaming, and the world of sports.

Gambling In 2004, gambling on sports within the United States was legal in only two states: Nevada and New Jersey. With the advent of the Internet, bets can now be placed from any state. Although it is illegal to run an Internet gambling operation within the United States, it is legal to operate an online gambling website in countries that permit it. Although it’s illegal to solicit bettors from the United States, under the federal Wire Wager Act, the number of websites available from a quick Google search is a testament to the expansive online wagering industry. Taken from the back alley or a local bookie, offshore-bettor and online sports-gambling sites have ushered in a new era of sports gambling. Similar to online video gaming, where spectators can become participants in cyber-athletic competition, online sports betting offers an opportunity for fans, otherwise passive participants in sports, a chance to play. Unlike sports video games, however, Internet sports betting can have tangible consequences to bettors. U.S. government officials and Internet industry insiders estimate that the financial losses of Americans to online gambling in 2003 were more than $3 billion (Weir, 2003). Because the Internet is a relatively new media phenomenon, research centering online sports betting is still in its infancy. Preliminary evaluations in online gambling in general, and sports betting in particular, point toward several trends: 1. Most of the sites are officially headquartered in Central America and the Caribbean, where online sports betting is legal.

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2. These sites are accessible to anyone in the world, despite the legality of online gambling in the bettor’s country. 3. Most of these sites are owned or managed by Americans. 4. It is an increasingly popular industry among college students. Internet sports books, as they are referred to by the U.S. Department of Justice, reach potential American gamblers through sports magazines and college newspapers. Because of the anonymity inherent on the Internet, proclamations of legality on Internet sports books “precludes meaningful control of gambling by minors, much less by persons who are intoxicated, or by persons with gambling addictions,” said Joseph DeMarco, Assistant United States Attorney for the Southern District of New York (DeMarco, 2001). The ambiguity of online sports bettors, be they legal to gamble or not, coupled with the offshore locations of Internet sports book headquarters, poses a challenge to the enforcement of the Wire Wager Act within the United States. The National Collegiate Athletic Association has emerged as an opponent of Internet sports book operations, and an ardent supporter of the Wire Wager Act and the Internet Gambling Prohibition Act of 1999 (Saum 1999). In testimony before the Senate Subcommittee on Technology, Terrorism and Government Information, Bill Saum, Director of Agent and Gambling Activities for the NCAA, proclaimed his support for banning Internet sports gambling because of the rising numbers of students gambling, legally or otherwise, and called sports gambling a “potential danger” on college campuses (Saum 1999). Internet sports’ betting is currently the foremost gambling problem among college students, and is likely to remain so: Most college residence halls across the country are wired for Internet access, and approximately 65 percent of undergraduate students have credit cards, and 20 percent own four or more. The anonymity and burgeoning popularity of Internet sports books, coupled with the risk and potential

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payoff of gambling, has taken the relationship between sports and the Internet in a potentially hazardous direction.

The Future Today, a sports fan can log onto the Internet to check the scores, read an article on the problems of college sports, examine the latest rumors of the Kobe Bryant case, and enter into a chat room to discuss the most recent Los Angeles Lakers’ or Manchester United trade. These fans can order a New York Yankees hat and a London Monarchs’ T-shirt as they search for tickets for the French Open. Before turning off this hub of sports information and activities, the fan can place a bet on Monday Night Football, compete in the online version of NASCAR 2005, and watch a web broadcast of a women’s beach volleyball match in Brazil and a cricket match in India, controlling camera angles while soliciting the desired information about each competitor. Offering an endless range of possibilities, the Internet is altering the face of sports by bringing the best and worst of sports into homes throughout the world. The Internet is simultaneously shifting (or altering) the meanings of sports media, game, and fan as it allows unlimited information, access, and power to all those with any means to log online. David Leonard

Further Reading Clark, T. L., McBride, D. K., & Reece, D. (2002). All but war is simulation. In A. Miah & S. Eassom (Eds.), Sports technology: History, philosophy and policy, as part of C. Mitcham (Ed.), Research in philosophy and technology (pp. 215–224). Amsterdam: JAI. DeMarco, J.V. (2001, March). Gambling against enforcement—Internet sports books and the Wire Wager Act. United States Attorney’s USA Bulletin. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice. Fairweather, N. B. (2002). Disembodied sport: Ethical issues of virtual sport, electronic games, and virtual leisure. In A. Miah & S. Eassom (Eds.), Sports technology: History, philosophy and policy, as part of C. Mitcham (Ed.), Research in philosophy and technology (pp. 235– 252). Amsterdam: JAI. Miah, A. (2002). Immersion and abstraction in virtual sport. In A. Miah & S. Eassom (Eds.), Sports technology: History, philosophy and policy, as part of C. Mitcham (Ed.), Research in philosophy and technology (pp. 225–234). Amsterdam: JAI.

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Ratliff, E. (2003, January). Sports rule. Wired, 94–101. Rowe, R. (2001). Sports, culture and media. Philadelphia: Open University Press. Saum, B. (1999, March 23). NCAA testimony on Internet gambling— Testimony of Bill Saum, director of agent and gambling activities, NCAA, before the Subcommittee on Technology, Terrorism, and Government Information, Senate Judiciary. Retrieved from http:// www.ncaa.org/gambling/19990324 _ testimony.html Weir, T. (2003, August 22). Online sports betting spins out of control; Ease of use attracts young people, athletes to illegal gambling. USA Today, p. A.01 Wenner, W. (Ed.). (1998). MediaSport. New York: Routledge.

Interpretive Sociology

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nterpretive sociology has produced a number of striking insights that further our understanding of the relationships between sports and society. Insights into phenomena such as identity and character; masculinity, femininity, and gender relations; athletes’ careers and career contingencies; and group dynamics in sports have resulted from interpretive sociology. Of course, the processes of interpretation are fundamental to all sciences. The term interpretive is used in a more specific sense in sociology to refer to a particular group of sociologies that has as its basis the interpretations—meanings—of people’s actions and the ways in which those meanings combine to produce society. Interpretive sociology is one of what has been called the “two sociologies.” The first focuses on social structures and systems and is concerned primarily with the ways in which society constrains human behavior; the second focuses on social action and interpretation and is concerned primarily with the ways in which society is a product of human behavior. The “two sociologies” are sometimes called “macrosociology” and “microsociology” (with “microsociology” referring to interpretive sociology) and, with reference to preferred research methods, “quantitative sociology” and “qualitative sociology” (with “qualitative sociology” referring to interpretive sociology). Currently few approaches to sociology adhere exclusively to structure or to inter-

pretation. Scholars have a general recognition that society is something that both is produced by humans and serves to constrain human behavior. Interpretive sociology includes what have been called the “sociologies of everyday life”—Blumer’s symbolic interactionism, Goffman’s dramaturgical sociology, Becker’s labeling theory, Garfinkel’s ethnomethodology, and the phenomenological sociology of Schutz and Berger and Luckmann. Implicit in these approaches is an answer to the fundamental question in sociology, “How is society possible?”—how do people limit their own selfish desires in order to form and maintain communities? Interpretive sociology provides a way of understanding the emergence of the “social self” and the dynamics of interaction between people.

Origins The sociologies of everyday life were developed primarily in the United States. During the early 1920s Charles Cooley adapted the Scottish economist Adam Smith’s notion of “the looking-glass self” to describe the way that a person’s sense of self (the “social self”) depends on the perceptions and perceived responses of others. We understand ourselves, our behavior, and the situation by using the responses of others as a “mirror.” At around the same time W. I. Thomas developed his concept of “the definition of the situation,” a fundamental dictum of interpretive sociology—”if men define situations as real, they are real in their consequences,” and George Herbert Mead began to adapt the lookingglass self into his concept of role-taking (“taking the role of the other”). According to Mead, in order for us to interact, we must interpret the meanings and intentions of others. We do this by placing ourselves in the position of the person with whom we are interacting (role-taking). People achieve a sense of self as they continually engage in a process of role-taking, and this process is fundamental to human socialization. Mead identifies “play” and “games” as two stages of this socialization. In the play stage children role-play and role-take by playing both themselves and, for example, a parent or a teacher and

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learning the difference between themselves and the parts they are playing. In the game stage Mead uses a team sports analogy to show the maturation process as children learn to see themselves as others see them. The team symbolizes the community (“the generalized other”) whereby people develop their social selves and learn to interact in more complex social settings. Through these processes of socialization and communication (symbolic interaction) people develop their self-consciousness as human beings and make society possible. In a backlash against the more rigid and structural forms of sociology, interpretive sociologies began to flourish during the 1960s and 1970s. Herbert Blumer (1969) outlined the three tenets of symbolic interactionism: 1. Human beings act toward things on the basis of the meanings that things have for them. 2. The meanings arise out of social interaction. 3. Social action results from the fitting together of individual lines of action. The works of Goffman (dramaturgy—use of theatre as an analogy for everyday life—‘performance,’ ‘role,’ etc.) and Garfinkel (ethnomethodology—focuses on the ‘methods’ people use to make sense of their social reality) were beginning to gain recognition. In 1967 Berger and Luckmann developed Thomas’s “definition of the situation” into the concept of “the social construction of reality” in order to better describe how people construct and reconstruct their social worlds. Although the emergence of a distinct sociology of sports was coincident with the flourishing of interpretive sociology, few sports sociologists employed the perspective. Not until interpretive sociology combined with more critical sociologies into the field of cultural studies during the 1980s did any real development take place.

Methods and Limits Most of the critiques of interpretive sociology concern research methods and the assumptions associated with

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those methods. The exceptions are obvious theoretical critiques from the forms of sociology that take a social structures and systems approach rather than an interpretive approach. More serious are the critiques of critical sociologists who point out that interpretive sociologists fail to take into account the powerful structures within which people live their lives. People are not completely free agents in their ability to construct society—they are subject to limitations associated with characteristics such as gender and race, and they are also limited (or enabled) by the material conditions of their lives. This important limitation began to be resolved during the 1980s as interpretive and critical sociologies began to merge into fields such as cultural studies. Many of the founders of interpretive sociology were associated with the University of Chicago, which developed a form of urban sociology that flourished between the two world wars. An important contribution of the Chicago School was the development of urban ethnographic fieldwork as a methodology. As in anthropology, this methodology involves observation and in-depth interviewing, which became the basic methodologies of the sociologies of everyday life. The main methodological critique, again from the more traditional sociologies, is that the methods are nonscientific. Collecting data by systematic observations of human behavior (often when the observer is also a participant on, for example, a sports team or in an extreme sports subculture) and in-depth interviews with subjects led advocates of the scientific method to question why sociologists’ interpretations were any more valid than any other person’s interpretations. In addition, the research reports of interpretive sociologists were described as “journalistic,” of being no better than in-depth reporters’ accounts of the population under study. Because the research was time consuming and often involved only one researcher, the results were rarely replicated (a key standard of reliability in the scientific method). Researchers were often accused of “going native”—of losing their objectivity by empathizing with their subjects. Because interpretive sociologists

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often emphasize the ways in which people construct and reconstruct their worlds, this emphasis creates a type of relativism in which those worlds might be understood only on the individual person’s terms. Although scholars still debate the issue of relativism, interpretive sociologists have confronted the other criticisms directly. For example, Anthony Giddens pointed out that sociology is not like the natural sciences; the standards of the scientific method do not apply because, unlike inert matter and chemicals, human subjects interact with researchers and are aware of and able to react to the results of research. Therefore, we must see sociology as a subjective or reflexive science. Researchers frequently declare their subjectivity and deal reflexively with the ways in which their own backgrounds and personal interests influence their interpretation of data. They also may openly acknowledge “going native” if engaged in research designed to affect social policy or draw attention to social injustice. Although acknowledging that similarities exist between in-depth journalistic accounts and the research reports of interpretive sociologists, such sociologists also recognize that important differences exist in terms of technique and in the ways in which theoretical and methodological assumptions are made explicit.

Interpretive Sociology in the Sociology of Sports Sports studies employing interpretive sociology fall into two distinct, though overlapping, types: studies of socialization in sports—how people become involved, how they develop as athletes (their careers)—and the process of retirement; and descriptions and analyses of the distinct cultural worlds (subcultures) that develop around specific sports (including overlapping studies of careers in those sports). Questions about who becomes involved in sports, how they become involved, and the effect that sports have on them have always been important in the sociology of sports. Early research was based on survey research and on structures and systems approaches to sociology. When interpretive sociologists became in-

volved, the questions changed slightly, and many rich insights were made into the process of becoming an athlete. As noted in the discussion of Mead, socialization is an active process of social development, of becoming a “social self” by learning from interaction with others. As Coakley and Donnelly note: “We are not simply passive learners in the socialization process. We actively participate in our own socialization as we influence those who influence us. We actively interpret what we see and hear, and we accept, resist, or revise the messages we receive about who we are, about the world, and about what we should do as we make our way in the world” (2004, 84). Interpretive sociologists have also focused directly on the process, and many examples of these studies are presented in Coakley and Donnelly’s (1999) book, Inside Sports. Early involvement in sports and other physical activity has been examined in studies of school playgrounds, Little League baseball, and Pee Wee hockey. These studies go well beyond the actual processes of involvement to show how sports and other physical activity are major sites for the production and reproduction of traditional and stereotypical notions of gender. Other studies remind us that socialization is a two-way process when they show how children’s participation affects their parents. Socialization continues after people become involved in sports. Studies have shown how rookie athletes construct appropriate identities for themselves that are confirmed (or rejected) by established athletes in the subculture; how adolescents make the decision to continue or not continue sports participation; how international athletes began to focus on their particular sport; and the meaning of success and relationships in the lives of elite male athletes. Socialization continues to be a two-way process even when athletes become involved, as shown in a study of the way in which the involvement of husbands and children in tennis affects the lives of their wives and mothers. Desocialization—retirement from sports—has also been the focus of research ranging from studies of burn-

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It may be that all games are silly. But then, so are humans. ■ ROBERT LYND

out among adolescent athletes to studies that have found both positive and negative outcomes of retirement from professional sports. Other studies have provided striking insights into the ways in which male and female athletes deal with sports injuries that lead to temporary or permanent retirement. New methodologies are providing more in-depth data and further insights into the process of socialization. These methodologies include such biographical techniques such as case studies, life histories, and narrative sociology. The Chicago School began to study subcultures, specifically youth subcultures, as part of an attempt to understand delinquency and deviance. Chicago School researchers found that subcultures emerged among youth who interacted because of their shared social circumstances and were a way for those youth to respond to their social environment. By the 1960s the techniques and interpretations developed to examine deviant subcultures and “careers” were adapted to the study of nondeviant subcultures and careers, including those in sports. Between the early 1950s and the early 1970s researchers conducted subcultural studies of the careers of professional boxers, professional wrestlers, pool hustlers, professional ice hockey players, and the various careers associated with horse racing. This early period culminated in 1975 with the publication of Donald Ball and John Loy’s Sport and Social Order, which included theoretical work on occupational subcultures in sports, an analysis of the career patterns and career contingencies of professional baseball players, and two striking comparative studies: of hockey players and Hollywood musicians and of professional wrestlers and physicians. Although subcultural research of this type continued after 1975 (e.g., a study of women professional golfers and a comparative study of women gymnasts and professional wrestlers), a subtle change occurred in the notion of “career.” A career in sports came to be thought of less as the work of a “professional” and more as a person’s period of involvement in sports. Thus, we could consider a youth’s involvement in community and/or

high school soccer as a career. Researchers also conducted studies of sports subcultures that did not focus on the analysis of careers (e.g., studies of youth ice hockey, rugby, surfing, rock climbing, and bicycle racing). During the 1980s the study of sports subcultures changed again. Finally responding to the critique that interpretive sociology failed to take account of powerful forces in people’s lives, many interpretive sociologists made a “critical shift” to take account of such forces in their analyses. Subcultural studies of sports now show how some sports are involved in the reproduction of social inequalities, and others are radical and challenging attempts to transform those social inequalities. Research reflecting the influence of this change includes studies of British soccer hooligans, bodybuilders, baseball players in developing nations, U.S. high school football, U.S. university basketball players, women professional golfers, boxing, male locker rooms, women’s softball, women’s ice hockey, skateboarding, and aerobics. Although most of these studies have been conducted in English-speaking countries, a slightly different school of critical subculture research (following the sociology of Pierre Bourdieu) emerged in France with studies of boxing, running, rock climbing and other “extreme” sports, rugby, martial arts, and tennis.

Perspectives Interpretive sociology is concerned with the way in which the social world is not only something that is to be confronted by people but also something that is continually constructed and reinvented by people. Interpretive sociology also is concerned with meaning, and the sociology of sports is beginning to develop a sense of what sports mean and how sports take on those meanings in the lives of human beings. Interpretive sociology also enriches our understanding of more traditional forms of data such as surveys. Thus, for example, we know from surveys that boys and men are more involved than girls and women in sports and other physical activity.Various speculative interpretations were offered, but not until interpretive sociology began to reveal how sports are implicated in

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Iran Olympics Results 2004 Summer Olympics: 2 Gold, 2 Silver, 2 Bronze

gender socialization and how females and males make decisions about participation have we been able to better interpret the survey results. Although studies using an interpretive sociology approach are time consuming, the commitment of researchers has paid off in the sociology of sports with a number of rewarding studies. In fact, a critical interpretive approach has now become the leading paradigm (framework) in the sociology of sports. Peter Donnelly

Further Reading Ball, D., & Loy, J. (Eds.). (1975). Sport and social order. Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley. Birrell, S., & Donnelly, P. (2004). Reclaiming Goffman: Erving Goffman’s influence on the sociology of sport. In R. Giulianotti (Ed.), Sport and modern social theorists (pp. 49–64). Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan. Blumer, H. (1969). Symbolic interactionism: Perspective and method. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. Coakley, J., & Donnelly, P. (Eds.). (1999). Inside sports. London: Routledge. Coakley, J., & Donnelly, P. (2004). Sports in society: Issues and controversies (1st Canadian ed.). Toronto: McGraw-Hill Ryerson. Donnelly, P. (1985). Sport subcultures. In R. L. Terjung (Ed.), Exercise and sport sciences reviews (pp. 539–578). New York: Macmillan. Donnelly, P. (1993). Subcultures in sport: Resilience and transformation. In A. Ingham & J. Loy (Eds.), Sport in social development: Traditions, transitions and transformations (pp. 119–145). Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics. Donnelly, P. (2000). Interpretive approaches to the sociology of sport. In J. Coakley & E. Dunning (Eds.), Handbook of sports studies (pp. 77–91). London: Sage. Donnelly, P. (2001). George Herbert Mead and the development of an interpretive sociology of sport. In J. Maguire & K.Young (Eds.), Perspectives in the sociology of sport (pp. 83–102). London: Reed Elsevier Science. Donnelly, P., & Young, K. (1988). The construction and confirmation of identity in sport subcultures. Sociology of Sport Journal, 5(3), 223–240.

Iran

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lso known as Persia, Iran is a predominantly Muslim country located in Southwest Asia, at the crossroads of the Near East, Central Asia, and the Indian subcontinent. Iran’s sports culture results from the integration of national, regional, and Western traditions.

Polo and Wrestling The royalty and aristocracy of pre-Islamic Iran (500 BCE–650 CE) valued physical education, but little is known about popular athletic practices from that period. The most enduring legacy of pre-Islamic Iran is the game of polo, which probably originated in the rough equestrian games of Central Asia and was turned into a refined game with a well-defined set of rules under the Parthian dynasty (250 BCE–226 CE), which was famous throughout the ancient world for its horsemanship. With the influx of Central Asian Turks beginning around 1000 CE and the Mongol conquest of the 1250s, a new sport gained popularity: wrestling. Itinerant wrestlers, called pahlavans, took part in tournaments sponsored by local rulers. The tournaments covered a vast regional space from North Africa to India and Central Asia. Iranians revere the memory of one such wrestler, Purya Vali (d. 1322), a Central Asian who allowed himself to be thrown by a lesser Indian opponent whose family desperately needed the prize money, thus attaining a victory over his selfish impulses that is more valuable than a championship. PuryaVali embodies Iranian athletes’ spiritual aspirations, and many sports halls, clubs, and tournaments are named after him. Under the Safavids—the dynasty (1501–1722) that made Shiite Islam the official religion of Iran and created the Iranian state known today—both polo and wrestling flourished, but the two had very different social bases. Polo was an elite game enthusiastically played by the kings themselves. Wrestling, in contrast, was a popular entertainment, and wrestlers came mostly from the lower classes. They trained in the zurkhaneh (“House of Strength”), a building containing a pit about one meter deep and surrounded by spectator stalls. Zurkhaneh exercises were highly ritualized and imbued with the spirit of Shiism. At the end of each session, athletes would pair off and wrestle.

Sport in Modern Iran Toward the end of the nineteenth century, many educated Iranians became aware of their country’s backwardness compared with the West, and started to look for ways to reform the country. These modernists gained

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Iran Key Events in Iran Sports History c. 250 BCE Polo is established as an important sport. c.1250 CE Wrestling becomes popular and regional tournaments are held. 1919

Physical education is made compulsory in the schools.

1920s

Women are allowed to participate in physical education and sports.

1934

The National Organization for Physical Education is founded.

1939

The first national sports championships are held.

1948

Iran competes in the Olympics for the first time.

1968

Famous wrestler Gholamreza Takhti, a critic of the Pahlavi dictatorship, either commits suicide or is killed by the government.

control in the 1906 constitutional revolution that ended the traditional monarchy. Physical education played an important role in the modernists’ reform plans because they believed that the nation’s vigor depended on its members’ physical fitness. European games, particularly soccer, were introduced to Iran by Christian missionaries, European military officers working for the Iranian government, British oil company officials, and Iranians who had spent time in Europe. In 1919, physical education was made obligatory in public schools under the impetus of Mir Mehdi Varzandeh (d. 1970s), widely considered the father of modern sport in Iran. Varzandeh had studied physical education in Sweden, Belgium, and the Ottoman Empire. Religious traditionalists opposed the new disciplines for being frivolous and indecent, but the secularist dictatorship of the Pahlavi dynasty (1925–1979) silenced those voices. In the 1920s and 1930s, women were first allowed to engage in sport and physical education. In 1934, the official National Organization for Physical Education’s founding heralded heightened state attention to sport. Thomas R. Gibson, an American

1974

The national soccer league is founded.

1979

The new, Islamic government repress sports.

1987

Televised broadcasting of men’s sports is permitted.

1989

A new soccer league is established.

1993

A sports channel is established.

1993

The first Islamic Countries’ Women’s Sports Solidarity Games are held in Tehran, Iran.

1998

Iran qualifies for the World Cup.

graduate of Columbia University’s Teachers’ College, was invited to Iran to revitalize Iranian sports. Gibson, who stayed until 1938, set up varsity teams in soccer and other team sports in the schools of the capital Teheran and major provincial cities and organized an elaborate system of leagues. In 1939, the first national championships were held in several disciplines. World War II ended most state sponsorship of varsity sports, but in 1948, Iran participated in Olympic games for the first time. Subsequently, Iranian athletes began winning international medals in two disciplines whose practitioners came out of the old zurkhaneh tradition: wrestling and weightlifting. The zurkhaneh survived into the contemporary era, but efforts to keep traditional wrestling alive as pahlavani wrestling met with only limited success. The most admired wrestler of twentieth century was Gholamreza Takhti (1930–1968), who won a number of Olympic and world medals in the 1950s and 1960s. An opponent of the Pahlavi dictatorship, he embodied the noble ideals of Purya Vali, and when he committed suicide in 1968, it was widely believed that he had been killed by the government’s orders.

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Iran The Values of Purya Vali The Central Asian wrestler Purya Vali (d. 1322) is a legendary figure in Iran, known for caring more for a fellow athlete’s well-being than for winning a victory over his competitor. A quatrain attributed to him encapsulates traditional Iranian notions of chivalry and fair play: If you can dominate your own self, you’re a man If you don’t find fault with others, you’re a man It is not manly to kick one who is down If you take the hand of the one who is down, you’re a man

Takhti’s death portended the eclipse of freestyle wrestling as Iran’s most popular sport and its replacement by soccer. The national league established in 1974 generated popular passions that regularly boiled over when the two perennial rivals, Persepolis and Taj (the “reds” and the “blues”), met in Teheran’s stadiums. Soccer players were the only professional athletes in Iran. In 1978, Iran qualified for a soccer world cup for the first time, but in 1979, the Islamic revolution under the leadership of Ayatollah Khomeini dramatically changed the face of Iranian sports.

Sport in the Islamic Republic The Iranian revolutionaries of 1979 had a puritanical streak that led them to dismiss prerevolutionary sport policies as manifestations of a Godless regime’s attempts to corrupt the nation. Moreover, the war against Iraq (1980–1988) severely limited the state’s ability to spend on sports. Soccer culture was interpreted as symptomatic of Western decadence. The soccer league was suspended. Given the popularity of soccer throughout Iranian society (even Ayatollah Khomeini’s son had played semiprofessionally before the revolution), the Islamic republic could not completely eradicate it. Other sports fared less well: Tennis, bowling, and equestrian sports,

including polo, were deemed elitist and deprived of all support. Women’s sports became the biggest victim of the revolution. Islamic law mandates that women cover their whole bodies with the exception of the face, hands, and feet in public, which made it impossible to hold women’s sports competitions outdoors and in the presence of men. Another major controversy erupted in the mid-1980s over television broadcasts of sports events. State television broadcast soccer and wrestling tournaments, but conservatives, who objected to women viewing the uncovered thighs and arms of male athletes, deemed even these unacceptable. Finally, in late 1987, Khomeini issued a fatwa authorizing television to broadcast men’s sports provided viewers watched without lust. After this, coverage increased such that a special sports channel was set up in 1993, but swimming events and most women’s sports are still not shown. After Khomeini’s death in 1989, President Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani (r. 1989–1997) adopted more pragmatic policies aimed at defusing mounting dissatisfaction with official puritanism. State support for sport increased, and Iran began sending teams to more international events. A new soccer league was set up in 1989. In 1990, the Iranian team won the gold medal in soccer at the Asian Games in Beijing. Television increased soccer broadcasts, the national Iranian team’s performance gradually improved, and in 1998, Iran again qualified for the world cup. Most significantly, the president’s energetic daughter, Faezeh Hashemi, took the initiative in reviving women’s sports. Women were trained as referees, officials, and coaches, and all over the country, special facilities were set aside or newly built for women only, so that they could compete according to international norms but in the total absence of men. Faezeh Hashemi set up the international Muslim Women’s Games in Teheran, from which all male spectators and officials are excluded. Women’s participation in sports, both as athletes and as officials, is actually higher today than it was during the more permissive days of the Pahlavi shahs. Despite the Islamic revolutionaries’ attempts to com-

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Ireland bat Western cultural influence and bring about a renaissance of traditional values, young Iranians continue to partake in global sports culture. Soccer remains popular both as a spectator and a participatory sport, and, even cricket and baseball have found a few adepts. Iranians have increasingly turned to East Asian martial arts, especially taekwondo, in which Iran began winning international medals in the 1990s. H. E. Chehabi

Further Reading Arasteh, A. R. (1961). The Social Role of the Zurkhana (House of Strength) in Iranian Urban Communities during the Nineteenth Century. Der Islam, 36,256–259. Bromberger, C. (1998). Le football en Iran. Sociétés & représentations, 101–115. Brooks, G. (1995). Nine parts of desire: The hidden world of Islamic women, 201–211. New York: Anchor Books. Chehabi, H. E. (1995). Sport and politics in Iran: The legend of Gholamreza Takhti. International Journal of the History of Sport, 12(4), 48–60. Chehabi, H. E. (2002). The juggernaut of globalization: Sport and modernization in Iran. International Journal of the History of Sport, 19(2–3), 275–294. Chehabi, H.E. (2002). A political history of football in Iran. Iranian Studies, 35(4), 371–402. Chehabi, H. E., & Guttmann, A. (2002). From Iran to all of Asia: The origin and diffusion of Polo. International Journal of the History of Sport, 19(2–3), 384–400. Gerhardt, M. (2002). Sport and civil society in Iran. In Eric Hooglund (Ed.), Twenty Years of Islamic revolution: Political and social transformation in Iran since 1972 (pp. 36–55). Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press. Rochard, P. (2002). The identities of the Zarkhonah. Iranian Studies, 35(4), 313–340. Schayegh, C. (2002). Sport, health, and the Iranian modern middle class in the 1920s and 1930s. Iranian Studies, 35(4), 341–369. Titley, N. M. (1979). Sports and pastimes: Scenes from Turkish, Persian and Mughal paintings. London: British Library.

Ireland

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he island of Ireland is split between the Republic of Ireland, which covers twenty-six southern counties, and Northern Ireland, which covers the six northeastern counties. The partition of Ireland took place as a result

Key Events in Ireland Sports History 1854 The Irish Rugby Football Union is formed. 1880 The Irish Football Association is founded. 1884 The Gaelic Athletic Association is founded. 1905 The Cumann Camogaíochta (Camogie Association of Ireland) is founded. 1924 The Irish Republic competes as a separate nation at the Olympics for the first time. Patrick O’Callaghan wins a gold medal in the hammer throw. 1990 The Irish team reaches the quarter-finals in the World Cup.

of the 1921 Anglo-Irish Treaty, which created the southern Irish Free State (subsequently becoming the Irish Republic in 1948) as a nation independent from the United Kingdom; Northern Ireland continued to be a part of the United Kingdom. The majority of the republic’s population is Catholic (97 percent), whereas Northern Ireland is divided between Protestants (60 percent) and Catholics (40 percent). The nature of sectarian division and the history of partition in Ireland have led to an intense period of civil disobedience and violence since the late 1960s, costing more than three thousand lives in North Ireland, and few aspects of life have remained unaffected. Irish nationalism prompted the revival or creation of nonBritish sports, including camogie, the national game for women.

Sporting Past The presence of conflict between the nationalist and unionist strands of belief has profoundly affected the sporting history of Ireland. During the period before Ireland’s great famine (prior to 1846), Irish sporting events were based around fairs and festivals held on saints’ days. At such events physical activities included

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This cover from the 17 October 1874 issue of Harper’s Weekly uses a rifle competition to comment on the relationship between Ireland and the United States.

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Ireland Olympics Results 2004 Summer Olympics: 1 Gold

folk football, a form of hurling, strength demonstrations, and dancing competitions. In accordance with the nature of Irish society at that time, the majority of people taking part in these events were men, although some evidence suggests that women participated. The famine of 1846–1851 led to the deaths of 2 million Irish people, and a similar number immigrated to distant shores, an important part of the Irish diaspora (scattering) that, among other things, spread Irish sport around the world. In the postfamine chaos, however, such activities as sport became unimportant. Sporting events were also seen as frivolous by the church and were often outlawed by the British authorities who occupied Ireland at that time. After the mid-nineteenth century modern codified sports spread the short distance across the Irish Sea from Britain and found favor in Ireland among the social elites. The most popular sports were soccer, rugby, hockey, and cricket. The Irish Rugby Football Union was formed in 1854 and the Irish Football Association in 1880. As a result of their faithful following among members of the British army stationed in Ireland, Irish nationalists gave these sports the generic title “garrison games.” The nationalists resented the presence of the British in Ireland and opposed the detrimental influence that British pastimes had on Irish culture. In 1884 the Gaelic Athletic Association (GAA) was founded as part of a general reawakening of Irish nationalist sentiment. The GAA was responsible for promoting three main sports: hurling, Gaelic football, and handball. The GAA was central in the success of political nationalism in Ireland, but more importantly, in the context of sport, the GAA was the key element in preserving an identifiable native culture. During its earliest years the GAA was interested solely in men’s sports. This narrow interest changed in 1905 with the foundation of Cumann Camogaíochta (Camogie Association of Ireland). Based on the men’s game of hurling, camogie is a fast and forceful ball-and-stick game played by two teams of fifteen players each. Camogie was the single most important women’s team sport in Ireland until the 1980s, when Gaelic football was developed as a women’s sport.

Twentieth Century During most of the twentieth century the sports of the GAA were most popular in Ireland. The association had attached itself to the cause of nationalist separatism, and many of the sports that people identified with Britain developed slowly. After the partition of Ireland between Northern Ireland (as part of the United Kingdom) and the Irish Republic (as an independent state) in 1922, football split into two national associations for Northern Ireland and the Republic, whereas the GAA and rugby union continued to operate across both sides of the border treating Ireland as a single geographical entity. In addition to team field sports, Ireland has had a long and rich history in horseracing, show jumping, boxing, and golf, among others. Indeed, many people consider horses bred in Ireland to be among the best in the world, and the horseracing industry has been a major export industry. After the partition athletes from the southern twentysix counties, now the Irish Republic, competed as a separate nation at the Olympics, whereas athletes from the six counties of Northern Ireland competed as part of Great Britain. The southern team first attended the Olympics in 1924 and collected its first gold medal in 1928. This medal was won in hammer throwing by Patrick O’Callaghan, and he defended his title in 1928. Until the controversial four medals (three gold and one bronze) won by swimmer Michelle Smith at the Olympics in Atlanta, Georgia, in 1996 (Smith was eventually banned for tampering with a urine sample), O’Callaghan remained Ireland’s most successful Olympian. During the 1980s Irish sport was galvanized by the success of the Irish football team at successive World Cup finals. The team, managed by Englishman Jack Charlton, reached the quarter-finals in Italy in 1990, and both the national team and the sport of football received a huge upsurge of support. The GAA has sought to meet the challenge of football by improving the quality of its stadiums, most notably the rebuilding of Croke Park in Dublin, now one of the finest stadiums in Europe, and promoting the sport through the media. The

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Croke Park, Ireland’s largest stadium.

Source: istockphoto/maccers.

important difference between GAA sports and others is still the strict adherence to amateurism by the association. In an age of professionalism and the pursuit of high wages, which tempts many of the country’s best athletes to leave the country, the GAA’s successful support of amateurism remains the most important symbol of Ireland’s sporting heritage. Mike Cronin See also Camogie; Hurling; Football, Gaelic

Further Reading Cronin, M. (1999). Sport and nationalism in Ireland: Gaelic games, soccer and Irish national identity since 1884. Dublin, Ireland: Four Courts Press. Hayes, L., Hogan,V., & Walsh, D. (1995). Heroes of Irish sporting life. Dublin, Ireland: Medmedia. Healy, P. (1998). Gaelic games and the Gaelic Athletic Association. Cork, Ireland: Mercier Press. Houlihan, B. (1997). Sport, policy and politics: A comparative analysis. London: Routledge. Naughton, L., & Watterson, J. (1992). Irish Olympians. Dublin, Ireland: Blackwater.

Ironman Triathlon

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n estimated fifty thousand athletes worldwide vie annually to be one of the fifteen hundred competitors in the Ironman Triathlon World Championship, which is billed as the toughest race in the world. Consisting of a 3.8-kilometer swimming race, a 180-kilometer bicycle race, and a 41-kilometer marathon race, all of which must be completed within seventeen hours, the Ironman Triathlon is held in October at the Hawaiian village of Kailua-Kona. The prize purse for 2004 totaled $430,000, including a $100,000 first prize for each male winner and each female winner. Begun a quarter-century ago as an informal idea with an impromptu following, the Ironman Triathlon has grown into a well-established corporate institution promoted year around through Triathlon-branded products ranging from sports drinks and nutrition bars to running strollers, tires, and cars. The World Triathlon Corporation (WTC), based in Tampa Bay, Florida,

IRONMAN TRIATHLON

owns the Ironman Triathlon trademark, administers the championship race, and oversees qualifying races worldwide. Outside the qualifying races, in keeping with a pledge to include nonelite athletes, a lottery admits 150 U.S. contestants and 50 non–U.S. contestants, although they are required to provide a history of their triathlon activities over the previous year. The idea for a three-part race emerged during the mid-1970s, and the Ironman Triathlon was introduced as a summer Olympics event at Sydney, Australia, in 1996 using distances of 1,500 meters for the swimming race, 40 kilometers for the bicycle race, and 10 kilometers for the foot race. The more grueling Ironman Triathlon variation is attributed to John Collins, who as a U.S. Navy commander stationed in Hawaii issued a challenge to settle an argument over whether bicyclists or runners are in better shape. The race he proposed combined the local Wakiki Rough Water Swim, a bicycle race around the island of Oahu, and the Honolulu Marathon. The inaugural race in February 1978 drew fifteen men, of whom ten finished, including Collins; Gordon Haller, a taxi driver, won with a time of 11 hours, 46 minutes, 58 seconds. The first woman participant was Lyn Lemaire, who finished fifth in 1979 with a time of 12 hours, 55 minutes, and 38 seconds. Including Lemaire, only sixteen people took part that second year— the race had been postponed a day because of rough weather and lost some potential entrants to a golf game. In 1980 participation swelled to 106 people. When Collins was transferred,Valerie Silk kept the race going, moving it in 1982 from Oahu to the lesspopulated Kona, which meant less traffic but more difficult terrain and weather conditions. Having directed the Ironman Triathlon championship for a decade, Silk sold the name in 1990 to Jim Gills, who went on to found the WTC.

Out of Obscurity The Ironman Triathlon’s obscurity ended when ABC’s Wide World of Sports program began covering it in

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1980, and its reputation got a further boost in 1982 when TV viewers saw leading woman Julie Moss, a college student who had entered the race to gather information for a research paper, collapse from exhaustion and dehydration 18 meters short of the finish, then crawl on her knees to finish second. Kathleen McCartney’s twenty-nine-second margin of victory remains the narrowest for the race. Winning times these days break nine hours. Luc Van Lierde, who holds the men’s record of 8 hours, 4 minutes, and 8 seconds, became the first European Ironman Triathlon world champion in 1996 (the next year German men won the top three spots). Paula Newby-Fraser of South Africa—eight-time winner in Hawaii between 1986 and 1996—set the women’s record of 8 hours, 55 minutes, and 24 seconds. Australia’s John MacLean was the first official finisher in the physically challenged division in 1997, using a handcranked bicycle and a wheelchair. NBC Sports has covered the world championships since 1991, televising an edited version, and the Outdoor Life Network and ESPN International broadcast numerous U.S. and international qualifying events. Various rituals precede the Ironman Triathlon championship in Hawaii, including a benefit race featuring athletes, both men and women, who wear only their underwear, and a “carbo-loading party” for competitors and fans. Race contestants are required to shave their legs, which is said to keep contestants cooler, allow them to don and doff wet suits for the swimming portion more easily, and facilitate care of any cuts, bruises, or rashes on the legs. Through the years medical protocols for the race have been refined, largely by physician Bob Laird, known to many as “Dr. Bob.”

Tensions Surface Occasionally tensions have surfaced between the Ironman Triathlon establishment and the international and U.S. governing bodies for the conventional triathlon, the International Triathlon Union (ITU) and USA Triathlon. During the mid-1990s WTC leaders objected to numerous ITU proposals for triathlon-rule changes

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that WTC leaders thought would undermine the integrity and individualistic traditions of the sport, including the idea of allowing drafting (staying close behind another racer to take advantage of the reduced air pressure created by the leading racer) in the bicycling portion. Another rift was evident in Triathlete Magazine’s founding of the Triathlon Hall of Fame in 1998, five years after the WTC had founded its Ironman Hall of Fame, which admits one inductee a year. Its first inductee, in 1993, was six-time Hawaii winner Dave Scott; Julie Moss was the second in 1994 for her few moments of struggle that drew such broad attention to the race; Collins, Silk, and Dr. Bob have been inducted as well. WTC events are sometimes called the “long course” triathlon, with Olympic-distance ITU events being called the “short course”—although longer events not organized by WTC may be held under the name of “iron distance triathlon.” Although still associated with extreme endurance sports, Ironman Triathlon races also are recognized as tests of personal commitment and achievement, and their promoters insist that everyone who crosses the finish line is a champion. The races have given rise to a small group of elite professional men and women who make careers of the races and related coaching and lecturing. Judy Polumbaum

Further Reading Babbitt, B. (2003). 25 years of the Ironman Triathlon World Championship. Aachen, Germany: Meyer & Meyer Sport. Brooks, J. (2004, July 20). Ironman: A fight to the finish. USA Today, p. 1-D. McDermott, B. (1979, May 14). Ironman. Sports Illustrated, 50, 88– 92. Moore, K. (2003). Grin and bear it. Sports Illustrated, 99(16), 38. Plant, M. (1987). Iron will: The heart and soul of the triathlon’s ultimate challenge. Chicago: Contemporary Books. Thom, K. D. (Ed.). (2002). Becoming an Ironman: First encounters with the ultimate endurance event. Halcottsville, NY: Breakaway Books. Tinley, S. (1998). Triathlon: A personal history. Boulder, CO: VeloPress. Zieralski, E. (1982, October 11). Julie Moss’s agony in defeat was appalling, but love’s labor made her a star. People, 18, 110–111.

Islamic Countries’ Women’s Sports Solidarity Games

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hen examining the Islamic Countries’ Women’s Sports Solidarity Games and the question of how women’s participation in sports is compatible with the teachings of Islam, one must remember that Islamic law (sharia) does not prohibit sports for men or women. Islamic sports scientists, both men and women, stress that health and fitness are important for men and women alike and should be sustained by sports. Scholars point out that the Prophet Muhammad, in the hadith (narrative record of the sayings or customs of Muhammad and his companions), advocated living a healthy life and recommended running, horseback riding, swimming, and archery. Scholar Leila Sfeir and others also have concluded that Islam is positively inclined toward women’s sports. According to such scholars the exclusion of girls and women from sports and other physical activities has to do not with Islam but rather with patriarchal values and traditions. However, whenever sports are played, in many Islamic countries Islamic precepts must be followed, which means above all that the body and the hair must be covered and that men and women must practice sports separately because according to Islam control over sexuality is not the result of internalized moral precepts but rather is the result of separating the sexes. In countries that are governed by the sharia (Islamic law), such as Iran, girls and women can participate in sports and other physical activities.

Women and Sports in Iran The Islamic Countries’ Women’s Sports Solidarity Games are a result of the Iranian women’s sports movement led by Faezeh Hashemi, daughter of former Iranian President Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani. She and other influential women motivated Iranian women to get “on

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Before you can win a game, you have to not lose it. ■ CHUCK NOLL

the move” and contribute to the public and official acceptance of women’s sports.The embassy of Iran states: “Sports play an important role in our social life because it helps women perform their maternal duty and nurture the new generation in the best manner within the sphere of the great Islamic system” (www.salamiran.org). During the 1980s Iranian women became increasingly interested in physical activities, and thus a women’s committee within the Ministry of Education, a national sports association, and federations for numerous sports were established. Today several million Iranian women are active in sports, and thousands of women coach and referee. In countries such as Iran women have two ways of practicing sports: either in public, wearing the appropriate clothing, or in private areas to which men have no access. Since the early 1990s Iranian women’s competitions have been organized in shooting, and leagues have also been set up for ball games such as volleyball, handball, basketball, table tennis, and, in 1998, even women’s football. However, Hashemi and her fellow activists also advocated international sports meetings, pointing out that such meetings might demonstrate the superiority of Islam. Thus, Iranian women have been allowed to compete in international sports meetings, such as the Olympic Games, since the early 1990s but only in events in which Islamic regulations concerning dress can be complied with. Because women cannot compete in many competitive sports while wearing the hijab, the head-to-toe covering required of Iranian women, an alternative was developed—the Islamic Countries’ Women’s Sports Solidarity Games (Women’s Games), which were held in Tehran, Iran, in 1993, 1997, and 2001 and from which men were barred as spectators. The games were developed by the Islamic Countries’ Women’s Sports Solidarity Council (ICWSSC), founded during the first Islamic Countries’ Sports Solidarity Congress for Women, which was an initiative of Hashemi in 1991. Hashemi became president of the council, and in 1993 she welcomed participants from eleven countries to the first Women’s Games in Tehran.

At these Women’s Games the athletes marched into the stadium wearing the hijab for the opening ceremony, watched also by male spectators. Afterward the women competed in events wearing the usual sports attire but not exposed to the view of men. The female judges, journalists, doctors, and coaches proved that such events can be successfully held without men present. At the first Women’s Games competitors came from almost a dozen countries; however, those countries whose women athletes might have profited from a “women only” sports meeting, such as Saudi Arabia or the Gulf States, could not send teams to Tehran because those countries had no organized women’s sports. The majority of competitors came from countries of the former Soviet Union and so had never worn a hijab. Most of them had already competed in international competitions; these athletes won most of the medals. For the 122 women making up the Iranian team—with the exception of the sport shooters—this was their first international meeting, and they enjoyed being in the limelight and competing with women athletes from other countries. In 1997 the second Women’s Games were to be hosted by Pakistan. Pakistanis, however, voiced strong opposition to the competition and to women’s participation in sports in general. Thus, the ICWSSC decided again to hold the second Women’s Games in Tehran. Competitors came from sixteen countries; eight Islamic countries failed to send any athletes.

2001 Games Again in Tehran In 2001 the Women’s Games again were held in Tehran. Delegations from forty countries announced their participation, but after the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001 in the United States and the war in Afghanistan the number of competing countries sank to twenty-seven. Nevertheless, more than six hundred women competed, including Muslim athletes from England. The women from Afghanistan, however, attracted the most attention. The games began on 24 October with the running of a torch relay and the lighting of the flame, followed by

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performances and the procession of the athletes into the stadium, all dressed in compliance with the regulations concerning Islamic dress. A performance by a woman singer was a novelty because until then women were allowed to sing only before a female audience. During the opening ceremony people also made an appeal for solidarity with the women of Afghanistan. In 2001, too, all the work of staging the competitions was done by women who had been trained in the run-up to the games. The program consisted of fifteen events, which included taekwondo, karate, and futsal (indoor five-aside football). Special rules applied to gymnastics, in which equipment that is not internationally recognized was used, such as the side-horse and parallel bars. Partly on account of its superior numbers, the Iranian team of 159 athletes won the most medals. The events were accompanied by meetings of the host organization, the Islamic Countries’ Women’s Sport Federation, including an annual general meeting of members, at which Hashemi was reelected president. The events were also accompanied by an international scientific conference.

Questions and Problems Although people in Iran greeted the Women’s Games as a great opportunity for women’s sports and as an alternative to the Olympic Games, many athletes (and also many women and women’s organizations in the West) pointed out that events of this kind would only legitimize the exclusion of women from the world of sports. According to them the Women’s Games only reinforced the marginalization of women’s sports. A great problem—and one that especially the athletes complain about—is the lack of spectators. The lack of interest in women’s sports that is familiar in the West is worsened by the Islamic precept of covering the body, that is, women athletes can be shown in photos or on film only if they wear the hijab. As a result, the reports and photos of women’s sports cannot compete with those of men’s sports. Indeed, the only publication to report regularly about women in sports, and thus perhaps to motivate girls and women to take up sports, is

Zan (Woman), which is run by Hashemi. “Radio and television never report on women’s sport . . . and this is a serious block to the development of women’s sport,” is the conclusion of a report on women’s sports by an Iranian woman journalist. Meanwhile, on the international front, the controversy over Muslim women’s participation in international sports competition intensified in 1992 when two Frenchwomen, attorney Linda Weil-Curiel and women’s rights activist Annie Sugier, discovered that thirty-five of the participating countries in the 1992 Barcelona Olympic Games had no women in their delegations. Many of these countries were Muslim. These two women formed an organization, Atlanta Plus, to lobby the International Olympic Committee (IOC) to prohibit countries without women delegates from participating in the Atlanta Games in 1996. Atlanta Plus petitioned the IOC to fight “gender apartheid” and to enforce its own Olympic Charter, which declares that “all forms of discrimination with respect to a country or a person, whether for reasons of race, religion, politics, sex or any other are incompatible with the Olympic Movement.” Atlanta Plus emphasized that this issue was one of human rights, not simply “a cultural/religious issue nor a women’s only issue.” While pressing for the inclusion of Muslim women on previously male-only teams, Atlanta Plus also registered its disapproval of the notion of games for women only. However, the IOC appreciated the women-only games. IOC president Juan Antonio Samaranch stated: “IOC and all its members admire the high values of this movement and will never forget it.” The Women’s Games are closely connected with discourses about values and about approaches to cultural relativity and cultural universalism. One of the key issues is whether people must accept culture-specific values even if they contradict principles such as equality and democracy and whether universal human rights exist and, if so, who defines them. Suffice it to say that Iranian women athletes and coaches as well as girls and women in all sports are taking advantage of the current favorable conditions to demand more sports facil-

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Israel Olympics Results 2004 Summer Olympics: 1 Gold, 1 Bronze

ities and more personal and material resources. To a high degree they decide women’s sports issues autonomously. In addition, the Women’s Games give athletes who observe Islamic principles as defined in the sharia their only chance to compete. Gertrud Pfister

Further Reading Agha, T., & Schuckar, M. (1991). Frauen im Iran. Berlin, Germany: Parabolis. Bauer, J. L. (1985). Sexuality and the moral “construction” of women in an Islamic society. Anthropological Quarterly, 58(3), 120–129. Brooks, G. (1995). Nine parts of desire: The hidden world of Islamic women. New York: Doubleday. Daiman, S. (1995). Women in sport in Islam. Journal for the International Council for Health, Physical Education, Recreation, Sport and Dance, 32(1), 18–21. De Knop, P., Theeboom, M., Wittock, H., & De Martelaer, K. (1996). Implications of Islam on Muslim girls’ sport participation in western Europe: Literature review and policy recommendations for sport promotion. Sport, Education and Society, 1(2), 147–164. Elnashar, A. M., Krotee, M. L., & Daiman, S. (1996). Keeping in stride with the games: An Islamic impression. ICHPER Journal, 32(4), 17–21. Lindsay, K. , McEwen, S., & Knight, J. (1987). Islamic principles and physical education. Unicorn, 13(2), 75–78. Sfeir, L. (1985). The status of Muslim women in sport: Conflict between cultural tradition and modernization. International Review for Sociology of Sport, 20(4), 283–304. Walseth, K., & Fasting, K. (2003). Islam’s view on physical activity and sport. International Review for the Sociology of Sport, 38(1), 45–60.

Israel

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ports in Israel began in the early twentieth century during the new Jewish settlement in the Land of Israel. The Zionist movement aimed to create a new, strong, and muscular Jew to contrast with the image of the Diaspora Jew. Sports activities were one way to achieve this goal. However, most of the Jewish immigration to the Israel came from Eastern Europe where such sports awareness was less developed. As a result sports and body culture did not win a high place on the list of national priorities. The majority of the competitive leagues and sports

unions were founded during the British Mandate (1920–1948), which preceded the establishment of the State of Israel. The Football Union, Sports Union, and the Land of Israel Olympic Committee were all established. At this time, the “Maccabia,” the Jewish Olympic Games competition, was initiated as well. The establishment of the State of Israel in 1948 did not bring about a dramatic change in sports and their institutions, other than their becoming state owned and sovereign. The historical development of sports in Israel was influenced by several factors. The most significant are immigration and Israel’s position in the international arena. The Jewish settlement grew mainly as a result of immigration waves that brought with them modern training methods (most recently in swimming) and exceptional athletes who have represented Israel in the various individual sports, especially track and field. The geopolitical stand of Israel and its hostile relations with neighboring Arab countries have resulted in the isolation of Israel within its region and have forced it to struggle for its position in Asia and Europe. (A salient expression of this was the murder of eleven Israeli athletes in the Munich Olympic Games in 1972.)

Participant and Spectator Sports Israel’s greatest successes in the international arena to date have been in judo and sailing, where it has won Olympic medals and has succeeded in both international and continental competitions. In the Barcelona Olympics, Yael Arad won a silver medal for judo and Oren Smadja a bronze one. In the 1996 Olympics in Atlanta, Gal Friedman won a bronze medal for mistral surfboarding, and in the 2000 Olympics in Sydney, Michael Kalganov was awarded a bronze medal for kayaking. At the Olympic Games in Athens (2004) Gal Friedman, who participate in the sailing competition, won Israel’s first Olympic gold medal, and Arik Zeevi, the judoist, won a silver medal. Despite Israel’s success in these branches of sports, football and basketball enjoy the greatest popularity. A football league has been in operation since 1932. Maccabi Tel Aviv, Hapoel Tel Aviv, Maccabi Haifa, and

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The Coliseum at the ancient city of Caesarea, Israel.

Beitar Jerusalem are the leading teams in Israel. These teams have won the majority of the national championships and draw the largest number of spectators. Israel’s national football team’s highest achievement has been its participation in the Mondial, which took place in Mexico in 1970. In recent years Israeli teams have taken part in the various European championships and have made some impressive achievements, with the peak being Maccabi Haifa’s participation in the Europe Cup finals in 2003. Basketball is the second most popular sport in Israel, but in terms of achievement it supersedes football. The Israeli National Team participates in the European Championship regularly and in 1978 won second place in the championship. Maccabi TelAviv is the strongest basketball team in the country and has won virtually every national championship in the

Source: istockphoto/rlebow.

last thirty years. This team is also considered one of the strongest teams in Europe and has won the Europe Cup four times thus far, while reaching the finals six other times.

Women in Sport Prior to the establishment of the State of Israel, an ethos of the equality of women with men in all aspects of life was nurtured. This concept is more theoretical than real, and the “equality gap” between men and women in Israel is evident.The number of women who participate in competitive sports and in sports unions is low in comparison with their counterparts in the Western world. Although volleyball, handball, and water polo leagues, among others, do exist, the level of play is low and the leagues enjoy almost no media exposure. The

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Israel participation of women’s national teams in international competitions is rare. The only women’s game relatively successful is basketball. The Women’s Basketball League enjoys both public and media exposure, and the level of the play in the league is higher than in other leagues, due to the many players from other countries who play in the league. Several Israeli women’s basketball teams participate in European competitions as well. In light of the dismal situation of women’s sports in Israel, it is rather surprising that it is women who have made some of the most impressive achievements in the country: Yael Arad, the judoist mentioned earlier, and Esther Roth Shahamorov, the short distance runner and long jumper, have compiled a long list of achievements. Among other successes, Shahamorov was responsible for Israel’s highest achievement in track and field when she reached sixth place in the 100-meter hurdle finals in the Montreal Olympics in 1976. Also noteworthy are the achievements of two women who emigrated to Israel after successful personal careers abroad and whose contributions have been especially important in the fields of training: Angelica Roseano from Romania, world champion in table–tennis, and Agnes Kelty from Hungary, world champion in Olympic gymnastics.

Sports Unions and Society The society that first developed in Israel was sectarian and divided into different political camps. Each camp fought to influence the character of the society in formation. Each established its own institutions and unions. Correspondingly, the sports unions were political and reflected the political structure of Israeli society. The Hapoel (Workers) Union was founded as part of the socialist workers group in society. The Maccabi Union reflected the bourgeoisie; Elitzur, the religious camp; and Beitar, the national right. The establishment of the state did not put an end to the organizational politicization of Israeli sports, which in turn influenced the structure of the various leagues, representation on the various national teams, the struc-

Key Events in Israel Sports History 1920– Many sports competitions and 1948 associations are established during the British Mandate. 1932

A professional soccer league is formed.

1932

The first Maccabiah Games are held in Israel.

1952

Israel competes in the Olympics for the first time.

1972

Israeli athletes and coaches are killed by Palestinian terrorists at the Olympics in Munich.

1978

The Israeli basketball team wins the European Championship.

1994

The Sports Service establishes a unit for the Advancement of Women in Sports in Israel.

2004

Gal Friedman wins a gold medal in windsurfing at the 2004 Olympics.

ture of sports foundations, the distribution of resources, as well as fan groups. In recent years these ideological differences have become less marked as Israeli society undergoes a process of privatization. The political centers of the past have not disappeared, yet they have lost their clear political identity, and many competitive sports, which were amateur and later became semiprofessional, are becoming more professional.

The Future Israeli sports stand today at several turning points that will pave the way to important changes in the future. The declining power of political unions and the transition of competitive sports from amateur to professional have brought about a more professional approach, which will ultimately raise the level of Israeli sports. Nevertheless, this change has so far been witnessed in competitive teams that strengthen themselves with out-

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side players, and less in the national teams. This more professional approach can also be seen in the distribution of additional resources to the Olympic Committee, which nurtures athletes more scientifically in preparation for the Olympics as part of a trend that began in the 1990s when Israel began winning Olympic medals. In 1994 the Sports Service established a “Unit for the Advancement of Women in Sports in Israel,” with the purpose of closing the gap between men and women in sports (with regard to athletes and representation of women in sports organizations, media, etc.). Since the group’s establishment, the “inequality” gap has been gradually closing. It is Israel’s hope that peace will be achieved in the Middle East. Among all the other advantages of peace, Israel will be able fully to integrate in its natural milieu, which will further advance the development of sports in the country. Haim Kaufman See also Maccabiah Games

Further Reading Ben-Avraham, N. (1968). Israel sport. Tel Aviv, Israel: Dekel. Ben-Porat, A. (2002). From a game to a commodity: Israeli football, 1948–1999. Beer Sheba, Israel: Ben-Gurion University. Ben-Porat, A. (1998). The commodification of football in Israel. International Review of Sociology of Sport, 33(3), 269–276. Galily, Y. (2003) Playing hoops in Palestine: The early development of basketball in the Land of Israel (1936–1952). International Journal of the History of Sport, 20(1), 143–151. Harif, H., & Galili, Y. (2003). Sports and politics in Palestine between 1918–1948: Football as a mirror reflecting the relations between Jews and Britons. Soccer and Society, (1), 56–41. Kaufman. H. (2000). Israel. In K. Christensen, A. Guttmann, & G. Pfister (Eds.), International encyclopedia of women and sports (Vol. 2, pp. 595–596). Farmington Hills, MI: Gale Group. Kaufman, H. (2002). Continuity and changes in the processes which shaped sports in Israel during the 20th century. In: A. Kruger & W. Buss (Eds.), Transformations: Continuity and change in sport history II Hoya: NISH 17, 77–85. Kaufman, H., & Harif, H. (Eds.). (2002) Body culture and sports in Israel in the 20th century. Jerusalem: Wingate Institute and Yad Ben Zvi. Zimri, U. (1978). Thirty years of sports in Israel. Tel–Aviv, Israel: Ramdor.

Italy

I

taly, a country in Southern Europe, comprises a peninsula in the Mediterranean Sea, two large islands (Sardinia and Sicily), and several small islands and archipelagos, for a total of 301,000 square kilometers; 42 percent of it is hilly and 35 percent of it is mountainous. Italy borders France, Switzerland, Austria, and Slovenia. The population is about 58 million people, and the capital is Rome, which includes Vatican City. Most Italians adhere to Catholicism; other religions are practiced by only 0.4 percent of the population.

History In foreign kingdoms and in the states that composed Italy before its unification in 1861, Italians were often considered masters of dueling, horse racing, and a kind of archery practiced with balestra. Some ritual games of the Middle Ages were played then (and are still played now)—for instance, the Palio (horse race) in Siena, Pisa’s Gioco del Ponte (a team fight that aims to eliminate opponents), and Florence’s calcio storico (a kind of football). Horse racing and trotting were acclaimed sports in the Kingdom of Tuscany and in Lombardy when both states were under Austrian domination. The Kingdom of Piedmont, later the driving force that freed Italy from foreign dominance, introduced gymnastics for both sexes in 1836. Swimming appeared in the Kingdom of Two Sicilies in southern Italy in the late eighteenth century; in 1828 the Military Academy of Naples organized some competitions that followed the teaching of Oronzio De Bernardi, whose 1794 treaty L’uomo galleggiante (Floating man) was translated into many languages. Other individuals who contributed to the development of sports in Italy were Gioacchino Otta, who taught physical education in Finland in the early nineteenth century, and Carlo Marchelli, who competed in London in the mid-nineteeth century. During this same

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I really lack the words to compliment myself today. ■ ALBERTO TOMBA

period, the weight lifter Felice Napoli exhibited successfully abroad, and other weight lifters, especially Lazio and Emilia-Romagna, were very popular in Vatican City.

Sports in Unified Italy With its capital at Turin, the Kingdom of Italy was proclaimed on March 17, 1861. In 1870, the state grew to include Rome, which quickly became the new capital. The government faced grave problems, such as illiteracy and a low standard of public services, and it struggled to industrialize and to reform. In 1878, the law ruled that physical education in schools was obligatory and must be open to both sexes. During this period, aristocrats were dedicated to horse racing, pigeon and target

Canoeing down the Sesia River in Italy.

shooting, hunting, and rowing, and the middle and lower classes preferred gymnastics, cycling, wrestling, and walking. Sports were organized only gradually. The federation of target shooting came into being in 1862, a federation for gymnastics was formed in 1869, and governing bodies were also formed for yachting (1879), shooting (1882), cycling (1885), and rowing (1888). National gymnastics meets began in 1873 and more inclusive triennial festivals were inaugurated in 1889. In these competitions, national titles were awarded for running, jumping, throwing, gymnastics, weight lifting, and wrestling, and later for football and swimming. At the end of the nineteenth century, many Italians emigrated from the impoverished south of the country

Source: istockphoto/binabina.

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Italy Olympics Results 2002 Winter Olympics: 4 Gold, 4 Silver, 4 Bronze 2004 Summer Olympics: 10 Gold, 11 Silver, 11 Bronze

seeking jobs and better conditions in the United States. Included in this group were a famous trio of strong men—Cosimo Molino, Giacomo Zafarana, and Luigi Borra. On March 28, 1891, in London, Zafarana took second place in the first world weightlifting championship, thus achieving Italy’s first international honor. During this period, two Italian scientists, Angelo Mosso and Paolo Mantegazza, successfully advocated modern sports for women, especially swimming. The first championship games for athletics and lawn tennis were held in 1897, and those for swimming and football in 1898. A lifesaving society was constituted in 1899. Rugby came to Italy in the 1910s through the influence of French players and coaches. Until World War I, some Italian towns remained under Austrian domination, and local gymnastic societies acted as repositories of patriotic values. Having understood the importance of sports for the consolidation of national identity, the press emphasized them by welcoming the sporadic visits of sports teams from other countries. Following the success of the French staged road race, the Tour de France, the journal Gazzetta dello Sport initiated a corresponding event, the Giro d’Italia, in 1909, which contributed to the immense popularity of cycling in Italy. Sales of bicycles increased enormously from 1890 to 1910, leading to a boom in related industries—for instance, a company called Campagnolo patented a type of cycling gear. Noblemen represented the nation abroad. The Marquis Lucchesi Palli and Count Carafa were cofounders of the International Olympic Committee (IOC) in 1894. The Count Capuccio chaired the international federation of rowing (FISA), which was organized in Turin in 1892. The Marquis Monticelli Obizzi founded the Italian federation for heavy athletics in 1902 and was the driving force behind an ephemeral international union from 1905 to 1907. In Paris in 1900, Italy took its first Olympic medals, one gold and one silver in equestrian sports, but it had achieved its first unofficial European title in trotting in 1895 and an official one in rowing in 1901. Francesco Verri, triple winner at the Intercalated Games of Athens

in 1906, won the first world championship for Italy in track cycling that same year. The IOC chose Rome to host the Olympic Games in 1908, but after an initial acceptance, the capital refused the honor because of economic inadequacy. The Comitato Olimpico Nazionale Italiano (CONI) was first organized in 1908. The best Italian athlete of the prewar period was the gymnast Alberto Braglia, winner of the individual event in the Olympics in 1908 and again in 1912. A man of humble origins, he later became a popular actor in the circus.

Sports and Fascism When World War I ended, Italy was in a very difficult state. The flu epidemic of 1918–1919 added 600,000 victims to the 650,000 who had fallen in the War. While industrial production increased, agriculture lost workers. Social tensions increased and in 1922 the King gave control of the country to Benito Mussolini, leader of the Fascist movement. Fascist squads eliminated political opponents, and by 1925 the process of dictatorship was complete. Remaining tensions with the Catholic Church were solved in 1929 with an agreement called “Concordato.” In 1938, Mussolini joined an alliance with Nazi Germany. The Fascist government used sports to control the population, organizing the youth for military purposes and spreading a cult of strength. Mussolini presented himself as a good example, swimming in open water, driving automobiles, playing tennis, and attending sports events. Fascists organized the Opera Nazionale Dopolavoro (OND), which also managed volleyball, considered a minor sport and not under the direct control of CONI. In 1928, CONI’s role as a superfederation governing all sports was strengthened. Women were encouraged to play sports, but they were always reminded that their primary roles were dutiful spouse and tender mother. To appease the Church, the Fascist government agreed to the Church’s request to forbid the participation of women athletes in the 1932 Olympics. The Fascists eventually relented: In the hurdles in the Berlin Olympics of 1936, Ondina Valla

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Italy Key Events in Italy Sports History 1878 Physical education is made compulsory in the schools and open to boys and girls.

1909 The Giro d’Italia cycling road race is held for the first time.

1889 Triennial festivals including sports competitions are started.

1930s Under the fascist government sports is politicized and promoted.

1891 Italy gains its first international sports honor when Giacomo Zafarana finish second in the world weightlifting championship in London.

1933 Primo Carnera wins the heavyweight boxing title.

1892 The International Federation of Rowing is founded in Turin.

1956 Italy hosts the Winter Olympics.

1900 Italy competes in the Olympics for the first time and wins its first medals. 1908 The Comitato Olimpico Nazionale Italiano is founded.

1950s Soccer becomes the most popular sport.

1960s Ferrari becomes a major force in Formula 1 racing. 1960 Italy hosts the Summer Olympics in Rome. 1965 Foreign players are barred from the soccer league; the ban is lifted in 1980. 1982 Italy wins the soccer World Cup.

won and Claudia Testoni, who came in fourth, broke the world record in 1938 and won the European title. During the Fascist Era, Italian sports entered a Golden Age with their media-amplified triumphs in World Cup football (soccer) in 1934 and 1938, their second place in 1932, and their third place in 1936 at the Olympic Games. In 1933 Primo Carnera won the heavyweight title in professional boxing; he became an icon for Italian youth and inspired a cartoon character called Dick Fulmine. Another idol was Tazio Nuvolari, who is still viewed as one of the all-time greats in motor sports. During this period, Augusto Turati, the leading Fascist exponent of a traditional team game called volata, tried and failed to make the game the Italian national sport. The Fascist regime then tried to use rugby to shape good soldiers, calling the game a repository of masculine virtues. However, “rugby” was misspelled as rugbi, which then came to be pronounced “roogbe.”

Postwar Sports Mussolini was shot on 25 April 1945, three days after the Allied victory in Italy, and on 2 June 1946, a ballot proclaimed the country a Republic and the king was dis-

credited as a Fascist collaborator. The government, led by Alcide De Gasperi until 1953, anchored Italy to the Western alliance led by the United States. Italy also benefited from the Marshall Plan, which helped to reconstruct the country, including the industrial sector, which boomed in the late 1950s and early 1960s. Popular symbols of this reconstruction period were two cyclists, Fausto Coppi and Gino Bartali. Their repeated victories in staged and one-day races fed the Italian ambition for a new self-image based on genuine achievement. These two cyclists represented the two faces of Italy: When Coppi was tried for his extramarital love affair, he evoked the sympathies of the anticlerical, liberal part of the population. Bartali, on the other hand, was a fervid Catholic, and was several times received by the Pope. However, the two cyclists had a friendly relationship. The government eventually withdrew its financial support for sports, and since 1947 CONI has financed Olympic sports with one-third of the income earned by a popular football forecasting game, which is managed by a private company. Football became the national sport and still keeps this role. In the 1950s, most Italian football clubs recruited foreigner players and offered

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them luxurious contracts. Subsequently, some of those players, especially those from South America, were Italianized. However, both policies created problems, separating the rich clubs from the poor ones and weakening dedication to the nation. from 1965 to 1980 foreigner players were barred. In 1956 Italy hosted the Winter Olympics at Cortina d’Ampezzo in the Dolomiti mountains, and in 1960 it hosted the Summer Games in Rome. Italy achieved a remarkable success with thirteen gold medals and thirty-six medals overall. In Tokyo, four years later, it confirmed its ranking, but in three successive Summer Games, the Italian teams did not do as well overall, notwithstanding good performances in fencing, that permanent reservoir of honors, and the triumphs of Klaus Dibiasi, the first diver to win three straight gold medals in platform diving. On the other hand, in Alpine skiing, the 1970s saw the magic moments of valanga azzurra (“blue avalanche”—blue is the color worn by all Italian teams). Gustav Thöni and Piero Gros, Olympic and World Cup winners, led other Italian skiers to dominate World Cup stages and standings. In professional sports, Italy succeeded with several boxers—Nino Benvenuti, Bruno Arcari, Sandro Mazzinghi, and Carmelo Bossi, who were in 1970 simultaneously world champions in their categories—and with the motorcyclist Giacomo Agostini, who from 1966 to 1975 won fifteen world titles—still an unbeaten achievement. The automobile racing company Ferrari, led by a self-made engineer called Enzo, became legendary during these years as it won several world titles in Formula 1 racing. In the 1970s and 1980s, perhaps because increasing numbers of Italians began to watch sports on television, track cycling, athletics, and rowing became less popular. Young people began to practice martial arts rather than boxing, and to play reduced forms of football, such as the calcetto (five-player football). Municipalities increased their expenditures for the promotion and diffusion of sports among youth, but children probably became interested in swimming and lawn tennis

because of some international achievements in these practices. Italy won the World Cup in football 1982. Many people celebrated for many days, confirming and displaying Italy’s new sense of national identity and unity. Alberto Tomba became the greatest idol of Italian sport, not only for his astounding triumphs in Alpine skiing, but also for his bizarre and outspoken behavior as a media star.

Women in Sports The success of Italian women in the Winter and Summer Olympics of 1992 pushed Italy ahead in both Games. Deborah Compagnoni was the first skier to win three Olympic gold medals, Antonella Bellutti and Paola Pezzo won two Olympic gold medals, in track cycling and mountain biking, respectively. The fencers Valentina Vezzali and Giovanna Trillini still dominate their events. The rivalry in cross-country skiing between the two Olympic champions Stefania Belmondo and Manuela Di Centa was reminiscent of the competition between Bartali and Coppi. These champions created a new image of women— self-confident, determined, reflective, and tastefully handsome—which is very far from the popular image of “vice boy,” which marks the Italian male sporting star. Moreover, by winning top titles in team sports such as volleyball and water polo, Italian women demonstrated the results of the enormous improvement of sports culture among young women.

Current Situation While winning important victories in the Olympics, most notably in fencing, Italy also leads the world in motor sports, with motorcyclist Valentino Rossi and the Ferrari company in Formula 1 racing. Italy further enjoys a worldwide reputation in sports manufacturing and fashion. The main problem with Italian sports today is the economic crisis of football, which lost many spectators, as well as money and credit, because of team bank-

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ruptcies and doping allegations. The battle for television rights between public clubs and private networks also impacted the budgets of clubs negatively, because they have to manage the player contracts. CONI fought hard against doping, and successfully brought charges against internationally famous medical teams. Gherardo Bonini See also Coliseum (Rome); Foro Italico; Rome, Ancient

Further Reading Bonini, G. (2001). Europa, Mitteleuropa, Vaste Land. Florence: Rilegatoria Cecchi.

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Ferrara, P. (1992). L’Italia in palestra. Rome : La meridiana. Freccero, R. (2002). Relation entre le sport et l’éducation physique au XXième siècle en Italie. In K. Szikora (Ed.), Proceedings of 6th ISHPES Congress: Sport and politics (pp. 234–242). Budapest: ISHPES. Gori, G.(1996). L’atleta e la nazione. Rome: Panozzo. Gori, G. (1997). Sports festivals in Italy between the 19th and the 20th centuries: A kind of national Olympic Games?. In R. Naul (Ed.), Contemporary studies in the National Olympic Games movement (pp. 19–52). Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang. Gori, G. (2001). Italy. In K. Christensen, A. Guttmann, & G. Pfister (Eds.), International encyclopedia of women and sports. (Vol. 2, pp. 597–601). Farmington Hills, MI: Gale Group. Pivato, S. (1994). L’era dello sport. Florence: Giunti. Porro, N. (2000). Italian sports: Between government and society. In L. Chalip, A. Johnson, & L. Stachura, National sports policies: an international handbook (pp. 253–285). Westport, CN: Greenwood Press.

Jamaica Japan Japanese Martial Arts, Traditional

Jamaica

Jogging Jousting Judo Jujutsu

J

amaica, one of the larger West Indies islands, is about 160 kilometers south of eastern Cuba. The capital city, Kingston, is located on its southeast coast. The national population in 2002 was 2,621,000. With its prior status as a British colony (it gained independence in 1962) and its current membership in the British Commonwealth, Jamaica has developed a sport tradition that reflects that of Great Britain.

History The indigenous Taino people of Jamaica and neighboring islands played a bat and ball game known as batos. In colonial Jamaica soccer and cricket were popular with white planters and city dwellers who organized private clubs and match play. Later, soccer and cricket became popular sports for all segments of society.

Participant and Spectator Sports Participant sports in Jamaica include soccer, cricket, table tennis, netball, tennis, golf, swimming, and deepsea fishing. Jamaican soccer teams have participated in international competitions since the early twentieth century, and the Reggae Boyz soccer team has achieved international recognition in recent years. Jamaican sport took a twist with the entry of a bobsled team in the 1998 Winter Olympics. Jamaica claims more success per capita in international track and field than any other country in the world; many of its athletes honed

J their skills while attending universities in the United States.

cent of total medals (Jamaica is in seventh place in both categories).

CENTRAL AMERICAN AND CARIBBEAN GAMES

PAN AMERICAN GAMES

Beginning with thirty-five athletes in the second Games in 1930, Jamaica has participated in all but one (1935) Central American and Caribbean Games. Kingston hosted the 1962 Games. In 1930 a Jamaican man won the silver medal in high jump, and since then Jamaican athletes have competed in track and field events, men’s and women’s badminton, baseball, boxing, cycling, men’s and women’s field hockey, weightlifting, water polo, swimming, tennis, table tennis, women’s softball, men’s volleyball, shooting, soccer, and yachting. For most editions of the Central American and Caribbean Games, Jamaica has sponsored from thirty to seventy male and female athletes, but as host country in 1962, one hundred fifty-eight men and twenty women participated. Jamaicans have won medals in all sports they entered except for baseball, men’s field hockey, men’s volleyball, and soccer. Through 1990, most medals have been in men’s and women’s track and field (forty gold, thirty-two silver, and eighteen bronze), boxing (three gold, four silver, and six bronze), and weightlifting (two gold, seven silver, and three bronze). Jamaicans have also won gold medals in tennis, women’s field hockey, cycling, shooting, water polo, and yachting. Through 1986, Jamaicans held the men’s 400-meter record and a tie for the women’s 80-meter hurdles record, two cycling records, and 3 percent of gold and 3 per-

Jamaica has participated in all Pan American Games since the first Games in 1951 in which Herb McKenley won bronze medals in the 100-meter, 200-meter, and 400-meter events. Through the 1999 Games, Jamaicans had competed in men’s track and field (winning nine gold, twelve silver, and fifteen bronze medals), women’s track and field (winning four gold, five silver, and fourteen bronze medals), boxing (winning two silver and seven bronze medals), cycling (winning one silver and two bronze medals), weightlifting (winning one silver and eight bronze medals), water polo (winning one silver medal), yachting (winning one bronze medal), shooting, men’s field hockey, women’s field hockey, men’s soccer, men’s swimming, women’s swimming (winning three silver medals), men’s badminton (winning one bronze medal), and mixed badminton (winning one bronze medal). Outstanding performances include winning all three medals in the men’s 400-meter event and gold in the 4 ✕ 400-meter event in Chicago in 1959, Donald Quarrie’s 100-meter and 200-meter gold medals and the gold medal in the women’s 400-meter event in 1971. Also outstanding were the winning of gold medals in the men’s 110-meter and 400-meter hurdles in 1987, in the women’s 4 ✕ 100-meter event and the long jump in 1991, and in the men’s 400-meter and 4 ✕ 400-meter events in 1999. In 2003 Jamaica won five gold, two

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Jamaica Key Events in Jamaica Sports History 1930 Jamaica participates in the first Central American and Caribbean Games. 1934 Jamaica participates in the Commonwealth Games for the first time. 1936 The National Olympic Committee is formed. 1948 Jamaica competes in the Olympics for the first time. 1951 Jamaica participates in the first Pan American Games. 1962 Jamaica hosts the Central American and Caribbean Games. 1966 Jamaica hosts the Commonwealth Games. 1966 The Women’s Cricket Association is founded. 1970s Jamaica is established as a major force in international track. 1980 Sprinter Merlene Ottey competes in her first of six Olympics for Jamaica. 1998 Jamaica enters a bobsled team in the Winter Olympics.

silver, and six bronze medals (putting the country in tenth place overall in gold medals and in total medals).

COMMONWEALTH GAMES Jamaica has taken part in thirteen Commonwealth Games (first called British Empire Games), from the 1934 Games held in London through the 2002 Games, and Kingston hosted the Games in 1966. Powerhouses in track and field, Jamaicans enjoyed medal success in all the Games they entered. Overall, the country has won a total of eighty-three medals (thirty gold) across seven sports disciplines, including athletics, swimming, boxing, cycling, netball, shooting, and weightlifting.

The 2002 Games produced a record total of seventeen medals for Jamaica, including four gold. Commonwealth Games records held by Jamaicans include the women’s 100-meter hurdles and the 200-meter and 400-meter events, and the men’s 120-yard hurdles, the 400-meter event, and the 4 ✕ 400-meter relay.

OLYMPIC GAMES Jamaica first participated in the Olympic Games with nine men and four women in 1948. Arthur Wint and Herb McKenley won first and second place, respectively, in the 400-meter event, and Wint won second place in the 800-meter event. Since then, the country has sent mainly track and field athletes every year to the Games (it did not send any athletes to Rome in 1960). In 1952, McKenley won silver medals in the 100-meter and 400-meter events, Wint won the silver medal in the 800-meter event, and George Rhoden won the gold medal in the 400-meter event; the Jamaican team (McKenley, Leslie Laing, Rhoden, and Wint) won the 4 ✕ 400meter event. L. Miller won the silver medal in the 100-meter event in 1968 and the bronze medal in 1972. Four years later Donald Quarrie won the silver medal in the 100-meter event and the gold medal in the 200-meter event; in 1980 he won the bronze medal in the 100-meter event. Merlene Ottey won the bronze medal in the women’s 200-meter event in 1980. In 1984 Jamaican men won the silver medal in the 4 ✕ 100-meter event, and Ottey won the bronze medal in the women’s 100-meter and 200-meter events. Jamaican medals in 1988 included silver in the men’s 4 ✕ 400-meter relay and Grace Jackson’s silver in the 200-meter event. In 1992 Jamaicans won silver medals in the women’s 100-meter and 200meter events (Juliet Cuthbert won both), the bronze medal in the women’s 200-meter event (Ottey), and the silver medal in the men’s 400-meter hurdles. In the 1996 Olympics, Jamaican men won the silver medal in the long jump and the bronze medal in the 4 ✕ 400-meter event; Deon Hemmings won gold in the women’s 400-meter hurdles and Ottey won silver in the

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Jamaica Olympics Results 2004 Summer Olympics: 2 Gold, 1 Silver, 2 Bronze

women’s 100-meter and 200-meter events; women also won bronze in the 4 ✕ 100-meter event. Medals won in 2000 include the bronze in the men’s 400-meter and 4 ✕ 400-meter events; silver in the women’s 400-meter, 4 ✕ 100-meter, 4 ✕ 400-meter, and 400-meter hurdles (Hemming), and bronze in the women’s 100-meter event. In 2004, Jamaicans participated in several track events and won gold in the women’s 200-meter event (Veronica Campbell) and the women’s 4 ✕ 100-meter event, silver in the men’s 400-meter hurdles, and bronze in the women’s 100-meter (Campbell) and 4 ✕ 400meter events. The nation tied for thirty-fourth overall in gold and for thirty-seventh overall in total medals; it was seventh in gold and tied for fifth place in total track and field medals. Jamaica’s Prime Minister planned to offer financial incentives to winners of Olympic medals in 2004.

Professional Sport Jamaican cricket includes professional players. Black cricketers became increasingly prominent in the sport during the twentieth century. Many Jamaicans have participated on West Indies teams in international competitions. Jamaica’s best-known cricket ground is Sabina Park in Kingston.

Women and Sport Track athlete Merlene Ottey has won more Olympic and International Amateur Athletic Association medals than any other Jamaican. Through 2000 she had participated in six Olympic Games. In 1966 Jamaican women established a Women’s Cricket Association and were soon playing international matches. The Caribbean Women’s Cricket Federation was formed in 1975, and Jamaican women played on the first West Indies team the following year.

Youth Sports There are national Boys and Girls Championships for high school students. The Penn Relays High School

Division, established in 1895 in the United States, has included many winners from Jamaica.

Organizations The Ministry of Local Government, Community Development and Sports, the Institute of Sport, and the National Council on Sports, chaired by the Prime Minister, are the main government entities responsible for sport. The National Olympic Committee, which was established in 1936 and formally recognized by the International Olympic Committee in 1962, oversees Jamaican participation in Olympic-type international competitions. The Jamaica Football Federation governs soccer competitions.

The Future A 2004 ministerial speech stated that “the endeavors of sport will be oriented to goals of both social and economic development.” Jamaica’s government thus favors the strong future development of several sport disciplines, such as track and field, soccer, swimming, badminton, and netball. Richard V. McGehee

Further Reading Anderson, B. J. (1990). Sport, play, and gender-based success in Jamaica. Arena Review, 14(1), 59–67. Beckles, H. M., & Stoddart, B. (Eds.). (1995). Liberation cricket: West Indies cricket culture. Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press. Carnegie, J. (1993). Norman Manley: Sporting hero and more. Jamaica Journal, 25(1), 38–43. Sankar, C. (1998). The Reggae Boyz. Americas, 50(3), 40.

Japan

M

ade up of a number of islands, Japan is located off the east coasts of Russia, Korea, and China, with a population of 128.1 million (2005). Japan’s blend of the traditional and the modern has influenced

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Japan Key Events in Japan Sports History 821 CE Sumo tournaments are sponsored by the imperial court. 1868– Many Western sports are introduced during 1912 the Meiji period. 1872

Sports are added to the school curriculum as part of the Education Order of 1872.

1922

The first Women’s Federal Athletic Meeting for Women’s Higher Normal Schools is held.

1924

The Japan Association of Women’s Physical Education is formed.

1925

The Ski Association of Japan is formed.

1874

The first track and field meet is held in Tokyo.

1925

The sumo association Dainihon Sumo Kyokai is established.

1878

The first formal Japanese baseball team is formed.

1926

The Japan Women’s Sport Federation is founded.

1878

The Taisodensyujo, the training institute for gymnastics, is established.

1949

The All Nippon Kyudo (archery) Federation is formed.

1882

A standard system for judo is established.

1964

The Summer Olympics are held in Tokyo.

1895

Greater Japan Society of Martial Virtue is founded.

1972

The Winter Olympics are held in Sapporo.

1991

1911

The Japan Amateur Sports Association is formed.

The Japan Professional Soccer League is formed.

1998

1921

The Japan Football Association is established.

Japanese Association for Women in Sport is formed.

1998

The Winter Olympics are held in Nagano.

its people’s participation in traditional martial arts (budo) and in modern sports. Japanese participation in modern sports began during the last quarter of the nineteenth century, although not many women participated at first. Later, however, both men and women participated, especially after World War II. Professional spectator sports also draw large crowds to stadiums in Japan. The Japanese have been successful in many international sports and hosted the Summer Olympics at Tokyo (its capital) in 1964 and the Winter Olympics in Sapporo in 1972 and Nagano in 1998.

History Foreign teachers, residents, and servicemen and Japanese intellectuals returning from study abroad introduced most Western sports to Japan during the Meiji period (1868–1912). The modern education system also was important in the development of Japanese sports. The formal Japanese education system was established by

the Education Order of 1872, and since then most sports in Japan have been developed at all levels of the education system.

BASEBALL One of the modern sports that the Japanese became enthusiastic about during the early stages of the Meiji period was baseball (yakyu). In 1873 Horace Wilson, a U.S. teacher, introduced baseball at Kaisei Gakko (Tokyo University). Five years later Hiroshi Hiraoka, an engineer returning from Boston, assembled the first regular baseball team from members of the Shinbashi Athletic Club, formed for personnel of the Shinbashi Railroad. Soon after, several college baseball teams were formed in Tokyo. Yakyu, however, was soon modified according to the Japanese way of playing team sports, which required a traditional ethos (distinguishing character, sentiment, moral nature, or guiding beliefs) of

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An ancient Japanese football game.

harsh training and self-sacrifice. After World War II professional baseball developed to the extent that it may be thought of as the national sport. Shigeo Nagashima is a national hero, and Sadaharu Oh, who is believed to have held the world record of 868 home runs, was awarded “the national honor prize.” In recent years Hideo Nomo (1995 rookie of the year from the Los Angeles Dodgers in U.S. Major League Baseball), Kazuhiro Sasaki (2000 rookie of the year from the Seattle Mariners), Ichiro Suzuki (2001 rookie of the year and Most Valuable Player from the Seattle Mariners), Hideki Matsui of the New York Yankees, and others have played as professionals in the United States.

GYMNASTICS In 1878 the Japanese Ministry of Education established Taisodensyujo, the training institute for gymnastics. Dr. George Adams Leland (1850–1924), a U.S. citizen and medical doctor who graduated from Amherst College and studied medicine at Harvard University, taught gymnastics there to teachers selected from all over the country. Gymnastics taught at the institute seemed to have been influenced by Dio Lewis (1823–1886), who initiated the “new gymnastics” in U.S. physical education. More than 250 teachers finished the training course and diffused Western-style gymnastics to the local areas of Japan by the time the institute closed in 1886. During the Taisho period (1912–1926) Swedish gymnastics and games became widely practiced in most schools.

TENNIS AND SOFT TENNIS Dr. Leland also taught tennis using rackets and balls imported from the United States. Sometime before 1909 a tennis club had been established at Doshisha University in Kyoto, and in 1913 Keio University in Tokyo began to use the standard ball and to follow international rules. Many other colleges followed suit. However, a type of tennis that uses a softer rubber ball also

became popular. Because an imported standard ball was expensive, Gendo Tsuboi (1852–1922), a teacher at Tokyo Higher Normal School, ordered a rubber company to produce a softer rubber ball for tennis in 1890. Tennis using the softer ball has developed and spread from Japan to other countries such as South Korea, the Philippines, Taiwan, Venezuela, Brazil, Hong Kong, Zaire, and the United States (Hawaii).

SKIING After 199 Japanese infantrymen were lost on snowcovered Mount Hakkoda in Aomori Prefecture (district) in 1902 the Japanese army began to consider the need for skiing skills. Theodor Von Lerch (1869–1945), an Austrian general, introduced skiing to the Japanese army at Takada in Niigata Prefecture in 1911 and taught skiing to civilians, too. The inhabitants of Takada soon formed a ski club. The Ski Association of Japan (SAJ) was formed in 1925 and joined the Federation Internationale de Ski (FIS) in 1926. Alpine skiing and Norwegian skiing were introduced, and skiing developed as one of the major winter sports in Japan.

ATHLETICS (TRACK AND FIELD) Athletics (track and field) was introduced by Frederick William Strange (1853–1889), an English teacher at the Tokyo Daigaku Yobimon (an institution attached to the present Tokyo University). He also published Outdoor

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School Gymnastics by Chikanobu Yoshu, 1886.

Games in 1883. This book, written in English, included explanations of children’s games, hockey, football, lawn tennis, cricket, baseball, and track and field events such as races, high jump, long jump, hammer throw, and hurdles. An athletic meet was held at Tokyo University in 1883 when Strange’s Outdoor Games was published. Track and field events had been introduced to Japan by the 1870s from England and the United States. The first meet had been held in 1874 at the Tsukiji Naval Academy in Tokyo.

ROWING Foreigners living in Yokohama were participating in rowing by 1867 and formed the Yokohama Rowing Club during the early Meiji period. However, organized races were developed by the reinforcement of naval forces and Strange’s coaching at Tokyo University. A boat club formed there was modeled on those at Oxford and Cambridge Universities. The club’s team raced

against the foreigners of a sport’s club called the Yokohama Athletic Club in 1885. The fixed match between the teams of Waseda University and Keio University began in 1905.

ASSOCIATION FOOTBALL (SOCCER) Association football (soccer) was introduced in 1873 when Archibald Lucius Douglas, an English lieutenant commander, came to Tsukiji Naval Academy and taught students soccer with thirty-three officers of his subordinates. Rammel Jones, an English engineer teaching at the Kogakuryo School of Engineering (Faculty of Engineering, Tokyo University), introduced his students to soccer about 1873 or 1874. However, more than twenty years passed before people established a system for clubs, diffused the rules, and formed a Japanese association. On 4 October 1903, the Shukyu (Football) Club of Tokyo Higher Normal School published a book entitled

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A thousand days of training to develop, ten thousand days of training to polish. ■ MIYAMOTO MUSASHI

Association Football in Japanese (revised in 1908), and a match was held between the Shukyu Club and YCAC, the foreigners’ soccer club in Yokohama, in February 1904. Not until 1907 did the Japanese teams (the Shukyu Club of Tokyo Higher Normal School and the club of Aoyama Normal School) meet. The national federation (Dainihon Shukyu Kyokai, the present Japan Football Association) was formed in 1921. The federation was admitted into the Federation Internationale de Football Association (FIFA—the world governing body of soccer) in 1929.

BASKETBALL

E. B. Clark of Keio University, an English teacher who was born in Yokohama and studied at Cambridge University, introduced rugby in 1899. Ginnosuke Tanaka, a Japanese student, returned from Cambridge and cooperated with Clark in his teaching of rugby. Ten years later Keio University published the first book on rugby. In 1910 a rugby team was formed at Daisankotogakko (Kyoto University) in Kyoto, and Doshisha University in Kyoto followed suit the next year. Keio University, Daisankotogakko, and Doshisha University held rugby matches in 1911. These matches became annual events and became the first national meetings for the championship of rugby, sponsored by the Osaka Mainichi newspaper company in 1918. On 30 November 1926, the governing body, the Japan Rugby Football Union, was established.

Basketball is one of the sports that the Young Men’s Christian Association (YMCA) helped to diffuse in Asia. In 1908 Hyozo Omori (1876–1913), a graduate of the YMCA Training School (Springfield College) in Massachusetts, returned to Tokyo and taught basketball at the Tokyo YMCA. He also taught in the Japan Women’s University and trained Japanese athletes for the 1912 Olympic Games in Stockholm, Sweden, but died on the way home from this tour. The next year a Japanese teacher of English who had graduated from Wisconsin University introduced basketball at a secondary school in Kyoto in 1913. In 1911 a graduate of the YMCA Training School became an executive director of Kobe’s YMCA. In 1913 the popularization of basketball in Kobe was reinforced by Franklin H. Brown, who had graduated from the YMCA George Williams College in Chicago, and the Japanese YMCA invited him to train the directors of physical education. Brown taught in Kyoto, Kobe, and Tokyo. Kyoto YMCA beat Kobe YMCA in the finals and participated in the third Far Eastern Games held in Tokyo in 1917. In the same year a modern gymnasium was constructed by Tokyo YMCA. Brown’s instruction there made Tokyo YMCA’s basketball teams superior to others. Students trained at the YMCA gradually formed teams at colleges during the 1920s, and the University Association was formed in Tokyo in 1923. College games thrived during the 1930s.

BADMINTON

VOLLEYBALL

The traditional shuttlecock game called “battledore and shuttlecock,” brought by the Dutch, had been played in Japan as early as the eighteenth century. The Japanese played modern badminton at least by 1918. In that year rackets were produced in Niigata Prefecture. Members of YCAC were playing badminton as a winter sport by the 1930s. The clubs in Kanagawa stimulated the establishment of the Kanagawa Prefecture Badminton Association in 1939. In 1947 the Nippon (Japanese) Badminton Association was set up, and all-Japan championship matches began in 1948.

Hyozo Omori also brought volleyball from the YMCA Training School in 1913. However, volleyball was not popularized so quickly. A Japanese team participated in an international volleyball tournament and competed with teams from China and the Philippines at the third Far Eastern Games. However, the Japanese team was composed of soccer players, track and field athletes, and so forth. A national association was formed in 1927 and unified local organizations. Afterward matches gradually developed to the international level.

RUGBY

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Winning is a habit. Unfortunately, so is losing ■ VINCE LOMBARDI

Modernized Indigenous Martial Arts People in Japan practice many modernized indigenous martial arts, including judo, kendo, and kyudo.

JUDO Judo is classified among the budo, the Japanese traditional martial arts. Its development, however, took place after the Meiji period (1868–1912). Kodokan judo was developed by Jigoro Kano (1860–1938). A kodokan is the gymnasium and school for judo. Kano improved jujutsu, one of the ancient martial arts techniques, and invented the rational system of judo in 1882. He devised a system of training, fostered many disciples, and established a free style of judo. With judo a smaller person can overcome a larger person by scientifically designed techniques. However, Kano’s system is based not only on rationalization but also on ethical values and spiritual discipline.

the bushi class. In 1543 the gun was introduced to Japan, and when it replaced the bow, people used kyujutsu, the preceding arts of Japanese archery, to train both mind and body. Before archers can advance with deliberate steps to the shooting line and shoot at a target, a ceremony, which is partly influenced by Zen (relating to a Japanese sect of Mahayana Buddhism) practices, is held. This ceremony is treated as part of the form, on which kyudo places much emphasis. In modern times kyudo was reorganized by the Dai Nippon Butokukai. In 1949 the All Nippon Kyudo Federation (ANKF) was formed. The role of the federation is to promote kyudo, organize national and international competitions, and assess the titles and categories of archers.

Traditional Sports Sumo wrestling and kemari (a ball game) are two important traditional sports still practiced today.

KENDO

SUMO

Kendo is derived from the Japanese traditional martial art of swordsmanship, kenjutsu, which had a long history among Japanese feudal lords. Schools of kenjutsu existed before the Edo period (1600/1603–1868), but modern kendo was developed after abolition of the bushido (relating to a feudal-military Japanese code of behavior valuing honor above life) class. Eventually the Tokyo Metropolitan Police and the Academy of Military Training helped to reorganize the different styles of swordsmanship into a standardized form. This process of standardization was reinforced by the Dai Nippon Butokukai (Greater Japan Society of Martial Virtue), established in 1895. The standard kendo kata (a set combination of positions and movements performed as an exercise), the formal attack and parrying exercise, was established by a committee of leading fencers in 1912.

Sumo is one of the popular spectator sports in Japan. Its origin is uncertain. However, from a historicalanthropological view, experts believe that it is similar to an earlier form of wrestling that existed in Asia and was performed at gala feasts to celebrate a good harvest or at funerals involving divinity. Sumo, with its traditional religious ceremony, may seem antiquated. However, it appeals to modern Japanese people who do not associate it with the original divine elements. Sumo became professional about three hundred years ago during the early Edo period. Professional sumo wrestlers are governed by the Nihon Sumo Kyokai (Japan Sumo Association), established as Dainihon Sumo Kyokai in December 1925 and mostly composed of ex-wrestlers who have competed in twenty-four tournaments in the Juryo division or in a tournament in Makuuchi. Tournaments are held every other month in four cities: January, Tokyo; March, Osaka; May, Tokyo; July, Nagoya; September, Tokyo; and November, Fukuoka. The Kokugikan (National Sport Arena) in Tokyo is to a great degree the home of professional sumo.

KYUDO Kyudo, Japanese archery, is one of the oldest sports in Japan. Japanese archery developed from ancient times through medieval aristocratic society and the culture of

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Japan The Bushido Ideal, 1899 In the Bushido ideal of woman, however, there is little mystery and only a seeming paradox. I have said that it was Amazonian, but that is only half the truth. Ideographically the Chinese represent wife by a woman holding a broom—certainly not to brandish it offensively or defensively against her conjugal ally, neither for witchcraft, but for the more harmless uses for which the besom was first invested—the idea involved being thus less homely than the etymological derivation of the English wife (weaver) and daughter (duhitar, milkmaid). Without confining the sphere of woman’s activity to Küche, Kirche, Kinder, as the present German Kaiser is said to do, the Bushido ideal of womanhood was pre-eminently domestic. These seeming contradictions—domesticity and Amazonian traits—are not inconsistent with the Precepts of Knighthood, as we shall see. Bushido being a teaching primarily intended for the masculine sex, the virtues it prized in woman were naturally far from being distinctly feminine. Winckelmann remarks that “the supreme beauty of Greek art is rather male than female,” and Lecky adds that it was true in the moral conception of their art. Bushido similarly praised those women most “who emancipated themselves from the frailty of their sex and displayed an heroic fortitude worthy of the strongest and bravest of men.” Young girls, therefore, were trained to repress their feelings, to indurate their nerves, to manipulate weapons,—especially the longhandled sword called nagi-nata, so as to be able to hold their own against unexpected odds. Yet the primary motive for exercise of this martial character was

KEMARI Kemari is a traditional ball game that has been continued by the Kemari Preservation Society. The earliest reference to people playing kemari at the imperial court dates from the mid-seventh century. However, no details of the method of play exist, and no evidence exists that

not for use in the field; it was twofold—personal and domestic. Woman owning no suzerain of their own, formed her own bodyguard. With her weapon she guarded her personal sanctity with as much zeal as her husband did his master’s. The domestic utility of her warlike training was in the education of her sons, as we shall see later. Fencing and similar exercises, if rarely of practical use, were a wholesome counterbalance to the otherwise sedentary habits of women. But these exercises were not followed only for hygienic purposes. They could be turned into use in times of need. Girls, when they reached womanhood, were presented with dirks (kai-ken, pocket poniard), which might be directed to the bosom of their assailants, or, if advisable, to their own. The latter was very often the case; and yet I will not judge them severely. Even the Christian conscience with its horror of self-immolation, will not be harsh with them, seeing Pelagia and Dominina, two suicides, were canonized for their purity and piety. When a Japanese Virginia saw her chastity menaced, she did not wait for her father’s dagger. Her own weapon lay always in her bosom. It was a disgrace to her not to know the proper way in which she had to perpetrate self-destruction. For example, little as she was taught in anatomy, she must know the exact spot to cut in her throat; she must know how to tie her lower limbs together with a belt so that, whatever the agonies of her death might be, her corpse be found in utmost modesty with the limbs properly composed. Source: Nitobe, I. (1899). Bushido: The soul of Japan.

it had the same root as the game refined after the twelfth century and enjoyed by the nobility. The game is played by four, six, or eight people who form a circle and kick a ball that must not fall to the ground. Traditionally the mariba (playground) was marked out by a willow, a cherry, a pine, and a maple tree at each of the

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Athletic Meeting of School Students in Tokyo, by the painter Ikuhide Kobayashi, 1888.

four corners, which signifies the points of the compass, which have symbolic meaning. The distance between the trees was from 6 meters to 7.5 meters, according to the Naigesanjisyo, a textbook written in 1291. Players, wearing leather shoes, kicked the mari, a deerskin ball about 20 centimeters in diameter and weighing 100 to 120 grams. Recent study reveals that kemari included rallying that was divided into stages. Each stage required a different skill. The ball was kicked up into a tree so that it could not come back into play easily.

Women and Sport Since the Education Order of 1872, most women’s sports in Japan have been developed at all levels of the education system. However, change came slowly and not without resistance. The Regulation Act for Women’s Upper Secondary Schools was enacted in 1895, and gymnastics and games were included in the curriculum

in 1903. The games included the marching game, hagoita (a traditional girls’ game played with a shuttlecock and flat boards), croquet, and lawn tennis. During the Taisho period education for women was encouraged, and women’s gymnastics and games were more widely accepted. On 27 May 1922, the first Women’s Federal Athletic Meeting for Women’s Higher Normal Schools was held at the Tokyo Women’s Higher Normal School, which was supported by the Tokyo YMCA. In 1924 the Japan Association of Women’s Physical Education was formed, followed by the Japan Women’s Sport Federation (JWSF) in 1926. This federation was to become a member of the Federation Sportive Feminine Internationale (FSFI) by 1930. In 1924 the first meeting of the Women’s Olympic Games of Japan was held in Osaka. Also held in 1924 was the Meijijingu Athletic Meeting, at which women competed in track and field, basketball, volleyball, and tennis.

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Japan Olympics Results 2002 Winter Olympics: 1 Silver, 1 Bronze 2004 Summer Olympics: 16 Gold, 9 Silver, 12 Bronze

EARLY ELITE WOMEN ATHLETES

The Future

In 1926 Kinue Hitomi (1908–1931) participated in the International Women’s Games in Goteborg, Sweden. She was the only Japanese woman at the games and the first to succeed in an international sports competition. She won gold medals in the long jump and the standing long jump and silver medals in the discus and the 100-yard sprint. In 1928 Hitomi also won a silver medal in the 800-meter race at the Olympic Games in Amsterdam, Netherlands. The swimmer Hideko Maehata (1914–1995) succeeded Hitomi as Japan’s leading woman athlete, winning Olympic silver medals in the 200-meter breaststroke in Los Angeles in 1932 and in Berlin in 1936. Because of extensive media attention, she became a celebrity.

Many amateur sports have developed in Japan (the Japan Amateur Sports Association was formed in 1911). In professional sports baseball and sumo have been two of the most popular. In 1991 the Japan Professional Soccer League was established under the chairmanship of Saburo Kawabuchi. Acquiring professional status symbolizes soccer’s substantial increase in popularity as Japan discovers the value of regional sports. Keiko Ikeda See also Japanese Martial Arts, Traditional; Sumo; Sumo Grand Tournament Series

Further Reading BUDO FOR WOMEN Kyudo and naginata (Japanese halberd—a weapon consisting typically of a battle-ax and pike mounted on a handle) were added to the physical education curriculum in women’s normal schools, upper secondary schools, and training schools, and kendo and judo were required for men in 1936.

P OSTWAR DEVELOPMENTS The Olympic Games were held in Tokyo in 1964, and by 1970 Japanese women were competing in rugby, ice hockey, bodybuilding, yacht sailing, boxing, and karate. In later years Japanese women won gold medals: Kyoko Iwasaki in the 200-meter breaststroke (Barcelona, Spain, 1992); Yoko Emoto in judo, 61 kilograms (Atlanta, Georgia, 1996); Tae Satoya in the freestyle mogul in skiing (Nagano, Japan, 1998); Ryoko Tamura in judo, 48 kilograms, and Naoko Takahashi in the marathon (Sydney, Australia, in 2000).

ORGANIZATION OF GENDER AND SPORT The Japanese Association for Women in Sport was formed in 1998, and in 2001 the first Asian Conference on Women and Sport was held in Osaka. In the academic area the Japan Society for Sport and Gender Studies (JSSGS) was established in 2002.

Abe, I., & Mangan, J. A. (2002). “Sportsmanship” English inspiration and Japanese response: F. W. Strange & Chiyosaburo Takeda. The International Journal of the History of Sport, 19(2–3), 99–128. Encyclopedia of Japan. (1983). Encyclopedia of Japan. Tokyo: Author. Kodansha Publishing. Guttmann, A. (1994). Games and empires: Modern sports and cultural imperialism. New York: Columbia University Press. Guttmann, A., & Thompson, L. (2001). Japanese sports: A history. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. Hitomi, K. (1929). Supaiku-no-ato [The traces of her spikes]. Tokyo: Heibonsha. Imamura,Y. (1968). Lirando-hakase [Dr. Leland]. Tokyo: Fumaido Publishing. Imamura, Y. (1970). Nihon-taiikushi [The history of Japanese physical education]. Tokyo: Fumaido Publishing. Kaminuma, H. (1959). Kindai-nihon-joshi-taiikushi-josetu [Introduction to the Japanese history of women’s physical education]. Tokyo: Fumaido Publishing. Kinoshita, H. (1970). Supotsu-no-kindai-nihonshi [The modern Japanese history of sports]. Tokyo: Kyorin-Shoin Publisher. Kishino, Y. (Ed.). (1973). Kindai-Taiiku-Supotsu-Nenpyo [The chronology of modern physical education and sports].Tokyo: Taishukan Publishing. Kishino,Y. (Ed.). (1987). Encyclopedia of sports. Tokyo: Taishukan Publishing. Koshimizu, H. (Ed.). (1981). Kindai-nihon-joshi-taiikushi [Modern Japanese history of women’s physical education]. Tokyo: Sports and Physical Education Publishing. Nihon-shukyu-kyokai. (Ed.). (1974). The progress of soccer in Japan. Tokyo: Kodansha. Nose, S. (1965). Meiji-taiikushi-no-kenkyu [The study for the history of physical education in the Meiji era] (Vol. 37). Tokyo: Shoyo Shoin. Obayashi, T., Kishino, Y., Sogawa, T., & Yamashita, S. (Eds.). (1998). Encyclopedia of ethnic play and games. Tokyo: Taishukan Publishing. Raita, K. (1999). The movement for the promotion of competitive women’s sport in Japan, 1924–35. The International Journal of the History of Sport, 16(3), 120–134.

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Kyudo, naginata, and iaido all have their origins as battlefield or combat weapons techniques.

was one of the original primary skills of the early Japanese warrior. Battlefield archery was strategically important from the perhaps the tenth century until the introduction of firearms in 1543. By the beginning of the Tokugawa era (1600–1868), archery, always popular for hunting, became primarily a gambling sport, with wagers being made on accurately shooting numbers of arrows at targets set at distances. This sporting aspect of Japanese archery paralleled, but did not necessarily contradict, its development as a practice undertaken for self-improvement, an idea that had its roots in ancient China. These parallel interests continued until the beginning of the twentieth century, when teachers promoted kyudo as good exercise, particularly for women. At the end of World War II, all martial arts practices were banned by the U.S. occupation. However, kyudo was allowed to resume in 1949, in advance of other martial practices, apparently because of the enthusiasm for archery expressed by some the members of the U.S. armed forces. Today, kyudo is practiced as a competitive, targetshooting sport by both men and women under the auspices of the All-Japan Kyudo Federation and its international affiliates, while archers (called kyudoka) also pursue the more martial and spiritual aspects through the study of koryu, or “old school” practices.

KYUDO

NAGINATADO

It is unclear when the first bows arrived in Japan, whether they were introduced from China, made by indigenous people, or possibly both. Evidence of recurved, composite Japanese bows dates to the Jomon culture (10,000 to 250 BCE). Longer bows appeared about 1,000 years ago. It is clear, however, that the yumi, or Japanese longbow, is unique in design, with no equivalent to be found elsewhere in the world. The contemporary Japanese longbow is a recurved design made from a laminate of bamboo and other materials. Its unique characteristics include its length (seven feet long or longer) and that the grip is set in the lower half of the bow, rather than in the center as with most other bows. Archery, along with horsemanship and use of the spear,

Perhaps no other martial art has as varied a history as naginata (also known as naginatado). The naginata is a long pole, usually oval-shaped, with a long, curved blade attached to the end. Though some martial arts lore has referred to the naginata as a “broken sword,” naginata blades were specially, and individually, made. The length of the pole and blade varied according to use. Overall length could be eight feet or longer (a sixfoot pole topped by a two-foot blade was one of many variations). The earliest naginata were battlefield weapons wielded in sweeping arcs by foot soldiers. The technique was intended to cut the legs from under a galloping horse in order to fell the rider, who could then be finished off by other means.

Strange, F. W. (1883). Outdoor games. Tokyo: Z. P. Maruya. Watanabe, T. (1990). A study on kakari-no-ki’s from a viewpoint of sport history: Based on three secret books on shukiku in the Middle Ages. Japanese Journal of Sport History, 3, 1–13. Yamamoto, T. (2004). Kemari—A traditional sports culture in Japan. In G. Pfister (Ed.), Games of the past—Sports for the future?: Globalisation, diversification, transformation (pp. 74–78). Sankt Augustin, Germany: Academia Verlag.

Japanese Martial Arts, Traditional

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f the many Japanese martial arts, three continue to stand out today for their long, rich history. They are kyudo (longbow archery), naginatado (halberd), and iaido (drawing the long sword). In the twentieth century, sport styles of these traditional forms have developed, though the old styles—koryu—continue to be practiced. For many years, kyudo, naginatado, and iaido were rarely seen outside Japan; today, people practice them throughout the world.

History of the Traditional Arts

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Many groups who practice iaido also practice partner forms (kenjutsu or kumitachi). Source: Deborah Klens-Bigman.

At the end of the Warring States Period (c. 1467–1568), a smaller, lighter version of the naginata became a primary weapon of women of the samurai class. Women practiced for health and stamina and also to defend their homes and personal honor when necessary. At this point the blades and poles became shorter, perhaps to an overall length of seven feet. The weapons were also made more beautiful, with fancy inlays and patterns on the blades. A naginata was included in a samurai woman’s dowry, and she was expected to understand its use. Koryu styles emphasize a naginata in combat against a sword. The practitioner (called a naginataka) has the advantage of length and leverage over the swordsman. Many of the kata (forms) in these styles end with the naginataka eviscerating the swordsman with the hooked end of the blade. Atarashii (“New”) Naginata developed as a sport form in the 1950s, one primarily practiced by women. The sharp steel blade was replaced by a pair of curved bamboo staves, with protective armor similar to kendo gear worn for competitive practice. Today the All-Japan Naginata Federation and its international affiliates regulate matches for women (and, increasingly, men) around the world. Like kyudo, many groups also practice koryu styles, such as Tendo ryu (founded in the 1560s) and Jikishinkage ryu (developed in the 1860s). In contemporary practice, a one-piece combined shaft and blade of white oak has replaced the deadly steel blade and wooden shaft.

IAIDO The earliest swords found in Japan were straight-bladed examples originally from China. Like the yumi, the Japanese long sword evolved in a way unknown elsewhere, a product of differential tempering that allows for a curve along the back, a flexible center, and a sharp,

hard edge. Though Japanese swords were worn on the battlefield, using them there was considered a tactic of last resort. Swordsmanship did not become prominent until the establishment of peace under the Tokugawa shoguns, beginning in 1600. Swords retained their curve, but became somewhat shorter, easier to use while walking. Swords were both a badge of honor for the samurai class and a way of keeping order and settling disputes. At around the same time, however, Hayashizake Jinsuke Shigenobu (c. 1546–1621) conceived that swordsmanship could be practiced for spiritual selfimprovement, and the idea for iaido was born. Hayashizake’s school and its many descendants developed and practiced swordsmanship consisting of kata that began and ended with the sword seated in its sheath, as opposed to person-to person combat with swords already drawn (kenjutsu). Though hundreds of styles of iaido have been lost over time, many styles survive as new ones have evolved. The word iaido was first used to describe the art form in 1932. Modern iaido consists primarily of solo forms performed with either a real sword (a shinken or katana) or an alloy blade specifically designed for practice (iaito). The basic pattern of movement is to simultaneously draw and cut an opponent, often, but not always, in reaction to a threat. The initial cut is followed by a larger, finishing cut. The sword is then ritually cleaned and returned to its sheath. Many schools also include partner forms, using wooden swords. Though modern

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A group of kyudoka perform a kata together.

iaido is not a competitive or sporting style of martial arts, internationally recognized ranking is offered through the All-Japan Kendo (Fencing) Association and its affiliates worldwide, while independent schools have their own ranking systems. An iaidoka may enter a mixed martial arts tournament in the kata competition, and competitions among iaidoka in kata have taken place. There are also related competitions in cutting straw or bamboo targets, using real katana or Chinesemade katana-style swords.

Practicing the Traditional Arts Basic dress for kyudo, naginata, and iaido is the same: a loose-fitting jacket (keikogi), pleated, wide-legged trousers (hakama), and a belt (obi). The colors and details of this basic outfit vary somewhat depending on the discipline and the style being studied. Kyudo, naginata, and iaido are all practiced right-handed, regardless of whether the participant is actually right-handed or left-handed. The rules for men and women are the same. While the goal of iaido remains self-improvement and it is essentially noncompetitive except for individual kata competition, both kyudo and naginata have sporting aspects. Kyudo competitions consist of shooting a certain number of arrows with the goal of striking the center of the target. In the old days, competitions were often de-

fined by who could fire the most arrows accurately at a target in a specified length of time, or how fast an archer could accurately fire a set number of arrows. Due to the growth of kyudo internationally, the rules for competition are not currently standardized, and there is an effort underway by the All-Japan Kyudo Federation to determine the number of shots and type of scoring needed to clarify international competition. In addition to the basic outfit described earlier, the kyudoka wears a reinforced glove, generally made of soft deerskin, on the right hand. A groove in the glove allows the kyudoka to pull the string of the bow. The kyudoka also wears white tabi, traditional Japanese socks. Women often wear a flexible fabric or leather chest protector. Some styles also wear a glove on the left hand. There is no other protective equipment. Kyudoka practice technique at close range, using straw-stuffed bags set about a bow’s length away from the archer. Ranges (azuchi) are long, narrow corridors set at 26 meters, with small, paper targets set at the end, backed with hay bales. The targets are roofed over to protect them from the weather. While many kyudoka use traditional laminate bows, fiberglass bows are also being used. The strings can be made of a variety of materials; they are reinforced offcenter, where the arrows are nocked to take the extra wear. Arrows have shafts made of traditional bamboo or aluminum. The tips are made of steel and are bullet-shaped for hitting the straw target. Arrows used for close-in target practice have no fletches (feathers), but arrows for distance shooting have them. (Turkey feathers are currently popular.) The pull strength of bows can be as low as 6 kilograms to accommodate beginners. The length of arrows is determined by the archer’s arm length. The archer shoots two arrows per round.

JAPANESE MARTIAL ARTS, TRADITIONAL

Iaido is philosophy.

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Koryu kyudo consists of kata according to whatever art schools, such as Kashima Shinto ryu also practice old style is being practiced. Heki ryu, Honda ryu, and naginata techniques. Ogasawara ryu are the most common styles. It is said Iaido also consists only of forms. Most of the forms in particular that Heki ryu retains some of the old comare for a solo practitioner, owing to the danger of pracbative sense of being a martial art, rather than a targetticing person to person with a sword; however, most shooting sport. Competitive kyudo consists of standard styles also have partner forms, which are practiced kata established by the Kyudo Federation, which is pracwith wooden swords only. There is no “freestyle” aspect ticed all over the world. The archer shoots two arrows to iaido practice. Forms often consist of three levels: per round in most kata, and also in competition. the shoden (beginner), the chuden (middle), and the In Atarashii Naginata both players wield naginata. okuden (advanced). The iaidoka wears the basic outfit The targets and scoring are similar to kendo. The head, described earlier; kneepads are also recommended. No forearms, and body above the waist are targets, along other protective gear is worn. Most beginners start with a straight hit to the throat. In addition Atarashii with a wooden sword, progressing to an iaito after a Naginata recognizes the shins as a target. Each of these few months. Senior practitioners who can afford them targets is worth one point. Matches are timed, and the may opt for a real sword, either a Japanese katana or naginataka who gets three hits on an opponent is the a Chinese-made blade, when their teacher determines winner. The naginataka must also call out the strike as they are ready. The All-Japan Kendo Federation, howit is being made in order for the score to be legitimate. ever, stresses that only iaito may be used for official The Atarashii Naginata player wears body armor simigrading sessions. lar to that used in kendo: a helmet, breastplate, padded Rankings for kyudo, naginatado, and iaido follow gloves, padded protection for the lower torso, with the the kyu-dan system: Players begin at kyu level (often addition of shin guards. Atarashii Naginata is equated with colored belts) and advance to always practiced barefoot. dan (black belt) level. In dojo where Koryu styles of naginatado are koryu is practiced exclusively, the not practiced for competition, teacher may issue certificates of though they may be demonexpertise (menkyo) instead. strated as a point of interest Progress is slow; it may take during an Atarashii Nagias long as 15–20 years benata tournament. Koryu fore a practitioner achieves naginatado consists enthe status of teacher (usutirely of forms, with the ally fifth or sixth dan). naginata pitted against a The general consensus is sword (the naginata side that practice improves always wins). Since there is with age. It is not unusual no “freestyle” aspect to to find seventy- and even koryu naginatado, proteceighty-year-olds practicing tive armor is not worn. all the above styles. Tendo ryu and Jikishinkage Iaido, kyudo, and naginatado appeal to nearly all age ryu are the best known koryu groups and to both sexes. Midnaginatado styles, though some men practice wrestling. Japanese dle school or even elementary more comprehensive old martial

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school students may start naginatado. High school kyudo teams are increasingly popular in Japan. Iaido generally appeals to people less interested in sporting competition.

walks of life. The meditative and spiritual aspects of practicing these art forms provide a deep sense of satisfaction that goes beyond the excitement of competition, toward a deeper understanding of oneself and the world.

Competition at the Top Neither kyudo, naginatado, nor iaido are Olympic sports. Elite competition consists of championship competitions among practitioners who have worked their way up through prior tournaments. Kyudo and Atarashii Naginata have regional and world champion competitions. Kata competitions in iaido have likewise been held at the regional and international level, though much of the emphasis at iaido gatherings is placed on learning new material and kyu-dan ranking examinations. Though there are modern sport aspects to kyudo and naginatado, their structure, along with that of iaido, is basically hierarchical. Koryu styles follow the headmaster (soke) system, in which one individual has inherited the right to teach the style. In some iaido systems, there is no soke, so major teachers are the leaders of the style. Shibata Kanjuro XXI is the current head of the Heki ryu Bishi Chikuren ha, a koryu style of kyudo. Mitamura Takeko is headmistress of Tendo ryu naginata. Mitsuzuka Takeshi is a major teacher of Muso Shinden ryu iaido. Though the most senior teachers are still only to be found in Japan, there are now wellqualified teachers elsewhere as well.

Martial Arts Governing Bodies Many iaido dojo are affiliated either with the All-Japan Kendo Federation (www.kendo.or.jp) through its many international branches, or, less commonly, with the All-Japan Iaido Federation. Kyudo is governed by the All-Japan Kyudo Federation (www.kyudo.com), and naginatado by the All-Japan Naginata Federation (www. naginata.org). Individual koryu dojo also exist, especially for kyudo and iaido styles, some of these dojo are quite large and have their own governing bodies. Kyudo, naginatado, and iaido all provide exercise and enjoyment for people of all ages and from many

Deborah Klens-Bigman

Further Reading Amdur, E. (2002). Women warriors of Japan: The role of arms-bearing women in Japanese history. Retrieved May 14, 2004, from http:// www.koryubooks.com/library. DeProspero, D., & DeProspero, J. (1996). Illuminated spirit: Conversations with a kyudo master. Tokyo: Kodansha International. Draeger, D. F., & Smith, R. W. (1980). Comprehensive Asian fighting arts. Tokyo: Kodansha International. Hurst, G. (1998). Armed martial arts of Japan: Swordsmanship and archery. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Kapp, L., Kapp, H., & Yoshihara, Y. (1987). The craft of the Japanese sword. Tokyo: Kodansha International. Kent, S. (1996). Southern California Naginata Federation. Retrieved May 14, 2004, from http://www.scnf.org. Klens-Bigman, D. (2001). My heart is the target: An interview with archer Shibata Kanjuro. Journal of Asian Martial Arts, 10(1), 75–83. Onuma, H., DeProspero, D., & DeProspero, J. (1993). Kyudo: The essence and practice of Japanese archery. Tokyo: Kodansha International. Sato, H. (1995). Legends of the samurai. Woodstock, NY: Overlook Press. Warner, G., & Draeger, D. F. (1982). Japanese swordsmanship: Technique and practice. Tokyo: Weatherhill.

Jogging

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o consensus exists on the precise sporting definition of the term “jogging” as a mode of human ambulation and exercise, but most discussions in a sports context hinge on intent and practice more than on the specific biomechanics of the activity. Literal dictionary definitions emphasize speed and character—as Merriam-Webster’s online puts it, to jog is “to run . . . at a slow trot” and “to go at a slow, leisurely, or monotonous pace.” Colloquially, jogging may be seen as a slower form of running—both running and jogging being distinguished from walking in that both feet are

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My doctor recently told me that jogging could add years to my life. I think he was right. I feel ten years older already. ■ MILTON BERLE

off the ground simultaneously between strides, which requires more muscle activity and effort. Debates among runners yield a variety of verdicts: Some attempt to demarcate jogging by duration of the endeavor (e.g., five miles or less per workout) or by speed (e.g., eight minutes per mile or slower). Others associate running with more seriousness of purpose than jogging (e.g., a jogger avoids inclement weather, whereas a runner will continue in a thunderstorm) as well as more rigorous training and participation in competitive events. The late cardiologist George Sheehan, a running guru and author, is often quoted as saying the difference between a runner and a jogger is a race-entry form. Certainly, elite runners are never labeled joggers; the word carries an inescapable connotation of amateurism or at least casualness.Yet, runners may also be amateurs or part-timers. Ultimately, there is no clear distinction when it comes to nonprofessionals working out and even competing; jogging has become virtually synonymous with running for health, for fun, and for testing oneself against time, terrain, and other runners. Runner and writer David Holt insists, “Society may call you a jogger, but for whatever speed or distance you are intermittently floating over and stepping gently onto the planet, you are in fact a runner” (http://home.sprynet. com/~holtrun/jog.htm). Nevertheless, jogging in reference to running for personal gratification and exercise, rather than in pursuit of athletic excellence, has entered the lexicon as a centerpiece of a grassroots fitness movement that emerged in the United States in the mid1970s and spread in Europe during the 1980s. Jogging remains a recommended method for ■ ■ ■ ■

Developing strength and endurance Fostering cardiovascular fitness Losing weight Improving mental outlook

Regular running as a hobby and a route to physical and mental well-being, once viewed as either frivolous and adolescent or somewhat eccentric, is now widely accepted as a routine activity. Indeed, it has become an industry in itself and a boon for other industries, from

shoes and apparel to the family-friendly business of running strollers. U.S. sales of running and jogging clothing amounted to about $650 billion in 2003 and continue to grow, according to the U.S. National Sporting Goods Association. Jogging helped give rise to portable CD players designed to withstand runners’ pavement pounding. Fashion designers offer jogging belts with compartments for electronic music players, credit cards, and water bottles. Jogging strollers, introduced in the 1980s, now come in high-performance models with such features as lightweight frames, fastrolling wheels, and parking brakes.

High-Profile Inspiration In the early 1970s, high-profile runners provided inspiration—notably Frank Shorter, winner of the gold medal in the 1972 Olympics marathon and silver in 1976; Bill Rodgers, who won the 1975, 1978, 1979, and 1980 Boston Marathons; and Alberto Salazar, who won three consecutive New York City Marathons in the early 1980s. Complementing their feats were educators spreading enthusiasm for running as a pastime, such as Sheehan, who had given up training after college but resumed running in his early sixties. Sheehan advocated running for both fitness and peace of mind and urged individuals to find a pace that suited one’s internal comfort level rather than trying to meet external goals. His 1978 book Running and Being spent fourteen weeks on the New York Times best-seller list, and Sports Illustrated deemed him the country’s most important “philosopher of sport.” Other important running advisors of the period were Kenneth Cooper, also a physician, who spread his convictions that regular exercise and good diet could extend a person’s lifespan by six to nine years; and Jim Fixx, author of The Complete Book of Running (first published in 1977), which eventually sold over a million copies, and a proponent of running as a key to longevity—ironically, he died while jogging at age fifty-two, of a massive heart attack caused by blocked coronary arteries. The U.S. running environment through the 1960s was dominated by the Amateur Athletic Union (AAU),

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which policed amateur running quite strictly and organized most races outside of school and collegiate competition. Considerable tension existed between the AAU and the forerunners of today’s myriad running clubs throughout the United States—the Road Runners Club of America, founded in 1957, and its affiliates. Since the 1970s, however, running clubs have proliferated, and their original focus of supporting small numbers of local or regional outstanding athletes has changed to a much broader participatory mission—the Road Runners Club of America now claims more than 600 local clubs and 130,000 members, and many other clubs and associations exist worldwide. Races open to all comers, many held to raise money for charitable purposes, likewise have multiplied. American Sports Data calculates that about 10.5 million Americans are “frequent runners,” meaning running more than 100 days a year, with about 40 percent of them women. Other surveys put the number of U.S. runners and joggers at 35 million. According to tallies from USA Track & Field, the governing body for running, finishers in U.S. races grew from 4.8 million in 1993 to 7.7 million in 2003, with the proportion of women also increasing from 28 percent to 52 percent.

Reports and Variations Scientific studies have probed the physiological benefits of running and the sources of the so-called runner’s high, usually attributed to increased production of endorphins by the brain. Although positive research findings far outstrip the negative, scholars also have looked at problems of compulsive running and connections with eating disorders. Running or jogging and their continuing spread and enduring results also have been exhaustively chronicled and promoted in manuals, memoirs, and coffee-table books, with classics still in print and new additions published each year. The Road Runners Club’s original mimeographed newsletter evolved into the mass-circulation magazine Runner’s World, founded in 1966; circulation of the U.S. edition, published by Rodale, exceeds half a million, with joint venture editions published in the United Kingdom, Ger-

many, Belgium, Spain, South Africa, the Netherlands, Sweden, and Australia-New Zealand. Although jogging is relatively cheap and convenient —requiring no equipment beyond appropriate footwear and needing no partners or teams—its prerequisite for popularity seems to be a certain level of affluence and leisure time. The London Marathon, first held in 1981, helped spread interest in running in the U.K., and running for health and exercise is now usual in Western and Northern Europe, Australia, and New Zealand. In other parts of the world, however, including regions that produce elite runners such as eastern Africa and increasingly East Asia, recreational running is not nearly as widespread. Some observers see the emergence of a “second running boom” in the United States, propelled by role models ranging from former President Bill Clinton, a sometime jogger, to TV personality Oprah Winfrey, who lost 70 pounds and then ran a marathon in 1994. Judy Polumbaum

Further Reading Burfoot, A. (Ed.). (1999). Runner’s world complete book of running. Emmaus, PA: Rodale Press. Fixx, J. F. (1977). The complete book of running. New York: Random House. Henderson, J. (1980). The running revolution. Tallahassee, FL: Cedarwinds Publishing. Kolata, G. (2004, August 10). Why joggers labor and Olympians fly. New York Times, F1. Noakes, T. (2002). Lore of running, 4th ed. Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics. Ross, L. (2000, August 21). Jogging. New Yorker, 75(24), 82. Sheehan, A. (2001). Chasing the hawk: Looking for my father, finding myself. New York: Delacorte. Sheehan, G. (1978). Running and being. New York: Simon & Schuster.

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ousting was part of a hastilude, a tournament of games fought with lances or spears. The word jousting probably derives from the Old French verb joster, meaning “to come together and fight with lances.” Joust-

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Knights jousting in France in the late fifteenth century.

ing as performed with coronels (three-pronged, blunted lance heads) was a direct descendant of the tournament à plaisance (i.e., with blunted weapons, for entertainment). The joust was a straight charge in which two knights or men at arms on horseback met each other with lances only; it was a single combat for exercise and sport. If the joust was performed with sharp lances, as in border tournaments, judicial duels, feats of arms, and chivalric combats, it perpetuated the tournament à outrance (with sharp weapons, as in warfare). In both incarnations the joust consisted of several courses between two men or of a whole set of courses between several challengers and answerers. As a discipline on horseback, this straightforward attack differentiated the joust from the tournament per se, in which “turns” (from Old French tournoi) and withdrawing movements to new positions for a better application of sword, mace,

and cudgel were constantly required. Although always an element in any form of hastilude, the joust became a sport in its own right as early as the fourteenth century. Jousting had a special relationship to the chivalric romances of the day, which were dominated by the French language. These romances perpetuated the French chivalric code of honor and extended French cultural influence all over Europe (an influence already well established with the Norman invasion of Britain and other military exploits). Practice on the lists (the palisades enclosing the jousting area) and in fiction mutually influenced one another: Romances offered an idealized conception of partly idealized feats of arms, and the knights in turn tried to imitate the legendary heroes of the romances as best they could. English knights (chevaliers) often rode into the lists as Lancelot or even as King Alexander of Macedon and adopted French

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allegorical names such as “Coeur Loyal” and “Valiant Desire” until late in the sixteenth century. At the Accession Day tournaments in the Westminster Tiltyards particularly, these French traditions flourished.

Origins Jousting emerged from hastiludes, which were of French origin and remained largely confined to Western Europe, later spreading to Bohemia and Hungary as well as the Scandinavian countries. To the southeast they even reached Byzantium (Istanbul, Turkey). Early known as “conflictus gallicus” (Gallic encounter), the hastiludes had a specific terminology for participants, weapons, forms of combat, and so on that was generated in France, and even in the countries to which hastiludes spread, the vocabulary remained basically French. Hastiludes, and thus jousting, were a product, no doubt, of real warfare. The knight on horseback as well as the troops on foot required training. An Angevin gentleman, Geoffrey of Preuilly (a small town in the Touraine, France region) is said to have invented tournaments for this purpose in Tours, France, around 1066. Thus, the tournament became a more or less peaceful mirror of an actual battle, involving mounted knights and armed squires, as well as personal attendants (garçons) on foot, all in the tiltyard at the same time. This format was known as a “mêlée,” in which two mixed sides skirmished in an enclosed field. By the end of the fourteenth century the mêlée was superseded by chivalric encounters with the lance, the sword, the battle ax, and the dagger. The behourd (a variation of the mass tournament with blunted weapons and lances armed with coronels instead of sharp points) emerged alongside the mêlée in twelfth-century France. It, too, prepared the soldier for war, offering him an opportunity to obtain the chivalric qualifications necessary for knighthood. Indeed, behourds were often staged in conjunction with initiations into knighthood, marriages, and coronations. Blunted weapons were used, including the lance, the cudgel, and the rebaited (blunted) sword. At tournaments and behourds a knight would recruit his retinue for both

household and battlefield, binding the “purchase” by individual contract. In the Norman-French Statutes of England, the words tournament and behourd were often used interchangeably during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. English kings were constantly prohibiting the two contests on the grounds that no license had been purchased prior to the events. By imposing licensing, the Crown not only secured a considerable source of income, but also forestalled possible rebellions; after all, the contesting parties would arrive with bands of fifty or more men at arms. As early as 1194 King Richard I allowed tournaments in only five English locations, and the tournaments were still considered specifically as preludes to war. In addition to the tournament à outrance and the tournament à plaisance, as early as 1223 another form had developed: the Round Table, in which Arthurian legends, the Holy Grail, and their heroes were imitated. Centered around a wooden castle or pavilion (which often housed a damsel to be freed) defenders, or “venants,” would challenge all comers, or “tenants,” to fulfill chivalric feats with blunted weapons specified in regulations devised for the occasion and fixed to the challenge tree, an artificial, decorated tree to which a poster with the regulations was fixed. Such events became grandiose spectacles for the women, great numbers of whom watched the combatants from a grandstand. In the year 1331 such a berfois (grandstand) broke down because it held too many spectators, and in 1342 five hundred women were summoned to attend. Round Tables mostly ended with banqueting, singing, and dancing. The German verb gröhlen (to bawl) derives from the loud noise of the drunken participants in such “Holy Grail” festivities. An event similar to the Round Table was the Pas d’Armes, which originated in fourteenth-century France but did not obtain its fully fledged form in England until the middle of the fifteenth century. In the Pas d’Armes a challenger (tenant) would erect a pavilion and defend a narrow passage. Those men who wanted to pass through the passage had to answer the challenge and to fulfill the conditions in the challenge proclamation. Only blunted

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A modern knight preparing to go to battle in a joust.

weapons were allowed, and the challenger could fix elaborate regulations listing details such as ten courses with the lance, shields without metal armament, no visor, twenty blows with the sword on horseback and ten blows with the ax on foot, all in an armor of the answerers’ choice. Partly originating from the judicial duel were two serious versions of hastiludes that were fought with sharp weapons: the feat of arms and the chivalric combat. The feat of arms was used by two conflicting parties to settle hostilities and was always staged in the lists and was used by larger groups with standardized weapons supervised by an official judge. All sorts of sharp weapons could be used according to prior agreement, and every feat of arms resulted in casualties and deaths. The chivalric combat had the character of an ordeal undertaken when one party had assailed the personal honor of the other, and the matter could not be resolved in court. Sharp weapons agreed upon had to be of the

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same length (lance, sword) and caliber (mace). The combat lasted until defeat was signaled or until one of the parties incurred fatal wounds. As would have been the case had court proceedings been conclusive, the defeated was subsequently executed in public.

Development Although part of any hastilude, the joust was increasingly staged as a separate event. Gradually the joust freed itself from the garçons on foot and the bulk of accompanying horsemen, the squires, whose object was to unhorse the jousters to gain booty and enact ransoms, as they had done in real warfare. The English king Edward I’s Statuta Armorum, statutes regulating the use of weapons, (1292) only disciplined and reduced the number of these “turbulent” squires and riotous garçons, who met with severe restrictions on their functions and armaments. Not until 1466 were separate regulations for jousters set up. Until then the joust had shared the

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If you can’t accept losing, you can’t win. ■ VINCE LOMBARDI

general development of the hastiludes in all aspects. In its early stages, however, the joust was often exempt from royal prohibitions and restrictions because it offered less danger of rebellions. Both forms of the joust—with sharp weapons and with blunt weapons—flourished in England during the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries. During the reigns of Edward I (1272–1307) and Edward III (1327– 1377), it started to outrun its counterparts, the various forms of hastiludes. By the fourteenth century the joust had definitely overtaken the mêlée. Single combats between knights in full armorial splendor charging with their lances in rest won the day. Special armors for jousting were devised; heralds set up regulations, proclaimed the challenges, and organized the jousts; judges graded the individual performances and pageantry before and after the event. The joust came to be featured as the central event in nearly all chivalric meetings of the fourteenth century. Although jousters were experts in handling their horses and directing their lances, the joust itself had become absolutely removed from actual warfare. Jousting remained a male-dominated sport; although women formed the audience and distributed the prizes, they were in no way involved in judging. Jousting was also extremely expensive. The English king Henry IV (1399–1430) staged spectacular jousts at the English court, but they had become so costly for challengers and answerers by that time that only the highest and wealthiest echelons of chivalric nobility were able to attend. The lower ranks had almost no chance of participating because in the joust they had no chance of seizing the rider, unhorsing him, and securing his horse or saddle to exact ransom—formerly a profitable source of income. On the contrary, jousting during the later fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries required participants to spend money: No one could make a living from the yields of the prizes. Even the rich lords could no longer afford to stage jousts and left the initiative to the Crown. By the middle of the fourteenth century jousts had become international events. Itinerant jousters from France answered challenges, and knights

from other parts of Europe showed up in London: competitors from Brittany, Flanders, and Brabant. Even Spaniards and Germans came to England.

Practice Until the 1420s the joust was customarily run in an open field, a practice that was still called “at random” and “at large” even if it took place within the lists. In 1430 a joust in Bruges, Flanders, was staged in the “Portuguese fashion”: The lists had been removed, and the mounted knights coursed on both sides of une seule liche à travers (along a single rope). The French word liche or lisse came from Vulgar Latin licium (a cord); this cord was hung with strong cloth as high as the shoulders of the horses. This device was also used at that time in France, where the cord was hung with “toile” (strong linen). Scholars still debate whether the word tilt (meaning “to joust”) came from the English word tilt (meaning “canvas,” as in “boat tilt”), which is possibly derived from the French toile, or whether it sprang from the “tilt” of the horses in the open field trying to avoid the frontto-front clash by swerving sideways. In German regulations for the joust prior to that time this sort of “body check” had secured the rider a first-class ranking. In England and France, the partition originally consisted of a cloth hung on a cord. Later it was replaced by a wooden barrier across the tiltyard. Both forms (with and without the partition) were often staged at one and the same event for the next 150 years. In 1466, in an effort to harmonize divergent practices and local customs throughout the country as well as to quantify performance and rank competitors properly, King Edward IV entrusted John Tiptoft, earl of Worcester and constable of England, to draw up the “Ordinances for Justes of Peace Royal,” which remained valid to the year 1596. Tiptoft devised the sample score check, often full of faults in later transcripts, which was a rectangle with an extended middle line to record the number of courses. The upper line was reserved for “attaints” (hits) and lances broken on the head; the line in the middle was used to record “attaints” and lances broken on the body. The lower line was for the entry of faults. The goal

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became to break the lance on the opponent, the higher the better. A “lance” was the unit for counting, and six courses each became the average number run. When a joust was to be staged the herald and his staff would set up check lists by juxtaposing the names of the challengers (on the left side) and answerers (on the right side). After each name the herald would draw a score check in which he carefully entered hits and broken lances achieved as soon as the courses had begun. After the event broken lances and hits were counted, and challengers and answerers were ranked in their own groups. If jousters scored the same number of lances, further elaborate provisions determined the best three jousters for the prizes. All in all, seventy scored and unscored check lists have come down to us, nicely drawn up by the heralds at court.The best ones are those of the jousts at Westminster of the years 1501, 1511, 1570, and 1596. In 1596 Queen Elizabeth I’s favorite, the thirtyyear-old earl of Essex, destroyer of the Spanish fleet off Cadiz, Spain, challenged eighteen answerers on two days and scored ninety-seven broken lances in his 108 courses. (The earl was later declared a traitor and executed in 1601.) The joust in its spectacular form at court survived him by only another fifteen years.The chivalric splendor had vanished. More popular all over Europe were tilting at the ring, (armed with a short[er] lance, a rider aimed at a ring which was held in a device so that ir could be “speared” with the riders’ lance) running at the quintain (a post with a revolving crosspiece that has a target at one end and a sandbag at the other end), and competing in the newly developed form of the carousel (a tournament in which horsemen execute evolutions). The Eglinton Tournament in Ayrshire, Scotland, in 1839 was a last attempt to revive the tournament in Britain. Today the joust has become a prominent feature of nostalgic shows and pageantry. As in the Middle Ages, small groups of expert stuntmen offer their services to the owners of historic castles all over Europe, making quite a fortune for themselves. Joachim K. Rühl

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Further Reading Anglo, S. (1961). Archives of the English tournament: Score cheques and lists. Journal of the Society of Archivists, 2(4), 153–162. Anglo, S. (1968). The great tournament roll of Westminster. Oxford, UK: Clarendon. Arthur, H. (1898). Tilting in Tudor times. Archaeological Journal, 55, 296–320. Barber, R., & Barker, J. R. V. (1989). Tournaments: jousts, chivalry and pageants in the Middle Ages. Woodbridge, UK: Boydell Press. Barker, J. R.V. (1986). The tournament in England, 1100–1400. Woodbridge, UK: Boydell Press. Clephan, R. C. (1918). The tournament: Its periods and phases. London: Methuen. Cripps-Day, F. H. (1919). The history of the tournament in England and in France. London: Bernard Quaritch. Denholm-Young, N. (1948). The tournament in the 13th century. In R. Hunt (Ed.), Studies in medieval history (pp. 240–268). Oxford, UK: Clarendon. Ffoulkes, C. (1912). Jousting cheques of the 16th century. Archaeologia or miscellaneous tracts relating to antiquity. Second series. 8(2), 31–50. Fleckenstein, J. (ed.) (1985). Das ritterliche Turnier im Mittelalter. Göttingen: Vanden hoeck & Ruprecht. Keen, M. (1984). Chivalry. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Maximilian, I. (1875). The triumph of the emperor Maximilian I (A. Aspland, Ed.). London: Holbein Society. Meyrick, S. R. (1824). A critical inquiry into ancient armour. London: R. Jennings. Rühl, J. K. (1989). Preliminaries to German tournament regulations of the 15th century. British Society of Sports History Bulletin, 9, 90– 101. Rühl, J. K. (1990). German tournament regulations of the 15th century. Journal of Sport History: Special Issue: German Sport History, 17(2), 163–182. Rühl, J. K. (1990). Sports quantification in Tudor and Elizabethan times. In M. Carter & A. Krüger (Eds.), Ritual and record: Sports records and quantification in pre-modern societies (pp. 65–86). New York: Greenwood. Segar, W. (1602). Honour, military and ciuill. London: Barker. Strong, R. C. (1958). Elizabethan jousting cheques in the possession of the College of Arms I, II. The Coat of Arms, 5(34), 4–8. Vale, J. (1982). Edward III and chivalry. Chivalric society and its context: 1270–1350. Woodbridge, UK: Boydell Press. Vale, M. G. A. (1981). War and chivalry. London: Gerald Duckworth.

Judo

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udo (ju, gentle, in the sense of to give way, to yield; do, way) was originally a method of physical, intellectual, and spiritual education founded by Kano Jigoro (1860–1938) in Japan in 1882. Today, judo is a modern contest sport and a valued tool of education.

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History The history of judo is the history of the shift from a martial art to a modern sport. Kano realized the potentialities of the traditional arts of self-defense for educating youth. Thus, he reoriented martial techniques, blending traditions and modernity, and using individual prowess for collective benefits. In Western countries, self-defense and education trends coexisted with the Oriental mystique until the 1960s when judo entered the world of Olympic sports.

KANO AND THE BEGINNINGS OF THE J UDO MOVEMENT As a boy, Kano was frail but quick-tempered. Being extremely gifted, he studied with boys who were older and bigger, and he soon understood the need to find a way to defend himself. In 1877, as a student of the Tokyo Imperial University, he decided to learn about jujutsu (ju, gentle; jutsu, art) the art that enabled the weak to overcome the strong. In 1882, Kano was appointed lecturer in politics and economics at Gakushuuin (the then-private school for the nobility). The same year, he started his judo academy, the Kodokan (ko, teaching; do, way; kan, hall). Getting rid of all dangerous, killing, or maiming jujutsu waza (techniques), Kano restricted violence by forcing opponents to grapple with one another. He modified falling techniques to make them safer. Whereas the Japanese art of wrestling had always been understood as a means of crushing opponents, it now became a means of building people’s characters. Kano liked to explain judo techniques scientifically, studying attitudes, forces at play, problems of equilibrium, and center of gravity moves. His method purposely referred to science and rationalism. As an educator, Kano advocated the “three culture principle.” He designed judo as a way of developing harmoniously the intellectual, moral, and physical aspects of the education of young people. The number of his students swelled rapidly. Kano’s method was subsequently adopted by the police and the navy and introduced to schools and universities. In 1909, chosen as member of

the International Olympic Committee (IOC), Kano devoted himself to the diffusion of his method.

JUDO SPREADS WORLDWIDE The military and the police were highly influential in spreading the Japanese method. The Boxer Rebellion in China (1900) and the victories of Japan in the war against Russia (1904–1905) revealed the prowess of Japanese soldiers. Puzzled by Japan’s feats, observers pointed out the spirit of the warrior, bushido, and an unknown method of combat, jujutsu, as the keys to victory. Efficient in hand-to-hand combat, used to keep fit, and used to reinforce the values of effort and discipline, the Japanese method was almost immediately included in the training program of officers and special forces in the military and the police academies of numerous countries (for example, in 1905: the U.S. Naval Academy; Paris, France, police; the Portsmouth, GreatBritain, admiralty; and in 1906: the Berlin, Germany, military school, the Sydney, Australia, police). Later, during World War II, many army personnel were taught jujutsu or judo throughout the world as a means of self-defense, a weapon of resistance to the enemy, or “a basic escape training.” Early in the twentieth century, a different type of impetus was also given, indirectly, by music halls and private physical culture clubs. Because it appealed to the British aristocracy and to the anglophile Western elite, the very people who appropriated sports and physical activities and turned them into symbols of status, jujutsu had become more than just another type of wrestling. It rehabilitated the use of fair force. Used with anatomical precision, this useful and aesthetic strength was seen as superior to toughness and rash brutality. Distinctive and efficient, jujutsu was presented as essential because the rate of urban criminality had been steadily rising. The first promoters were the apostles of physical culture Edmond Desbonnet in Paris, William “Apollo” Bankier in London, and Bernarr McFadden in Chicago. “Health builders” hired jujutsu teachers to enlarge their offerings to a wealthy clientele.

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A 1905 ad for a Parisian martial arts school.

Japanese jujutsu experts toured European capitals as professional wrestlers. Based in London, they regularly performed on the stages of Paris, Madrid, Lisbon, and Berlin. Their music-hall appearances certainly blazed the trail for the establishment of jujutsu schools. Fashionable among the elite, jujutsu soon became part of popular culture. Songs, postcards, cartoons, and other objects of daily life testify that the Japanese method fascinated the whole spectrum of social classes. Most important, this phenomenon was not restricted to the main European cities but, rather, spread rapidly to smaller towns and countries and was largely responsible for the fame of judo and black-belt holders. In the

Western world during the first half of the twentieth century, the general public was mainly impressed by the self-defense aspect of the Japanese method of fighting and did not make any difference between jujutsu and judo. Efficiency in individual combat was the main concern. In Japan, the influence of Jigoro Kano and the prevalence of the Kodokan judo upon other jujutsu schools made the confusion impossible. Because of this, the shift from jujutsu to judo occurred earlier and in a more distinctive way to be instrumental in the understanding of the differences between the goals and the means of the method of Kano and the techniques of self-defense. As a rule, judo was found in the immediate vicinity of Japanese communities and spread across the world because of Japanese emigration. In the United States, judo appeared in Hawaii and on the Pacific Coast in the early 1900s. Such early evidence is also found in Brazil and in Canada. The post–World War II diffusion of judo throughout the United States is another example of the specific role of Japanese communities. After the Japanese bombed Pearl Harbor in 1941, 120,000 Americans of Japanese ancestry living on the West Coast were uprooted from their homes and sent to “relocation centers.” The principles Kano taught—discipline, patience, respect for others—helped many to bear idleness and confinement in the makeshift shacks and old barracks where they were housed. After the war, the resettlement of the Japanese American population contributed to the diffusion of judo all around the country. The history of judo is also the history of judo experts who traveled the seas and the highways, dedicating themselves to teaching their art. Masters and guides of generations of judo players, they are famous all over the world for both their expertise and the respect they have

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inspired. Gunji Koizumi, Mikinosuke Kawaishi, Ichiro Abe, Haku Michigami, Shozo Awazu, Kiyoshi Kobayashi, Teizo Kawamura, Han Ho San, and many others have pupils in the five continents who devotedly keep teaching judo techniques and principles.

Modern Judo After World War II, the nation members of the European Judo Union (founded in 1948) were Great Britain, Italy, France, Belgium, Holland, Germany, Austria and, Switzerland. On 12 July 1951, because of Argentine’s desire to join, the delegates organized the International Judo Federation (IJF). Aldo Torti from Italy was elected president. Soon a great schism occurred in the judo world between “traditionalists” and “modernists” over the issue of the sport orientation. The decision to introduce a weight-class system (–68 kg; –80 kg; +80 kg) was linked to judo’s inclusion in the Olympic program. Many saw this weight system as a transgression from the essence of judo, however, at that time the Japanese Federation refused to consider weight categories. André Ertel, chairman of the European Judo Union, and Paul Bonét-Maury, then president of the French Judo Federation, were most influential. The 1964 Tokyo Olympics were the first televised games. For the general public and for most judo players, the Japanese judo players seemed unbeatable. Therefore, people were amazed when Dutch Anton Geesink, who had already won the 1961 world championship in Paris, defeated Japanese judo champions. His victories cracked Japanese hegemony. Geesink gave hope to Western judoists. Judo no longer was restricted to the Japanese. Its Olympic status boosted judo in numerous countries. Slowly, the number of judo players increased all over the world. Today, the judo world has matured and the abuses of the sport orientation are now compensated by an equal interest in the educational aspects of judo. More particularly, since the 1990s, teaching methods specially designed for youngsters—adapted to their physiology and psychology—have been issued in various countries and used on a regular basis. Judo as a sport has started

its media revolution. Efforts are being made to explain the essence of the art and the principles developed by Kano. Colored judogi (uniforms) help make contests more intelligible for referees and spectators.

What Is Judo? There are two major groupings of judo techniques: nage waza or throwing techniques and katame waza or grappling techniques. The various throwing techniques of judo are themselves organized into four distinct categories: hand techniques (te waza), hip techniques (koshi waza), foot techniques (ashi waza), and sacrifice techniques (sutemi waza). In sutemi waza, you sacrifice your balance by throwing your entire body to the mat to unbalance your opponent. The katame waza includes osae waza or pinning techniques, shime waza or choking techniques and kansetsu waza, or joint lock techniques. In judo, students are taught to apply these techniques in a manner that allows one’s opponent to submit without injury by tapping the ground or the attacker two or three times. There are many different types of nage waza and katame waza; however, judo champions are famous for their tokui waza, which literally means “special” or “favorite” techniques. At such a high level of technical expertise, a good grip (kumi kata) is often synonymous with success because it gives the attacker better control of his opponent’s body and makes the throw easier to perform. Refereeing rules are aimed at developing attacking judo. Defensive behaviors, false attacks, and passive judo are strictly penalized. Tactics combine straight attacks and follow-ups. Clear-mindedness and rapidity, anticipation and adaptation are the keys for victory. The time duration of a match is five minutes (for both men and women). A judo contest starts when the referee announces hajime (start). When an ippon is scored, the fight is over. The referee announces ippon when a contestant, in a controlled movement, throws the other contestant in a way that answers three criteria: (1) largely on his or her back with (2) considerable

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Believe deep down in your heart that you’re destined to do great things. ■ JOE PATERNO

force and (3) speed. Lower scores include waza ari, yuko, and koka, which can be described as throws lacking one or more of the previous criteria. When a contestant holds the other contestant with a grappling technique for 25 seconds or when a contestant gives up because of a strangling or arm lock technique, the referee announces ippon. If the hold lasts less than 25 seconds, a lower score is awarded (waza ari: 20 seconds, yuko: 15 seconds, koka: 10 seconds). There are also two levels of penalties: shido or note is awarded for infringements such as negative judo, false attack, or more than five seconds in the danger zone without attacking. If infringements are judged more serious, hansoku make or disqualification is awarded for grave or very grave violation (any action which may endanger or injure the opponent). Should one contestant be penalized shido, the other contestant is immediately granted koka. With the next shido, the other contestant immediately receives yuko and so on. The competition area is divided into two zones (contest zone, 8 ✕ 8m, and safety zone, 3m). A red area (danger zone) is the demarcation between these two zones. The method of competition is the elimination system with repechage. In judo contests, four medals are awarded: one gold, one silver, and two bronze.

Competition at the Top International judo contests were organized from the 1950s on. The first judo world championships were held in Tokyo in 1956, the second also in Tokyo in 1958, and the third in Paris in 1961. Some exceptions should be mentioned, however. The first international club team meet between London and Wiesbaden was held in Germany in 1929. However, as early as July 4, 1917, an informal match was organized in Russia between the judo club of Vladivostock and the Otaru Commercial College of Japan. In 1934, the first European championship took place in Dresden, Germany. In 1937, when the IOC voted for the program of the Games of the XII Olympiad, judo was chosen for the purpose of demonstrating a national sport, but the cancellation of the 1940 Tokyo games meant that judo’s

recognition as an Olympic sport waited for two more decades. In July 1960, at the fifty-eighth IOC session in Rome, the IJF was accepted as an Olympic international federation by 32 to 2 votes. Thus judo was included in the program beginning with the 1964 Tokyo Olympic Games.The consequences were crucial for judo. During the 1960s, sports results contributed more and more to national prestige, and more and more countries made numerous efforts to train elite judo squads, thus leading to fantastic Japanese and Western champions from Holland, the Soviet Union, France, East Germany, and Cuba. Today, the number of weight categories has been increased (men: –60, –66, –73, –81, –90, –100, +100 kg, Open; women: –48, –52, –57, –63, –70, –78, +78 kg, Open). In the Sydney 2000 Olympic games, fifty-six Olympic medals for judo were awarded to players from twenty-five different countries, proving that judo has achieved international recognition. Today, judo is the most popular combat sport in the world and gives its students a code of ethics, a way of living, and a way of being. Even those judo fighters who focus on records are nonetheless proud and respectful of judo traditions. Champions like Yasuhiro Yamashita or Ryoko Tamura in Japan, David Douillet in France, Jimmy Pedro in the United States, and many others are known and cheered by the general public. They appear quite often on TV; they are seen in commercials and are often viewed as role models. In 2004, the IJF website listed 187 nation members. The number of judo practitioners in the world exceeds 8 million.

Governing Body The IJF website (www.ijf.org) presents a large amount of information about judo in the world (statutes, rules, history, nation members addresses, news, forum). Michel Brousse

Further Reading Brousse, M. (2002). Le judo, son histoire, ses succès. Genève, Switzerland: Liber. Brousse, M., & Matsumoto, D. (1999). Judo, a sport and a way of life. Seoul, Korea: International Judo Federation.

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Harrison, E. J. (1912). The fighting spirit of Japan and other stories. London: Foulsham. Kodokan. (1961). Judo by the Kodokan, Osaka, Japan: Nunoi Shobo. Watson, B. (2000). The father of judo, a biography of Jigoro Kano. Tokyo, Japan: Kodansha.

Jujutsu

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ujutsu (ju, gentle, in the sense of to give way; jutsu, art). Jujutsu, also spelled jujitsu, or jiu-jitsu, is a generic term that encompasses combat systems of handto-hand fighting.

Jujutsu’s Origins Under Chinese influence a wide array of weaponless combat techniques were fused together. They were meant to complement swordsmanship in combat. These techniques used by Japanese warriors (bushi or samurai) may be more accurately defined as unarmed methods of dealing with an armed enemy while using minor weapons. Jujutsu’s golden age, from the late seventeenth to the late nineteenth century ended with the country at peace. Jujutsu then lost its importance. Its reckless use in the streets gave a bad name to the techniques. But, when Jigoro Kano (1860–1938) elaborated judo from old jujutsu forms and founded his Kodokan school of judo, the popularity of this science waned. It was revived as a consequence of Japan’s new aggressive foreign policy. The Boxer Rebellion in China (1900) and the victories of Japan in the war against Russia (1904–1905) revealed the prowess of Japanese soldiers. Observers were puzzled by Japan’s feats, and pointed out the spirit of the warrior, bushido, and an unknown method of combat, jujutsu, as the keys to victory. Almost immediately the Japanese method was included in the training program of officers and special forces in the military and the police academies of numerous countries (1905: United States, France, Great Britain; 1906: Germany, Australia, and others). During World War II, many army personnel were taught jujutsu throughout the world as

a means of self-defense, a weapon of resistance to the enemy, or “a basic escape training.” In the early days of the twentieth century, a different type of impetus was also given, indirectly, by music halls and private physical culture clubs. The first promoters were the apostles of physical culture Edmond Desbonnet in Paris, William “Apollo” Bankier in London, and Bernarr McFadden in Chicago. “Health builders” hired jujutsu teachers to enlarge their offerings to a wealthy clientele. Japanese jujutsu experts toured European capitals as professional wrestlers. Their musichall appearances certainly blazed the trail for the establishment of jujutsu schools. Fashionable among the elite, jujutsu soon became part of popular culture. Songs, postcards, cartoons, and other objects of daily life testify that the Japanese method fascinated the whole spectrum of social classes. During a long period of time the teaching of judo put the stress on self-defense and the general public could not easily differentiate between jujutsu and judo. However, when judo became an Olympic sport in the early 1960, this aspect was discarded in favor of a sport orientation and a quest for records. Jujutsu took a new start. In large urban cities, a feeling of insecurity was largely responsible for the new interest people found in its techniques. In 1977, an assembly of three nations— Italy, Germany, and Sweden—founded the European Ju-Jitsu Federation, and jujutsu became codified as a contest sport. The Ju-Jitsu International Federation (JJIF) was established in 1987.

Jujutsu Competition Jujutsu and judo techniques have many similarities. However, jujutsu techniques were originally aimed at hurting, maiming, or killing opponents in real fight. Jujutsu comprises throwing and pinning techniques and involves kicking, punching, and striking. Various styles exist in Japan, Brazil, and in other countries. As an international sport, jujutsu has two different types of competitions: the duo system and the fighting system. The JJIF duo system is a competition between two couples that present defenses against predetermined at-

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A jujutsu kick.

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kicks; part 2: throws, take downs, locks, and strangulations; part 3: floor techniques, locks, and strangulations). The match begins with part 1. When competitors hold each other, part 2 begins and blows and kicks are no longer allowed. When one contestant is thrown, the match continues with part 3. The winner is the contestant who has scored a full ippon (clean action and full points) in each of the three parts or who has at least fourteen more points than his or her opponent (unblocked blow or kick in good balance and control, 2 points; a perfect throw, 2 points; a strangulation with tapping, 2 points). Players are divided into weight classes. Jujutsu’s popularity is increasing worldwide, though it can still be considered a newcomer in international sports. In 2004, the JJIF gathered fifty-five nation members that meet regularly in international tournaments and world championships. Players from France, the Netherlands, and Germany are generally considered as the best fighters.

Governing Body The key organization is the Ju-Jitsu International Federation (www.jjifweb.com). Michel Brousse tacks. There are four groups of five attacks (gripping attacks, embracing and neck lock, punches and kicking, weapon). The referee draws three attacks for each series. Jury members give scores from 0 to 10. The JJIF fighting system (two rounds of two minutes each) comprises three parts (part 1: blows, strikes, and

Further Reading Draeger, D., & Smith, W. (1980). Comprehensive Asian fighting arts. Tokyo: Kodansha International. Shortt, J., & Katsuharu, H. (1979). Beginning JIU-JITSU. London: Paul H. Crompton.

Karate Karting Kendo Kenya

Karate

Kinesiology Kite Sports Koreas Korfball

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arate is a fighting art that combines elements of Chinese combative techniques with the handfighting practices from Okinawa and Japan to create a system of self-defense that includes blocks, strikes, evasions, throws, and joint manipulations. It is estimated that karate is practiced by more than 40 million people in 140 countries.

History of Karate Karate originated in Okinawa, a chain of islands near China and Japan. In the twelfth century, Okinawa was divided into several regions, each with its own ruler. In the fifteenth century, King Sho Hashi of the region Chuzan united the other two independent kingdoms— Nanzan and Hokuzan—creating the Ryukyu kingdom. Sho Hashi established a nonmilitary government and banned the possession of weapons. For two centuries peace prevailed and the Ryukyus developed into a major trading center between China and other neighboring countries. Still, they were not immune from the threat of invaders, and thus it is believed that Okinawans developed a form of hand, or te, fighting. During the Ryukyu kingdom period, three styles of karate developed, named after the villages where they were practiced: Shuri, Naha, and Tomari. Each of these towns was a center to a different section of society—the aristocracy, the middle class, and the fisherman and farmers, respectively. As a result, various forms of selfdefense developed within each city and subsequently

K became known as Shuri-te, Naha-te, and Tomari-te. Collectively, these early systems were called Okinawan-te, meaning Chinese hand. In 1609 the Satsuma Clan of southern Japan invaded Okinawa and retained the ban on weapons, which lasted 250 years. Karate training was limited to ruling members of the samurai class. Citizens bypassed the restriction by passing along karate techniques secretly by means of verbal and physical demonstrations. Thus, little exists in the way of literature describing those who created karate and how it was taught. What is known are some of those who helped to develop the martial arts in Okinawa, including a Chinese delegate named Wanshu. In 1683 he stayed in the Okinawan village of Tomari where he taught the villagers a certain kata, or a prearranged sequence of basic techniques, based on a Chinese martial art called kempo. After Wanshu left Okinawa, the villagers of Tomari continued to practice the kata and named it after him. Others who devoted their lives to the martial arts include a Chinese kempo master named Kusanku, who traveled with some of his students to Okinawa in 1756 and taught kempo to the Okinawans, and his top student, Sakugawa, of Okinawa, who studied kempo in China from 1755 to 1762 when he returned to Okinawa. In 1879, under the new Meiji government, the Ryukyu dynasty was officially made into a Japanese prefecture. New laws reduced the need for secrecy and the education system of the Meiji era (1896–1912) adopted karate as part of its physical education program. In 1904 Anko Itosu introduced karate in the Okinawan public schools.

Itosu created a series of karate exercises he called Pinan kata. These kata were adapted from the traditional kata formerly practiced in secret and were designed to make karate more acceptable for group instruction. In the Taisho period (1912–1926), karate was introduced to mainland Japan. The first demonstration of karate took place there in 1917 when Gichen Funakoshi, an Okinawan schoolteacher, performed karate in Kyoto. His demonstration drew such attention and enthusiasm that he was invited to stay and teach. In 1935 Yasuhiro Konishi, a board member of the Dai Nippon Butokukai (the sanctioning body for martial arts in Japan), succeeded in having karate registered as a legitimate martial art under the Dai Nippon Butokukai. Six karate systems were officially registered under their instructors: Goju-ryu under Chojun Miyagi, Shitoryu under Kenwa Mabuni, Wado-ryu under Hironori Ohtsuka, Shotokan under Gichen Funakoshi, Kushinryu under Ueshima Sannosuke, and Shindo Jinen-ryu under Yasuhiro Konishi. From the six original systems, four established themselves as the primary system within Japan: Goju-ryu, Shito-ryu, Shotokan, and Wado-ryu. Today, there are hundreds of styles of karate across the world, but all can be traced back to these four. As warrior arts became less useful in twentiethcentury Japan, the Japanese characters for kara-te, or Chinese hands, were changed to mean “empty hand,” reflecting a spiritual concept rather than a fighting system. The Zen concept of do, or “way,” was combined with karate to produce the concept karate-do, which reflected the art form’s emphasis on character development.

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During the American occupation of Japan following World War II, U.S. servicemen were exposed to karate and brought it back to their homeland. The earliest known American martial artist was Robert Trias, who opened the first U.S. karate school in 1946 in Phoenix, Arizona. In 1948 he formed the United States Karate Association. Also in 1948 the Japan Karate Association was formed. During this time sport rules were established, based on regulations formulated around 1934, and the first karate championships were held. (Takayuki Mikami and Hirokazu Kanazawa are two well-known competitors whose 1958 All Japan Championships match went into five overtimes before both were declared the winners.) At the same time that the 1964 Olympics were being held in Japan, the Federation of All Japan Karate Organizations—now known as the Japan Karate Federation—was formed. In 1970 the group invited Japanese instructors throughout the world to Tokyo to develop a standardized set of competition rules and judging training. Participants from thirty-three countries attended and established the World Union of Karate-do Organizations (known since 1993 as the World Karate Federation). In 1983 the rules were restructured and redefined, based on concerns of coaches and referees, at the first World Technical Congress held under the World Union of Karate-do Organizations. The new rules reflected the decision to meld the sport of karate with the original concept of budo, or “way of the warrior.” As throughout the world, efforts to further unify karate in the United States—and to help it gain acceptance as an Olympic sport—have been hampered by the proliferation of karate organizations that have developed their own styles and implemented their own rules. Among them are the United States Karate-Do Kai, United States Karate Alliance, American Amateur Karate Federation, International Shotokan Karate Federation, and the North American Sport Karate Association. Organizations that follow World Karate Federation international rules are the USA Karate Fed-

eration, the Amateur Athletic Union, and the USA National Karate-do Federation. Though karate remained a male-dominated sport throughout the 1950s and 1960s, women began to study it for self-defense reasons. Eventually, they began to compete in tournaments in the United States in the mid1960s. From this period notable women competitors emerged, including Ruby Paglinawan, who in 1964 fought three male opponents in a tournament—besting two of them before losing to the third. Two years later, a separate women’s division was introduced at Allen Steen’s U.S. Championships in Dallas. Marian Erickson of Richardson,Texas, swept first-place honors.The sixties witnessed several rising female karate stars, including Phyllis Evetts of Fort Worth, Texas, who became the first consistent national women’s champion; Kathy Sullivan of Fort Wayne, Indiana, who in the early 1960s was named the United States Karate Alliance’s number one female competitor; and Ohio’s Judy Kolesar, whose list of wins includes many victories over male competitors in both weapons and empty-hand kata. In 1973 several women who had achieved black-belt status served as chief referees for female competition at various events around the country. While competition was originally limited to men, today women compete in sparring and kata tournaments. In 1976 the General Assembly of International Sports Federations recognized the World Karate Federation as an international sports federation, and in 1981 karate appeared in the first World Games, which offers the opportunity to compete to athletes from a variety of sports not on the program of the Olympics. In 1985 the International Olympic Committee formally recognized the World Karate Federation as the international governing body for sport karate in the world. Today, it consists of 196 member countries with more than 12 million registered athletes.

Nature of the Sport Beginning students wear a white uniform with a white cloth belt, and then progress through a series of colored

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belts (typically yellow, green, purple, and brown) until they obtain a black belt. Qualifications for belts differ from school to school, depending on the style and standard of karate taught. The black belt, or dan, signifies the highest proficiency in karate and, like the other belts, is itself qualified by degrees of honor or skill, the highest dan being the ninth or tenth degree. Thus, contrary to popular belief, earning a black belt does not signify the culmination of a student’s training, but rather the mastering of basic movements. Karate practice is divided into three aspects: kihon (basics), kumite (sparring), and kata (forms). Kihon is the practice of various blocks, strikes, punches, and kicks. Kumite, or sparring, is the application of the techniques learned in kihon. Sparring is predetermined and is noncontact, being carried out with great control. Karate has two forms of competition: kata and kumite. Kata are formal exercises consisting of predetermined defensive and offensive movements, performed in sequence. They are performed against a series of imaginary attacks by several opponents. The secrets of karate are hidden in these beautiful compositions of lethal movement. They are the means by which the fundamental techniques of karate are transferred to each generation. A new kata is generally taught after each grading. Kata competition takes the form of team and individual matches. Team matches consist of competition between three person teams. Katas are judged based on timing, speed, balance, and focus, as well as proper form and an understanding of how the techniques are applied to an opponent. In kumite, two competitors fight on an 8-meter square padded mat (with two additional meters of safety area around it). Required equipment includes safety gloves, foot protectors, shin guards and a mouth guard.Women may wear chest protectors and men must wear groin guards. Official matches last three minutes for senior male kumite and two minutes for women’s, junior, and cadet bouts, and include a referee, three judges and an arbitrator. Competitors may not hit their opponents on the top of the head or shoulder, the front, side or back

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of the neck, or below the belt, except for foot sweeps. A fighter may attack an opponent who is on the ground, provided she does it before the referee has called “stop.” A score of one to three points is awarded based on form, sporting attitude, vigorous application, awareness, timing, and correct distance. Matches are won based on the contestant obtaining a lead of eight points, or at time-up having the highest number of points.

Competition at the Top The premier competition in karate is the World Karate Federation World Championships, which are held every two years in different countries and on different continents. The best competitors from throughout the world, selected by the recognized Olympic sports body in each country, compete at this international event. Numerous World Cup competitions, including international collegiate and junior competitions, also take place. Karate appears in all of the Continental Games, and discussion continues about how to get karate included in the Olympic Games. (Judo became an official Olympic sport in 1964 and tae kwon do in 2000.) The USA National Karate-do Federation is the national governing body for traditional karate. It represents the United States within the designated International Federation under the auspices of the International Olympic Committee, and fields junior and adult karate athletes to international events and competitions, including the World Championships, the Pan American Games, the Pan American Championships, the World Cup, and the World Games. Among the best-known competitions in the United States are the annual American championships of the Japan Karate Association, held usually on the West Coast or in Hawaii, and the All-American Open Karate Championships, held annually at Madison Square Garden in New York City. While competition was originally limited primarily to men, today women compete in sparring and kata tournaments. Today’s major female athletes include Junko Arai, a U.S. National champion who earned bronze

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medals in kata at the 2001 World Games and Pan American Games; Elisa Au, a 2003 gold winner at the U.S. Open Championships and 2002 gold medalist at the World Karate Federation World Championships; Atsuko Wakai, a black belt in Goju-ryu and a two-time World Karate Federation kata champion and four-time all-Japan national kata champion. She captured her first world title at the 14th World Karate Federation World Championships held in 1998 in Rio de Janiero, Brazil, and her second world title at the 15th World Karate Federation World Championships held in 2000 at Munich, Germany.

The Future Once limited to mostly males of the ruling clans in seventeenth-century Okinawa, karate has developed over the centuries into a physical and spiritual martial art practiced by some 40 million men, women, and children worldwide. Today, the sport stands to become even more popular if its supporters can convince the International Olympic Committee to enter karate as a competitive sport at future Olympic Games.

Governing Body The major international or regional governing bodies are the European Karate Federation (www.eku.com); Japan Karate Federation (www.karatedo.co.jp/jkf); National Karate Association of Canada (www.nka.ca); USA National Karate-do Federation (www.usankf.org); and World Karate Federation (www.wkf.net). Monica Cardoza

Further Reading Funakoshi, G. (1988). Karate-do Nyumon. New York: Kodansha International. Hickey, P. M. (1997). Karate: Techniques & tactics. Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics Publishers Inc. Higaonna, M. (1985). Traditional Karate-do: Fundamental techniques. Tokyo: Minato Research and Publishing Co. McCabe Cardoza, M. (1996). A woman’s guide to martial arts: How to choose a discipline and get started. New York: Overlook Press. Reilly, R. (2003). Karate basics. North Clarendon,VT: Tuttle Publishing. Yamaguchi, G. (1972). The fundamentals of Goju-Ryu karate. Burbank, CA: Ohara Publications.

Karting

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arting (also known as “go-karting”) is a motor sport involving one-seat, four-wheeled vehicles powered by internal-combustion engines. Karts are small and simple when compared with automobiles and other vehicles, although their power, size, and mechanical complexity vary. Although most karts have small engines that resemble lawnmower engines, the fastest karts can travel at 225 kilometers per hour or more. Karts cannot be driven legally on public streets unless special arrangements have been made. Instead, they are used for driving off-road and for racing on kart tracks or on temporary courses set up in parking lots and other sites. Karting, as an amateur sport, offers people an inexpensive way to participate in motor racing. A used or simple kart can cost less than $1,000. People can rent karts at many commercial kart tracks. Many kart enthusiasts are adults, although, because a driver’s license is not required, karting is also suitable for young people. Special racing categories allow drivers as young as seven or eight years old to compete. In 1993 Zack Dawson of Bakersfield, California, at age ten established a one-person distance record for 100-cubic centimeter (a measurement of engine displacement) karts by driving almost 400 kilometers in six hours.

History Karting originated in southern California when Art Ingels, a racing technician, built a kart for his own amusement in 1956. He constructed it of metal tubes supporting a seat, four wheels, and a small engine that had been built for lawnmowers. The frame was only about 15 centimeters off the ground, and the body was barely larger than the seat. Karts have become more sophisticated and larger, but Ingels’s design has remained the basic prototype for karts. Ingels drove his kart as a hobby. Then, with partner Lou Borelli, Ingels established a business named “Caretta” to manufacture karts commercially. The karts

KARTING

attracted public attention, and soon other companies began making them. The pioneer karting enthusiasts staged informal meets in the Rose Bowl parking lot in Pasadena, California. In 1957 the Go Kart Club of America was formed, and the first sanctioned kart race was held that year. Interest in the sport quickly spread in the United States and to Asia, Europe, and other parts of the world. At the peak of this early popularity during the late 1950s and early 1960s an estimated 150 companies were making karts or related equipment. The popularity subsided, but karting has remained a popular sport, and popularity in the United States rose during the 1990s. Karting is especially competitive in Europe. Karts are a specific category of vehicle, although many variations in their designs exist. Karts average in length from 1.5 meters to slightly more than 1.8 meters, and they are generally less than 63 centimeters tall with a wheelbase (width) of 100 centimeters. Tires are usually mounted on a wheel 12 centimeters in diameter, and they average between 23 and 43 centimeters in diameter overall. The kart body is usually open and has railings for bumpers. However, some karts have covered bodies that resemble those of race cars. Enthusiasts divide karting vehicles and events into several classes. Young drivers are in special classes. Classes are also based on the specifications of the karts. For example, concession karts are built for commercial rental and are limited to speeds of approximately 32 kilometers per hour for safety and liability reasons. At the other end of the range, larger and more powerful competition karts can travel at 130 to 160 kilometers per hour or more. Karts also are classified by whether they have a directdrive system (in which the engine is connected to the wheels by a chain) or a gearbox. A basic kart has one rear-mounted engine. However, karts may have sidemounted or twin engines. Numerous sizes and categories of kart engines exist. In general they range in size from 50 cubic centimeters to 260 cubic centimeters or larger. Five-horsepower, 100-cubic centimeter engines are common.

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The driver of a kart sits with legs extended or bent in front. His or her feet operate the accelerator and brake pedals. In many karts, such as Sprint-type racers, the seat back is upright. In Enduro karts the seat is angled low so the driver is reclining to reduce wind resistance. Because karts have sensitive steering, concentration and fast reflexes are important. In addition to turning the steering wheel, the driver shifts his or her weight to assist in turning. The sense of speed often seems more intense to the driver in karts than in larger vehicles.

Squeals on Wheels Young people often drive karts to have fun or to practice their driving skills. More serious young karters and adults participate in competitive events, including informal rallies and formal, sanctioned races with guidelines established by regional or national karting organizations. Among the largest such groups in North America are the International Kart Federation and the World Karting Association. The standards and rules of karting differ from country to country. Most kart races are held on closed, round tracks, which are generally a mile or less in length. One popular form of racing includes short races with large fields of drivers who race a series of laps for a designated distance or period of time. Endurance races, in which drivers make many more laps, also are held. In 1983 four drivers in Ontario, Canada (Gary Ruddock, Jim Timmons, Owen Nimmo, and Danny Upshaw), established an outdoor world record by driving a kart 1,787 kilometers on a 1.6-kilometer track in twentyfour hours.

Governing Body The World Karting Association (www.wka.org) regulates competitive karting. John Townes

Further Reading Smith, L. (1982). Karting. New York: Arco Publishing.

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Kendo

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endo is the modern Japanese martial art of fencing based on the techniques of the two-handed sword (katana) of the bushi (warriors). The weapon used in modern kendo is called a shinai and is composed of four slats of bamboo strapped together into a cylinder by a leather grip (tsuka) and cap (saki-gawa), connected by a nylon cord (tsuru), and a tie in the middle (nakayui). The length and weight varies depending on age group, but must not exceed 120 centimeters for adult males. Exponents don protective equipment known collectively as bogu or kendo-gu, which consists of a protective mask (men), upper-body protector (do), gauntlets (kote), and a lower-body protector (tare). Training ware consists of a thick cotton robe called a kendo-gi, and a traditional split skirt called a hakama, which is made of either cotton or nylon. Training is centered on sparring and repetition of basic techniques of attack and defense that are based on the four target areas of men (the head), kote (the wrists), do (the torso), and tsuki (thrust to the throat). Although there are only four target areas, there are many variations, and techniques have been systematized and divided into attack (shikake) and defense (oji), which use feints, parries, and blocks, with forward or backward movements. A set of ten kata (choreographed forms) uses a wooden sword (bokken) true to the original shape of a real sword, rather than the straight cylindrical shinai. The kata were formed for educational purposes, and correct form is emphasized. They are generally not used in competition. In a kendo match, three referees judge the validity of the competitors’ attacks. The first contestant to score two valid points within the designated time (usually three to five minutes) is deemed the winner. If only one point has been scored in regulation time, that person is the winner. If no point is scored, extra time may be allowed until a contestant scores, or in some cases a draw may be called. The length and width of the match area

may vary from 9 meters to 11 meters (10 to 12 yards). Kendo points are based on the technique having been executed with ki-ken-tai-itchi (unified spirit, sword, and body) and meeting a number of other stringent (often nebulous) requirements that are not obvious to the untrained eye. The correct part of the blade must connect accurately to a designated target area with the body, sword, and spirit in unison. The intended target area must be screamed out as contact is made, and sufficient alertness (zanshin) must be demonstrated after the attack. A mere touch with the blade on the target in kendo is not sufficient according to the current rules. Even though it seems to connect, often the attack is not deemed valid in kendo because some of the aforementioned criteria are not met. This aspect of kendo makes it very difficult to follow for people who are not versed in the ways of ki-ken-tai-itchi and all the elements that have to be present in a strike to make it valid. (Actually, this is sometimes a point of confusion even for seasoned kendo exponents.) Kendo, as do other martial arts, has a grading system in which novices usually start from sixth kyu working up to first kyu. Following the kyu grades are the dan grades. The first dan grade is shodan (first dan), which corresponds with a first-degree black belt in judo or karate, and so on. The highest grade was tenth dan, but the system was revised in 2000 and is now eighth dan. Dan grades are awarded at examinations based on technical ability. In addition to dan grades are shogo or honorary teaching titles of renshi (holder must be sixth dan or above), kyoshi (seventh dan or above), and hanshi (eighth dan). These are awarded based on the exponent’s understanding of the philosophy of kendo, contributions to the kendo community, and personal attributes.

History and Development of Kendo Fencing with the single-edged, straight-bladed sword was probably introduced into Japan from Sui (581– 618 CE) or early Tang (618–907 CE) China. The cultivation of sword skills flourished during the Kamakura

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The basis of true training in swordsmanship is to forge the spirit. ■ YAMAOKA TESSHU

period (1192–1333), and was particularly prevalent during the Sengoku period of incessant civil war (1467–1568), where renowned warriors began to systematize their battle tested skills into schools or traditions known as ryu. With the commencement of the Tokugawa period (1600–1868), Japanese society was finally unified and stratified into four classes: bushi warriors, farmers, artisans, and merchants (shi-no-ko-sho). Although a distinct minority, the bushi warriors stood at the top of the system. They solidified their position by banning other classes from possessing or wearing weapons. Thus, practicing kenjutsu (fencing) became an activity almost solely for bushi. The Tokugawa period was a time of continued peace, and no wars threatened the bakufu’s (military government) hegemony. Still, bushi of all domains were required to maintain military preparedness at all times, and their ability to use violence set bushi apart from the other echelons of society. Skilled exponents from many of the kenjutsu traditions found employment as instructors in domains throughout Japan.

Training Methodology and Equipment Lack of actual combat opportunity caused the moral and spiritual element of kenjutsu to gradually become prominent, drawing on Confucianism, Shinto, and Buddhist influences, especially Zen. Kenjutsu became a means for training the mind and body. Kata formed the basis of training methodology. Two adepts would face each other with live or blunted blades, or wooden swords and perform choreographed forms where the attacks would, in theory, stop just short of actual contact with the target area.

Kendo body armor.

In the mid-eighteenth century, Naganuma Shirozaemon Kunisato of the Jikishin Kage-ryu tradition developed protective equipment (bogu) for enabling adepts to actually make realistic attacks without holding back, and without the danger of maiming their opponents. This was revolutionary because adepts were no longer restricted to training in set forms with predetermined outcomes. Soon after, Nakanishi Chuzo Tsugutake of the Itto-ryu developed the shinai (replica sword made from bamboo), which popularized this new training methodology. Other traditions also introduced bogu and shinai into their training curriculum. Toward the end of the Tokugawa period, a number of prominent dojo (training halls) specializing in kenjutsu using protective equipment for no-holds-barred sparring appeared in Edo (present-day Tokyo). This was the golden era of kenjutsu’s popularity.

Meiji Period Kenjutsu In 1853, however, Japan’s respect for the traditional martial arts ended abruptly with the arrival of Commodore Perry’s “Black Ships” in Japanese waters. After centuries of self-imposed isolation (sakoku), Japan found itself outdated, outgunned, and out of its depth with the

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Two female kendo participants in action.

Western nations. Although the seclusion from the rest of the world had given the Japanese martial arts time to develop into fascinating martial antiques, rich in ritualistic symbolism and spiritualism, they were no match for the devastating firepower of Western nations snooping around Japan’s shores demanding special rights and privileges. Kenjutsu, along with the other martial arts, was considered symbolic of an outdated feudal hierarchy and no practical use to the emerging modern egalitarian society of the Meiji period (1868–1912). Sakakibara Kenkichi, a proud man of bushi background lamented the impending extinction of traditional swordsmanship and other martial arts. He set about rekindling popular interest by instigating a series of public demonstration matches (gekiken kogyo) featuring unemployed and destitute swordsmen. The first of these curious martial circuses was held in Tokyo for ten days commencing 11 April 1873, and all members of the public, regardless of age or sex, were welcome to witness

the spectacle as long as they paid the entrance fee. Many more exhibitions followed. However, many critics decried seeing the once proud bushi “selling their souls” and prostituting their martial skills for money. This was seen as detracting from the true spirit of kenjutsu. The stars of the shows eventually found gainful employment as kenjutsu instructors in the newly formed police force in the 1880s, and as the talent in the troupes became depleted, the demonstrations ceased. Nonetheless, the historical importance of the gekiken kogyo cannot be denied, and in many ways, we still have kendo because of this chapter in history.

Kenjutsu in Schools The worth of kenjutsu was quickly rediscovered by the police, who endorsed it as an effective tool to train officers. However, getting kenjutsu accepted into the school curriculum as a tool for education was a long and complicated process. In the 1870s, a number of

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Kendo Rei government officials voiced their inhibitions about totally westernizing the education system and wanted to retain certain aspects of “Japanese-ness” in the physical education curriculum, which was based heavily on Western gymnastics. To investigate the potential benefits and dangers of teaching kenjutsu in schools, the Ministry of Education instigated a number of official surveys. An 1883 investigation acknowledged that teaching kenjutsu could be beneficial in complementing the knowledge-oriented school system with its emphasis on spiritual development but would run counter to the medical or physiological benefits expected from physical education activities, be detrimental to balanced physical development, encourage violence, and be dangerous, expensive (equipment), and unhygienic. Thus, schools were not allowed to teach kenjutsu.

Dai Nippon Butokukai The move to introduce kenjutsu into schools was aided by the 1895 formation of the Dai Nippon Butokukai (Greater Japan Society of Martial Virtue), which was established in Kyoto under the authority of the Ministry of Education and the Meiji emperor’s endorsement. Its goals were to standardize and promote the plethora of martial disciplines and systems found throughout the nation. In 1899, the Butokukai constructed the Butokuden dojo in Kyoto. Here, in 1905, a division was established to train bujutsu instructors. In 1911, the Butokukai-run Butoku Gakko (School of Martial Virtue) was formed, became known as the Bujutsu Senmon Gakko (Bujutsu Specialist School) in 1912 and then the Budo Senmon Gakko in 1919 when the term bu-justu was officially replaced with bu-do to emphasize the martial “way” or spiritual aspects of the martial arts. At this time, ken-jutsu became commonly known as ken-do. The Butokukai actively promoted kendo and other martial arts by creating a ranking system, training teachers, and holding special events and tournaments and was the driving force behind elevating the martial arts into elective courses in schools. In an attempt to unify the many kenjutsu traditions and their techniques, the Butokukai also developed a

In kendo, there is an often-quoted saying rei-nihajimari-rei-ni-owaru ([kendo should] begin with rei, and end with rei ). Rei basically means courtesy or etiquette, and good manners are emphasised as a way of showing respect to one’s opponent or training partners. A group bow is always performed at the commencement and conclusion of each training session or tournament. Usually one bow is made to show respect to the other participants, another is performed to the teacher, and yet another to a significant or part place in the dojo (kamidana, kamiza, shinzen, shomen) in deference to the specialness of the training environment. Also, exponents bow to each other at the beginning and end of each individual bout. There are prescribed methods for performing bows or gestures of respect depending on the situation, and it is said that without performing the bow properly with the correct frame of mind and feeling of respect, kendo degenerates into no more than violence. Thus, for kendo to be considered a valid way of character development, genuine feelings of respect and the ritualized forms of etiquette performed to express it play a crucial role.

Alexander Bennett

new set of kendo kata as an educational tool to complement training in amour. In 1912, the Dai Nippon Teikoku Kendo Kata (Great Japan Imperial Kendo Kata), which consisted of ten forms, was unveiled. Numerous amendments were made thereafter, but it essentially constituted what modern exponents still practice as Nihon Kendo Kata.

Pre-War Militarism and Postwar “Democratization” By the mid 1930s, Japan’s government was mostly controlled by the military. Schools were ordered to stress patriotism and seishin kunren, or “spiritual training.”

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Kendo Iaido Iaido, or the art of drawing the sword, is another martial art related to kendo. However, in contrast to kendo, a live blade (or blunt steel replica) is used to perform set moves (kata) against an imaginary opponent. Iaido techniques were said to have been founded by Hayashizaki Shigenobu during the turmoil of the Warring States period sometime in the latter part of the sixteenth century. Subsequently, many different schools (ryuha) were developed over the ensuing centuries, each retaining their own characteristics and unique kata. Bushi practiced kenjutsu with an opponent to hone their combat ability, and iai as a way to master the subtleties of the quick draw, and manipulating the blade for cutting. In 1956, an iaido division was set up in the All Japan Kendo Federation, and in 1969, a generic set

Kendo was promoted to a compulsory subject in schools, and by 1942, the government had banned participation in most Western sports. By March 1942, physical education classes in schools focused on kendo, kyudo, judo, naginata (for girls), and rifle practice. Kendo was adapted to make it more combat-realistic. For example, emphasis on making one sacrificial attack was idealized rather than technical dexterity that might facilitate winning bouts. Matches were made ippon-shobu, or the first person to get a point was the winner. Shinai were shortened to resemble the length of a real sword, and grappling from close quarters was encouraged. After Japan’s defeat in World War II, the Allied Pacific command banned budo. Undoubtedly trainings were still held in secret, but officially, kendo and the other budo arts were prohibited. However, in September 1949, the Tokyo Collegiate Kendo Federation alumni formed the Tokyo Kendo Club to look at ways to revive kendo as a sport suitable for a postwar democratic society. They formulated a plan for a new sport called shinai kyogi. The sporting aspect of kendo was stressed, and the combative applications prevalent before and during the war were consciously removed.

of kata were developed to transcend traditional school affiliations and facilitate inter-ryuha competition and grading examinations. These kata have been slowly added to over the years. As of 2004, twelve kata have been formulated by the All Japan Kendo Federation and they are practiced in addition to those of the particular ryuha the exponent belongs to. The grading system in iaido is exactly the same as that used in kendo. In tournaments, competitors perform their solo kata in pairs in front of judges who decide the winner based on accuracy and precision of the techniques and cuts, posture, cleanness of movement, timing, verve, sense of reality, and concentration apparent in the contestant.

Alexander Bennett

The All Japan Shinai Kyogi Federation was inaugurated in 1950 and continued to propagate and refine the rules and methodology of this new sporting creation. In 1952, authorities permitted shinai kyogi as an elective subject in middle and high schools. In the same year, the All Japan Kendo Federation (AJKF) was formed, and conventional kendo was once again permitted, albeit in a far less violent form than a decade earlier. In 1957, shinai kyogi was combined with kendo to become gakko kendo (school kendo), and the All Japan Shinai Kyogi Federation was dissolved. Although often disregarded as an extremely watereddown version of real kendo, shinai kyogi was the instrumental factor in the reinstatement of kendo and profoundly affected how postwar kendo developed, especially for match rules. Following the inauguration of the AJKF in 1952, the first annual All Japan Kendo Championships were held in 1953, the All Japan Collegiate Kendo Federation was formed in the same year, the All Japan Company Kendo Federation was formed in 1957, and the All Japan School Kendo Federation was formed in 1961.

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In kendo and in life, what you don’t sweat when you are young will turn into tears when you are old. ■ TSURUMARU JUICHI

International Spread of Kendo

THE CONCEPT OF KENDO

Japanese emigrating to the United States, Brazil, and Canada spread kendo, as did Japanese colonialism in Taiwan and Korea in the pre-war period. However, kendo was introduced into Europe, Southeast Asia, and Oceania mainly after 1945. The European Kendo Association was established in 1968, and European championships started in 1969. Outside Japan, Korea has the largest kendo population, although kendo is referred to as kumdo there and considered by many as traditional Korean culture. Koreans are eager for kendo to become an Olympic sport, but so far, the mainstream in the International Kendo Federation (IKF) has been opposed because of the fear that over-emphasizing the sporting aspects of kendo would be detrimental to the “true essence” of the art. The IKF was formed at a meeting in Tokyo in 1970 attended by seventeen countries and regions with the aim of cultivating goodwill through the international propagation of kendo (also iaido and jodo). The IKF is responsible for holding the World Kendo Championships every three years, international seminars, assistance in developing federation infrastructure in kendo-developing countries, and information exchange. As of 2004, there are 44 affiliate nations and an estimated 1,759,469 practitioners in affiliated federations around the world. Of that, 1,333,500 reside in Japan and 400,000 in Korea (IKF records, 2004).

The concept of kendo is to discipline the human character through the application of the principles of the katana (sword).

Tradition versus Sports The issue of whether kendo is a form of “traditional culture” or a “sport” still fuels heated discussions, often without a suitable definition for either. Great emphasis is placed on kendo competition, particularly at high school and university levels, and this is deemed by more conservative exponents as being in discordance with the true “way” or essence of kendo, where issues of victory or defeat detract from the more important goal of character development. With this in mind, the All Japan Kendo Federation created the official “Concept of Kendo,” and “The Purpose of Practicing Kendo” in 1975:

The Purpose of Practicing Kendo The purpose of practicing kendo is: To mold the mind and body, To cultivate a vigorous spirit, And through correct and rigid training, To strive for improvement in the art of kendo; To hold in esteem human courtesy and honor, To associate with others with sincerity, And to forever pursue the cultivation of oneself. This will make one be able: To love his/her country and society, To contribute to the development of culture And to promote peace and prosperity among all peoples.

The Future In 2004, kendo is still a popular activity in Japan and abroad. In Japan, however, numbers of exponents have dropped in recent years. This can be attributed to a number of factors, including the social problem of low birth rates and young people’s attraction to professional sports such as baseball and, more recently, soccer. Another issue is how relevant is the prescribed kendo tradition of character building “through the application of the principles of the katana” to people living in the twenty-first century. Modern kendo in its current form is not as old as some would suggest, and many refinements have been made to rules, concepts, and techniques during the last century to facilitate kendo’s integration and acceptance as a socially useful and fulfilling activity for the times. In this sense, although considered a traditional martial art by many, kendo continues to develop its sporting characteristics, while striving to retain and emphasize traditional values. Alexander Bennett

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Kenya Olympics Results 2004 Summer Olympics: 1 Gold, 4 Silver, 2 Bronze

Further Reading All Japan Kendo Federation (Ed.). (1982). Zaidan hojin zen nihon kendo renmei sanjunen-shi. Tokyo: ZNKR. All Japan Kendo Federation (Ed.). (1992). Kendokai no ayumi kono junen. Tokyo: ZNKR. All Japan Kendo Association (Ed.). (2003). Gojunen-shi. Tokyo: ZNKR. All Japan Kendo Association (Ed.) (2003). Kendo no rekishi. Tokyo: ZNKR. Bennett, A. (2004). Kendo—A comprehensive history of the modern art of Japanese fencing. Auckland, New Zealand: KW Publications. Guttman, A., & Thompson, L. (2001). Japanese sports: A history. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. Hurst III, G. C. (1988). Armed martial arts of Japan: Swordsmanship and archery. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Kendo World Magazine. Retrieved September 8, 2004, from http:// www.kendo-world.com Nakamura, T. (1985). Shiryo kindai kendo-shi. Tokyo: Shimazu Shobo. Nakamura, T. (1994). Kendo jiten. Tokyo: Shimazu Shobo. Nakamura, T. (2003). Kindai kendo-sho Senshu Vol. 1–10. Tokyo: Hon no Tomosha. Otsuka, T. (1995). Nihon Kendo no Rekishi. Tokyo: Madosha. Otsuka, T. (1995). Nihon Kendo no Shiso. Tokyo: Madosha. Otsuka, T., Sakaue, Y., & Utunomiya, S. (Eds.). (1990). Nobi Nobi Kendo Gakko. Tokyo: Madosha. Shoju, M. (1976). Kendo Hyakunen. Tokyo: Jijitsushinsha. Tominaga, K. (1972). Kendo Gohyakunen-shi. Tokyo: Hyakusen Shobo.

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ribal variation, archaeological discoveries, colonial history, and the romance of a wild (and presumably accessible) country have influenced the development of sports in Kenya. Independence came in 1963 after a conflict that pitted members of the Kikuyu, the most populous tribal group, against each other, the Kikuyu against other Kenyans, and Kenyans against British colonialists. In 1911 a German entomologist (a scientist who studies insects) had found fossils of antecedents of humans in Tanzania’s Olduvai Gorge. The Leakey family, whose members were among the earliest English settlers in Kenya, and other paleontologists have since found remains of the distant lineage of Homo sapiens at Olduvai and on the edges of Kenya’s Lake Turkana and Lake Baringo. Virgin land and great varieties of wildlife attracted hunters and adventurers such as Winston

Churchill and Theodore Roosevelt. The U.S. writer Ernest Hemingway in Green Hills of Africa and the Danish writer Isak Dinesen (Karen Blixen) in Out of Africa show the romanticism but also a thinly disguised Anglo-European possessiveness toward the culture.

Competition at the Top Maiyoro Nyandika was the first Kenyan to compete prominently in international running events, placing seventh and sixth, respectively, in the 5,000 meters in the 1956 and 1960 Olympic Games. Kipchoge Keino, the athlete who attained world fame shortly after Kenyan independence and continues to be revered throughout Kenya for his sports successes and humanitarian efforts, competed in the 5,000 meters in the Olympics in 1964 (placing fifth) and in 1968 (placing second). He won the 1,500 meters in 1968, was second in 1972, and also won the steeplechase that year. Other Kenyan runners burst into Olympic prominence during Keino’s career. Amos Biwott and Benjamin Kogo were first and second in the 1968 steeplechase, Benjamin Jipcho was second in the steeplechase in 1972, and Naftali Temu won the 10,000 meters in 1968. Kenyan success has continued in Olympic distance events and recurs in all international road races and particularly major marathons. Kenya especially dominates when running teams compete, with the Kenyan men’s team winning every world crosscountry event from 1987 to 2003. The success of Kenyans has enhanced the country’s image throughout the sporting world and also has created speculation about the reasons for such success. John Bale and Joe Sang provide an overview of the background of Kenya’s running success, noting the long history of physical culture in several tribes before entry into modern sporting events under the influence of British teachers and coaches and support from the Kenyan government after independence. Although Kenyans have been successful in the steeplechase and international marathons, Kenyans also have won Olympic medals in shorter events, with Julius Sang placing third in 1972 in the 400 meters and Samson

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Kenya Inequitable Hunting Rights In the extract below, Jason Machiwanyika describes how Europeans forced Africans to give up hunting, which had the effect of removing meat from the African diet: Europeans took all guns from Africans and refused to let them shoot game. But Europeans shoot game. Africans have to eat relish [the accompaniment to their maize-meal porridge] only with vegetables. If an African shoots an animal with a gun, the African is arrested and the gun is confiscated. Source: Machiwanyika, J. (c. 1920). Hunting in eastern and central Africa in the late nineteenth century. Umtali, South Africa: Methodist Episcopal Mission Press.

Kitur third in 1992. Kenyans also have had success in Olympic boxing. Robert Wangali became the first black African to win an Olympic boxing event when he won a gold medal at 69 kilograms at the 1984 Olympics. Ibrahim Bilali placed third at 51 kilograms that year. Philip Waruinga won bronze in 1968 and silver in 1972. Samuel Mbugua (61 kilograms) and Dick “Tiger” Murungu (69 kilograms) won bronze in 1972, as did Chris Sande (75 kilograms) in 1988. Association football (soccer) is popular, and some Kenyans consider soccer the national sport, but Kenya has not been nearly as successful in world soccer competition as have other African nations such as Nigeria and Cameroon.

Speculations about Kenyan Runners Kenya has a population of 32 million and has had a stable political history since 1963 compared with that of many other African nations. However, economic conditions remain poor, with gross domestic product (GDP) per capita hovering at $1,000, and life chances precarious. The infant mortality rate is more than sixtytwo deaths per thousand live births (in contrast, Iceland has one of the lowest rates at 3.3), and life expectancy is 44.8 years for men and 45.1 years for women (78.2 and 82.3 years in Iceland).

Against such a background of modest economic resources and low life expectancy, the sporting community has debated reasons for Kenya’s success in running. Much of the answer is now known. Some cultures have conceptions of the body and bodily movement that can be advantageous when exploited for sports. The former Prime Minister Jomo Kenyatta has discussed the centrality of running to puberty rites among the Kikuyu people. John Bale and Joe Sang have documented the connections between tribal movement culture and modern sports requirements, particularly the connection between the lifestyle and movement culture of the Kalenjin people around the town of Eldoret in the western highlands. The Kalenjins make up 12 percent of the Kenyan population, yet they are the principal source of its successful runners. With the exceptions of 1976 and 1980, when Kenya did not field a team, Kenyans won every steeplechase event in the Olympics from 1968 through 2004. Eight of the winners were Kalenjin, and one was a Kikuyu. Eight of the twelve Kenyan winners of the Boston Marathon from 1988 through 2004 were Kalenjin. Successful women marathoners Joyce Chepchumba, Tegla Loroupe, and Margaret Okayo are Kalenjin, and Catherine Ndereba is Kikuyu. The area surrounding Eldoret has an elevation of 1,800–2,100 meters above sea level, roughly equivalent to that of Boulder, Colorado. Altitude exposure can contribute to athletic performance, but evidence about its singular effects is mixed. An athlete adapts to altitude at a rate of approximately one day per 300 meters, and runners from sea level have difficulty running distance events in cities such as Denver and Boulder without proper altitude adaptation. Many U.S. runners do train at altitudes several thousand feet above sea level prior to racing in other localities. However, as Bale and Sang point out, many countries with altitudes equivalent to that of the Eldoret area do not produce successful distance runners. In addition to the movement culture, altitude training, a tradition of group training, and, of course, hard training regimens, institutionalized resources from English schools have recruited and trained young runners, and the government has recruited athletes into the military and law

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enforcement systems, where they can have access to training facilities.

The Future Kenya’s history as a republic and its running prowess are more than forty years old. Sports are a source of pride for Kenyans and sports enthusiasts throughout the world; sports are a locus of collective memory. Athletic successes are valuable to Kenya’s commerce in the global marketplace. However, in the larger context of global sports and Kenyan life and politics, sports are qualified by larger priorities. Kipchoge Keino, chair of the Kenya National Olympic Committee, knows that Kenyan running success carries obligations greater than Kenya’s success in world running events. With the help of Nike and the International Olympic Committee he has built a training facility for runners from throughout Africa. He particularly seeks runners from countries torn by geopolitical and ethnic strife, such as Burundi, Sudan, and Somalia. Stephen G. Wieting

Further Reading Anderson, D. (2005). Histories of the hanged: The dirty war in Kenya and the end of empire. New York: W. W. Norton. Bale, J. (1998, Summer). Capturing the African body? Visual images and “imaginative sports.” Journal of Sport History, 25, 234–251. Bale, J., & Sang, J. (1996). Kenyan running: Movement culture, geography and global change. London: Frank Cass. Barkan, J. D. (2004, January–February). Kenya after Moi. Foreign Affairs, 83, 87–100. Dinesen, I. (1937). Out of Africa. New York: Vintage. Elkins, C. (2005). Imperial reckoning: The untold story of Britain’s gulag in Kenya. New York: Henry Holt. Hemingway, E. (1935). Green hills of Africa. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons. Kenyatta, J. (1938). Facing Mt. Kenya. New York: Vintage. Lasson, F., & Selborn, C. (1994). Isak Dinesen: Her life in pictures (3rd ed.). Copenhagen, Denmark: Karen Blixen Museum. Morell, V. (1995). Ancestral passions: The Leakey family and the quest for humankind’s beginnings. New York: Simon & Schuster. Wallechinsky, D. (2004). The complete book of the summer Olympics, Athens edition. Wilmington, DE: Sport Media Publishing. Wa Thiong’o, N. (1983). Barrel of a pen: Resistance to repression in neocolonial Kenya. Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press. White, L. (1990). The comforts of home: Prostitution in colonial Nairobi. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Kinesiology

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inesiology is the study of motion, the term being derived from the Greek word kinein (to move). The first recorded scientific use of the term kinesiology was by N. Dally, who published an article entitled “Cinesiologie ou Science du Mouvement” and was cited in the Librairie Centrale des Sciences in Paris in 1857. Modern usage of the term has its early roots in the therapeutic sciences, especially physical therapy, which for some time has taught courses with titles such as “pathokinesiology.” Kinesiology, which has traditionally and almost uniformly been referred to as “physical education” since its inception, has undergone much change during the last fifty years. This change has come both in the term and in the subspecialty fields of research and teaching and the development of career opportunities. Changes within the broad domain of both the study and practice of physical activity have accelerated somewhat during the past ten to fifteen years because of a number of forces acting upon university departments that offer degrees in the study of physical activity. Approximately sixty universities in the United States and Canada offer doctoral degree programs in the study of physical activity under names such as “kinesiology” or “sport and exercise science.” The appropriate name for degree programs in physical activity has been a topic of vigorous debate during the past decade. Although agreement is not uniform, kinesiology is the name agreed upon by the majority of doctoral-granting universities in the United States and Canada. In the past, professional programs in physical education prepared teachers and coaches, and thus almost all degree programs and department names included terms such as health, physical education, recreation, or some combination of these. During the past twenty-five years, however, people have attempted to more precisely define the academic study of physical activity, and terms such as kinesiology, human movement studies, sport science, movement science, and exercise

KINESIOLOGY

science have become widely used. Such was the proliferation of terms that Razor and Brassie (1989) reported 114 variations in use. Departments employed many of these terms to emphasize the disciplinary aspects of studying physical activity rather than the more practical and professional aspects of the field. The search for a suitable descriptor to identify the many activities that make up the broad spectrum of human movement studies was not new. However, no concerted effort was made to come to a consensus. The launch of the Soviet satellite Sputnik during the 1950s signaled the rapid rise of Russian scientific progress and caused great concern regarding the status of science in the United States. A government commission chaired by former Harvard University President James Conant reported on the status of science education in U.S. universities in 1963. Because its subject matter (physical education) was perceived as not sufficiently “academic,” Conant’s report dealt a serious blow to university degree programs in physical education by criticizing their professional preparation programs for shallow content and suspect academic standards. Conant’s report went so far as to recommend the elimination of the field, particularly as it related to graduate programs. Responding to this criticism, Professor Franklin Henry (University of California at Berkeley, 1964) claimed that physical education could exhibit the characteristics of an academic discipline and urged the field to adopt the behavior of other established fields. Henry outlined the many areas of scholarship that are unique to the study of physical activity. As a result, graduate programs were restructured into areas of specialization that included biomechanics, exercise physiology, motor learning, sports psychology and sociology, administrative theory, and sports history and philosophy.

Fragmentation The lack of a focused body of knowledge in physical activity initially limited the academic preparation of students. Large amounts of coursework had to be completed in related fields, a situation that scholars at-

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tempted to rectify through research efforts and program expansion. However, the resulting proliferation of coursework and the diversity of faculty opinion as to how the professional and disciplinary aspects of the field should proceed produced fragmentation. The rapidity of change during the next twenty years was so pronounced that some experts admitted uncertainty about the current parameters of the field. Appeals for reunification fell on deaf ears. As Harris (1981) observed, the field of study remained a “house divided” with inadequate organization, a lack of interpretation of an appropriate body of knowledge, internal power struggles, a redundancy of focus, and a bevy of organizations and societies representing specialty areas. Nevertheless, major research universities in the United States made concerted efforts to build a body of scientific knowledge around the fundamental processes of human movement, and by any measure the efforts were successful. Fifty-seven institutions offer a doctoral degree in twenty-six generic areas of specialization; of these, thirty are graduate programs at major research universities. Kinesiology is rooted in the profession of teaching physical activity, and although the connections between the two remain broadly educational, the development of physical activity science at the university level retains both a biological and a behavioral perspective at the cost of studying professional application. The need for a single suitable descriptor resurfaced during the late 1980s with more positive results. In response to a report by the National Commission on Excellence entitled “A Nation at Risk: The Imperative for Educational Reform” (1983) and legislative actions by states, departments of physical education have been forced to redefine not only their missions in terms of the content of their degree programs, but also the name that they apply to both the department and the associated degrees. The absence of a clearly articulated and acceptable definition of the study of physical activity remained a serious problem in higher education. The term kinesiology surfaced at the time as a term for the academic study of physical activity. It was recognizable,

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Kinesiology John F. Kennedy on Fitness Physical fitness is not only one of the most important keys to a healthy body, it is the basis of dynamic and creative intellectual activity. The relationship between the soundness of the body and the activities of the mind is subtle and complex. Much is not yet understood. But we do know what the Greeks knew: that intelligence and skill can only function at the peak of their capacity when the body is healthy and strong; that hardy spirits and tough minds usually inhabit sound gods.

neutral, and academically sound. The term emphasized the central focus of the field but was general enough to allow flexibility of content and inclusion of both professional-based and discipline-based study. In 1988 academic leaders of the Big Ten Conference invited scholars from twenty-three researchoriented universities to their annual meeting at the University of Michigan to discuss the need to balance the joint responsibility of producing professionals in the field of education (sport and physical activity) with the demands of a science-based research university. At the center of these discussions was an agenda to adopt a term that encompassed both professional and disciplinary perspectives. After much deliberation the conferees agreed (not unanimously) that the most suitable term is kinesiology, which would include the study of physical activity in all forms and contexts.

Issues In April 1989 a resolution adopting the term kinesiology was presented for further discussion to members of the American Academy of Physical Education (AAPE). The AAPE, now called the “American Academy of Kinesiology and Physical Education” (AAKPE), is a select group of more than one hundred people recognized by their peers for outstanding competence in

the discipline and practice of health, physical education, recreation, and related fields during a period of ten to fifteen years. Members focused on the following issues: ■ ■

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An inordinate number of descriptors were in use. Differences in conceptualization of the body of knowledge existed between universities. Confusion reigned regarding the multitude of degree titles, program names, and administrative names. A nationally accepted descriptor would provide a strong sense of purpose, high visibility in academia, and a greater understanding of the field than presently existed in the eyes of the public. Members of the AAPE resolved that the term kinesiology should represent both undergraduate and graduate degree programs in universities.

Although complete uniformity has still to be achieved, the term kinesiology is now the most widely used term to designate the academic study of physical activity sciences. Michael G. Wade See also Biomechanics; Human Movement Studies; Physical Education; Sport Science

Further Reading Conant, J. B. (1963). The education of American teachers. New York: McGraw-Hill. Greendorfer, S. L. (1987). Specialization, fragmentation, integration, discipline, profession: What is the real issue? Quest, 39(1), 56–64. Harris, D. (1981). Physical education: A house divided. Monograph of the American Academy of Physical Education, 15, 32–35. Henry, F. (1964). Physical education: An academic discipline. Journal of Health, Physical Education, and Recreation, 35(7), 32–33. King, H. A., & Bandy, S. J. (1987). Doctoral programs in physical education: A census with particular reference to the status of specializations. Quest, 39(2), 153–162. Razor, J. E., & Brassie, P. S. (1989). HPER unit names in higher education—A view toward the future. Journal of Physical Education, Recreation, and Dance, 60(7), 33–40. Spirduso, W. (1988). A case for one name to describe the academic degree program leading to certification to teach physical education. Proceedings of the Big Ten Leadership Conference (pp. 5–8). Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics.