At the Origins of Christian Worship: The Context and Character of Earliest Christian Devotion

At the Origins of Christian Worship The Context and Character of Earliest Christian Devotion

Larry W. Hurtado

WILLIAM B. EERDMANS PUBLISHING C O M P A N Y G R A N D RAPIDS, MICHIGAN / CAMBRIDGE, U . K .

© 1 9 9 9 Larry W. Hurtado All rights reserved First published 1 9 9 9 in the U.K. by Paternoster Press Paternoster Press is an imprint of Paternoster Publishing P.O. Box 3 0 0 , Carlisle, Cumbria, CA3 OQS, UK This edition published 2 0 0 0 in the United States of America by Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Company 2 5 5 Jefferson Ave. S.E., Grand Rapids, Michigan 4 9 5 0 3 / P.O. Box 163, Cambridge CB3 9PU U.K. www.eerdmans.com Printed in the United States of America

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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Hurtado, Larry W., 1 9 4 3 At the origins of Christian worship : the context and character of earliest Christian devotion / Larry Hurtado. p.

cm.

Originally published: Carlisle, Cumbria, UK : Paternoster Press, 1 9 9 9 . Includes bibliographical references. ISBN-10: 0 - 8 0 2 8 - 4 7 4 9 - 8 / ISBN-13: 9 7 8 - 0 - 8 0 2 8 - 4 7 4 9 - 2 (pbk. : alk. paper) 1. Worship — History — Early church, ca. 3 0 - 6 0 0 . BV6.H87

I. Title.

2000

2 6 4 ' .011 — dc21 00-041735

Scripture quotations are taken from the N E W REVISED STANDARD VERSION © 1 9 8 9 , Division of Christian Education of the National Council of the Churches of Christ in the United States of America. Used by permission. All rights reserved.

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Contents

Preface Introduction 1. T h e Religious E n v i r o n m e n t

ix 1 7

2 . Features o f Early Christian W o r s h i p

39

3 . T h e Binitarian S h a p e o f E a r l y Christian W o r s h i p

63

4 . Reflections for Christian W o r s h i p T o d a y

98

Bibliography

119

Preface

It is an h o n o u r to have been invited to deliver the 1 9 9 9 D i d s b u r y Lectures at the British Isles N a z a r e n e C o l l e g e , M a n c h e s t e r . T h i s b o o k i n c o r p o r a t e s my four lectures, here lightly edited for publication, as well as an i n t r o d u c t i o n , notes and a list o f w o r k s cited. T h e first three c h a p t e r s e x p l o r e historical questions a b o u t the earliest Christian w o r s h i p and focus on the R o m a n setting o f earliest Christianity and the c h a r a c t e r o f its w o r s h i p in this religious e n v i r o n m e n t . T h e s e chapters reflect lines of investigation that I have been following for a n u m b e r of years. I have a t t e m p t e d to m a k e this discussion accessible to any interested reader, b u t I a l s o hope t h a t it m a k e s s o m e c o n t r i b u t i o n t o our historical grasp o f early Christian devotion. In the final chapter I offer s o m e reflections on Christian w o r s h i p today. Candid self-disclosure by s c h o l a r s is n o w perhaps m o r e a c c e p t a b l e than in s o m e previous times, but m a y still be u n c o m f o r t a b l e to s o m e . In a subject such as early Christianity, it stretches credibility for scholars to claim to have no personal s t a k e . We c a n , h o w e v e r , aim for a c c u r a c y in presenting the d a t a a n d even m o r e so in referring to the views of t h o s e with w h o m we disagree. M o r e o v e r , we c a n always seek simply to understand patiently a n d sympathetically. Perhaps s o m e readers w h o regard any religious faith as i n c o m p a t i b l e with critical scholarship m a y regard me as perverse in admitting to the hope t h a t a jury of fair-minded citizens w o u l d be a b l e to c o n v i c t me on the c h a r g e of being a C h r i s t i a n . (I also a d m i t , h o w e v e r , that there are days when my b e h a v i o u r might very well e n a b l e a g o o d defence counsel to get me o f f the charge!)

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B u t , whatever the personal stance of my readers, I h o p e that the t r e a t m e n t of historical questions in chapters 1 - 3 will be of s o m e value for a n y o n e interested in the origins of Christianity. C h a p t e r 4 , though c o n c e r n e d with the c o n t e m p o r a r y practice o f Christian w o r s h i p , m a y b e o f some interest t o nonparticipant observers of Christianity as well as to adherents. I t a k e sole responsibility for the following pages, but I also wish t o a c k n o w l e d g e T r o y M i l l e r , o n e o f m y P h . D . students, w h o read c h a p t e r one and offered helpful c o m m e n t s . S o m e o f the ideas presented in these lectures have also been discussed with colleagues in the F a c u l t y of Divinity here, particularly N i c k W y a t t (the G r a e c o - R o m a n ' p a g a n ' b a c k g r o u n d ) and Peter H a y m a n (the J e w i s h b a c k g r o u n d ) . Since m y m o v e t o Edinburgh in 1 9 9 6 , 1 have been privileged to be a part of the vigorous group o f scholars t h a t m a k e u p the Faculty o f Divinity/New C o l l e g e team, and I am m o s t grateful for their w e l c o m e and c o m r a d e s h i p . T h e s e are especially meaningful c o m i n g from a c o l l e c t i o n of colleagues w h o h o l d vigorously a variety of scholarly views and w h o represent a diversity of personal stances on questions of religious faith. C h a p t e r three is an adapted version of an invited paper presented to the International C o n f e r e n c e on the H i s t o r i c a l O r i g i n s o f the W o r s h i p o f J e s u s held a t St. A n d r e w s University, 1 3 - 1 7 J u n e 1 9 9 8 . T h e paper will also appear i n the edited v o l u m e of essays from that c o n f e r e n c e . I t h a n k the editors of t h a t volume, D r . J a m e s D a v i l a and D r . C a r e y N e w m a n , a s well as the publishers, E. J. Brill, for permission to use the paper here a l s o . In D e c e m b e r 1 9 9 8 my wife, S h a n n o n , and I celebrated our twentieth wedding anniversary. T h e s e have been twenty years o f w a r m and loving c o m p a n i o n s h i p , all the m o r e c o m f o r t i n g because these years have n o t been w i t h o u t their d e m a n d s and difficulties. T h o u g h she is heavily involved in her o w n research into nineteenth-century British cultural and art history, she has always s h o w n patient and helpful interest in the topics of my studies as well. To her I dedicate this b o o k , with gratitude a n d love. New C o l l e g e , Edinburgh

Abbreviations

A b b r e v i a t i o n s o f b o o k s o f the B i b l e , A p o c r y p h a , P h i l o , J o s e p h u s a n d e x t r a - c a n o n i c a l early Christian writings are those of the Journal of Biblical Literature. ANF

The Ante-Nicene Fathers, eds. R o b e r t s and Donaldson BCE B e f o r e the C o m m o n E r a CE C o m m o n Era CEV C o n t e m p o r a r y English V e r s i o n HE The Ecclesiastical History, Eusebius. JB Jerusalem Bible JTS Journal of Theological Studies LXX Septuagint MM The Vocabulary of the Greek Testament Illustrated from the Papyri and other Non-Literary Sources, by M o u l t o n and M i l l i g a n . NAB N e w American Bible NEB N e w English Bible NIV N e w International V e r s i o n NRSV N e w Revised S t a n d a r d V e r s i o n NT New Testament NTS New Testament Studies OT Old Testament RGG Die Religion in Geschichte und Gegenwart, ed. K. Galling

Introduction

Christian w o r s h i p has a long and c o m p l e x history, and this little volume is a b o u t its earliest o b s e r v a b l e stages. O v e r the last t w o decades my o w n research has focused on the first t w o c e n turies of the Christian m o v e m e n t , with special attention to the origins and early development of devotion to Christ. I have been particularly interested in the expression of this devotion in the w o r s h i p setting. I a m , h o w e v e r , a specialist in the N e w T e s t a m e n t and Christian origins, n o t a historian of liturgy; but I have given c o n s i d e r a b l e attention to a n c i e n t Christian w o r s h i p because of its significance for understanding early Christianity. A t the risk o f severe understatement, o n e o f the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c things early Christians did was to w o r s h i p . Early Christianity w a s , after all, a religious m o v e m e n t , striving to o r i e n t adherents to the divine purposes p r o c l a i m e d in its gospel message. If, therefore, we w a n t to analyse m a j o r phen o m e n a o f early Christianity, C h r i s t i a n s ' devotional practices are clearly key matters for a t t e n t i o n . B u t the w o r s h i p of the earliest Christians casts light on other features of the Christian m o v e m e n t as well. In the following chapters I a p p r o a c h early Christian w o r s h i p by setting it within the c o n t e x t of the R o m a n world (including particularly the J e w i s h tradition) in which it emerged. S c h o l a r s o f the N e w T e s t a m e n t and Christian origins have tended to focus on the religious beliefs of early C h r i s t i a n s , and the data for their studies have tended to be the verbal expressions of beliefs in early Christian t e x t s and the v o c a b u lary o f these e x p r e s s i o n s . T h e verbal e x p r e s s i o n s o f early Christian beliefs, for e x a m p l e , their ' c h r i s t o l o g y ' , are of

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course i m p o r t a n t . B u t in the intense scholarly investigation a n d debate, the big questions have been w h a t these faith expressions mean. W h a t , for e x a m p l e , did early Christians m e a n when they called Christ their 'lord'? T h e G r e e k and A r a m a i c terms translated b y ' l o r d ' c a n carry various m e a n ings ranging from a polite address to a social superior (e.g., ' S i r ' , ' m a s t e r ' ) to designating a deity. I have argued that the devotional practice of early Christians is the crucial c o n t e x t for assessing the meaning of their verbal expressions of beliefs a b o u t Christ. M o d e r n linguistics has helped us to see that w o r d s , which often have a c o m p l e x a n d diverse range of m e a n i n g s , a c q u i r e their specific m e a n i n g in the c o n t e x t in which they are used. I c o n t e n d t h a t the specific c o n n o t a t i o n of early Christian christological titles and devotional gestures is m o s t clearly assessed by taking full a c c o u n t of the worship c o n t e x t in w h i c h they were used. F o r e x a m p l e , addressing J e s u s as ' l o r d ' in the w o r s h i p setting, using the term to invoke and appeal to J e s u s , c o n n o t e d something far m o r e precise and striking than the o t h e r m o r e general s e m a n t i c possibilities o f the term ' l o r d ' . It represented addressing him in the c o n t e x t a n d w a y that ancients addressed the deities that they gathered to w o r s h i p . To refer to J e s u s as ' l o r d ' in o t h e r settings could c o n n o t e something different, such as a recognition of him as m a s t e r or as leader of his devotees. B u t to address him as ' l o r d ' as a feature of the collective w o r s h i p of early Christian groups indicates a much m o r e precise and exalted m e a n i n g for the term. 1

I t also m a k e s sense t o t a k e due a c c o u n t o f the w o r s h i p o f early Christians because of the i m p o r t a n c e of w o r s h i p in the R o m a n period as constituting a n d manifesting religion. In the a n c i e n t w o r l d especially, o n e ' s religion w a s understood a n d assessed in terms of h o w , w h e n , a n d w h a t o n e w o r shipped. W o r s h i p w a s seen as the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a n d crucial expression o f o n e ' s religious orientations and c o m m i t m e n t s . I t 1

I have offered an analysis of Paul's use of the Kyrios title, showing its varying contextual connotations, in Hurtado, 'Lord', in Hawthorne and Martin (eds.) Dictionary of and His Letters, 560-69.

Introduction

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is a bit puzzling to m e , therefore, that a g o o d m a n y scholars w h o profess a c o m m i t m e n t to a historical understanding of early Christianity in its original setting have n o t always seen h o w i m p o r t a n t early Christian devotional practices a n d patterns are. T o cite o n e illustration o f this, a m o n g the c o m p l a i n t s m a d e a b o u t and against Christians in the first three centuries there is the recurrent c h a r g e that they disdain the w o r s h i p of the traditional gods. Clearly, the ancient critics of Christians saw their cultic behaviour as a m a j o r and defining feature. W h e n Christians were put on trial (as reflected, for e x a m p l e , in the famous letter of Pliny to T r a j a n , and in the Martyrdom ofPolycarp), it was d e m a n d e d that they perform certain cultic gestures, such as calling upon the gods, offering incense to the image of the E m p e r o r and ritually cursing J e s u s . In any a c c o u n t o f early Christianity that seeks t o t a k e a c c o u n t o f the historical c o n t e x t , therefore, the devotional practices a n d scruples of Christians should be central. 2

In its ancient R o m a n c o n t e x t , t w o features in particular characterised and distinguished early Christian w o r s h i p . First, it w a s exclusivist, with disdain for the w o r s h i p of the m a n y deities of the R o m a n e n v i r o n m e n t , and, secondly, it involved devotion offered exclusively to the G o d of the B i b l e and to Christ. T h e s e t w o features are in fact e l o q u e n t indicators of the i m p o r t a n c e of the t o p i c of this b o o k a n d provide the logic for its c o n t e n t and for the lectures from w h i c h it arose. T h u s the first t w o chapters t a k e as their premise the exclusivity of early Christian worship in the c o n t e x t of the R o m a n w o r l d , while the third chapter focuses on w h a t I term the 'binitarian • h a p e ' o f earliest Christian w o r s h i p , with G o d and Christ a s the two exclusive recipients of the w o r s h i p of believers w h o considered themselves to be true and devout m o n o t h e i s t s . In c h a p t e r 1 I sketch the R o m a n religious e n v i r o n m e n t of Christians, especially those first-century Gentile Christians 1

Pliny, Epistles Letters of Pliny, translation in Fathers: Creek 2.12-15.

10.96 (text and commentary in Sherwin-Whire, The 6 9 1 - 7 1 0 ) ; Martyrdom of Polycarp 8-9 (text and Lightfoot, Harmer, and Holmes, The Apostolic Texts and English Translations of their Writings),

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w h o lived i n cities outside o f R o m a n Palestine. M y aim i s not to be exhaustive or to provide a c a t a l o g u e of deities a n d religious m o v e m e n t s . Instead, I offer a general c h a r a c t e r i s a t i o n aimed at conveying something of the place and roles of religion in the lives of people. I w a n t to emphasise h o w varied, p r o m i n e n t , pervasive and p o p u l a r the practice o f religion w a s , p r o b a b l y for m o s t people. F o r early Gentile Christians t o disdain and r e n o u n c e the religious practices of their preconversion lives m e a n t to turn a w a y from colourful and engaging cultic c u s t o m s t h a t offered a great deal to devotees. It also m e a n t a b a n d o n i n g a central feature of c o m m o n life in R o m a n cities a n d a m a j o r c o m p o n e n t in the things t h a t united families and peoples. W e c a n n o t appreciate early Christian w o r s h i p unless we keep before o u r eyes the fact t h a t for G e n tile Christians it represented a replacement cultus. It was at o n e and the same t i m e b o t h a religious c o m m i t m e n t and a r e n u n c i a t i o n , a stark and d e m a n d i n g devotional stance with profound repercussions. In c h a p t e r t w o I m o v e on to an attempt to describe s o m e general features o f early Christian w o r s h i p . H e r e m y c o n c e r n is to address the question of w h a t devotees seem to have derived from their c o r p o r a t e devotional practice. T h e y were expected to give up the rich religious ' p a g a n ' fare on offer in the R o m a n w o r l d . W h a t did they derive from their Christian w o r s h i p , w h i c h w a s to be their sole legitimate w o r s h i p ? H e r e we l o o k at the setting and practices of first-century Christian w o r s h i p , and the ways t h a t Christians attributed large and powerful significance to their w o r s h i p . We shall see that for early Christians their Christian worship gatherings provided alternative opportunities for shared religious experiences and the c o m m u n a l identity that they h a d formerly found in their 3

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The term 'pagan' has various connotations in various circles, including a derogatory one in some popular usage (i.e., depraved, etc.). I intend no such connotation here. Some New Testament scholars prefer to avoid the term altogether, but 1 know of no handy substitute. Moreover, the term is used among classicists and ancient historians simply to designate non- or pri'-Cliristian and non-Jewish religions. This is how I intern! x\w term in this hook.

Introduction

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pagan religious practices. A l s o , we shall see h o w early Christian w o r s h i p w a s e n d o w e d with rich m e a n i n g , even with transcendent significance, though it would have been seen outwardly as rather unimpressive in c o m p a r i s o n with the often e l a b o r a t e and striking c e r e m o n i e s o f the R o m a n e n v i r o n m e n t . T h e n , in chapter three, I turn to a rather detailed discussion o f the place o f Christ i n the m o n o t h e i s t i c w o r s h i p o f early Christians. H e r e I return t o , and e x p a n d upon, an earlier itemised analysis of the cultic a c t i o n s directed t o w a r d Christ and the w a y that Christ figures in the C h r i s t i a n s ' public and c o r p o r a t e devotional life. B o t h in an earlier b o o k and in this chapter, I aim to d e m o n s t r a t e that Christ w a s given the sorts of devotion that we can properly understand as full cultic w o r s h i p , and that we c a n rightly describe Christian w o r s h i p of the earliest o b s e r v a b l e decades as genuinely 'binitarian'. That is, I contend that at this surprisingly early stage C h r i s tian w o r s h i p has t w o recipients, G o d and Christ, yet the early Christians understand themselves as m o n o t h e i s t s and see their inclusion of Christ in their devotional life as in no way iompromising the uniqueness o f the o n e G o d t o w h o m they lad been converted through the gospel. T h i s topic has been :he subject of a g o o d deal of investigation and debate in tcent years, and so I engage a n u m b e r of o t h e r scholars n this c h a p t e r , especially in the m a n y n o t e s . 4

T h e s e three chapters of historical investigation are followed ly a final chapter directed t o w a r d questions a b o u t c o n t e m p o i r y Christian w o r s h i p . T h e discussion and views in the first hree chapters do not presuppose any particular faith standjoint a n d will, I hope, be of s o m e value to a n y o n e with a listorical interest in early Christianity. In this final chapter I write as a worshipping Christian, drawing upon scholarly research and offering s o m e reflections intended to help shape Christian w o r s h i p today. T h o s e readers w h o have n o personal interest in the c o n t e m p o r a r y p r a c t i c e of Christian faith are free to ignore the final c h a p t e r , of course. B u t I invite those w h o for i\ny reason do not share Christian faith but w h o m a y find it * L W. Hurtado, One God, One Lord: Early Christian Devotion itud Ancient Jewish Monotheism.

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interesting to 'listen in' on one Christian addressing others a b o u t w o r s h i p to consider this discussion as well as the historically oriented discussion in the first three chapters. I have neither the c o m p e t e n c e nor the space in this b o o k to attempt anything but reflections on a selection of points that have to do with h o w C h r i s t i a n s might regard their w o r s h i p today and seek to inform it by the emphases and c h a r a c t e r of Christian w o r s h i p in its foundational period.

Chapter 1 The Religious Environment

E a r l y Christian worship did n o t t a k e place in a religious vacuum. T h e R o m a n w o r l d was chock-full of religiosity, with a dizzying array of religious g r o u p s , m o v e m e n t s , c u s t o m s , activities a n d related p a r a p h e r n a l i a . Earliest Christian faith did not represent religiousness over against irreligious culture, but had to enter the 'traffic' as a new m o v e m e n t on a very c r o w d e d and well-travelled h i g h w a y o f religious activity. T h i s vibrant and diverse religious e n v i r o n m e n t of the R o m a n w o r l d is very significant for understanding that w o r l d and for any a c c u r a t e appreciation o f earliest Christian w o r s h i p . If s o u n d historical m e t h o d involves attempting, insofar as possible, to view a subject of investigation in its historical c o n t e x t , then earliest Christian w o r s h i p a n d devotional life must be seen within the c o n t e x t of religious features of the R o m a n w o r l d , especially the p h e n o m e n a that have to do with the devotional life of the R o m a n period. W i t h i n the limits of this c h a p t e r it is n o t possible to discuss, or even to m e n t i o n , the full range of matters that m a d e up the religious environment of the time. Instead, I shall select a n u m b e r of features of R o m a n - e r a religiousness that I hope will be of particular help in b e c o m i n g acquainted with the setting in w h i c h Christian worship first appeared. In later chapters we shall l o o k m o r e closely at the p h e n o m e n a of earliest Christian w o r s h i p and w h a t the earliest Christians seem to have m e a n t by and 1

1

For brief descriptions of the Greek and Latin terms for religiousness, piety, etc., sec 'Religion, Terms Relating to,' in Hammond and Scullarcl, The Oxford Classical Dictionary, 9 1 7 .

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derived from their devotional practices. H e r e , however, the aim is to prepare ourselves to see h o w Christian devotional practices were reflective of their period and setting, and perhaps also unusual or even deliberately c o u n t e r to the d o m i n a n t religiousness. In w h a t follows I am heavily dependent upon m o r e detailed studies o f the R o m a n religious e n v i r o n m e n t b y o t h e r s c h o l a r s . My o w n c o n t r i b u t i o n in this c h a p t e r is limited to highlighting selected features of that e n v i r o n m e n t as particularly i m p o r t a n t for a historical appreciation of earliest Christian devotional life and practice. T h o u g h J e w i s h religious life of that era is certainly to be seen a s part o f the larger R o m a n e n v i r o n m e n t , devout J e w s s a w their religious c o m m i t m e n t s a n d traditions as distinctive and characteristically held themselves a l o o f from m u c h of the religious life of the larger R o m a n w o r l d . C o n s e q u e n t l y , I shall discuss J e w i s h religious life separately, after c o m m e n t i n g on features of the ' p a g a n ' or wider religious e n v i r o n m e n t . 2

Ubiquity Perhaps the first thing to emphasise is the pervasiveness of religion in the R o m a n w o r l d . It is in fact difficult to p o i n t to a n y aspect of life in that period that was not explicitly 2

E.g. Ferguson, Backgrounds of Early Christianity, 1 1 2 - 2 5 3 (on the 'pagan' religious setting); 3 1 5 - 4 6 3 (on the Jewish religious background), gives both wide-ranging introductory discussion and bibliographical references. Finegan, Myth & Mystery: An Introduction to the Pagan Religions of the Biblical World surveys a wide range of religious traditions relative to the Old Testament and the New Testament periods. See also MacMullen, Paganism in the Roman Empire; Teixidor, The Pagan God; L. H. Martin, Hellenistic Religions: An Introduction; R. M. Grant, Gods and the One God; Armstrong (ed.), Classical Mediterranean Spirituality: Egyptian, Greek, Roman; Klauck, Die religiose Umwelt. On women's religious life, often ignored in treatments of Roman era religion, see Kraemer, Maenads, Martyrs, Matrons, Monastics: A Sourcebook on Women's Religions in the Greco-Roman World.

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c o n n e c t e d with religion. B i r t h , death, m a r r i a g e , the domestic sphere, civil and wider political life, w o r k , the military, socialising, entertainment, arts, music - all were imbued with religious significance and a s s o c i a t i o n s . A n y civic and public office also had religious c o n n o t a t i o n s and often involved ex officio religious duties, such as public leadership in periodic c e r e m o n i e s i n h o n o u r o f the city deities. A n y a s s o c i a t i o n o f tradesmen had its patron deity, and meetings included ritual gestures in h o n o u r of the deity. Practically a n y m e a l , and c e r tainly any formal dinner, included ritual a c k n o w l e d g e m e n t of deities, a n d might well be held in r o o m s that f o r m e d part of the temple of this or that deity. E a c h military unit had its p a t r o n deities and performed regular religious acts in h o n o u r of t h e m . Divinities of the kitchen w e r e a c k n o w l e d g e d in daily h o m e routines of c o o k i n g . S o , in things grand and imposing, and in things routine and familiar, religion w a s involved and divinities revered as appropriate in various devotional a c t i o n s . T o b e sure, a s there are n o w , there were also sceptics o f religion then, some o f w h o m were a m o n g the cultured elite, the literati w h o s e w o r k s survive and w h o are characteristically a m o n g the sort of a n c i e n t writers studied in the Classics departments of universities. A m o n g self-appointed sophisticates, then as n o w , it m a y even be that scepticism t o w a r d the validity a n d efficacy of religion was n o t infrequent. B u t all indications are that the overwhelming masses of people of the R o m a n period approvingly encountered religion everywhere and participated in religious activities both regularly and with e n t h u s i a s m . Especially for those of us living in m o r e secularised societies in w h i c h religion and religious institutions have been relegated to being one of m a n y private pastimes a n d are 3

Saffrey, 'The Piety and Prayers of Ordinary Men and Women in Late Antiquity,' in A. H. Armstrong (ed.), Classical Mediterranean Spirituality, 1 9 5 - 2 1 3 . The over-reliance upon the literary works of classical authors to portray the attitudes and beliefs of ordinary people of the wider Roman world (all too common in some earlier periods of scholarship) would be like taking Gore Vidal as representative of late twentieth-century religious attitudes and practices.

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seen as playing a very limited role in the larger society, it is i m p o r t a n t to try to realise the very p r o m i n e n t and ubiquitous place of religion in the R o m a n w o r l d . M o r e o v e r , though scholars have s o m e t i m e s m a d e assertions a b o u t a loss of confidence in the gods in R o m a n p a g a n i s m , these assertions seem to be either m o t i v a t e d by a p o l o g e t i c c o n c e r n s (assuming and asserting the o b v i o u s superiority of Christianity) or based on simplistic historical assumptions (Christian faith c a u g h t o n , so the religious c o m p e t i t i o n must have been w e a k ) . T h e available evidence o f R o m a n p a g a n religiosity indicates lively participation, and the m a n y tangible expressions of t h a n k s to the gods for answered prayers and various favours (e.g., the m a n y ex voto artefacts that reflect popular religiosity) reflect a widely shared sense that the gods w e r e active a n d that devotion to them ' w o r k e d ' in bringing blessings o f various types. 4

Salience A n o t h e r w a y t o appreciate the p r o m i n e n c e and pervasiveness of religion in the R o m a n period is to note its sheer visibility. M a j o r p o r t i o n s o f city space w e r e taken u p with n u m e r o u s temples, and these buildings w e r e often the largest, m o s t e l a b o r a t e a n d expensive to be found in urban areas. O n e c o u l d n o t visit any R o m a n - e r a city w i t h o u t being struck forcibly by the place o f the gods. T h e surviving architecture o f the ancient w o r l d still reflects this, as any visitor to the A c r o p o l i s of Athens or the F o r u m in R o m e c a n attest. T h e s e structures were m a d e of expensive stone, w e r e usually colourfully painted and decorated, a n d w e r e situated p r o m i n e n t l y on central sites in the cities. M o r e o v e r , the building o f n e w temple structures and the refurbishing a n d e x t e n s i o n of existing ones were frequent t h r o u g h o u t the R o m a n period. V i s i t o r s t o practically any busy R o m a n - e r a city would likely have noted n u m e r o u s

4

See 'Votive Offerings' in Hammond and Scullard, Oxford Classical Dictionary, 1 1 3 2 - 3 3 .

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c o n s t r u c t i o n projects, m a n y c o n c e r n e d with religious structures. T h e r e w e r e also shrines outside o f cities. T h e s e shrines w e r e sites of traditional devotion to the deities or places where m o r e recent devotees had felt themselves instructed by a g o d or g o d dess to erect a shrine. S o m e of these shrines w e r e large and very impressive and appear to have drawn large n u m b e r s of pilgrims to the special festivals and holy days associated with the deities h o n o u r e d at the sites. T h e c e r e m o n i e s expressive o f religious devotion were likewise highly visible. Indeed, they seem to have been intended to d r a w attention. M a n y deities had periodic (usually a n n u a l ) c e r e m o n i e s that included street processions involving c h o i r s a c c o m p a n i e d by various musicians, priests and other devotees specially attired, images of the deities paraded through the streets, a n d d r a m a t i c rituals, all of w h i c h drew c r o w d s to w a t c h and participate in the activities. T h e s e festivities s o m e times a l s o included e l a b o r a t e p e r f o r m a n c e s by mimes a n d o t h e r players w h o a c t e d o u t the myths associated with the deities. We have a description of such a procession in the c l a s sic entertaining (sometimes ribald) tale The Golden Ass by the second-century C E writer, Apuleius. T h e a u t h o r describes in s o m e detail a procession in h o n o u r of Isis t h a t Includes people in various c o s t u m e s representing different Occupations and social roles; a n i m a l s , s o m e attired in h u m a n Nothing; w o m e n and men in c e r e m o n i a l dress; musicians; male and female initiates of the goddess; priests carrying cultic implements and s y m b o l s ; and o t h e r individuals and statues representing various o t h e r deities. 5

6

S o m e of the temples h a d theatres a t t a c h e d to them w h e r e it is likely the traditional stories of the deities w e r e acted o u t , p r o b a b l y on the m a j o r festival o c c a s i o n s associated with the deities in question. Feasting likewise w a s often a feature of L. M. White, Building God's House in the Roman World: Architectural Adaptation among Pagans, Jews, and Christians, 27-31. '' See, e.g., Graves (trans.), The Transformations of Lucius, otherwise known as the Golden Ass by Lucius Apuleius, 2 3 0 - 3 3 .

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these periodic c e l e b r a t i o n s , with wealthy patrons paying the costs. F o r at least s o m e deities, there were also daily rituals, such as those attested for Isis, which involved the ritual opening of her temples in the m o r n i n g and their closing at the end of the day, and public bathing and dressing of the image of the goddess, all of this in e l a b o r a t e gestures and often a c c o m p a n i e d by music and singing. Given the large n u m b e r of deities honoured in the R o m a n e r a , each with his or her o w n o c c a s i o n s and c e r e m o n i e s , o n e c o u l d witness very public and striking religious c e r e m o n i e s on any day of the w e e k , and larger and m o r e e l a b o r a t e events at various times of the year. In the R o m a n era religion w a s n o t only a private affair but was also seen as very m u c h a public aspect of life. Religious c e r e m o n y w a s deliberately intended to be noticed and to engage the entire village or city. In fact, it is likely that the overwhelming n u m b e r of all public events were explicitly religious in c h a r a c t e r , and the overwhelming m a j o r i t y of religious events and a c t i o n s were public and expressive of o n e ' s participation in o n e ' s family, o n e ' s city a n d people, and in the larger R o m a n oikoumene (the G r e e k w o r d for the R o m a n ' w o r l d ' or 'empire').

Diversity A l o n g with the ubiquity and salience of religion in the R o m a n period, we m u s t r e c k o n with its diversity. F o r all people of that period, with the e x c e p t i o n of devout J e w s and then C h r i s t i a n s , the gods were m a n y and w h a t we m a y call 'the divine' w a s manifested in m a n y forms, with m a n y divine beings, all of them in principle valid. Proper piety involved a willingness to h o n o u r all these manifestations of divinity a c c o r d i n g to the religious traditions associated with t h e m . Save for the J e w s , each ethnic g r o u p in the R o m a n world had its o w n a s s o r t m e n t of deities to be reverenced. S o m e deities were particularly linked with this or that city (e.g., A t h e n a with A t h e n s , or Artemis with Ephesus) and were revered as p r o t e c t o r s of their

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cities, the welfare of the cities being c o n n e c t e d with p r o p e r reverence for the city deities. It is also i m p o r t a n t to understand that having one's o w n traditional deities in no w a y prevented o n e from a c k n o w l e d g ing the validity of the deities of other peoples. It was fully accepted that each ethnic g r o u p should have and c o n t i n u e to reverence their o w n deities. Official R o m a n imperial policy was to recognise and even to support the traditional religious devotion of all subject peoples. L o c a l and touring R o m a n officials demonstrated this by visiting i m p o r t a n t shrines and making offerings in h o n o u r of their deities. T h i s R o m a n policy even extended to J e w i s h religion, with its refusal to reverence other gods and its p o l e m i c against o t h e r religious traditions as idolatry. In the R o m a n oikoumene, as people travelled a b o u t freely, relocated voluntarily to c o n d u c t business and trade, or were forcibly relocated through c o n q u e s t and enslavement (often s o m e time thereafter being m a d e freedmen and f r e e d w o m e n ) , the gods and religious practices of various peoples were set alongside o n e a n o t h e r , especially in the larger cities. I m m i grants, and even slaves, were characteristically allowed to follow their ethnic religious traditions. W h e n they were e c o n o m i c a l l y able to do s o , they built shrines and temples to their I w n traditional deities in the cities and areas w h e r e they relo•tted. T h u s , for e x a m p l e , Egyptian emigres built shrines to • i t ; D i a s p o r a J e w s built synagogues. f* The very visible m a n n e r in which religion was characteristically c o n d u c t e d m e a n t that the religious diversity and c o m p l e x i t y of R o m a n cities was very salient as well. As one developed personal c o n t a c t s with people of various b a c k grounds, one might have opportunities and invitations to participate in formal w o r s h i p and less formal devotional p r a c tices directed to divinities o t h e r than those of o n e ' s o w n ethnic tradition. Such opportunities were usually w e l c o m e d and enjoyed, without any w o r r y that by doing so o n e w a s in any way being untrue to o n e ' s o w n religious obligations or c h a l lenging the validity and claims of the traditional deities of o n e ' s own people. Visitors freely participated in the religious

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festivities of cities and areas they were in without any qualms of conscience. It is in light of this open attitude and interested curiosity in the rich variety of religious traditions and practices on offer in R o m a n cities that we c a n understand the p h e n o m e n o n of Gentiles frequenting D i a s p o r a synagogues, as mentioned in the Acts a c c o u n t s of Paul's travels, and Cornelius-type figures w h o even t o o k s o m e c o n s i d e r a b l e interest in J e w i s h religion. T h e m a n y opportunities and invitations to participate in various religious activities afforded in R o m a n - e r a cities are also reflected in Paul's detailed instructions in 1 C o r i n t h i a n s 8 - 1 0 , answering questions a b o u t Christians participating in the w o r s h i p o f o t h e r gods ( 1 0 : 1 - 2 2 ) , accepting invitations t o pagan temples with n o n - C h r i s t i a n a c q u a i n t a n c e s or family to share in religious feasts ( 8 : 7 - 1 3 ) , and dining with n o n Christians i n o t h e r c i r c u m s t a n c e s ( 1 0 : 2 7 - 3 0 ) . T h o u g h Paul offers c o n d i t i o n a l a c c e p t a n c e of Christians dining with n o n believers, he rejects outright any Christian participation in pagan w o r s h i p , and even w a r n s believers against any meal where the food is explicitly identified as being a sacrificial offering to a g o d . In his guardedness, Paul shows h o w m u c h his-stance is at odds with the d o m i n a n t affirmation of religious diversity a n d the c o n s e q u e n t freedom to participate in various cultic o c c a s i o n s that characterised the R o m a n period. 7

In addition to the variety of deities reflecting the various cities, peoples and regions of the R o m a n oikoumene, there w a s always the diversity of divine beings a n d associated devotional practices that pertained to various spheres of life, as mentioned earlier. At meals there might be small libations to the h o u s e h o l d gods, reverenced also with household shrines before w h i c h frequent devotion w o u l d be offered by the family. R e g i o n a l or city deities were reverenced by the p o p u l a c e , especially in periodic festivals manifesting loyalty to the deities

7

E.g., note references to Gentiles in Jewish synagogues in Acts 1 3 : 1 6 , 4 8 ; 1 4 : 1 ; 1 7 : 1 - 5 , 1 2 ; 1 8 : 4 , and the description of Cornelius in Acts 1 0 : 1 - 5 . On the evidence of Gentile proselytes and 'godfearers', see Levinskaya, The Book of Acts in its Diaspora Setting, 1 - 1 2 6 .

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and requesting their further g o o d favour. T h e deities of o n e ' s guild w e r e reverenced in meetings and at guild dinners. F r o m the rule of Julius C a e s a r o n w a r d , initially in the East and then creeping through the W e s t , the goddess R o m a (representing imperial R o m e itself) and the e m p e r o r t o o received all the gestures of devotion of a n c i e n t religion (temples, their images reverenced, sacrifices, h y m n s ) , expressing loyalty t o R o m e and genuine gratitude for the benefits of R o m a n rule. In addition to the very public cults, there w e r e also a g o o d m a n y voluntary or private groups, s o m e t i m e s devoted to a deity also worshipped in m o r e official a n d public ways, and sometimes devoted to other g o d s than those of the m o r e 'offic i a l ' p u b l i c religion of the city or area. T h e s e private cults often met in the h o m e s of m o r e well-off m e m b e r s and group dining seems to have been a frequent and central expression of their religious identity. Indeed, s o m e t i m e s the m e m b e r s seem to have been largely or entirely m a d e up of the e x t e n d e d household (including, of c o u r s e , slaves) of a w e a l t h y individual w h o w a s the leader of the g r o u p (interestingly, s o m e t i m e s this leader w a s a wealthy w o m a n ) . 8

9

T h e R o m a n era w a s also characterised by a trans-local, even international dissemination o f devotion t o s o m e divinities w h o , though often originating as local deities or deified heroes, acquired a m u c h wider reputation and following. O n e of the m o s t frequently cited of these is Isis, originally an Egyptian goddess o f m o d e s t significance w h o w a s rather successfully p r o m o t e d as goddess of the w h o l e oikoumene. In the c a s e of Isis, we see an interesting d e m o n s t r a t i o n of the full a c c e p t a n c e of diversity in religious traditions, as she c a m e to be touted as the goddess reverenced by various peoples under 10

* L. R. Taylor, The Divinity of the Roman Emperor; Price, Rituals and Power: The Roman Imperial Cult in Asia Minor. L. M. White, Building God's House, 2 6 - 5 9 . Egan, 'Isis: Goddess of the Oikoumene,' in L. W. Hurtado (ed.), Goddesses in Religions and Modern Debate, 123—42; Ferguson, Backgrounds of Early Christianity, 2 1 1 - 2 0 . Hegedus attempts analysis of the geographical spread of the Isis cult across the Roman period. 9

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m a n y different n a m e s . " Often o v e r l o o k e d as a n o t h e r prime e x a m p l e of trans-local and trans-national dissemination of a particular religious tradition is the god of the J e w s , w h o remained explicitly linked with the J e w s but seems to have drawn varying degrees of interest from numerous Gentiles as well in cities such as R o m e , A n t i o c h , A l e x a n d r i a and others where the J e w i s h D i a s p o r a w a s c o n c e n t r a t e d . As the deities and traditions of various peoples c a m e into living c o n t a c t with o n e a n o t h e r a n d were spread a b o u t , w h e t h e r through c o n q u e s t , trade, i m m i g r a t i o n , or o t h e r m e a n s , people found themselves with opportunities to t a k e up devotion to deities that were n e w t o them. W e m a y thus speak o f a g r o w t h o f voluntary religious association in the R o m a n p e r i o d . 12

13

T h e r e have s o m e t i m e s been references to the R o m a n era as a period o f massive p r o p a g a t i o n o f ' o r i e n t a l ' cults and o f signific a n t conversion o f people t o these n e w religious imports from Egypt, Syria and places further east. T w o i m p o r t a n t caveats must be registered. F o r o n e thing, the actual evidence of any significant appropriation o f n e w religious traditions imported from o n e area to a n o t h e r is very slight. It appears that there were s o m e limited successes for s o m e very few deities e x p o r t e d b e y o n d their h o m e turf. In some cases they m a y have been seen as e x o t i c , and thus attracted the attention of s o m e with time and inclination to diversify their religious diet. T h e s e people were likely the better off, w h o s e interest in 'foreign' gods drew the attention (and s o m e t i m e s the c o m p l a i n t s ) of the literary elite, through w h o s e writings we hear of such things. In the 14

11

A frequently cited text is Apuleius, The Golden Ass, which in book 11 contains a prayer addressed to Isis that links her to various goddess figures (e.g., Ceres, Venus, Proserpine). For translation, see Graves, The Transformations of Lucius, 2 2 6 - 2 7 . E.g., Levinskaya, The Book of Acts, 1 9 - 1 2 6 . Kloppenborg and Wilson (eds.). Voluntary Associations in the Graeco-Roman World. The classic study is Nock, Conversion: The Old and the New in Religion from Alexander the Great to Augustine of Hippo. More recently, note MacMullen's trenchant analysis in Paganism, 9 4 - 1 1 2 . Also relevant for my discussion is Teixidor, The Pagan God, esp. pp. 4 - 5 , 1 4 4 . 12

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main, h o w e v e r , the devotees of the deities i m p o r t e d from the E a s t appear in fact to have been immigrants (including slaves) w h o b r o u g h t the gods with them from their native lands, plus of c o u r s e their descendants, and often those they m a r r i e d . M i t h r a i s m as we k n o w it from R o m a n sites and sources is not evidenced at all in the eastern areas where it w a s o n c e supposed to h a v e originated, and seems m o r e likely to have been a R o m a n i n n o v a t i o n , p r o b a b l y i n the W e s t . Although o f s o m e popularity a m o n g military a n d l o w t o middle-ranking governmental w o r k e r s , it was never really propagated a m o n g the general populace. * 15

1

S e c o n d l y , even if o n e b e c a m e a devotee of Isis or a n o t h e r such imported divinity, this w a s never understood as involving a neglect, m u c h less a n y renunciation, of o n e ' s previous and o t h e r religious devotion, such as o n e ' s ancestral traditions or the deities o f o n e ' s locale o r city. T h a t is, any spread o f new deities in the R o m a n period did n o t really involve a 'conversion' from previous religious practices to n e w and exclusive religious c o m m i t m e n t s . Interest in imported deities and cults was ordinarily simply an additional, voluntary religious a v o cation added o n t o o n e ' s previous and wider religious activities and practices. T h i s helps further explain w h y Paul found it necessary to deal with questions a b o u t w h e t h e r G e n t i l e Christians c o u l d c o n t i n u e to participate in pagan cults and frequent events i n their h o n o u r . T h e exclusivism e x p e c t e d o f Christian Converts, a renunciation of all other cultic activities directed to • n y other gods, w a s paralleled only by the d e m a n d s m a d e on proselytes to J e w i s h religion. In this both J e w i s h and Christian demands were at odds with all o t h e r religious attitudes of the R o m a n era.

E.g., the inscriptional evidence on devotees to Isis in Italy and Sicily referred to in MacMullen, Paganism, 1 4 - 1 5 . " Ulansey, The Origins of the Mithraic Mysteries, and id., 'Solving the Mithraic Mysteries', Biblical Archaeology Review 20 (Sept/Oct 1 9 9 4 ) , 4 1 - 5 3 ; Beck 'Mithraism since Franz Cumont,' in Temporini and Haase (eds.), Aufstieg und Niedergang der rbmischen Welt, pp. 2003-2115.

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T h e evidence indicates that although deities a n d religious traditions and practices s o m e t i m e s underwent developments and changes, a n d although certain deities seem to have been m o r e favoured in this time or t h a t , in this area or that, and a m o n g this or that g r o u p of people, in general pagan religion did n o t undergo m a j o r c h a n g e s . T h i s is particularly so a m o n g the general p o p u l a c e , as reflected in inscriptional evidence and other a r c h a e o l o g i c a l data. We have no indication of a widespread decline in religious enthusiasm for the gods a n d the devotional practices c o n c e r n e d with t h e m , no sense of a general religious malaise or dissatisfaction with traditional religion. T h e claims to the c o n t r a r y , a l o n g with b r o a d references to pagan ' a n x i e t y ' s o m e t i m e s asserted as e x p l a n a t i o n for the success of early Christianity, have scant b a s i s . 17

Likewise with scant basis are the o c c a s i o n a l scholarly assertions of a ' t r e n d ' or ' t e n d e n c y ' t o w a r d m o n o t h e i s m in the R o m a n period. T o b e sure, a m o n g s o m e sophisticated writers in the ancient w o r l d there were attempts to posit a unity behind the diversity of g o d s . But this is hardly m o n o t h e ism as we k n o w it in classical forms of J u d a i s m , Christianity or Islam, in which one deity is w o r s h i p p e d to the e x c l u s i o n of all-others. T h e pagan writers in question c o n t i n u e d to affirm the validity o f all the gods and the w o r s h i p o f t h e m . T h e y tended t o see the gods a s e x p r e s s i o n s and forms o f s o m e c o m m o n divine essence that unified them all, and a d v o c a t e d the w o r s h i p of the gods as proper reverence for all these valid manifestations of that divine essence. In short, the few expressions of a supposed m o n o t h e i s m never functioned.as the basis for a n y significant c h a n g e in religious p r a c t i c e , any challenge t o the 'polytheistic' traditions and devotion o f the time. We should really understand these assertions of a divine unity as attempts to find s o m e a b s t r a c t c o h e r e n c e in the diversity of gods and religious traditions that b e c a m e so o b v i o u s in the R o m a n empire as m a n y peoples and their traditions c a m e into c o n t a c t with o n e a n o t h e r . B u t there is no visible

17

Teixidor, The Pagan God, 4 - 5 , and MacMullen's more lengthy critique of Cumont and others in Paganism, 1 1 2 - 3 0 .

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difference in the religious practices of any of those w h o affirmed a divine unity of the g o d s . 18

Sacred P l a c e s As in nearly all times a n d cultures, in the R o m a n w o r l d , t o o , the practice of religion w a s particularly associated with sacred places. T h o u g h appeals to the gods might be m a d e wherever the need a r o s e , it w a s usually thought t h a t there was special itfficacy in a p p r o a c h i n g them in the temples, shrines and o t h e r Mcred places with which they w e r e m o r e directly associated. S a c r i f i c e in particular w a s m o r e often than n o t deemed m o r e appropriate in the sacred places, and in s o m e cases sacrifice was forbidden elsewhere. So far as we k n o w , for m o s t devout Jews, for e x a m p l e , the J e r u s a l e m temple w a s the o n l y spot where b l o o d sacrifice c o u l d legitimately be offered to the G o d o f Israel. T h e other deities o f the R o m a n era likewise c h a r a c teristically had temples a n d shrines in their h o n o u r , and it

I

Id have been thought strange for a deity n o t to have any sacred place, s o m e cases, these sacred places were w h e r e tradition held this or that deity had appeared to a devotee, the theiny m a k i n g the l o c a t i o n thereafter sacred to the h o n o u r of livinity. S o m e t i m e s such t h e o p h a n i e s w e r e r e c o u n t e d as Iving instructions from the deity to h a l l o w the spot, peri even to erect a shrine. As I have already m e n t i o n e d , in the o f the deities o f cities, the temples were l o c a t e d o n central a n a p r o m i n e n t sites, expressive o f the central i m p o r t a n c e o f the deities in the cities t h a t particularly revered them as their protectors and providers of prosperity a n d well-being. W h e n cities or districts sought to express their devotion to the R o m a n e m p e r o r , they often sought his permission to erect a temple dedicated to him, or to place an image of the e m p e r o r alongside the image of the goddess R o m a in the temples erected 111

See references to modern scholarly claims of pagan 'monotheism' and my comments in One God, One Lord: Early Christian Devotion and Ancient Jewish Monotheism, 1 2 9 - 3 0 .

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to her, thereby m a k i n g the temple a holy place for both R o m a and the divine e m p e r o r . In this sort of action we have a clear d e m o n s t r a t i o n of the sense that divinities are to be a c c o r d e d sacred places w h e r e full worship of them can be carried out. I have already m e n t i o n e d the c o n s i d e r a b l e a m o u n t of R o m a n - e r a civic space taken up by temples and the e n o r m o u s expense they represented. We must r e m e m b e r that in any city of the time there were n u m e r o u s temples and shrines dedicated to various deities. A s , for e x a m p l e , M a c M u l l a n has noted with reference to cities in Italy: The standard Roman city . . . would need room for temples to the Capitoline Triad (Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva), plus Mercury, Isis and Sarapis, Apollo, Liber Pater, Hercules, Mars, Venus, Vulcan, and Ceres. 19

T h e s e city temples were likely at least as c o m m o n and as p r o m i n e n t as the m a n y grand church buildings t h a t dominated E u r o p e a n cities until the recent p r o m i n e n c e of office and financial towers on m a n y city skylines. In m a n y c a s e s , these m o n u m e n t a l temples were c o m p l e x e s that included various facilities a n d served a variety of needs. I cite M a c M u l l a n again: To complete the picture of religious centres constituting also cultural centers, with zoological parks, aviaries, museums, concerts, art galleries, and public lectures, or the equivalent of all these things provided nowhere else in most cities, we must add botanical gardens . . . 20

T h i s means that the sacred places of the gods were not only p r o m i n e n t but heavily frequented, both for w h a t we w o u l d think of as o b v i o u s l y religious purposes and for wider social and cultural purposes as well. In particular, cult centres were places where groups of people could eat and drink together 19

MacMullen, Paganism, 1. Ibid., 3 5 . The whole of MacMullen's discussion in Paganism, 3 4 - 4 2 , offers valuable insight into Roman-era sacred places and their importance in the religious and cultural life of the time.

20

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easily. I will say m o r e a b o u t religious meals later in this discussion. At this point, however, I w a n t to n o t e that the temples of the pagan gods were also frequently used as c o n v e n i e n t places for social dining and often had r o o m s a t t a c h e d to the central shrine that c o u l d be used (likely rented out) for such purp o s e s . T h u s , part of the reason that R o m a n - e r a temples are to be seen as so i m p o r t a n t a feature of city life is that people frequented them for a range of purposes and c o m b i n e d social and religious life and activities easily within their precincts. A great deal of financial outlay was involved in shrines and temples, and a great deal of life was related to them. 21

Images J u s t as characteristic as temples and shrines were cult images of (lie gods, the temples n o r m a l l y serving as houses of the gods as represented by their cult images. H e r e again we see the strongly visual nature o f the religious e n v i r o n m e n t o f the R o m a n e r a . I t was thought the m o s t natural thing to have and use images representing the gods as foci of w o r s h i p . As m e n t i o n e d earlier, the emerging divine-emperor devotion of the early imperial period is particularly valuable to us in illustrating the i m p o r t a n c e of cult images. T h e requests from this or that city or region for the r m p e r o r ' s permission to h o n o u r him cultically included requests for permission to set up the e m p e r o r ' s image and give it Ciiltic h o n o u r s . It was simply unimaginable to reverence any 22

21

As MacMullen notes [Paganism, 3 6 ) , even in larger houses of the Unman period it would have been difficult to accommodate a dining party larger than ten or so, and the living quarters of most people had no dedicated dining room at all. The temples afforded rooms and inhles where friends and families, guilds and other groups could enjoy meals together. See also the discussion and drawings of temple structures showing such dining rooms, in Murphy-O'Connor, St. Paul's Corinth: Texts and Archaeology, 1 6 1 - 6 7 . " On emperor devotion, in addition to the works by Taylor and Price- cited earlier, see Schowalter, The Emperor and the Gods. For further bibliography, see Herz, 'Bibliographic zum romischen Kaiserkult' in Tcmporini and Ha a se (eds.) An fstieg und Niedergang.

22

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figure as divine w i t h o u t registering this reverence in fashioning and using sacred images. F r o m the J e w i s h tradition of the time, early Christians inherited a prohibition against cult images. F o r this reason as well as others, their w o r s h i p seemed strange to everyone else in the R o m a n world. Philosophers might discuss h o w the gods were not confined in the images a n d were really to be thought of as spiritual substances, with the images being p o o r material objects n o t to be confused with t h e m . But these sophisticates did n o t a d v o c a t e the a b a n d o n m e n t of temples and their cult images; indeed, they thoroughly affirmed them, offering only a refined understanding of the metaphysical relationship between images and the deities they represented. T h e y argued that the images merely functioned as objects to facilitate devotion to the gods, providing a localised and tangible focus for worship. 23

We should n o t , however, c o n c l u d e that this J e w i s h and Christian prohibition against cult images m e a n t an absolute ban against any imagery in places of w o r s h i p . F r o m the D u r a E u r o p o s e x c a v a t i o n s o n w a r d , we have acquired increasing evidence of the rich use of imagery in ancient J e w i s h synagogues, including the direct representation of biblical c h a r a c t e r s and symbols that likely referred to G o d (e.g., solar i m a g e s ) . T h e earliest surviving Christian art is from the third or perhaps late second century and includes representations of J e s u s ; but it appears that these did not function in the w a y cult images of the gods functioned in the general religious 24

23

Be van, Holy Images: An Inquiry into Idolatry and Image-Worship in Ancient Paganism and in Christianity. For Roman-era Jewish attitudes toward the cult images of the Gentiles, see, e.g., Philo, Decal. 66-76; Wis.Sol. 1 3 - 1 4 . Hopkins, The Discovery of Dura Europos; Bickerman, 'Symbolism in the Dura Synagogue' in Bickerman, Studies in Jewish and Christian History; Hachlili, Ancient Jewish Art and Archaeology in the Land of Israel, and id., 'Early Jewish Art and Architecture' in Freedman, D.N. (ed.), Anchor Bible Dictionary; Ovadiah 'The Art of the Ancient Synagogues in Israel' in Urman and Flesher, (eds.), Ancient Synagogues: Historical Analysis and Archaeological Discovery. 24

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environment. T h a t is, the earliest Christian images do not appear to have served as o b j e c t s to which worship was directed. T h i s J e w i s h a n d Christian lack o f cult images, along with their refusal to h o n o u r the images of the other gods, w a s a m a j o r reason for the charge against them of 'atheism'. T h e ubiquitous use of cult images in R o m a n - e r a religion makes the scruples against them a m o n g J e w s and Christians, oven in the J e r u s a l e m temple, very significantly at odds with a major characteristic of the religious e n v i r o n m e n t . In the light of the i m p o r t a n t role and significance of cult images, we m a y better appreciate the significance of the honorific references to Christ as the image (eikon) of G o d (e.g., 2 C o r . 4 : 4 ; C o l . 1 : 1 5 ) . In a culture in which images of the gods served as their manifestations, and reverence s h o w n to the images was regarded as reverence for the gods themselves, to regard Christ as the image of the true and living G o d surely c o n n o t e d a high regard for him and possibly expressed an implied p o l e m i c against the cultic images of the religious environment. References to Christ as G o d ' s image are also a reflection of the cultic devotion that was a c c o r d e d Christ and understood at the same time as offered also to G o d 'the Father'. 25

Rituals It is hard to imagine the practice of religion w i t h o u t some form of rituals, actions invested with specially sacred significance and particularly expressive of piety that b e c o m e regularised for this or that religious group or tradition. In the R o m a n era, as in nearly all ancient religion, there w a s a rich variety of ritual actions for various o c c a s i o n s and for various deities. Sacrifice was a c o m m o n ritual c o m p o n e n t of the w o r s h i p of most divinities, including, of c o u r s e , the G o d of Israel. Given the s e m a n t i c development of our w o r d 'sacrifice', which has c o m e to c o n n o t e loss suffered for the sake of s o m e o n e or 2S

On early Christian attitudes toward the use of church imagery, see I'iuney, The Inrisihle Cod: The Earliest Christians on Art.

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something else, with the emphasis placed on the c o s t to the one(s) making the sacrifice, it is necessary to stress that in the ancient world to sacrifice w a s to m a k e an offering, a gift to the gods, and had a very positive, even j o y o u s , m e a n i n g . In most cases, for e x a m p l e , sacrificial offerings by individuals seem to have been as t h a n k s to a god for blessings given, often in a n s w e r to a prayer. Sacrifice on b e h a l f of groups t o o (e.g., cities, families, other groups) were m o s t often likewise j o y o u s events, the offering given gladly to the god as t h a n k s . We must also note, of c o u r s e , that in m o s t types of animal sacrifices a feast was a c o m p o n e n t of the ritual, the sacrificial victim providing the main c o u r s e . Indeed, for m a n y of the general populace of R o m a n times, the only o c c a s i o n s for eating meat were sacrificial events when the better off would provide sacrifices sufficient for the larger circle of participants, whether family, guild or city p o p u l a c e . A portion of the sacrificial victim w a s given to the g o d , that is, to the temple and its priests as well. As a m e a s u r e of the enthusiasm for animal sacrifice, often the temples could n o t m a k e use of these offerings and thus sold excess m e a t to vendors w h o retailed it in the m a r k e t p l a c e to the general public. T h i s produced anxieties a m o n g s o m e believers in C o r i n t h as to whether they could purchase and eat m e a t from the m a r k e t , for it might well have originated as an offering to a pagan god. Paul's assurance in 1 C o r i n t h i a n s 1 0 : 2 5 - 2 6 that Christians could eat such m e a t in g o o d c o n s c i e n c e is directed to these anxieties. 26

27

Along with the lack of temples or cult images, the earliest Christians offered no sacrifices to their G o d , and in this as well seemed to their pagan neighbours an odd sort of religious group. T h e i r lack o f these i m p o r t a n t ' n o r m a l ' c o m p o n e n t s o f religion is part of the reason w h y some outsiders regarded Yerkes Sacrifice in Greek and Roman Religions and Early Judaism; also 'Sacrifice,' in Hammond and Scullard, Oxford Classical Dictionary, 9 4 3 - 4 5 ; Anderson 'Sacrifice and Sacrificial Offerings ( O T ) ' in Freedman, D.N. (ed.), Anchor Bible Dictionary. 'For most people, meat was a thing never eaten and wine to surfeit never drunk save as some religious setting permitted' (MacMullen, Paganism, 4 0 ) . 27

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Christian groups as m o r e like philosophical a s s o c i a t i o n s than religious g r o u p s . T h a t they t o o k over from J e w i s h synagogue practice the reading of ( O l d T e s t a m e n t ) scriptures and C h r i s tian writings (e.g., Paul's epistles), as well as sermons and addresses on religious t o p i c s , as regular c o m p o n e n t s of their worship meetings further added to this ' s c h o l a s t i c ' impression. Early Christians w e r e not without ritual, of c o u r s e . Like some other religious groups of the time, they had an initiation ritual, in their case baptism, and invested it with rich signific a n c e . T h e initiation rituals o f pagan religious groups varied but were often e l a b o r a t e and colourful, and s o m e t i m e s deliberately e x o t i c . T h i s is particularly so for the religious groups often referred to as 'mystery c u l t s ' . T h e c e r e m o n i e s might be held (or c u l m i n a t e ) at night by torchlight, with priests in full g a r b , sacred o b j e c t s brought forth to view, incense, m u s i c or orchesl rated loud noises, s o n o r o u s phrases recited, and special gestures such as disrobing and reclothing the initiate. T h e immediate aim seems to have been to create an impressive and m e m o r a b l e experience for the initiates and for observers. Although there may have been s o m e such rituals, or s o m e c o m ponents of them, that were reserved for initiates and m e m b e r s of the cult, we should not imagine that the so-called 'mystery cults' were quite as thoroughly secretive as has sometimes been l bought. T h e Eleusinian mysteries, for e x a m p l e , were quite public. F o r these groups as well, o n e aim of their rituals w a s to a 11 ract c r o w d s and thereby recruit devotees or at least p r o m o t e l he renown of their g o d . As with other m a t t e r s , the early Christian initiation rite w o u l d have seemed rather ' l o w tech,' 28

29

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Judge, 'The Early Christians as a Scholastic Community', Journal of Religious History 1 ( 1 9 6 0 / 6 1 ) , 4 - 1 5 , 1 2 5 - 3 7 . '' E.g., Cullmann, Baptism in the New Testament; Beasley-Murray, Baptism in the New Testament. On comparisons between Christian and pagan rituals, see Nock, Early Gentile Christianity and its Hellenistic Background, esp. 109—45; Wedderburn, Baptism and Resurrection: Studies in Pauline Theology against its Gracco-R oman Background. M. W. Meyer, The Ancient Mysteries: A Sourcebook, gives an introduction and an anthology of ancient texts in translation. " MacMnllen, Paganism, 2 3 - 2 4 . ;

m

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simple, and c o m p a r a t i v e l y less impressive to pagan observers used to these m o r e e l a b o r a t e events. T r u e , there were lots of other house-based cultic a s s o c i a t i o n s in the R o m a n period, small and w i t h o u t the trappings of the m o r e public cultic events, and thus resembling in s o m e ways the Christian g r o u p s . But, unlike the Christian worship meetings, these private cultic associations were never intended to replace the m a n y other cultic activities of the pagan religious environment of the time. It is the exclusivist posing of comparatively unadorned house-church worship sessions over against the colourful ritual lifeofthis e n v i r o n m e n t t h a t m a k e s Christianity apparently unique. 32

Meals At various points I have referred to meals as an i m p o r t a n t c o m p o n e n t o f R o m a n - e r a r e l i g i o n . A s indicated already, sacrifice regularly included a m e a l shared by the devotees, and it w o u l d appear that all k n o w n religious groups had sacred meals that provided a very meaningful, favoured expression of their shared piety. But we must understand that this meal-piety w a s not at all a solemn o n e . T h e o c c a s i o n s themselves were very festive and eating and drinking were engaged in with enthusiasm and in copious measure. Indeed, a m o n g the rules to be observed at the entrances to s o m e pagan shrines is a warning not to vomit up one's wine within the sacred precincts - which suggests the sort of o c c a s i o n involved! A m o n g these sacred feasts, there were those held in h o n o u r of city or local gods and open to large n u m b e r s of the population, those for initiates only, and those private dinners that might be open to guests but for which an invitation w a s necessary. I have m e n t i o n e d earlier that, especially in cities, 33

34

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L. M. White, Building God's House, 3 1 - 4 0 . D. E. Smith, 'Greco-Roman Meal Customs' and 'Greco-Roman Sacred Meals' in Freedman, D. N. (ed.), Anchor Bible Dictionary. MacMullen, Paganism, 12, and 146 n. 5 8 .

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people w o u l d have opportunities and direct invitations to participate in various religious groups, often through sharing a meal in h o n o u r of this or that god. T h o u g h m o s t such invitations were probably conveyed orally, written examples survive from antiquity. S o m e of the invitations are to attend dinners in r o o m s attached to the temple of the god and others specify the location as a private h o m e (both types of settings usually a c c o m m o d a t i n g groups of eight to a dozen people). It is agreed a m o n g scholars that in all cases the meals in question had a religious significance and c h a r a c t e r . Indeed, it appears that the god in w h o s e h o n o u r the meal w a s held w a s understood as present at the table participating in s o m e spiritual w a y in the m e a l , p r o b a b l y as its host or guest of h o n o u r . In fact, in one surviving invitation, the god Sarapis himself extends the i n v i t a t i o n ! T h i s c o n c e p t i o n that the gods were present at such meals likely lies behind Paul's warnings to C o r i n t h i a n Christians that they are not to partake of the 'cup of d e m o n s ' or participate in the 'table of d e m o n s ' (1 C o r . 1 0 : 2 0 - 2 1 ) , his pejorative references to feasts in h o n o u r of pagan g o d s . 35

36

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38

T h e best k n o w n J e w i s h sacred meal is, of c o u r s e , the Passover f e a s t . T h i s t o o was to be celebrated in a j o y o u s m o o d , and it seems likely that, along with the singing of Psalms and the reclining posture required for the m e a l , the later r a b b i n i c directive that the Passover m u s t include four cups of wine preserves the festive nature of the o c c a s i o n as celebrated in the 39

35

Horsley, 'Invitations to the kline of Sarapis' in Horsley (ed.), New Documents Illustrating Early Christianity, 5 - 9 , gives very good discussion with texts and translations. See discussion of texts and visual representations in Horsley, 'Invitations' 6, 8. One Oxyrhynchos text reads 'The god calls you to a banquet being held in the Thoereion tomorrow from the ninth hour.' Text and translation in Horsley, 'Invitations', 5. Paul's reference to being invited to dinners by unbelievers (SLTIC, 36

37

3 8

KUXXT xiuuc, TWV arcicrrcDV; 1 Cor. 1 0 : 2 7 ) echoes the wording of the

written invitations, as noted by Horsley, 'Invitations', 9. ' Bokscr, 'Unleavened Bread and Passover, Feasts o f , in Freedman, I). N. (cd.). Anchor Bible Dictionary. y

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40

S e c o n d T e m p l e p e r i o d . T h e Passover w a s properly celebrated in J e r u s a l e m as long as the J e r u s a l e m temple stood, but there were o t h e r opportunities for devout J e w s to express their faith through a g r o u p meal (e.g., new m o o n s ) w i t h o u t having to be in J e r u s a l e m . T h e Q u m r a n c o m m u n i t y had its o w n shared meal e n d o w e d with special religious significance and celebrated in a very j o y o u s m o o d / To be sure, it is likely that J e w i s h sacred meals were less p r o n e to excesses in drinking and behaviour that seem to have been a feature of, or that had to be m o r e consciously w a r n e d against, in pagan feasts. B u t with or without such excesses, the sacred meal of antiquity was a j o y o u s social o c c a s i o n , and no tension w a s felt between the religious c h a r a c t e r of the sacred meal and this social dimension. 1

Given the ubiquitous role of meals in the religious environment of the t i m e , it is understandable that in early Christian circles a sacred meal w a s a characteristic feature of their c o l lective devotional life. T h e s e meals of Christian fellowship were held in the h o m e s of believers with space to a c c o m m o date them (though, again, we should bear in mind that m o s t h o m e s would not have been adequate for group dinners of m o r e than eight to ten people).

J e w i s h Religious Life T h o u g h I have m a d e a few short references to J e w i s h religion in the preceding discussion, I wish n o w to m a k e some m o r e extensive c o m m e n t s . Given the i m p o r t a n c e of J e w i s h religion for the origins of Christianity, it is worth singling out this facet of the R o m a n religious environment for special attention. Again, I must be selective and will focus on certain features of

See the recent review of various types of Jewish meals that have been considered as context for the accounts of the Last Supper in the gospels by Kodell, The Eucharist in the New Testament, 3 8 - 5 2 . K. G. Kuhn, Enderwartung und gegenwartiges Heil: Uiitersiichinigen zu den Gemeindelicdern von Qumran. 41

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the practice of J e w i s h piety in the early R o m a n imperial period c o n t e m p o r a r y with the origins of C h r i s t i a n i t y / I have already mentioned t w o features of ancient J e w i s h religion that marked it off from the larger R o m a n religious environment: the absence of cult images and the exclusivity demanded. B o t h of these features were noted by pagan observers of the time. N e i t h e r in synagogues n o r even in the J e r u s a l e m temple where sacrifice w a s offered was there an image of the G o d of Israel serving like the cult images c h a r a c teristic of R o m a n - e r a religion. Pagans often found this curious. J e w i s h religious exclusivity w a s m o r e than curious; it w a s considered downright antisocial behaviour. It w o u l d certainly have had profound, unavoidable effects upon the social interactions of devout J e w s with n o n - J e w s in D i a s p o r a settings, given the ties of a l m o s t any social o c c a s i o n to the gods. S o m e J e w s simply assimilated to the pagan practice, and, no doubt, many others developed various degrees of c o m p r o m i s e and a c c o m m o d a t i o n . But both J e w s and n o n - J e w s k n e w quite well that faithfulness to J e w i s h religion involved deep scruples about participation in devotion to other gods. In addition, there were strong scruples against inappropriate reverence for G o d ' s own heavenly retinue of angels or for other agents of G o d such as the revered patriarchs (e.g., M o s e s ) or messiahs. J e w i s h ' m o n o t h e i s m ' could take in quite a rich assortment of very exalted and powerful beings in addition to G o d , but cultic worship (that is, public c o r p o r a t e prayer and 2

12

Though there are many studies on Jewish religion of the period, most focus mainly on the literature, beliefs, parties and institutions, and have little to say directly about the practice of Jewish piety. Among exceptions, see Sanders, Judaism: Practice and Belief, 63 IiCE-66 CE; several chapters in Safrai and Stern, The Jewish People in the First Century: Historical Geography, Political History, Social, Cultural and Religious Life and Institutions; Schiirer, The History of the Jewish People in the Age of Jesus Christ, 3 / 1 : 1 3 8 - 4 9 . Nickelsburg and Stone, Faith and Piety in Early Judaism: Texts and Documents, is a helpful anthology and gives beliefs and some features of practice, but surprisingly little of the latter given the title of the hook.

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praise, and of c o u r s e sacrifice) w a s characteristically restricted to God alone. T h e r e were t w o main institutions for collective expressions of J e w i s h religion in this period: the temple in J e r u s a l e m and the synagogue. F o r m o s t J e w s the J e r u s a l e m temple w a s recognised as the only legitimate place w h e r e sacrifice c o u l d be offered to G o d , and m a n y t h o u s a n d s of J e w s from elsewhere in R o m a n Palestine and from the D i a s p o r a made pilgrimages to J e r u s a l e m for one or m o r e of the great festal o c c a s i o n s : Passover, First-Fruits (Pentecost), and Ingathering o r B o o t h s (Sukkoth). J e w s w h o could n o t m a k e the j o u r n e y to J e r u s a l e m still participated in and supported the operation of the temple through the annual temple t a x (the 'half-shekel' c o n t r i b u t i o n required of all adult males, which w a s collected in various D i a s p o r a cities and transported to J e r u s a l e m ) . But for most J e w s the m o r e familiar collective expression and exercise of religion was through their synagogues and f a m i l i e s . Especially in the D i a s p o r a , where J e w s were 43

44

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Hurtado, 'First-Century Jewish Monotheism', Journal for the Study of the New Testament 71 ( 1 9 9 8 ) , pp. 3 - 2 6 . On the temple and its operation, see Sanders, Judaism, 4 7 - 1 1 8 ; Safrai, 'The Temple,' in Safrai and Stern, The Jewish People, 8 6 5 - 9 0 7 ; F. J. Murphy, The Religions Word of Jesus: An Introduction to Second Temple Palestinian Judaism, 71-92; Jevemias, Jerusalem in the Time of Jesus; Schurer, History of the Jewish People, 2: 2 3 7 - 3 1 3 ; Hayward, The Jewish Temple: A Non-Biblical Sourcebook. It appears that the Qumran sect considered the Jerusalem temple to have come under dubious priestly administration, with an incorrect religious calendar of sacred events and sacrifices of questionable validity. In this attitude they were unusual among devout Jews of the time. Jerusalem itself retained a special significance and the Qumran group hoped for an eschatological purging that would involve a new temple with valid sacrifices and a legitimate priestly leadership and calendrical system. See, e.g., Schiffman, Reclaiming the Dead Sea Scrolls, 2 6 2 - 6 8 , 3 8 5 - 9 4 . 44

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Schiffman, Reclaiming the Dead Sea Scrolls, 4 2 3 - 6 3 ; Safrai, 'The Synagogue,' in Safrai and Stern, The Jewish People, 9 0 8 - 4 4 ; Urman and Flesher, Ancient Synagogues.

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minorities and Jewish religious identity w o u l d have been under c o n s t a n t pressure to assimilate with the d o m i n a n t religious culture, it is likely that synagogues played an i m p o r t a n t role in maintaining s o m e level of religious solidarity a m o n g J e w s . D i a s p o r a J e w s were often granted special rights by the R o m a n s , which included the right to meet together and p r a c tice their ancestral religious c u s t o m s . T h u s , the synagogue, the principal expression of J e w i s h collective religious identity, would have held strong ethnic, political, social and religious meanings. 4 6

47

T h e w o r d 'synagogue' derives from the G r e e k w o r d synagoge and means a 'gathering', but the earlier G r e e k term used for the religious meeting places of D i a s p o r a J e w s is proseuche, '[place of] prayer', indicating that w o r s h i p of G o d was a m a j o r purpose of the gatherings in these places. T h e r e may have been s o m e m a j o r differences in practice between Palestinian and D i a s p o r a synagogues, but here I am mainly concerned with D i a s p o r a settings, where the greater n u m b e r of early Christian groups (whether J e w i s h Christians or Gentile Christians) would have encountered J e w i s h practice. T h e r e was no standardised prayer b o o k or synagogue liturgy in the S e c o n d T e m p l e period, no fixed prayers or standardised lectionary, but there were p r o b a b l y s o m e w h a t conventionalised practices that had developed over time. After all, by the first century, J e w i s h synagogues had been a feature of D i a s p o r a J e w i s h life in at least s o m e centres for t w o hundred years or m o r e . T h u s , synagogue prayers in various places m a y well have been characterised by a n u m b e r of widely echoed themes, such as those that subsequently b e c a m e standardised in the Eighteen Benedictions, w h i c h b e c a m e the 48

46

E.g., Kasher, 'Synagogues as "Houses of Prayer" and "Holy Places" in the Jewish Communities of Hellenistic and Roman Egypt' in Urman and Flesher (eds.), Ancient Synagogues. Josephus lists numerous Roman decrees granting or reaffirming rights to Jews in various cities and districts in Antiq. 1 4 : 2 1 3 - 6 4 . See, e.g., Griffiths, 'Egypt and the Rise of the Synagogue' in Urman and Flesher (eels.), Ancient Synagogues, 3-16.

47

48

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central prayer of the synagogue liturgy. T h a n k s g i v i n g to G o d for his gifts and mercies, and petitions for his continued mercy upon Israel were likely c o m m o n . We get some idea of w h a t was considered devout praying in the prayers recorded in various J e w i s h texts written or used in the S e c o n d T e m p l e period (e.g., D a n . 9 : 4 - 1 9 ; Tobit 3 : 1 - 6 , 1 1 - 1 5 ; Judith 9 : 2 - 1 4 ) . T h e Shema, a confession of faith that begins with the famous w o r d s , ' H e r e , O Israel, the Lord our G o d , the Lord is O n e ' and c o m p o s e d o f D e u t e r o n o m y 6 : 4 - 9 ; 1 1 : 1 3 - 2 1 and N u m b e r s 1 5 : 3 7 — 4 1 , was p r o b a b l y widely (universally?) recited in s y n a g o g u e s . T h i s confession expressed the e x c l u sivist m o n o t h e i s m of devout J e w s of the time that we have already noted and was thus a crucial liturgical m a r k e r of J e w ish religious identity over against the larger religious diversity o f the R o m a n p e r i o d . T h e N a s h Papyrus suggests catechetical or liturgical use of the Shema in Egypt well before the birth o f C h r i s t i a n i t y . T h e r e was also likely to have been singing or c h a n t i n g of biblical Psalms and perhaps other Psalm-like c o m p o s i t i o n s 5 0

51

52

53

4

On the origins and development of Jewish synagogue liturgy, see Elbogen, Der jiidische Gottesdienst in seiner geschichtlichen Entwicklung; and now Reif, Judaism and Hebrew Prayer: New Perspectives on Jewish Liturgical History. On earliest evidence of synagogue prayer, see also Talmon, 'The Emergence of Institutionalised Prayer in Israel in the Light of the Qumran Literature' in Delcor (ed.), Qumran. Sa piete, sa theologie, et sa milieu; Falk, 'Jewish Prayer Literature and the Jerusalem Church in Acts' in Bauckham (ed.), The Book of Acts in its first Century Setting. For an introduction to traditional Jewish prayer, see Kimelman, Reuven, 'The Shema and the Amidah: Rabbinic Prayer' in Kiley (ed.), Prayer from Alexander to Constantine: A Critical Anthology, 1 0 8 - 2 0 . 50

Enermalm-Ogawa, Un langage de priere juif en grec: Le temoinage des deux premieres livres des Maccabees; N. B. Johnson, Prayer in the Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha. 'The Shema' and the Shemoneh Esreh\ in Schiirer, History of the Jewish People, 2 : 4 5 4 - 6 3 . Hurtado, 'Jewish Monotheism'. " Albright, 'A Biblical Fragment from the Maccabean A^e: The Nash Papyrus'. 51

52

l

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33

such as are attested in the Q u m r a n materials (the hymn scroll and the e x t r a - c a n o n i c a l p s a l m s ) . Especially on o c c a s i o n s celebrating new m o o n s and annual festivals such as H a n n u k a h , chanting or singing m a y have been a m a j o r feature of J e w i s h synagogue worship. M o s t frequently attested, however, is the reading of scripture as the central activity expressing J e w i s h religious identity in synagogues. T h o u g h there was p r o b a b l y n o t a fixed lectionary system, it seems likely that synagogues m a d e efforts to have the w h o l e of the T o r a h (the P e n t a t e u c h ) read through in weekly synagogue meetings over a few years. R e a d i n g s from the Prophets were also likely in m a n y synagogues of the time. S o m e sort of homily was p r o b a b l y frequent as well. T h e reading of scripture and homilies are reflected in, for e x a m p l e , the N T a c c o u n t s o f synagogue activities (e.g., Acts 1 3 : 1 5 ) , which must be taken as evidence of first-century practice k n o w n to the a u t h o r s . B o t h J o s e p h u s and Philo of A l e x a n d r i a attest scripture reading and e x p l a n a t i o n and teaching based on scripture as regular features of weekly synagogue meetings of the first century C E . In D i a s p o r a synagogues it is likely that the scriptures were read in G r e e k , the translation of the H e b r e w Bible into Greek having begun in the third century B C E , largely, it appears, to meet the desire of Greek-speaking J e w s to read and study their scriptures. T h e reading of J e w i s h scriptures in the G r e e k vernacular would also have enabled Gentile visitors to D i a s p o r a synagogues to follow things and 54

55

5 6

57

Grozinger, Musik und Gesang in der Theologie der friihen jiidischen Literatur; Flusser, 'Psalms, Hymns and Prayers' in Stone (ed.), Jewish Writings of the Second Temple Period, 5 5 1 - 7 7 ; Charlesworth, 'Jewish Hymns, Odes, and Prayers (ca. 167 B . C . E . - 1 3 5 C.E.)' in Kraft and Nickelsburg (eds.), Early Judaism and its Modern Interpreters. Perrot, 'The Reading of the Bible in the Ancient Synagogue' in Mulder and Sysling (eds.), Mikra: Text, Translation, Reading and Interpretation of the Hebrew Bible in Ancient Judaism and Early Christianity, 1 3 7 - 5 9 . rZ.g., Josephus, Contra Apion 2 : 1 7 5 ; Philo, De Somiis 2 : 1 2 7 . E.g., Tov, 'The Scptuagint' in Mulder and Sysling (eds.) Mikra, I6I-SS. 55

56

57

34

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to learn a b o u t J e w i s h religion. T h a t is, for D i a s p o r a J e w s , the liturgical reading of their scriptures functioned in s o m e sense also as a m e a n s of p r o m o t i n g knowledge of their religion, and offering a view of them as a people w h o s e religious tradition valued reading and learning. L i k e other religious groups of the era, J e w s also had religious meals that served as i m p o r t a n t expressions of their faith. T h e weekly S a b b a t h (Friday) evening meal held a religious significance. As m e n t i o n e d earlier, on special o c c a s i o n s such as N e w M o o n and annual festivals (e.g., Unleavened Bread/Passover, Pentecost, B o o t h s [Sukkoth], D e d i c a t i o n of the T e m p l e ) J e w s held religious feasts that were m o r e e l a b o rate, with wine and the best food they c o u l d p r o v i d e . L i k e m a n y other e x a m p l e s o f c o m m o n meals with religious character in the R o m a n period, these religious meals expressed group solidarity in the religion, memorialised great events in J e w i s h religious history, and were festive, c e l e b r a t o r y affairs. 58

It is difficult to k n o w m o r e precisely h o w J e w s thought of the sacred c h a r a c t e r of these meals and whether they were understood to have any sort of ' s a c r a m e n t a l ' sense, in the sense of G o d being present with them in s o m e w a y in their religious feasts, as seems to have been thought by pagans. T h e Q u m r a n sect certainly a t t a c h e d great i m p o r t a n c e to their c o m munity meals, and reports a b o u t J e w i s h groups called Essenes and T h e r a p e u t a e claim that they held meals with strong religious significance. But scholars do not agree on (1) whether or h o w the Q u m r a n c o m m u n i t y is related to the Essenes or the T h e r a p e u t a e , and (2) w h e t h e r J e w i s h festal meals or those of the Q u m r a n sect are really to be understood as ' s a c r a m e n t a l ' , that is, as s o m e h o w conveying a 'real presence' of G o d . 5 ,

58

Schurer, History of the Jewish People 3/1: 1 4 4 - 4 5 for discussion and references to primary evidence. On the character of the Qumran meals, cf. Kuhn's essay, Enderwartung undgegenwdrtiges He'd, cited earlier; Schiffman, The Eschatological Community of the Dead Sea Scrolls, 5 9 - 6 7 . For citations of the ancient sources and discussion of the relationship of Qumran to these other groups, see, e.g., Schurei', History of the Jewish People 2: 5 X 3 - 9 7 . 59

The

Religious

Environment

35

**
61

63

* Si>e,,l. 'n. 1:221. " / W i / , 10, We shall examine early Christian eucharistic practices .»inl lili'iii in I he next chapter. V I I M I , 'Keliiudn in Everyday Life,' in Safrai, S. and Stern, M ( i ' . k ) , Tin-Jewish /»<•<>/>/<•, 7 9 3 - 8 3 3 . t

0

' AIIM. I SH M).

36

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the

Origins

of Christian

Worship

site, suggesting a certain degree of shared practice both in R o m a n Palestine and the D i a s p o r a . W h e t h e r in the synagogue or in the h o m e , whether in R o m a n Palestine or the D i a s p o r a , prayer facing t o w a r d J e r u salem seems to have been a widely practised feature of J e w i s h piety. T h e earliest allusion to this practice is found in Daniel 6 : 1 0 . Early synagogues were arranged to enable prayer to be said t o w a r d J e r u s a l e m . In this we have one of m a n y indications of the religious i m p o r t a n c e of J e r u s a l e m and its temple. T h i s temple orientation also conveyed to devout J e w s that, wherever they were and whatever their sense of local involvement, they were also part of a trans-local religious tradition with historic r o o t s and strong collective ties. 64

65

Summing Up M u c h m o r e could b e said a b o u t the religious e n v i r o n m e n t o f earliest Christianity, but I hope that I have succeeded in making some basic points, the m o s t fundamental being the value of giving attention to the R o m a n religious e n v i r o n m e n t for a historical understanding of early Christian devotional life and practice. As I have pointed out earlier, in s o m e ways (e.g., house fellowship involving a sacred m e a l ) their w o r s h i p setting and practices can be seen as reflective of that e n v i r o n m e n t . In other w a y s , especially in pagan converts forsaking all other deities and cults, they were very different. It is to be e x p e c t e d that Christians in the R o m a n era reflected in various ways their historical setting in their beliefs and religious practice, and also that in s o m e features they m a y have been distinguishable; but only patient analysis of early Christian religiousness in its

64

Josephus too alludes to both the mezuzah and tefillin, Antiq. 4:212-13. Landsberger, 'The Sacred Direction in Synagogue and Church', Hebrew Union College Annual 28 ( 1 9 5 7 ) , pp. 1 8 1 - 2 0 3 ; Erik Peterson, 'Die geschichtlichen Bedeutung der jiidischen Gebetsrichtung' in Peterson, Friihkirche, Judentum und Gnosis: Studieu und Untersucbungen.

65

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37

historical c o n t e x t c a n help us see accurately h o w and where cither was the c a s e . S e c o n d , as I have already stated, it is clear that the religious environment of earliest Christianity was diverse, vigorous and llourishing. It is not as though there were large portions of the population of the R o m a n empire w h o were religiously dissatisfied and waiting for something like Christianity to c o m e along to provide them with religious meaning. It is a mistake, therefore, to try to explain the spread of Christian faith in the R o m a n empire as the success of a vigorous religious m o v e ment over against some sort of pervasive religious ennui. T h e fact that some pagans e m b r a c e d Christian faith and renounced their former religious life, and that s o m e J e w s recognised in the Christian gospel an eschatological revelation of the G o d of Israel c a n n o t be a c c o u n t e d for by attributing to R o m a n paganism or to J e w i s h religion of the era a failure io provide meaningful and r e a s o n a b l y effective m e a n s of carrying on a devotional life. Christianity had to c o m p e t e in a very active religious ' m a r k e t ' , and if it w o n adherents it did so by offering 'products' and 'services' that could be perceived as comparing favourably with w h a t else w a s on offer. Particularly because, as was d e m a n d e d of full proselytes to J e w i s h religion, Christians were e x p e c t e d to m a k e their Christian faith their sole religion and renounce participation in the other religious options of the time, w h a t was offered in Christian groups had to have been seen by adherents as w o r t h forsaking the alternatives. Powerfully attractive features must have been perceived. M o r e o v e r , Christianity should p r o b a b l y be seen as having had some success in helping to shape the ' m a r k e t ' , in much the w a y entrepreneurs offering new products and 66

67

66

MacMullen, Ramsey and Lane, Paganism and Christianity 100-425 C.E., is an accessible collection of various evidence relevant to the approach I advocate, though it is concerned more with 'late antiquity,' and thus with the situation later than earliest Christian practice. '' For example, MacMullen has emphasised the importance of Christian claims to work miracles, at least in the second century and thereafter (Christianizing the Roman Empire, A.D. 1 0 0 - 4 0 0 ) . 7

38

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services often have to create or e n h a n c e a public perception that they are needed. F o r e x a m p l e , we must suppose t h a t Paul's success in winning c o n v e r t s depended in part upon his first persuading them that their pagan religious devotion was misguided and that they were in need of redemption from their religious past. H o w e v e r , it is not my purpose in this b o o k to focus on w h y Christianity grew, but to c h a r a c t e r i s e early Christian w o r s h i p . My point here is that in their w o r s h i p early Christians found themselves in a lively and active religious e n v i r o n m e n t . In the chapters that follow, I wish to l o o k at selected features of earliest Christian worship in the light of this religious e n v i r o n m e n t , and give particular attention to the i n c o r p o r a t i o n of Christ as the recipient of cultic devotion which gave Christian worship a distinctive ' b i n i t a r i a n ' shape t h a t distinguished it from pagan and J e w i s h practices of the t i m e .

Chapter 2 Features of Early Christian Worship

T h e r e are basically t w o main identifying m a r k s of early Chrislinn w o r s h i p , when considered in its religious c o n t e x t : ( I ) Christ i s reverenced a s divine along with G o d , and (2) w o r ship of all other gods is rejected. We shall consider the first of these in the n e x t chapter. O u r discussion in this chapter takes us its premise the latter identifying m a r k , the exclusivity of earliest Christian w o r s h i p , which W a y n e M e e k s has judged 'perhaps the strangest characteristic of Christianity, as of Judaism, in the eyes of the ordinary pagan. F r o m the J e w i s h tradition of the time, earliest Christianity inherited a m o n o t h e i s t i c exclusivity of w o r s h i p , demanding of adherents a renunciation of the worship of o t h e r gods. Chrislian J e w s , at least for the first few decades of the Christian movement, appear to have c o n t i n u e d their participation in synagogues and in temple-based religious activities and events in J e r u s a l e m (e.g., annual feasts such as Passover, prayer in the temple, sacrifices). Paul, the apostle to the Gentiles, continued determinedly his J e w i s h religious a s s o c i a t i o n s , m o s t markedly demonstrated in his repeated willingness to undergo synagogue floggings, which were dispensed as punishments for unspecified violations of J e w i s h religiousness as judged by synagogue authorities (2 C o r . 1 1 : 2 4 ) . T h a t is, in the earliest 1

2

Meeks, The First Urban Christians: The Social World of the Apostle Paid, 1 6 0 . The whole of Meeks's chapter on early Christian 'ritual' (pp. 1 4 0 - 6 3 ) is very much worth consultation. For examples of Jerusalem temple participation, see, e.g., Acts 2:46; 3:1; 5:12, 2 1 , 42; 2 1 : 1 7 - 2 6 . 1

40

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period at least, the exclusivity of Christian worship did n o t e x t e n d to a refusal to participate in J e w i s h w o r s h i p . T h e obvious reason is that the G o d of the earliest Christians w a s understood t o b e the G o d o f the O l d T e s t a m e n t and Israel, the G o d w o r s h i p p e d in the synagogue and J e r u s a l e m temple. But participation in pagan religious groups and activities w a s another matter altogether. T h o u g h Paul permitted his Gentile converts in Corinth to c o n t i n u e socialising with their pagan neighbours under some conditions ( 1 C o r . 1 0 : 2 3 - 3 0 ) , h e rejected outright any participation in activities with any explicit or o b v i o u s reverence directed t o the pagan gods ( 1 C o r . 8 : 1 - 1 3 ; 1 0 : 1 4 - 2 2 , 2 8 ) . T h i s m e a n t foregoing m a n y diverse religious activities outside o f Christian w o r s h i p . F o r e x a m p l e , Christians were not t o join their neighbours in cultic events explicitly h o n o u r i n g other gods, such as sacrificial feasts and cult dinners. It would also have been highly q u e s t i o n a b l e to participate in the colourful religious parades and other c e r e m o n i e s h o n o u r i n g the city gods. In short, the spectrum or ' m e n u ' of a c c e p t a b l e religious activities and devotion was severely restricted for C h r i s t i a n s , especially the Gentile converts whose preconversion religiosity w o u l d have taken in as much as they wished to a c c o m m o d a t e from the full range of religious devotion and deities on offer. In place of the varied 'diet' of pagan religious options and activities, for Christians there was to be worship directed only to the o n e G o d in the n a m e of J e s u s . 3

In addition, earliest Christianity had no sacred places, no shrines, no imposing temple structures, no cultic images of G o d or Christ to focus and stimulate devotion, no impressive public p r o c e s s i o n s , no p r i e s t h o o d or sacrificial rites. All in all, in the c o n t e x t of the cultic expression of religion in the R o m a n era, earliest Christian w o r s h i p w o u l d have seemed a fairly m o d e s t , even unimpressive affair. It w a s definitely ' l o w - t e c h ' . In this light also, converts can be thought of as 3

1

Borgen, " Y e s , " "No," "How Far?": The Participation of Jews and Christians in Pagan Cults' in Engberg-Pedersen (ed.), Paul in His Hellenistic Context, also Winter, 'Acts and Roman Religion' in Gill and Gempf (eds.), The Book of Acts in its Graeco-Rotinin Setting.

Features

of Early

Christian

Worship

41

having been asked to forfeit a lot from the larger religious environment that seems to have provided enjoyment and addressed various religious and social needs. Y e t , converts and adherents to Christian groups there certainly were. We might a p p r o a c h early Christian worship, therefore, by seeking for features that both characterised it and might have constituted its appeal or value for Christian converts w h o were asked to forego so much else. We are not primarily interested here in features that were unique to Christian w o r ship. Instead, we seek to understand what Christian worship of the first century offered to converts. I shall organise the following discussion by identifying some general features.

Intimacy The physical setting of earliest Christian worship was the home, in m o s t cases p r o b a b l y the h o m e s of c o m p a r a t i v e l y better-off Christians with sufficient e c o n o m i c resources to have space to a c c o m m o d a t e worship g a t h e r i n g s . M o r e specifically, since the c o m m o n meal w a s a central c o m p o n e n t of first-century Christian w o r s h i p , the setting w a s likely the dining area of the h o m e . E x c a v a t i o n of the h o m e s of the prosperous in R o m a n cities shows that dining r o o m s could rarely • c o m m o d a t e groups o f m o r e than nine o r s o , when one Billows for the c o u c h e s on which diners reclined in the H e l l e lldfic fashion that w a s so widely followed in the R o m a n pvriod. Even if the atrium area of the h o m e were used for ficklitional dining space, m o s t R o m a n villas could have iiccommodated a g r o u p no larger than forty to fifty. So the domestic setting, the size of the house-church group, and I lie characteristic central place of a shared meal in the 4

5

* On the development of Christian places of worship, see L. M. White, Building God's House in the Roman World: Architectural Adaptation among Pagans, jews, and Christians, also Blue, 'Acts mid the House Church' in Gill and Gempf (eds.) Acts. ' Murphy-O'Connor, St. Paul's Corinth: Texts and Archaeology, I.S.l-rtl.

40

At

the

Origins

of Christian

Worship

period at least, the exclusivity of Christian w o r s h i p did not e x t e n d to a refusal to participate in J e w i s h w o r s h i p . T h e o b v i o u s reason is that the G o d of the earliest C h r i s t i a n s w a s understood to be the G o d of the O l d T e s t a m e n t and Israel, the G o d w o r s h i p p e d in the synagogue and J e r u s a l e m temple. B u t participation in pagan religious groups and activities w a s a n o t h e r matter altogether. T h o u g h Paul permitted his Gentile converts in Corinth to c o n t i n u e socialising with their pagan neighbours under some conditions (1 C o r . 1 0 : 2 3 - 3 0 ) , he rejected outright any participation in activities with any explicit or o b v i o u s reverence directed t o the pagan gods ( 1 C o r . 8 : 1 - 1 3 ; 1 0 : 1 4 - 2 2 , 2 8 ) . T h i s m e a n t foregoing m a n y diverse religious activities outside o f Christian w o r s h i p . F o r e x a m p l e , Christians were not t o join their neighbours in cultic events explicitly h o n o u r i n g other gods, such as sacrificial feasts and cult dinners. It would also have been highly questionable to participate in the colourful religious parades and other c e r e m o n i e s h o n o u r i n g the city gods. In short, the spectrum or ' m e n u ' of a c c e p t a b l e religious activities and devotion was severely restricted for Christians, especially the Gentile converts w h o s e preconversion religiosity w o u l d have taken in as much as they wished to a c c o m m o d a t e from the full range of religious devotion and deities on offer. In place of the varied 'diet' of pagan religious options and activities, for Christians there was to be w o r s h i p directed only to the one G o d in the n a m e of J e s u s . 3

In addition, earliest Christianity had no sacred places, no shrines, no imposing temple structures, no cultic images of G o d or Christ to focus and stimulate devotion, no impressive public p r o c e s s i o n s , no p r i e s t h o o d or sacrificial rites. All in all, in the c o n t e x t of the cultic expression of religion in the R o m a n era, earliest Christian w o r s h i p w o u l d have seemed a fairly m o d e s t , even unimpressive affair. It w a s definitely ' l o w - t e c h ' . In this light also, converts can be thought of as 3

Borgen, ' " Y e s , " " N o , " "How Far?": The Participation of Jews and Christians in Pagan Cults' in Engberg-Pedersen (ed.), Paul in His Hellenistic Context, also Winter, 'Acts and Roman Religion' in Gill and Gempf (cds.), The Book of Acts in its Graeco-Ronum Selling.

Features

of Early

Christian

Worship

41

having been asked to forfeit a lot from the larger religious environment that seems to have provided enjoyment and iiddressed various religious and social needs. Y e t , converts unci adherents to Christian groups there certainly were. We might a p p r o a c h early Christian worship, therefore, by seeking for features that both characterised it and might have constituted its appeal or value for Christian converts w h o were asked to forego so much else. We are n o t primarily interested here in features that were unique to Christian w o r ship. Instead, we seek to understand w h a t Christian worship of the first century offered to converts. I shall organise the billowing discussion by identifying some general features.

Intimacy The physical setting of earliest Christian w o r s h i p was the home, in m o s t cases p r o b a b l y the h o m e s of c o m p a r a t i v e l y hrttcr-off Christians with sufficient e c o n o m i c resources to h»ivc space to a c c o m m o d a t e w o r s h i p g a t h e r i n g s . M o r e specifically, since the c o m m o n meal was a central c o m p o n e n t of first -century Christian w o r s h i p , the setting w a s likely the •Illing area o f the h o m e . E x c a v a t i o n o f the h o m e s o f the prospti'ous in R o m a n cities shows that dining r o o m s could rarely • E o m m o d a t e groups o f m o r e than nine o r s o , when o n e H o w s f o r t h e c o u c h e s o n which diners reclined i n the Helle|,'*tic fashion t h a t was so widely followed in the R o m a n ppn'od. Even if t h e atrium a r e a of t h e h o m e w e r e used for A d d i t i o n a l dining space, m o s t R o m a n villas could have iiccommodated a group no larger than forty to fifty. So t h e domestic setting, t h e size o f t h e house-church group, a n d the characteristic central place of a shared meal in t h e 4

5

1

On the development of Christian places of worship, see L. M. White, Building God's House in the Roman World: Architectural Adaptation among Pagans, Jews, and Christians, also Blue, 'Acts iiud the House Church' in Gill and Gempf (eds.) Acts. Murphy-O'Connor, St. Paul's Corinth: Texts and Archaeology, I.S.1-61. (

42

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w o r s h i p practice can all be seen as likely contributing to a social intimacy and strong solidarity a m o n g p a r t i c i p a n t s . To judge from Paul's statement that, ' B e c a u s e there is one bread, we w h o are many are one b o d y , for we all p a r t a k e of the one b r e a d ' (1 C o r . 1 0 : 1 7 ) , it would appear that characteristically the Pauline house-church groups manifested their social intimacy ceremonially in sharing a l o a f of bread as part of the c o m m o n meal. In the gospels' a c c o u n t s of the Last Supper, J e s u s is pictured as b r e a k i n g a l o a f of bread and passing it to the disciples as well as passing a r o u n d a cup of wine (e.g., M a r k 1 4 : 2 2 - 2 3 ) . If, as is c o m m o n l y a c c e p t e d , these narratives were intended both to prefigure and reflect the eucharistic practices o f the early c h u r c h e s , the a c c o u n t s o f J e s u s ' actions m a y be additional evidence t h a t the c o m m o n a l i t y and intim a c y of the house-church gathering were expressed vividly in sharing both a single l o a f and a c o m m o n cup. 6

T h e solidarity and intimacy of early Christian groups at w o r s h i p are also vividly reflected in w h a t appears to have been a n o t h e r characteristic gesture, the kiss of Christian liturgical fellowship. T h e r e are references to the 'holy kiss' in several Pauline letters ( R o m . 1 6 : 1 6 ; 1 C o r . 1 6 : 2 0 ; 2 C o r . 1 3 : 1 2 ; 1 T h e s s . 5 : 2 6 ) and p r o b a b l y the same gesture is referred to as the 'kiss of love' in 1 Peter 5 : 1 4 . T h e simple e x h o r t a t i o n to share the kiss, w i t h o u t any further e x p l a n a tion, indicates that the gesture was quite b r o a d l y practised and familiar a m o n g first-century Christian g r o u p s . Given t h a t N e w T e s t a m e n t epistles seem to have been c o m p o s e d for liturgical reading and i n c o r p o r a t e liturgical formulae (e.g., the 'grace and p e a c e ' salutation and g r a c e - b e n e d i c t i o n , the ' a m e n ' and ' A b b a , F a t h e r ' prayer e x p r e s s i o n s , the ' m a r a n a t h a ' of 1 C o r . 1 6 : 2 2 ) , it is likely t h a t the 'holy kiss' or 'kiss of love [agape\ is to be understood as given and received in the w o r s h i p setting. Later references to the holy kiss in 7

6

See Meeks, Urban Christians. 1 5 7 - 6 2 , on 'The Lord's Supper: Ritual of Solidarity'. On liturgical formulae in Paul's letters, see J. L. White, 'New Testament Epistolary Literature in the Framework of Ancient Epistolography' in Temporini and Haase (eds.) An/stirg und 7

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Christian writings of the second and subsequent centuries consistently treat it as a liturgical action, often linked specifically with the E u c h a r i s t . Also, we learn that it was given inouth-to-mouth, an e x c h a n g e d kiss, expressing mutual intimacy and affection a m o n g all c o n g r e g a n t s , and that, for the first century or so at least, the kiss was e x c h a n g e d with m e m bers of o n e ' s own sex and the opposite sex as well. In time, from fears of impropriety and in efforts to a b a t e pagan rumours of Christian promiscuity, later church authorities sought to restrict the kissing to m e m b e r s of o n e ' s o w n s e x . Similarly motivated were rules that the holy kiss was to be fjvcn with m o u t h s closed and that no second kiss was permitled! N e w T e s t a m e n t warnings against adultery (e.g., I T h e s s . 4 : 1 - 8 ) likely reflect a recognition that inappropriate sexual interests could develop a m o n g Christians precisely because of the intimacy a m o n g them fostered in their worship practice and wider religious ethos. 8

9

10

For a n u m b e r of ancient M e d i t e r r a n e a n peoples, the kiss as ii sign of greeting, respect and affection was a c o m m o n gesture for m e m b e r s of the same family, and in M i d d l e Eastern societies was extended to broader circles of social a c q u a i n Imiccs to signal h o n o u r and fellowship (e.g., J e s u s ' rebuke of hi* dinner host for not greeting him with a kiss in L u k e 7 : 4 5 ) . feul the early Christian practice seems s o m e w h a t unusual in • f t k i n g the kiss a regular liturgical gesture and in extending • t circle o f allowed intimacy t o all c o n g r e g a n t s o f both PMC'S.

' (continued) Niedergang der romischen Welt, esp. 1 7 3 9 - 4 9 ; Wu, 'l.ilurgical Elements' in Hawthorne and Martin (eds.) Dictionary of 1'iinl and His Letters. * Brooks, 'Kiss of Peace' in Ferguson (ed.), Encyclopedia of Early ('.biistianity, 5 2 1 - 2 2 ; Thraede, 'Ursprung und Formen des "hi. K uss" in friihen Christentum' ,Jahrbucb fur Antike und Christentum 11/12 ( 1 9 6 8 - 6 9 ) , 1 2 4 - 8 0 ; Stahlin, '
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T h e language of earliest Christian discourse used in c o l l e c tive w o r s h i p is expressive of i n t i m a c y . " Christians referred to one a n o t h e r as brothers and sisters, children of the same heavenly F a t h e r , or m e m b e r s of o n e body (1 C o r . 1 2 : 2 7 ) . It is likely that, as m e m b e r s of w h a t social scientists might describe as a 'fictive family' of brothers and sisters in Christ, earliest Christians deemed the familiarity of the fellowship kiss, acceptable a m o n g m e m b e r s of the same biological family, appropriate also in the Christian worship setting where their family relationship under G o d was particularly expressed.

Participation T h e intimacy of fellowship was in principle to be extended to all m e m b e r s of the c h u r c h , regardless of their individual social status, e c o n o m i c standing and gender. ' T h e r e is no longer J e w or G r e e k , there is no longer slave or free, there is no longer m a l e or female; for all of you are o n e in C h r i s t J e s u s ' , says the Apostle Paul ( G a l . 3 : 3 8 ; cf. C o l . 3 : 1 1 ) . Although in its i m m e d i a t e c o n t e x t this statement functions as part of Paul's discussion of the full enfranchisement of Gentile converts along with J e w i s h Christians as m e m b e r s of G o d ' s redeemed people, children o f A b r a h a m , all o f w h o m belong to Christ, it is clear that Paul here also represents the ideals to be reflected in the w o r s h i p gatherings of the early Christian movement. T h u s , for e x a m p l e , although elsewhere Paul urges the retention of a gender distinction in the hairstyles of men and w o m e n , he also specifically mentions both genders participating in c o r p o r a t e worship through such actions as public prayer and p r o p h e c y (1 C o r . 1 1 : 2 - 1 6 , esp. v. 6 ) . M o r e o v e r , in Paul's discussion of the diversity of spiritual gifts that can be manifested publicly in w o r s h i p (1 C o r . 1 2 : 1 - 3 1 ) there is no

Banks, Paul's Idea of Community: The Early their Historical Setting, esp. 3 3 - 4 2 , 5 2 - 7 0 .

House

Churches in

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indication that social status or gender m a k e s any difference. Instead, the impression we get is that divinely enabled c o n t r i butions might c o m e from a n y o n e w h o m G o d c h o o s e s , and likely from a variety of people. T h e prophetic p r o m i s e from Joel is cited as e x p l a n a t o r y of the p h e n o m e n a of earliest Chrisiiitn religious experience, with G o d ' s Spirit manifested I (trough sons and daughters, young and old, slaves and free (e.g., Acts 2 : 1 7 , citing J o e l 2 : 2 8 - 3 2 ) . Indeed, i n Acts 2 1 : 9 w e lire told specifically of the Christian leader Philip's four daughters w h o were believers and were endued with the prophetic i;ifl. In Philippians 4 : 2 - 3 , t w o w o m e n , E u o d i a and Syntyche, lire named as leaders, and in R o m a n s 16 a b o u t one-third of the numerous Christian leaders m e n t i o n e d are w o m e n . It appears, I lilts, that earliest Christianity afforded significant opportunities for w o m e n to have visibility and respect as a c k n o w l e d g e d leaders, including open participation in public liturgical life. A similarly open attitude to participation by those of l o w e r t o c i a l and e c o n o m i c status, even slaves, including visible participation in c o r p o r a t e w o r s h i p , seems to have been widespread a m o n g early Christian groups. As we would e x p e c t , the Ri'tunl practice varied, and the social and e c o n o m i c stratification of the R o m a n world could manifest itself in the Christian Iwni'.ship setting. T h u s Paul c o n d e m n s the divisions and dis•pliiiiiiation between the better off and the p o o r that had crept • l o the C o r i n t h i a n celebration o f the L o r d ' s Supper ( 1 C o r . H : 1 7 - 2 2 ) . B u t certainly the b r o a d direction o f Christian fchortation in the N e w T e s t a m e n t is t o w a r d a rather full parM C i p a t i o n in the worship gathering by people of either gender mid o f all social stations. F r o m the success o f the early ChrisI i.l n m o v e m e n t in recruiting converts of both genders and of various social and e c o n o m i c strata, it is r e a s o n a b l e to think iliac some significant level of fairly wide enfranchisement was manifested. '' The well-known verses in 1 4 : 3 4 - 3 5 now seem more likely to be >iu interpolation of a scribal marginal note and not the words of Paul. V r , e.g., Fee, The First Epistle to the Corinthians, 6 9 6 - 7 0 8 ; Payne, Tuklensis, Sigla for Variants in Vaticanus, and 1 Cor. 1 4 : 3 4 - 3 5 ' , New Testament Studies 4 1 ( 1 9 9 5 ) , 2 4 0 - 6 2 .

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Christian groups were not the only ones in which males and females and people of different social strata and nationalities could j o i n in c o m m o n cultic activities, but one of the p r o m i n e n t features of Christian worship was this breadth of participation. Perhaps especially for w o m e n and those w h o s e social status or ethnic b a c k g r o u n d could prove a disadvantage, it was particularly meaningful to e x p e r i e n c e a c o r p o r a t e solidarity in worship t h a t relativised or transcended the lines of differentiation and marginalisation operative in their life outside of the worship setting. Often, the leaders of the house c h u r c h e s m a y well have been those m e m bers of the little groups with c o m p a r a t i v e l y m o r e social skills, suitable experience and m o r e education, w h o were m o r e a c c u s t o m e d to exercising such roles. T h a t is, they were likely often those o f s o m e w h a t better social and e c o n o m i c b a c k grounds. B u t there w a s , o f c o u r s e , n o hereditary priesthood, indeed in the first century no Christian priestly order at all. W o r s h i p in earliest Christian groups was c o m p a r a t i v e l y informal and in principle open to c o n t r i b u t i o n s from m e m b e r s as they believed themselves inspired and were perceived by others to be gifted by G o d . 13

Fervour T h e sense of divine gifting, charisms of the Spirit of various sorts, together with the other religious ideas and claims put forth in early Christian p r o c l a m a t i o n and instruction gave fervency to earliest Christian w o r s h i p . F r o m reports of s o m e other R o m a n - e r a religious groups, it is clear t h a t e x u b e r a n c e , j o y , a sense of e n c o u n t e r with the divine, and even strong religious ecstasy were often sought by devotees and were cultivated by various m e a n s in w o r s h i p events. Christian groups

13

On women's opportunities in Roman-era religion, see Kraemer, Maenads, Martyrs, Matrons, Monastics: A Sourcebook on Women's Religions in the Greco-Roman World; id., Her Share of the Blessings: Women's Religions among Pagans, jews, and Christians.

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ilitl not have at their disposal the sorts of resources put to use by some other groups (and in later centuries appropriated iilso by Christianity) to provide devotees with powerful religions experiences or at least a sense of a w e (e.g., e l a b o r a t e v'rremonies or impressive temples), but it is clear that a religious fervour often c h a r a c t e r i s e d earliest Christian worship •mil would have been an impressive, attractive and meaning lul feature. Indeed, strong religious fervour in w o r s h i p might well have helped to c o m p e n s a t e for the other religious activities to be foregone and might have helped to maintain the i nnimitment to Christian exclusivity in w o r s h i p . From Paul's discussion of the p r o b l e m s in the C o r i n t h i a n worship practices, we gain a vivid sense of the fervency that K mild sometimes manifest itself in ways he deemed unhelpful. I he variety of worship-centred activities mentioned in I Corinthians 1 4 : 2 6 all indicate worshippers w h o experience direct divine inspiration and e x a l t a t i o n . N o t only 'revelation' and 'a tongue or an interpretation', but also the ' h y m n ' and 'lesson' are p r o b a b l y to be taken as s o m e w h a t s p o n t a n e o u s t ontributions believed to be inspired by the Spirit. T h e r e is a mill larger list of p h e n o m e n a in 1 C o r i n t h i a n s 1 2 : 4 - 1 1 , Including divinely inspired utterances of w i s d o m , k n o w l e d g e , prophecy and tongues-speaking, gifts of healing and the f o r k i n g o f miracles, and 'discernment o f spirits' (which m a y • w o c i a t e d with e x o r c i s m ) . A l s o , when Paul challenges the (i.ilatian Christians a b o u t w h a t they imagine the basis to be lor the manifestations of the Spirit and the miracles wrought among them in G a l a t i a n s 3 : 5 , it is likely that he has in mind I lie worship gathering as the setting for such divine blessings. In Colossians 3 : 1 6 and Ephesians 5 : 1 8 - 2 0 , the inspired leaching and admonishing and the grateful singing of 'psalms, h y m n s , and spiritual s o n g s ' to G o d are all p r o b a b l y lo be understood as p h e n o m e n a of gathered w o r s h i p that illustrate the religious e x a l t a t i o n and fervency sought in the earliest Christian groups. In 1 T h e s s a l o n i a n s 5 : 1 9 - 2 1 , Paul urges the T h e s s a l o n i a n Christians not to ' q u e n c h the Spirit' iiiul to m a k e r o o m for prophecy (albeit with appropriate discrimination between g o o d and bad spiritual m a n i f e s t a t i o n s ) , iiiul again it is probably ihe worship gathering that he has in

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mind as the o c c a s i o n for such manifestations of religious fervour. T h e frequency of the term ' j o y ' (chara) and references to 'rejoicing' {agalliaomai) in the N e w T e s t a m e n t reflect the jubilation e n c o u r a g e d a n d e x p e r i e n c e d particularly (though not exclusively) in w o r s h i p . T h i s j o y was c o n n e c t e d with the sense of direct e n c o u n t e r with G o d , a powerful sense of the ' n u m i n o u s ' , the Spirit being seen as the vehicle through which G o d c o m m u n i c a t e d himself directly and the w o r s h i p setting as the characteristic o c c a s i o n (e.g., Acts 2 : 4 6 - 4 7 ) . Earliest Christian p r o c l a m a t i o n portrayed a d r a m a t i c redemption from divine judgement, a full enfranchisement of Gentile converts into the elect of the G o d of Israel, and an e s c h a t o l o g i c a l salvation to be c o n s u m m a t e d in Christ's return but already manifested in the gifts of the Spirit and the success of the p r o c l a m a t i o n itself. In a passage warning against apostasy, the a u t h o r of H e b r e w s refers to Christians as 'those w h o have . . . been enlightened, and have tasted the heavenly gift, and have shared in the H o l y Spirit, and have tasted the g o o d ness of the w o r d of G o d and the powers of the age to c o m e ' ( H e b . 6 : 4 - 5 ) . T h i s phrasing demonstrates the very experiential nature of earliest Christian religiosity, and the sense of that religious e x p e r i e n c e as being fraught with great significance. T h e early Christians believed that they had 'tasted' heavenly things, had been given the H o l y Spirit, and had experienced e s c h a t o l o g i c a l p o w e r s . T h e s e c o n v i c t i o n s , reinforced through powerful religious e x p e r i e n c e s , understandably issued in religious j o y and f e r v o u r . 15

1 6

17

14

See Fee, God's Empowering Presence: The Holy Spirit in the Letters of Paul, esp. 8 8 3 - 9 5 , 'The Spirit and Worship'. Beyreuther and Finkenrath, 'Joy, Rejoice' in Brown (ed.), The New International Dictionary of New Testament Theology, 352-61. Dunn, Jesus and the Spirit, 1 8 5 - 8 8 , esp. 1 8 8 . L. T. Johnson, Religious Experience in Earliest Christianity is a plea to New Testament scholars to take the religious experiences reflected in the New Testament more seriously in attempts to characterise early Christianity. 15

16

17

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J o y and fervour does n o t sustain itself automatically but has in he stimulated and cultivated repeatedly. M o r e o v e r , life experiences are such that a n o m i e , disorientation, and discouragement are predictable. T h e worship gathering w a s not only l lie scene in which Christian jubilation and fervour were c o l l e c nvely expressed, it was also a m a j o r o c c a s i o n and means for lencwing fervour through shared w o r s h i p , praise and atten• 1.1111 p h e n o m e n a . It requires little i m a g i n a t i o n o r a r g u m e n t a tion to see that religious enthusiasm is m o r e effectively i IIIti vated and m a i n t a i n e d through collective acts o f affirmation and celebration. T h e e x h o r t a t i o n in H e b r e w s 1 0 : 1 9 - 2 5 to persevere m a k e s it crucial for believers n o t to neglect their assembling for worship and, t h e r e b y , mutual e n c o u r a g e m e n t .

Significance Although the house-church setting of earliest Christian w o r ship was domestic and simple, believers were encouraged to m u c h a profound significance to their gatherings. In large p*u l, this significance is c o n n e c t e d to their collective signifiPpik'c as the redeemed. Paul teaches the C o r i n t h i a n converts think of themselves collectively as G o d ' s p l a n t a t i o n (1 C o r . G o d ' s building, with J e s u s as their foundation (10-15); and as G o d ' s temple indwelt by the divine Spirit; Kl he warns them that divisive threats to the unity of the Allegation are thus sacrilege ( 3 : 1 6 - 1 7 ) . In this notion of fhi' gathered church as G o d ' s temple, the N e w T e s t a m e n t *liuws an analogy to similar views of the Q u m r a n c o m m u nity. "' In other texts we are told that Christian believers have been chosen by G o d and destined from before c r e a t i o n for an eschatological inheritance (Eph. 1 : 3 - 1 4 ) . Indeed, they have already been exalted and given heavenly status with Christ

I

18

1

1

Gartner, The Temple and Community in Qumran and the New Testament; McKelvey, The New Temple: The Church in the New Testament. In addition to Gartner's, Temple and Community, study, see also Klin/inn, Die Umdeutung des Kultus in der Qumrangemeinde und tin Neiien Testament. |U

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(Eph. 2 : 4 - 7 ) and m a d e 'citizens with the saints and also m e m bers of the h o u s e h o l d of G o d ' , thus forming a 'holy temple in the L o r d ' where G o d himself shall dwell (Eph. 2 : 1 9 - 2 2 ) . A s G o d ' s t e m p l e , made up of 'living s t o n e s ' , and as a 'holy priesth o o d ' , they offer 'spiritual sacrifices a c c e p t a b l e to G o d through J e s u s C h r i s t ' in their collective worship (1 Pet. 2 : 4 - 5 ) . Christ has m a d e Christians 'a k i n g d o m , priests to his G o d and F a t h e r ' ( R e v . 1 : 6 ) , and they are promised such things as 'the c r o w n of life' ( R e v . 2 : 1 0 ) , 'authority over the n a t i o n s ' ( 2 : 2 6 ) , and a place with Christ on his t h r o n e ( 3 : 2 1 ) . T h e a u t h o r o f H e b r e w s speaks o f participation i n the c o m m u n i t y of Christian believers in a w e s o m e terms: You have come to Mount Zion and to the city of the living God, the heavenly Jerusalem, and to innumerable angels in festal gathering, and to the assembly of the firstborn who are enrolled in heaven, and to God the judge of all, and to the spirits of the righteous made perfect, and to Jesus, the mediator of a new covenant, and to the sprinkled blood that speaks a better word than the blood of Abe). (Heb. 1 2 : 2 3 - 2 4 ) .

Given that Christians were taught to think of themselves c o l lectively in such t e r m s , it is understandable that their cultic gatherings w e r e seen as filled with meaning and significance as well. T h e y did n o t have temple structures or the e l a b o r a t e rituals familiar in the larger religious e n v i r o n m e n t , but (perhaps, indeed, therefore) the gathered group w a s itself a living shrine and their praise and w o r s h i p spiritual sacrifices pleasing to G o d . T h e y did not have a priestly order; instead, they s a w themselves collectively as a priesthood, all of them thus specially sacred and their gathering a holy o c c a s i o n . T h e y experienced their assemblies as not merely human events but as having a transcendent dimension. T h e y sensed G o d as directly and really present in their meetings through his Spirit. Indeed, even a gathering of t w o or three believers is graced with the presence of C h r i s t ( M a t t . 1 8 : 2 0 ) , giving it effic a c y in prayer and o t h e r a c t i o n s . In 1 C o r i n t h i a n s 1 1 : 1 0 , the curious passing reference to the angels as present in the worship assembly s h o w s h o w familiar the idea was. Paul's (Corinthian

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i c i d e r s apparently needed no further e x p l a n a t i o n (though we 11 mid wish for o n e ! ) . As the 'holy o n e s ' (saints) of G o d , believers saw their worship gatherings as attended by heavenly 'holy inics', angels, w h o s e presence signified the heavenly signifii •tiicc of their humble house-church assemblies. It is this sense ill.H Christian collective w o r s h i p participates in the heavenly i nlliis tbatfinds later expression in the traditional w o r d s o f the Itliugy: ' W h e r e f o r e , with angels and archangels, and with all tlic c o m p a n y of heaven, we do laud and magnify your glorious iiiHiic.' Scholars have suggested similarities with the Q u m r a n »ivi, who seem to have thought of their w o r s h i p as likewise a participation in heavenly angelic cultus, and thus as blessed with (he presence of a n g e l s . T h e point is that in their sense of llii'ir worship gatherings as an extension of and participation in I lie idealised worship of the heavenly hosts, and in their view of lheir gatherings as graced with G o d ' s holy angels, they express H vivid transcendent significance pertaining to these o c c a s i o n s . 20

21

(lollective worship w a s also experienced as having a strong Jirdiiilological significance. In fact, for religious groups with a Mni.', sense of heavenly realities and e s c h a t o l o g i c a l hopes, hip is logically seen as the o c c a s i o n when heavenly realities lo expression on earth and when foretastes of I l l o g i c a l hopes are experienced in the present. In ancient and Christian e s c h a t o l o g y , w h a t is hoped for is a tri£111 earth of G o d ' s rule that is always secure in heaven: {kingdom c o m e , your will be done on earth as it is in ' T h e prophet J o h n pictures the e s c h a t o l o g i c a l c o n s u m es the heavenly J e r u s a l e m c o m i n g down to earth, \t best treatments of the verse I know of are Hooker, 'Authority 0PI I lei' I lead: An Examination of 1 Cor 1 1 : 1 0 ' , New Testament &Hhlirs 10, and Fitzmyer, 'A Feature of Qumran Angelology and the Annuls of I Cor 1 1 : 1 0 ' in Fitzmyer, The Semitic Background of the NI'UI Testament. ' Null, 'Angelology in the Qumran Texts', esp. 1 8 4 - 9 9 ; Davidson, r\iif>i'ls ill Qumran: A Comparative Study of 1 Enoch 1-36, 72-108 ,md Sectarian Writings from Qumran; Mach, Entwicklungsstadien
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wherein G o d will dwell ( R e v . 2 1 : 1 - 4 ) . C o n s e q u e n t l y , just a s w o r s h i p can be the o c c a s i o n in which heaven and earth are specially j o i n e d , the earthly w o r s h i p setting thus acquiring a transcendent dimension, so w o r s h i p can be seen by devotees as a present, albeit provisional, realisation of c o n d i t i o n s hoped for permanently in the age to c o m e . O n c e again, the Q u m r a n sect provides us with a c o n t e m p o rary analogy as a first-century J e w i s h religious group with strong eschatological hopes w h o saw their w o r s h i p in such t e r m s . In a very interesting study of the N e w T e s t a m e n t , Q u m r a n t e x t s , and the c o l l e c t i o n o f early Christian songs called The Odes of Solomon, David Aune showed that religious groups c a n hold zealously to futurist eschatological hopes and can also have a strong sense of w h a t scholars term 'realised e s c h a t o l o g y ' , and that the latter o u t l o o k is characteristically linked with the cultic s e t t i n g . Believing themselves to be the elect w h o have been granted salvation from the c o m i n g divine wrath and are promised participation in e s c h a t o l o g i c a l salvation (e.g., 1 T h e s s . 1 : 9 - 1 0 ; R o m . 8 : 1 8 - 2 3 ) , earliest Christians experienced the divine Spirit as the 'first fruits' ( R o m . 8 : 2 3 ) and initial instalment or deposit (2 C o r . 1 : 2 2 ) of e s c h a t o l o g i c a l salvation. In their w o r s h i p o c c a s i o n s , when the Spirit w a s particularly and d e m o n s t r a b l y experienced by them, they felt vividly the powers of the c o m i n g age, and saw their w o r s h i p rituals as anticipations o f eschatological hopes. It is, for e x a m p l e , c o m m o n l y accepted by scholars that a m o n g the meanings a t t a c h e d to earliest E u c h a r i s t meals w a s an e s c h a t o l o g i c a l significance, the church meal prefiguring the messianic b a n q u e t at which J e s u s would preside. To be sure, 22

23

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H.-W. Kuhn, Enderwartung und gegenw'drtiges Heil: Untersuchungen zu den Gemeindeliedern von Qumran. Aune, The Cultic Setting of Realized Eschatology in Early Christianity. See, e.g., Cullmann, 'The Meaning of the Lord's Supper in Primitive Christianity', 5 - 2 3 ; McCormick, The Lord's Supper: A Biblical Interpretation, 8 8 - 1 0 7 ; Marshall, Last Supper and Lord's Supper, 146-55.

23

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I he Eucharist is also associated with J e s u s ' redemptive death, hut both his passion and the E u c h a r i s t are set within an eschatological expectation and thereby are themselves given eschatological significance, as reflected in Paul's statement lhat in the meal believers ' p r o c l a i m the L o r d ' s death until he comes' (1 C o r . 1 1 : 2 6 ) . Likewise, we should understand that the Christian ritual practice of c o n f e s s i o n / a c c l a m a t i o n of J e s u s as L o r d , which was apparently a characteristic feature of earliest c o r p o r a t e worship both in Greek-speaking (e.g., R o m 1 0 : 9 - 1 0 ; 1 C o r . 12:3) and Aramaic-speaking groups (as indicated by the maranatha formula in 1 C o r . 1 6 : 2 2 ) , was intended by them as anticipating the universal a c c l a m a t i o n and reverence of J e s u s as Lord that was central in their eschatological hopes (e.g., I'hil. 2 : 9 - 1 1 ) . In their view, J e s u s has already been exalted to (iod's right hand and c o m m i s s i o n e d to receive the submission of all things (1 C o r . 1 5 : 2 0 - 2 8 ) . In their c o r p o r a t e a c c l a m a t i o n and confession of J e s u s ' lordship, they were ritually constituting their worship-circle as offering that submission and thus as nn anticipatory expression and locally defined realisation of God's ultimate purposes. 2 5

Their initiation ritual, baptism, w a s invested with e n o r m o u s Ihmificance as w e l l . It w a s not simply an act of individual o b e dience, but w a s to be seen as signifying a powerful c o n n e c t i o n m( believers with J e s u s ' death and resurrection that w a s to issue m nn eschatological 'newness of life' expressed in the present in Plural transformation ( R o m . 6 : 1 - 4 ) , and ultimately in the full resurrection life of the age to c o m e . T h r o u g h b a p t i s m , converts were joined in one spiritual body, thus transcending their individual differences of nationality or social status (1 C o r . I 2 : 1 2 - 1 3 ) . O n c e again, a ritual of a fairly simple nature w a s assigned a considerable depth of meaning. Indeed, as with a 26

J

' R. I\ Martin, An Early Christian Confession: Philippians 2.5-11 in Recent Interpretation. See Michel, '[?o]uoXoyeco', in Kittel and l i icdrich (eds.), Theological Dictionary of the New Testament, esp. -515-17, for the place of faith-confession as liturgical act. '" On baptism, sec, e.g., Mccks, First Urban Christians, 1 5 0 - 5 7 , iiiul Ihe discussion of the practice in my next chapter. ;

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n u m b e r of features of Christian w o r s h i p , it m a y have been necessary to thematise heavily their rather simple rituals and invest them with quite exalted significance precisely because in themselves the rituals did not have the outwardly impressive features of the cultic practices of the pagan religious e n v i r o n m e n t . T h e terms used to refer to the Christian gathering and its activities also suggest an effort to invest them with large signific a n c e . T h e term used to refer especially to the gathering of Christian believers, ekklesia, is an interesting c h o i c e for a selfdesignation by early Christian groups. T h e r e were a n u m b e r of frequently used terms available such as thiasos (the characteristic term for a group of persons w h o associated for the worship of a particular d e i t y ) , eranos (a fellowship to hold religious feasts to which participants c o n t r i b u t e d ) , koinon (a fellowship), or synodos (a g r o u p following a particular t e a c h i n g ) , but so far as we c a n tell the term ekklesia is not a m o n g t h e m . 27

28

In its historic G r e e k usage, ekklesia designated the gathering of citizens of a city to c o n d u c t civic business. Such events always had a religious c h a r a c t e r and w o u l d be c o m m e n c e d with offerings to the gods, but the ekklesia was not a gathering precisely to c o n d u c t w o r s h i p . An Ephesian inscription from 1 0 3 - 4 CE calls for images of gods to be set up on pedestals in the theatre for every ekklesia, which illustrates h o w such official gatherings of the c o m p e t e n t citizens of a city to c o n d u c t i m p o r t a n t business was also nominally done under the authority of, and with respect for, the g o d s . As A d o l f D e i s s m a n n noted, ekklesia was actually taken over into Latin as a loan w o r d prior to Christian influence, though there were certainly Latin terms for ' a s s e m b l y ' , which indicates t h a t the term ekklesia had a special c o n n o t a t i o n of i m p o r t a n c e recognised by Latin speakers that c o u l d not easily be c o m m u n i c a t e d by translating the w o r d . 29

30

Hammond and Scullard, The Oxford Classical Dictionary, s.v. 'Thiasos'. Coenen, New International Dictionary of New Testament Theology, 2 9 1 - 9 2 . Deissmann, Light from the Ancient East, 1 1 2 - 3 . '"' Ibid., 1 1 2 - 1 3 .

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T h e other important use of ekklesia outside the N e w T e s t a ment is in the G r e e k O l d T e s t a m e n t (the B i b l e of m o s t early l ihristians, whether J e w s or Gentiles) where it is regularly used lo refer to Israel as the ' c o n g r e g a t i o n ' of the L o r d (ekklesia Kyriou, e.g., D e u t . 2 3 : 2 1 C h r o n . 2 8 : 8 , m o s t often translating I he Hebrew term qahal). In the O l d T e s t a m e n t usage, ekklesia designates Israel s u m m o n e d by G o d to assemble for s o m e act i»l obedience. But, though the term had this biblical usage, it was not used by J e w s in the R o m a n period for their religious gatherings, for which the term synagoge (also used in the I X X ) was the preferred G r e e k t e r m . S o , it appears that early Christians deliberately adopted and preferred a distinctive self-designation, a term not used by pa^an or J e w i s h religious groups to refer to their cultic gatherinns, yet a term whose pre-Christian usage c o n n o t e d official ilnnificance and, in the O l d T e s t a m e n t , a special religious ijaociiition. M o r e specifically, the term reflects the selfHiidci'stnnding of early Christian groups as being a legitimate iillinuntion and heirs of O l d T e s t a m e n t Israel, and also as rmhlies o f G o d ' s people, s u m m o n e d b y G o d t o o b e d i e n c e service, proclaiming G o d ' s kingdom in this world. In the [©I (he term ekklesia for the w o r s h i p gatherings (used both jhe 'whole c h u r c h ' of Christians in a given city, e.g., Acts R o m . 1 6 : 2 3 ; 1 C o r 1 4 : 2 3 , and for the house-church i, e.g., R o m 1 6 : 5 ; 1 C o r . 1 6 : 1 9 ; C o l . 4 : 1 5 ) , we have an (ion of the effort to invest these otherwise modest gath/ith a high m e a n i n g , w h i c h , a m o n g other things, would Itlped m e m b e r s to find in them a rationale for m a k i n g m worship their sole religious association, ither term that p r o b a b l y carried an official-sounding ffk'iince is the adjective kyriakos, used in the N e w T e s t a by Paul to refer to the sacred meal as the ' L o r d ' s S u p p e r ' C o r . 1 1 : 2 0 ) , and in R e v e l a t i o n to refer to Sunday as 'the l-tifd's Day' (Rev. 1 : 1 0 ) . Kyriakos is used in other early Christian writings as well, showing its wide appropriation (Magnes. 31

I in discussion and citation of sources, see Schmidt, Theological hliliwitiry of the New Testament, 'EKKA,r|0"ia', esp. 5 1 3 - 1 8 ; I i i n i r i i , Dictionary of New Testament Theology, 291-307. 11

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9 : 1 ; Did. 1 4 : 1 ; Gos.Pet. 9 : 3 5 ; 1 2 : 5 0 ) . I consider Deissmann's proposals m a d e several decades a g o to be c o r r e c t , that the term derives from R o m a n imperial usage to designate things as belonging/pertaining to the e m p e r o r (e.g., 'the imperial treasury' [ton kyriakon logon], 'imperial service' [tas kyriakas hyperesias]). First-century Christians, whether J e w s or Gentiles, w o u l d have k n o w n this imperial usage and c o n n o t a tion, and so the adoption of the term would very likely have c o m m u n i c a t e d to them the high significance c l a i m e d for the sacred meal and that the day of assembly was official and important. Indeed, D e i s s m a n n offered the intriguing suggestion that the appropriation of this term from 'the official v o c a b u l a r y of Imperial l a w ' to designate the day for Christian assembly and the religious meal of that assembly ' m a y have been c o n n e c t e d with c o n s c i o u s feelings of protest against the cult of the E m p e r o r with its 'Augustus D a y ' [SehasteY. It certainly seems to me difficult to avoid the impression that the term kyriakos functioned to attribute to Christian w o r s h i p practices an i m p o r t a n c e of the highest order. 32

33

Potency W h e n discussing the religious fervour of earliest Christian worship, I mentioned such p h e n o m e n a as prophecy and miracles of healing. T h e point I wish to m a k e here is that such p h e n o m e n a also e x h i b i t the p o t e n c y believed by earliest Christians to be available and operative in their gathered worship. T h a t is, for earliest Christians the worship event was not merely a religious exercise by the participants, an opportunity to re-affirm their beliefs and to engage in ritualised behaviour; it w a s an o c c a s i o n for the manifestation and experience of

Deissmann, Bible Studies, 2 1 7 - 1 9 ; id., Ancient East, 3 5 7 - 6 1 . See also, e.g., Bauer, et al., A Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament and Other Early Christian Literature, 4 5 8 , s.v. 'KupKXKOC,'; MM 3 6 4 , s.v. 'KupictKOc/ for examples. 31

Deissmann, Ancient East, 3 5 9 .

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34

iliviuc powers. Indeed, it appears that e x p e c t a t i o n s were i li.iiiicieristically high that in the worship setting G o d would l«' encountered in demonstrative fashion. In the c o n t e x t of a li ii|',lliy discussion of proper attitudes and practices in worship in I Corinthians 1 2 - 1 4 , Paul refers to various 'gifts' (charismata) of the Spirit, various forms of 'service' (diakoniai) and \,n ions ' o p e r a t i o n s ' (energemata, a G r e e k term consistently im'il in tlie N e w T e s t a m e n t to refer to p h e n o m e n a attributed in Mipemntural forces) of G o d (1 C o r . 1 2 : 4 - 6 ) . I he c o m m u n i c a t i o n that went on in early Christian worship in*linlcd the experience of G o d speaking in the utterances of i^rinMiini p r o p h e t s , a n d r e l a t e d p h e n o m e n a . I n 1 C o r i n t h i a n s I AM - I I, Paul uses several expressions to refer to utterances M p e i i e u c e d as directly inspired by G o d ' s Spirit, including 'a nl wisdom' and 'a word of k n o w l e d g e ' (v. 8 ) , ' p r o p h e c y ' , •§isiili, of tongues' and 'interpretation of t o n g u e s ' (v. 1 0 ) . SimiJlfly, in 1 C o r i n t h i a n s 1 4 : 6 , where Paul advises against ^ I n t e r p r e t e d tongues-speaking in c o r p o r a t e w o r s h i p b e c a u s e lunot be understood and thus c a n n o t edify, he prefers that [#peak 'in some revelation or knowledge or p r o p h e c y or fciiig'. It is difficult for us to distinguish with confidence the nena to which these various terms refer, and it m a y in that Paul does not intend them to be taken as mutually jve types of utterance. W h a t e v e r the relation may be Hi 'prophecy', 'a w o r d of k n o w l e d g e ' , 'a word of l', 'a revelation', and the other terms that seem to refer to Std utterances, it is clear that verbal manifestations of Inr power were experienced frequently. In fact, at least in (Inriiithian church gathering, verbal manifestations of the tjni it were so much a feature that Paul felt it necessary to give (ff^ul.ilions for their orderly operation. 3 5

36

" Sec I,. T. Johnson's emphasis on the sense of divine power ii limed in New Testament texts {Religious Experience, e.g., 6 - 1 2 ) . " Dunn, Jesus and the Spirit, 1 9 9 - 2 5 8 . Auue, Prophecy in Early Christianity and the Ancient Mediterranean World; Gillespie, The First Theologians: A Study in Early i hiisliau Prophecy.

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F r o m the directions he gives to the C o r i n t h i a n s a b o u t the e x e r c i s e of p r o p h e c y in the church gathering in I C o r i n t h i a n s 1 4 : 2 9 - 3 3 , we can gather that there were often multiple prophets in a given g r o u p , and that the prophecy c a m e by 'revelation'. In Acts 1 3 : 1 - 3 we are given a picture of h o w prophetic utterances c o u l d c o m e in the worship setting and were taken as the words of G o d ' s Spirit c o m i n g through the inspired individuals, in this case giving directions to c o m m i s s i o n Pa til and B a r n a b a s for itinerant mission w o r k . In addition to divine p o w e r expressed in prophetic speech, there is also reference to ' m i r a c l e s ' operative in earliest Christian groups. T h e usual G r e e k term so translated is dynameis, the plural form of the G r e e k w o r d for ' p o w e r ' , and so the original c o n n o t a t i o n w a s p h e n o m e n a seen as special and very direct manifestations o f G o d ' s p o w e r , 'powerful/mighty e v e n t s / w o r k s ' . In 1 C o r i n t h i a n s 1 2 : 1 0 Paul lists ' w o r k i n g s of miracles' (energemata dynameon) as one of the various types of things that G o d does in the church gathering, a n d in G a l a t i a n s 3 : 5 he points the Galatian Christians to G o d ' s distribution of the Spirit and w o r k i n g of miracles a m o n g them as p r o o f of the validity of their religious standing. B o t h epistles are addressed to groups of believers and were intended to be read in their w o r s h i p gatherings. It seems m o s t cogent, therefore, to take the worship gathering to be the characteristic setting in which ' m i r a c l e s ' w e r e e x p e c t e d . 37

Q u i t e w h a t Paul was referring to is n o t clear to us, however. Again, as with the utterances p h e n o m e n a , it may be that we should not think of ' m i r a c l e s ' as a restricted and very specific label. T h e term m a y m o r e likely be intended as a general term

7

We need not detain ourselves with the question of the historicity of this particular episode. Even if one suspects a fictional narrative (or the author's hand in supplying details) here, in order to make such an episode credible the author of Acts clearly had to reflect the sort of phenomena with which his original readers would have been familiar, thus giving us at least a general and indirect indication of the sorts of things that likely went on in first-century Christian worship gatherings.

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for a certain spectrum of p h e n o m e n a that were experienced as direct and impressive manifestations of divine p o w e r . A m o n g these may well have been the 'gifts of healings' that Paul mentions in 1 C o r i n t h i a n s 1 2 : 9 . R e a d e r s of the N e w T e s t a m e n t will be acquainted with the stories of m i r a c u l o u s healings in the gospels' a c c o u n t s of J e s u s ' ministry and the activities of Christian leaders in A c t s . In these cases healings are placed in the c o n t e x t of p r o c l a m a t i o n a n d mission (e.g., Acts 3 : 1 - 1 0 ; 5 : 1 2 - 1 6 ; 9 : 3 2 - 3 5 ; 1 4 : 8 - 1 8 ) . But, a s J a m e s 5 : 1 4 - 1 8 indicates, miraculous healing was also seen as s o m e thing available to be sought by and for believers in the c o n t e x t o f the Christian fellowship. M o r e o v e r , Paul's mention o f healings in 1 C o r i n t h i a n s 1 2 : 9 is in the c o n t e x t of other phen o m e n a of the Christian w o r s h i p gathering, and in a larger c o n t e x t devoted to issues of propriety in and proper attitudes toward the worship gathering ( 1 C o r . 1 1 - 1 4 ) . F u r t h e r m o r e , Paul explicitly states in 1 2 : 7 that each of the types of divine manifestations he mentions is given 'for the c o m m o n g o o d ' , which m o s t likely means that these p h e n o m e n a are here set within the c o n t e x t of the gathered c h u r c h . C o n s e q u e n t l y , I think we must conclude that miraculous healings were a m o n g the manifestations of divine p o w e r e x p e r i e n c e d in the ekklesia. 38

39

O t h e r references suggest that the gathered ekklesia could e x p e r i e n c e divine power in m o r e o m i n o u s w a y s . To stay with Pauline material, there is the curious passage in 1 C o r i n t h i a n s 5 : 1 - 8 c o n c e r n i n g a man in the C o r i n t h i a n church living sexually with 'his father's wife'. We c a n n o t linger over the several intriguing difficulties in this p a s s a g e . F o r our purposes, the 40

Those addressed in James 5 : 1 4 - 1 8 are clearly believers, who are encouraged to call for the 'elders' of their Christian group to anoint them and pray for their healing. The reference to the powerful efficacy of prayer (v. 16) and the citation of the example of Elijah's prayer for rain (v. 1 7 - 1 8 ) seem clearly to reflect a view of the healing proffered as miraculous. On 1 Cor. 1 2 : 4 - 1 1 , see the excellent discussion in Fee, Corinthians, 582-600. Again, see the full discussion in Fee, Corinthians, 1 9 8 - 2 1 4 . 39

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relevant matter is the way that Paul refers lo the nature of the Christian assembly and the action that he c o m m a n d s . Having m a d e a j u d g e m e n t a b o u t this c a s e , Paul orders the church to gather in the n a m e of the L o r d J e s u s (v. 4) and 'hand this man over to Satan for the destruction of the | o r his| flesh in order that the [or his] spirit m a y be saved in the day of the L o r d ' (v. 5 ) . G a t h e r e d in J e s u s ' n a m e , they meet 'with the power of our L o r d J e s u s ' present also (v. 4 ) , and thus e m p o w e r e d are able to c a r r y out the judgement, which involves not merely a severing of the offender from the fellowship of the ekklesia (vv. 9 - 1 3 ) but also an e x e r c i s e of spiritual power that may be p h e n o m e n o l o g i c a l l y likened in s o m e ways to a ritual curse. By the power of J e s u s , a p o w e r invoked through the ritual use of J e s u s ' n a m e , the offender is given up to S a t a n i c affliction, though, it appears, with a longer-term redemptive aim that may have included the offender's r e p e n t a n c e . 41

H e r e we surely have a d r a m a t i c e x a m p l e of the potency that first-century Christians could see associated with the gathered ekklesia. In their e x p e r i e n c e , it is divine p o w e r , the p o w e r of the L o r d J e s u s , operative in his n a m e , and particularly manifest in their gathering. T h e s a m e p o w e r that could be experienced in ' m i r a c l e s ' of a beneficial nature, in revelation, p r o p h e c y and other inspired utterances is here invoked to c a r r y out j u d g e m e n t against an offender. In 1 C o r i n t h i a n s 1 1 : 2 7 - 3 2 , Paul warns Christian believers a b o u t the danger of eating and drinking j u d g e m e n t against themselves through the abuses of the L o r d ' s Supper that he c o n d e m n s , and refers to ' m a n y w h o are w e a k and ill and s o m e have died' as manifestations of divine j u d g e m e n t arising from such abuses. T h e logic seems to be that, as the L o r d ' s Supper,

41

Schillington, 'Atonement Texture in 1 Corinthians 5.5'', Journal for the Study of the New Testament 71 ( 1 9 9 8 ) , 2 9 - 5 0 , reviews recent discussion of this verse and argues that the verse does not anticipate the restoration of the offender but the purification and preservation of the church. Of course Paul was concerned about the latter, but I am not persuaded by Schillington's own interpretation of the verse. See my discussion (if this passage in the nextcliapter of this book.

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the Christian sacred meal is an event where Christ is present in p o w e r for g o o d t o w a r d those believers w h o are aligned with his purposes and for potential j u d g e m e n t t o w a r d those w h o do not recognise that the gathered ekklesia is (and is to be treated as) the L o r d ' s ' b o d y ' .

Summary We began this discussion by noting that for pagan converts Christian w o r s h i p was to be the only approved form of cultic devotion from a m o n g the rich variety on offer in the R o m a n era e n v i r o n m e n t . Given this, it is all the m o r e i m p o r t a n t to consider w h a t m a y have characterised earliest Christian w o r ship, w h a t w a s 'on offer' there so to speak, and h o w Christian worship w a s meaningful to adherents. It is clear that, in spite of the rather severe and unusual demand for an exclusive devotional c o m m i t m e n t , the early Christian m o v e m e n t succeeded in winning converts. We c a n n o t say that the w o r s h i p of Christian groups was in itself a factor in Christian evangelism, but to hold their converts, Christian fellowship and the c o r p o rate religious life within that fellowship had to be sufficiently meaningful and satisfying to suffice for the range of religious activities they were expected to forego. To emphasise, as I have in this chapter, the qualities and features of early Christian worship is by no means to imply that these features were all unique to Christian groups. ' P a g a n ' worship of the time also offered powerful inducements and satisfying features for participants. In its various forms and settings, these features c o u l d include such things as a sense of belonging and i n t i m a c y , and rituals endowed with great significance. My aim in this c h a p t e r has been to s h o w that, though early Christian w o r s h i p w a s fairly simple and unimpressive in c o m p a r i s o n with the m o r e e l a b o r a t e religious p r a c tices of the R o m a n period, it t o o offered features that likely addressed the religious, personal and social needs of believers. I c o n t e n d that the features we have considered here help us to sec what earliest Christians got out of their worship and what leal tires may have offset for them the plainness and

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c o m p a r a t i v e simplicity of their cultic setting and rituals. T h e small size and d o m e s t i c setting offered an intimacy of association in w o r s h i p . T h e openness to m a n y types of c o n t r i b u t i o n s to w o r s h i p and to inspired gifts manifested by men and w o m e n and by people of various social levels offered participants a sense of direct involvement and participation. T h e strong sense of the Christian w o r s h i p assembly as the prime o c c a s i o n for the Spirit's manifestation in demonstrative forms and the heightened sense of the significance of their groups both reflected and p r o m o t e d a strong religious fervour. T h e s e little house-groups saw themselves as bearing salvationhistorical significance, their meetings constituting G o d ' s ekklesia called together in response to the divine s u m m o n s issued in the gospel message. T h e i r worship assembly was itself an event of e s c h a t o l o g i c a l meaning, a foretaste of the blessings o f the c o m i n g age, and p a r t o o k o f heavenly realities, including the presence of holy angels and the presence and p o w e r of Christ experienced through the p h e n o m e n a that they s a w as manifestations of divine p o w e r .

Chapter 3

The Binitarian Shape of Early Christian Worship

Having l o o k e d at some general features of earliest Christian worship in the preceding c h a p t e r , I n o w wish to focus on w h a t we m a y call its 'binitarian shape'. By this term I refer to the inclusion of Christ with G o d (the ' F a t h e r ' ) as recipient of the w o r s h i p . To be sure, the further fruition of Christian w o r s h i p traditions led to all three persons of the T r i n i t y (the ' F a t h e r ' , ' S o n ' , and ' H o l y Spirit') c o m i n g to be worshipped as one G o d . But in the earliest observable stages of Christian worship in the N e w T e s t a m e n t , devotion is offered to G o d the Father and to (and through) J e s u s . T h e H o l y Spirit is certainly often referred to as the agent of divine p o w e r in and a m o n g believers, and as the m o d e of divine e n a b l e m e n t and presence specifically in worship. In the N e w T e s t a m e n t , worship is 1

1

Of the many studies of worship in the New Testament, I cite the following as broadly useful: Bradshaw, The Search for the Origins of Christian Worship; Cabaniss, Pattern in Early Christian Worship; Cullmann, Early Christian Worship; Delling, Worship in the New Testament; Hahn, The Worship of the Early Church; R. P. Martin, Worship in the Early Church; id., 'Worship', in Hawthorne and Martin (eds.) Dictionary of Paul and His Letters; id., 'Worship and Liturgy', in Martin and Davids (eds.) Dictionary of the Later New Testament and its Developments; Moule, Worship in the New Testament; Nielen, Gebet und Gottesdienst im Neuen Testament. The more recent survey of issues by Aune is especially worth attention: 'Worship, Early Christian', in Freedman, D.N. (ed.), Anchor Bible Diclioiiiiry.

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offered in the H o l y Spirit, but it is not so clear that the Spirit is seen as the recipient of w o r s h i p . In noting this, I am not adopting any critical stance as regards the later and m o r e developed trinitarian w o r s h i p practices of Christian tradition. My point is simply the historical observation that at its earliest o b s e r v a b l e stage Christian worship was m o r e 'binitarian', with devotion directed to G o d and Christ. Earliest Christian religious experience involved G o d , Christ and the Spirit; but the devotional pattern w a s m o r e ' b i n i t a r i a n ' as to the divine recipients o f w o r s h i p . Before we go into the discussion further, 1 must address one m o r e matter. O v e r the last ten years or so especially, there has been very vigorous investigation and debate a b o u t the origins and b a c k g r o u n d of the worship of C h r i s t . A great deal of valuable w o r k has been d o n e , especially the investigation of the J e w i s h religious m a t r i x out of which earliest Christianity developed. But it seems to me that the discussion has been 2

3

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Indeed, it appears that Christian worship has remained functionally 'binitarian', with the great majority of hymns, prayers, and other components of worship and devotion directed to God and Christ. Granted, in the developed theology of the Christian tradition the Holy Spirit is also formally declared a recipient of worship, as reflected in the Nicene-Constantinopolitan Creed (381 CE): 'And [I believe] in the Holy Spirit . . . who with the Father and the Son together is worshipped and glorified.' For text and discussion, see, e.g., Schaff, The Creeds of Christendom, 1: 2 4 - 2 9 ; Leith, Creeds of the Churches, 3 1 - 3 3 . But this takes us considerably beyond the very early years with which we are concerned here. 3

Three works in particular can be cited as stimulating this discussion: Segal, Ti^o Powers in Heaven: Early Rabbinic Reports about Christianity and Gnosticism; Bauckham, 'The Worship of Jesus in Apocalyptic Christianity', New Testament Studies 27 ( 1 9 8 1 ) , 322—41; Hurtado, One God, One Lord: Early Christian Devotion and Ancient Jewish Monotheism. In June 1 9 9 8 , St. Andrews University hosted the International Conference on the Historical Origins of the Worship of Jesus, reflecting the salience of the topic in recent scholarship. 4

In the preface to the second edition of One God, One Lord I briefly discuss a number of studies that appeared in the ten years between the first and second editions.

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plagued by insufficient clarity of definitions of key categories and terms. Before we proceed to this e x a m i n a t i o n of early Christian worship practices, therefore, it m a y be helpful to state and briefly defend the definitions of s o m e key terms that I will use. Worship T h e English w o r d ' w o r s h i p ' and its translation equivalents in koine G r e e k have a wide range of semantic possibilities. S o , when one claims that this or that figure is given ' w o r s h i p ' , it is not always or a u t o m a t i c a l l y clear w h a t is m e a n t . In the traditional marriage service of the Book of Common Prayer, for e x a m p l e , when the g r o o m places the wedding ring on his bride's finger he p r o m i s e s , 'with my body I thee w o r s h i p ' , which essentially represents a c o m m i t m e n t to sexual fidelity and loving respect for his wife. C o m i n g as it does in a formal service of Christian m a t r i m o n y , no deification of the bride is implied, and no violation of Christian m o n o t h e i s m need be feared! M o r e generally, dictionary definitions of the noun run from 'courtesy or reverence paid to w o r t h ; hence h o n o u r ; respect' to 'act of paying divine h o n o u r s to a deity', a n d ' o b s e q u i o u s respect or d e v o t i o n ' . 5

A similar s e m a n t i c range attaches to several of the relevant G r e e k terms, especially if one takes into a c c o u n t their usage in various bodies of evidence and situations. In the biblical t e x t s , however, the words tend to be used with greater frequency in c o n n e c t i o n with reverence directed t o w a r d a figure that is treated as a deity. In the N T , the verb latreuo ( 2 1 uses) and its noun c o g n a t e , latreia (5 uses), are c o n n e c t e d exclusively with G o d (or other deities) as o b j e c t . Likewise, threskeia (4 uses) consistently in the NT denotes religious devotion offered to a 6

5

The Book of Common Prayer (London: Mowbray), 'The Form of Solemnisation of Matrimony'. Webster's New Collegiate Dictionary (Springfield, Mass.: Merriam, 1 9 6 1 ) s.v. 'worship'. '' Strathmann, 'taitpeuG), ?taxp£La', in Kittel and Friedrich (eds.), Theological Dictionary of the New Testament.

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deity. T h e verb leitourgeo and its noun c o g n a t e , leitourgia, appear only a few times in the NT and (lil<ely showing the influence of the L X X usage) in all cases refer directly to cultic/worship activity (Luke 1 : 2 3 ; Acts 1 3 : 2 ; 1-lcb. 8 : 6 ; 9 : 2 1 ; 1 0 : 1 1 ) or to other religious acts where the intention is clearly to imbue the acts with a cultic flavour ( R o m . 1 5 : 2 7 ; 2 C o r . 9 : 1 2 ; Phil. 2 : 1 7 , 3 0 ) . Indded, with several o f these terms, the actions c o n n o t e d seem to include m o r e than specific cultic ones, and t a k e in a range of religious devotion intended as expressions of service offered to deity. T h e most frequent verb, however, proskyneo (used 60 times in the N e w T e s t a m e n t ) , in its m a n y Septuagint uses can describe reverence or respect given to a variety of figures where no deification of the recipient seems implied: R u t h to B o a z (Ruth 2 : 1 0 ) , J o s e p h ' s brothers t o J o s e p h (Gen. 3 7 : 9 , 1 0 , et a h ) , a petitioner to a prophet/holy man (2 Kings 2 : 1 5 ; 4 : 3 7 ) , a subject to a king (1 S a m . 2 4 : 9 ; 1 Kings 1 : 1 6 , 2 3 , 3 1 ; 1 C h r o n . 2 1 : 2 1 ) , M o s e s t o his father-in-law ( E x o d . 1 8 : 7 ) , and others w h o show deep respect for a superior or one from w h o m they seek kindness (e.g., J a c o b t o E s a u , Gen. 3 3 : 3 - 7 ; A b r a h a m to the Hittites, G e n . 2 3 : 7 , 1 2 ; a Cushite messenger to J o a b , 2 S a m . 1 8 : 2 1 ; the dishonest servant begging mercy from his king, M a t t . 1 8 : 2 6 ) . Indeed, M o s e s prophesies that 8

9

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Schmidt, 'GpnaKeia, etc', in Kittel and Friedrich (eds.), Theological Dictionary. Strathmann and Meyer, 'AeiToupyeco, ^eixoopYia', in Kittel and Friedrich (eds.), Theological Dictionary. Scholars debate whether Col. 2:18 (threskeia ton angellon) refers 8

9

to the w o r s h i p offered by angels or the accusation of w o r s h i p offered

to angels, but either way the term c o n n o t e s cultic reverence offered as to deities. John 16:2 w a r n s that Jews will even deem the killing of Jesus' followers as 'offering worship to God' (latreian prospherein to theo). Greeven, 'jtpoaKUV£CO,JtpoaKVjvr|Tr|c/. in Kittel and Friedrich (eds.), Theological Dictionary. The most complete study of the phenomenon oiproskynesis is still Horst, Proskynein: Zur Anbetung im Urchristentwn nach ihrer religionsgeschichtlichen Eigenart, which has not been sufficiently noted by some in c u r r e n t discussions of early 10

Christian w o r s h i p .

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the Egyptians will reverence him as they beseech him to take the Israelites with him and depart Egypt ( E x o d . 1 1 : 8 ) . In the m o s t emphatically m o n o t h e i s t i c passages of the B i b l e , the elect are promised that they will be shown reverence by Gentiles in recognition of G o d ' s uniqueness and his favour upon Israel (Isa. 4 5 : 1 4 - 1 5 ; 4 9 : 7 , 2 3 ) . I t i s this p r o m i s e o f the vindication of the elect that is likely alluded to in Revelation 3 : 9 , where the Philadelphian Christians are promised that their o p p o n e n t s will reverence them with the same gesture that the n a t i o n s will use to give o b e i s a n c e to G o d in R e v e l a t i o n 1 5 : 4 . Incidentally, it seems to me most likely that the passages in the 'Similitudes' of 1 Enoch where the 'Son of M a n ' figure is reverenced by the nations ( 4 8 : 5 ; 6 2 : 1 - 9 ) are to be taken as directly indebted to these same passages from Isaiah. T h u s , for the a u t h o r of 1 Enoch the o b e i s a n c e given to the ' S o n of M a n ' no m o r e c o n n o t e d cultic worship or deification of this figure than did the equivalent descriptions of o b e i s a n c e given to Israel/the servant/the elect in Isaiah or promised to the elect in R e v e l a t i o n . But certainly in the Septuagint proskyneo also very frequently designates the a c t of reverence given to G o d or other deities (e.g., E x o d . 2 0 : 5 ; 2 3 : 2 4 ; 3 4 : 8 ; 1 S a m . 1:3; N e h . 8 : 6 ; 9 : 3 ) , and in the N e w T e s t a m e n t the term most often has this c o n n o t a t i o n . Of the remaining N e w T e s t a m e n t uses, in addition to t w o cases where Satan asks J e s u s for reverence ( M a t t . 4 : 9 ; L u k e 4 : 7 ) , which p r o b a b l y represent the temptation t o give S a t a n w o r s h i p , one case where Peter is reverenced and objects to it (Acts 1 0 : 2 5 ) , and o n e use in H e b r e w s 1:6, where angels are c o m m a n d e d to reverence the S o n , there are a n o t h e r fifteen cases in the gospels where the term describes reverence given to J e s u s either during his ministry (e.g., M a r k 5 : 6 ; M a t t . 2 0 : 2 0 ; cf. the m o c k i n g o b e i s a n c e o f M a r k 1 5 : 1 9 ) o r after his resurrection ( M a t t . 2 8 : 9 , 1 7 ; L u k e 2 4 : 5 2 ) . Given the range of reverence c o n n o t e d by the gesture of proskynesis (the gesture indicated by the verb proskyneo) in its wider usage, it is not always easy to be sure as to w h a t level of reverence for J e s u s is indicated in particular cases where the ' p r e - E a s t e r ' J e s u s is given the gesture. Likewise, we should not take every instance of proskynesis of other figures in other sources as c o n n o t i n g the same thing as the cultic worship of a

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deity. In itself, the gesture (which originally involved bowing and a kiss-gesture) seems always to express reverence or respect for the figure to w h o m it is directed, but the specific m e a n i n g or significance of the reverence or respect varies with the nature and claims of the figure to w h o m the reverence is given. T h u s , proskynesis to a royal official need mean only that one thereby d e m o n s t r a t e s a c c e p t a n c e of the official as validly o n e ' s superior and as entitled to such respect. S o , for e x a m p l e , M o r d e c a i ' s refusal to reverence H a m a n (Esther 3 : 1 - 6 ) registers M o r d e c a i ' s disdain for him and perhaps for the o b s e q u i o u s c o u r t style i n v o l v e d . " We see something of the diversity or breadth of reverence that proskynesis c a n express vividly illustrated in 1 C h r o n i c l e s 2 9 : 2 0 - 2 2 , w h e r e the people b o w and reverence both G o d and King David (v. 2 0 b ) . C u l t i c worship here is given only to G o d , however, for David orders the people to 'Bless the \ L O R D your G o d ' (v. 2 0 a ) , and the sacrifices and offerings are given specifically to Y a h w e h (vv. 2 1 - 2 2 ) . T h a t proskynesis is also given to the king here seems to m e a n that he is reverenced as the rightful king w h o has G o d ' s a p p r o v a l , and so the king's c o m m a n d s t o w o r s h i p G o d are o b e y e d . T h e reverence given to the king is not, h o w e v e r , the same as the worship given to G o d here, even though the same sort of gesture is used to express reverence for b o t h . 12

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It is likely that the author intends a contrast between the fawning reverence of Haman as chief royal official and the reference to Mordecai's elevation to a position next in rank to the king (Esth. 1 0 : 2 ) , which Mordecai uses for the welfare of his people. On the treatment of the king by the Chronicler, see Kuntzmann, 'Le trone de Dieu dans 1'oeuvre du chroniste' in Philonenko (ed.), he Trone de Dieu. That Solomon is pictured as seated 'on the throne of the L O R D ' (1 Chron. 2 9 : 2 3 ) of course refers to him as sitting on the royal throne, which in a theocratic kingdom is a throne established by the deity, the king ruling by divine appointment and acting as a representative of the deity. Nothing in the passage indicates any confusion of the king with Yahiveh or any offering of sacrifice or formal cultic worship to the king. 12

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In the title of this chapter I use the term ' w o r s h i p ' to m e a n the actions of reverence intended to express specifically religious devotion of the sort given to a deity in the cultures or traditions most directly relevant to earliest Christianity. T h a t is, I use the term to designate ' c u l t i c ' w o r s h i p , especially devotion offered in a specifically w o r s h i p (liturgical) setting and expressive of the thanksgiving, praise, c o m m u n i o n and petition that directly represent, manifest and reinforce the relationship of the w o r shippers with the divine. I n a s m u c h as the earliest Christians met as groups, I am particularly interested here in the religious devotion characteristic of these settings as a shared expression of their religious orientation and c o n v i c t i o n s . In addition, we shall consider features of devotional practice in o t h e r settings (e.g., personal prayer) to the e x t e n t that such features are openly referred to by early Christians and included by them as part of their shared devotional ' p a t t e r n ' . My c o n c e r n is to analyse those devotional a c t i o n s that represented for early Christians their m o s t cherished religious c o n v i c t i o n s a b o u t the divine. 14

15

Binitarian Given that the religious attitudes of earliest Christians were much shaped by biblical/Jewish scruples a b o u t avoiding the 14

See, e.g., Muller, Dictionary of Latin and Greek Theological Terms, s.v. 'cultus', 'cultus vere divinus', 'latria'. Aune ('Worship, 9 7 5 ) cites S. Mowinckel's definition of 'cult' as 'the visible, socially arranged and ordered, efficacious forms through which the religious experience of communion between the deity and the 'community' is actualised and its effects expressed' (S.Mowinkel, RGG 4 : 1 2 0 - 2 1 ) . From evidence of later centuries, it is evident that at least some Christians engaged in religious or ritual actions beyond the 'liturgical' setting, including such things as spells, amulets, etc., and sometimes invoked figures other than, and in addition to, God and Christ. In the present discussion, however, I concentrate on the devotional actions openly encouraged, engaged in and affirmed by Christians as directly expressive of their religious identity. See, e.g., Aune, 'Magic in Early Christianity' in Temporini and Haase (eds.), Aufstieg und Nicdcrgang der romischen Welt; also Meyer and Smith, Ancient Christian Magic: Coptic Texts of Ritual Power. 15

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cultic worship of other gods, h u m a n s , angels, and any figures other than the o n e true G o d of the biblical tradition, the explicit and p r o g r a m m a t i c inclusion of Christ in their devotional practice is interesting, even striking, as I have d e m o n s t r a t e d e l s e w h e r e . In the n e x t section of this discussion, we shall analyse the specific p h e n o m e n a involved in the 'Christ-devotion' of early Christians. As I hope to s h o w in the final section of this chapter, the inclusion of Christ as recipient of religious devotion was not intended by early Christians as recognising a n o t h e r g o d . Although 'di-theism' might well represent the sort of charge that at least s o m e critics might have hurled at them (e.g., J o h n 5 : 1 8 ; 1 0 : 3 3 ) , the term does not seem to represent their o w n views of their devotional pattern. I p r o p o s e that in this characteristic ' t w o ishness' of their devotional practice there is also a pattern of religious behaviour that links Christ with G o d in ways that seem intended to maintain an exclusivist ' m o n o t h e i s t i c ' stance. It is this early Christian a c c o m m o d a t i o n of Christ as an additional figure along with G o d ('the F a t h e r ' ) within a strongly m o n o t h e i s t i c religious c o m m i t m e n t that I refer to as the ' b i n i t a r i a n ' shape o f Christian w o r s h i p . 16

17

T h e Phenomena of Early Cultic Christ-Devotion I am uneasy with a b s t r a c t i o n s that c a n n o t readily be tested, and am a w a r e of the difficulties in understanding the unexpressed (or dimly expressed) c o n c e p t i o n s of ancients and in avoiding a n a c h r o n i s m in developing c o n c e p t u a l categories for the analysis of earliest Christian beliefs. C o n s e q u e n t l y , I have emphasised the i m p o r t a n c e of an inductive a p p r o a c h that 16

See esp. Hurtado, One God, One Lord; id., 'First-Century Jewish Monotheism', Journal for the Study of the New Testament 71 ( 1 9 9 8 ) , pp. 3 - 2 6 . Some scholars use the term 'christological monotheism' to refer to the inclusion of Christ with God in early Christianity. See, e.g., Bauckham, God Crucified: Monotheism and Christology in the New Testament, esp. 2 5 - 4 2 . 17

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focuses on the actual p h e n o m e n a of religious d e v o t i o n . T h u s , in my b o o k , One God, One Lord I dealt with early Christian devotional practice as directed t o w a r d Christ, and I referred to the evidence of a ' m u t a t i o n ' in m o n o t h e i s t i c devotion in the earliest o b s e r v a b l e literary remains of first-century C h r i s t i a n i t y . " I listed and briefly discussed six p h e n o m e n a of early Christian religious devotion, which I c o n t e n d e d a m o u n t e d to a pattern of devotion that was unparalleled a m o n g other k n o w n religious groups that identified themselves with the biblical/Jewish tradition. T h i s pattern of devotion thus constitutes a distinctive ' m u t a t i o n ' in J e w i s h m o n o t h e i s t i c p r a c t i c e , with a clearly 'binitarian' c h a r a c t e r . In the eleven years since the first edition of that b o o k , some scholars have questioned whether the p h e n o m e n a really c o n stituted a significant ' m u t a t i o n ' in monotheistic practice and really represented cultic worship of Christ. S o m e others, pointing to w h a t they allege to be precedents and analogies, grant that early Christians worshipped Christ but question whether it was really as innovative and historically significant as I have c l a i m e d . It is, therefore, appropriate for me to return to the specific p h e n o m e n a of early ' C h r i s t - d e v o t i o n ' , which, I still c o n t e n d , do collectively constitute a distinctive pattern of binitarian devotion in which C h r i s t is included with G o d as a recipient of devotion that can properly be 20

18

In 'First-Century Jewish Monotheism', for example, I urge an inductive approach to the definition of the term 'monotheism' as a descriptor of ancient Jewish and Christian religion. Hurtado, One God, One Lord, esp. 9 9 - 1 0 0 , 1 2 4 . For a useful discussion of worship practices/rituals in Pauline churches, see Meeks, The First Urban Christians: The Social World of the Apostle Paul, 1 4 0 - 6 3 . On pagan religious/cultic practices, see MacMullen, Paganism in the Roman Empire, esp. 1 - 4 8 . For a recent survey of earliest Jewish synagogue practice, see Reif, Judaism and Hebrew Prayer: New Perspectives on Jewish Liturgical History, esp. 5 3 - 8 7 . Dunn (The Theology of Paul the Apostle, 2 5 7 - 6 0 ) prefers to describe Pauline Christ-devotion as 'veneration of Christ, meaning by that something short of full-scale worship'. Fletcher-Louis claims to have produced several precedents for the worship of Christ {I.uke-Acts: Angels, Christology and Soteriology, 1 2 0 - 2 9 , 2 1 4 ) . 19

20

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cultic w o r s h i p of o t h e r gods, h u m a n s , angels, and any figures other than the one true G o d o f the biblical tradition, the explicit and p r o g r a m m a t i c inclusion of Christ in their devotional practice is interesting, even striking, as I have demonstrated e l s e w h e r e . In the n e x t section of this discussion, we shall analyse the specific p h e n o m e n a involved in the ' C h r i s t - d e v o t i o n ' of early Christians. As I hope to s h o w in the final section of this c h a p t e r , the inclusion of Christ as recipient of religious devotion w a s not intended by early Christians as recognising a n o t h e r g o d . Although 'di-theism' might well represent the sort of charge that at least s o m e critics might have hurled a t them (e.g., J o h n 5 : 1 8 ; 1 0 : 3 3 ) , the term does n o t seem to represent their o w n views of their devotional pattern. I propose that in this characteristic ' t w o ishness' of their devotional practice there is also a pattern of religious behaviour that links Christ with G o d in w a y s that seem intended to maintain an exclusivist ' m o n o t h e i s t i c ' stance. It is this early Christian a c c o m m o d a t i o n of Christ as an additional figure along with G o d ('the F a t h e r ' ) within a strongly m o n o t h e i s t i c religious c o m m i t m e n t that I refer to as the ' b i n i t a r i a n ' shape o f Christian w o r s h i p . 16

17

T h e Phenomena of Early Cultic Christ-Devotion I am uneasy with a b s t r a c t i o n s that c a n n o t readily be tested, and am a w a r e of the difficulties in understanding the unexpressed (or dimly expressed) c o n c e p t i o n s of ancients and in avoiding a n a c h r o n i s m in developing c o n c e p t u a l categories for the analysis of earliest Christian beliefs. C o n s e q u e n t l y , I have emphasised the i m p o r t a n c e of an inductive a p p r o a c h that 16

See esp. Hurtado, One God, One Lord; id., 'First-Century Jewish Monotheism', Journal for the Study of the New Testament 71 ( 1 9 9 8 ) , pp. 3 - 2 6 . Some scholars use the term 'christological monotheism' to refer to the inclusion of Christ with God in early Christianity. See, e.g., Bauckham, God Crucified: Monotheism and Christology in the New Testament, esp. 2 5 - 4 2 . 17

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focuses on the actual p h e n o m e n a of religious d e v o t i o n . T h u s , in my b o o k , One God, One Lord I dealt with early Christian devotional practice as directed t o w a r d Christ, and I referred to the evidence of a ' m u t a t i o n ' in m o n o t h e i s t i c devotion in the earliest o b s e r v a b l e literary remains of first-century C h r i s t i a n i t y . I listed and briefly discussed six p h e n o m e n a of early Christian religious devotion, which I c o n t e n d e d a m o u n t e d to a pattern of devotion that w a s unparalleled a m o n g other k n o w n religious groups that identified themselves with the biblical/Jewish tradition. T h i s pattern of devotion thus constitutes a distinctive ' m u t a t i o n ' in J e w i s h m o n o t h e i s t i c practice, with a clearly 'binitarian' character. In the eleven years since the first edition of that b o o k , s o m e scholars have questioned w h e t h e r the p h e n o m e n a really c o n stituted a significant ' m u t a t i o n ' in m o n o t h e i s t i c practice and really represented cultic w o r s h i p of Christ. S o m e others, pointing to w h a t they allege to be precedents and analogies, grant that early Christians worshipped Christ but question whether it w a s really as innovative and historically significant as I have c l a i m e d . It is, therefore, appropriate for me to return to the specific p h e n o m e n a of early ' C h r i s t - d e v o t i o n ' , which, I still c o n t e n d , do collectively constitute a distinctive pattern of binitarian devotion in which C h r i s t is included with G o d as a recipient of devotion that c a n properly be 19

20

18

In 'First-Century Jewish Monotheism', for example, I urge an inductive approach to the definition of the term 'monotheism' as a descriptor of ancient Jewish and Christian religion. Hurtado, One God, One Lord, esp. 9 9 - 1 0 0 , 1 2 4 . For a useful discussion of worship practices/rituals in Pauline churches, see Meeks, The First Urban Christians: The Social World of the Apostle Paul, 1 4 0 - 6 3 . On pagan religious/cuitic practices, see MacMullen, Paganism in the Roman Empire, esp. 1—48. For a recent survey of earliest Jewish synagogue practice, see Reif, Judaism and Hebrew Prayer: New Perspectives on Jewish Liturgical History, esp. 5 3 - 8 7 . Dunn (The Theology of Paul the Apostle, 2 5 7 - 6 0 ) prefers to describe Pauline Christ-devotion as 'veneration of Christ, meaning by that something short of full-scale worship'. Fletcher-Louis claims to have produced several precedents for the worship of Christ (Luke-Acts: Angels, Christology and Soteriology, 1 2 0 - 2 9 , 2 1 4 ) . 19

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understood as w o r s h i p . As our c o n c e r n here is primarily historical, I shall particularly draw attention to evidence of earliest o b s e r v a b l e stages of Christian devotional practice. T h i s means c o n c e n t r a t i n g on Pauline texts and such other references as m a y plausibly be taken as reflecting very primitive Christian practice. In the light of criticisms of my positions, I wish to reemphasise t w o things a b o u t the p h e n o m e n a to be discussed. First, they are a constellation of devotional practices, and it is the collective force of the p h e n o m e n a that constitutes the ' m u t a t i o n ' in m o n o t h e i s t i c practice that I allege. F o r this or that individual p h e n o m e n o n there m a y be interesting partial analogies. F o r e x a m p l e , it has been suggested that the invocation of angels in J e w i s h ' m a g i c a l ' material, or the reverential reference to them in o t h e r J e w i s h sources, m a y offer s o m e sort of partial analogy for prayer to J e s u s and ritual invocation of h i m . B u t I am n o t a w a r e that a n y o n e has offered any a n a l o g y for the full pattern of devotional p h e n o m e n a focused on Jesus. 22

23

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See the valuable discussion by Bauckham, 'Jesus, Worship of,' for a very similar view of matters. Among earlier studies, cf. Conzelmann, 'Christus im Gottesdienst der neutestamentlichen Zeit', in Conzelmann, Theologie als Schriftauslegung: Aufsatze zum Neuen Testament, 1 2 0 - 3 0 . See esp. Stuckenbruck, Angel Veneration and Christology, and my review in JTS 47 ( 1 9 9 6 ) : 2 4 8 - 5 3 . Horbury (Jewish Messianism and the Cult of Christ) proposes that Jewish messianism provides the key that explains the worship of Christ. But, in fact, praise of Jewish rulers and honorific rhetoric concerning messianic figures provide no real parallel to the pattern of cultic devotion to Christ expressed in the New Testament. Horbury uses the term 'cult' so broadly as to make it cover almost any kind of respect and reverence given to a figure. This obfuscates matters. The same criticism can be levelled against Horbury's association of the worship of Christ and early Christian and Jewish reverence for martyrs ('The Cult of Christ and the Cult of the Saints', New Testament Studies 44 ( 1 9 9 8 ) , 4 4 4 - 6 9 ) . Contra Horbury, Mart.Poly. 17:3 makes a clear distinction between the two types of reverence. Note also Irenaeus' statement: 'Nor does 22

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S e c o n d l y , and perhaps even m o r e i m p o r t a n t l y , these phen o m e n a are the actual devotional practices of adherents of a k n o w n religious m o v e m e n t , and they functioned as the identifying m a r k s of their devotional life. Scattered references to this or that figure receiving reverence in literary scenes placed in the c o s m i c past (e.g., the c o m m a n d to the angels to reverence Adam as G o d ' s ' i m a g e ' in Vitae Adae et Evae 1 3 - 1 4 ) , the eschatological future (e.g, the reverence given by foreign kings to the Elect O n e / S o n of M a n figure in 1 Enoch 4 8 : 5 ; 6 2 : 9 ) or in a figurative vision set in a celestial plane (the o b e i s a n c e of the stars to M o s e s in Ezekiel the Tragedian) are interesting as illustrating the speculative directions and forms that ancient J e w i s h thought could t a k e t o w a r d exalted s y m b o l i c figures. B u t n o n e of the proffered e x a m p l e s offers us evidence of religious m o v e m e n t s or groups w h o s e devotional pattern actually included the offering of cultic reverence to any of these figures. Instead, these scenes showing reverence given to these various figures all appear to be only literary p h e n o m e n a , and this means that the o b e i s a n c e described is not properly ' w o r s h i p ' of the figures as deities by any actual group of devout J e w s . In the case o f the N T evidence a b o u t Christ-devotion, w e have characteristics of the devotional praxis of the early Christian 24

2

(continued) she [the church] perform anything by means of angelic invocations, or by incantations, or by any other wicked, curious art; but, directing her prayers to the Lord, who made all things, in a pure, sincere, and straightforward spirit, and calling upon the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, she is accustomed to work miracles for the advantage of mankind . . .' (Against Heresies, 2 . 3 2 . 5 [ANF 2 . 4 0 9 ] ) . The point is not whether all Christians consistently followed such a practice but what sort of devotional pattern was promoted as correct. Devotion to Christ was included, and devotion to other figures was not. Steenburg points to the scene in the Latin VitAdEve, but acknowledges that there is no evidence of any Jewish group practising a cultic reverence of Adam as their pattern of cultic devotion ('The Worship of Adam and Christ as the Image of God', Journal for the Study of the Nciv Testament 3 9 , [ 1 9 9 0 ] , 9 5 - 1 0 9 ) . English translations of these ami other extra-canonical writings are available in Charlcsworth, Ihe Old Testament Pseudepigrapha. 24

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m o v e m e n t , with the reverence given as part of the cultic pattern of early Christian groups.

As is to be e x p e c t e d , in the N e w T e s t a m e n t and other early Christian sources prayer is m o s t characteristically offered to G o d (e.g., Acts 4 : 2 4 - 3 0 ) . B u t it is also equally characteristic that prayer is offered ' t h r o u g h ' J e s u s (e.g., R o m . 1:8) or in J e s u s ' n a m e (e.g., J o h n 1 6 : 2 3 - 2 4 ) , something for which I k n o w of no parallel in the evidence of ancient J e w i s h prayer practice. Indeed, in the NT prayer is often described as offered to 'the G o d and Father of o u r L o r d J e s u s C h r i s t ' (e.g., 2 C o r . 1:3; Eph. 1:3; C o l . 1 : 3 ) . T h e latter expression can be paralleled with references t o 'the G o d o f A b r a h a m , the G o d o f I s a a c , and the G o d o f J a c o b ' ( E x o d . 3 : 6 ; M a r k 1 2 : 2 6 ) , but this re-identification of G o d by reference to J e s u s surely indicates the i m p o r t a n c e of J e s u s in early Christian devotion as group identity-marker and as shaping the pattern of their piety. M o r e o v e r , though it is n o t so frequent, we find evidence of prayer t o J e s u s , both jointly with G o d a n d directly t o J e s u s h i m s e l f . In Paul's letters, several passages which are technically prayer-wish expressions are p r o b a b l y to be taken as reflecting prayer practices in which G o d and J e s u s were 26

25

Major studies on early Christian prayer include Hamman, La priere I. Le Nouveau Testament; id., 'La priere chretienne et la priere pai'nne, formes et differences'; Dolger, Sol Salutis: Gebetund Gesang im christlichen Altertum mit besonderer Riicksicht aufdie Ostung in Gebetund Liturgie; Klawek, Das GebetzuJesus. Seine Berechtigung und Ubung nach den Schriften des Neuen Testaments: Eine biblische-theologische Studie; Jungmann, The Place of Christ in Liturgical Prayer; Lebreton, Histoire du dogme de la trinite, 2: 1 7 5 - 2 4 7 ; Cullmann, Prayer in the New Testament. Bauckham complains, 'The NT evidence for personal prayer to Jesus has sometimes been underestimated', citing the same evidence noted here ('Jesus, Worship of,' 8 1 3 ) . For the Pauline evidence, Hamman's analysis is crucial (La priere, 2 4 5 - 3 3 7 ) . Especially see his discussion of the question of to whom prayer is addressed in Paul, 264-80. 26

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addressed a n d invoked together (1 T h e s s . 3 : 1 1 - 1 3 ; 2 T h e s s . 2 : 1 6 - 1 7 ; 3 : 5 ) . T o these w e should add the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c ' G r a c e and p e a c e ' salutation in Paul's letter-openings, w h i c h invoke G o d and J e s u s and are p r o b a b l y to be understood as Paul's a d a p t a t i o n of religious expressions and practices used in his c h u r c h e s ( R o m . 1:7; 1 C o r . 1:3; 2 C o r . 1:3; G a l . 1:3; Phil. 1:2; 2 T h e s s . 1 : 2 ) . Also relevant are the Pauline grace-benedictions that c o n c l u d e his letters and are likewise reflective of early Christian devotional and liturgical practice, in which J e s u s is invoked as source of the g r a c e , m o s t often alone ( R o m . 1 6 : 2 0 ; 1 C o r . 1 6 : 2 3 ; G a l . 6 : 1 8 ; Phil. 4 : 2 3 ; 1 T h e s s . 5 : 2 8 ; 2 T h e s s . 3 : 1 8 ) , and once in the triadic expression familiar to m a n y Christians from 2 C o r i n t h i a n s 1 3 : 1 3 . T h e s e expressions, in letters intended to be read out in the Christian groups to which they were addressed as a part of their w o r s h i p and reflecting the liturgical expressions c h a r a c teristic of these groups, s h o w that already well within the first t w o decades of the Christian m o v e m e n t it was c o m m o n (and uncontroversial a m o n g believers) to include J e s u s with G o d as source of the blessings invoked and appealed for in their devotional life. 27

In the Pauline letters, direct, personal prayer to J e s u s is explicit only in 2 C o r i n t h i a n s 1 2 : 8 - 9 , where Paul m e n t i o n s repeated appeals to 'the L o r d ' to remove an affliction sent from S a t a n . It is c o r r e c t to note that Paul p r o b a b l y refers here to private prayer, and thus this is not a formal, c o r p o r a t e prayer-text. B u t Paul's easy recounting of his actions suggests that he e x p e c t s his readers to be familiar with prayer-appeals to J e s u s as a c o m m u n a l l y accepted feature of Christian devotional praxis. T h e a c c o u n t of Stephen's death, though found in a writing most would date later than Paul's letters, gives us a n o t h e r instance of direct prayer to J e s u s (Acts 7 : 5 9 - 6 0 ) . T h i s is also a personal prayer, but again it seems likely that the a u t h o r e x p e c t s his Christian readers to be quite familiar with J e s u s as E.g., J. L. White, 'New Testament Epistolary Literature in the Framework of Ancient Epistolography' in Temporini and Haase (eds.) Aufslicg und Niedergang der romischen Welt.

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recipient of p r a y e r s . Direct prayer to Jesus is in fact much m o r e c o m m o n in the apocryphal Christian literature. As these writings are often taken as reflective of ' p o p u l a r ' Christian piety rather than m o r e tutored and 'official' practice, it m a y be that direct prayer to J e s u s was m o r e c o m m o n in popular Christian practice, even in the earliest period of the Christian m o v e m e n t , than is explicitly evidenced in the N e w Testam e n t . T h e reference in Acts 1 3 : 2 to the disciples in A n t i o c h 'worshipping the L o r d ' {leitourgounton de auton to kyrio), though slightly a m b i g u o u s , quite plausibly has the e x a l t e d J e s u s as the referent. 29

30

2. Invocation and Confession W h a t e v e r the frequency and p r o m i n e n c e of prayers addressed to J e s u s in Christian c o r p o r a t e w o r s h i p , either directly or with G o d , it is fairly c l e a r t h a t there were also other ritual acts of c o r p o r a t e w o r s h i p in which J e s u s is the o n e addressed and i n v o k e d , and that these practices go b a c k to the earliest decades o f the Christian m o v e m e n t . F o r c h r o n o l o g i c a l purposes, the w e l l - k n o w n fragment of Christian A r a m a i c liturgical usage preserved in transliterated G r e e k in 1 C o r i n thians 1 6 : 2 2 , maranatha, takes pride of p l a c e . It is usually 31

Lebreton (Dogme de la trinite, 2 2 6 - 3 8 ) draws attention to a pattern of direct prayer to Christ in accounts of Christian martyrdom, of which the Stephen account is earliest and for which it may have been paradigmatic. The connection of prayer to Jesus and accounts of Christian martyrs is noted also by Bauckham ('Jesus, Worship of,' 817). On prayer to Jesus in Christian apocryphal literature, see Jungmann, Liturgical Prayer, 1 6 5 - 6 8 . The expression appears frequently in the Greek Bible where it clearly carries a cultic sense: e.g., 1 Sam. 3 : 1 ; 2 Chron. 1 1 : 1 4 ; 3 5 : 3 ; Joel 1:13; 2:17; Judith 4:14; Sir. 7:30; 4 5 : 1 5 . See my discussion in One God, One Lord ( 1 0 6 - 7 ) ; Conzelmann, 1 Corinthians, 3 0 0 - 1 ; Fee, The First Epistle to the Corinthians, 8 3 7 - 3 9 ; and now also Davis, The Name and Way of the Lord: Old Testament Themes, New Testament Christology, 1 3 6 - 3 9 , whose concluding judgements, however, seem to me too weak. 29

30

31

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understood as an imperative appeal, to be translated, ' O u r L o r d , c o m e ! ' , an appeal or a c c l a m a t i o n that arose in the w o r ship gatherings of A r a m a i c - s p e a k i n g Christians. By the date of 1 C o r i n t h i a n s (ca. 55 C E ) it had b e c o m e such a familiar liturgical expression as to require no translation, even a m o n g Paul's Greek-speaking Gentile c o n v e r t s . T h e precise function o f the expression in its original provenance is disputed, but the c o n sensus n o w is that in this fragment of the liturgical practices of the earliest decades J e s u s is addressed ritually (and p r o b a b l y collectively) as the ' L o r d ' . W h e t h e r he is invoked to be present at the cultic event or (as is m o r e c o m m o n l y t h o u g h t n o w ) is implored to c o m e eschatologically, such an appeal to J e s u s as a feature of earliest Christian w o r s h i p has no k n o w n parallel in a n y o t h e r group linked to the J e w i s h religious m a t r i x , and this ritual practice evidences an i n c o r p o r a t i o n of J e s u s into the c o r p o r a t e devotional life of those Christians in a role that is o t h e r w i s e reserved for G o d . It is n o t merely that J e s u s is n o w 'the L o r d ' w h o is e x p e c t e d to c o m e to m a k e all things right, playing the role attributed to G o d in J e w i s h e x p e c t a t i o n (e.g., 1 Enoch 1 : 9 ) . Even m o r e striking is the a p p a r e n t modification of otherwise k n o w n m o n o t h e i s t i c liturgical practice in this ritual invocation o f J e s u s . 32

3 3

F r o m Paul's letters o n w a r d , we find o t h e r references to ritual acts directed t o w a r d J e s u s by n a m e . A m o n g these refere n c e s , R o m a n s 1 0 : 9 - 1 3 i s particularly w o r t h attention. H e r e , Paul m e n t i o n s confessing (homologeo) 'Jesus (is) L o r d ' (Kyrios Iesous, v. 9) along with belief in J e s u s ' resurrection as the standard a c t i o n s through which o n e c o m e s t o e s c h a t o l o g i c a l s a l v a t i o n . As is well k n o w n , basically the s a m e confession 34

Of course, as is well known, the formula also appears untranslated in Didache 1 0 : 6 , as part of the eucharistic prayer prescribed there. On the eschatological background of the phrase, which shows the transference to Jesus of expectation originally directed to God, see Black, 'The Maranatha Invocation and Jude 1 4 , 1 5 (1 Enoch 1:9)' in Lindars and Smalley (eds.), Christ and Spirit in the New Testament, 189-96. Ncufcld, The Earliest Christian Confessions, 4 2 - 6 8 . 33

14

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is attested in 1 C o r i n t h i a n s 1 2 : 3 , where it is directly c o n n e c t e d to the impulse of the H o l y Spirit in a c o n t e x t clearly c o n c e r n e d with liturgical matters (1 C o r . 1 2 - 1 4 ) , a n d i n P h i l i p p i a n s 2 : l 1, where it is the eschatological a c c l a m a t i o n of all c r e a t i o n , in a passage c o m m o n l y thought to derive from the liturgical practices of the earliest Christian decades. T h e linguistic and s e m a n t i c b a c k g r o u n d and implications o f the kyrios title have been abundantly e x p l o r e d and debated by s c h o l a r s , but I emphasise here the liturgical setting and function of the formula. In each case in these Pauline references, the setting of the expressions is the Christian c o n g r e g a t i o n and collective w o r s h i p . C f . Neufeld, Christian Confessions, 6 0 6 7 , w h o unpersuasively tries t o link the confession-act t o o n a r r o w l y to situations of trial, conflict and persecution. T h i s m a k e s the (probably collective) action of confessing J e s u s as L o r d itself a liturgical a c t that functioned ritually to affirm the nature of the g r o u p as gathered under J e s u s ' authority and efficacy. Indeed, this liturgical a c c l a m a t i o n of J e s u s ' present e x a l t a t i o n and e s c h a t o l o g i c a l triumph seems to have been intended to e n a c t his triumph ritually within the Christian assembly. 35

In fact, Paul and o t h e r N e w T e s t a m e n t authors can refer to Christians as those w h o ritually 'call upon' (epikaloumai) J e s u s as L o r d , which indicates that the liturgical a c t i o n c o n n o t e d by this expression w a s early seen as constitutive and denotative of Christian devotional l i f e . C o m i n g shortly after the reference to the crucial confession of J e s u s as ' L o r d ' as the means to salvation i n R o m a n s 1 0 : 9 , Paul's q u o t a t i o n o f J o e l 2 : 3 2 , ' E v e r y o n e w h o calls upon the n a m e of the L o r d shall be saved', c a n only be taken as referring to the ritual i n v o c a t i o n of J e s u s . Indeed, in 1 C o r i n t h i a n s 1:2b, Paul specifies J e s u s by n a m e as the L o r d w h o is invoked and m a k e s the cultic action in question the 36

35

Cf. Neufeld, Christian Confessions, 6 0 - 6 7 , who unpersuasively tries to link the confession-act too narrowly to situations of trial, conflict and persecution. See my earlier discussion in One God, One Lord, 1 0 8 - 1 1 . On the OT background of this phrase and action, and the NT references to it, see Davis, Name and Way, 1 0 3 - 4 0 . 36

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b l a n k e t description o f believers (see a l s o , e.g., Acts 9 : 1 4 , 2 1 ; 2 2 : 1 6 ; 2 T i m . 2 : 2 2 ) . In the Old T e s t a m e n t , to 'call upon the n a m e o f the LORD' (in the L X X rendered consistently b y the middle forms of epikaleo) is a ritual action of w o r s h i p . It is quite likely that 'calling upon the n a m e of the L o r d J e s u s ' includes specifically the liturgical ' c o n f e s s i o n ' of J e s u s as L o r d . B u t , i n light o f the O l d T e s t a m e n t b a c k g r o u n d o f the expression, I suggest that 'calling upon the n a m e of the L o r d ( J e s u s ) ' c o n n o t e d the b r o a d e r praxis o f treating the e x a l t e d J e s u s as recipient of the devotion of the Christian c o m m u n i t y through i n v o c a t i o n , prayer and praise. T h e a d o p t i o n o f this O l d T e s t a m e n t phrase, which there refers to cultic devotion to G o d , to designate cultic devotion to J e s u s is a striking linguistic a p p r o p r i a t i o n . B u t the p h e n o m e n o n to which the phrase refers, the i n c o r p o r a t i o n o f J e s u s a s recipient o f organised cultic devotion in early Christian c o n g r e g a t i o n s , is an even m o r e daring and r e m a r k a b l e d e v e l o p m e n t . Indeed, the a d o p t i o n / a d a p t a tion o f the O l d T e s t a m e n t cultic expression t o c o n n o t e devotion to J e s u s is p r o b a b l y to be seen as indicating that these early Christians intended a direct association and analogy between their devotion to J e s u s and the O l d T e s t a m e n t cultic devotion to Yahweh. 37

38

39

T h i s direct association of J e s u s with G o d in the cultic life of early Christian c o n g r e g a t i o n s is powerfully illustrated in 1 C o r i n t h i a n s 5 : 1 - 5 , where Paul orders the C o r i n t h i a n c o n gregation to discipline a m a n w h o was living sexually with 'his father's wife'. T h e c o r p o r a t e judgement against the m a n is to be taken in the cultic (worship) setting. G a t h e r e d 'in the n a m e o f the L o r d J e s u s ' and with 'the p o w e r o f our L o r d J e s u s ' , the c o n g r e g a t i o n is to deliver the offender to S a t a n , apparently in the h o p e that the man might be saved on 'the day of the

7

Ibid., 1 0 3 - 1 0 ; Schmidt, 'e7tiKaX.eco', in Kittel and Friedrich (eds.), Theological Dictionary, 496-500. Kramer (Christ, Lord, Son of God, 7 9 ) argued that the Christian appropriation of the expression originally referred to cultic confess sion and then spread to other ritual actions. See also Vielhauer, Aufsatzc zmn Neuen Testament, 1 4 1 - 9 8 . Hurtado, One God, One Lord, 1 0 9 , 165 n. 5 8 . 38

39

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L o r d ' . J e s u s is the e s c h a t o l o g i c a l L o r d w h o s e c o m i n g is here referred to with the O l d T e s t a m e n t expression for G o d ' s salvific a p p e a r a n c e , a r e m a r k a b l e linkage of J e s u s with functions of G o d . B u t it is even m o r e r e m a r k a b l e that 'the L o r d J e s u s ' is also the o n e in w h o s e n a m e and p o w e r the cultic gathering takes place and the disciplinary judgement is issued. We must infer the practice of a ritual invoking of J e s u s ' n a m e to constitute the assembly, and the disciplinary action Paul prescribes likely included a ritual i n v o c a t i o n of J e s u s ' n a m e a n d p o w e r to effect it. J e s u s ' cultic presence and p o w e r clearly o p e r a t e here in the m a n n e r we otherwise associate with a g o d . M o r e o v e r , there is simply no parallel for this in any other group of the period with c o m p a r a b l e c o n n e c t i o n s to the biblical/Jewish m o n o t h e i s t i c scruple against involving figures other than the G o d of Israel in cultic devotion. By c o n t r a s t , 4 1

42

40

I take 'in the name of the Lord Jesus' here as modifying the participial phrase, synachthenton hymrion agreeing with the translations in the NIV, J B , and N E B , against the R S V , N R S V , CEV, NAB. Cf. Fee, Corinthians, 2 0 6 - 8 . Even if the phrase is taken as modifying Paul's own verdict, the congregation is still to act 'with the power of our Lord Jesus', which makes this clearly a cultic scene and action in which Jesus is central. On the textual variants in v. 4 (the/our Lord Jesus), see Fee, Corinthians, 1 9 8 . The close association of Jesus' eschatological and present/cultic lordship in this passage also illustrates the fallacy of the notion that these two themes have a separate history and can be fitted into some evolutionary theory. In 'Atonement Texture in 1 Corinthians 5.5', Journal for the Study of the New Testament 7 1 , ( 1 9 9 8 ) , 2 9 - 5 0 , Schillington argues (with some others) that Paul envisions the death of the incestuous man, and that the purpose clause (hina to pneuma sothe en te hemera tou kyriou) refers to the preservation of the Holy Spirit in the church, not the spirit of the man. But Schillington's repeated claims of 'allusion' to the scapegoat ritual (in Lev. 16) in the passage have no basis, and he ignores 1 Tim. 1:20, where the author also refers to handing people over to Satan with a disciplinary intention for the offenders. On 1 Cor. 5 : 1 - 5 , I deem Fee's discussion to be most helpful (Corinthians, 199-214). 41

Kreitzer, Jesus and God in Paul's Eschatology. Cf. the OT accounts of cultic approach to Yahweh to maintain community purity/obedience, e.g., Josh. 7 : 1 0 - 2 6 . 42

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note the emphasis in 1 Enoch on the n a m e of G o d : denying ( 4 5 : 1 ; 4 6 : 7 ) , glorifying/blessing/extolling ( 4 6 : 6 ; 4 8 : 6 ; 6 1 : 9 , 1 1 - 1 2 ; 6 3 : 7 ) , and the elect victorious through G o d ' s n a m e ( 5 0 : 2 - 3 ) . T h e action Paul prescribes here m a y n o t b e w h a t o n e ordinarily thinks of as ' w o r s h i p ' , but it is undeniably a cultic setting a n d action with J e s u s ' n a m e and p o w e r to give it effic a c y , and this surely reflects a central place for him in the b r o a d e r cultic life of these c o n g r e g a t i o n s . T h e cultic invocation o f J e s u s ' n a m e i s p r o b a b l y reflected also i n Philippians 2 : 9 - 1 1 , w h e r e the universal a c c l a m a t i o n o f J e s u s as L o r d is to be d o n e 'in/at the n a m e of J e s u s ' (v. 1 0 ; en to onomati lesou). It is c o m m o n l y granted that the universal a c c l a m a t i o n projected in these verses w a s seen by Christians as a n eschatological vindication o f the cultic confession o f J e s u s ' lordship already celebrated in early Christian cultic practice. It is also c o m m o n l y recognised that the 'in/at the n a m e of J e s u s ' phrase likely derives from Christian cultic rhetoric and practice in which the n a m e of J e s u s w a s ritually invoked to constitute the cultic o c c a s i o n in which he w a s also a c c l a i m e d as L o r d . 43

3.

Baptism

By al I a c c o u n t s , the principal rite through which people b e c a m e m e m b e r s of early Christian groups was a baptism that involved the invocation of J e s u s ' n a m e (epi to onomati lesou, e.g., Acts 2 : 3 8 ; eis to onoma tou kyriou lesou, Acts 8 : 1 6 ; en to onomati lesou Christou, Acts 1 0 : 4 8 ) . To m a k e the e n t r a n c e rite into the elect so directly c o n n e c t e d with J e s u s is itself n o t a b l e , for it 4 4

43

Deissmann, 'The Name "Jesus" ' in Bell and Deissmann (eds.), Mysterium Christi: Christological Studies by British and German Theologians, discusses the historical background of the name 'Jesus'. It is commonly accepted that the 'trinitarian' baptismal formula of Matt. 2 8 : 1 9 and Did. 7:1 (but cf. 9:5!) is probably a somewhat later expression and that earliest practice is the 'in/into the narneof Jesus' formula; Heitmiiller, 'Im Name Jesu': Eine sprach-undrcligionsgeschichtlich Untersuchung zum Neuen Testament, speziell zur altchristlichen Taufe; Hartman, 'Baptism "into the name of Jesus" and Early Christology: Some Tentative Considerations', 44

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reflects belief in J e s u s as the living g u a r a n t o r of the salvation promised to those w h o trust in him. T h i s ritual invocation of J e s u s ' n a m e over the baptised has no parallel in other J e w i s h proselyte practice or in the e n t r a n c e rites of groups such as the Q u m r a n sect, a n d it is surely a n o t h e r strong indication of the re-shaping of m o n o t h e i s t i c cultic practice that was characteristic of early Christian circles. M o r e o v e r , as H a r t m a n has n o t e d , the use of the title Kyrios in the formula of this cultic action must mean that J e s u s is regarded in ways a n a l o g o u s to the ways G o d is regarded, and the baptismal use of this title for J e s u s is itself g o o d evidence that in such uses it carries the force of a divine t i t l e . 45

T h i s ritual invocation of J e s u s is reflected in Paul's references to being baptised 'into [eis] Christ ( J e s u s ) ' ( R o m . 6 : 3 ; G a l . 3 : 2 7 ) , and also in Paul's reminder to the C o r i n t h i a n s t h a t they had certainly not been baptised in (eis) his o w n n a m e (1 C o r . 1 : 1 5 ) . T h e p r o n o u n c i n g o f J e s u s ' n a m e i n baptism must have functioned as a ritual means of bringing to bear upon the baptised the p o w e r of the exalted J e s u s , and it m a r k e d the person as the property o f J e s u s ( e . g . , 1 C o r . 1 : 1 2 ; 3 : 2 3 ; G a l . 3 : 2 9 ) . T h i s is why Paul c a n describe the baptised as having 'put on C h r i s t ' 4 6

4 7

44

(continued) Studia Theologica 28 ( 1 9 7 4 ) , 2 1 ^ * 8 ; id.,' "Into the Name of Jesus" ', New Testament Studies 20 ( 1 9 7 4 ) , 4 3 2 - 4 0 . ; id., 'Baptism', in Freedman, D. N. (ed.), Anchor Bible Dictionary; id., 'Into the Name of the Lord Jesus': Baptism in the Early Church; Beasley-Murray, Baptism in the New Testament. Hartman, 'Early Baptism-Early Christology' in Malherbe and Meeks (eds.) The Future of Christology: Essays in Honor of Leander E. Keck, 197. Paul's reference to 'our ancestors' being 'baptised into Moses in the cloud and in the sea', like the references to the Israelites consuming 'spiritual food' and 'spiritual drink' (1 Cor. 1 0 : 1 - 5 ) , is simply a case of retroactively applying the cultic rituals and language of his congregations to the OT narratives as part of his larger hortatory purpose in the wider context. There is certainly no evidence that conversion to Judaism involved a ritual invocation of Moses. On this passage see, e.g., Fee, Corinthians, 4 4 3 - 4 8 ; Beasley-Murray, Baptism, 1 8 1 - 8 5 . 45

46

47

Hartman, 'Baptism' shows the legal background of the 'in the name' formula.

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( G a l . 3 : 2 7 ) , and as having been 'buried with him [Christ] into his death' through the rite ( R o m . 6 : 4 ) . T h o u g h questions of the influence of pagan cults upon earliest Christian practice and thought involve m o r e c o m p l e x analysis than can be given here, it is clear that there are certain p h e n o m e n o l o g i c a l analogies between the significance and role of J e s u s in early Christian baptism and the significance and role of the deities of pagan mysteries. As in the pagan rites, in which initiates were assured of the p o w e r of the deity into w h o s e rites they were entering, so early Christian baptism seems to have involved c o m i n g under the p o w e r of J e s u s as the divinelyappointed L o r d . T h u s , baptism, with J e s u s ' n a m e operating as the efficacious power invoked, is a n o t h e r m a j o r feature of the devotional pattern of earliest Christian groups. 48

4.

The'Lord's

9

Supper*

It is not necessary here to engage questions a b o u t the form of the meal and the possible evolution of sacred-meal practices and formulae in early Christian g r o u p s . It is c o m m o n l y 50

48

See, e.g., Wedderburn, Baptism and Resurrection: Studies in Pauline Theology against its Graeco-Roman Background, esp. 3 3 1 , 357-58. Most recently, Klauck, 'Lord's Supper', in Freedman, D. N. (ed.), Anchor Bible Dictionary; id., Herrenmahl und hellenistischer Kult. Accessible discussions of issues are given in Marshall, Last Supper and Lord's Supper, and also in Kodell, The Eucharist in the New Testament. E.g., the classic theory of Lietzmann, Mass and Lord's Supper: A Study in the History of the Liturgy. Kodell (Eucharist, 2 2 - 3 7 ) gives a helpful overview of recent scholarship. Marxsen's detailed theses about the evolution of earliest Lord's Supper practice depend too much on simplistic notions of'Palestinian' and 'Hellenistic' spheres of early Christianity and on the unexamined assumption of a unilinear process (The Beginnings of Christology Together with The Lord's Supper as a Christological Problem). On the use of the words of institution from the Last Supper narratives in early eucharistic practice, see McGowan, ' "Is There a Liturgical Text in this Gospel?" The Institution Narratives and their Early Interpretive Communities', JoMrna/ of Biblical Literature 118 ( 1 9 9 9 ) , 7 3 - 8 7 . 49

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accepted that a sacred m e a l , a m o n g o t h e r things signifying in s o m e w a y the religious fellowship of participants, was c h a r a c teristic of Christian groups from the earliest years o n w a r d . T h e earliest references are in 1 C o r i n t h i a n s 1 1 : 1 7 - 3 4 , where Paul c o r r e c t s certain misbehaviour in the c o n t e x t of the sacred m e a l , and in 1 0 : 1 4 - 2 2 , where the Christian sacred meal is both c o m p a r e d and c o n t r a s t e d with the cult meals of the pagan gods of C o r i n t h . F o r my purposes, the main question is w h a t sort of c o n n e c t i o n there is between this Christian cultic meal and the exalted J e s u s . First, whatever the specific meal practices and formulae, the frequency of the meal (e.g., daily or w e e k l y ) , and the explicit religious e m p h a s e s a t t a c h e d to it by various early Christian groups (e.g., an e s c h a t o l o g i c a l emphasis, a c o n n e c t i o n with the death/sacrifice of J e s u s , e t c . ) , it is appropriate to refer to the Christian fellowship meal as a ' c u l t i c ' o c c a s i o n , that is, a formal w o r s h i p o c c a s i o n that formed part of their devotional pattern. A c o m m o n meal specifically expressive of their Christian fellowship w a s clearly an i m p o r t a n t feature of the c o n g r e g a t i o n a l life of early Christian g r o u p s , and w a s equally clearly m u c h m o r e than simply a conveniently scheduled eating time. In Paul's references to the meal in 1 C o r i n t h i a n s , there are profound religious themes attached to the rite, and these appear t o have already b e c o m e traditional b y the 5 0 s o f the first century (that is, within the first t w o decades of the Christian m o v e m e n t ) . Paul refers to the meal as the ' L o r d ' s Supper' (kyriakon deipnon, 1 C o r . 1 1 : 2 0 ) , which directly associates the meal with J e s u s as the L o r d of the Christian c o n g r e g a t i o n . " In

51

Outside of Christian usage for the 'Lord's Supper' and the 'Lord's Day', the term kyriakos is used in the Roman period with reference to Roman imperial m a t t e r s and items, as noted in Chapter 2 and as

shown long ago by Deissmann (Bible Studies, 2 1 7 - 1 9 ; and id., Light From the Ancient East, 3 5 7 - 6 0 ) ; and see MM 3 6 4 . We c a n n o t here engage Deissmann's thesis that the term was deliberately taken o v e r by Paul for the Christian meal as expressive of a political stance critical of the claims of the Roman emperor. Cf. Foerster, 'KUpiaxoc,', in Kittel and Friedrich (eds.), Theological Dictionary.

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1 C o r i n t h i a n s 1 1 : 2 7 and 1 0 : 2 1 , he refers to the 'cup of the L o r d ' (poterion kyriou) and 'the table of the L o r d ' (trapezes kyriou), which reflects the same direct association. In 1 1 : 2 3 - 2 6 , Paul recites w h a t he c o n n e c t s with tradition given to him 'from the L o r d ' , which is c o m m o n l y taken to mean that Paul was taught these traditions by the sort of people he elsewhere refers to as 'those w h o were in Christ before m e ' ( R o m . 1 6 : 7 ) . According to this tradition, the bread and wine are directly associated with J e s u s ' redemptive death ( 1 1 : 2 4 - 2 5 ) , which in fact is m a d e constitutive of 'the new c o v e n a n t ' (v. 2 5 ) ; and Paul makes the continuing cult-meal practice a p r o c l a m a t i o n of the death of 'the L o r d ' until his e s c h a t o l o g i c a l return (v. 2 6 ) . 5 2

In his handling of the question of Christian participation in the cult meals of the pagan gods (1 C o r . 1 0 : 1 4 - 2 2 ) , Paul directly poses as exclusive alternatives such feasts and the Christian cultic m e a l . He m a k e s the cup and bread a 'fellowship' (koinonia) in the b l o o d and body of C h r i s t (v. 1 6 ) , and draws a direct analogy between this cultic fellowship and the fellowship of those w h o jointly p a r t o o k of sacrificial meals in the J e r u s a l e m T e m p l e (v. 1 8 ) . In language influenced by the O l d T e s t a m e n t , Paul refers here to the danger of ' p r o v o k i n g the L o r d to j e a l o u s y ' (v. 2 2 ) , w h i c h powerfully illustrates the cultic place of J e s u s as the L o r d w h o s e divine p o w e r is to be r e c k o n e d with, as reflected also in 1 1 : 2 9 - 3 2 , where Paul w a r n s of the serious c o n s e q u e n c e s of being judged by 'the L o r d ' for inappropriate behaviour at the cultic m e a l . In short, the cult-meal of the Christian c o n g r e g a t i o n is here emphatically one in which the L o r d J e s u s plays a role that is explicitly likened to that of the deities of the pagan cults and of G o d ! T h i s is not merely a m e m o r i a l feast for a dead h e r o . J e s u s is portrayed as the living p o w e r w h o o w n s the meal and presides at it, and with w h o m believers have fellowship as with a god. 5 3

52

E. g., Hunter, Paul and His Predecessors. Klnuck, 'Presence in the Lord's Supper: 1 Corinthians 1 1 : 2 3 - 2 6 in the Context of Hellenistic Religious History'.

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O n c e again, I k n o w of no analogy for such a cultic role for a n y figure other than G o d in J e w i s h religious circles of the S e c o n d T e m p l e period. As I emphasised in One God, One Lord, in the cultic/sacred meals of other J e w i s h groups such as the Q u m r a n sect, n o n e of the figures so p r o m i n e n t in their eschatological o u t l o o k (e.g., the T e a c h e r of R i g h t e o u s n e s s , Priest, royal M e s s i a h , M e l c h i z e d e k ) has any place c o m p a r a b l e to J e s u s in the sacred m e a l of early Christian g r o u p s / 4

5.

55

Hymns

Several NT passages indicate the p r o m i n e n t place of songs in the devotional life of early Christianity (e.g., 1 C o r . 1 4 : 2 6 ; C o l . 3 : 1 6 - 1 7 ; Eph. 5 : 1 8 - 2 0 ; J a m e s 5 : 1 4 ; Acts 1 6 : 2 5 ) , and scholars c o m m o n l y see a n u m b e r of NT passages as incorporating 54

Hurtado, One God, One Lord, 1 1 1 - 1 2 . See K. G. Kuhn, 'The Lord's Supper and the Communal Meal at Qumran' in Stendahl (ed.), The Scrolls and the New Testament, 6 5 - 9 3 , esp. 7 7 - 7 8 . Deichgraber, Gotteshymnus und Christushymnus in der fruhen Christenheit; Schille, Fruhchristliche Hymnen; Wengst, Christologische Formeln und Lieder des Urchristenum; Kennel, Fruhchristliche Hymnen? Gattungskritische Studien zur Frage nach den Leidern der fruhen Christenheit; Kroll, Die christliche Hymnodik bis zu Klemens von Alexandreia; J. T. Sanders, The New Testament Christological Hymns: Their Historical Religious Background; Thompson, 'Hymns in Early Christian Worship', Anglican Theological Review 55 ( 1 9 7 3 ) , 4 5 8 - 7 2 ; W. S. Smith, Musical Aspects of the New Testament; McKinnon, Music in Early Christian Literature. In several publications, Martin Hengel has emphasised the importance of hymns as a mode of earliest christological affirmation: 'Hymns and Christology' in Hengel, Between Jesus and Paul; id., 'The Song about Christ in Earliest Worship' in Hengel, Studies in Early Christology. See also R. P. Martin, 'Some Reflections on New Testament Hymns' in Rowdon (ed.), Christ the Lord: Studies Presented to Donald Guthrie. For the wider background, see Lattke, Hymnus: Materialien zu einer Geschichte der antiken Hymnologie; Quasten, Musik und Gesang in den Kulten der heidnischen Antike und christlichen Fruhzeit; Guthrie, 'Hymns' in Hammond and Scullard (eds.), The Oxford Classical Dictionary; Grozinger, Musik und Gesang in der Theologie der fruhen jiidischen Literatur. 55

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h y m n i c material from the w o r s h i p life of first-century Christian circles (e.g., Phil. 2 : 6 - 1 1 ; C o l . 1 : 1 5 - 2 0 ; J o h n 1 : 1 - 1 8 ; Eph. 5 : 1 4 ; 1 T i m . 3 : 1 6 ) . T h e v o l u m i n o u s scholarship o n this m a t e rial has mainly been c o n c e r n e d with the c o n t e n t s , the christological ideas and beliefs reflected in these passages. A few studies have focused on the formal characteristics of these h y m n s , and a g o o d deal of effort has been e x p e n d e d on trying to determine whether they were all originally c o m p o s e d in G r e e k or might, in s o m e cases, have originated in A r a m a i c . T h e putative hymn in Philippians 2 : 6 - 1 1 has perhaps attracted m o r e attention than any of the o t h e r passages, and the w o r k on this passage illustrates the foci I have mentioned h e r e . My e m p h a sis here, h o w e v e r , is on christological hymns/songs as a feature of devotional practice. I e x a m i n e the p h e n o m e n o n of singing such christological hymns as a c o m p o n e n t of the cultic practices of earliest Christian groups, and thereby an i m p o r t a n t feature of the binitarian w o r s h i p pattern in w h i c h J e s u s figures so very p r o m i n e n t l y . 5 6

57

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A s D e i c h g r a b e r pointed out, the N e w T e s t a m e n t h y m n i c material is heavily c o n c e r n e d with the celebration of the significance and w o r k of J e s u s , with far m o r e of this material c o n c e r n e d with J e s u s than with G o d . F r o m this, o n e gains the impression that singing/chanting songs in h o n o u r of J e s u s was not an o c c a s i o n a l but a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c feature of early Christian w o r s h i p . T h i s is, o f c o u r s e , precisely the impression o f 5 9

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Cabaniss' assertion that there was no singing in earliest Christian worship is bizarre (Pattern in Early Christian Worship, 5 0 - 5 1 , 5 3 ) . Martin, Carmen Christi: Philippians 2:5-11 in Recent Interpretation and in the Setting of Early Christian Worship. In the second edition of this book, Martin updates the review of scholarly discussion of the passage. Hurtado, One God, One Lord, 1 0 1 - 4 . Deichgraber, Gotteshymnus und Christushymnus, 60—61, 207-8. , It is not easily possible to say exactly what musical mode was involved, but unaccompanied 'chanting' or musical cantilisation was likely frequent. On the terms used and evidence of the 'manner of musical performance', see W. S. Smith, Musical Aspects of the New Icstament, esp. 2 2 - 2 7 . 57

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early Christian w o r s h i p given in Pliny's well-known letter to T r a j a n ( 1 1 1 - 1 1 2 C E ) , w h i c h refers t o the practice o f antiphonal singing 'to Christ as to their G o d ' (carmenque Cristo quasi deo); the 'singing' here is p r o b a b l y to be taken as u n a c c o m p a nied c h a n t i n g . Christological singing is referred to also in letters of Ignatius of A n t i o c h (Ign.Eph. 4 : 1 - 2 ; Ign.Rom. 2 : 2 ) , a p p r o x i m a t e l y c o n t e m p o r a r y with Pliny. O n e should also note that, in addition to the hymnic material in the N e w T e s t a m e n t and other early Christian sources, it is m o s t likely that a great part of earliest Christian ' h y m n o d y ' involved the chanting of O l d T e s t a m e n t psalms, interpreted c h r i s t o l o g i c a l l y . Indeed, the influence o f Psalm 1 1 0 and other psalms reflected in the N e w T e s t a m e n t is p r o b a b l y to be a c c o u n t e d for by positing their familiarity through wide and frequent usage in earliest Christian w o r s h i p . 1 suggest that in the setting of early Christian w o r s h i p , in w h i c h the Spirit was e x p e c t e d to inspire believers and b e s t o w revelations, the O l d T e s t a m e n t psalms, especially those that had already begun to be read as royal-messianic psalms in some pre-Christian J e w ish circles, were ' u n l o c k e d ' as predictions of J e s u s and as descriptions of his glory. As Christians were 'enlightened' to understand the Psalms christologically, they were c h a n t e d as praise of J e s u s , and likely b e c a m e a familiar feature of earliest 61

62

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Pliny, Epistles 1 0 . 9 6 . 7 . Commentary by Sherwin-White, The Letters of Pliny, 6 9 1 - 7 1 0 . Tertullian (Apology 2.6) and Eusebius (HE 3 . 3 3 . 1 ) cite Pliny's statement and show that they understood it to refer to hymns sung about and to Christ as to a god. Cf. Hengel, 'The Song about Christ', 2 6 3 . Note 2 Clem. 1:1, 'Brothers, we ought to think of Jesus Christ, as we do of God . . .' [phronein peri lesou Christou hos peri Theou]. Thus, e.g., Hengel, 'The Song about Christ', 2 5 8 - 6 0 ; Old, 'The Psalms of Praise in the Worship of the New Testament Church' Interpretation 39 ( 1 9 8 5 ) , 2 0 - 3 3 . Hay, Glory at the Right Hand: Psalm 110 in Early Christianity; Juel, Messianic Exegesis: Christological Interpretation of the Old Testament in Early Christianity. Of the many studies of the NT interpretation of the O T , I know of none that places much emphasis on the worship setting as the place where and how OT texts first became meaningful christologically. 62

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worship (e.g., 1 C o r . 1 4 : 2 6 ; C o l . 3 : 1 6 ; Eph. 5 : 1 9 ) . T h e 'exegesis' of these crucially i m p o r t a n t O l d T e s t a m e n t passages w a s not in a seminar, discussion group or at a desk, but emerged initially in inspired insights c o m i n g in the e x a l t e d c o n t e x t of p n e u m a t i c w o r s h i p . Along with this christological interpretation/appropriation o f O T psalms, there w e r e also fresh c o m p o s i t i o n s pneumatically inspired and patterned after the biblical psalms (e.g., L u k e 1 : 4 6 - 5 5 ; 6 7 - 7 9 ; 2 : 2 9 - 3 2 ; Phil. 2 : 6 - 1 1 ; the heavenly hymns o f R e v . 4 : 1 1 ; 5 : 9 - 1 0 ) , just a s there were a m o n g the Q u m r a n sect (e.g., 1QH; e x t r a c a n o n i c a l in psalms scrolls such as llQPs). It is difficult, in fact, to tell whether the ' p s a l m ' referred to in the N e w T e s t a m e n t passages as a characteristic feature of Christian w o r s h i p is to be taken as one of these or as something from the O l d T e s t a m e n t c o l l e c t i o n . Perhaps both types are included, as the use of both would have emerged from the inspiration of the Spirit, either as revelations of the meaning of O l d T e s t a m e n t material or as newly minted praise. 64

T h e christological focus o f m u c h / m o s t o f earliest Christian h y m n o d y is undeniable, a n d it is also distinctive in c o m p a r i s o n with any evidence we have of J e w i s h religious groups of the p e r i o d . To be sure, in the OT Psalter there are psalms in praise o f the king (e.g., Pss. 2 ; 4 2 ; 1 1 0 ) which would have been c h a n t e d in J e w i s h worship settings, and a m o n g the e x t r a c a n o n i c a l material of the time there are c o m p o s i t i o n s that c o n c e r n e d a messianic figure and that m a y have been used liturgically by the groups a m o n g which these c o m p o s i t i o n s originated (e.g., Psalms of Solomon 1 7 - 1 8 ) . B u t there is 65

6 6

4

For English translations of these and other Qumran texts, see, e.g., Martinez, The Dead Sea Scrolls Translated: The Qumran Texts in English. For 1QH, pp. 3 1 7 - 7 0 ; for UQPs, pp. 3 0 4 - 1 0 . Flusser, 'Psalms, Hymns and Prayers' in M. E. Stone (ed.), Jewish Writings of the Second Temple Period; Charlesworth^JJewlsh Hymns, Odes, and Prayers (ca. 1 6 7 B . C . E . - 1 3 5 GvErj^n Kraft and Nickelsburg (eds.), Early Judaism and its Modern Interpreters. For an English translation of Psalms of Solomon (and a number of other extra-canonical texts), see Sparks, The Apocryphal Old Testament, or Charlesworth, Pseudepigrapha. 65

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nothing like the c o n c e n t r a t i o n on the figure of J e s u s that c h a r acterised early Christian liturgical song. T h u s , at the very least, we have to grant a m a j o r degree of difference from the liturgical practices and pattern m o r e characteristic of J e w i s h groups. M o r e o v e r , although early Christians were strongly resistant to charges that they worshipped t w o gods and that their devotion to J e s u s constituted any threat to their m o n o t h e i s t i c c o m m i t m e n t (as I shall emphasise in the final section of this c h a p t e r ) , their powerful sense of J e s u s ' exalted p o w e r and his relationship to them as L o r d profoundly shaped w h a t they did and h o w they understood it. T h u s , for e x a m p l e , we have references to their worship and praise as offered to God and in the name of Jesus and through Jesus (e.g., C o l . 3 : 1 6 - 1 7 ) . T h a t is, J e s u s is very often the c o n t e n t and o c c a s i o n for w o r s h i p and liturgical song or c h a n t , a n d is also characteristically the o n e through w h o m the w o r s h i p and praise is efficacious. In s o m e N e w T e s t a m e n t passages we even have indications of hymns sung to J e s u s . Ephesians 5 : 1 9 prescribes singing 'to the L o r d ' , w h o is likely the exalted J e s u s (cf. 'to G o d ' in the C o l . 3 : 1 6 parallel), and in Revelation we have praise and w o r ship, including h y m n i c praise, directed jointly to G o d and 'the L a m b ' ( 5 : 8 - 1 0 , 1 3 - 1 4 ; 7 : 9 - 1 2 ) . T h e s e scenes o f heavenly w o r s h i p are certainly idealised and we c a n n o t take them to be direct reflections of liturgical practices of the churches in Asia M i n o r to which the prophet J o h n writes; but it is likely that the themes and general understanding of w o r s h i p in these heavenly scenes are influenced by the w o r s h i p of the a u t h o r ' s earthly e x p e r i e n c e . T h u s it is r e a s o n a b l e to infer that in the a u t h o r ' s e x p e r i e n c e cultic praise c o n c e r n e d J e s u s and G o d and w a s seen as directed to b o t h . 67

68

J . D . G . D u n n implies that these references t o praise directed to J e s u s indicate that Christians of the post-Pauline 67

Hurtado, One God, One Lord, 1 0 2 - 3 . Mowry 'Revelation 4 - 5 and Early Christian Liturgical Usage', Journal of Biblical Literature 71 ( 1 9 5 2 ) , 7 5 - 8 4 ; Piper, 'The Apocalypse of John and the Liturgy of the Ancient Church', Church History 20 ( 1 9 5 1 ) , 1 0 - 2 2 . 68

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period lost sight of the greater 'reserve' a b o u t worship of J e s u s t h a t Dunn attributes to Paul. D u n n also refers to 'a steady transition in w o r s h i p ' in these early Christian circles, a development that he is n o t sure that Paul w o u l d have approved had he been c o n s c i o u s of i t . In the final section of this c h a p t e r I shall return to the question of h o w early Christians s a w their Christ-devotion in the c o n t e x t of their c o m m i t m e n t to the one G o d . I will anticipate that discussion here briefly to indicate that I do not think that the ' m o r e carefully nuanced formulation in speaking a b o u t the cultic veneration of J e s u s in earliest C h r i s t i a n i t y ' for which D u n n calls is really advanced by his o w n c o m m e n t s . 69

70

F o r D u n n to attribute to Paul a 'reserve' suggests t h a t Paul considered direct praise of J e s u s and w i t h d r e w from it or o p p o s e d it. D u n n ' s reference to a 'transition' implies t h a t we c a n see a m o v e m e n t from one w o r s h i p practice to a n o t h e r . In my view, h o w e v e r , neither n o t i o n has any basis in the evidence. Given the intensity of devotion to J e s u s c h a r a c t e r i s tically reflected in Paul (e.g., Phil. 3 : 7 - 1 6 ; 2 C o r . 3 : 1 2 - ^ : 6 ) , it is dubious to attribute to Paul any 'reserve' a b o u t J e s u s . Paul's references to prayer a n d w o r s h i p as directed to G o d through J e s u s and in J e s u s ' n a m e a m o u n t to an unprecedented ' m u t a t i o n ' in the devotional language and p r a c t i c e o t h e r w i s e attested a m o n g devout J e w s of the first century. T h e r e is no indication in Paul's letters that a m o n g the p r o b lems he ever had to deal with w a s a n x i e t y a b o u t devotion

69

Dunn, Theology of Paul, 2 6 0 . Ibid., 2 6 0 . The 'ancient distinction between "worship" and "veneration" ' to which Dunn refers is not nearly ancient enough to be relevant for NT exegesis. The technical distinctions between^ldtria' (reverence for God), 'hyperdulia' (reverence for the Virgirt Mary), and 'dulia' (reverence for the saints) in Orthodox and Roman Catholic theology arose in response to what were regarded as abuses of the veneration of saints in the fifth century CE! See, e.g., articles on 'Latria', 'Dulia', 'Hyperdulia', and 'Saints, Devotion to the,' in Cross and Livingstone. Cf. Mart.Pol. 1 7 : 2 - 3 and the strong second-century distinction between the worship of Jesus and love and respect for the martyrs. 70

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to J e s u s representing a possible neglect of G o d or threat to G o d ' s centrality. T h e final line of the ' h y m n i c ' passage in Philippians 2 : 6 - 1 1 m a k e s the future universal a c c l a m a t i o n redound t o G o d ' s glory (v. l i b ) i n order t o legitimate the a c c l a m a t i o n and to give it meaning within the c o n t e x t of the biblical tradition. To be sure, as Dunn n o t e s , Paul's linkage o f the a c c l a m a t i o n o f J e s u s with the glory o f G o d can b e taken justifiably to forbid the idea that the a c c l a m a t i o n of J e s u s involves a displacement of G o d . B u t there is no reason to think that Paul w a s a w a r e of any such inference and w a s seeking to forestall it. M o r e o v e r , it would be dubious to take the praises sung to G o d and the L a m b in R e v e l a t i o n as indicative of s o m e signific a n t 'transition' in early Christian w o r s h i p . T h e a u t h o r of R e v e l a t i o n shows a sternly negative attitude t o w a r d other Christians w h o advocated w h a t l o o k like innovations in liturgical practice or in scruples a b o u t w o r s h i p , such as those w h o m h e accuses o f 'the teaching o f B a l a a m ' ( 2 : 1 4 ) and the w o m a n prophet w h o m h e n a m e s ' J e z e b e l ' ( 2 : 2 0 ) , all o f w h o m he denounces as a d v o c a t i n g 'fornication and eating food s a c rificed to idols'. T h r o u g h o u t R e v e l a t i o n , the a u t h o r w a r n s a b o u t w o r s h i p o f 'the b e a s t ' ( 9 : 2 0 ; 1 3 : 4 , 8 , 1 2 , 1 5 ; 1 4 : 9 , 1 1 ; 1 6 : 2 ; 1 9 : 2 0 ; 2 0 : 4 ) , and calls for worship o f G o d alone ( 1 4 : 7 ; 1 9 : 1 0 ; 2 2 : 9 ) . I n the c o n t e x t o f the a u t h o r ' s strict scruples a b o u t w o r s h i p , the approval he gives to reverence to the L a m b is r e m a r k a b l e , and also w i t h o u t precedent in the J e w i s h b a c k g r o u n d . But the a u t h o r ' s very conservative attitude a b o u t w o r s h i p m a k e s it likely that his portrayal of w o r s h i p as directed to G o d and to Jesus reflected traditional attitudes and understanding. F u r t h e r m o r e , the traditions with which this J e w i s h - C h r i s t i a n prophet was a c q u a i n t e d likely included the practices of J e w i s h - C h r i s t i a n groups, which suggests that in such circles as well as in Gentile-Christian groups cultic reverence was offered both to G o d and to J e s u s , and that reverence offered to J e s u s w a s understood as an e x t e n s i o n and expression o f reverence for G o d . 71

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Dunn, Theology of Paul, 2 5 1 - 5 2 .

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Prophecy

Prophetic speech, that is, oracles delivered as revelatory speech, w a s another c o m m o n feature o f earliest Christian worship assemblies. Paul lists prophecy as o n e of the Spirit-phenomena given t o Christians ( 1 C o r . 1 2 : 1 0 ; R o m . 1 2 : 8 ; reflected also in Eph. 4 : 1 1 ) , and his e x t e n d e d treatment of prophecy in c o m p a r i s o n with tongues-speaking in 1 C o r i n t h i a n s 14 indicates that he considers this form of c o n gregational c o n t r i b u t i o n particularly valuable (esp. 1 4 : 1 - 5 , 2 4 - 2 5 , 3 1 ) . T h e essential c h a r a c t e r o f p r o p h e c y i s the claim to be speaking under direct divine inspiration, the o r a c l e being the words o f the deity. H e n c e the c o m m o n O T p r o p h e t i c formula, '(thus) says the LORD'. F o r our purposes it is i m p o r t a n t to note that early Christian p r o p h e c y , which was expected to be delivered in the c o n t e x t of the w o r s h i p assembly, seems to have included oracles presented as inspired by J e s u s . In these cases, J e s u s w a s unders t o o d to function in the c a p a c i t y attributed to G o d or G o d ' s Spirit in the O l d T e s t a m e n t and subsequent J e w i s h tradition, as the o n e w h o s e words are spoken by the p r o p h e t . David A u n e identified nineteen oracles in the NT in which J e s u s is either pictured as the speaker or identified as the source or authority of the prophetic speech, and he found nine m o r e p r o p h e t i c speeches of J e s u s in the early Christian collection of hymns k n o w n as The Odes of Solomon. T h e messages of 73

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Hill, New Testament Prophecy; Aune, Prophecy in Early Christianity and the Ancient Mediterranean World; Boring, 'Prophecy (Early Christian)*, in Freedman, D. N. (ed.), Anchor Bible Dictionary. Lindblom, Prophecy in Ancient Israel; Aune, Prophecy, 8 1 - 1 5 2 ; Schmitt, 'Prophecy (Pre-exilic Hebrew)', in Freedman, D. N. (ed.), Anchor Bible Dictionary; Barton, 'Prophecy (Postexilic Hebrew)', in Freedman, D. N. (ed.), Anchor Bible Dictionary. Aune, Prophecy in Early Christianity, 3 2 8 - 2 9 . The New Testament texts he cites include the seven oracles to the churches in Rev. 2 - 3 ; Rev. 16:15; 2 2 : 1 2 - 1 5 , 16, 2 0 ; 2 Cor. 12:9; Acts 18:19; 2 3 : 1 1 ; 1 Thess. 4 : 1 5 - 1 7 ; 1 Cor. 1 4 : 3 7 - 3 8 ; 1 Thess. 4:2; 2 Thess. 3:6, 12. 73

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J e s u s to the seven c h u r c h e s in R e v e l a t i o n 2 and 3 are also attributed t o the Spirit (cf. 2 : 1 , 7 , 8 , 1 1 , 1 2 , 1 7 , 1 8 , 2 9 ; 3 : 1 , 6 , 7 , 1 3 , 1 4 , 2 2 ) , just a s O l d T e s t a m e n t p r o p h e c y can b e linked b o t h to Y a h w e h and the Spirit. T h i s confirms the sense of the e x a l t e d J e s u s functioning in N e w T e s t a m e n t prophecy very similarly to G o d . In addition to those texts cited by Aune, we might note Acts 9 : 1 0 - 1 7 , which narrates J e s u s ' s u m m o n i n g o f A n a n i a s in a visionary o r a c l e to w e l c o m e Saul of T a r s u s as a fellow believer. W h a t e v e r the historicity of the narrative, the m e r e fact that J e s u s is represented in this w a y is indicative that in early Christian circles prophecy c o u l d be experienced as the voice o f the exalted J e s u s . T h e r e is strong Pauline evidence for J e s u s being linked directly with the p h e n o m e n o n of Christian prophecy. Several passages appear to be prophetic w o r d s from the exalted J e s u s . In 2 C o r i n t h i a n s 1 2 : 9 Paul quotes such an o r a c l e as given to h i m personally. It is widely thought t h a t 1 T h e s s a l o n i a n s 4 : 1 5 - 1 7 is to be taken as giving (or based o n ) a prophetic oracle of the risen J e s u s , and A u n e gives reasons to see 1 T h e s s a l o n i a n s 4 : 2 and 2 T h e s s a l o n i a n s 3 : 6 , 12 as e x a m p l e s of the same p h e n o m e n o n . In 1 C o r i n t h i a n s 1 4 : 3 7 - 3 8 , Paul appears to claim such prophetic authority for the teaching he has given on b e h a v i o u r in the w o r s h i p assembly. Given the c o n c e r n in the OT a b o u t false prophecy (e.g., D e u t . 1 3 : 1 - 5 ) , and the lack o f any parallel e x a m p l e s o f prophetic oracles delivered in first-century J e w i s h group w o r s h i p a n d attributed to o t h e r divine-agent figures, this attribution o f p r o p h e c y t o the exalted J e s u s i s simply e x t r a o r d i n a r y . T h e additional point I wish to reiterate here is that early Christian p r o p h e c y w a s often, perhaps characteristically, a feature of t h e liturgical life of Christian groups. T h i s justifies taking these prophetic oracles of the risen J e s u s as a n o t h e r striking feature of the w o r s h i p pattern of these groups. As the heavenly L o r d w h o addressed them in p r o p h e t i c authority, and from w h o m such oracles were likely sought in prayer, J e s u s featured in their liturgical/devotional life in a w a y t h a t indicates a significant development in J e w i s h m o n o t h e i s t i c practice.

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T h e Binitarian N a t u r e o f E a r l y Christian W o r s h i p In describing early Christian w o r s h i p as characteristically 'binitarian', I emphasise that despite the duality ( G o d and J e s u s as recipients of devotion), there is also a clearly evident c o m m i t ment t o a n exclusivistic m o n o t h e i s m . T h e early Christian devotional pattern does not express itself as involving t w o deities, although there are certainly t w o figures n a m e d as recipients of the devotion. As we noted earlier, in the NT prayer, praise and thanksgiving are characteristically described as given t o G o d through J e s u s o r i n J e s u s ' n a m e . F o r e x a m p l e , R i c h a r d s o n notes, ' G o d is always the o b j e c t of Pauline thanksgivings, but the c o n t e n t is always explicitly or implicitly c h r i s t o l o g i c a l ' . We also surely have evidence of direct prayer and appeal to J e s u s . J e s u s is invoked and appealed to especially as the L o r d of the c o n g r e g a t i o n , gathered in his n a m e and thus in his powerful presence; but gathered thus in their larger view t o offer true worship t o G o d 'the F a t h e r ' (e.g., M a t t . 1 8 : 1 9 - 2 0 ) . 75

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We also noted earlier that the christological focus of the cultic singing (or chanting) of earliest Christian groups, w h i c h shows an inclusion of J e s u s in the devotional pattern, is a c c o m p a n i e d by clear indications that this reverence of J e s u s expresses the praise of and obedience to G o d . J u s t as the eschat o l o g i c a l , universal a c c l a m a t i o n of J e s u s as L o r d is linked with G o d ' s e x a l t a t i o n o f him and redounds t o the glory o f G o d (Phil. 2 : 9 - 1 1 ) , so in other places service to Christ is a c c e p t a b l e t o G o d ( R o m . 1 4 : 1 8 ) , following J e s u s glorifies G o d ( R o m . 1 5 : 6 ) , and through the divine S o n o f G o d , J e s u s Christ, believers say ' A m e n ' t o the promises o f G o d and t o the glory o f G o d (1 C o r . 1 1 : 1 9 - 2 0 ) . J e s u s is reverenced in the cultic setting and

Important studies include Rohde, 'Gottesglaube und Kyriosglaube bei Paulus', Zeitschrift fur die Neutestamentliche Wissenschaft 22 ( 1 9 2 3 ) , 4 3 - 5 7 ; Thiising, Per Christum in Deum: Studien zum Verhaltnis von Christozentrik und Theozentrik in den paulinischen Hauptbriefen; Kreitzer, Jesus and God; Richardson, Paul's Language about God. Richardson, Paul's Language, 259. E.g., 1 Thess. 2 : 1 3 ; 3:9; Phil. 1:3; 2 Cor. 8:16. 7t)

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in actions otherwise (and in other J e w i s h groups) reserved for G o d . B u t the reason given as to why J e s u s is entitled to such reverence is because G o d has conferred this status on him. G o d has put all things in subjection to J e s u s , and the o u t c o m e of this rule of J e s u s is ' t h a t G o d m a y be all in all' (1 C o r . 1 5 : 2 0 - 2 8 ) . A s the ' i m a g e ' o f G o d , J e s u s shares and manifests the glory o f G o d ( 2 C o r . 3 : 1 2 ^ : 4 ; C o l . 1 : 1 5 - 2 0 ; Eph. 1 : 1 6 - 2 3 ; H e b . 1:1—4; 2 : 9 ) , and this is h o w and why he is to be reverenced in such astonishing w a y s . T h r o u g h G o d ' s e x a l t a t i o n o f him, J e s u s i s n o w able t o b e s t o w the H o l y Spirit (Acts 2 : 3 6 ) , the manifestations o f w h i c h enable various ministries of J e s u s the L o r d , which are at the s a m e time 'activities' of G o d (1 C o r . 1 2 : 4 - 6 ) . T h i s is why Paul's letter-salutations bid ' g r a c e and p e a c e ' jointly from G o d and J e s u s , and why Paul's letters characteristically feature a thanksgiving to G o d near the beginning and a grace-benediction from J e s u s at their closings. T h r o u g h his e x a l t a t i o n , J e s u s n o w dispenses such divine blessings. M o r e o v e r , this reverence of J e s u s is completely unlike anything we k n o w in the pagan m o v e m e n t s of the R o m a n e r a . J e s u s is not reverenced as a new god or a deified h e r o . He does not receive his own cultus distinguished from that given to G o d 'the F a t h e r ' , and he is not a p p r o a c h e d for particular types of favours or needs, as if he were seen as having his o w n divine province or sphere of blessings distinguishable from those G o d c a n b e s t o w . Even though the L o r d ' s Supper has certain functional analogies with the cult meals of various gods of the R o m a n era, this cultic fellowship with him at the table is not something u n t o itself, but is a manifestation and medium of the cultic gathering to him as the G o d - a p p o i n t e d L o r d , and through this L o r d t o G o d the F a t h e r . Furtherm o r e , the i n c o r p o r a t i o n o f J e s u s into earliest C h r i s t i a n s ' 77

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'Fiir Paulus ist die Zusammenstellung von Gott und Christus durch die Auferstehung hergestellt worden.' ('For Paul the connection of God and Christ is demonstrated through the resurrection.') Rohde, 'Gottesglaube und Kyriosglaube'. This point was also noted by Rohde, 'Gottesglaube und Kyriosglaube, 5 6 . 78

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devotional life is not a c c o m p a n i e d by the o p e n attitude t o w a r d reverencing various deities that was c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the R o m a n era religious e n v i r o n m e n t . Instead, J e s u s is incorp o r a t e d into an exclusivistic pattern of devotion in which there is r o o m for only one God and one Lord (e.g., 1 C o r . 8 : 5 - 6 ) . S o , w h a t we have is a binitarian, exclusivist m o n o t h e ism, able to a c c o m m o d a t e J e s u s , but disdainful of any o t h e r god or lord as rightful recipient of d e v o t i o n . T h i s full cultic reverence which m a y be described as ' w o r s h i p ' is given to J e s u s , not because early Christians felt at liberty to do so, but because they felt required to do so by G o d . T h e y reverenced J e s u s i n o b s e r v a n c e o f G o d ' s e x a l t a t i o n o f him and in obedience to G o d ' s revealed will. T h i s c o n v i c t i o n is expressed polemically in J o h n 5 : 2 3 : 'that all m a y h o n o u r the S o n just as they h o n o u r the F a t h e r . A n y o n e w h o does not hono u r the Son does not h o n o u r the Father w h o sent him.' In Paul, t o o , the inability to recognise J e s u s as the L o r d w h o bears the divine image and glory is attributed to ' h a r d e n e d ' minds blinded b y 'the god o f this w o r l d ' ( 2 C o r . 3 : 1 4 ; 4 : 4 ) . 79

T h i s suggests strongly that the cultic reverence of J e s u s w a s not an e x p e r i m e n t ventured upon by people seeking on their o w n to 'push the envelope' of liturgical practice, but was the result of profound c o n v i c t i o n s likely conveyed through powerful religious experiences that struck the recipients as revelations from G o d . T h i s unusual ' m u t a t i o n ' in m o n o t h e istic p r a c t i c e in turn c o n t r i b u t e d heavily to the subsequent c o m p l i c a t e d effort to develop a new doctrine of G o d , which occupied Christians for the n e x t several c e n t u r i e s . 8 0

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Borgen gives a helpful discussion of the specifics of how Jews and Christians negotiated their particularist scruples in Roman city life (' " Y e s , " "No," "How Far?": The Participation of Jews and Christians in Pagan Cults' in Engberg-Pedersen (ed.), Paul in His Hellenistic Context). Hurtado, One God, One Lord, 1 1 4 - 2 3 , esp. 1 1 7 - 2 2 ; and id., 'Religious Experience and Religious Innovation in the New Testament', forthcoming (April 2 0 0 0 ) in Journal of Religion. On the crucial second century, see Osborn, The Emergence of Christian theology. 80

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Chapter 4

Reflections for Christian Worship Today

In the previous chapters I have addressed s o m e aspects of the historical c o n t e x t in which earliest Christian worship arose and s o m e of the m a j o r features of early Christian w o r s h i p , showing h o w Christians i n c o r p o r a t e d Christ along with G o d into their devotional life as c o m m i t t e d m o n o t h e i s t s . My o w n research and publications over the last twenty years or so have c o n c e n t r a t e d on these sorts of historical questions a b o u t the emergence of devotion to Christ in the first t w o centuries of Christianity. In w h a t follows, however, I sketch s o m e thoughts a b o u t h o w the w o r s h i p o f Christians today can b e enriched a n d informed by w h a t we c a n learn of the historical origins of this devotion. T h i s is, thus, a bit of a departure from these m o r e historical questions in order to address c o n t e m p o r a r y 'applied' c o n c e r n s , and involves my writing as a worshipping Christian. 1

Although the topic here has to do with Christian w o r s h i p and will thus be of m o s t direct interest to other Christians, I invite both Christians and others to consider and interact with my discussion. T h e r e is nothing 'private' or confidential a b o u t

1

General readers will find an introduction to some of the issues addressed in my previous research in Hurtado, 'The Origins of the Worship of Christ', Themelios 19/2 (January 1 9 9 4 ) , 4 - 8 . This article draws heavily upon my book, One God, One Lord: Early Christian Devotion and Ancient Jewish Monotheism. The scope and aims of my research programme are sketched in my article, 'Christ-Devotion in the First T w o Centuries: Reflections and a Proposal', Toronto Journal of Theology 12 ( 1 9 9 6 ) , 1 7 - 3 3 .

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w h a t follows. Having spent eighteen years in a D e p a r t m e n t of Religion at a m a j o r C a n a d i a n public university prior to my present post (in which I teach in both a Divinity degree p r o g r a m m e and a Religious Studies degree p r o g r a m m e ) , I am very a c c u s t o m e d to students and scholars of various persuasions engaging the beliefs and practices of various religious traditions. It is an interesting, sometimes very demanding, exercise to try to understand the beliefs, practices and rationale of a faith that one does n o t share, and it is a g o o d test of a s c h o l a r to do so sympathetically and with s o m e a c c u r a c y . I also think that it is good for religions to c o n d u c t their reflections on their beliefs and practices 'out in the o p e n ' so to speak, inviting auditors and visitors as well as adherents to listen and respond. In fact, I propose as a g o o d test of clear thinking by religions w h e t h e r they can present their beliefs and practices with clarity and s o m e c o g e n c y t o interested n o n - a d h e r e n t s . O n e o f the m o s t challenging and invigorating discussions I ever had w a s with t w o Iranian M u s l i m graduate students w h o had c o m e to C h r i s t m a s dinner and afterwards quite aggressively d e m a n d e d e x p l a n a t i o n s of Christian beliefs a b o u t G o d and C h r i s t in terms that they could readily understand. 2

M o r e o v e r , in today's closely c o n n e c t e d w o r l d , and particularly in W e s t e r n multi-cultural societies, the beliefs and practices of religions are the legitimate c o n c e r n s of us all, whatever our o w n stance t o w a r d this or that religion or t o w a r d religious faiths in general. Religious beliefs and p r a c tices c a n have an i m p a c t upon o u r lives w h e t h e r we share them or not. A l s o , it is simply necessary to interact respectfully and 2

Paul's intricate discussion in 1 Corinthians 1 4 : 2 0 - 2 5 seems to indicate that 'unbelievers' (apistoi) and 'outsiders' (idiotai) could be present in early Christian worship gatherings, and he even makes their ability to understand what is said in the worship service the criterion of clarity. In 2 Corinthians 4 : 1 - 6 , Paul espouses 'the open statement of the truth' to 'everyone in the sight of God' as the mode of his proclamation. Though I am not technically a theologian, I hope I can be permitted to offer the opinion that Christian theology of the last several centuries would have benefitted had it been Hrqufred to be conducted in a more thorough and genuine dialogue and debate with other religious traditions.

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intelligently with people of various faiths, w h e t h e r we seek to p r o m o t e our o w n faith to others, simply desire religious tolera n c e and understanding, or wish to engage citizens of our o w n society or people of other cultures in the unavoidable social, e c o n o m i c , ethical and political issues of our t i m e . T h e secularist assumption that religion would atrophy and b e c o m e irrelevant has been proven wrong in very powerful ways in our t i m e . Particular religions m a y w a x or w a n e , but all indications are that we h u m a n s are in the main not going to forsake either the c o n c e r n s that religions reflect and address or our efforts to engage those c o n c e r n s through various forms of religious faith and practice. C o n s e q u e n t l y , serious study of religions is i m p o r t a n t and of b r o a d value in modern societies. T h i s is the rationale for the study of religions as a modern university discipline, and it also forms part of the reason for inviting readers to 'listen in' on the following discussion w h e t h e r they participate in Christian w o r s h i p or c h o o s e not to do s o . 3

4

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T h e reflections in the following pages are based on the premise that c o n t e m p o r a r y Christian w o r s h i p and thought should attempt s o m e genuinely fiduciary relationship with biblical precedents while a l s o developing in the light of c o n t i n uing historical factors. In the space available, it is impossible to give a discussion that will be seen as adequate, especially for a n y o n e not inclined to agree with my views or the premises from which they proceed. I hope, however, at least to stimulate the thinking of others, whatever their response to my t h o u g h t s . I am also very c o n s c i o u s that I am venturing here into the sort of discourse m o r e customarily (and likely m o r e

3

For an instructive example of sympathetic and critical engagement with other religions by a Christian thinker, I recommend Cragg, The Christ and the Faiths. See, e.g., Casanova, Public Religions in the Modern World; Kepel, The Revenge of God: The Resurgence of Islam, Christianity and Judaism in the Modern World. I have developed this point a bit further in my inaugural lecture, 'New Testament Studies at the Turn of the Millennium: Questions for the Discipline', Scottish Journal of Theology, forthcoming. 4

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c o m p e t e n t l y ) taken up by ' t h e o l o g i a n s ' in the true sense of the w o r d , scholars w h o s e main research c o m m i t m e n t lies in addressing the c o n t e m p o r a r y needs of Christian theological thinking and its practical c o n s e q u e n c e s . 6

M o n o t h e i s m and the W o r s h i p of Christ As we noted in the preceding c h a p t e r , from its earliest observa b l e stages Christian w o r s h i p w a s directed to G o d through and with the ascended Christ. T h a t is, in their devotional p r a c tice, as in their belief, earliest Christians espoused a binitarian form of m o n o t h e i s m . T h e first matter I w a n t to address, therefore, is the question of h o w the w o r s h i p of J e s u s by Christians today c o u l d be set within the c o n t e x t and perspective of biblical m o n o t h e i s m . T h i s will require some careful thought, just as it always has a m o n g thoughtful Christians! F o r e x a m p l e , the attempt o f the fourth-century teacher, Arius, to a c c o m m o d a t e m o n o t h e i s m by distinguishing between the divine nature of Christ and the divine nature of G o d the Father ultimately proved misguided and u n a c c e p t a b l e in the debates of the fourth century, at least in part because it w a s seen by critics as implying the w o r s h i p of t w o g o d s . O v e r against the Arians, Athanasius espoused a view of the relationship of G o d the Father and the S o n that involved their sharing o n e divine nature while also being clearly distinguishable. In taking such a stance, A t h a n a s i u s was c o n c e r n e d to develop a theological view of G o d that was both genuinely m o n o t h e i s t i c and also allowed for the traditional Christian devotional practice of treating Christ as a recipient of w o r s h i p a l o n g with G o d , yet did n o t lead to a confusion of the t w o . In the process, he articulated a particularly relational and d y n a m i c form of m o n o theism that insisted that G o d ' s unity transcended all h u m a n analogies and was not limited to the finite c o n c e p t s of o n e n e s s . 7

6

I venture here into the sort of discourse more thoroughly taken up by a previous Didsbury lecturer - see Torrance, Worship, Community, and the Triune God of Grace. ^ I V n e r s e n , A t h a n a s i u s . On Athanasius' views of God, see esp. 36-99.

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T h o u g h much a b o u t his reasoning, his use of the Bible, and his t o n e t o w a r d his o p p o n e n t s bears s o m e critical scrutiny, A t h a n a s i u s ' basic points are still w o r t h considering. I think t h a t Athanasius w a s c o r r e c t that Christian theology and w o r s h i p should be required to have s o m e genuinely mutual relationship. T h i s m e a n s that debates a m o n g theologians a b o u t G o d and christology are not simply a b o u t intellectual issues but also have to do with the central devotional practice o f Christian c h u r c h e s . T h u s , if, as some urge t o d a y , genuine m o n o t h e i s m precludes the deity of Christ, then Christian devotion would have to m a k e a sharp distinction between the reverence given to C h r i s t and that a c c o r d e d t o G o d . O t h e r w i s e , Christians w o u l d risk a violation of their professed historic c o m m i t m e n t to worshipping only the one true G o d . B u t it needs to be said t h a t if such a sharp distinction were m a d e , the w h o l e shape of traditional Christian devotional practice would have to be radically altered. If, on the other hand, Christians are sincere a b o u t their m o n o t h e i s t i c c o m m i t m e n t and yet also feel obliged t o c o n t i n u e the historic Christian devotional pattern o f a c c o r d i n g the sort of reverence to Christ that they otherwise reserve for G o d , then s o m e kind o f profound inclusion o f C h r i s t with(in) G o d such as was articulated in N i c e n e christolo g y (though not necessarily the same articulation) seems required, or at the very least r e a s o n a b l e . In a study of the form a t i o n of Christian doctrines in the early centuries, M a u r i c e W i l e s observed, 'Any interpretation o f the person o f the S o n h a d to be o n e which c a m e to terms with the place given to him in the Christian practice of d e v o t i o n . ' T h a t is, the distinctive ( s o m e might say, peculiar) form of m o n o t h e i s m that develo p e d in the early centuries was intended to give a doctrinal r a t i o n a l e for h o w Christ c o u l d be treated as genuinely divine in devotional practice (as had b e c o m e c u s t o m a r y in m o s t C h r i s t i a n circles) within a c o m m i t m e n t to o n e G o d . 8

9

E.g., Casey, From Jewish Prophet to Gentile God, esp. 1 6 2 - 8 1 . Maurice Wiles, The Making of Christian Doctrine: A Study in the Principles of Early Doctrinal Development, pp. 6 2 - 9 3 , quotation p. 7 4 .

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B u t though some Christians have intellectual difficulties with the deity of Christ, there are other p r o b l e m s perhaps even m o r e characteristic of much popular Christian piety d o w n to the present time. A n y o n e with m u c h e x p e r i e n c e of untutored Christian devotion can attest that there is often a confusion of J e s u s and G o d (the ' F a t h e r ' ) , or a functional di-theism in which G o d and J e s u s are treated as t w o gods and any effective m o n o t h e i s t i c scruple is o v e r l o o k e d (and when you t h r o w in the H o l y Spirit, things really get confusing for m a n y ! ) . T h e s e things tend to s h o w up m o r e in informal Christian prayers, and are rarely seen in liturgy that is informed by Christian tradition and theology. B u t Christians of all d e n o m i n a t i o n s a n d liturgical styles can benefit from thinking seriously a b o u t the fundamentally m o n o t h e i s t i c nature of Christian faith. 10

O n c e again, Christians c a n profit by carefully drawing upon biblical truths and the lessons of the Christian past. T h e old creeds and formulations, such as the so-called N i c e n e C r e e d , bear the m a r k s of the times in which they were written, of c o u r s e , but they are in fact m u c h richer than is s o m e t i m e s recognised today. O n e relevant illustration will have to suffice to m a k e my point: Christians traditionally w o r s h i p J e s u s as really and genuinely divine, just as we think of G o d as divine. B u t , in the words of the N i c e n e C r e e d w h i c h Christian traditions regard as an instructive statement of belief for continuing reflection, Christ is referred to as 'light from light, G o d from God ." O b s e r v e that in this formulation Christ is not seen as a second g o d , but a s the o n e unique ' i m a g e ' , ' S o n ' , and ' W o r d ' o f the o n e G o d , and, a s such, the o n e L o r d o f Christians, the o n e w h o w a s m a d e L o r d b y the o n e L o r d G o d (e.g., Acts 2 : 3 6 ; Phil. 2 : 9 ; 1 C o r . 1 5 : 2 0 - 2 8 ) . 1

10

As an example of the confusion, I quote the following portion of a prayer I recently heard in a Christian worship service: 'Heavenly Father, we thank you that you died on the cross for us . . .'! It is not clear whether this prayer reflects a difficulty in absorbing basic Trinitarian teaching on the relationship of God and Christ or a 'Christo-monism' in which Christ has somehow replaced God. For English translation and commentary, see, e.g., Schaff, The Creeds of Christendom, 1:24-29.

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A similar c o n c e r n to avoid di-theism is reflected in the N e w T e s t a m e n t references to prayer as characteristically offered to God and in the name of or through J e s u s . In Christian tradition, direct prayer to and invocation of J e s u s are also deemed quite a p p r o p r i a t e , both privately and c o r p o r a t e l y , as is evidenced a few times in the N e w T e s t a m e n t (e.g., Acts 7 : 5 9 ; 2 C o r . 1 2 : 8 ) . But it has to be noted that in the devotional tradition represented in the N e w T e s t a m e n t and classical liturgical practices, any direct prayer or appeal to Christ is always to be framed by the sovereignty of the one G o d , and is in fact very limited in scope and f r e q u e n c y . Accordingly, when we Christians properly a c c l a i m J e s u s as the o n e unique Kyrios ( L o r d ) , we do so 'to the glory of God the Father (Phil. 2 : 9 - 1 1 ) , and not apart from or in neglect of the glory of the one G o d and the m o n o t h e i s t i c c o n c e r n reflected in this Pauline phrase. In the traditional patterns of E u c h a r i s t prayer, Christians offer thanksgiving to G o d for G o d ' s S o n , J e s u s Christ, with w h o m Christians are enabled t o c o m m u n e and through w h o m they are b r o u g h t to G o d . Also, from the N e w T e s t a m e n t o n w a r d , Christians characteristically sang hymns to G o d that celebrate G o d ' s acts and attributes as well as the w o r k and significance of G o d ' s S o n . In short, in the p r o c l a m a t i o n and the religious practice reflected in the N e w T e s t a m e n t and characteristic o f ' m a i n s t r e a m ' Christian traditions d o w n through the centuries, the significance of J e s u s ' redemptive and revealing w o r k is seen and celebrated as deriving from his status as the unique agent of G o d ' s will. T h a t is, the meaning of Christ is always expressed in terms of his relationship to G o d . All of the claims m a d e a b o u t C h r i s t in the N e w T e s t a m e n t have to do with significance that derives from G o d . ' Even in the notion of Christ as divine Son from all eternity, this definition of C h r i s t in relation to G o d (the Father) remains clear. 12

1

J

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See, e.g., Jungmann, The Place of Christ in Liturgical Prayer. See, e.g., the helpful discussions by Kreitzer (Jesus and God in Paul's Eschatology) and especially the more broad-ranging analysis of Paul's language for God and Christ by Richardson (Paul's Language about God). 13

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Christians are called to love and worship G o d with minds as well as hearts. O u r M u s l i m and J e w i s h neighbours s o m e t i m e s express anxiety a b o u t Christian m o n o t h e i s m , though that a n x i e t y seems to Christians t o o often misinformed a b o u t traditional Christian teaching. Of c o u r s e , despite the disapproval o f adherents o f other m o n o t h e i s t i c traditions, Christians c a n n o t easily forego or o b j e c t to the worship of J e s u s and continue to think they represent Christian tradition. B u t we Christians are b o u n d , n o t merely by the demands of others but even m o r e forcefully by our o w n professed m o n o t h e i s t i c s t a n c e , to w o r ship C h r i s t within a c o m m i t m e n t to the one G o d , recognising J e s u s a s the unique Son o f G o d the F a t h e r . T h e c o n c e r n s o f M u s l i m s and J e w s can be heard appreciatively by Christians as reminders to us of our o w n profession to confess a n d worship one God. As I have indicated already, this m o n o t h e i s t i c c o n c e r n is in fact w h a t lies behind the central Christian doctrine of the T r i une G o d . A strong c o m m i t m e n t to maintaining a m o n o t h e i s t i c stance necessitated the rather lengthy and c o m p l e x theological debates and formulations o f the early Christian centuries. H a d these Christians not been a n x i o u s to be m o n o t h e i s t s , their life would have been much simpler! It was not difficult to deify a new god or demi-god in the R o m a n w o r l d , and Christians could have done this with J e s u s readily e n o u g h . ' Indeed, the developed Christian gnostic systems s h o w that s o m e ancient Christians were n o t terribly c o n c e r n e d with m o n o t h e i s m and instead projected a radical multiplicity of divinities. B u t the 4

15

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See, e.g., Losch's study (Deitas Jesu und Antike Apotheose: Ein Beitrag zur Exegese und Religionsgeschichte), which gives attention to the deification of human rulers in the Roman world. Michael Williams has challenged the notion that there was a cohesive 'gnosticism', but it is clear that there were Christian groups whose beliefs reflect the lack of concern with monotheism to which I refer here. In fact, it is interesting to note how in a number of the relevant texts often identified as 'gnostic' the exclusivist claims of Yahweh such as Isaiah 4 5 : 2 1 - 2 2 , which are central texts for Jewish and Christian monotheistic beliefs, are treated as the misinformed or lying statements of an inferior god (e.g., The Apocryphon of John 1 1 . 2 0 {Robinson (ed.), The Nag Hammadi Library in English, 111]). 15

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d o m i n a n t (or at least ultimately the m o r e viable) Christian c o n cern w a s to develop an understanding of J e s u s ' divine significance within the framework of faith in one God. Christian thinkers r a n s a c k e d the v o c a b u l a r y and c o n c e p t u a l c a t e g o ries of the ancient w o r l d , and when those did not suffice they even invented new categories and new meanings for w o r d s in an effort to develop and articulate a faith and rationale for Christian devotional practice that both a c c o r d e d Christ full reverence as divine yet also retained a m o n o t h e i s t i c s t a n c e . If I m a y speak directly to fellow C h r i s t i a n s , let us see that o u r practical w o r s h i p as well as our profession is genuinely trinitarian, and that Christian truth and Christian w o r s h i p a c c o r d with each other. It would be a healthy exercise for Christians to reflect on the meaning of the o n e G o d in our devotional life, and to develop prayer practice that does not willy-nilly confuse G o d and J e s u s , but celebrates the unique divine Son as from the o n e G o d . Study of the prayer expressions in the N e w T e s t a m e n t and in the liturgies and prayers of Christian tradition (such as the Book of Common Prayer, w h i c h w a s shaped by centuries of Christian w o r s h i p practice) w o u l d provide helpful stimulus and resources. 16

17

W o r s h i p of G o d and Christian Identity T h e w o r s h i p o f J e s u s within the c o n t e x t o f biblical m o n o t h e ism and Christian trinitarian teaching also has profound 16

See, e.g., Lortz, 'Das Christentum als Monotheismus in den Apologien des zweiten Jahrhunderts' in Koeniger (ed.), Beitrdge zur Geschichte des christlichen Altertums und der Byzantinischen Literatur: Festgabe Albert Ehrhard; Osborn, The Emergence of Christian Theology. An example of ancient Christian innovation in terminology and meanings can be seen in their appropriation of the Latin term persona and the development of a new and distinctively Christian meaning for the Greek term hypostasis in their efforts to articulate how belief in 'one God' could accommodate the threefold shape of early Christian religious experience and convictions. See, e.g., Wiles, The Making of Christian Doctrine: A Study in the Principles of Early Doctrinal Development, 130-40. 17

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implications for Christian self-understanding and for C h r i s tian views a b o u t salvation. Christians traditionally w o r s h i p J e s u s as the unique Son of G o d the Father. T h i s uniqueness of J e s u s ' sonship is i m p o r t a n t . T h i s unique sonship means that the relationship o f C h r i s tians to G o d is to be understood as derivative, and is n o t properly seen as possessed by Christians by nature or as an inherent property, but as b e s t o w e d by G o d ' s g r a c e through Christ.™ F o r e x a m p l e , Paul portrays the filial relationship of believers to G o d as b e s t o w e d through J e s u s , the p a r a d i g m a t i c Son of G o d . J e s u s is the 'first-born a m o n g m a n y b r e t h r e n ' ( R o m . 8 : 2 9 ) , and the Spirit o f G o d ' s S o n , J e s u s , b e s t o w s o n believers a sense of their filial relationship to G o d ( G a l . 4 : 6 ) . We Christians traditionally worship J e s u s as the divinelyappointed-for-us access to G o d . T h a t is, we w o r s h i p J e s u s because of w h o he is and because of the divinely assigned role he plays in redemption as m e d i a t o r and redeemer. Unless we understand the N e w T e s t a m e n t appraisal o f the h u m a n pred i c a m e n t , which a m o u n t s to a m o r a l and spiritual alienation from the one true G o d , we will n o t appreciate the significance of J e s u s as G o d ' s unique Son sent to offer reconciliation a n d a d o p t i o n into a filial relationship with G o d . N o r will we understand that this filial relationship derives from J e s u s ' unique sonship. 1 9

We Christians worship G o d in Jesus' name and through Jesus. I am n o t at all sure t h a t the meaning of this is well enough understood a m o n g C h r i s t i a n s . T o pray i n J e s u s ' n a m e and through him m e a n s that we enter into J e s u s ' status in G o d ' s favour, and invoke J e s u s ' standing with G o d and the efficacy of his redeeming w o r k (over against our o w n sinful deficits) to be given access to G o d . In this light, Christians do n o t properly 18

For further discussion, see Torrance, Community, and the Triune God of Grace, esp. 6 - 3 1 . On Paul's use of divine sonship language for Christ, see Hurtado, 'Son of God', in Hawthorne and Martin (eds.) Dictionary of Paul and His Letters. On the theme in Romans, see Hurtado, 'Jesus' Divine Sonship' in Paul's Epistle to the Romans' in Soderlund and Wright (eds4 Romans and the People of God: Essays in Honor of G
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a p p r o a c h G o d as an expression of s o m e ill-founded sentimentality a b o u t G o d ' s ' d a d d y - h o o d ' . Christians properly call G o d ' F a t h e r ' neither t o m a k e G o d 'sire' o f the world o r o f us, nor because we w a n t to deify fatherhood and maleness, but instead precisely because we enter into Jesus' relationship to G o d as F a t h e r . W e are t o consider ourselves a s enfranchised into J e s u s ' sonship with G o d . W e affirm J e s u s ' intimacy with and revelation o f G o d b y e c h o i n g and affirming J e s u s ' o w n relation to G o d in our prayer forms. As we have noted earlier, in the N e w T e s t a m e n t , G o d is 'the G o d and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ' (e.g., E p h . 1:3; 2 C o r . 1:3; R o m . 1 5 : 6 ; 1 Pet. 1 : 3 ) , and, thus, Christians should understand that we address G o d as 'our F a t h e r ' derivatively and as an expression of our a c k n o w l e d g e m e n t of J e s u s ' sonship. We do this because J e s u s ' sonship is taken as powerfully effective in redemption on our behalf, bringing Christians into J e s u s ' standing with G o d (e.g., H e b . 2 : 1 0 - 1 8 ) . T h e term ' F a t h e r ' in the prayer traditionally k n o w n as the ' O u r F a t h e r ' (the so-called ' L o r d ' s Prayer') is formally remembered in the c a n o n i c a l gospel a c c o u n t s as given to Christian practice b y J e s u s ( M a t t . 6 : 7 - 1 4 ; L u k e 1 1 : 1 - 4 ) , where this prayer and this form of address to G o d are presented as taught to the disciples by J e s u s . And Paul m a k e s the invocation of G o d as ' F a t h e r ' a manifestation of the Spirit of G o d ' s Son in Christian believers ( R o m . 8 : 9 - 1 7 , esp. vv. 1 5 - 1 6 ; G a l . 4 : 4 - 6 ) . Christian practice alludes t o this recognition o f o u r dependent and b e s t o w e d filial status in the traditional introductions to praying the ' O u r F a t h e r ' , as when the liturgical leader p r o m p t s a Christian group to join in saying the prayer with the w o r d s , 'As our Saviour taught us . . .' or ' W h e r e f o r e , 2 0

Unfortunately, a certain sentimentalising of the New Testament notion of God as Father has become attached to the New Testament term 'Abba'. Contrary to this sentimentalising notion, 'Abba' does not connote 'Daddy'. See esp. the studies by Barr ('Abba Isn't "Daddy" ', Journal of Theological Studies n.s. 39 [ 1 9 8 8 ] , 2 8 - 4 7 ) and D'Angelo ('Abba and "Father": Imperial Theology and the Jesus Traditions', Journal of Biblical Literature 111 [19921, 61 1-30).

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we are b o l d to say . . .' (and in the ' w h e r e f o r e ' hangs the tale behind the boldness!).

W o r s h i p and Patriarchy S o m e modern feminist criticism is both unfounded and yet also instructive for Christian worship. It is unfounded to c l a i m that to reverence and address G o d as ' F a t h e r ' and to reverence and refer to J e s u s as 'the S o n ' necessarily m e a n s to privilege maleness and to give it transcendent validation while denying this to femaleness and m o t h e r h o o d . T h i s sort of feminist critique presumes that all w o r s h i p is the straight projection and divinisation of creaturely attributes such as maleness, and that the o b j e c t of worship is s o m e idealised version of the attributes of the worshipper. On this assumption, the d e m a n d is logically that b o t h maleness and femaleness should be divinised. O t h e r w i s e , w o m e n have no such idealised o b j e c t with which to identify themselves. W e r e these assumptions totally c o r r e c t , the d e m a n d would appear to be compelling. Properly informed, h o w e v e r , Christian w o r s h i p o f the T r i u n e G o d is not (or at least is not supposed to involve) the deification of creaturely characteristics. Christian w o r s h i p is n o t supposed to be the p r o j e c t i o n of our o w n attributes into ideal, divine status. T h i s w o u l d be a deification of the creature, a self-worship, which is admittedly all t o o a c c u r a t e as characterising h u m a n 'religiousness'. B u t from the standpoint of biblical tradition, any such de facto divinisation of the creature manifests a distance from the effectual revelation of the true and living G o d . W o r s h i p that is offered in response to the revealed, true a n d living G o d should seek to avoid any deification of the c r e a t u r e . B o t h O l d T e s t a m e n t and N e w T e s t a m e n t texts warn against worshipping any projection of ourselves. In biblical tradition, all deification of the c r e a t u r e , including the w o r s h i p of a n y h u m a n attribute o r faculty, constitutes idolatry. F o r e x a m p l e , D e u t e r o n o m y 4 : 1 5 - 2 0 forbids making any ' i m a g e ' o f G o d drawn from creaturely categories or p h e n o m e n a and used as

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o b j e c t of w o r s h i p , and the passage significantly includes ' m a l e or female' (v. 1 6 ) a m o n g the creaturely characteristics that must not b e worshipped. A m o n g w e l l - k n o w n N e w T e s t a m e n t passages, R o m a n s 1 : 1 8 - 2 3 captures the essential nature o f idolatry as consisting precisely in the confusion of the creature with the C r e a t o r . In this passage as well, the confusion c o n d e m n e d includes images 'resembling a m o r t a l h u m a n being' (en homoiomati eikonos phthartou anthropou, v. 23). F o r this reason, we c a n o b j e c t that it is a red herring to assoc i a t e a u t o m a t i c a l l y the worship o f the G o d and Father o f the L o r d J e s u s Christ, w o r s h i p offered through this unique S o n , with the deification of the ' m a l e ' . C l e a r biblical and theological teachings s h o w that, properly understood and properly practised, Christian w o r s h i p should not be liable to such critic i s m . Christians are to reverence G o d as ' F a t h e r ' only because we enter into J e s u s ' own filial relationship to G o d , not because of a desire to glorify maleness or paternity over femaleness and motherhood. B u t , sadly, a great deal of Christian w o r s h i p is in fact n o t properly informed by the B i b l e and Christian theological and liturgical tradition, including the worship o f s o m e w h o m a y think of themselves as very traditional and o r t h o d o x ! In light of this, the feminist criticism of Christian w o r s h i p is valid and instructive in pointing to a version of idolatry that might otherwise go undetected, simply because it m a y have b e c o m e so familiar, m a y seem so ' n a t u r a l ' and m a y be expressed in terms drawn from Christian tradition. W o r s h i p p i n g G o d 'in Spirit a n d in truth', h o w e v e r , m e a n s seeking to rise a b o v e any such idolatrous privileging of this or that place, this or that language, this or that ethnicity, and any other aspect of creaturehood. 21

21

I allude here, of course, to John 4 : 2 0 - 2 4 , which is particularly fertile for the topic of what true worship should be in light of gender questions. Space prevents anything more than some brief pointers for further reflection on the possible significance of this passage. (1) The dialogue in John 4 : 7 - 2 6 is clearly quite deliberately one of Jesus and a woman, and readers frequently note the undertone of sexual tension in the dialogue (e.g., v. 9, 'Do you ask me, being a

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Perhaps o n e i m p o r t a n t w a y for Christians and others to tell if particular Christian w o r s h i p really is 'in Spirit and truth' in this sense is to discern w h e t h e r reference to G o d as ' F a t h e r ' is m a t c h e d in our lives by a privileging of maleness, a feudal-like hierarchy of one creaturely characteristic over others. If our lives s h o w a preferential t r e a t m e n t of maleness, for e x a m p l e , it m a y well be that our Christian w o r s h i p has been a l l o w e d to devolve into an idolatry that is no less d a m n a b l e in spite of its use of Christian t e r m i n o l o g y (indeed, Christian distortion of the revelation of G o d should be seen by Christians as doubly reprehensible). Particularly, if reference to G o d as ' F a t h e r ' is taken as justifying the privileging of the male gender, then this certainly shows a serious failure to understand the Christian theological rationale and meaning of the term ' F a t h e r ' as a form of address to G o d . In this situation, the feminist critique of ' F a t h e r ' rings true and is a j udgement to be received gratefully. T h e heavenly ' F a t h e r ' should be w o r s h i p p e d , not as an e x t e n s i o n of ourselves, as justifying partriarchy, but w o r shipped truly as the one G o d w h o is categorically transcendent over the creature. T h a t is, as ' F a t h e r ' only through J e s u s Christ. T h i s G o d transcends c r e a t i o n and thereby reveals and judges its inadequacy in representing G o d , as well as our a b u s e of our creaturely features such as gender. B u t at the s a m e time this transcendent G o d , precisely by being transcendent b e y o n d creaturely attributes, is a b l e to affirm, validate and 21

(continued) woman of Samaria?'). (2) In her conversation here and in her life as well the woman identifies herself entirely in terms of males (her references to 'our father J a c o b ' , v. 12, and 'our fathers', v. 2 0 ; her multiple relationships with men in vv. 1 6 - 1 8 ) . In this light, the promise of a new worship of 'the Father' based on 'the Spirit and truth' (the first term probably identifying the latter, i.e., 'the Spirit who is truth') may be taken here as including a transcending of the privileging of human traditions which are characterised by their male dominance. This is likely reflected in the Evangelist's depiction of Jesus' revelation to the woman and in her becoming the trustworthy witness to other Samaritans (v. 3 9 ) . It is increasingly clear to scholars that the various narratives of the Gospel of John reflect (and were intended to speak to) the concerns and the experiences of the early Christians for whom it was written.

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redeem the whole o f the c r e a t i o n ( R o m . 8 : 1 8 - 2 3 ) , including o u r maleness and femaleness ( G a l . 2 : 2 8 - 2 9 ) . Given the gender-inclusive shape of G o d ' s r e d e m p t i o n , it is important as Christians to ask ourselves w h e t h e r this equal validation of m a l e and female is evident in our lives, our families and our wider relationships, whether the inherent value of the creation (inherent to creation as G o d ' s beloved creature) and the equal i m p o r t a n c e and w o r t h of m a l e and female are demonstrated in o u r c h u r c h life? T h e o l o g y c a n play a role in helping to guide us to right living (though, to be sure, the right living to which Christians are s u m m o n e d requires a real transformation and not merely instruction). B u t it is also true that the c h a r a c t e r of our particular Christian living is in turn a g o o d indication of h o w we really understand and m e a n w h a t we profess to be our theological beliefs. T h a t is, our living is a very g o o d reflection o f h o w ' g o o d ' our theology really is! Of c o u r s e , all theology reflects sociological factors. T h i s is w h y I a d v o c a t e testing the meaning of our theological language by e x a m i n i n g our social practices. S o c i a l c i r c u m s t a n c e s a n d c o n d i t i o n s c a n also c o n t r i b u t e to theological reflection a n d even to r e f o r m a t i o n . F o r e x a m p l e , revulsion at the Nazi policy of J e w i s h e x t e r m i n a t i o n has helped to produce in the p o s t - W o r l d W a r II years a greater Christian awareness of anti-Semitism in Christian theology and t r a d i t i o n s . B u t c a r e ful, incisive theological reflection c a n also p r o m o t e reformed social realities. Perhaps Christian reflection on the proper m e a n i n g of G o d as ' F a t h e r ' (and on the idolatrous uses of the term to which Christians are prone) could c o n t r i b u t e to overc o m i n g the patriarchy that Christians inherited from their various cultures and that has been so uncritically appropriated and validated in Christian practice. 22

Feminist critique of Christian practice is fair c o m m e n t in so far as it highlights an uncritical Christian appropriation of w h a t is n o w termed ' p a t r i a r c h y ' . T h i s patriarchy denies proper validity and dignity to the female, a n d this is a sin, as well as being o b j e c t i o n a b l e to those with feminist c o n c e r n s . It is both an offence against w o m e n and also a sin of idolatry 22

See, e.g., Klein, Anti-Judaism in Christian Theology.

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against G o d . In other w o r d s , there are not only h u m a n i t a r i a n reasons for identifying patriarchy. T h e r e are also profoundly theological reasons that have to do with distinguishing the revelation of G o d from heretical and distorting images.

W o r s h i p Earthly and Transcendent I turn n o w to a n o t h e r i m p o r t a n t m a t t e r . As we noted in our discussion of early Christian w o r s h i p c o n c e p t i o n s and practice, from the N e w T e s t a m e n t o n w a r d there is the n o t i o n that w o r s h i p should be understood as an earthly participation in a heavenly reality. In c h a p t e r t w o , I noted that this sense of participation in heavenly worship lies behind the traditional phrasing ' W h e r e f o r e , with angels, archangels and all the c o m pany of heaven we laud and magnify your glorious n a m e ' , wording which introduces the c o n g r e g a t i o n a l recitation or c h a n t i n g of the ' T r i s a g i o n ' ( G r e e k for 'thrice h o l y ' , taken from the song of the heavenly creatures in Isaiah 6 : 3 ) in the liturgical traditions o f Christian E u c h a r i s t . T h e introductory phrasing and the T r i s a g i o n together express the idea that the earthly praise of the Christian c o n g r e g a t i o n is to be offered in imitation of, and in c o n c e r t with, the true praise of G o d by 'all the c o m p a n y of heaven'. As we noted in c h a p t e r t w o , the N e w T e s t a m e n t bears witness t h a t from the beginning believers saw their h u m b l e w o r s h i p gatherings in small groups in houses as events with this t r a n s c e n d e n t significance and c h a r a c t e r . 23

In our time, it will be a challenge for Christians to reappropriate meaningfully the idea of being in the presence of angels in w o r s h i p , and the m e a n i n g of the notion that earthly w o r s h i p c a n be a participation in the liturgy of heaven itself. T r a d i t i o n a l hymns such as ' Y e w a t c h e r s and ye holy o n e s ' , or ' C r o w n him with m a n y c r o w n s ' , and h y m n i c appeals such as 24

See Cross and Livingstone, Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church, 1 3 9 5 - 6 . On the transcendent and modernity, see Berger, A Rumour of Angels: bAtrdern Society and the Rediscovery of the Supernatural.

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'angels help us to adore h i m ' will all pass right by modern C h r i s t i a n s or strike us as merely q u a i n t unless we seek to e n c o u n t e r again and appropriate in ways meaningful for m o d e r n s the significance behind these images and traditions. W e m o d e r n , westernised C h r i s t i a n s c o u l d well d o with lifting o u r liturgical eyes beyond the alternatives of either s h a l l o w n o t i o n s of ' r e l e v a n c e ' or the frozen formality against w h i c h demands for ' r e l e v a n c e ' are often raised, and b e y o n d the alternatives of either merely h u m a n elegance or austere plainness, to an a p p r o a c h to w o r s h i p that m a k e s us c o n s c i o u s of its 'vertical' reality a n d significance. T h i s is n o t a matter of guitars versus o r g a n s , sedate style versus 'happy-clappy'. If Christian w o r s h i p has transcendent significance, it is n o t by virtue of particular liturgical styles or practices but by our w o r s h i p really being the w o r s h i p of the one G o d and of the o n e w h o , having been m a d e Christ and L o r d , sits at G o d ' s 'right h a n d ' , bearing unique divine favour and authority. T h a t is, if Christian w o r s h i p is genuinely offered to the o n e true transcendent G o d to w h o s e revelation it claims to respond, then this transcendent G o d a l o n e gives to earthly w o r s h i p any h o p e of significance higher than merely earthly c o n v e n t i o n s and t r a n s a c t i o n s . But Christians c a n perhaps e x p e r i e n c e and participate m o r e c o n s c i o u s l y , deliberately and fully in that transcendent reality if we learn from the N e w T e s t a m e n t and Christian tradition a n d seek t o inform and inspire modern Christian attitudes t o w a r d worship with its higher possibilities. M e e t i n g for w o r s h i p with a sense of being in the presence of G o d , gathered before G o d , the participants aligning themselves with heavenly realities, is not the s a m e thing as a c l u b or business meeting or a folksy effort at merely developing familiarity with one a n o t h e r . O f c o u r s e , C h r i s t i a n s will w a n t t o develop strong relationships and build the n e t w o r k s of a c q u a i n t a n c e that we h u m a n s need. But Christians will also need to recognise that all our efforts are supported and c o n t e x t u a l i s e d by the divine reality and purposes t h a t we i n v o k e and that call us together as an ekklesia, a group meeting with 'official' significance and a high calling as G o d ' s people.

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W o r s h i p and Eschatology A n o t h e r feature of earliest Christian w o r s h i p that bears reflection for possible meaning today is its strong eschatologic a l flavour. In terms of N e w T e s t a m e n t precedent, Christian w o r s h i p should be understood as an anticipation and declaration of the final triumph of G o d and G o d ' s purposes in Christ. In theological terms, Christian a c c l a m a t i o n of J e s u s as Kyrios ( L o r d ) is, thus, an e s c h a t o l o g i c a l a c t i o n , orienting participants t o w a r d the ultimate o u t c o m e o f G o d ' s redemptive purposes. T h e m o t i f of the presence of angels in the w o r s h i p gathering m e n t i o n e d earlier in this discussion alerts Christians to a higher loyalty and citizenship and the deeper dimensions of reality. J u s t so, a recognition that a c c l a m a t i o n by the earthly historical c o n g r e g a t i o n derives from G o d ' s e x a l t a t i o n of J e s u s and also anticipates the future universal a c c l a m a t i o n of J e s u s as L o r d c a n lift the eyes of the worshipping c o n g r e g a t i o n beyond the routines and m u n d a n e acts of liturgy, beyond mere religious honorifics. An awareness that Christian w o r s h i p has this e s c h a t o l o g i c a l dimension c a n set faces of participants t o w a r d the c o m i n g dawn of C h r i s t ' s redemptive victory and the s u m m i n g up of all things in Christ that is asserted in Christian proclamation. F r o m C o n s t a n t i n e o n w a r d , imperial Christianity lost the earlier understanding of itself as the provisional witness to the K i n g d o m of G o d , and quickly imagined itself to be that K i n g d o m in its o w n structures and earthly p r o m i n e n c e (which had in fact been established under C o n s t a n t i n e by very familiar use of imperial f o r c e ) . L i k e w i s e , imperial Christianity lost the earlier keenness of eschatological hope, and settled d o w n into w h a t b e c a m e a m o r e humdrum routine of religious acts for their o w n s a k e . B u t essential to the proclam a t i o n e m b o d i e d in the N e w T e s t a m e n t is the understanding that all our actions stand against the horizon of G o d ' s ultimate triumph in grace through J e s u s Christ. O n l y with a view t o w a r d , and a hope for, G o d ' s eschatological victory over all that diminishes and destroys creation c a n Christian a c t i o n have any meaning greater than merely o n e c u r i o u s version of humaiteudeavour.

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M o r e specifically, Christian worship c o u l d be re-enlivened and enriched by r e m e m b e r i n g the larger picture of G o d ' s purposes, which e x t e n d b e y o n d our o w n immediate setting and time to t a k e in all h u m a n history and which promise a future victory over evil and a c o n s u m m a t i o n of redeeming g r a c e . A p a r t from a h o p e in G o d ' s triumph over evil, apart from a confidence that J e s u s really is the divinely appointed L o r d in w h o m all things are to find their m e a n i n g , Christian a c c l a m a tion of J e s u s as L o r d is a stupid thing, refuted and m o c k e d by the powerful, negative realities of our c r e a t u r e h o o d : the political and e c o n o m i c tyrannies, religious and irreligious forces, and social and cultural developments that m a k e Christian faith seem trivial and our w o r s h i p little m o r e than a quaint avocation.

Christ-Devotion and Political Claims T h i s also has to be said, perhaps even m o r e so in the light of twentieth-century e x p e r i e n c e of totalitarian political regimes. Properly understood, w o r s h i p o f G o d , and o f J e s u s a s the unique divine Son of the o n e G o d , also involves the withholding of w o r s h i p and unqualified o b e d i e n c e from a n y other w h o m a y claim it. In the N e w T e s t a m e n t the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c affirmation that distinguished Christian w o r s h i p w a s : 'Jesus is L o r d ' . In the first few centuries, Christians recognised that this a c c l a m a t i o n m e a n t tensions with the divine claims and absolute d e m a n d s of the R o m a n system, and in subsequent times Christians have frequently been given o c c a s i o n s to face a similarly stark c h o i c e . L i k e our J e w i s h c o u s i n s , Christians classically pray(ed) for the earthly ruler, not to the ruler. Christian m o n o theistic faith prevents anything else, if we are true to it. A n y 25

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Note the collection of primary texts in Guyot and Klein (Dasfruhe Christentum bis zum Ende der Verfolgungen, Band 1: Die Christen im heidnischen Staat. Texte zur Forschung 6 0 ) . The scholarly literature on Christian conflict with the Roman state is vast. Among recent studies, see Keresztes (Imperial Rome and the Christians: From Herod the Great to about 200 A.D.).

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Christian political loyalty must stop well short of giving the ruler or regime total anil uncritical submission. Earliest Christian reverence ol Christ often involved a deliberate use of terms and titles that were also claimed by the R o m a n system, such a s 'Son o f G o d ' . * T h u s , early Christian reverence of Christ was at the same time a religious act and also o n e with profound political c o n n o t a t i o n s and c o n s e quences. In confessing J e s u s as 'the L o r d ' and 'the Son of G o d ' , these early Christians unavoidably, and often quite k n o w i n g l y , denied this sort of status to the R o m a n r u l e r . O u r temporal and geographical placement in m o d e r n , secular d e m o c r a c i e s may not present us with the same o b v i o u s c o m p e t i t i o n between worshipping Christ and undue reverence of rulers or other o b j e c t s . We are n o t required to offer incense to the ruler's image or to join in the worship of civic gods. B u t perhaps part of the reason for the modern W e s t e r n difficulty in seeing h o w early Christian w o r s h i p is instructive for our understanding of our relationship to other c l a i m a n t s for our loyalty is that our perception of w h a t we are supposed to be doing in our worship of C h r i s t is so p o o r ! I suggest that a dedicated and collective c o m m i t m e n t to meaningful, thoughtful and genuine worship of ' H i m w h o sits on the t h r o n e and the L a m b ' ( R e v . 5 : 1 3 ) would sharpen our vision for seeing the inappropriate (even if familiar) demands m a d e upon us in our cultures, and help us to see w h e t h e r in our o w n w a y s t o d a y we Christians m a y be c o u n t e n a n c i n g 'things sacrificed to idols' ( R e v . 2 : 1 4 , 2 0 ) . O u r idolatrous tendencies m a y seem t o u s m o r e subtle, but m a y be no less of a c o n t r a d i c t i o n to Christian professions of faith. A m o r e profound understanding of Christian faith would equip c o n t e m p o r a r y Christians better in our social a n d political lives as well as in the m o r e familiar areas of 2

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Still valuable for its citation of primary evidence is Deissmann's discussion of early Christian usage of rhetoric also used in Roman imperial propaganda and cultus, Light from the Ancient East, 338-78. The characteristic use of the definite article in New Testament acclamations of Jesus with these titles carries an implicitly exclusive connotation.

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private morality to which some forms of Christian piety devote a l m o s t exclusive attention.

Conclusion In this final c h a p t e r , I have proposed that the w o r s h i p of Christians today should be informed and enriched by biblical teachings and that w o r s h i p should be conducted thoughtfully in the light of the need to distinguish between mere human religion (which is always idolatrous in tendency, whether Christian o r n o n - C h r i s t i a n ) and the revelation o f G o d . Precisely if worship seems a familiar activity to c o n t e m p o r a r y C h r i s t i a n s , there is all the m o r e reason to do some serious reflection, taking nothing for granted and considering afresh the meanings and implications of Christian devotion. Christian w o r s h i p of the o n e G o d is offered through J e s u s , a n d also jointly to him with G o d . As we have seen, w o r s h i p of J e s u s is n o t merely w o r s h i p of an additional g o d , or s o m e reverence of a divine hero after the pattern of the R o m a n religious e n v i r o n m e n t of earliest Christianity. N o r does it represent the supplanting of an old, o b s o l e t e deity by a younger o n e . W o r ship of J e s u s properly is w o r s h i p of the one G o d , through, and revealed in a unique way in, J e s u s Christ. T h u s , intelligent w o r s h i p of J e s u s involves bringing to that w o r s h i p a grasp of w h a t the gospel of J e s u s C h r i s t tells us of G o d ' s purposes. Reflecting today on the w o r s h i p of J e s u s c a n lead Christians to a deeper discovery of G o d and of w h o Christians are called to be in G o d ' s redemptive g r a c e .

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Albright, W . F . , ' A Biblical F r a g m e n t from the M a c c a b e a n Age: T h e N a s h Papyrus', Journal of Biblical Literature 56 (1937), 145-76. Anderson, G. A., 'Sacrifice and Sacrificial Offerings ( O T ) ' in F r e e d m a n , D. N. (ed.) Anchor Bible Dictionary. 6 vols. ( G a r d e n City: D o u b l e d a y , 1 9 9 2 ) , 5 : 8 7 1 - 8 6 . Armstrong, A. H. (ed.), Classical Mediterranean Spirituality: Egyptian, Greek, Roman ( N e w Y o r k : C r o s s r o a d , 1 9 8 6 ) . Aune, David E . , The Cultic Setting of Realized Eschatology in Early Christianity, N o v u m T e s t a m e n t u m Supplements 28 (Leiden: Brill, 1 9 7 2 ) . , Prophecy in Early Christianity and the Ancient Mediterranean World ( G r a n d Rapids: E e r d m a n s , 1 9 8 3 ) . , ' W o r s h i p , E a r l y C h r i s t i a n ' in F r e e d m a n , D. N. (ed.) Anchor Bible Dictionary. 6 vols. (Garden C i t y : D o u b l e d a y , 1992), 6: 973-89. , ' M a g i c in Early Christianity' in H. T e m p o r i n i and W. H a a s e (eds.) Aufstieg und Niedergang der romischen Welt (Berlin: D e Gruyter), 2 . 2 3 / 2 : 1 5 0 7 - 5 7 . B a n k s , R o b e r t , Paul's Idea of Community: The Early House Churches in their Historical Setting (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1 9 8 0 ) . B a r r , J a m e s , ' A b b a Isn't " D a d d y " ', Journal of Theological Studies n.s. 3 9 ( 1 9 8 8 ) , 2 8 ^ 1 7 . B a r t o n , J o h n , ' P r o p h e c y (Postexilic H e b r e w ) ' i n F r e e d m a n , D. N. (ed.) Anchor Bible Dictionary. 6 vols. (Garden City: Doubleday, 1 9 9 2 ) , 5 : 4 8 9 - 9 5 . Bauckham, Richard J . , 'The Worship of Jesus in Apocalyptic Christianity', New Testament Studies 27 ( 1 9 8 1 ) , 3 2 2 - 4 1 (revised and e x p a n d e d version in R. J. B a u c k h a m , The Climax of the Covenant: Studies on the Book of Revelation, [Edinburgh: T . & T . C l a r k , 1 9 9 3 ] , 1 1 8 - 4 9 ) .

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