Archaic Greeks in the Orient: Textual and Archaeological Evidence

Archaic

Greeks

in

the

Orient:

Textual

and

Evidence* Archaeological WOLF-DIETRICH

NIEMEIER

Archaologisches Institut Universitat Heidelberg 69117 Heidelberg Germany It is a matter of controversial discussion whether, after the Philistines in Iron Age I, a second wave ofpeople from the Aegean-Greeks-arrived on the Levantine coast in the Iron Age IIB-C period. Greek presence at that time has been assumed for a series of settlements. A systematic investigation of these settlements in regard to criteria for foreign presence-as imported religion and cult, burial customs, settlement layout, architecture, and kitchen-does not provide convincing evidence for resident Greek civilians in the Levant before the second half of the seventh century B.C. when Greek merchants apparently lived in some of the harbor cities. More clearly, textual, iconographic, and archaeological evidence discussed in this paper indicates the presence of Greek mercenaries from the eighth century B.c. on. These mercenaries were not common men but members of the elite driven out of their homeland. On their return, they transferredforeign ideas and concepts and thus were mediators in the continuing Oriental influx to Greece.

studied in a seminal work the Aegean backgroundof the Philistines (Dothan 1982),2 she demonstrated THE PHILISTINES with the results of her excavations at Tel Miqnewas a great honor for me to be in Jerusalem Ekron that the Philistines settling in Iron Age I in in January 1999 as the first Annual Trude Do- Canaan were people from the Aegean who had arthan Lecturer of the Dorot Foundation. It ap- rived via Cyprus (Dothan 1995).3 pears well fitting to dedicate this paper, one of the Emigrants usually transfer to the new homeland two lectures held in Jerusalem, to Trude Dothan, their religion and cult, their burial customs, their since the connections between the littoral of the Le- eating and drinking manners, as well as technovant and the Aegean have always been one of her logical features as, for instance, loomweights (cf. main fields of interest, and it was she who Hagg and Marinatos 1984: 221). As to the burial demonstratedthat the Philistines who arrived in the customs of the Philistines, as yet we have no direct southern Levant soon after 1200 B.C.and carved out information since no early cemeteries have been exa major piece of territoryfor themselves in southern cavated in the Philistine cities of Ashkelon, Ashdod, Canaan at the expense of the Canaanites were the and Ekron (Singer 1994: 302). A Philistine identifirst "Greeks" settling in the Orient.1 After having fication of Cemeteries 500 and 900 at Tell-FarCah (S.), the chamber tombs of which are of Aegean * This article is the revised version of a lecture deliv- origin according to Waldbaum (1966),4 is doubtful THE FIRST GREEKS

IN THE ORIENT:

It

ered at the Albright Institute of Archaeological Research in Jerusalem in March 1999, when the author was the first Trude Dothan Lecturer in Ancient Near Eastern Studies. This series, which also includes lectures at AlQuds and Hebrew Universities, was sponsored by the Albright Institute and endowed by the Dorot Foundation. 1See the recent summary by Stager (1995: 342-48,

fig. 2).

2A revised, expanded,and updatedtranslationof a workpublishedin 1967 in Hebrew.On the historyof researchon the Philistinesand earlierattemptsto link the PhilistineswiththeMycenaeancivilizationof theAegean, see DothanandDothan1992:29-55. 3See also Stager1995:336-40; Niemeier1998:47-49. 4Cf. also Dothan1982:29-33, 260-68. 11

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WOLF-DIETRICHNIEMEIER

because the site is situated outside of Philistia proper and less than 10% of the pottery from the graves is Philistine (McClellan 1979; Brug 1985: 70-73; Singer 1994: 303). Moreover, some scholars see the chambertombs of Tell el-FarCah(S.) as belonging to a long local tradition (Loffreda 1968; Stiebing 1970; Vanschoonwinkel 1999: 87-89). However, there are certain indicators that people from the Aegean were present in Early Iron Age I in Canaan. These include terracottafigurines of ritual function and Mycenaean tradition (Dothan 1995: 48, 50, fig. 3:12),5 hearths that were not common before in Canaan but in the Mycenaean palaces and shrines (Dothan 1992: 96; 1995: 42-45; 1998: 15558), kitchen ware of Mycenaean types (Dothan 1995: 46-47, fig. 3.7:10, 15-17; 1998: 154, fig. 5: 15-17; Killebrew 1998: 397, figs. 7, 10:13-14, 12: 14-15), the introduction of pork and beef into the diet (Hesse 1986: 17-27; Dothan 1998: 154; Killebrew 1998: 397), and Mycenaean-type loomweights (Dothan 1995: 46-47).6 Vanschoonwinkel (1999), who argues that the Philistines were not of Aegean origin but Canaanite people, ignores importantevidence such as the Mycenaean-type kitchen ware and loomweights and changes in the diet in the first phase of Philistine settlement. Ventris's decipherment of the Mycenaean Linear B script used for administrative purposes in the Late Bronze Age Aegean demonstratedthat it had been used to write an early form of the Greek language (Ventris and Chadwick 1956; Chadwick 1958). Thus we may term the Philistines "Greeks,"7although non-Greekspeaking groups, such as "Minoans"from Crete, may have been among them.8 After becoming firmly established in their Pentapolis, the Philistines began first to compete with the Israelite tribes and later with the kingdoms of Saul, David, and Solomon for political and cultural hegemony over the region. From the middle of the 12th century B.c. on, their

BASOR 322

pottery and other items of their material culture show signs of acculturation. Around the mid-tenth century, Philistia deterioratedinto a minor political entity and rapidly lost its distinct cultural character, although the Philistines' sense of ethnic identity remained secure for several more centuries; in the Bible Philistia was defined through the Iron Age by geopolitical and cultural boundaries and was viewed by the Israelites as a separate region (Dothan 1982: 13-16, 160-91, 251; B. Mazar 1992: 34-41; Gitin 1998a). Although the royal dedicatory inscription from the seventh centuryB.C.Temple Complex 650 at Tel Miqne-Ekron is written in a language close to Phoenician,the name of the dedicatingking, Ahish, is non-West Semitic and PerhapsGreek in origin (Gitin, Dothan, and Naveh 1997; Gitin 1998a: 173-74). ARCHAIC

GREEK RESIDENTS

IN

THE ORIENT?

It is a matter of controversial discussion whether a second wave of Greeks arrived on the Levantine coast in the Iron Age IIB-C period. In the late 1930s, when Greek Geometric and Archaic pottery was found for the first time in the Levant in large quantities in the excavations conducted by Woolley at Al Mina on the mouth of the Orontes (Robertson 1940; Woolley 1953: 165-81), the place was regarded as an essentially Greek site which "has been proved by excavation to have been no less important a project than that of the earliest western colonies" (Boardman 1957: 24-25) and in which "there is nothing to differentiate the place from one of the many colonies in Italy or Sicily or on the Black Sea coast" (Dunbabin 1957: 25). This supposed Greek colony was believed to have formed the chief point of contact between Greece and the Near East.9 Later, when more Greek pottery was found at other Levantine sites, the presence of Greek residents was assumed for further Iron Age settlements, from north to south (fig. 1): Ras el-Bassit (Riis 1982: 252; 5See also Dothan1982:234-49; A. Mazar1988:259Courbin 1990: 508; Haider 1996: 63), Ras Ibn Hani 60, fig. 2; Stager1995:346. Fortheroleof terracottafigurines in Mycenaeancult, see Ginel 1998: 448-49 with (Riis 1982: 251-52), Tall Sukas (Riis 1970: 126-29, 158-59; 1979: 32; 1982: 246-51; Haider 1996: 64references. 6See also Stager 1991: 36-37, 43 n. 12; 1995: 346; 65), Tabbat al-Hammam (Riis 1982: 251; Haider 1996: 69), Tel Kabri (Niemeier 1994; 1995),10 and DothanandPorath1993:fig. 24:3-5, pl. 39. almostno scriptis preservedfromthe 7Unfortunately, timeof earlyPhilistinesettlementwiththepossibleexceptionof a stampsealfromAshdodwithrathercrypticsigns: 9See the summariesby Graham(1986: 51-53) and DothanandDothan1992: 153, pl. 10. Waldbaum(1997: 1-4, with references). 8Onthe prehelleniclanguage(s)of Cretethatprobably l?The finalpublicationof the Kabriexcavationsis in survivedinto the historicperiod,see Duhoux1998. press.

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13

the absence of other criteria, the occurrence of Greek decorated pottery, even in larger quantities, is a ratherpoor indicator of the presence of Greeks in the East (Papadopoulos 1997: 195-97, 205; Waldbaum 1997: 5-6) and therefore has been questioned, also recently in this periodical (Waldbaum 1997). Scholars have distinguished different types of colonies, such as those discussed by Branigan of the Minoans (Branigan 1981) and by Berard and Riis of the Greeks (Berard 1960: 13-15; Riis 1982: 23738). Branigan's "settlement colony" corresponds to the Greek term apoikia: a settlement founded in a foreign country and populated by people resettled there from their homeland. For Branigan's "governed colony," a settlement that has a foreign administration or government imposed upon it by force, no pre-Hellenistic Greek examples exist. Branigan's "community colony" corresponds to the Greek term enoikismos: settlements in which a more or less significant element of the population is comprised of immigrants from a foreign place. This element forms a distinctive social grouping within the settlement's society, sometimes but not always reflected in their spatial distribution. The characteristics of a settlement colony or apoikia will be a distinctively foreign material culture: architecture and artifacts Fig. 1. Levantine sites for which the presence of Greek being strongly reminiscent of the architecture and artifacts of the homeland (or imported from there), residentshas been assumed. and religious and burial practices of a characterforMezad Hashavyahu (Naveh 1962b: 97-99; 1977: eign to that of the new homeland (Branigan 1981: 863; 1993: 586; Cross 1962: 42; Strange 1966: 136- 26). The characteristics of community colonies or 39; Austin 1970: 53, n. 1; Riis 1982: 251: Weippert enoikismoi, by contrast, can vary according to the 1988: 620; Wenning 1989; 1991: 212-14; Redford strength of the cultural tradition of the "colonists" 1992: 444-45; Haider 1996: 75). For a long time, and of the indigenous inhabitants (Branigan 1981: scholars thought that the Orientals had no taste for 26-27; 1984: 49-51). Often, the house design and Greek pottery and where it occurs in the East, it is a construction is essentially native, but interior fursign of Greeks living there (R. M. Cook 1959: 122; nishings reflect the origins of the occupiers. Usually, Akurgal 1966; 161-62; Riis 1969: 436; 1970: 129; foreign communities maintain their native religion, 1982: 243-44, 251-52; Jeffery 1976: 63). Greek often including their own funerary traditions. Their pottery has been found, however, in native tombs at diet is-if possible-very similar to that in the Khalde near Beirut (Saidah 1971), at Tell Rachidieh homeland, and these preferences should be reflected near Tyre (Doumet and Kawkabani 1995), and at not only in the food debris but also in the culinary Hama (Coldstream 1977: 95; Braun 1982a: 7-9). A equipment. They conduct their business in their nabig Attic kraterof the late ninth century was offered tive language. Whereas the Philistine settlements in Canaan unas a votive in a local shrine at Hama (Riis 1970: 153-54; Braun 1982a: 9). Moreover, the finds of im- doubtedly were settlement colonies forming urban ported Greek pottery of the tenth to seventh centu- impositions over the charredruins of earlier Canaanries B.C. at Tyre (Nitsche 1987; Coldstream and ite places,11 today no scholar would identify a Greek Bikai 1988: 35-43; Haider 1996: 60-62) have demonstrated that "the metropolitan Phoenicians were llCf. the summaryby Stager(1995: 345-48) for Ashby no means averse to the use of imported Greek pottery" (Coldstream and Bikai 1988: 43). Thus in kelon,Ashdod,andEkron.

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WOLF-DIETRICHNIEMEIER

settlement colony or apoikia of the Iron IIB-C period in the Levant. Al Mina is now mostly seen as a Phoenician or Aramaic town in which a certain number of Greeks at some time formed a community colony or enoikismos. There is, however, disagreement whether Al Mina was founded in ca. 825-800 B.C.(du Plat Taylor 1959: 91; Boardman 1982a: 758; Braun 1982a: 9; Popham 1994: 26), ca. 770 B.C. (Boardman 1999: 145, 153), or ca. 750 B.C. (Woolley 1938: 16; Gjerstad 1974: 122; Kearsley 1989: 145; 1995: 67-69; 1999: 112-15; Haider 1996: 67), whether Greeks were present from the very beginning of the settlement (Boardman 1980: 40; 1982a: 758; 1990; 1999; Braun 1982a: 9; Haider 1996; 67; Kearsley 1999: 116-18, 127-31) or only in the later seventh century B.C.(Graham 1986: 57), and whether the Greek residents played a more (Boardman 1990) or less important role (Coldstream 1977: 93; Graham1986; Snodgrass 1994: 4). Moreover, recent research has tended to emphasize the Cypriot element at Al Mina at the expense of the Greek (Jones 1986: 694-96; Coldstream 1989: 94). In a recent very interesting hypothesis, Kearsley (1999: 116-31) interpretsthe foundation Level 10/9 of Al Mina as an encampmentof Greek mercenaries but cannot offer evidence other than the almost exclusively Greek character of the decorated pottery. Unfortunately,much of the plain pottery found in the Al Mina excavations was not kept (Boardman 1999: 144). From Level 8 on, Kearsley sees Al Mina as a port of trade in which different nations were active. Boardman (1999: 155) compares Al Mina, interpreted by him as a Greek port of trade, to Naukratisand to Pithekoussai on Ischia. Naukratis is, however, a very special and unique case (Sullivan 1996: 177, 189-91), and Pithekoussai from the very beginning was a much larger-scale phenomenon than an emporion (Greco 1994; d'Agostino 1994; 1999),12 having an agriculturalhinterland, being possibly not a less formal foundation than Cumae (Wilson 1997: 205), and being a polis "within the limits and peculiarities characterizing this concept in the eighth century B.C."(Greco 1994: 15).

12Asto the termemporion,see Wilson 1997 who has "thatthe emporionbecameincreasinglyfordemonstrated malised-a clearlydistinguishedentity,separatefromthe polis-in the courseof the Classicalperiod;thatpriorto this an emporionwas any settlementinvolved in commercial activity" (Wilson 1997: 205).

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Beside the high proportion of Greek decorated wares (Boardman 1999: 150-51), the evidence for actual Greek presence at Al Mina is rather meager. Of the criteria mentioned above in connection with the intrusive Philistines, no tombs of the pre-Persian periods have been excavated at Al Mina and no evidence for Greek ritual and cult was found. In Level 10/9, only scrappy walls giving no intelligible plans were found (Boardman 1999: 141). The settlement layout and the house architectureof Levels 8-6 are not of Greek but of local character(Riis 1970: 159; 1982: 245-46; Bonatz 1993: 129-30). No Greek kitchen ware is known. One of Woolley's arguments for the presence of resident Greek merchants at Al Mina was that the inscriptions he found were Greek (Woolley 1938: 15). There is, however, only one published Greek inscription earlier than the fifth century B.C., a graffito probably representingthe remains of a proper name on the wall fragment of a skyphos from the seventh-century Levels VI-VII, but dated by Boardman as earlier, to the Late Geometric period (Boardman 1982a; Graham 1986: 5556). It does not form unequivocal proof of the use of the Greek language at Al Mina in such an early period since it could have been inscribed before it reached the coast of Syria. There is a lengthier Greek owner inscription on a vase of the late fifth century B.C. (Beazley 1955: 205-6, no. 10, fig. 5; Riis 1982: 241), but most of the graffiti on other contemporaryGreek vases are Phoenician, and some Aramaic (Bron and Lemaire 1983). Of the other Levantine sites with the supposed presence of resident Greeks, Ras Ibn Hani and Tabbat al-Hammam have to be excluded since as yet they have failed to produce evidence for even one of the criteria discussed above. At Ras el-Bassit, among the intramural and extramural cremation tombs, only one grave dated aroundca. 600 B.C. contained Greek pottery; all the rest contained local, Phoenician, and Cypriot pottery (Courbin 1986: 190-93, 198, 201; 1990: 506-7; 1993: passim, Greek pottery: 30-32, 66-68; Waldbaum 1997: 11). From the settlement, no evidence for Greek religious ritual and cult is known. Only a few of the architectural remains have as yet been published. No Greek kitchen ware is mentioned in the preliminary reports. There are several Greek graffiti, of which three have been published. The earliest one is on the fragment of a Late Geometric skyphos, according to P. Courbin of local production (Courbin 1986: 194, fig. 20). The single preserved letter,

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ARCHAIC GREEKS IN THE ORIENT

however, is not necessarily a Greek (H)eta but can also be a Phoenician Het.13 Two graffiti transcribing Ionian personal names are to be dated to ca. 600 B.C. That on the base of an Ionian cup (Courbin 1978: fig. on p. 58) could have been incised before the cup reached Ras el-Bassit. Only that on the fragment of a Phoenician torpedo jar (Courbin 1986: 199, fig. 31; 1990: 508, pl. 48.1) was almost certainly inscribed at Ras el-Bassit. There are also Phoenician inscriptions from Ras el-Bassit (Courbin 1978: 58). At Tall Sukas, the Greek drinking sets found in the tombs of the cemetery at the Southern Harbor and the covering of some of the tombs with roof tiles have been interpreted as evidence of Greek burial customs (Riis 1979: 31-32; 1982: 249-50). The presence of Greek drinking vessels does not, however, represent an unequivocal indicator of Greek presence.14 None of the graves with roof tiles and grave goods is earlier than the sixth century B.C. Moreover, the roof tiles are not conclusively associated with the graves in question (Waldbaum 1997: 11). A small rectangularbuilding in the eastern sector constructed in the course of the seventh century B.C. has been identified as a Greek temple (Riis 1969: 446; 1970: 44-59; 1982: 240-41, 246-49; Haider 1996: 64). Since we know very little about contemporary small shrines in the larger cities of Phoenicia (Coldstream 1975: 156) and since the building was placed over a pre-Greek cult hearth and is associated with a Semitic-type High Place, it cannot safely be accepted as a Greek temple (Boardman 1972: 215). Two roof tile fragmentsinterpretedas evidence for the involvement of a Greek architect or a Hellenized local builder are not conclusively associated with the building of the first phase (Riis 1970: 52, 58). Only in the second phase, which started before ca. 570 B.C.(Riis 1970: 86) or after the middle of the sixth century B.C. (Boardman 1972: 216), is the Greek feature of the use of clay roof tiles certain (Riis 1970: 68-69; 1982: 240). However, the longitudinal and tripartite plan of the enlarged building of the second phase follows old and local traditions

13Cf.Coldstream1982:fig. 1; Naveh 1987:fig. 87. 14Luke(1992) has suggestedthatGreekdrinkingvessels were importedto satisfy local demandsrelatingto Near Easternfeasting and drinkingcustoms.Cf. Waldbaum 1997: 7-8, and for the Persianperiod, De Vries 1977;Wenning1991:207-8.

15

(Bonatz 1993: 131-34) and also more closely resembles the plans of Cypriote chapels with two or three inner rooms than those of Greek temples (Boardman 1972: 216).15 The house architectureis of local tradition (Lund 1986: 189-92; Bonatz 1993: 125-26). Apparently no Greek kitchen ware occurs. According to the statement of the excavator, all kitchen ware is Phoenician (Riis 1982: 258). A spindle whorl in local clay of a Greek type in use from the eighth to the sixth century B.C. bears the Greek owner's graffito of a woman named Pesaphore (Riis 1970: 158, fig. 53d; 1982: 240-41, fig. 3:1; Ploug 1973: 90, no. 424, pl. 19f-g). It was found in a level that cannot be dated earlier than the third century B.C. and was tentatively dated by the letter forms to ca. 600 B.C. (Riis 1965: 59-61). This date is, however, very approximate (Graham 1986: 57). Several vases of the first half of the sixth century B.C.carry Greek graffiti, including some in local fabric; others, however, have Semitic graffiti (Ploug 1973: 54, 84-85). At Tel Kabri, no tombs of the period in question were excavated. There is no evidence for Greek religious customs and cult patterns.The architecture of Tel Kabri does not show Greek features. The seventh-century casemate construction of the fortification wall in Area A is of Levantine tradition (Lehmannl994: 20*-22*, fig. 11).16 The fragments of six Greek cooking pots (chytrai) have been uncovered and-like the Greek cooking pots found earlier at Mezad Hashavyahu (see infra)-are interpreted as evidence of Greek presence (Niemeier 1990: xxxvI, fig. 22:4; 1994: *33, fig. 19:10).17 No writing was found. Evidence for Greek religious customs and cult patternis lacking. Tombs were not excavated either at Mezad Hashavyahu, and evidence for Greek religious customs and cult patterns is missing. At Mezad Hashavyahu-as at Kabrithe casemate construction is of Levantine tradition (Weippert 1988; 620; Wenning 1989: 175-76); tombs and evidence for Greek cults have not been found. Up to 18 fragments of Greek cooking pots

15Cf.Gjerstad1948: 19-22, figs. 2, 5. 16Cf. Herzog 1992: 269-70. An earlier casemate fortificationwall in TelKabri,AreaE, is datedto theninth centuryB.C.-see Pastor1990:xxIx-xxxI, fig. 13; 1991: 11*-15* fig. 12; Lehmann1994:*19. 17Theotherfragmentsareillustratedin the finalpublicationof the Kabriexcavations,in press.

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WOLF-DIETRICHNIEMEIER

have been found (Naveh 1962b: fig. 6:7-8, pl. 12F:1, 3; Reich 1989: fig. 4:1-2; Waldbaum and Magness 1997: 31-32, figs. 8-9), but no Greek graffiti. The inscriptions on several ostraca, on the shoulder of a jar, and on a four-shekel stone weight are written in Hebrew (Naveh 1960; 1962a). The fragments of Greek cooking pots have been interpreted as evidence for Greek presence on the site (Naveh 1962b: 97; Wenning 1989: 171-73; 1991: 212). Waldbaum (1997: 8 with n. 16) is skeptical and points to the finds of one or two Greek cooking vessels at Tel Batash (ancient Timnah) (Waldbaum and Magness 1997: 31)-where, according to her, no one has suggested the presence of actual Greeks-as well as at Ashkelon, and she thinks-in analogy to the imported cooking wares from Scandinavia, France, and Mexico in well-equipped contemporarykitchens in the United States-that "ancient pottery that developed a reputationfor having desirable properties or imparting a special flavor to food might equally have been in demand among the cognoscenti." There is, however, no evidence for a special reputation of the Greek kitchen in the Levant. Tel Batash/Timnah is situated a little way inland and up the Sorek Valley from Mezad Hashavyahu.Therefore, the one or two Batash cooking vessels could have been broughtby visitors from Mezad Hashavyahu.Moreover, there may have been some Greek presence at Tel Batash/Timnah,too (see infra). Through its history, Ashkelon was a major commercial seaport (Stager 1993; 1996b: 66-68). This may explain the occurrence of numerous fragments of Greek cooking pots. Possibly they were owned by Greek seafarers and merchants living seasonally or permanently at Ashkelon. Mezad Hashavyahu and Tel Kabri, Area E, differ from all the other Levantine sites with finds of Greek pottery as yet discussed. They represent not harbor sites but relatively small fortifications. Although the possibility that Mezad Hashavyahu was a Greek trading colony has been considered (Naveh 1962b: 98; Strange 1966: 138-39; Weinberg 1969: 94; Galling 1977: 137; Weippert 1988: 620), the fortress character of settlement and its situation next to the sea but without a harborand off from existing cities point against this hypothesis (Wenning 1989: 176). Instead, these characteristics support the interpretation of Mezad Hashavyahu as a military fortress (Naveh 1962b: 98-99; 1977: 863; 1993: 586; Cross 1962: 42; Strange 1966: 138-39; Austin 1970: 16

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with n. 1 on p. 53; Braun 1982a: 21-22; Haider 1988: 204-6; 1996: 75-76; Wenning 1989; 1991: 213-14; Bettalli 1995: 65). Recently, Waldbaumhas considered the possibility of a mercantile side to Mezad Hashavyahubeing responsible for the distribution of Greek pottery at Tel Batash and Tel MiqneEkron (Waldbaum 1994: 60). However, I think that the Greek pottery at Tel Miqne-Ekronmore probably came from the harborcity of Ashkelon. Like Mezad Hashavyahu, the fortress of Tel Kabri, Area E, is situated off from the next harbor city, Achzib (Prausnitz and Mazar 1993), even inland. Beside a few Greek sherds from the late seventh to the beginning of the sixth century B.C.from Stratum I at Tel Dan (Pakman 1992: fig. 5:12-14), there is no evidence at all that Greeks at Tel Kabri could have distributed Greek pottery farther inland. The northernpart of the Acco plain, the land Cabul of the Bible, during this period formed part of the kingdom of Tyre (Gal 1990). The Kabri fortress probably was a strongholdat the southeasternborder of the kingdom against the highlands of Galilee, as already argued in the preliminary reports (Kempinski and Niemeier 1993a: 184; 1993b: 259; Niemeier 1994: *34-*35) and accepted by P. W. Haider (1996: 71). GREEK MERCENARIES TEXTUAL

IN THE ORIENT:

EVIDENCE

There are several records about Greek warriors and mercenaries of the Archaic period active in the Levant. In the Assyrian sources of the eighth century B.C. and the beginning of the seventh century B.C., when the Assyrian kings were extending their power westward to the MediterraneanSea, to Palestine, Phoenicia, North Syria, and Cilicia, we find mention (Braun 1982a: 14-21; Kearsley 1999: 11922), among the opponents of the Assyrians in these campaigns, of men from the Mediterraneannamed "Ionians"-a term generally used for Greeks (Braun 1982a: 1). There is no exact information about their role, but among them may have been mercenaries employed by the states against which the Assyrian expansion was directed. In Assyrian documents of Sargon II, a man named "Yamani,"probably a soldier in the guard of King Azuri of Ashdod, is mentioned in connection with conflicts between the Assyrians and Ashdod in 711 B.C. (Luckenbill 1927: ??30, 62-63, 79-80; Oppenheim 1969: 285-86).

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The name Yamani has been thought to mean "Ionian," and Yamani has been interpretedas a possible Greek condottiere or mercenary (Olmstead 1923: 218; Bengtson 1937: 150-51); some scholars have thought that he came from Cyprus, because he is alternatively named "Yadna" = the Cypriot (Olmstead 1923: 218; Smith 1929: 58; Hall 1929: 277; Mazzarino 1947: 121-23; J. M. Cook 1962: 64-65). Yamani is, however, possibly a regular Assyrian gentilic meaning "the Ionian," since similar names occur among the contemporaryAssyrians from Nineveh, and they certainly were not Greeks (Tadmor 1958: 80 n. 217; 1978: 175; Rollig 1971: 644; Spalinger 1973: 97; Elayi and Cavigneaux 1979: 5963).18 Thus the Yamani of Ashdod was not necessarily a Greek, and the use of the name "Yamani" proves no more than that Greeks were at that time familiar in the Levant (Braun 1982a: 16-17). The best-known Greek mercenaries of the Archaic period in the eastern Mediterraneanare those active in Egypt. Herodotus (II.152-54) and Diodorus (1.66.12-67.2) report that Psammetichus I (664-610 B.c.), the first pharaoh of the 26th (Saite) Dynasty, employed Carian and Ionian warriors,who had come ratheraccidentally during raids to the Nile Delta, to help him fight against his rivals; reportedly he later settled them in Stratopeda (camps) in the eastern Delta on the Pelusiac branch of the Nile (R. M. Cook 1937: 231-32; Kienitz 1953: 57; Gyles 1959: 20-21; Thissen 1977: 898-99; Boardman 1980: 114-15; Braun 1982b: 35-37, 43-44; Kammerzell 1993: 110-11; Bettalli 1995: 54-61; Haider 1996: 92-93, 95-102, Sullivan 1996: 185-87). Herodotus does not mention, however, that Psammetichus I first came to power as an Assyrian vassal king (Spalinger 1976: 138). After Psammetichus'sfather, Necho I, the Assyrian vassal king of Sais (Kitchen 1973: 400, ?360; Spalinger 1974: 323; Haider 1988: 158), had been beaten and probably killed in battle by king Tantamani of Kush (Spalinger 1974: 323; 1976: 133; Haider 1988: 158; Sullivan 1996: 182), Psammetichus escaped to his overlord Ashurbanipal and returnedwithin the same year with a victorious Assyrian army and, after the defeat of Tantamani, was invested with the territories of Sais, Memphis, and Athribis (Kitchen 1973: 393 n. 883; Haider 1988: 159-60, Sullivan 1996: 182). No Carian or Greek mercenaries are mentioned in the Assyrian 18Contra,see Haider1996:81-82 withn. 128.

17

sources about the reconquest of Egypt. However, in a much later source, Polyainos's Strategica (VII.3) of the middle of the second century A.D., it is told that when Psammetichus overcame Tementhes (= Tantamani)19 in a battle at Memphis, the Carian Pigres was his advisor and he had many Carianmercenaries (Kammerzell 1993: 114-15). Although the value of this text as a historical source was for a long time controversial, recent investigations concede a high degree of historical reliability to it (Haider 1988: 178-82). Pigres is indeed a personal name existing only in Caria and Lycia (Sundwall 1913: 179-80, 288; Aly 1950), and a grave stele from Memphis in Brussels is, with some probability,that of the Pigres mentioned by Polyainos (Masson and Yoyotte 1956: pl. 9; Ray 1982: 190; Kammerzell 1993: 145-48, 165, 174, 179). Since the Carians were the mercenaries par excellence in the Mediterranean,and since the lyric poet Archilochos of Paros (Fragment40D) already by about the middle of the seventh century B.C. used "mercenary"and "Carian" as synonyms (Haider 1988: 174; Kammerzell 1993: 109), it appears possible that Greeks were also among the Carian mercenaries mentioned by Polyainos (Haider 1996: 93). If the battle mentioned by Polyainos happened in 664 B.C.(Kees 1919; 1931: 663, 682; Helck 1975; Spalinger 1976: 137-38; Haider 1988: 18182), these Carians served in the Assyrian army, and it was only throughthe conjectures of the Greek historiography that Psammetichus replaced the Assyrians as the main opponent of Tantamani(Freedy and Redford 1970: 476-77 with n. 69). The Assyrian sources also indicate the presence of Carian and Ionian mercenaries in Egypt. The annals of Ashurbanipalreportthat King Gyges of Lydia sent troops to Egypt to support Psammetichus (Spalinger 1976: 134-36; Haider 1988: 164-74; Kammerzell 1993: 111-14; Sullivan 1996: 184). The Lydian expansion had brought almost all of western Anatolia-with the exception of some Ionian harbor cities but including Caria-under the rule of Gyges and his successors (Roebuck 1959: 50-53; Huxley 1966: 52-53; Jeffery 1976: 211; Boardman 1980: 95-97; Haider 1988: 174). There is evidence that at that time Lydia had large contingents of Ionian and Carian mercenaries (Haider 1988: 174; Kammerzell 1993: 111-12; Bettalli 1995: 75-82). The introduction of coinage in Lydia in the last quarterof the 19SeeHelck 1975.

18

WOLF-DIETRICHNIEMEIER

seventh century B.C. (Roebuck 1959: 295-96; Boardman 1980: 101-2) has been explained by the necessity to pay out regular sums to large bodies of people, the mercenaries, in standard amounts. The quick spreading of coinage in the Greek world indicates that among this group of people were also Greeks (Murray 1980: 223-26). There is some debate about when Gyges sent troops to Egypt, between Psammetichus'sattainingthe autocracyin 656 B.C. and Gyges's death, the date of which has been recently corrected from 652 to between 645 and 643/2 B.C. (Spalinger 1978; Haider 1988: 166-69) or in the first years of Psammetichus's reign, between 664 and 657 B.C. (Spalinger 1976: 143; Haider 1988: 170-71; Kammerzell 1993: 112-14). Gyges's troops may well be identical with the Carians and Ionians of Herodotus'sreport(Bettalli 1995: 58). Greek mercenaries continued to serve during the entire 26th Dynasty in the Egyptian army (Boardman 1980: 115-17; Braun 1982b: 49-52; Bettalli 1995: 61-63; Haider 1996: 102-13). The foreign mercenaries, beside the Ionians and Carians, Syrians, and other Asiatics, enjoyed a certain degree of autonomy and sometimes caused problems for their Egyptian officers. On a statue dedicated to the cataract gods, a commander of mercenary troops at Elephantine on the southern frontier reports about a rebellion and says, "as thou didst deliver me from the difficult situation caused by the troops of Asiatics, Greeks, Syrians and others ... " (Schafer 1904: 155-58; Redford 1992: 443-44). Greek mercenaries also served in the Near East. The possible presence of Greek mercenaries in the Assyrian army has been mentioned above. For the presence of Greek mercenaries in the Babylonian army, evidence is found in the poem of Alcaeus of Mytilene in which he welcomes back his brother Antimenidas, who had fought for the Babylonians.20 "You have come from the ends of the earth dear Antimenidas, with the gold-bound ivory heft of the sword with which fighting for the Babylonians who dwell in houses of bricks four hands long, you performed a mighty deed and saved them all from grievous troubles by slaying a warrior who wanted but one palm's breadth of five royal cubits of stature." The juxtaposition of the names of Ashkelon and Babylon in another fragment (Edmonds 1958: 404, Fragment 134) has suggested the conjecture that Antimenidas took part in the capture of Ash20Translation:Edmonds 1958: 403-4, Fragment 133.

BASOR 322

kelon by the Babylonians in 604 B.C. (Quinn 1961; Boardman 1980: 52; Braun 1982a: 22; Bettalli 1995: 49-50; Haider 1996: 93-94; Stager 1996a: 61*). Other scholars have thought that Antimenidas participated in one of the campaigns against the kingdom of Judahbetween 601 and 586 B.C.(Page 1955: 223-24; Momigliano 1980: 91). Greek mercenaries were also employed by the kingdom of Judah. In the Judaean border fortress Arad in the northernNegev, numerous ostraca with Hebrew inscriptions of the time just before the destruction of the fortress by the Babylonians around 600 B.C.were found in the archive of the commander Eliashib (M. Aharoni 1993: 82-84). Many personal names with the theophoric element-yahu demonstrate that the garrison consisted predominantly of Judaeans, but ten ostraca mention KTYM (Kittim), interpretedto indicate mercenaries (Albright 1969: 568-69; Y. Aharoni 1981: 12-13 and passim). Since the Jews associated Kittim (originally Kition in Cyprus) with Yawan = Ionia/Greece (Braun 1982a: 3), the Kittim mercenaries of the Arad ostraca probably were Greeks (Braun 1982a: 22; Weippert 1988: 617; Wenning 1991: 214-15). Another ostracon of this group mentions a different ethnic title, probably connected with Cyprus or Eastern Greece: QRSY (Kerosite) (Y. Aharoni 1981: 35-37, Inscription 18; Garfinkel 1988: 29-30, 32-34). Mercenaries from different countries were employed by Tyre, as the detailed description of the forces and trade of Tyre in Ezekiel 27 indicates. This description follows a Phoenician model (Maisler 1952: 83-84; Ruger 1961; Smend 1989: 164-66, 240) and refers to the situation before the beginning of the siege of Tyre by the Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar II, dated between 603 (Wiseman 1985: 28) and 585 B.C. (Katzenstein 1973: 328, 330). Among them were men from Prs, Lwd, and Pwt (Ezek 27.11). Lwd has been almost unanimously identified with Lydia (Simons 1959: 56-57, ??15051; Zimmerli 1967: 375; Zadok 1985: 213; Hamilton 1990: 344-45; Diakonoff 1992: 174; Haider 1996: 71),21 and Pwt with Libya (Simons 1959: 56, ?149, 75-76, ?198; Zimmerli 1967: 373; Zadok 1985: 252; Westermann 1986: 114; Hamilton 1990: 336; Haider 1996: 71). The role of Greek mercenaries in Lydia has already been mentioned. As to Libya, Haider (1996: 71) thinks that the term Pwt may indicate here the ethnic group which at that time 21Doubting only Westermann 1986: 118.

2001

19

ARCHAIC GREEKS IN THE ORIENT

Fig. 2. ArchaicGreekbronzegreave foundat Carchemish(Woolley1921: pi. 25a; courtesy of the BritishMuseum,London).

was economically and politically the most important one in Libya: the Greeks in Cyrenaica, designated in the Neo-Babylonian sources as Putu-Iaman= "Libya of the Ionians" or "Ionian Libya" (Edel 1978: 1516). Diakonoff (1992: 177-81) suggests a different interpretationof Pwt, reading it as Pot and regarding this as a Phoenician renderingof the Greek Pontos = sea, indicating that the mercenaries from Pot were island Greeks. The term Prs has always been enigmatic. The connection with Persia suggested by J. Simons (1959: 72-73, ?193) is problematic for linguistic (Haider 1996: 71-72) and historical reasons (Diakonoff 1992: 174 with n. 29). Therefore Diakonoff thinks that Prs is wrong and should be read Trs = Asian Thrace. Haider accepts the reading Prs but connects it with Para, the name of one of the leading tribes of Caria. Although Ezekiel (27.13, 19) knows Ionians only as trading partners importing slaves and bronze vessels to Tyre, Carian and Greek mercenaries most probably were in the pay of Tyre.

GREEK MERCENARIES

IN THE ORIENT:

ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPRESENTATIONAL

AND EVIDENCE

As to the archaeological evidence for the presence of Greek mercenaries in the Near East, there are only two Archaic Greek weapons known, both found at Carchemish: a bronze greave (fig. 2) of E. Kunze's "hocharchaische Stufe" (ca. 630/620560/550 B.C.) (Kunze 1991: 24-40, 99 p.) and a bronze shield of the second half of the seventh century B.C., decorated with concentric animal friezes and a Gorgon head in the center (fig. 3).22 Together with the greave, arrowheadsand the bones of horses and men were found in the West Gate of the Inner Town. It is tempting to connect these finds with the 22See also Kunze 1956: 48-50; Boardman1980: 51, fig. 20.

20

WOLF-DIETRICHNIEMEIER

?? : -?i.......?-*" ..., -; : Z?*k

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BASOR 322

*,rcv L I/:"?' ?, p

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Fig. 3. ArchaicGreekbronzeshield foundat Carchemish(Woolley1921: pi. 24; courtesyof the BritishMuseum,London).

conquest of Carchemish by Nebuchadnezzar II of Babylon in 605 B.C., but they may also come from an earlier siege (Woolley 1921: 79). The shield was found in the unusual well-built House D of the Outer Town, probably the seat of a dignitary of the city with close contacts to Egypt, as indicated by the finds of Egyptian objects of art, clay seal impressions with the cartouche of Necho II, and a bronze ring with its bezel in the form of the cartouche of Psammetichus I (Woolley 1921: 121-29, figs. 43-46, pls. 21b-c, 22a; Bettalli 1995: 65). The burnt House D suffered a warlike destruction, evidenced by the finds of hundreds of arrowheads, numerous javelin heads, a sword, and the shield (Woolley 1921: 125, pls. 22b, 32a). The seal impressions of Necho provide evidence that House D was destroyed in 605 B.C. Boardman (1980: 51, 115) has supposed that the shield was owned by a Greek mercenary in the pay of Necho, and Braun (1982b: 49) believes that the two Greek weapons

make it certain that Greek mercenaries fought in the battle of Carchemish in 605 B.C., in which Necho was defeated by NebuchadnezzarII of Babylon and abandonedthe Egyptian intervention in Syria. As to artistic representationsof Greek mercenaries in the Near East, Kunze (1930: 156-57 n. 4; 1958: 118-25) claimed the conical crested helmets as original Greek types. If this were true, the warriors wearing conical crested helmets representedon a bas-relief at Karatepe in Cilicia (ca. 730 B.C.) (Bossert et al. 1950: pl. 16.83; Borchhardt 1972: pl. 27.2)23 and on a wall painting of the eighth century B.C.at Til Barsip (Thureau-Danginand Dunand 1936: 50, pl. 49 bottom row, right) could be identified as Greek mercenaries. However, it appears more likely that the helmets are of Anatolian and/or Assyrian origin (Stier 1950: 214-18; Snodgrass 23Forthe date,see Bossertet al. 1950:62; Borchhardt 1972: 102-3.

2001

ARCHAIC GREEKS IN THE ORIENT

21

Fig. 4. Cypro-Phoeniciansilver bowl from Amathus (Barnett1977: fig. 3; courtesy of the BritishMuseum,London).

1964: 11-14; Borchhardt 1972: 101-2; Bettalli 1995: 44-45). On the relief of a bronze belt of the late eighth century B.C. from Fortetsa near Knossos in Crete (Boardman 1980: 73, fig. 61), probably the work of an immigrantoriental workshop (Boardman 1980: 57), chariot warriors are attacked by archers. The chariot warriorsare wearing helmets of oriental type. The helmets of the archershave been identified by A. M. Snodgrass (1964: 12-13) as early Corinthian ones. On a splendid Cypro-Phoenician silver bowl of the late eighth century to the first quarterof the seventh century B.C. from Amathus (fig. 4), a citadel under strong enemy attack is represented.24The attackersare horsemen and archers with dresses and helmets of Assyrian type, and-next to the righthand tower-there are four hoplites wearing kilts, "Ionic" helmets, round shields, delicately incised with their blazons, and each wielding a spear above his head. These are undoubtedly East Greek hoplites (Myres 1933: 35-36; Barnett 1977: 166). "That there are similarly armed men among the defenders

is in accord with their mercenary habit" (Myres 1933: 36). Whether the scene representedis a mythological (Barett 1977: 168-69) or a real one (Myres 1933: 37; Markoe 1985: 51-52), there is no doubt that the Amathus bowl reflects warlike events in the Near East around 700 B.C. in which Greek hoplites were involved. POSTS OF GREEK MERCENARIES IN THE ORIENT

Is there archaeological evidence for the presence of Greek mercenaries at those sites where they were based according to the records? This question is difficult to answer. The identification of Herodotus's Stratopeda has long been debated by scholars who repeatedly collated two passages of Herodotus, that on the Stratopeda(2.154) and that on Pelusiac Daphnae (2.30), where-as he reportswithout specifically mentioning Greek mercenaries-guards were stationed by Psammetichus I against the Arabs and the Syrians (Bettalli 1995: 63-64). Almost all scholars have identified Daphnae with the site of Tell De24Onthis bowl, see Myres1933withpls. 1-3; Barnett 1977:164-69, pls. 48:2,fig. 3; Boardman1980:50, fig. 19; feneh, excavated by Petrie (1888: 47-96). The equaMarkoe1985:51-52, 172-74 Cy4, pls. on pp. 248-49. tion of Tell Defeneh/Daphnae with the Stratopeda

22

WOLF-DIETRICHNIEMEIER

(Petrie 1888: 48) and similar proposals, i.e., Stratopeda as a suburb of, or an appendage to, Daphnae have, however, been rejected by a series of scholars (R. M. Cook 1937; How and Wells 1964: 175; Austin 1970: 20 with n. 1 on p. 53; Boardman 1980: 133; Oren 1984: 38). The military character of the fortress of Tell Defeneh is clear. The presence of weapons is reported, among them a considerable number of arrowheads (Petrie 1888: pl. 39). Only some Greek pottery fragments of the seventh century B.C. have been found at Tell Defeneh; most of the Greek pottery is of the sixth century B.C. (R. M. Cook 1954: 5-13, 32-38, 40-44; Boardman 1980: 13334), i.e., later than the reign of Psammetichus I. Beside painted East Greek and Attic pottery, there are Samian, Lesbian, and Athenian trade amphorae (Boehlau 1898: 144; Grace 1971: 68-69; Boardman 1980: 134). A local Greek pottery workshop of the sixth century B.C.at, or near, Tell Defeneh produced decorated East Greek situlae (R. M. Cook 1954: 32; Boardman 1956: 62). No Greek kitchen ware is known from Tell Defeneh. In Sinai, on the edge of the Delta Plain, the Israeli North Sinai Expedition has investigated an extensive fortress of 200 by 200 m similar in type to that at Tell Defeneh/Daphnae, erected in the late seventh century B.C. and identified with Migdol, which is mentioned in Jer 44.1, 46.4, and Ezek 29.10, 30.6, together with Tahpanhes and Noph as garrisons with Jewish soldiers who served in Egyptian border fortresses (Oren 1984: 30-35; 1993: 1392-93). As the excavator, E. Oren, argues, the Semitic name Migdol, meaning "tower," "fort," or "camp," is likely to be interchangeable with the Greek Stratopeda, and Migdol and Stratopeda may be one and the same place (Oren 1984: 38). The pottery from Migdol falls into three distinctive categories: local Egyptian pottery of the Saite period, Phoenician and Palestinian late Iron Age vessels, and Archaic East Greek ceramics (Oren 1984: 1328). As to the Greek pottery, there were large quantities of imported complete and fragmentary Greek trade amphoraeof the late seventh to the second half of the sixth century B.C. of Chian, Samian, Lesbian, and Corinthiantypes, as well as some Athenian amphorae (Oren 1984: 24-27, figs. 22:1-6, 23:5-6, 24:1, 32-41, 52-53), some imported East Greek cups (Oren 1984: 20, figs. 23:1, 4; 51), and imitations of East Greek pottery locally produced in Nile clay including cups (Oren 1984: 27, figs. 23:2, 42), amphoraeof Lesbian and Samian types, as well as a

BASOR 322

cooking pot (Oren 1984: 27). Some 500 m east of the fortress, a cemetery with cremation burials in "Egyptianjars topped with lids and accompanied by Greek amphoras as burial gifts" was found (Oren 1984: 30, figs. 52-53; 1993: figs. on p. 1392). This new burial custom was possibly introduced to the eastern Delta by Greeks serving in the fortress (Oren 1984: 30). The fortress of Migdol apparently accommodated Greek, Phoenician, and Jewish mercenaries (Oren 1984: 35-38). We do not know where the Greek mercenaries in the pay of Babylonia, among them Alcaeus's brother Antimenidas, were based. At Arad no Greek finds were made, but the Kittim mercenaries may have been in transit (Braun 1982a: 22). As to Mezad Hashavyahu and Tel Kabri, the ancient names of which we do not know with certainty, there are no written records about the presence of Greek mercenaries. Both are, however, well comparable to Migdol: They are fortified strongholds (although much smaller than Migdol); and while the local ceramics at Tel Kabri and probably also at Mezad Hashavyahu form the great majority of the pottery ensemble,25 we have at both sites imports of decorated East Greek pottery,26East Greek transport amphorae,27and Greek cooking pots (see above); at Mezad Hashavyahu, moreover, there are Greek lamps (Naveh 1962b: fig. 8:1-4). Cooking pots and lamps alien to the area in which they were found certainly were not merchandise. Therefore, the Greek cooking pots at both sites and lamps at Mezad Hashavyahu provide evidence for the actual presence of Greeks. As to the fortified settlement of Tel Batash/Timnah Stratum II in which, as mentioned above, the fragments of one or two Greek cooking pots were also found, Greek mercenaries may have been stationed, as suggested by Haider (1996: 7525Lehmann1994:*23-*26, andin the finalpublication of the Kabriexcavations,whichis in press.Unfortunately, at MezadHashavyahuthe proportionbetweenthe Greek and the abundantlocal pottery(Naveh 1962b: 100-105, figs. 4-6) is unknown. 26MezadHashavyahu:Naveh 1962b:figs. 7-10, pls. 10-11. Tel Kabri:Niemeier1990:xxxIv-xxxv, fig. 22:12; 1994:*31-*33, fig. 19:2-7. Formorepotteryandsome corrections,see the finalpublicationof the Kabriexcavations, in press. 27MezadHashavyahu:Naveh 1962b: fig. 6:1-5. Tel Kabri:Niemeier 1990: xxxv, fig. 22:3; Niemeier 1994: *33, fig. 19:9. More examplesare publishedin the final publicationof the Kabriexcavations,in press.

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ARCHAIC GREEKS IN THE ORIENT

76). Except in Egypt (Bettalli 1995: 26; Haider 1996: 111-12), the Greek mercenaries did not form large units of common men but were single members of the elite (Bettalli 1995: 26, 108-9; Kyrieleis 1996: 109). They certainly formed only relatively small groups within the Near Eastern armies (Bettalli 1995: 104), as the Amathus bowl (fig. 4) also illustrates. Moreover, in garrisons with Greek soldiers, we should not expect to find Greek domestic pottery in greater quantities. Warriorsmust be mobile and will not bring too many personal belongings with them. When a Greek cooking pot got broken, it probably was replaced by a local one. As to Mezad Hashavyahu, the excavator, Naveh, originally thought that the Greeks who settled the fortress were mercenaries of Psammetichus I, that it was conquered by Josiah of Judah a few years before 609 B.C., and that it was abandoned when the Egyptian army of Necho II advanced along the coast in 609 B.c. (Naveh 1962b: 99).28 This complicated scenario has been criticized by scholars who, because of the coexistence of Ionian and Judaean finds and the absence of Egyptian finds and of destruction levels, have suggested that Mezad Hashavyahu was from the very beginning a Judahite fortress with Ionian mercenaries in Josiah's pay (Cross 1962: 42; Strange 1966: 136-39; Austin 1970: 16 with n. 1 on p. 53). There is indeed no evidence for two different phases of occupation: Only in one room (4) was an architectural change distinguished (Naveh 1962b: 93), and this can have other reasons than a change in occupation (Wenning 1989: 178). The Greek pottery was found in dumps as well as in contexts of both occupation phases assumed by Naveh (Wenning 1989: 178-79). Later, Naveh corrected himself and now sees only one phase of occupation (Naveh 1977: 863). According to his most recent statement, six test pits dug within the fortress area "showed the same picture: a floor, and below it, either the natural kurkar bedrock or the sand fill used in leveling the area. No structural changes were distinguished in the fortress. All the evidence found indicates that it was only in existence for a short period" (Naveh 1993: 586). Boardman (1964: 75; 1980: 51), Lloyd (1975: 21), and Bettalli (1995: 65) have suggested that the Greeks of Mezad Hashavyahu were Necho's mercenaries who were dislodged by the Babylonians in 605/

23

604 B.C. The Hebrew ostraca demonstrate,however, that Mezad Hashavyahuwas under Judahitecontrol. According to Wenning's (1989: 182-92; 1991: 21314) convincing suggestion, Mezad Hashavyahu was erected by King Jehoiakim during the brief period of Judahite autonomy from Babylonian rule in 600598 B.C. and was abandoned when Nebuchadnezzar II attacked Judaea in 598 B.C. As a second, less probable possibility, Wenning (1989: 192-93) sees that Mezad Hashavyahubelongs in the time of Zedekiah, 597-588 B.C. In that case, however, Mezad Hashavyahu would have been a Babylonian stronghold, and Zedekiah would have been put in charge of the supply of the fortress. Wenning's main argument for his date of ca. 600 B.C. or a little later is the occurrence of a North Ionian Late Wild Goat Style fragment (Wenning 1989: 185-86, figs. 6-7 = Naveh 1962b: fig. 10:1, pl. 10A). In the exports of Ionian pottery, the North Ionian Late Wild Goat Style started to replace the South Ionian Middle Wild Goat II Style by ca. 600-590 B.C. (Schaus 1986: 291; Cook and Dupont 1998: 56). The Ionian mercenaries at Tel Kabri most probably were in the pay of Tyre (see above) which benefited from the dissolution of the mighty Assyrian empire during Ashurbanipal'slast years of reign (he died in 627 B.C.) and was able to retain its former territories on the mainland (Katzenstein 1973: 294-97). Like the end of Mezad Hashavyahu and the destruction of Tel Batash/Timnah Stratum II (Mazar and Kelm 1993: 155-57), that of the Phoenician stronghold of Tel Kabri, Area E, is probably connected with Nebuchadnezzar II. The Greek pottery from Tel Kabri shows a close relationship to that from the destruction levels at the end of the Iron Age II phase at Ashkelon and Tel Miqne-Ekron (Waldbaum and Magness 1997: 27-33) which has been convincingly attributed by the excavators to the Babylonian invasions led by NebuchadnezzarII. According to the Babylonian Chronicle in the British Museum, the conquest of Ashkelon is firmly dated to the month of Kislev in the first year of the reign of Nebuchadnezzar II, i.e., to November/ December 604 B.c. (Wiseman 1956: 28, 68-69; Stager 1996a: 72* with n. 1; 1996b: 58, 77 with n. 3; Waldbaum and Magness 1997: 37). The dates proposed for the fall of Tel Miqne-Ekron are in the same year (Waldbaum and Magness 1997: 37-38), one year later in 603 B.C. (Malamat 1979: 208; Gitin 28Naveh'soriginalscenariois still followedby Haider 1997: 98-99), in 601/600 or even after 595 B.C. when the chronicle ends (Na'aman 1992: 41-44). (1988:204-6; 1996:75-76).

24

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As Gitin (1998b: 276 n. 2) has recently argued, it is improbable that the Babylonian destruction of Ekron happened after 595 B.C., since according to the text of Jeremiah 27 describing a meeting in Jerusalem in 594 B.C. at which a rebellion against Babylonia is planned without the presence of representatives from Philistia, at that time the Philistines may no longer have posed a threat to Babylonia. I agree with Gitin that the most convincing date is 604 B.C. when the Babylonians destroyed Ashkelon and Philistia apparently came totally under their control. The Phoenician fortification of Tel Kabri, Area E, probably was destroyed when the Babylonians conquered the Phoenician mainland before Nebuchadnezzar'slong siege of Tyre which started in 603 or 585 B.C. (see above). Since there was a series of Babylonian campaigns along the Phoenician coast at the end of the seventh and in the first two decades of the sixth century B.C. (Wiseman 1985: 21-41),29 other destruction dates are also possible.

the second half of the seventh century B.C. At that time Greek merchants (and their families-see the Pesaphore loomweight from Tall Sukas) may have lived in some of the harbor cities such as Al Mina, Ras el-Bassit, Tall Sukas, and Ashkelon. More clearly, textual and archaeological evidence points to the presence of another group of Greeks: mercenaries who first arrived in the eighth century B.C., were in the pay of the differentpowers present in the seventh century Levant (Assyria, Babylonia, Egypt, Judah, and Tyre), and made a profitable living amid the rise and fall of empires. Not infrequently they may have fought against each other as members of different armies as illustrated on the Amathus bowl (fig. 4). They were members of the elite who had been driven out of their native country by war, exile following staseis (conflicts between aristocratic families), or economic problems, typical phenomena of the crises of the early Greek polis (Seibert 1979: 7-26; Stein-Holkeskamp 1989: 81-84),30 or had pursued a search for an alternative way of aristocratic life centered on Homeric values like courage, CONCLUSION honor, and glory (Bettalli 1995: 26, 108-9). On The evidence for Greek presence in the Iron their return they transferredforeign ideas and conAge IIB-C period in the Levant is not overwhelm- cepts to their homeland (Burkert 1992: 25; Kyrieleis ing. There is no site comparable to Naukratiswhich, 1996: 109-10) and thus became, along with other from at least 620 B.C. onward, became a Greek trad- mobile elements such as itinerant Oriental mering city with temples dedicated to different Greek chants, craftsmen, seers, and healers, mediators in gods (Boardman 1980: 118-33; Braun 1982b: 37- the continuing Oriental influx to Greece (Burkert 43, Sullivan 1996: 189-90). Convincing signs of 1992: passim). some Greek presence in the Levant do not antedate ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to thank the Dorot Foundationand S. the W. E AlbrightInstituteof ArchaeologicalResearch, Gitin for the honorableinvitationto be the firstAnnual andthe Al-QudsUniversityfor theirhospitality. TrudeDothanlecturer,as well as the HebrewUniversity, 30Forthe case of Antimenidasmentionedabove, see Seibert1979:20-22; Stein-Holkeskamp 1989:82-83.

29Cf.the mapStager1996b:fig. on p. 58.

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