Anthropology of the City: An Introduction to Urban Anthropology (Prentice-Hall series in anthropology)

/; cLz: Joel M. HalFlern DeFt. ot A i."ih.::irolc$y Univ. (,i i!';,r$:i. Amherst, [,]esr. OIOO2 ANIHROPOLOGY OF THECI...

Author: Edwin Eames | Judith Granich Goode

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/; cLz: Joel M. HalFlern DeFt. ot A i."ih.::irolc$y Univ. (,i i!';,r$:i.

Amherst, [,]esr. OIOO2

ANIHROPOLOGY OF THECITY An Introduction to UrbanAnthropology

EDWIN EAMES Ban& Conzge-4uNf IT'DIIII

GNANICH GOODE

PRENTICE,HALL, INC,, ENGLEIVOOD CLIFFS. NEW JERSEY 07632

Librory ol C^eres

CotatoEine in p&liuti@

Data

,{ntholology

of tlc city. (PJe,ti@ Hdllseds m anfuopolosy )

In
Prentice-Hal Series in AnthroDoloe] Dnrid ll. Srhrridet, Etlitol

Contents

AcrNowIlDcME as @ 1977by Prentic€-Ha , rnc., Engl€wood Clifs, New Jersey OZ6J2 All riahtsrcsere.t. No wd ol thrj bookMs bc rcprcdwed

tn nnv tord or bg ong mea$ u ithout pprtuie\ioni^utiting

lrm !hp rtublkhq.

PriDted in the United Statas of America

r 09 8 7 A5492 P!dw.E-H^LL

:llr)llE::{L nENrc! H^J,L

IN"THN^n or {,

G

luslFArs

lNc, Loldon

pn. L,M,rED. sedpy

oF C$M^Lm., Toronto rFrNri E.HALL or Imr^ purt^rF LMrrEq Npio rptri rEENrcE rt{!l oF Jap^\ INc., Ior<,./o fRf,.w' E.H{ L r rsr Avr pre. Lm.. S",sapoe \vF rEH{LL BooRs Lnrr -Sonrm ED,tr .llinqt@. Np!. 7rnl4;r

PART ON& WHAT IS UNBAN ANTHROPOLOCY? 1 a

TrlE DwET4FMENT oF ANrHnopolocr Tlrc Conceptuol Ba.ris 3 The Sociopolitidtl Basis 6 The StudlJ of Co,nplex Societv I The Enegence of Utban Arnhrcpoloev 13 Recoenition of the SubfleLdot Utban Antbopoloe! 17 The Dot@in of Utban Anttuopoloev 19 The Impotu)nce of Utuan Anthtopoloev Devite the Ldck of Clearcut Defnition 26

Trs

MEANTNG oF UnBAN rN UnBAN SrlrDlEs UNE^N AN'TIInOFOI,OCY

30

^ND AntbopologA in the CitV 3j Utban Ind.uslrial SocietV 32 AntltopologV of Cities 33 The "Ufian" ifl SocintScience Js The Ndrwe oI Urban Cenle6 as Opposeitto The BehaeiotalCo8equencesoI Ltfian Centers Other Soutces of Canfrflon 51 | , l' a4 . 4\ t lnot ' ol, . . t

Summarg 67

-,t,t I

Lt, itu,tp.

2rB

UNrrs o.INaEGn rroN Sitttttunql Urban lunctions 217 TenpotuI Eaents 232 Sttuctwal Forfution n8 Netioor&r 6 Linkine Mechanisna 242 The Citu As a Whale 243 Rural-UtbonLinkaees 248 Sunnarg 2

il

PART F'OUA:WHAT To DO AND WHAT NOT TO DO METHoDS, TEcNeuEs,

PART TIVO: CITIES IN PENSPECTIVE

7l

TEE Ror-E or Crflr,s

O eins ol the CitV 7s The Ecological Percpectiae 75 The Functional Roles ol Cities 78 Culturul Robs 88 Lbban Tspologies 1C0 The Dgmmics of Contertual Retatiolships jOI D|tnmic lderaction ond Lhban AnthrcWbgV I(n Sunnutg 111

PANT THPIEE: URBAN ETHNOGtRAPHI

Mrlon Unrex Couronnrs: NErcHDoRFooD, ErHNrc Cnour, rro Occurerror Cnups Basedon Comnnn Resirttnce 161 CroupsBasedon Connon Cultwe of OriAin 172 CroupsBdsedon the Dit Lion of Labot 1SS Ahu Cateeoiar 2l2 Sumnarg 213

278

TIm CULrunEoF PovEnrI A M$^IPrlc^rroN or ANrnRoPoLocY To CoNTEMPon^RY

PRrlranr UNrrs SocialNetao .t and Dgadic Ties 118 Xj,'"ship 14O Donestic Units 153 Sunnury 157

aND ETHICS

Research Design 258 Units of Andllsis 262 Situatio,vl A'wbsrs 276 277 Fornal l^ttitutiotlt Thz CiE os a Whole 278 The Fieduo* Enteryrise in the City values ond Ethics n0 BegondCrcup Lthnogtuphv ms Sunurwry ?n2

ll7

304

ISSUES

The Cultwe of Poa€tta Concept gfr What is Urban about the Culture ol Poxen|? Methodolaeu 314 Ethics and PoIicrJlnrplicdtiottt 319 Sumnury 322

313

325 I^'Ds Authar 328 Suuect 332

160

To our studentt, patt atul preseht, u.hosptred B a soundinl hoa t lot nans ol ow ideF_ And to luturc studcntsuho- oe hop?, use the* id.as. ']i

Acknowledgments

This volume owes much to many in&viduals. Although they are too numerous to single out, there are several groups and individuals Nhose coDtiibutios were particularly notewo hy. Several oI our colleaguesin the Department o{ Sociology and ADthropology at Baruch Collegc (City Univcrsity of New York) lnd the Departmmt of Anthopology at Temple University have nade substantivc contsibutions and been a source o{ encourag€ment.In particular, we would like to thank h-orman S. Stor€r, Eugene Cohen, Henry Selby, and willian Schw.b. Through our teaching and collaborating with c$llcagucs in the Urban Studies Program in the College of Liberal Arts at Temple Univesity, an excitementaboutinterdisc&lindy urban studieswas gener.ted. Thesecolleaguesalso provided m.lny points of view and inforna tion reflected in this volume.

v ma wasprrficurartyimporrantin rh. dcvptopmcnt

f",isjnce he prcsid.d or ..,lil9,t rnx vorum.. ^, ovcr the Cotumbia Univehiry s;miror on Cin,tcnt.and \tFrhod, ol rhc S,,ciat S.renrcr. ar which some of rhe roea\ emDodred in rhis te\r wcr. dkcusscd. Thn si mir,ar prcs.nration $J s ia r.r i n c o rg { a tc d r\ J c h J p re r i n a rotume h" edi t.d ;nti ded T;e , .

Part One

i nr-orrghol'tthis rotume \ve h.rre tr.qucnrty inorporared Drimaru

i,, r$.oubitn proic(rs.rh. rraria,F^m.ri;n rood-pn,hct

:1.:.:,: l.:l:g dv'r D rnlndFtphiJ

n,uch ot

s \uccc* to lanet The,phdno and K;,,

;:l' ; ;:l;;,[il.il:;;]"i"'#"]'l;,j;'i,lj;tiil,';t.,;:,;l;1 WHATIS URBAN ;., H,,,ndnrsuc\,. uere rrg.ry r.sporriblntor *" i",

l.J'.l.'

vPnpmer(_or lhnl prnjc.r. Th. pu,,jabi -,r,i.. in \\,ohernigranr rescamh m m pr , n . En q ta n c ti , h e d i ty i n d c b ted to H ow ard nobboy.

Aid.,n &n'| ha,r. ;HI ;"ill il,l;T 3;::i y,':Hf;;.'i"F Dc,,ich

ANIHROPOLOGY?

part,rrartrve mnrrihur.dsisnifmnrry

,ompreron '" Thercinr.tude:Don Burti6. Ceat ro rh. ot rhn v,ih,m. -^__1".1:-l,,llq**, fiotzman, and.{nhur \turphy. Secrcrariatrerviccswere provtded by Virginta Jia Eledix"vchz Debbie Ciraoto.and Heten\ve i;g,.". Th.""l*i tion oI rhe mansoipr owe, much ro *," ",.*,*= effortsof Aqama Cinsold. "1"n.-p,"t.*. ".j-.[iril.c

"^.,.,Il*lr

ll: -,1*

or a,,vbookh|rsa Faumahc ,mpact on$. dairy

ffi ;".:;:.lli,1tli:';^T:*:''-:"J";iR:%5?:tr;l"nH

Larry..Andy. and h\h I wcre sood sporrsand *,y;r"i;;;,:;;; strgesrD the proiect.

has becn awue of rcccnt treDds in aDthropolog) must bc An)one 'vho st'uck b! the movement of the ffeld toward the studv of life ni cities. The popular imrge ot the anthropolosist cldhed nt khaki sLorts and pith hclmet. carn'il]g a mNsive notebook. and nrterrog.rting natives as thc), pursue their tribtl rituals is obYtuusly nt image that is no longet amrate. This chaDgevas underliDed in .r recemt?in" magazine xrticle: \ryhen tlvo well dressed strrngers tuned up at a sleek apart meDt buildiig on Chicago's Cold Coast, thc doom.n called thc cops. The nen e{ptained they werc aDthroPologists{rom the Uni \ersitv of Chicago, aNious to shrdy rich families "The policcrnan couldrit betieve it. said oDe of thc nren 'He looked ffrst for nv It cyck pedix Britannica, tLen for nr1' vacuum clcarer and thcr asked what was the ginimick."

^xEnoPo4Y?

ytr"Hi:.ri3tri"fl,:,;{iii:xii":}:i j:Ttr fit;:i,::x fi {;,;i"g#;:;i x.,iil;,it,li. i1"i:",*l:t*l,i-li..:

lli*'#.;l#i*:;l'." ;'"'J};;l lum:r1 -*"",

I

"i:.;I;",ii:.rl':.":ll ,,.:Ji: llr,,ilti'J:3t',::;,);:, l;:; TheDevelopment r',h,i, Erhno{rr'ht,r rhe Lin,lersity p},...ir,,,,". lJ;":l;1;,_ "r

*y1lr i"* l:1$i11,*.""tt"1'T$t;: "l.::",ff .""."."r,,r,", j|,"n,**a ..",,r, ii",si#ii;ilT,$*;'*1"g

of Anthropology

n,mbpr #i",t'il.lr$*# ;T#;'h;:.;:,:::r:rs'ns

il,;lilx./r,t"#:iffi :TT;l!,:".,-tri:,'::l,f.o;:.,i:

ilii*,t;'-.;i*' :1#T'ri.::.'ltiitlj;**'d

.,*...ffI1,-;fr h:*l'xnr H T :; ,-r$llir i l;.:l;l,iri]'"r

thcdereropment ,,r a n.w suhGcrd *n.a ,,,r,"" --

=i i,i*,::*:-*i:rrlllirliilTii*#trr

Co!{cFrual, BAsrs Although the maior thrust of this volume is in th€ direction of cstablishinethe brsic charncteristicsof the newly €nergent subff€ld of uban aithropology, it is apFopriate to place this development within thc larger contert ol the history of anthropologv For mnv who have had littJe experienccwith professionaldnthtupologv,the popular imagc of the ffel
rl#fi.:,F.;'";"l:i1/,* *rri*:ru;l"xilii*lf I Jin".(\el

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y,rt ). DeFmb€r23, t9?4, D.sa.

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r\nv

Lour''o ihc cit,csr.r Fit'r,rrrip5 r.,

).'{

'';1["ilil,::::":,i;;1il]m; [!F:iif;"llii:]lilufl lhp.Iirrtsignin,.,nrd.EnitioDor thp core mnceprof.uiture., His work

()dc of the most brsic criticisnrs of the efio s of the nineteenthcenhtry anthropologists is that their descriptions of primitive soiiehes f;.*a upon direct coDtrct with the noD western people disw"rc 'rotThese anthropologists nle frequentty ref€ned to in derogatorv cussed. r,rnh xs nr nr chaii r , 't hr opoloqi. ls Th"ir pr im ar y 'our ces oi d't a wFr ' by othe$ missionaries, traders' accounts of curious custonN writte Onc o{ the most signiffcant shifts ixl administrators erplorers, and colo enphnsis uPon feLlr,ork' is the rtl-penasive century in thc twentieth in England, all RadcliEe-Brown and Ilahrowski America, Roas ft ffcld$orl doirrg ol the iotporiur.e stressed EmcrgiDg fron this *'as the developnent of technqlres to "do ffeldwork," the nxlst signiffcant of whi.i is rcfetred to rs participant assumption of pa icipant observation is obsenotion. Tl\e uderlying that if yo{ live with, participnte in, and olxerve a people and thelr behavioi, you gain a baiic undcrstanding of their wav of lifc- We should note that ihis tcchnique developed rvithin the coDtert of studvnrg snnplv organiz€d small groups of people ln this situation, nn anthropologist .p"nding a r""' ot rwo tiving $ith a group ',t pcoplc could g"r to 1." * ot t h"m and "ould, in iact , sc. unt olding bet or c his evo: -o't fabric of their culture Und€r thcsc conditions, the anthrotle basic ot the mJnv aspectsot tilF Su{h DoloEistrculd r." thc inl, 'dcpcnd.ncP | $a\ hcking in t hF a"'o'r nt s "t nineper sp. . f it e a noi i sr icr iew ( t ut r l who tended to describe parmthropotogists, teenth-century rmchair contcxt. The descriptivc to theil re{erence without customs ticule are the ethDogpaticipant observation and upon ffeldwork studies based have collected anthropologists of the data fot tl" raDhies tlat oI the urban -r" contributions signiffcant the most One of analv'cd. and antlropotogist has been to takc these techniques into the city' A; a;thmpolosisLs did more and nore of these ethnographic studies, the po6ntial for conparison expanded ln other social science disciplines, vben the term comparative is Lrsed,it fr€quentlv has a more Imit;d rneaniDg than it does in anthmpology, as, for examPle, most oomparati\r governnent courses in political scienc€ {ocus upon ot}rer strtcs in Europe and North America. Recentlv, histo ans have "^ti;n added some sreatcr brerdth to this notion bv incl ding in their "comparative" repeJtory sevcrat of thc non-Nestem literate civilizations Howe"er, *he" anth.opologists are comparrtivc," they encomPassthc totrl exoame of human erperience \torl rnthropol;gi.ts uoLrld dcffnc thnir ffeld rs thF shtdv of m^n Ilowever, cven f;m thn bricf review of the dcvelopnent of the disciDline. it is obvious that Pimary emphasis lvas placed upon the studv peopl., with very little emph$is placed upon svstematic oi"o"-w..t"." study of complcx Euro-American society. Only reccndv have anthropologists broadened their spectrum to inctlde "lrs" as rvell as "them "

;t;;.;;:;"'",ffi'j :lii:,..$ :ffi:,frftI'l.J ::fflJl5f:l;T: "'i:l'Jii'i,:i illl;ixilp,,;,"'i'Jlli..::jil1.:;tTlll;# i:!fl ffi::;',i.':i,",,1';;i #";15,1,ffi ll'il,1Jl:"T:.t' *i "'ffi ;;;, "",'i,;1,, :,":" ;;i"!,;t l'iil"i:: i;li,ll:.,:::i:1",,.:"i: an interpretarion *" .",i*'",r'*.Ji'"1-y ii :"Y!:"il ":"t","" ilil:'i:

Li':T';:::il:"levelopnent

"r rrornmoreprimitive or savage

;::i:l'"*.,:'1fi:1?':%j:1,1:: TH fi[:)ffi"Jg; :j-1li.'.ii11

r\plomtion.

discorry.

and cotunization ilto

rnany,rher

areas ot rhe

j';;T':,:.;Hiffi:J;Ji..,11i.^T3rl""".Ti# i:"?-1iiI "*i rrr.*^f ;1"'l"i.H';1,:..,,In,";;'Tll :3;i"',i", ;I''J,"t.t''-"i nrnrtFenth-ccnt,rryevolutionkrs

direcrly confronred these .rnF questions_ald attempted to ar$wer rhem. Atthough ;",";;;;;"il;: pologists have discarded nany of the assumptions of unitineal evolurion -such rs thc jmplicahDnsof Eurooeansu

:;i:"'.1 nl *$:';"J':'J:i'J:;':::'lY;'"TTi"'e-iiii'il .'ffiJrJ:;li,ifi'ilTi.ff ;'::':#:T..'ilffit n"r::Iff in.moLlerna.nrh,opotosy.For ihc ninprepnrh.e..",y

il:

;i'i'1."i;"T: I:i ;ililj':fl;i;:ffi;,'J"H":*l,l,TJ1; "",;;;i";;;

showthednersir)of human tif.wry.rndi. a"e*,r,*1,

^p..,..r

i"Li

;:T:ifi ::"#i:,f; i {iH"j:$::i i:1;x"._",H"[:1,],1"*,i'# l;,i" ;:t;.t,.:iffiljti;**lll ri"ll'i::i:::'"*l",ilt' rn'hroporosists.'here remain rew many an anthropologist, the ideal is to work witr, __!

*r-ly

al,"."i,J

"Y"'ffi:[]'jJ';:"f;:'1"il:'".' ildMd

Tylm, prtntiae c,ttute (Neu.york:

;:i;:,13:ki',f"'#,'{

Ildltr

and Row, l9S8) (originat

cii'He'ti.f,o\r'.tAn*tvotttuHutuLFamik'twth-

r As aDthropolognts moved to the stDdyof.i,s,,,they linaliy t)ccrnre tn,ty

own rclationship.to r€(ntly h.rv€ anthropot{,gists, cxrmining their 'n taken notice of the close r€lationship ,,.riit..,i v a.-i"".t "utlon*t^t"'. and thc cotooial expansion o{ those nations that i**,'.*i'nr,'.pa"gy 3 oroduc.d t}le l€aders of t}le ffeld t'"--r'." i. t}le 6rst decadesof the twentieth century, anthropological who $trF idminfield$ork was condu{t d imotrg colonized peoples did his rvork Nratinowski into nat;nal empires' i,ir",i*rv the politic{l donrina$ho wrrc und'r "*.r",*"a ."o'e rit" r,ob'i.'a l\landFA {ndam th' $ork among his drd Bro'vn r".,'"ri ,,*t RrJ,lillc iJ. 't' '. "T wcre controlled bv thc British 's pat of theit lndix ir]r'a*', "t'" of thcse tsritish rnthroPologistsworked prnrnr v nr a,-"i". i'rrr.**, domnntcd bv the British. while rnanv of their research ;f;;" -"," .r.." ai'""t"a t.'"ard answernrgquestions about the humnn condithe b:rsic research "ii..t' increasinglydiftcult to disassociate t.."-. i.., and control Thus' the " efrciencv ;dlninistrative to futher i-- ***"t pattems might lerdeship or svstcms tenure African land study of native -Ji;n*i",i" and concern,but the resultsof such researchcould "4"" be {and wcre) used to maintain control over native populations Sinitu'tv i" tt" tinit"a States,much of the researchefiort stimulatcd by g*s c."tered th. Amedcnn Indian population dominated bv the "po" United Statcs govemnent Likc rnanv other sociat sciences, anthroPologv was grentlv influenced by wo;ld War II The rvar, which directlv involved thc nnjodtv of rnankini, generated a great va etv of anthropological activities which' under oth.. iiistoacal cirornstances, might not hav€ developel as quicklv or in auite the same direction Onc pnrticular strand in thc war efiort 'eneny" culdirealy lnvolved anthropologists in efiorts to understand of the Allied victorv thc to hasten t."h"iqu"" to t"."" i" ""eg"r[ whose Ben€dict, of Ruth work hrve the -d". a" e*a-pie of this we ro.-s. As l.olt,'" resulted and signiEcant extremelv werc disttnce" studics ^t " of Ii€ Chrysanthenwm anl th{' S1,o"Z,a classic studv in th€ Dublication 4 of the Japnnese Another grouP of anthropologists studicd Amcrican fmd hali; with the eoal of inhoducins changesin the Amclic:rndiettry prlt.rns i",trder l', xtili?cil"m. in qreJl supplvin lh' midd of 'r waF ilme lood shortal..' \ third efiorl uhlizedthc lrlcnt\ ot Jnthropolugirrs

:lrrlt"i:l*.,:r :!1u il:ll::;::,li#*xffiT "tTiJ: .t:.ffi iil:"J:x'l;,";.*.J,"':i.j ;:*i:li,::,1i"1;:f ,:":a,il phioncna

witlin

a lnuch bro:dcr pcrspective ttraD thrir sistcr sociat

;:; ;. fi 'Ji.ffl:J:'Jil.';j",#l;, ",if,:r;":l?"Ti.T",l;

iii it;l:?ii.;iJ.ll,ll;ri,"t;i:iiL. ";Il;i"l[ ::';il]:';",;.,. d Amencan ;r,,*""* s;L;,i.;;"

ff"n:"j*::"j*:iJ:theiritish

* iif#;:,:"J,"iil,""1',i::'rmj*#;l*:T" *Jli*:'; -.", .;h"-.."ni;;;" lil".ilil::l]"" T:ffi;*i::'.1' ::*;":l'"'":""."

illjlqlk*""i:-.,,I;*;.r*t#**i{#$l;*: ; iT't:";:;,':JJ::I,' l[.J.;;;, H:J".t *lri;.lil'l "1,;.rr

pulogy. Some radical rejarivists wjsh ro

rrom..rhe nd,i\oi po,nr of,i;; ;;;;;,iT[,1"Hil."1:il.,Li

cos,,irive,srru(luh. dnd symhotic'n;."n*, u.*"p Ji. .-irl,"g,"""i,'".

l;',,ii")l.ii.\JlI[l],T': _

thisdpprodch bu'seDerariz:rtjoDs abo-ut mrn'

Ir spitc o{ tbe timfts of culturat rej

*:fli ;l;rf i:i*;.l; ;{:*il;"r:i{:*:l=,rtn'{.' u"

ff:ri'r";jr''i.T*r*:'ii'.1iii:i;"r:.ii{rr,',ffu H}r.i: :'.:Hl":iJi"_".iil:il:x1*:*;*J.'it*i**

:i: jj:i-:".-.ff

accouDtsw tten bl, Dosr sociotogists. economists,or p"f,U*f *r",d.tr. TrD Socropol.rrrcal, BA$s

3 Dide

Iasis,

Yt"ff1,**tt*. It shouid be notcd rhat al1of the nin

; ;;;;:i:::'T;:I""",:x'iilT';tr ului-",'*- rcp(sentativc

ffili}:';i.\'ffI':*.:iJ J,:-,i;;,fi'":':il,i$l;:.L;:;l;

"Anthropology and Coloni.lisn

' cfftnr

An'hropoloev, 14 11973)

rIE chrysanttvmtmo d the sbotd: P",te* ol tal^lc

cutturc

lliflli! Cu, 1946) i&xron: HrnrshtoD ,i i .i * -' r r . ia. - ct '"'g: . s Fodl Habir . , a r hp Pur . wt r Pei"d , n \ / lr 'lt dn t n' oia L"e"t,ri," uo,*.nr E7A \P$ Yarl \rrrr loint t/ en''rtrc c 'mt^"iiii pp 60_64:: is f i'anr q'pa1' nf icgit ua' r @l t "r r Pm " .," " 1" " \ 'i"i, - . - iqe. nC61.r.n,| 6Indl A'..ptan.r BesPat'hcomnitt' ' om*.t Ouarr.tubl"' cPncral $ahinsron Dc t946 pp 6'l_67' ",i',J.i.

I

ii",T"i:l'H1'l:,."ll

and studyof r.rpanese war RerocatioD c€nrersir

Ti::';:l'r'Hlffi il;;ii'i'*" -.".'',i

documentsthe contcntiontbat the growth The Ioregoingdiscussi(,n of .rnthroplogy is rcht.d to thc larger socioPoliticalsystcmthat stinu lrted it. For some,ve{rsIn^v the AmericaDAnthropologicalAssociahon' rvhichis the ofrcitl orgrni,utn)n of the disciplinc in the United Stzrtes, hasbe€n wrestling with tlrc problem of developinga code of ethics to serveas a guide for tL,tureresearchThese ethical issuesare central to tlrc subfieldof urban atrthropology

n"n'|rtropornsv wa'he

g* 1q;6*l1t[{rtr#:i;lii :irffiil,

l:loilTr r-.,'Ii)

i,,rpnt. In thFp,oFcrs a*.i,r"a

"i.

r,"i".,_ ii",,,ii.,"

"uo*"or p,ubtc, $rrh srudyils r p.rrri(ut.r pnpltrriun rtr.

'.i,iliiil:;l.i . \n o ttru ,

P"hic'"Ddit"' rt* *o'(r'"ap'.,"i'""r i;l1'3inbs ",

THE SauDY oF CoMPLEX SocrErY

.f ,,i O,e $ ,rr ,,,r thc Je, " U ,,

l,TJ:il:l-::;:'T[,.;tilEf,,.,t':]i,n. ]*::1, ro ro\.r ,nu\ror rr,"a-"r,,pin,j "rP,rr,dc,r *o,rj.

il;:

:l; '1,i-1,|ni,"..:::'iJ:: ili::t,,, lit:iil l;ff ; "i;l:i:::ilTi:,iti:i.;fl lrDd Unrtcd.Srates responsiLilityror

rhe

j ;i").1 tl:;"'Tll"l' :lT#;;,&1[_t' x;3il,,';;i:;fl

ic . ' J c r n i . s r,,h r, p ,l i l rcrt rl d a,,Gnr ,d i \c i p l i D p s lJ ii' oay . In e rrL rp ra rs ,,v e m m p n l c u nfi n,," d i rs i nrerert j ,r l al guag" Jnd c rp e rl . l h ro u g h s ri p p o rro f a c a dcmi . program\ i n(tudi ng rhe t,,nd. lr . r

T"-,ifJ :-jil"iJH'l**:"#* s"f:**T *r;ltl1::; *ad'"*r".q*". ;."";

il,;T#.Ji;;";i#.::. i,lT,:ii":"#

I I l

$'hile world war lI and its aftermath stimrlatcd certain changes in anthropological emphasis, other events had occured even beforc tle war that icd to . chrlrging constitlrency for the rcscar.her. II.ny inthropologists ivere no longer doing ffeldrvork in isolated bbal societies,but *"." goi"g to agriculturally based communities. The war itsef glvc greater impetus to such viuage studies in peasa.t societies Peatanl Soeiatiet The shift in the research focus of anthropology to developing nation st.rtesentailed work in political system of a difierent lcvel of com plerity from prinitive and/or tribal societics. Howcvcr' mmv of tLe ;illage studies of the 1940sand I950s did not recognize the fact that, in a complex system, orrc i5 dealing witb a cornmunity of peoplc that is not autonomous but is part of a larger economic, political, and cultural sys' tem. These edly villnge studies oftcn trerted thc vilage as .rn holated unit to bc studied without lookiDg rt the outside forces that impinged heavily upon the community. It w:ls only later, Nhen the ti.s between thc viilagc and the largcr social conte\t in which it was embedded were .ecogni".d, tt'at thc concept of a Peasant societv as a tl'pc of social system rvas deffned and reffned. Peasant socicties are charictedzcd by .r lrighcr rate ot per cxpita techniques Foductivity than tribal societiesbecausethey have developed \{orcover' the mm rludity. md soil r)il nut ents. w.rter, ior controlling integrrnecessitatcs nr such societies social difiercntiation system of pler productivitv instiLutionsGreater politic.rl rnd economic centralized iivc relerscs pa of the popuhtion fron fdd producing rctivities and permits fulltime occupationrt specidization to dcvcl;p Closclv rehted to rlis is the development of t e socidl cldsses hereditary grotps with difier entill access to wetlth, prestige, and potter' Cities oftcn develop :rs centrat points for *dministeriig large lcalc muketnrg, taxiDg, i d other functions. \\!iting delelops as a nreans of record kceping. Howcver, most

f";y;Jil,.i"I"ffi "i;,:r) ;::, n"1.y4!rH: "3f,"I;:.I.fl :il;j["Jii'.' ;]::,ili;y.Ji"l,i',;,""',;1"'T.".11i:1":i :J ilt,:Ti'1;;;' "j"tiijl"#; Jff"lt:';:Tii luil;1;11*; fii;[::i:ii;l:]l:ifitT,'i,J:fT;i,: ;l:;*"1il:iu:, l;"',ili::iit" ;::.,iT,;:#...*ul;1" lili:ri""rilt;'t ; Tr*jf *,t illl,liii',"1:1::iili::'tt;'#:ltlili:,'.;ffi; ;;;, ;ii:i::"lll';il111;, f;ff:'t":"[f,#1]"'*"q'^i;;;;i; t

";;' ii:;fi. :";;';#;:" ::#':",T::,X:'iKi:" ijili.:ff1,::-iH;";;' ^lc{m,ler,

LeiAlltnn. TIE CoreninE

of \Icn: C,tu

l0

1E

DrcbAlIM

ol lhp^pop,rlarion rcmains i p.arantry disrribur.d in agricltr,rr:rt yillagcs. the ppds.'nt ro.icry was dcffned. Lhe inrtuopotogist had lo ',n(f recognize the impact of cities within such a sociery. From rtis it was a Iogical and predictable move to studies of p€ople n) cities and thus ro urban antb,ropology. Redfed:

Fotk, peasant and Cits

co ceptual und€rpinnings ot lhe stu(tv ot compte\ socipric\ , ,, p. ,The, r ot ,.(r,r' i rr' th . q .,i ,t,," .F ,.J ]i ,t. I, H ,Jb,tJ R ,dti " tu, \r.i .r..r authropology has beeD validatedj many studies of pcasant socicty .tnd rhe crty are extensionsof issu€s he raned. Initialls even Redfield djd not re@gnize the difiercDce behveen f"lk,aDd pcaunl {-ciclics: hc tump"d rhem together n,neptua y. \tosr or I n. p ri v i o u \ h c tl t$ " rk i n Ame .i c .n anrhropotogyu\cd rhe.\mFri crn h ,\i . ffc l J { ,b i " c r p ri ,,,ant) b.cJU ; or qeogrcphi cpmr_ 1" , ] t ' , " " -,.h . imity. frecdom of movcment \anhin rbe United Stares.,ccesSlitiw.:r"a mininul budqerary ,p.tuircments. There M\ atso a srrons betief in the necA\ity of \hdyir'g.t-he\e lribat qroups and rheir tifeu.rls bcfore rhey dnrppeand. Cradurlly through the I920s. t930i. and t94{rs thc pn,ptc; ol l\ lc \ im a n d C u d tF ma l a w c re i n (tud.d as A meri e,, tn,ti ans_rvhi ch in fact they histoncally weE-sharjng language families and culture traits. Hos€ver, thcse people wcre not tribal societics, as were their North munterparrs, but were, in fact, onponens of omplex lmcJrcin slrl.\ lhal had-.\i.ted rincc betdF thc Spanhh.Dnqucst. Nevdbeiess, many anthropologists did rheir ffnt Geldqork in rhese areas and rcated the villags as if they werc tribat unjts. Redffeld's most significant ffeldwork was c.,nducted in four com muniti€s located on rhe Yucatan peDinsula of Ueico in the t930s.i These four units of study were selccted oD the basis of scveral criteriaj \ r z . hom ' rg c n .i l y J n d d i ,t.rn c etro m m aj or urb,q i n0ucncer.tt \houtd be nolFd thdl even rhp jmJllesr rnd mosr irolated of the fou communiries was p:rn of a larger sociopolirical :lnd economjc market system that had nnpinged directly upon irs life since before the Spanish ionqrcst. Howe\cr R.dffeld did rnrr rr 6rsr rpmgn zF th trcr. md t_hiscrro; intfff.r"d wilh hi\ initial thcor"tical fo'mut.rHons. This tJck of percephon ot lt,c I r r gt r np \s ,,t th e l i l L q ^ w a r rts r, rpparenr ;n hts e:rrtt" r;tudv of rhc v illiee i, f T c p u z tl o n . \1 .\i ,o w h c re h i s de\cri pri on ot \-i ag. i ,tc wis biascd by a view of the community as an i;hted fotk J-lnr"t.". ;.Tl"L.lf* ;.:::"Irr1"f*"

n|.

Fotk cuttbte ot .rt.otan tchi6Eo: univesft.r or chidgo

repdIt'n'

A Mencan vil/ase (chi@so: univeBitv ot chiogo

(ommunrtv" Thh bias was erposedin Oscrr L(Niis restudvof thc samc In 1947, R;dffetd wrote an article entitled "The Folk Societv," great which ha-sbcen reproducedin manv aDthologiesand stimulatcdI dcal of research(as $cll as cnticism) in the ensuingtwo decadesThe maior sorl ,,f dr. crlicl. was lo deffnelh. simpl' lolt suci'rv ln Llpvelopingatrnbutes ot this idnal tvp" Red6cldad'led 'uch 'litpria |rs scculnlnnd stability ve us rapid rates of changeto those **"a ".."t nnd distance Irom urban infuences previouslv homogencitv, size, of used in his Yucatanstudv Although prim:rrv emphasiss'as given to a J, n{rplro'ror rl, l"l. \x r"t\ Il. ir,,pliil b\urnnli rr !' '\ lhrl llh urban type has diametricallyopPosedattribDtes.Thus, if folk societvis tro.nog..'eo"sand sacred,urban society is hctemgeneousand secular' A rnaior v,urce of confusion lay in the usc of the \\'ord societ! as opsvstems,but V)sedto comrunitu. Folk and u$an were not total social societv, as an urban merety community rypes. There is no such thing pensant or parts of either but urban communitiescnn be component On the two levcls' at industrial socictics. Redffeld reall,r' was contrasting one hand he was conparing hibal, peasant village and urban cotnflrnities, while on the other hand he was compariDg traditionrl and modem R€dffeldi attempt to distinguish analytically betw€cn the two types of societies mntained within it a bias towad the folk, or traditional, type. In many ways menbers of the {olk society appear to be good and pure and to have spontancous, satisfying iocial interactions io . ve'y la.ge extent, Redffcld was influenced by hn sociologist colleagues at the University of Chicago, who initirted the emphasis upon study o{ urban phenomem in the United States. \l4rile nany nembers of this group, like Park, Burgess, $inth and o$ers, werc emphasizing alleged pathologicalarpects of modern urban life, Redfield idealiz€d many asp€cts of fok fifestyles. Redffeld retued his anatytic frarnework during the course of the nen hvo de€?dcs. IIe shifted his research efiorts to the study of ongoing peasantsocietiesin Centril Amenca and, thmugh his students, to India. He cuceded that a simple dichotomybctweentolk and urban was an oversimplification of the real variation in social systems He then rnoved torvard deffning peasant societies rvhere the village conrnunity is a unit within a ldger system. Once Redffeld recognizcd that the peasant society was a distinctive 9"e o{ social system and tlat the c Os€. I€wis, ,it? is u ,V"dcan Vilhee: 'IeDhtlat ne$di€d ( Urbsar U.i!.*ity of Illinot Pr6s. l95l ), 10Robert R€dfeld, 'Th€ Folk society," A,pncan ltuMl ol so.iorogy,4r (1947), 293-308,

l2

EE

I

DEvM!MENr

was nor.auronomous {rhar is. not a society).he besan l:T1'1,"jll"c. to devetopconceptsto

iteat }idr this r].e of sociatsystem.,, n k..ommunitg wJs oined by Redfeld tur peasanr *:. by h; studenrs.rhus. a totume motainins srudier yT:" :'"9 -i m tDdia by anthropotogists was subtitted-Exrensio; ,l rbe :r. IltlC"s Lrrue commnib.-and editor Marions inlrcductory essry emphasized ihe exrcnrru qhich an Indian v ase is nor a settconrainej soctjt mit.,: I he ramiliorions of Red6elds liflle commuty moc.pt are num.roul. Tt is obviousthat a vijtdgc mmmuDirr rhat is of .1bound"d l)arr p'r,! \i.,. un.lfl rh. Jomin,ti,,,,,,t,.nbrt,z.u 'r ;utiu(rl ,urLoriry. ',

ll:j1pl

s.. \iltrsF (lmmunir)is usualtltinkcj .*"*"t*ly

i.

in rhar ir producesfo! rnd consumesfmm a sysrem_wide

;:;i:1,'*' CcntmltFd agcncicsrre twicalty located in non_viitrqe tvDesof .omrnun,hes.ndmer) to\n\ and cirjcs. tn addition, ro$ns anl cii;s aF rccognized as the Daior sources of $,hat Redfield ,.r"rra to * *. C}eal Tradftion- ras opposed to the Linje Tndirio"s. *hi.h-a; ;; bptierrystemsof ihc- tocal villJgesr. Thus. classi@t ,.d ..th.d.; L;; and drama are foud in urbaD ccnlas, white foL. ex_ oj rctiviries are round in vilascs. s*r, r"*-**,r.* . lJe{sions ..rles: srolv ranabrtrty rrom rcgion to region. bur geoerally citie.sarc cenleE ror rorrnar.onnodox Ftigious ideotogyand for the tireEte and articutate p,*"]::.f

beuefsystem.

.11":":F]i,"a. La.er smr hedrrerd. iD -iryi"g.,br.*ra. conimction wirh Sbger. began ro empha_

roterof. ciripsin lne larsersociocuJtua, sysren.,itD i:",I:,d"ir tusdcvcropmenr of rhe distiDcUoD berweentbe C.*r r_itrr.l.ihons.thr urbrn CrparTndjtioDis givenp,Lrury ""a trnponaDc€. tr inrer_ by tbe Ljtrr" iraditionsoi ,b" ,il,,;*.;;r :i: il1.* :'^:r"red .nc c^ll]l y dominaresit\ hinte.tand and is sen as

a oujor source of chanee. Aldrough w€ never 6nd a charadenzation of tle ctty as poJ urban lifc a\ the fotk norroowas roward rlEt fo&_ I)-c .ri!h< lol.ard tnat in hk theorrrjcaj delelopment. Red6eld was rhilting loward rccognitionoI the ciry as a posirive forc€ in the mainrenrnce of civilizarionand in cutturalievetoprrnr. ihe imtact of Red6etd\ qork on the devetopDent , of rhe anrhropology of complex societies was extrernell, signifent. fn" .f.-."t"'"f peMnt societsanit c,ttute (chi@eo: univmfty of chidgo ;iJ:bil!.l*rn uitke?.rndi, studp.in th? Lftrp cotunu^n!. ]l.Y:{l: )j,:-", {n_ Memok,ress. Iy:pi'oc':ir _lss-9ciarion ^n,eri@n

.nci'i6 c.@oni. Dc. ;;ffT",\#'l:,,# i;X:;:Tilill1f,1',1, R^h

hii conceptuat framework that are Particularlv relevant to urban anthropology will be des.tibed in greater detail in Chapter 3.

TIII

EMBGENCE

oF UnB,rN ANrmoPolocr

Aside fron the work of Redffeld, there are s€veral other examples o{ an early inter€st in t}te city that emerged well before $e subfield of urban anthmpol(,gywns recogDized.Thcse are the work of archaeologists on the ongins ot the city, the work o{ mthropologistson tradi tional prebdustrial cities, the early comrnunity studies in th€ United States, and the movement of area specialists ( Latin Americanists and Africanists) into urban-oriented xork. Alt of these elemcnts cont buted to urban antlropotogy, but they were so mrelated to cach other that it ir only in retnspect that they can be viewed as strands in the development of tbe ffeld, which did not formally emerge until the latc 1960s CoNNniq

SatAizr

On€ earty attempt in anthrcpology to study life in the nodem United States developed in the 1930s.The resulting litcratu€ bndged the felds of sociology and anthropology. This tlpe oI research is usualy caled conmunity studies, since it attempts to undestand a single local commurity uiing a combination of research strategies, including pa.ticipant oh,s€nation as w€ll as more extensiv€ survey techniques. The najor figure associatedwith this area of research is w Lloyd Wamer who war trained initially as an anthropologlst. After r threeyear feld tip to study the Mumgin, an Australian tribe, Wam€r d€cid€d to tsansposetle €merging intensive anthmpological research technique to the study of an Amcrican tom. The result of this research \ras several rclurnes refened to as the Yankee Cits series, which described the community in detail and focused on such special arcas as lifestyle (liferenc€s behveen classesand eFects oI a strike.l! Wamer viewcd himself as a social anthropologist. Although Wamer iDf,uencedArcnsbeig and Kinball, who studied Irish communities, most of his students studied communities within the United States. Most of dtese studies werc holistic, that is, they attempted to describe the lifeqays ol enthe community. It should be emphasized thAt wamer ^n and his followen recognized the limitations of th€se tools and suggested r{W. Uoyd Wame., vdni.? Citv (N6 Hav€n: Yale Universib, tr.ss, 1963), published berven 1947-1959; study b€sun in 1930. Abndsed vqsi@ of wl@d

l5

that-thesetechniquescoutdbe usedonty in srna comnunities (less tlan 20t900r..Thu: $e urbaD ccnrFls r}ey ,tudi.d otviou.ty rrere towns Iather than cities_ One individuJtheavib in0uenced bv wamer s.s \\iUiam Foote ,,, \rn)re. rD his votumc Sirepl Cornpr So.ictV.Uh\1e foll{vcd \\.amF..s metlndological lead. bur rnnspored ro r neighburhoodir a hrae urDanccnrpr. \ sociotogi,t.Herbertcrn,. later r.\tudrcd rhc samcmm-

li.lllr: Dr r iar \tolri rt

kchaoloEg

volume.rrp urbanvina$^. is . rolo.\ up or wh;;\

rn d [o c u \.s u p o n th" d" gr.e r,, atn;" .tt, " ti ,.t,,t,t. l ]n p ,rh tro n 1 ,.\ I ti i ,, cd ,run.l | rh.rnt,.rtrFm(ot $,.i al orgr nization and interaction. Cans also studied s"b*lran .,m-u" i.. ;;,t

iililif,"i

thed,nerences andsirDilarities behr,"""..b""

""d ",bJ;;

Wlyte and Cans are considered sociologisrsby appointmenr and lruinmg..hritthp),u\Fd thF inlensivpdcscriprivccthnografhic r..h nrques prone.red br \\imcr ir rhe \rudy ot moa"m,Cme.ican c,rm_ muoitics. rerum of aothropotogisrs ro ttris approach,,". ;;il;; -Thp $hcn rnthmpotosisr {rlhur \ id-i.h:s aborared $ ith *.rioto{isr ;oseDh Ben\mrn in the \hrdy of d communit\ ; rtrc strrc oi N;?.i. i{; Fsultug Snl / To, tn ,ttas.rSociplyspe.i6cr[, u,ed t"ch,jques a;; 't onenrrnonr ddrtoped in rnrhJopotogy.This study did nor tooi rr rne roq.r as an unit. bur focu\ed upon irs rctarionshipto widcr -ff;";;; ^otJrFd nationar. contexrs.'s

::tT.1l.:Id werebeinsvie\ed rr"l ai *r. ""-.,,;; in reration to u,eirr,rg* co"i.xrs.a :-1i:_,lJl:.. taking ptacc in Am.ricn .ommuniry studies.

I i

:'tT, ;rff'.,f,;i: :ffi lyil,1; J":L,:l#...ii'ff :^ll,i-,rlf

Onc sroup *hose conrem \vilh the urban is eJr\ and 'onlinud^ ,.o'ais; of lhe archa.ologirr'who dcdl with 'arl) 'ivili/:ttion\.irl th{i the socioeconomic(and not meretv aesthetic)sense ln cxcavating the saw thev svstems, of no longer extant peasantsocint **"* .lt sites as one-ot urban to large itrlft- Jrom sm.tt scalesettlementpattems in ins history' V Gordon Childc referrcd to this ii," *"i. "r'*g"' .i the urban rcvoluti{)n .nd relltcd it to cert'rin slii{ts in economio Droductivity.Childe'semphasison the urbaDsettlementwas .r continuai". A tl" archaeologist's .oncem with the roots of contcmporarv civilization. The archaeologists contribution to u an anthropologv was twofold. On the o". fnna it devclopedI bng term histon€'l view of the uban process that {ocused upon thc vrrious conditions under which cities camc into being. This aspect of the archaeologicalapproach is exernpti€ed in an eaiy volune entitled Co,/s's I'otanl Urban Life, edltJ bv noUert Braidwood.l'o ln addition, archaeologv' bv its very nature, must focus upon those asPects o{ life that pmduce concrete mat€rial artifacts. In this more na.row view of urbin settlements, prinary emphasisis given to physicat{acto$ such as architectunl qpes' size oI dweUings, street plans, and core versus pedpheral Pattens Tha Trad.itb'ld,l Citg Som€ anthropologists anived at an uiban odentation through t}le study of tradition;l ciiies in peasantsoci€tiesAmong those we would eo cite t}le work of Miner in Timbuctoo and Schwab in Oshogbo Thesc citv of the traditional anthmpologists werc examining the characteristics communiof such udng ethnographic techniques and providing a view ties other tnan thrt provided by archaeotogists Sioberg, in his clnssic \!o& The Prcindustdal City, used primarily documentary history rather than ethnographic fietd techniqucs.lr All these studies were rttempts to get at thc basic essenceof the cmss-culturalurba phenomenonBv stuaying tnditional cities in vdious parts of the world, it was assumed

il:[,'$;]r:r6x"tr!":'"rr::#:iqilfr{t[*i:.j.#;:J $fl

im pet u s fro m W a me rs a p p ro a c h ,r S om{

res:rrcl *;gr,uJ.',r,"J. t,"f i,j;'J:j.*-,Tf:j ln urbrn ";; thewJmer \\1)yte_Gan_ r,. .*iJ. llJ:"JlH;Tffi: "op",".i 15 Willi,m

Foorc \!tlre,

S/pc{

Co@t

Socet

j

ir*,i: t*[i{fgi;;ffi+:+n-iff;{",*,jriffi

sn',r roln in 116rstr'.rv (prine,on Jlfl:i''il;*:!h5'Be':man ruD.iti,\ n Latn AwMa ,c,^tcn cir,: Lr,,ubrnra, ,nd i": i;::r;llj,'r*o ;;;lH

13Elliot Liebow, TaAg s Co@r (B6rMt

L tle, Bros.n bd Co.. 196?),

re Drai.lsood. Rob€rt, Coures Ttuad Fund Publi.ations nr Utbat I'iI., li]kiil 1inlh'@loq. 32 (Nrw Yorl. wrnaer CFn I uurddtion 196)) r nrja t'i m - , Th " Pn m n e ( i tu o l Ttr Ar .l n , IPi r n r r 'n : I n r r c' i l \ 'i l r n e _ ton Prss, r95i])! Willian sch$ab, Oshogbo-An Urban Conmunitv " in H Xupcr ond Mietuti^ in \Ve$ Aln a lR.tkelev: Univc6itv ot Calilornia led.), U;b6ituti6 P r *r . r 9 C 5 ) , p p .8 $ 1 0 9 :r cidtun Siob.rc, I [. Prr'i4J.'l.idi CilU { Nps lo'k: l he fr€e P', *. 1960\

r 16

q!

Dnvllopncm

that we would be able to place our oivn urban livcs within a bmader

A largc number of American anthropologists studi€d lv{€xica! . and other Latin Ame can villagesorigina y as an extensionof inrerest in AmericanIndians and later as the rcsutt of intcresrin peasantsocieries. For theD, when modenizati('n and nassive rurat nrbir migration oc, curred, ihe impact of tliese forcesoD vilage con,Dunities coultl not be ignirFd. Somc Lrtin Americdni\tsbeg,n ro dtrcusst],. urba. pb..,,;. cnon ancl its ptacc in rhe human erpenene. Ratph Beals articte urnanrrm. Urhani/arion and A.culturah,,n." in which he rried ro di0{enliote arnong rhc thrcc. stind\ our as one ot rhc ear[est eti oences ,tn JnthF'potogi\ts conc.m with rhc impa.i of ciries on his ^r taditioDal .onstitueDts.,, Oscar Lewis also becamc .". .r if," n^t 'urban anthropologists" as he folowed some of his villagen into tr,lex Bc:rlr rhc city doe, nor conrirue * ro*., u,r l:: ror S',,,.,.t.' r-ewlsrt does. "In,-;o, It ii intcrcsting to note thar Beak' a.ticle (originatty .a Fesidential ' ,.s.j nlto* rhe AmerhanAnrhmpotogiet ,t r :,11*,:. srudyot.crtjcsand complpxsocictyin ord.r to move "L"i"ti." awav tsom a haw overcmpha\rson p\ychotos) in {mpri@n anthrcpology. X,,_, rl,"i, twenty yeals tater, the concem is with maintaining -,"" ftom a separation --- ---"' sociology,_thevery discipline Beah had u,eed movi;g ,o"i.a. WhiJe Amcncan anthmpotogisrs*.* L,Fd;to cfties of r.aritr . .esponscro movementsof the peasantpopulation. a Daral_ hl phenornenon sar ratins ptace L B,in,h'",th;;;;.;;i#;_ maflry on crtresin Arri.a. ClassicBrtish soci,l anrhropoiog empUasiz"a th. study of baditiondt 1nd sratic a(prrh of r;hrt Ufe. il.";" world w,r tr mrny Britirh aDrhrop;togisrsSo"-" i"t *.t.a tn "i.; chansF.onc majur v.tume pubti,h;d i; drc earty "o"int 1960s(b"sed oD ; scarchin the tgsos w,s calted So":iolChang? in Alaica.2;Many o! the ' :rrtichs in thn votume dcatt wirh an imponant aspecrot rhc change heing nudied in {frica. vhhh ss thc mowmcnr ,i t iUrt p*pt" i.io urban centers. As in Latin Americ?, a simjlar mncem wtth the mtgnnt

ii3iffi,

iitf'*

Hiii;r"**'*,ion

2{ Aidm Southall Ga.),

I

i

17

to a later need to in the city was dominant. This earlv intercst ted the u$an to difierentiate in an attempt was *t at ttre u'fan cf'ancteri'e svstem' tribal social from the and urbanism so.ial system

I

Area StuAioa

;:,1'lT l#i,

II

u'baDDa,ioand A.curru*rion -

Aathturcto ^tunun sithmt Br€akdo*n:A ca$ study..' rhz scieatifrc

Soci4l Chnnee in Afn&

(bndotr:

O od Unive6ity

p.a$,

iI i

REcocNmoN or rra Surrs,n or UnB,rNAr." fioPol,ocY Despite all this interest in cities and urban life, actual rccogDition delnred of urban antliropolog)'took a lorg time ,\ najor factor that matutaiDlvith suc.hrccognition in the UDited States it from ing rhe un'quenes'of anthropologv^nd charlv distingui'hing othersocirl scieoft disciplincs prrlicularlv sociologv Students inevitablv ask, How does urban anthropologv difier Ircm sociology?- A partial answer to this question can bc deived from our orior
18

19

r a E DElEb p M ENr

nlr n .$ e \tF m o r p c J \rn t \i [ag.s. \on scs,em .n i b s nder c d rF * rc g i ti ma rtsre \c a rc h r i re\. bur the nud\ ot {rn,rr.rn ci hes contiDD€d to be consjdercd tainred nnd impure until rhc 1960,. T h .v s .U e s rrF n o r. ,.h a r .,crcri .l rcot {m, rr, ,n , utrural anrhro. , p. , r o g \ th rn . s n ti s h s u .i a t rn rh ro p,,tog\. Fouow i ng rhF tci J ,,t R ad.l i ffc $ 1 ' rk \J , c o n s i d Fred ,.umpar.,b\. ," c,oros\ and thei r . 1, . : l :l l ' * ' . w rrc n o t r\ s i g ni Gcdrr.The rmn\i r,on i mm $ork in . nna r a ro u p \ ro .$ n rt i n u rb J n \l rrngs. FvFn L,.nd,,n $as ea{ i er r \ c v c n n rl p 5 \.i n th " l a (t tl .c .r(t" L bi n ,othropul .,c, hi s hFen !.sqnrftl . r rrl r.t.1 " i .J r' i ,, \r,,:,..r .,,,,1,r.r.1" -.. \\" \.,l ,,^. ,\.,n,,,r s om eo t trre r€ J s rF 1 ,rr rh i s .

It i\ drfficulrro s.prrdtctunn.rtre,.ogniliun ol urtan dnthrunotorr , rrun.! gFn.rJttr.nd in thc rca,t"micw,rlJ roqard the .tud\ ot urh;n

r c'n in lh' ! r ^t ine lit 'r alur F ipccif f "allv lahellP'l nnrhrot 'ot ogvcan be Fdir c'l iull'1r i'{r ' ar licles d"aline cr plicit lv 5ix 1968. ,.-.,.i ' . si"". "l r 11", r odt ln r ddit iLn r he puhlnat i"n h, r ' r nr hr op"t oul ..,rt, ,rrl, "r ' hd increased. Another ethnography upon urlnn based ot monographs greater attention givcn to urban been the h.s pt'""o*""o" ,"t".a by n:tional rDd rcgional meetings, spccial conferences, "nthropology , ' lhc C. nr Fr ior Ur t al Ellr nosr aphvr r lhe aePncics and sup por t 'uch Penn{l! , ', i" scr , r . 'l iour nalsha\ e lr JJ r lc' ial isu$ on ot U n' u" ,sit y in a calted Udan Anli'opoloel.r iritiatcd aDd 1972 topics, iourn.rl urban

TE' DoM^r\

oF URBAN ANrmoPol-ocr:

i,'ili.T""l,i;li""Ti,i-""1;.::'l:J"1,:'fliTt,"J::l_t** ";".'n;

,tre.r a.rmptr "\pprim.nt \rtl th. ilt.r,ti.ciplinrD .\tFn\ion of urtJn sociol,,s)pol,U,ats,icnft hisru1.. g,og."pty. rlr pr"*..,.1"" \tuJics hrs t.pn rhe po"ting of r",oui.", ,,i **-l "rl,_ _"i"i *t.*"" l.

fi#Tilt"il':"'tl1ii'l:' J:L?,;tJi'.:t ;#,:ffij;,l-Jfl:

wilh jtr owr,, oncepr5 and methods. In rhe lJsr hvu in\rrn.cs, rhe $.ork u, anrhropotogy has otren hepn ,n intesral parr of rhe dctetop lng-urDan proglam_ conrributory frctor n, rhe el .Anorher

I{ one looks at the disparate litenturc caled urban anthropologv' it b€cones apparent that a tremendous range of data, foci, and nethods ar€ included under this semantically difiusc label Whcn ve examine this variety, th.rc appear to be three difierent t)'pes of studies from which the 6eld has taken its direction. Thes€ are: 1. Studies of peasant migrants to thc cit, 2. Problem-centered studies. 3. Traditional ethnographic studies using the city as a ltbor:rtory'

I-:*r,'tr"ti#Jkt;L-*t'".tr; i:,'.*i':fi "T:.fl

r,,ndins accn"ies hatecirhFr(ur r^"t i,, r"i.*"g .;. hI,. ,iili.j lJlv,:r: .":. ro tre surporrof rc\e.!chrhJrla. ier"yanc"ro lll:l:. -",11 ao_

iii"lil',:t,.i"illl;,lli'.,.i ili.llll,Ti"^Tl"fli:T ;,Jit,T.i,l: $o,,i"'h.r'nir;d ilr:"il.iTl,ii,';":ffhl",i"u;l,J.:",1':,'J,""1'o'[

.",#,x'Ii:,fitil"i:;H:l'il":.:l-,j;ii lttllH :":lil:i:j.";

1'iil,*l.',:l"ii;l;l''::,l,l,l:';"r::;l i* llkt i[::l;: , ts$.r,Fr{ ro I "err"rn;xr"nr. rhi(.hirr u,r," _.,r,'.r."i lll.:-1nd

nfu"* ffi::l':':'fi:il ffi"r}ffs il:[";;*'* ort'" puriti""r *r"

*.ri-pa.g",,'i*";iilH:iTi"i#:'l*":J:jH: :t.a-1, lh.m to rum rhFir a .nt!,n r,, \tudrF. in,f,";,^r.A". $jll F.\Fnlxillvl"r,l_ro. "-"_,f,,i froer.m( 1,,,mpro\Fcrr\hng(undition. rom. gen.lltt indi,.i(ior^of thF cmergenc, oi rhe 6eld or urban

?easais

in Cities

within the larger frarnework of urban anthropology, a group of studies that is a direct outgrowth ot traditional anthropology focuses upon nrral urban migration and thc initial adaptation of ruml peasants to the urban environmcnt. At 6 t, such research rvas an extcnsion of vilage studies, $hich {ound that thcrc vas considerable novement of segments of population bctvecn villagc and city. After a vhile, the {ocus shifted directly to peasants in cities, without the reserrch strategy of follorving the pe.rsant from village to ciqv, or euminiig the efiect of migration f.om the village or tribal perspective. These rtudies enphasize the reasons for migratbn, prtterns of migration, and the itritial 15ElizlFth Eddt {ed.). Lrbn Anthropolusu: R.s.archP.tipedi..x !fl.l sttatesics (Athens: Univerit) oI C€.rgia Pr$s, 1968)i Willianr [rangin (cd ), P?dantt in Citi.s: AeadinEsin rlv Anthrcpologuol Urb4 i.dtion (Bodon: Iloushton lvliflnr Co., of tlrbon Entircntuntt, rg?O)j T. Wdver sd D. White (eds.), The AnthtupoloEv ll (r972)i Ai.lanSouthall(€d ), Th€ So.ieiylor Appli€dAntlropologyNlonoeraphl, Utuan Antbopolosv: cror\ cultttol studies of Utb.nitution (Nev York: Oxford Universib Prc\s,lg73)j CeorseFost€rud Rob€t re",pc. (eds.), Anthrapolasint in ci,ier (Boston:Little, Brosr Md Company,r97il); JohnFri€dl and NoelChris ne (.ib.), cirv wavs: A sele.ltueReod.t in Utuon ,Anthorroloss(Ne$ York: ThonasY. crowell co., 1975).

r:;l:r','l;*:11":r-]t: 3ili:[iil"i:; ],i,'il';"Hl.'i:i

.#Hit;,'i;:liJ":;.J'ii,n,;'|.';"tj #J[J-..::: TTil

trfiidil';,i;:#*rl+ltfi ,,ll*m

difierent groups in oloqical strategies havc becr designed to compare mignnts rn redtion to adaptation. Contrasts have been made bctween as well as bet$c.n expeiences of various regional and aif.."n. "i.t"', short disoitut g-"p. in the same city. lnd between those who move tancr:sand those *ho movc frr. The phenomena of circular migration tr€oeated movement bctween rural and urban arcs) and step or stage (-ou".."t in seqtencc from small to increasinglv hrger iie-tio" settlements) have also been de.rlt with comparativelv In most of thcse shr.lies thcrc sccms to be an .mphlsis on the per' sistenceand/or moditictLtior of tradition This is to counteract the rcgative vie* of the ci\ xs disorganizing, detribalizing. and deculturating so Dreval€lt in problem-centered urb:n studies. This view is also part\' ihe result of the anthrcpologist's familiarity with the migrants' traditional setting his rurd ethnocentrism " It also folloss from the anthropologistt belief in the impact of early training ind in the permancnce ;f cultural absorption. PcrhnPs we havc gone too lar ir this directbn and should begin looking more at flexibility and change An additional criticism of studics of pcasants in the cities is that concntration upon thc rccent arrivals causes m.rnv aspccts of the long term urban situntion nnd thc cr:tant u*an structure to bc ignored We have noted some of the historicrl reasons fo. this enPhasis, but a fuly developed urban anthropology would have to expand its scope to reveal greatcr understanding o{ ongoing Drban liIc. Two categories of studies that do shift the focus away from the newly arnved are those wc will lAbeI the ptoblem centered and the arulgtical rpproaches.

n-,;-l'*'llfi '*:'i**',i,;".',r::*i'ill,*#,i$ fi:.fi ,l_l*l'l ,,*l*,,+ 1ri;i'h;*ffi and educatjonilin\rirurions of rl,c uir\.. Adrptarjon srudjesr:jlctude: t

look ar \trjitesiesrhar In!,,rt. rhe mohitrarroni,l

jt*li $E i,iii h'1':i#ffi{i,fi i,'i"ili;irt " txJi_T:i:::l:,"ffil1it,1; ",*-* ll::", ].n,,

iliiil{"fllll" "; ilt1"f,x,1i.!.J$l Tm'i:n#,ix].m:" T;#*"*" ,""l;:"i::ri::l:l i;ill",1'":"fi ,ilil.l.i:.",ff':*.'x.-,i,,,f:;

Pnblcnt-Centzrc

r"i,n.;,;;,;, ;:"J,ffi f.,';"",::*T: Jj:":::li;:, p-p..,1

ji.:r, j".'l: Ui.lnn:ui{'lrl"t i,*'1:,,,.:+ff

d Apptodch

In contrast to the -peasants in cities' literature, $hich derives directlg from the long term intcrest of aDthropology in peasant villages, the problen-centered approach, which is primarily characteristic o{ thc urban anthropologist rvorkirg in tlic United States. has no real traditional base in cultural anthropology. Crcwing rccognition within an' thropology oI the various wa1's in whicL anthfopologists or thcir data have becn used b)' politically dominant groups and westem colonial forces led to sorne of the studics we arc calitg prcbleln-centercd. Others stem from the development of Applied Anthtopology. In nanv *ays, the problem oriented urban anth pologist follows an earlier trndition in urban sociology that cmphasized the studv of soci:l de viants and minorit/ groups. In rnthropological studies, however, the approach uually emphasizes thc rclc that the dominant classcs and ecological fac.torsplay in the gener.rtion of problems. As an example of the problem focus in urban anthropology, se cite the following deffni-

$;#H;i1,fl t,;i1p;:,.;*p.,m11*,+rfJ l,ii'ji#I ;r:;:1.':,1;:* ::r,$;,: ;llrn n-fFli';'1.';,i

;5,9;1';';;;J";";ilil1i"':""iH'"';f",;J?:;3":lT:l jlffT,:l,ifi':lnjj:j.;: ,"".""Jj:Tff ff _,"_:"ii::l,;..,,f;j,

linn of this sub6etd: .The rtudy ot co,nplex so.,Fherin rermsof erbnic dereriorarion.rnd poputar dis(snr.nr.--o --.:.1::.,.1"' the group ot urba,, rnrhropto(i\r\ wtro arc proLtem ori_ ^-.-,"".if",. or p,siriu,,\ nn rhc poti.y imptic.rrr,{^ ol ihe rsearch ',",. I.,"* f"1"". ,\ nrord. Ai onc extremF.rhFreare thoscwho srudr .optr.sred pcoptcs_

j^1,1.,.,:Iol ro herprhem.detetop ractis and ;ri.r;;i., to i.ari."uy moduy

tne system. Ar thF other end. rhere arc tho,e qho study the saml A r ou j )s ,a n dJ l l .,n p t ro $ o rk $ i tl ,,n,nrhl nhcd i n,ri tD t,onal t;rmc\orl 5 r u im .ro r.rrF th e ri tu * i o n . Br,th po.i rr,,n. ar. i n rl ri , ,ensp, .$n..rr," d $ir h r1 , .,r,...,,,r I,o ti ,, r.,,p t, ,;i ..,,. ri ,r.,,. r--" ,,r tr,-. .,r,hro t or oJ rs t\ tr.t a n -p ,,rA rL i l rb to th,i r i ntorn.i rns JnJ.,\rumc rhe,ol c ,te ti a r(s . .r,d I.j w i n,omF pj pD tahons tri ps (,nl ) ro

of srrchgroups;rvhaLcver poricy;mptrcations ixisi

;::,i*i5*t""..

Prrhap' th. Irr-.sr ot probt.,n,irieDrpd \rIdi.\ n rhc ,. "o,npu,,p,,t po\Frry.within rhc tast decade.rnanyrtudicshJv. bcen il"r:,,]",,:'j runducl"d lh.r i Frnptto chrity and .o.rFct dcs.,tpin^ of tl. fr"tJ," dAeroqf itr \o.iar sience. rh. rnihroporosicar :,::^::1,,::,:, lhe ryo1 ,!'nro wrrh.pov.lty begrn with rhe writings of O(car Levi\. is lor mDrrlon ',.rhc i ulture ol po!ert) rcnept geo.rlrcd .onsid.rable (\)n_ novcrs\nnr.r n,.5\ivclircrrturp.:.tr alsosrimulared uban erhnoFaphn. ""-""^ r.errch iDiriarpdby a dFsirero rptur. or noatrv rr,",t,fo-iAlthough rhe literaturc on rnverty Lsusua y associatedwirh col. n, ae mursFsand readingstabe ed es urban anrhmpotogy. is morivat.d ras:ns oc.r $an an inreresrin rhc cfty. and oit* a,," :l oscussron\ihar arF nor plen uban_hased.Neirhrr -",,;* the causesoor ""J rhF man'testatiuNof poverryare timited to the city. Throughoutthis it; r,rrc.a o,nern \ith rhe qFnFrJtpolicy impticatr:on, of h"j-b.; d.m,'n\trar.d.Sine rhc devFl,,pmFni -*r..h ot ihe po!.rty tittsrrhrre proride\ so m.'ny?\"'npt,s ot rh. m.rhod,,togicrt .nd con"Fphutiss*. ;l ,,.b"n ' "nrhr';n:llls);w, shJ di.(u,s rhis,; erarcr daail; cl,pr", n. npr:r.cnon mrnontvgr,rrp\.pnrtnutdty in rhe cihes;t the t.,,ited c. . r.1r.. rrd b4n a coreot Irb.n anthr,,pol,qv. Vrny session\ ar reftnr nFri,,g( ot rhc.Socipi\tor qppti"d {;rhrop,togy iave b"on deq,rcd to ninority probtenis.Afro-,{nericans,Chicanoi, puerto Ricans, an;

)":l:.:ll:'':ll rn an rDan @Itc\fl*.'entrv

bcensr"ditur oftcnb,t *,';;;r;;.

tht {rans,o.k of A,nericaD urban antrmpology, consider ,., attention lllt.h:: abie hrs been paid to the shrd).of ,p".iff" i,lro""'i,otit ,tio"" ;iii:'j

*i:*

" ",

Anthrcpobsr7.drav(Dervar. carifomia:cRlr Bok.

2r Oscar L€$,is, "The Cultue of powfty,, Scientif. Awria,,

rl5 (1966).

a i

i I I

a'rd th.ir dificultics in d.lilernrg services. Such n6titutions as schools, hospitrls, rchabilitation .enter5, .rnd prisoDsarc seen to be failing in their man' objectives. Thcy ar. prinurily ltudied fron an applied rnthropological or policy perspectnc thdt rsks the question: How can they ip imprrved? The emphasis is on the rnalfuncttuns of th€se institutions Explanations of these n lhur.tions arc often oruched in terms of interc ltural misunderstrndimgsor inefiective oomnmnicationi conective poli cies are explicidy recommended or inplied. Amdican urban Nnthropohgy nrcludes studies of a varicty of devi!flt groups-people whose occupltnxN or lifestyles arc antisocial or illicit, at least b! dorninant class stmdards. ln thc anthropological stlrd ies, less strcss is placed on the dys{unctional chartrdenstics o{ these groups (for the larger socicty), and correspondi.gly more rttcntion is paid to the internal structtue, normative patterns, aDd ognitive worlds of these groups. Thus, rddicts, skid row residents, prostihrtes. transvestitcs, ard transsexualsarc vic{ed as subctLlhrrcs. Sone of these studi€s are aftempts to illuminatc the red, rather than the alleged, lifestyles of these groups. Sone point out how mainstream groups c$ntribute to the prob' Iems. Still othcl studies focls spccifcally on policies thnt would improvc the Ersition of the group. Any policy impliqrtions in these stt dies are aimed at changnrg the attitude of the dominant groups, rather than nxdpulating the subjects th.msclves. Actu.tl suggestionsfor changes iD laiv enforcencnt towards these groups have bcen inctuded in scvcral CnticLt tL, ol the Problem Approach. Vany of the researche* wbo have .oncentrated on lower :nd underclass groups have been criticized for their narrow view.Ithas be€n suggestedthat, for a more realistic view o{ the causesof urban prcblems, norc ernphasisbe placed upon studies of the dominant scgmcnts x,ho cortrol the strategic resources rnd naior institutions of society, such as the job market, educational aDd nedical establishments.Thus thc shrdy of an opprcssed group that locntes the gcneration o{ the problem in the dominant chss, brrt does not study the doninnnt group in detail. still lelves basic questhns uDanswered. For erampt€, a study of minority/police relations that focuses on ethnography in the niDority group without studying the pcer nrilielr of policc work m.r prod'r e. sugger li'nNt h. r t r r e unr . r list ic. Another criticisn of problcm centered research is that, by narowly e3The work of Ian6 SpBdley on skd low resid€ntsand thos€ of Jennifer James otr prostitDtesare generall!'acknowledg€dto ID1€ lad input into lo€l las €nlorcefot Oue ltufll a Dtunt iBoston:Little, Bro{n hd mcnt policies.JamesSprarlley, conrpey, 1970) ; Jemifer James, on tle Blmk, v&on AnthrcpoloE!,| (1972), 125-40;and lennifer Jmes, s$€et C.eam Ladics,' Westen ca@dian loxful ol An t'r.oroloss,3 (1973), 102-18,

24

rE

DErbryrM

25 r oc ,rri n go n c c rta j np h c n ^ m e n a .i t byparse\ tb, Iarger i * r,e ot the totrl i rv oi,u rb rl rrrc - U rb a n s ,,c i o to g )h| rs re(fnrl ) be4, rnrrh crttci ad l or ti s Dcj rc rth a r i i h e s J r. rh . l o ^ u ( n ,r aI \o.i JI probl " nn. Thi , probtem oi an anti-urban bias wi be d;cussed in the nexr chapter. o ' rh e r.x s o n ( rh a r a nthropotogi srs hJve o,,,fi ned rhpi r dH en. .S' l l " f. lon ro rh c g ru ,rp sa l rh . l o $ e d rungs i ,t rhe co,1all JdLl e. are rhat rhFre rcrc\sihte and urhcrabte ro t.he intmsive techrioues q":p'*" T-" or n n n D q rr' p h r .(u d ). T tra , i \ r ,,c$ rr, nd ru .rudy groups ,,rher r' hnn I n. Ir w r. i l l ,rs fra rcdar r4Fnr mc.ti nd. ot thF \m.n, dl -u r,d e r.ti \s c \. Anthmpological Associarion and in serer,rl pnblisherl studies. Sl ,rn | J rh , d i 0 ,(u h i .,. ,n lt,!,putugi .r\ tr.c $hpn th.y try ro ,r,c . . i ' g ra p h rr Ic ,h r,i q ,tp si I rh e ,tudy f-lnn ot cti res i n th. U n ed S t;r" . ,dn De s.c r r th r a .rn ft o t L .U rrd N ad.r r,, hdve ctJduatF \tudFnL \ru.l v d m a i ,tr.l .rwti rm i n \\:r\h i n rru n . D .C . usi ng crh;,gri phi " ," J;;" ;,-;i tace-to-iace intemcrion and observation *",yary^ ff," *_ s . r :l h l .h "f \,r\ ,r ,rn y r" c,ur or rh.,r""Urity. ol ,!i ;,b td.r or )4 , \opnr\rr.ihonrtro-J ' ,nt ,,\s th" .d operalion ot thc insrituhon they were sh,dvinq $ ueTrl c th r.d i tti c n tb { J c F d b y Jnthrop,l ogi rrs w hen rbey i hempr ro sruoy etrtes rn their "natIr:il scthngr...the cndeavor must hr continued. The Traditional

Analutic

Appoa.h

There is a third approach to urban anthropo]ogy that is more con_ ( f m e d w i th .c o n c c p rsJ n d th F ,ry rhdn poti cy. ti ;s more i nterested " i th A ' l n t..u tl d n n ru (tu rF th rn mi sranr adaprabon.These studi es, Ii te llr pcdsanh in ,ibes. g.nre. are an ourglol^4h of t adftional ''.t"1 -::. a-D_mmporogical concems. Ho$ ever. wb.reA the -peasaDtsin citries-geffe of rhc anrhropologists rradihonal ronsrtulcncv 'no!.mcnt to tne oty..tne traditionrt approach resrlts frorn th. u"nspo,taUon ot rle r ong -rcm r th a r.l i c J I p ro b trm. o t rhtsdi s, i ptnF to rhc ci ry. The trrdi ri onrl qucsn^n( about (o, iat \tructurF rnd so.ial procccs. or .rrlturc aod meni_ tion, are asked in ubaD settings as morc and mo.e of tbe world,s po;;i; tion is formd in cities_ Thtre k som? o\.rlnp bcr$c.n rhe p.a\rnh in the c v- gctu. nnd , . c d l i n g th e h i d i ti o nrt rpproach. H orvcv.r. rhe l ,,rmer y " " ' * " ...: is c nar a rrc n rF dp ri md ri ty b ) c o n .c nr w i th rrrbJni zari on. srraregi 6 ot .drp. tation,. and_social changc. The traditjonat approach is oden'ted more io general anthropologjcat theory-kinship theory, so.i,tizauon tf,.o.y, o. ti. _ communitv studv m.rhod N{any anth;opotogists i:lo not give up their traditional (,rcern wirh sLdud \ddd.,"Up-rh. Anrhrop4tosistpchDi\hrF. C,ired hum StuJyinsI D.- rn

i # ;Ti; i3,;ji,iff;ili"i11f.i#f fr, r-, v.r, n,.i.- Hl*.i"qiq

hnship as they move into cities. While many urban kinship studies relate io prasint adaptation,somc |).us or thc rolc of kinship in permAnent urbansocialstructure.Anthropologistsbive pointed to the variouswnys in Nhich kinship relationshipsrre stnrchrrediD an urban setting. One of the major innovationsin thc .rnalysisof urban social relattunshipsis the developntentof thc social Dehvorkconcept.Thesc person-centered s€tsof key sociallinkagesrre clios€nby individrnls, and thus dificr from Linshipties, which .rrc rscribcd. Both kin goups and nctworks are rrnn.rrysocial rnits .rd hxlc r qr.xt impact on socirt ronrs rnd bc, hrvior. ID nanv vays thcy are nrterrelatedbecausean indilidll.rl \rill selectsornekin for his nehvork. Otlrer socialgroupsin the urban settinghavc also been studied by in an tttempt to understandsocial process.Just as the anthropologists interestin khship follows from trrditnDal aDthropologicalconcems,so doesthe selectionof ethnic groups as r unit of study, for it is assun.d tbat each group is a "litde culture." ,{nthropoligists de6ne the group as a closedcorpomteuni! recruited by bnth and shapcdby cnculturation. This deffnition allows them to use the traditional concept of culttrre and ethnographictechniqucs and feel that they are still pcrforming rl! ,mthropologists.At a recentmeetineof the AmericnnAnthropologicalAssociation. 20 perceDt(largestcategory)of thc pap€rsdc6nedas 'urban' deatt with ethnic groups. Aaother non,kin group frequently studied is the neighborhood. This is becauseof the traditional reliance in anthropology on spatially bouded resid€ntial groups, even though plac€ of residence may not be as as sisniffcant in the lives of uban people. The slun, or rcsidenti^l conmunity of low-income residents, has been the most tnical unit r€presentedin urban anthropology monographs. Anothcr segmentof traditional anthropologyin the cty is rcpresentedby studiesthat ask questionsrclated to persistentissuesin the mthrolx ogy of politics,economics,arid religion. UrbaD anthropologists havestudiedleadershippattemsand powcr relationshipsin urban neighborhoo
l:llt:d

-ririr,

:.r.t",:)

g,.i" .tudyinsn.ishb,rhood,s isotared-vd.

on. rr missing the hotrsti. pchporhtp th. coniern wirh thc inre;. 'rges. rcrafionrnrp or pdrt5. thF inrrNo\en partern ot tL" rorrl cftv.

TrE IMpoRTANcE oF UnBAN- ANTlnopol@r DEsprrE TIIE Lacx oF Cr_E{IlctJ'I DEFrxuoN

One of the basicprobtcmsin deffningany newty cnersent bneld . . is tl. cstablish.rertof borudari.s to .lijrnrguijh ;t r.un, ,*"., rt,"t .,t, rerdy exist.Thercfore,it shoutdconrc as no sDrpdse tbat othcr {nthro_ pologistswj[ dctinearethe areaof study in a dift!*"r *"y, *,.1 tl;i;iil otlrersworrld srrggcstthat a distinctivc;nd new t"b.l t, ;;;;; ;; .ounrcr-pr.du( rivF..\inff nany ot tbe rcs"arct,quc\bons b;,,bsumco under an atreadt c\ishns .ubric. "out.l h:o *. n'"" *..ee tlpes of studiesin urbaDanttuopology, ft ir ..__ ,tl ::,thdt eacl :'pparF',t. uf lbem ,rvFrlaps\ignifcdnrjy oLh;, ;;;, ",ith lhu\. thp 'pcasants in citics- lrtcrarue "r corld b" coos'oerpdJ pdrt ur rhe conLinuing interc\tot rrnlrropotogy,n *jci:rl.hrncc re rpeciffcrll relaredro ttr procrssof mod.rniz;_ non orten siudicd by r}lc Fo,nomn anttuupotogisr. We hatc akcady +own rhdr som" of rhc +rty Atri@n studies,f-;;";;;;il;; vo,um.s cd'cempcl with gpnerrt \ocirt change and n,t rhe ciiy pr *. More re@nttr two volumes that deat rvith migr"tt", h;;d;;.;; ar.a rcsult of the 1974 rntemational C""g,"* .i e,tUp.r.gilh EthDoeraphical Science.One votume is entitletl Mtg*d_ i"d triri; ""J tion whilF,rhe other ic cJjtcd vigotion and D"""'t p,*"i. Th" ;;;; ylT, trr_ ]:_":i "",l...Jsity.bc-inra.hrnscdw hoursisnin@nrty,fl Dg tnF meaEing ol rhe rities.lo The very close retnrionshinb.t$cen

urb.n anrhn,por,,s) ,ni applrcd,.ii",,j.,r"r,- r,*

$llLfn.cmr.i:d arso Depn mcnrioned. FinaI). hadihonal ltntlu.,,potugi.at

th"

n,.rhp,tribe or pcrsnr \ i as. canbe ,re,,"d -r.","f,'r ,ls.i-;i; :3 :i,rll ll-- cr,rturrr ar,rhropolus) and its irstih,rionar subsp.,.ratd;s: ]]11.11 Krnstup.lllf' porrhcs. economics.

and relicion So mei d d i H o n a t l tro b h ms ,,t dj fl crcnti Jr,ona,,d o\crl ap rt\o eri sr 1 . . - .n u rD J n .d n th n ,p u l o g } o{ wp u n t trc one hand and m" drat i nd nona r 0 n rh ro ro to s yu r.th . o rh c !. 4l l tn,ugh rhpse " d,,.{ _ rrro npw rub6etds l ocus on s p e .rD ( rmh tu ti o n l t th,\ hi \. devel op.d tarqcty i n rhc l ,,n p tA.c. urban setting and are as 'recent as urban anrhrop"t.g". rf,*, ,i,.i,".rt? ies in rhesc t\vo 6e1as could be consitlered urbar #r'-p.lt"g1. ;, *;x ;. the anthropological study of particular areas. l: BTn -dlTo,l and HeTensara teds.). ^t4tatiol

The three categories of uLbrn nnthropology research (peasants in citi€s, problcm-centered, and t ditional) enelged as thre€ tlrllost endrcly unrelated developmcnts. Researchers working in one type ignorcd work in the otheE. Even within the 'peasants in cities" genre, those who {ork in African cities wcre isolatcd from the Latin Americanists. This can be seeD in the lack of references to each other. We have been using these cntegories because they are helpful to describeand elplain thc growth of a widc-ranging disparate literaturc cdled urban r thropolog\'. However, there is no logicnl basis for these categoriesand thcy scrrc no uscful prrrposc as a franre*'ork for a viablr anthropoloi{y of cities. ThN we will usc tlcn no furthd, but rttempt to develop a inore logical framework itr the ensuing chapters. As the result of thc lack of a clearcut deffnition of the subffeld of urban anthropology, sorneanthropologists rejcct the validity of r sepnrrte Iabel entircly. Thus \foss says, '. . . if urban rnthropology ,s difiercnt ftom aI other anthropology, then it night as well be poor socnnogy.'31 Hc goes on to say that while he hAs taught Urban Anthrcpology," he ilsists t}lat what he rcally docs is anthropology in an urban sctting. He sa's, fncetiously. that thc label "Urban Anthropologisa' is as necessuy as that of ?easant AnthropologisC' or "Religious Anthropologist." On the other hand, Leeds reacLs negatively to the urban anthropology label for cntircly diflerent reasoDs.He states: I consider such a ffeld a spurious and retrograd€ one in tlat it tends to male an excure for maintaining a subiect matter within a discipline which caDnot and should not handle it.3, He asks for more communication betNeen th€ entire range of social scienc€ apprcaches, suggesting transdisciplinary approaches to urban problems, over and abovc interdisciplinary ones. We would agre. with Culick, who argucs strongly aganrst a narow focus or premature closure of the ffeld.33 I{uch of tbe controv€*y conc€rning u6an anthopology as a discrcte area of study focuses upon the lack of clear understanding of what urbm means or what are the naior research questions o{ urban studies. This iss e of deffning the concept of urban aDd the ff€ld of urban studies ivill be discussed in Chapter 2. Despite semlntic confusion and lack of uniffed dircction, many anthropologists call themselves urban inthropologists, many $urses so 3rlaona.d Nios, Reviesof T. weaverand D. wlite ( e.ls.),A^thtupoloev in Utban Et.ir@mdtr," in Uhan AnthrcpoloEvNeoslelter, 2 ( 1973), pD. 39 40. i2 Comnent by Anthony tdih in thc fi$t Urban AntnfupoloEvNeaslette\ | (1972), p.4. 33conodt by John Gulick in the ff6t Urbdn Aathtupolasv NeusbtteL | /.1972), p. 4.

yHnl,l*';;ffr;l*r"iti.i::",,X.#"'k:::\H,:'n".i:r;i

lib e l e d .a rc l ru g h ,.i n d m n n v p o\i ti onstor urbJn rnrhropol ogi sr\drc Jdv ern \c o . rn p :rrt. th n i \ r re { rt r i ,f i dFnti tyi ng w i | J' r} c ncw Ll n.i pl nc s h l L l r:r w h i c h i \,\p c ri .nrrnc srow rh. rr i s 0t(o nhr,d t; rL. : r : ' rb :l r . ck o t trH rJ \ ro r re + a rc h i n k i baj soLi cri c.. r" w cl l i s rhe rctocu\i ,,gon Anoican society aDd irs probtcms. Thcse trcnds arc aho reflcctcd in-rh; job market, whcre em?loyment opportunities for urban anthropotog;i; appear to be grearer than for those in rDaDvother subffetds.

U rb .rn a n l h ' o p o l o g v .rs I c l, rrl l rcc,,gni zed{rb6ptd s i thi n anl l ,!. pology. emprgpd in the middJc of rh. sixtic, anct i, preenrJy one of rh" most rapidly grcwing areas within the djsciptine. T; undentand q,hy it has ernergcd and the direction it has takcn, one must look at the hision, oI the lar-ger inc. its conceprudl ha\is. aDd the .";", ,t if,.t -disciplimprct nave hact a direcr ""* on urban mthmpology. As a scientiffc discipline, cutturat arthropoiogy had its r@ts in the nints l .e D l hn rl u ry . t h c p rp a n s i o n,,t \\ " \r.r,, E uropcan n,ti on sr.t.r as .oronnr ponc_F led to conracr with previou\t) remore b-ihrt gro,,ps. Thc cxposure oi LurupF:rrr rnd Americdns tu shang." and -primjtiv." cus_ t ums rn d i n rri i u ti u s s ri mu l a t.d rhe dev.topmcnl of rhc di sci pl i ne. \tucl , ol lh . c rrl y e ffo rts q p re b rs d u pon n,,ri on\,,f cutru,t et;tuhon that pli. P d E,rro p c rn c rl 5 to m .rn d i n sri tuti orsat rhe dp.x ol dcvel opmenr:rs thc most cn,Jizcd or progressrte. DFrpitF thesc sh;rrcomjng.. * g.o,p of specidrish did who were mn(en,cd with rhc studv ;f hibal "merge \o.iFties. They wcr. compariog rhose so(ierics ro une anorinr ard to wc sl a n ,s i ' c i F b . T h ,b . th F fr' m p d i ti l c approachw a\ a vi t:rt Ftemenr of carLy cul(urdl rnthrooolow, In the early d;ad; of tbc twenticth ccntury, many or the basic J t t r ib u tF :" o l c o rrc mp o r.r) a n rh ropol ogycm" reed.' l .b i root ph,e ro m e. u s e o r rn c c o j n p a r.' ti \. .p p n u ch. 6,td w ,,rk $as esrabti \hpd as l b. DJ s rsu , d i rJ . m ttc c ri o r,. rrra l y .i s of total soci ocul hrralsydcms crmr to t h. l o n . a rd o rtru r.rt re ta ri v i ,m bc..m" p.rr ot the;ul hrrat .nrh,opologisti inteilectual baggage. To a cdtaiD errent, British and Amcrican a.thropotoF,, took dif_ ferent paths. The British deffned thcir endeavor as .omparativc sociology, white the Amcdcans d.ffred their 6etd as rhe shrdi of cutrure. ,{'a re$lq many of the boDndary-maintenanceprobf"^ o'f A-".i"u" .ntt,o, pology (padcularly in relation ro socn,losy) have not bern nnportmt to the British N{rch of the recent growth in aDrhropolog},was :l rcsrlt of \\,ortd ,,_ War II (194r-45). The Unir€d Sratesgovernment utilized anthroDotoqists

6 understanclirrgthe enemy (particularly thc Jap.rnese), in administer ro i ns $ar r, lu, . 'li, ', ' . . , m ns t or Jdpr n*+Ar r cr i'. t n. . , r r r d ir dr lcm pling r ^ lhr w"r , f l, 'r t I n r n. ur , lnr m .Iang. \n xr r , r r , b. h. t r ior r l nJt lcr n governnent ptograms for training of fideral developed thc addition. thc ajea speci.rlists. sone of u4rorn subsc.lucntly became anthropologists. Covemmcntal ii'terest in anthropology hrs continued ftom that time. and is particul.rrly apparcnt rt times of o,,tright dnflict involving American Lrl rnr ar ihn4r , hgv hr s hd it s o\ 1, disli. ciit c dclelou! . r r t wit l, nl larscr conte\t. The worlr ol Robert Rcdlield is particululy signiffc&t tbis of Ntexican village life shifted the attention of .nthropologists studies His societ-v to pe$ant socicty. An important cortporcnt of tribal frorn societies to emcrge in Redneld's rvork was the signiffcance ot fEasant cities in these soci.ties. At about the sane time ( 1930s aDd 1940s), th. anthropologist W. Lloyd wamer began his studies of srnaller urban mmmunities in the Uritcd States. Both of thesc mer hrd an inport,rnt nnpa.t on thc gro$th and developrnent of urban anthropology through dreir omr rvork and through the stinn attun they Provided their students. In the varicd litcratue rcferred to as urban aDthropology, there arc several ctusters of studies. One such ch$t$ is labelled pe$ants in the city." As n result of ma$ive urban migration thrcrghout thc \,rrld. m.rny moved to cities, and thc people formerly studied by ^nthropologists thcm. \Iost of the studies that resultcd cm anthropologists moved Nith used migraDts to adrpt to city lifc. ph.sized the stratcgies by Another ctuster of urban anthropological studies focuses upon the 'ploblems'of uban life, such as poverty, devimce, ninority'maiority group relations, and institutional {aihrrcs (educatn,n. health seNices, law enforc€nent ). \lany of these studies are .oncerned with devchping policies to solve or amelior.te the problern- It should bc noted th,rt British urban mthropology has not bccn particularly concerned with A third cluster o{ shrdies, primarily pursucd in traditional nonwestem cities, attcmpts to look at the total entity o{ r particular city. Othcr anthropologists have taken the traditional ar€as of anthropologi.al research (kinship, religion, socialization) and transposed theD to an urban setting. Obliously these varictics of urban aDthropologicallitcraturc prcsent a iather bewildering image of the subffeld. Some anthrcpologists doubt its l.gitinacy and suggestthat we discard it entirely. Others suggestthat it is like an infantr the basic f€atures are there. but what it will look lik€ as a matu.c adult is difr.rlt to predict. All we can do is vait and see.

31

2 Theirleaning of Urban in UrbanStudies and U6anAnthropology

In the previous cbapter we described some of the baic mncems and appmochs of cutrurdl arthmpotogv and dcrcumented rhe hjstoricatde. \pr^nm.nl.or lh. cubffeldot url, , arrhropotogy. Since $c use oI rbe corcepl l?rrdn is centr:rlto rhis cndeJvor.ir would apperr to be essentirJ Jr rn6 pornt.t^ indicatc thc vdieb oI wars in which urhan anthronot_ ogrstsanu othcr\ hrve used rhe term. {fter dis_ssing this variation in usage, wc devote some time to the various def,nitions a,a .i the term l,.dn itself. -.",,_g" The word urban is used in rhree distinct wlys in rhe labet . u$an unthftpoloEa.freguentl) without an expucir recognirion of rhe differ l' to nudd) rhe wrters wherc ctariry is essential. unP.\'Iai dr\hnchol npp.ars to b" betwFcnthoseto $ hom urhan means re lo.u' ot spt+inguithin whhh lhp ludV is ptrtx.ptt (anrhropoloqv in rne cfq r and rho\e ro \hom rhe rrbdn itwtl is ttk wime lod,s ol siu.tu 30

rlnrhropolgyol th€ city). Anotherdiferenc€ is betv€en the useof urban ro r€ferto the study in or of touns anl cities,that is, a particular tl'pe of setttement,as opposcd to the much more difiuse m€aning of the study o{ modenr urban industriat social systems.In the latter case, the word urban is not really relevant,becausea particular kind of settlementis nor involved.Thus, urban anthroPologyh used looselyto nean r) th€ 56dy of contemporary, complex society, 2) anthropology ;n the city rrd 3) anthrcpology ol the city ArrmoPorocY N rrn CIri Anthopolog in the cit-v is the study o{ va ous aspects of life in whicb tle cilv is mcrcly t}le location or contert of the activity, but is m( in itseff, the focus of research. Obviously, the urban context has decided consequencesfor the particular asp€ct of life being studied, but it receivesonly minor attention as a factor influenciog t}le asp€ct of life b€ing studied or as an entity being infu€nced by tbe asPect of life. \tost of the literature Iabelled urban anthropology has been anthmpology ifl tle city. If we review the categories we used in Chapter 1, we can see the validi! of this statem€Dt.Many of the peasantsin cities studies can be viewed as focusing on the problems of newcomers shiftting fron one conmunity to another. Only if the unique pbysical, demographiq and ecological characteristics of the city rcceive primary €mphasis,or if t}le efiects of nigrants on the city as an entity are erplored, can th6e studies be viewed as anthropology ol the city. A similar statement can be made about the problen'centered :tPproach. Poverty and racism are problens of th€ larger society rath€r than the urban s€ftlement. Th€y become urban issuesonly if tleir relationship to uJban social structure is addressed. Analyticaly oriented studies were deffn€d in Chapter I as tlose foos€d on the traditional theoretical concems of anthropology brought into th€ urban setting; therefore, they are lareely anthropology in the city. Studies of kioship are nore concemed \\.ith kinship theory tlan with urban th€ory Perhaps the best exanple of anthropology in the city is that body of titerature that emphasizes the cognitive catesofi€s of groups and quasi-groupsin the city. In thesestudiesone is given the insider'svielv of thc social rnilieu in which his life is played out.l Spradley calh this rFor exMple, sce lafres Spndley, ' Ailaptive Strategid of Urb,n Nonads: The EtlD6ciene of Tmmp cultures, h T. weaver and D. wlitc (.'ds.), ?he Ant['oSociety f.r Applicd AnthropoloSy MonogBlns, 1972, votogu ol Lthan E.rnntuenrq pp, 2l-38; and Jemifd Jmes, "Swet Cfed Ltdies: An lnt.odu.tion to Prostitute 'l^Momy, westefl ctu.liltn loxtul ol AnthtuDoloEs,3 (1972), 1021I8.

3!

ns

wE^NNc

33

t)"e.ot study.urban anrbropologybecauserutturat pluratism and mrnin. cib lite. H,,wever.rhe u,,iqu" f..rturcs of urban .p.I'l? ll..l"*** rte dtr.r the groufs being studicd and the cflecri ot tf,cs" g,o,ps o; be a minor prn ot rhe,estudiA L*" t,uiy in. :l:.,r) *1".: lpperr,ro rle , ig st!:\ merer),s a r.,b,,r"rorv ro. trr""rc" orrs._,uon

:'lll::l r.1,'.: rhis bLorarory is nor\iewed rnr,"..nrry air","f l] 1*.1" ntnptr h t i\ increasingJycharJ(ic,isfi. rr)m of ". where p-pt. fi," tnc,prc$ntbme.This Lindof urhal ,rhropotugv i,,,, tradili.,ndl crud)ot peoptein rh"ir infinire\inetv. "*","i""

of,i""i

ArflnoPoLocY

URBIN INDUSTR L socrDry

To many, rhe rerm wban anthropologg is nrterchangeable vith - d hrorolosu ol .ompl"x \o.ictg tL' or tuntrmpurory :o.btL. Labctin| th" dudy ot ,noden,so.ial*stemsrs urbrn rnrh,"n"l.C, oJ (onru.'j',, rt is sencrc t recosnizedrhat rbe " "'-";,,,;;;i rndushiat ::'r!.:c Relor; non nad a,srgniticanr upo mosr areasot life in rhos so.icties -impact by wuse lrroouclronrs domi,rared ildusrrialtechniqucs.ndorganiza. Aseects of life uch as communication, Eanspo.tarion, difiusion of :li.

medicarpracticeshavebeenrevorrrtionizea ry

iliTll[#.

"r."e*

i,

PFr"hJp s he \igniffcinrchansehast,len ptae in relarionro ,. .t .mo.t moneyin armo\rau tran$Jons) or ajr aspeds :",T,:!f::, ur rp ano Ine i*,f mphasis

srowrng upon mmmercialization. The srgu cane produ:er in Puerto Ricq the cofiee grower jn Colombia, the cottln in.Es',llt.all haw bc.omF p.r,r oI . cash c<.onomy aod are af_ fl:.w:r, re.rea Dy th. uorrd-wide marlct svstcm. They are part of rhe modemiza hon process.althougb they remain hasica y rural in residenceand remain m agncu uril occuldtions. T]," ,ir,d! oJ rhe impjr(t nf rhis \ocioeonomi( p-.e.s: . vcry imtnrtant parr ot modem indrropotogv. but it is nor .o,n.idcnr'. anrhropotosy irl ciries or anrhmp.r"i. ,I .ir*. r, ._" .wi-rh way\ rnrs r( Ints r.a\r prpcisr rrs" ot rho urban .n$ropotogv t.bet. The study of a particular scttlement partern (the citv) is not iden . , r ic al t o l h p s tu d y o f u rb rn i n d u :tri i l soci at qdcms. S ur .rs the ci N o, melropolitin reeinn hecomes rhc domi,,.nr t*., *,d"ln*t r"iiri. type.or societ, the distiDction beomes tess "r however, impo,tdrr; the di.;-

:T;rJ"i#ij,* ,.

.Th.

--."ined

social svstens as lln institution lvithin hrger .attund ^nd internntional it is too nallowl-v or whether iorne ask if it is a necessary subspecialty h urb.n anthroof the spccializntion de6."a. ff'. major iustiffc.rtioi studiFs sp"cixliTins rrhan ffeld of gruwilg dlo(v is lhc eYi\tence oJ thP L thc ci w as an inst ihr hnn.I n or der t or and1r , 'poloeyt o com m 'r nicir c witl| and contribute to urban studies, a specialized urbnn .rnthropologv within the largcr study of complex societies is essential.

as Jongas urban centersrctain their unique

colfusion hchvFcn artd,

anrhropotogl on rhF on. h:rnd cnd

il".,1:::'J,#t1f Lfi:lti?t:l'tl;f;.I#:t;:.firlH*:l

cialtt of the study of complex so.iett,. If focuses hteDsivety on the citv

or Crrl€s

Since the anthropolorr'\ ol cities is the only asPect of urbm anthro pology that emphasizes the urban confeat as a major variaLle infuencnrg iir", ii *."ta seem to us that this area of research activib is central to urban anthropologv aDd the development of Dew research strategies' In addition, it is that p:rt of urban anthropoloF$ that is directlv linked For those concemed with anthropology ol the citv, a series of questions about the nature of cities thcmselves needs to be asked \44rat is contrast to otber settlements? ID vhat wavs does unique about the city tie city as an institution i.fluence behavior and beliefs? How does the relationship bet.veen groups and quasigtoups in the citv influence the urban center? To what extent can we develop a tvpologv of cities nr order to detqmine those characteristics that account for di$erentiation? C,oalt ol Ufian

AnthtuPoloes

Ar€nsberg deffnes the goal of the subfield as the comparntive studv of cities in order to portray the range of 1'adation of the urban centcr as an institution. Gulick rematks that only those studies thnt contribute to our understanding of the complex urban eDvironment are urban anthropology. British urban anthropologists, emphasizing the uniqucDe$ of urbar s@ial institutions, have also catted for a prinarv focus on the urban. Lee& and Fox ar€ even more emPhatic in stating that the urban must be the primary focus of study in I meaningful rrrban anthropolog ' 2 GmF.l Arnsb€ra, Thc Urbm in c.os.ultultl !e.spe.tive," in E Eddv (edr) | ftia Anttnopoloiu( qrhpo:,Co'sia Untrc !r\ of Ccu'{ia PF ' iq48r' Irls and FclPLanr""f Urbdn {nt\J"polu$: culicli -1hc i')url;k. Bapa'ch srrarpBt€\, nE. r dd" 'eA. ) . t , banAnt h, "f iloEqDp 0Lq3: J ( lvd" \ lt r 'h'' A C anmc nr ar y. ''Tldx Li@l Orientationsi; Afn@r Urban Sh:dies,"h Nl Barton (ed ) ?1, So.iaf oI CohDl^ So'Luc' (N€\ Ynrk: l'"'l"r'+ A P'd"g' Pul'lnlF* Anthtuuoloeu t966r DD.i?-68, A. Le"d:. Th. cnthropul',c).f Cirie . \',m. \lnhodolu4&' js\u6. ; C Edd! \c.l ), t,ban Atth,oPoLntunp il-4? and Ri.hardFJ\' "Fa r (1972). 905rionle hd nomdce iD UrbanAntl.opologv, Utban Anthtopoloev, 33.

Those who conccntrrle upo, the \rudy of rh. c r ir\efi .s the /ocrr , . or.stud) hr\e delelopcd \c\Fral brsic approrchp". O,p su(h approach r s ro a c c c t)tc e ri a i n d i s d n .ti te d H ri butpsol urba. * l tl e,nenr as gi ren_ s . a l c .d e n ri h o f I)n p u ta ti o l ro c i at..utturat. {,,d .co,,orni c hetcroe;netv \parral \egregation .ond then \tudr the impa.r ot th4c chaE.Lnsfic, ut,on other aspects of lifF .uch rs s.,cirt relationships mhcsion, s(rirl iole tu d i o n . $ c i a l m o b i l i q a n d adaprari on.In orh.i u.ords, rhe preaeDnc o r' tu rr o r l h e u rb a l i ( a s ,In^d rnd i ( n,,t i t\ctt under i nv;sri gr. tion. \Iitchell, nr his classic art;cle, ..Th.oreiicat O.ieniations nr At-ricrn -,. LLban Studies," outhtes rvhat he considers to be the sigriffcant aspecrs

lf

l

,h"

densf] nr sctrtemenr. mor,irin.r,,te.og",*iw.a.,nog,Jpni.

a6p ro p"'!1", o rtro n (rn tc rm r o t s e r arl l age,. e,.onomi cdi ffercnti ari ;n,;nd r hero n s tra i n ts ^ i m p o rd L 1 m u rrici prl admj ni srrrt i uns. H e rh.n urgcs rhp sturl) ol lhe pdFrt ot rh.\F tpaturc\.r An crrmtte of a study spc.iGcath I oc u s i n s o ,, ,e s | o h e s ru d c ,b i D Jnd c,o\{ di ,,; mn u. r" ." a i . a-,j " ;. Uh'nesF re\ponses to crosded housing sihDrions.r approacb is to use t}le method of co";tred conpa.ison. . -Aloqdbehavior in,which and structure in cities and rurar areas ... d;;;l ca y cornpared and contrasted in order to isotate distinctivei urban ch.ractdsti.\ and effecrs. E\eD in rhis approa.h. however. some a priori nonons or $har makes r.iry different musr be assamd bcfore rhe com padson caD be rnade 5 Still another approach in which the ciry is a cenral {ocus views . the urban c€nte6 as depend€nt vadables. Thus the city is leen to be the res-ultof particular historicat or onrempo.ary economic. socirl potiticat. and culturil forces that-fom I urrique urban coltext. Wirhin rhis aI> prorch. there are reverat trends. Th. 0rJ is a s"arch for rhe charaaerirtics of a highly abstrJct univer\at i oncFpt ot Th. Cih . tvhen Arensb€rE suggeslcd.thrr a baric qoal of urhan rnthroputogv is rhc mmp:uadv; \tud) ol lhc citv ro obtain i rang. ot varirbilih ind csrxhlish rllroloAies or tne urhan. h" c\empliGed thi\ dircftion of interen. A m,nbei ot."_ thmpologists have blancd thc faiture to ernpirica y derrlop such an unde$tanding of the rarure of the u.bo" ihe fr.i trrat tr,c ra"gc or urban centers studied in depth has been tirnited alno,t e*a"si""iv to 3 Ntftchell, Theorcricdlonentarids" I E - ,\ . q rre ^ n n . J ,., i o ,1 " .l r' r.p \ t.rhu,t\.f t)p.ti ng\i tb cruN di ns,-ti rzn Anthnp.tasu,I ( 1972) liu-S{) t Lmmph. oI lhn i'rF of su,t a,": R^ndtd trn,.n, h,1. ..Comrsri\on(.,t S(i,t In. lnr r i o n ,s l J + .u rb .n .n d Bra t \ta tr\ cul r,,,p.",n T. \\' ,.a\c,u.a r, u t,," t" ,r, r r t u, 4a th a ro to ruo f Wh h I: s 6 w n t. pn. 69?6: E . A . H * " t,." n" r" ,,i f,

)il"fi;.lJ;ifl,i:1r,,;tf.fl ,j,,HIJ i1lX":ft1'^i'#Ir 1i,'1,il,,il.t #u"'*ru'* \'J-cD"'r t"\a'tr c;'i" il?ff'":jHr'l'J"lr,j:.,"t'

-

'e-r""

W€stem cid€s. Thus they do not accept a priod assumptions :tbout the natureof cities used in the above approaches.Whnt they want is a much more comparativc approach than has bccn evident up to thc preseDt Others fe€l that to understand The City as an abstract universd irstitution is not a useful goal. Thcy would prefer to focus on cities in diferent culture areas of the world, stressing the diferenc€s in cultural h"ditions, rcsources, and historical processes.By thoroughly investigatbg small gmups of citics closelv related in time, space, and culhrre. thcv hopc to ultimateiv u',dcrstaDd the city h gcneral A further development of this lnrc of thought is the $egestion that. even within a sinele cultural settiDg or nttion-statc, utban centers have important dificrences that influence the bchavior of their inh:rbitants The nature of a paticular cit!, rather thaD The City as a univcrsal institution, or cities tlped according to region, is the concem of this rer€arch. The particular citv is viewed as a product of interactions between its component parts and/or nrtcraction with extemal forces. Le€ds compares t}le Brazilinn cities of Rio de JaDeiro and Sao Paulo on the eficcrs of difierences in economic and ndministmtivc functions on the genernl coDtours of t}le ci!v; these, in tum, afect the'maD in the street" by making the labor force and local neigbborhoods difierent nolwagen shows horv dcmographic variables such as rate of growth, percentage of imrnigraDts, and regioDal location produce difierenc€s in Mexican cities. Price compares th€ history, geogrnphy, and political/ economic ties oI two Nt€rdcan border towns (Tiiuana and Tecate) in ord€r to expldn difier€nces in their ways of life. A slighdy diFerent approach is takeD by Nagata, who sees the historical development (Particularly in relation to colonial rul€) as a maior factor influencing the naturc of etlnic groups in two \{alaysian cities. Fox md Estellie Smith have each compared aspects of two American cities and er?lained the difierences in tems of each city's history.s TE'UnB

N" I

SocI L ScrNcE

A basic problen in the use oI the word trbdn in social science is th€ lack of a clearcrtt and generally accepted deffnition. As wc have iust indicated. many of those engaged in the anthropolog ol cities see this deffnition as the end soal of research, not the beginning point. 6ld!s, The AnrhrDolosy of citis i J.ck n.lhvasen, A comprotive Fumervork fo. the Investigation of tle Ci9-as Cont€xt: A Disdssion of the Mexi@n Casc,' (1tutnAathturroloEu, r ( 1972), 68-86!JohnPne, l iito@: Urbanituti.nh a Botuler Cslr,'. (Noke Dme: Unn€nity of N_oheDane Prcss,1973); Judith Nqata, A Toml Irbdn A^rhropaloE!,3(t971), Taleof T$D Cities:LiIe in Trvo Nlalaysian l-26; Foi, Rationaleand Ronmcd'! and \f, Estcllic Sndt\ "A Tale of Two Cities: 4 1t9751,6],-72. The ncalitr of tlistoli€l Difreteace!,"Uhon An,hrcpaloeu,

36

rE

37

ME^NrNc

hobbns

of Defrnition

The twentieth century Las seen a frustrding aftempr at deffning the urban. It is ev€n a diftcult task for rhe archeologist dealing with tbe dawn of cities, as typiffed by a meeting on early urbanism describ€d by Ruth Tringharn I One re$lt of the meeting expressedin the peers presented here, \\'as thrt it bccameclearly inrpossibleb agrce orr a deffnition of "urbrn. ln the smc way it was impos\ibleto trice lhe eiuh srags in the -urhanizingprcccs'. i.c. ro je6ne thc poinl lrr $bich a n;nu$an s€ttlementbecam€urban.r Defrnition bu Form ond Fu'rctiorr

..

i'

One nethod of distinguisLing between the various dennitions of the urban that have been ofiered is to classifv rhem as to ,o'm and l,n,1tor. The caregorybsed upon forrn woutd inctudeatt rhosedeGnitions that enphasize th€ intemal structure of the urban cenrer, $ch as population characteristics (size, densiry, heterogeneity) and/or geo graphic settlement patterns (disrribution of activiti€s and residenc€s, variations in land use, and arcbitectual foms). As opposed ro tles€ d€ffnitions, tle category based upon function woutd inctude the panicular roles urban centers perfom (econonic, political, srmbotic), identi, ffed according to internal characteristics and the dynamic intdaction between the u6an enter and its immediate Lintqland or larger po, Iitical/economic rnatrix. Probably the best known aftempt at deffnining the urban, as well as the lifestyle associatedrvith it, in tems of form is presnrcd by Inuis Wilt}l in "Urbanisn as a Way of Lif€." This article, which tust appeared in 19.38,denned the urbaD in terms of irs intenal demogaphic characteristics rather than its functions. Wirth savs: . . . for sociological puryoses, a city Ina), be deffned as a relarively large, dense and permanent settlement of sociall], heterogeneous individuals.3

lhat were d",n to hrs deffnitionot lhe ciq. The rntcrnrl charr'teri5lics sot irl \ci'n bv mxnv Ini,"l r" rvi'rhi deff;tion te shll 'ubscnb"d tn thc cifv ol fir. V,,.f'.ff" invmtory ol the d'rrroer3nhicPr'rFquisites r ij similar to Wirth's deffnition The classic work of the Geman g€ographer Christaller on central rpProdchro Christaller olace lh.ory is an etamplF of th. functianrl cenrmlplaces e(onomic i",erms of theirlurrcrionas ii"*" *U.. *t*" well. rs man eco. a geographcrs arers \lod 5"r'i.g rh.i. or InF t'r (.iFnri+\ use -no""aine hivF cotrtinued ,'ami.rrrnd politic:rl 'on"lr u J'poli(nrl durrritrlr" cenrerol both e'olnmi' urrJ inf",n'^ 's " ol lhF u'tlan Althuughrh;' \idv drt'lnr"d 0s t n"i"* "l^.".;"'" the existence of cities' maDv socid scientists e\plicitlv r*t"i" l"i'c" de6ne the esenc" o{ urb'nncs irr thesc tems "ccntcrsof "^,'imolicirl ir-""l.pf" of rhisrt?e i5 Miner sh' de6ncs'ities a\ phenomenon s dominance-" To l{iner, the role of the citv ^s a power power economic rId pulitical . . dJaws its essntial quality Losic i he $hcn whearlFv bv is echoFd vie$ rhis ,ri" city iLJ* "progres hdve that of dominrnce -'"a* ordcr ol rhis * .i.*. ' ",u^ the scnp. and xutonom) ot thPir insrihrtionrl spherFs t'"i" .",..a"a rariFq or institutions take J sreat i" i.l"i. *,,1'", *.h '"t's*' -of | structure ) i' \o variablethal it is "virtuallv rr',t mo'pr,ology ior"is. ".a purposei Anv rgllaritics in r.' A*"1n"^i.' or analvtical :rnd rn trenos "*i." the'urbari. .. $ill bc manilestedin sharFdtun(tion\ rtranin form Uzzplland Provcncheralso look il "r'""g" """,."'i" points for the c\changeo{ soods rervices * I" ,l* *r", -,r'.r "fficienr "i"iu*ideas.lt and --."' p"."p""tive, the functions of urban cent€rs in economic' F; dominancetre primrry 'haJactcri'ti's at lh' ritv raiu*1, ,.a nrcr ""rt"'if ils fonn is lhe re$lt of frrnction Diff'rent tun'tions and r diEcrenr lead to difierent foms archv --'i-.l.rof tunctions concernof those analvziDgcontemporaryurban foms or Based ati* i" tf'J o""*U." * *e Dtdbilitv oI forms that currendv exist thjs that we susgest here, frarnework d-eveloped J"". *"--]."""*"r is form and function bet'rcen r," a,irn"a onlv if th€ ielation iJ*. ffrst in the "to cities g:rve ris€ that Thus, th; functions ^^a"-""pii"tl e Mitchell- Tl@retidl

Although there were many criticisms of rhis article duing succ€€ding decades, nost werc related to Wirth's discrEsion of urban tife rathei 7 Rrth'Iringhan, lntro&ctid," in Ruth TringlDo (.d.). U n do\er, \la$: Warner llodule. 19?3). Do. l-2. N Lr6ui) wllt! U'b.D.m & , w;) ; Lif.._ AtunN bunv! (1 93 8) . r , 2. ! .

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ot Sriotn.;u, 44

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Orientatios c"m'rn): csrav z"'ttuta od. it sid.t"utlrhtand crt-tjr",lnt ' lena -triil;;-'iaren ',iii)lii.l Pr"nri"e-Harr pubrhhPd L'v w. and Ba'kin I'v c F.:ffi'v.;;;: 'n r966..rn,ro.tudinn. rr.sr-f

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'!'ugN Nc oI

to .i U c r., rh e y nnw p\i sr hJ\e,,or cha,,qed H o$.rp. l" ' l r' ," ." " ' ! re, hDoloS his tcd ro .r diflcren, c hp|we.n thc irr.,ril ctm*cr".i, ., pre i n d u s b i :rl c i ti $ ,rrl ) i n d u \iri al .i ri es i ,,ctr.{ ,,pmD ori ^ "i ' ci ti o T,,a_l

. h"nuFrs

urri,,sar \uctrI ru|,idraierh.rrrlc n.,,.j

l:.iln:oelc.l icl ot .?4ttut pto.cs to pcrt,'rm ,uch ftrnctio \ nr.r\ n" Ions"r .)I,, cihF\..as lorms.may bc .,rriia.r\ot li,ro.i, a^ jop-_r.?a "rr,t .,, ,.^ disappear.Speciffcaltv,revolutiorra* "t ch",ge, i,, 'ell ;;i commuDicationaliow the dispdsl of ecorromic a,.t ".,;"p".,";;,, poli,ical f".:;; and activiticsw.ll be\:ondthe limits of rrrb:rD tt"*. *- ,t.*,"..";;..jil t'. 'i.rlh .,,"1.,r.h,l.c'ur,th Jcfir,J

l .r,,,,, th ,.p F N p F i ri \c d ,,el npcd i rr rh,( \ul nn,F. thF t,,r,,r;nraJ.b pe .l r o l l h . u rb a n a rc :r n re o t greattr si g,,i E i a,,c. rh.,n rh. fum.r, or,.s

d"\eronrh. rhemc ,he rnn,rior,..d ror;\' ll' ::j-Fll.n:p,..I. ":,sh.r "r dpriir. rhi\ point. w" Inusr re,^s,rilerhrr ::-:1.'::.1" -":3".',re of ^rurhrrrsetrtcmclrr arpdir..ri\ d"ri\.d lnc",ocralron.iqu"nce. lll:"rt rro,n :r u,err r,,nnrt Jrinb,rr"s.Jnd rh.rc{or" Iom mu,t LF con\rdercd. ceneral Contnx$ ot ttrc Utban Fonn Thosewho deffnecftiesin rems of fom appearro use . threc nain airr'Lur6:.rize morphot,,gy.rnd ,ocirt comft.\ii. l\ro,r ccnss de6n;rs oppo,edro.nfar prrcesrre L:rsedupo,,simprepopuh ll::, cr/c.,. ll'?1"I hus. wben rnn Kinqrte).Davis $r cs abour th. urbantarton o{ rnc worrds topulation. he u\cs citiF\ ol i cF,lJin size ( 100.000or more) as i,hasic i',djcdror ot rhis procp\s refle.rin8 rhe b.l"i ai;i'.;.;;;; ca', be ctragnorbc.rr The United Nationshr\ pn.ourJgedthe inrema. tioml intellktual commu,rirvro u\c lr \tandarclizcd #.*ZOAir ,o drrhlguah bFtwcenrutu| rnd urt,an pl..e,. "f for the { basi. rea\on \v'oc$Frd useor ri/c is tip deffning, hJrrr.rerisri. of rh. urhdn is rhat I rs Ine essiprtrno\t.!\ailibJ^. teriol thlrtc.,l he u\ed Many recognizethat sizeatonedoesnot deffDea cit).. In fact. sonre [email protected] on function rarher tr,"" i."". r" ir,"r. cases,satl popuhtioD centus that are neirher dc,,se,_. *"t"li; ;ple\ arp clls\i6.d as u,h.,, h"clu"" thev sp^n rs ;"r,,; qui'ra. alxdiA or-caunryrnts ,t.aUr .\mnricc, ",;;;;;;:; rlt de6ncJ is r,rdn nrmuor^.sue nr,dtuncrionar. b\ no meJn\i,,d.t)en,teri ot "J. h nrh"r srrnougnszF i, n rrted ro thF nIlrh^r ot tun.h^rb a cih. performsor raDk of its functions. these are not related in a simpte 1",1,-"1:1:u-r F,r dmoerapherssizpis nut ^nh 1 c,rNpqi.,rrd.6nit,grnribur. or..,In. u!t)d'r it ir the e\\p c, ot lL".ih trodu.i,,s a \igni6.a,,turbin to" popd^tia, sce,tit. Aturxan. or i;f;:il*r,?J^ ''e ''unan -ranizarion

l^ 'l orhF|rsl'e'l' ol tn .o,tr'r'r ,!,,',v anlhroPoloqi\ts 't dnsequcnce:. Iis the e*e"ri,l '{'.\. For somPil is th" L'rrti'ulrr morpholo$ il"i-a"n"^ tt'".,h lhi i t,arh,ulcrl) su for ih" r| he"losi'r'\vh"\' ol d:,r:,i. thP Physicxlr.miir^ 'r I'rhtn lifP on lhF :;"" '"r'." primrrilr rrt'on rh' socirl Ia"' t""a .|''".,t Inhrupologirrsto$ cultural heterogexcitv of rrrban :rrcas as the definitive [.pt"'iq' -a claracteristic .omeul rh. Pmpha\es ar'dr'l.lior'\hip' beh!"ent"nn n To iJlu:trarF that ret{ni th' his .riteria.\!e shrll cliscu$ theu in set'cfal cdntc{ts torical tnd cross culturat emphases:

L thc distiDction behveen the pre-urb.rn and the urban 2. the disthction behtcen citics and rural areas iD prcindustrial 3. thc distiictioD b.hveen citics and non citics iD urban indust sl

U&m

xe'ti.ts Pft'utban

While we defer a dncussion of thc origins of the citv to t}le next dapter, we woutd like here to Pinpoint those aspects of cities thnt are of reearded as unique to urban communities and are Dot chancteistic sel]enents in social s1'stems sithout cities N{anv of these ch'tractcristics oc.ur sbgly in pre urban (tribal) systens, but not in sullicient com bination to make them cities For example, r"hile monumcntal temple architecture occurs in pre'urban societies (for example the Chibcha and Tairona cultues of Colombia), these sites do not have a sumcient number of other cha cteristics. Certain specialized ar.hitectural forns rclating to urbM function and to largc size and density occur only in the citv and are neither n"""r.".y o- possible elsewhere. Dificrent land use pattcrns Produce tunctional zones based upon the specialization o{ cconomic activitv' For exanple, markets nre found in spcci.rly dcsignated spatial arersIn pre-urban societics, merclntile activities arc frequentlv dispened thmughout the residential .}nd public spacc of the village. In cities, govement and judicial functions takc place nr specialized palace zones, while in simple communities, iudjcjal events occu in multi purpose pubtic zones. The central arer of thc city is the most el:rborated zone, lvith a concentration of popuhtnrn, buildings, and activities Even nrcheotogistsderling with the origin of cities have ditrcultv deGning the criticnl attributcs of morphology SaDdeIs and Price insist that true cities must havc a rvell-deffred core focus and a recogdzable boundary (not nccessarily a wall) tlat separates tlie corDmunity from

.11 il' q rro u n d rn g - J rr.r, T h u \ rh .) Fxr.tudc.,,m. l \tJ\.,n tcmpl e @ ntcn , r o m h p L r d rh n i h o n I,F (.J I!. thc l ocus i s not \? .J" ffncd. 6cre i s \ iC n rti G' ,t h o u n d .rry . O th c r d r ctr" o' ,,S i rrsdni gr,,

Social Comptexit!

a^.1 Cuttunl

si th rhesc spe.i 6"

Heteroeeneitv

A distinctive attDbure of urban settlcment is its social (,mpl.xir! P r . r,rh rn s o .i rl s l s te m s i re .tru trcte.i /.d i i \ t,rtl . or,,,, f,,ff ti ,,r" p. rrj ' i .,1 .!a :.' l j 7 :h ,n ,. .\l mu .r errn^n, r\ ., tu .r:me too,t p.,,j"",..., ,, ; Lr t j c o n ta i n a td rg , n u , r o t P l rn.,n.nt r.ri dcnr no,r fo,,d ;rodue^ n r nd d M i d . rd ri p i 4 u f h' fA n f ocrupari onrl ,teci dl i /rri on. A ( Tri A ecr M s to rn l e c t o u r h o $ .v rr mJ n \ (i ti .\ .ti l l ,onrai n hrg. Iurt,pr; of ,.-." \o mc l i m ., th , -c fl rmpri rc r matori l \ ,,t rt,. :noI . " " -,,." _ l fop,rtJ. - p :rr,i .u l .,r p r.,t, dr,n ot nol l ,o,t pr,du* n onnor he specLDFLl -\o .uds rJ at debnjng JLtrjbure.,r An i n rc re \h n g ,.rs . i n p o i rr th.rr i l t,N tratF.\,mc of the di m( ul ri es , u c n n rD grh o u rh a n i s rh d r o f r hc yorub:. . \V e\t A tncan gi ,r,p. For 'n deades, anthmporosists have :rgucd thir issue.'As;;y; :*-:: lI:

I I9

l :.,* ' :,

a r" n n ,r c o m m ontr used ru,te6ne rn urhan l l ra. o t tb c s c l e ment. $hcl h.r one tal es censusde6ni _

5.000,,ra morcrarisri. ffsx* or 20,000 .-. ."; :l"l::r.:000,{ r s c rc _ a rl rh a t.,rn dynoyh rh a

s c l ttFmenrsui [ taI w i rni n the.Jregor] r r . o n rn e o th e r h a n d . u n e d .ff n.,.i n rrbaD scttl Fmmr ar onc \vi th Jess than haff of fts adutr mah w,rkn

in

rarmmg,one excrudesmost.,r,.,

"il,;fli:**:i5ensased Tt is,unlorturatprhrl v, mu(h ,,1 th. dr."u.,ron,,f yorubJ ros.n\ ha) , mpnr\rzcdtomat . rirFri.r. !r.h .s \i,. Jnd ,,..ut1lionrt \pe.iAlizdrion, Ether than fDnctionalcritoi:. l.he narket and irade r"""tt.* ii. tos'ns \r'ere fundamentaland $ould Jead ro easy accepranceof"rrhem as urbar tente* nhcn this functionat fearurc is combincd {,ith their size and_dcnsitv.There is, as LIo),d points out, considerablespcciaba tion within aryncultur"t p-,t"ciio". [{any djversc t,".. ,h" "*;;

r3lvnliaD

Sardos and Barbar! lri@, ,rr.,rd,rer.d

(N€rv yorkj Random Housc,

D€t ennr nan6 r r l, , n c . i r \ \ r h . "r

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lns s r r .

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| .run .l a

tosn D rket systems,either clircctlr or indirectl),, from rural markets to urbl|n wholesale markets. Nf ch of the trade activity is in the hands of womeo, so that males are overrcpresented in agriculture. In addition, therc n somc cnft specinlizntion in the tolvns, particularlv in textiles and met:rl work, although Lloyd points out tlat tbe technological level i5 quite simple. Since occuprtion:l groups develop difierences in dail)' .rctivity .rnd difierences iD lifest) lc, corsiderable cultural diversity results directly fmm the division of labo.. Another source of cultural h.terog.neitv is iD prc urban svstems. is both the that thc cit!. unlikc the .onumitv and the ponrt in the coniinuous novement of large end beginDing people. pre{uban of In s}stems, tlre only types of mobility nunbers pattemed the nonadism of small bands rclatcd to hunting and were gathering, or the creation of new communitics through a ffssioning or budding'ofi process. These movements rarelv led to thc pemanent @-residenceof culhrrally divcrse populations. In dr.r\ring from a vast hinterland characterized by rcgional diversity in modes of dress, food, and language, all cities contain groups lrom difierent cultures of origin. The citv must, in some wa), accommodirte thesc diverse elements and integrate them into a viahle functioning ertity. ln contr.rst, most pre'uban €ommunities have relatively little need for such acconmoda tion. While dive$c ethnic or cultur:tl groups occasnrnalty livc jn contiguous areas, it is only in thc commonly shared regions that such aclommodation exists. Sometimes thc groups may :maleamate for lim ited war or trade puJposes, but full-scale accommodatiorr based upon daily, permanent inte ction is not that signiffcant. In other areas, two goups may be in contact, but one is politically and/or economically dominant, and the proccss of rcc$nmodation has been worked out through doninance/subordinarion. :Ihe Preinawftial Citg in Traditional Aeflian

So.ieties

On€ o{ the wa}'s to approach the problem o{ definition is to look historically at thc city As opposed to the village in prcindrlstrial systems. In using the concept o{ the preindustrial social system (in contr.rst to the moden), we are coDparing trvo highlv abstract polar opposite ideals. Th€ validilv of this sirDplc dichotomy has bcen challenged by many. However, *,e rvill use these types as a framcwork to pinpoiDt some of th€ csscntial charactcristics of urbar centers. In prcindustrial or agrlri.rn socicties,the city stands out as a unique lom of settlement. Cities are {requently bounded (waned) units; x,hen one reaches t}le outskfts o{ the urban settlenent, a sharp contrast in

!12

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METNNG

13

house rype, densig, and other physical attributes can be observed. Multi-storied buildings, a contnruous ure of av.it:rblc land for buitdins a p a H .m o t s e g r.g a tp d l J n d \. i uncti o . si rh rh" .cnrer ot rt; setuemcnt usualh the loc,us of najor cmDomjc, polftical, and rclisious r c li \i l i e \. a n d m o n u m c n l a t a rcl | i re(rurF Jrp di \ti ngui \hi D g ch1,.;1-r r'sticsof the city. If o n " . " a n J F n v F a p u rc m^dF) ot thc rrrdi ti ,,nat ci t!. i r had lhr " ts mri o r /rn ./i o rl J j p o l i ..rl ,aJmi n^l rati \.. , " ononri c and crrl rrrr,l symbotic. All three of thesc functi.,Ds drew rrpon and scrr,ecta dirersc . , . , d L ,rg . I' i ..rl ,n J l n .r.- L r g, ..,t, ;, ....,.r ,.!,,,\. .,._ ,h..r,, .. c ioru l d r0 e n n , e , L .r," d ,,n .1 " 1" * 1..,1Jn,t t,;tori ci l , + r.r " n,tIi ,n, I n u re p c d s i n t v i l h q c th e rc w a . trum,,gpn,rrri n hr,guag" LIns ho,r. r ns . a n d n tu a t. b u t $ .h c n d i v e r\F l pgi ons f.d i nl o the crh. rhe mi ganb rvcre brought inro sustained contacr $ith pcopte wfth signiffcani cul, tulat difieloces. ID thc city, tlcse varhu; ;tturn v di;riDct gmups had to develop te.hDiques n) n,ainrain s.me.l.g*e of,et.rio,Nh; wiih each other as rvell as s,ith the potitical elites rvho eovemed. T h c h ' n c ti o n s u f rh e .i r) a t\,, crci t, d rhe.i i vni on of hhor th.rt ted lo, t h e p ro l i l p n b ,rn o t n o n a g ri .utrural oquprri onal group\ .uch .rs r],e r ulr n g e l rl e . th F b u rF a u .rd ti (.c l c r l , $ho rani .d uut the i n\trudi ons of the elite, thc mercantite poputatjon ivho cmrdinared eonomic ex chaDgcs,and the specializcd artisans who manuJactured and sold goods. In addition to these, there werc atso farners. generattzed laborers-, and underclJ$ .hments I b.gears \rre.t cnrertrrncrs. thiFvcs prosritutcs). rvhrle sume or.upational spe.ializati,rr o.curred iD rhc vrlLge. ir u.rs nrely of a full-rime nature nor at a sisniffcanr lcvel. One_of the conserluences of soci;t mmplexity a.d cultural plural, . i.m in urban areas is thp greater cho'cc or tr.eJom :r...ord.a rhe inat_ edua t rn th c .c tF c ri o n .t a p p ro p nJtr r" l Fs rnd bFhal i or. The ci h.$as i " rrs \o i i a l s \s r.m rb .,n rl ,FnU asr H o$Fver $^ premdh 9 f" " T : . l, " ln{ c i t} $ J \,t l a ,,| :rh v ,l r.l o ." d \\\rcm. $hpn o,mpared ro i rs m od e rn c o u n l c T d rl . \fo n .rJ rn s.,. p.,nrcnl 0rl ! ..onomi .. .ommunrh.. and r l h n i . i d c n ri l i .s . w e re p r" .e d doun tr,rrr cennrarr,n ro generJr,on, city, and. people rvere organized'into r"."lr,"d-";.p,;;t; :I:loupl",dT gr 5 l h a l m Ami d i n e d\rru n q \o , i rt .!nrrot Jnd di rcorrrg.d mtc;chon wr ' n o th p b . \c $ c o m c r, \p rc o cn torc..t ra " nrFr ml rgi ndl ur i l l i ci r

qm]lps.,o, c"pati"n"lr,ro.ups )?r o \n g ' o u p

orr,n "nJ,,cde,,, l^.*r.,r ,,.r,

. h d s e ,to n c,,,,mon .rhni . ongi nr. rl d toc.rci n, , .i n g l p k i g h l n rh o u d i n rh c .irr Thi . t" d ro ,.1,h:FI\ i ;i ;-;,. ir av P\ q rl h o !rrl .rp p h re \.r. $ .i 11 i i .\ nr.h 3s $,,rt rl i ri on\hi o\ ^t neighbor relatjonships anct lir retationslrips. .,-h"." .;" t;,,,":;;i;i

Chca4ing Conlouts in U ft an-InAustr kt Socie tie s The urban chNr.cteristics of the citv in tmditional peasant societies seem to be clcar and nquestionablc bY c$ntrast to their rural hinterlands. Ilov.ver. $hen we shift k) the city in urban industdal societi€s.the attributes of the city are by no means as clearly distinct Br xn trrban nrdrstrial societ,vs. nrcan one in whi.h ihc relid.n tDl lo.us ol tlr. mljority of the populrtion is iD citi( s or ir metropolit.r. areas th.t ha'e cities as cores. Such .t societl is brsed upon an economic slstcm characterizcd by industrial production. The boundaries between the cit)' and its hinterland are not readily obsenable. either in the phlsical sense (density changes, house types. arcbitecture) or thc social sense (.conomic ancl cultrrral hcte.ogeneity). \Vith the exception o{ certain isolated areas, many of the characteristics noted aboveunique location of nanufacturing md non lanniug activitics, culhrral plulalisn are tovnd thrcughaut the entire svstem and not merely within the ubnn settlement. The dilEculty of distinguishing bctween urba rural .rreas is ^nd apparent in the shifting deffnition o{ thcsc areas in the United States. With the post World War II cxpansioD of suburban or outer dng d€velopmcnts,the deffnition of major urban centen as a cnsus catcgory was shifted from the city to the metropolitan area, or SntSA (Stdn.lrld Lletropolitan Stati.stial Ared). This deffnition (which includes all cities of 50,000 or rnore plus any adjoining counties functbnally r€lated to the city) has in tum been supplant€d by the more receDt conccpt of tJte nesaLopolis a linkage of such ruers. For the eastem seaboard of the Lhited States. the concept of the megalopotis inctudes the entire rcgion from Boston in the nofth to Washington, D.C. and its environs in the south A parallel phenomenon is found on the \\resi Coast running mntinuously frorn San Francisco to Srn Diego. In there iueas, we ffnd no brcaks in the pattcrn of high deDsity, urb.n housing, cultural pluralism, monumental architecture, and pre&)minantlv non agricultual ac, tivities. What appears to bc happening in the United Starcs and other dcas of the world is aD extension of presumably urban characteristjcs to most of th€ land areas and populations in these systcms. U4ilc urban functions and form coexistcd in prei.dustrial cities, somc of the tunctioDs and rnany of rhe formal attribures resultnrg lrom them no longer coexist today, because modern technotogy allorvs functions to be perfomed without thc same conscquences in fornr. What has happened in the Unitcd States recently is that these central

44

:lE

rc^\rNc

place fuDctions and their moryhologicat and dcmographic aftributcs have become increasjngly dispersed and arc found outside the traditional politic.tl and architecturat units caled rt, c y. Thus, manufac turing, retailing, banking. and insurance cntcrpdrcs have cone to be loc ' l re du u rrd F tl ,. (ftv . w i rh rh F a..ompan\ i ng urhan $,.i at , ompl .xi t\ I ne v a n e ty o l ro l e r.l a l i o n \h i p , plysical characterjstics of the area havc not shifred to the same degree although, presumablr, thesc characteristicstoo lvjn fonoiv aDd be m;di fied by changing technolosr. The classic distn)ction betweo tlic u.Lran an.t tLe nral in iradili' , n J l a g ra rL n s o i i c ti e ,-,.{ n r1 \trng l h" h.r oq,n,i t\ ot thc torm" r wilh l h c h o mu g ,n c ;ty o l l h . l d trFr h.E i nr tu l os" rt. nl etanr.e i n an urban industrial society. Vanv of the rradirional functions associated rvith the city arc no bnger locatizcd \yithin the ph,vsical urban rttle_ mot, and conrcquent\,, tbe occuparionot and othral hererogeneih tl,Ft trotlued arc no longenulel\ a phenome,rcn ot rhe urban ccDt.r s ubu rb a n rn a s a n d o th c r r.g i o n, n4r nFc.\s.,ri l vmntrguous \vi th rh. city_sometimesshow a5 great a djvision of tatDr and ethn; hcrerogeneity as th€ city itself.

TIIE NarrnE oF Uni \ CENrEns As OPPoSEDro rI{E BEravros^L CoNsEeuENcEsoF UnDAN CENrB! One notion of rhe urban that is coDfusing in bot! popular imagery and social science usage is thc distinction betw en at uttnn cznter and an urban uLlJ ol life. In conftast to usnrg Drban k, refer to a t pe of community, many use tbc word to refer to lifestyles consiclocd unique to towns and citics. In dohg thn thq, implicitiy confrrc urban fornr and l u n c ti o n $ i th rh F rr b .h i v i ,,rJt conscquenccs. S ume pari i cul ar rre6 ol hFh a \i o r th a t h a v F b c p n ti F $ ,d i \ di fferenr i n rrrb.i n rfl i ngs are, ' $h' u l s o c i a l D tc ra c rro n .I' trc m s ot gF,up rftti Jri on, i ndi vi durt aspr r atro n s l i l c s l l F s rn d !rtu p s . In rddrri ,,n. mdn\ a\pFcl s ot so.E l or gan i /rri o n -p a rti c u h -rl \ n d r urF ,,t ,tom..h. D ni a. I.,m,h. rnd k r n\ h i p u r^ n 3 tu @ o f n -rh l i g ipo !5 b el i .fs l i nJ pul ' ti c.rl t.rr,r i pati on rrc ollr n u s c d a \ i l th F \ $ c r" d e ffn i ti o n.,lrl ri l ,urc. ot urU n rurtro " cni " r, than consequencesof urban tunction and form. It is absolutely esscntiat in rhe ensuing discussion ro keep thc notioD of urban setttcments as deffncd bv fom and n,nction sdarate f r om r} F o l l .s c d b e h a \i o ru t ,o ro .qu.nce. ot such sci rtcmpnr: ti ar i s, t nF urb a n c c n rc r i . J b trn (l l ro m th. urb.rn l i fc(rl h or \al ,,F system.

Some rntlropologists have xttcmptcd to suggest some of the consequcncesof urban life. as, for cx.rmple, Haris ind Rein.r. Harris refe$ to an urban ethos as distinct fron a rural onc, and Reina describes whNt he considers to be a distinct urban world view.18 we bave iust distinguished bch'een the lunction and folm of urban .€nters and thc conscquent sociocultural concommitants. We shall refer to the fomcr zs the utban, the nature of which is the primary question in urban studics. fhe so€iocultu l consequences of the urban rvill be rcfcncd kr as rrtanirm, follosnrg $riftL s cllrssic usc of {tr usagc in The banism to rcfcr to a sa-t of tife. Wlreritley Conc€pt of Urbanisln, rvhcn he rcfcrs to "urbanism'as the nnture of cities and uses uban" to characterizc a distinctivc m.rnner of life."r? However, the nore ividespread impact of the Wirth dcnnition is the baric re^son to use the terms the way we propose. A third term {requcntly found in the rrbatr litcnturc is rrbdnr'idttofl. This term vill be used hcre to refcr to a prodrss th.rt socill systerns undeqo resulting in an incease in both the number of urban centen and the size of urb{ln centers, through shjfts h tne locus of economic activities, political power and population q)ncentration. Unfortuately, these distin.tioDs bet\reen utbaniT.lition, u$anism, and the urban have not charaderized the socinl science literature. For exanple, Beals, in 1951, used the term urbanization as a form of acculturation in which the population develops urban ways of life-l3 In the lramework suggested above, this lvould be considered t}le spread or diflusion of urbanism, rather than urbanization (the spread of t}le urban). He further confouded the basic issue by using urbanism to descibe tlle naturc o{ urban {orms, as Redffeld had done. In our scheme. this would be the urban. \\hen Kingsley Davis wrote his classic article on the "Urbanization of the \\rorlifs Population,'he used the term to refer to 1ln attribute of a social system, but limited it to a demographic shift in population ivith no attention to function.rl attributes.r'gObviousl],, rvriters who suggcst that a irther widcsprcad contemporary social process is the u$^nization" of rural areas (meaning the spread ot urban lifcstyles or urbanisrn to th€ countryside) are not using the telm as we detue it. rollanin Harris, Toan and Canntrvin Br@d (New York: Colunbia Universitv P ' !.. l qi6 an. l8ubpn8! ina. r hc ( r bd \ \ '^'lJ \ i, - . . , t a lr opial I , a, , , tCanmuity in the Ab:cn.€ of a City: ?et.n, Cuatemala,'HnnM O\onitutiafl,2B (rgfl ).26 5- 77. ri Wi€tlcy, The Co.celt of Urbanism." l3Ralph Beals, Urbanism, Urbuizaiim and Acolturation." Am.ri.sn Anthftoolos.n, fi (1951), I-10. 10Davir, The Urbtuiation of thc Wo.lds ropdation."

46

rrG

Mtr^\Nc

47

rhe conturian of Utuan Con'equences uith Indust al Courequencet Archeologists concemed vith the cmergeDceof urban centers hale sometimesconfused attributes of state organized socjal slstems with the unique attributes of t}le cities located in these svstems. Thu, Chitdet limous ten crirpria lor dcfining th. I ftan R"aotution rc:r ] apply ro dp6n i n g l h e .i v i l i /e d \l a tF a n d n ot the I i ry.i . The sainc problem is true of manr rccenr attemph at deUni,l ir . ' . $ h i .l , .u ..i u \r H ri L ,l ,, . ,t ,rrJLJ,i ,t ,r" r,, ' .,, " ,rf, " rr,,1,,,r., urban settlements. This confusion is reflectcd iD tle conJusi{)n bet\l cen urban anthropology and thc anthropologl, of urban industrial socieh S i n c c th c ti m F o t W i rl h r dcri \ari on of rh. uhrn $r\ ot ti te ;s the result of the characteristics of urbaD senlements (t938), there have been_rcpeatedattempts ro deffnc nrb.n values, urban aspintions. urban social structue, and urban lifcstyles. Hos.evcr sinc€ mosr of the\c ar tempts, including Wirth's, have been based upon the hoq,tedge of nn.ktn $han cenr.rs. rh.v .on,i(enrt) .gntus;d rne cffetr ,,t iodusI ndr p ro d u c ti o na n d mo d e m l i t" wi th rhe cfl .ct nf rhF naru,c of rhc ci tv. Halrii' dcscription of tbe urban ethos mentioned above ir an exarnpie of thii confusion.,l Consequerces of the rndust'i,al

Reaolutiorl

Many writers havp ahempred ro dmw our ,,t rhe hisroricat Fmrd , tnose csseDhrl .urrcnts in rhe industridlizarion and modemizarion th! cesses that traDsfomcd the nature of human existence and ertabtisired t } " gc n e m l n a tu re o t .o n r.mp o rary l i te. A mong rhFse\e ,houl d not, LJ l' r l h e i m.WF b c r. P o l a n y i , Pa n o n, rnJ \t,,ore:r There arc ce.tain aspects of a ..modem socjal svstem th^t are generally considered defnitive. Among these v€ woutd inctude: l. c h a n g " ( i ' tp c h n o l o e )rtra rrfl p.r rhc produdi on and di rrri burron ot goods, servic€s, and jdeas zo\r Cddo Childe, Thc Urban Rev.turion,,,Totn ptanningRetizt, zt (11)5r]l, .) Hatns, Tobn and Counttu. :i Th'

r l"n p

k A".n p tr fip j

b,

D,,,th p i,1 . .l i .rj n, ,ron hp,\.,,.n n,rrh,n,.at

,nd t,!. , r i. r a' h, Fm , lp Dur ih. , m . r t u D t , . i . i a n . i r , a " , r, s"",,f i , *. - 'i i :1 r.po ,' l \'n r\r\ lu' l. TbF \ r d. m ilt r n c . T D a n , . l q t . t r . $ i . b * h . " i ^ , ; rhj.,l; n,dnn in rh. ptotelont rthn ann th" d .a/,/d/i D I r,ndun AI;; r;;l !n \in lq30 t dr . . , n, r alt Fh , , , iat , t ^ a , ; . t , . " u . , J . . r r , " a i . n . , r ; . . I/. i".;"j 'n flt. Thp t_,pF p.es tqsr,. a n K fotdnr,.. ii;, t,:.; i;;;: /urmrDr (Bostn',: Ireaen Fr\\, t9,14). a.d rhe !. \t''c rt,. tnt^ t

.r /nd,.,r , r.nqlF\,"dc,,,j..\ J :

".,..,,* ",,,

;i..'1}|!l"

2. a new value emphasis upon a person's ability to control the natural and social envi.onment 3. a shift toward secularism 4. a belief in an open social system Tbe Industrial Revolution js one of those maior events in human bistory that have had a marked impact upon all aspects o{ human cul rure. This scries oI elcnts is primarilv related to the mnstery of new sources of non humrn enerer ancl the developnrent of n.v modcs of production th.rt utitizc thcse energy sourccs. This ultimatcl) altects humaD abilitl to produce goods and serviccs.Thc dcvekpnrcnt of large scale production units located iD speciGc geographic sites was interrelated $ith the development of nerv modes of transportatir)n and communication. Thus, the earlicst devclopment of ste.m engines was folowed bv the adaptation of this nrachine to hoth p )dDctn)n and trrnsport facilities. $'ithin the developing factory system, hierarchies emerged to coordinate and control the larger process. Jobs becane ni nutely specialized. Individuals lost their work autonomy jn the larser unit- $'ork places and homes bccame separate in space. N{ass mer' chnndising and the complexity of connercial exchangc, banking, and ffnancc were linkcd to rnass production. The use of monq' as a g€. eralized nedium of exchange for all econornic,political, and social goods ernerged. The telegaph, telephone. and nerv postal systems resulted from t}c process and generated a conmunication revolution in their oM right. Another important element in the modernization process is related to ones view of onds self, ones society, oDe's naturc and the emphasis upon onei abilit' to @ntrol the cnvironment and one's own destiny. Therc is r markcd shift from a vahe qstem that stressesothcnvoddlinessto onc that stressessecularnm, or a concern with this life. ,{s Weber poi ted out in his Pro.rslant Xthic and the Rise ol CapttdliJn, therc vas a shift tolurd an etbic stressing individual autonomy, achicvement. and succes.:3 Historically these shifts in belief occurrcd before the Industnal Revolution and contributed to industrializatioD, which in tum reinforced them. Today they .rre considered important in the belief srstem of modem society. An additional core elcment of this vahc s)stem is an open social svsten in \lhich mobilit! fmm place to place and status to statrs occurs. Social and geograpLic mobility become essential in tbe dlocation of manpoi!'er to create efrcient modcs of production. Individuats are viewed as separate and autonomous acton, as opposed to previous vics,s, 23\lel*t,

'fhe Ptutestant Erhic.

's!6^.dc oF

which sarv thcm as ernbedded in social groups ind communiries. Tbe socjal mobility of individuals is enpha#c;. and onei ptxition ts vtewej as a s)nsequcnce of o.c's own actions. as contrasted *,ith earlier dependence rpon one's ascribed fate. ra otxtion ot tha cmcryenc* ot i,,b:rn rntea. prdarnd ., !.,*tu" me deveropm.nr ol indurrriil proe.ses trr \e!.rJl milennk -mo.lem I ncrerore. mrn) ot thF chJrdcterisricsof $hflt i\ reterrpd r,, 15 m,,,/pm are unique to the modem era and not esserriat to lrban centers or '.rm urban.life\?ys. although thev are ofien disclssed if tl", .,..,". O" the othcr }ran.l, solre elernents are esscntial t,, *t,*, ". .."t"^ * *"1i. W h e re th c .rs o p ro ,F :r( c o c x i \r thc) nrtu!:r ! !.i nn,i .F onc ,n,,rh.; and e \a c c rh a te th F d | fe ' F n .., behl .cn ti te i n mod.m urhan eD l eB and in othei social contexrs (non-urban mod.,n o. p.ein.l",rrial ;";1. O b v i o u .l r m o n c r \a ( a n imp,,rr.rntm" d;um-of .xehange ;n pr.. r no u (rn a r u rh a n p ,ri F s s i n .e th c \Fn nat rp nf an rrrbrn mnt" r re qurred economic hchr.pn :I,.ciitizcd e,.onomic sedo6, \thi.h "xchangc wfre usua y ba\ed upon r}lc urc ol \omF form of moner. Howcver, r ney \{ p re n o t q u i tc a r m o n e )-o ri Fnredand rhe use of monev w as nor as peNasive as it is in modern cities and modem societies. Tnsofar a\ ritic\ atqays receivpd populition fmm ,,urside lhcir , Dou n o a n e \.a n d h a d ro i n .o rJ x ,nre rhem i nto the urLi n occupati onrl

,h",lly wa, ohen.rhc o,/y sisnircanr l*,. :'j11,T., ano \o(kt mobitit).bur mohij ) $as srill very limit.d. "t s".^g,,p;;

Many social scientisrs consjder burearcrucg to be a fundamenral . €lement in the_noderrizatioD process. go,""ver, bt reaucratic moaes oi organization(large in scale and hierarchic|l i, .t r"t","l r,,r" i"characterjsticof most u$an centersand thus p.caate ttre'rnoa.m era. However, these were limited to admi.istrativ; f".ctio"s. Uoa"- tu_ *" r,rrther nprnded rcinrorced.and .,r".a.a r" rt. :::Tl:"1:. fm oucr'onand mercanritF unitsin lhe m.jdeminJu\trialera. The spatial separation of domestic units from arenas for econornic, .. politiml. and \ocixl ddi\ ! n q,rij.. a gr"ar.r ^,nscx,usnessot rhe r rime, {trhoueh $ork rnd rsiden@ \er. nor as scpararcd :],i:"-,1:" D spne m princlhrrirt cirip\.rhc) $.rp tn some dFgrce Jnd peottc ror,msrkcrdclEnsc. r..redri,,n. dcitms\ $irh $c p;lih;l llil lo lravet retis-io,sctr"muniFr. D.perd.n. F ul)l,n mer\urcd rime ,!ourd be mure (iqni6(inf io thF c \ rjr.rnin rtre,tttrg" lur noi m sjsnifcJnt rs jn urbin jndudriitl so.i.t! Although industriatproductiona;d modern life arc relared to thc . cnrire concept of the u$an, there are ccrtain spheres in \lhich th; ffFi tv: rlusl be separatedfronr the urban. ob;ioust)., th. urhaniarionis rclJrc,tt,, ind,,.rriJlgro\tth. tn .rddirion, ;.**,";i .eri:rin hends rr. rFinlorccd by rhp new.r pmdllctrve slstems. Finaflv-

* ,, form a r d even lh. lut ( li, , u ol ur ban enlc's 'nr ) be r adr call) lr un: [.ned by indu't r ial pr o, lu( t ion. Dcspit c Jll t hi. . it is sr Ji csscnuJlt hal * a recop izc t hdt inJu+r iJl pr uJu. t ion is nul . ) n, 'n) m oD\ $it h ur ban rritteDc€ Urbanization

xer$s

Industrial

Capitahsm

ln many contemporary discussionsof the "pmblems of our citics," lere is c{}nsideruble confLtsion bet\recn facto$ related to the Nban .€nter.rnd thosc r.lat.d b the natuR' of tlie Productive process (thtt i!, capitalist, nrdustial). Thjs confusion le.rds to .r situation vhere m:rn,\' d{ our econonic and technological problens lle included in discussions 11 of "the urban crisis." Although cities have always been deffaed in terms oI their ecommic functions, the nature of capitalist-industrial productun subodinates the city to rcgional. national, .lnd intcrnatioDal cconomic forces such as mullinational corpor.rtions, which are highly centralized and bureaucratized. The labor market is an integral part of such a macrosEuctural system- The boom and bust cycles oI such systcms and their rsns€quences are influenced by factors beyond the control of tbc locality. tu an exanple poverty, often assumed to be an urban problern, i5 primanly a rcsult of the cconomic system and not the city. (Scc Chapter 8.) The acceler.rtion of material consumption pattems, often refened to as "Drban lifeswlcs, are more related to the mass merchardlsing and stimulation of ma*et demands cha cteristic of capi talttic industry than to residence in the city. Th€rc has recently €mergcd a vast literaturc dealing with aliena tion and urban life. Although the luaBist orientation tovard alien.rtion cl€arly r€lates it to the industd.rl productive process, many today call it urban-related. In part, this confusion results fmm the assumption that the proliferation of ml€ rclationships and rclationships with strangen brcught about the breakdown in primarv groups and produced alienation. As opposed to this view, we vould suggcst that alienation is more closely related to t}lc subordination of the individual to political and economic Iorces beyond his control and certainly beyond his locality. Smog and air pollution caused by fackrries and autonobiles, pollution o{ bodies of Nater caused by industrial wastes, potential destruction of thc ozone layer by jet e\hrusts .r d aerosol spray cms-all have as their sou.c the technological innov.tior,s of thc nrdustrial rcvolution. Of ,, Ed\rAnr Beffeld, Ihe Unh.aadlu Citv (B6ton: Little, Brosn and Conpany, 1970).

50

m

reaMNc

cours:, these elements are conbined, reinforced, aDd exacrbated by the populatioD density found in urban cenrers, bur tt"y a." not essritiatl"

'urbrn- prohhns.For

in .** p.U,,i",il "rampre.r,,ronobit.s ^-r u" .g" " l H ow evcf. th..,,n,rt,ri ot th; r,,banJre. p,odu.e\1 m,r rr noredanscrous r","r

. ' t m o s p h .r. l o t} l c \rmF ,h g F c .

"T:'",1 :lT*". \ orre 0 rc op o l u rc s

5l

ANreo6rrcy

th e c I\i ru j rm eD t. \tucl of w hrt i , ct$si Gcd l l U rbrn Nis F ra n b c ,v i c u e d n , n ri ,rrri ty machi n" r.l ,tpd mth4 rhrn , i r},-rtr;1. Evcn In outdoor recreabon areasfrr lrom ur brn centers. the noir. ( rcdted by outboard motorr, trait bikes, snownobile., p",,.. ."d 1"...; molvc.s car bc c\tr.'rel, dish,rbj,,g rn(l. in RnDc.ar$. "",*, lrrnnNl. Once s'e have clariffed the distnrcrnnr beh,een modernization and urbanization, thcr much of what is coffidered ro be the difiusion of rrbrn lifesryles to the hintertand ,rn more edequatety be secn as $e diffusio; or m o o rrn rd p a srn d ti l rc . tra nsmi ed through i ndurrri al tomrnl rri cd. lioh t., h n n l o s ). l r n o tte n m,,rei ppropri at" tol Jl k at,i rr l h. ," od,..,,,;. r ono r n rrrt i rc J , th .rn rb a ,,t rh e ,pread ot urL" nnr, ru th, tuun| l l ,rJwc must i;hnsui\h bc|we.n i sociery rh:rr is bemming ImooernrTed i1,1".."IF rma\( production. nJ\s rcmmunicJhon. m^ndi?ariun, bureaucralzdtion) Jnd 0ne thar i\ bc.oming ,rrbanized {increasing urban rorm ind lunclion ) sintr th" rwo proces\es are In,t t_hceme some rnthropotugisr\ atso ta]l rbout rhc pcr,.rnbzrtion or -tualiza_ (i ti c s .5 O n c c .g ri ,. th i s i \ an i l ogi , i t nori on. t ion pe.;; .o f lrom th" rural hinterland arc r".apihrtarilC rurdt seHtemcnt" .t.,, patrems rna rgrlrrjdn rchvitiF\ in rhe ciry. Thusp who ure rhis pt!.as" lor citi6 in developrng are3s suggest r}lat high lares of migration lead to ciries (on_ taining a naiority of residenrs who wcre bon and socialized in the co,rnlq\ide- lt ir.thcn as.umFd th,rr rh,y perp,€rudrcrural patrerns rnd thl'r '.de-ubanizc- lhe city. Ccrtainly whcn fomer pearanrs are tocated m etn n rc a n d m g ' o n .l 4 c tr\e s . s omc ot rhe prcF\i 5ri ns prnems of bendv ro r rn o s o !1 d rrp ta ti o r^ h i p ((a r, IJr m.i nl ai ncd, and (rrrJi n marsi nal ' ic . r ' p a tj o h i n th i c i r) c .n r" l a rc r,, the c$nomv i n rhc _* *; * pc asn l a g ri c u l tu ..rL H o \te v c r th ,\c.6pect\ of ti te.t,xcl y r.tared t;th" nat ue u l u rb J n c .n te rs d o " h .n s" . In addi ti on. mo\t nr;grans do nor s r ur p In d rra r\ rn d d re i rrF g ri tc d Inru hprcrogcncurN \.ttl cment arFrs. As an examp)e of this, we might notc ltarginialatysts ,q*tt"; "f ";, 25Many.wrftings on s_quarter sertlenenh deal rvith thei! resi.lenk a p€aants. Srch mmDunirjc\ npriseld.xe n,Lporri.,n.nLhe u,ban ..o naputa,i.n rrr.ti*iil,r,,rii.,J .a,r. the tttlernst he sorj(edin tuhan in it!.t

r. .rruer,r.,4 ,.r.."i.fr;;:T;;Y,"LYi1;p: :",t-..,:t) -c..t:ri,an.r a arm Da'n'rn' l.TJ"i.;."fl',Ti.,'i"lJil ^''o'dr\ il'i;iii; !.,rMt or c.nna,oti,? i]li:'*'n'' \,IaE! ppse's. t,^t.na,idd "ifl so"dto*u., ,"lr:rff:;h"l,r.

'.",1,1" I pamd tr A'un,agcn,ol. lif,l; ffi;""1),;:":5:'i';;i)i,'.XX',:"

Per" Lr'lun lhe 'rudr'\ dun" bv \'lrngin rrrd his d.nents itr Lima. w"re mani{e\tarion\ was a:'lrm,:trl r vlrrrttersetrlcmcnts IU."g*. rt clerrll rhous that he llo$'\er' rutJl lil,\(yl,' in t|' citv i rheirorcrnizJlion rnd nl re'id'nc' -..*"f ,"trf"..nt *" tt " r'5'rlr 'rrL'n i,".. this noint':s elaborates Leeds tuJ$er i,rr^-" ,rrban. not rural, mod.ts cedrin hring do nrigrants rural bc drmon'trured.that ii] *". i" then re lhcm th' mainkin '*,. tmd t'r the cil) !rlu^ io."rs.f m,'"" ''a ol truditit'aliztlion a5 the n lct lo thn lo i'*"rfa U" .o{. rl)ptuprr',rc arFi nrr:rl lhc rl" o{ mo"rni?dtion ro ll'e r'otii"r rs p r"tt"t "f rie " "iw Or@

SoImcBs oF CoNFUsIoN

ln the precceding discussion, we attempted to discuss and clarilv use of the coDceptr/batr ome of the confusions bxsed upon an improper rspec(' ol urbDrizarion and iJ ,r'. r""l ol di\b,'crion befween certain Hnw"\ cr r h. r e , r F . or n" addit i"nai sour es of ' onf usr on ;oa" * i r" u"". usage of the term urban to which tne reader must be ai*^. [tf'"

Dichotot l(,ut ae$ut

Continmus

Vetiables

Some social scientists have given up the attcmpt to deffDe and choscn attributes distinguish b€tween mral antl urban. Instead' thev havc establish an abrather than deerces ol urbonne*s *La* ,t"i 'i".-* more or relatively can be settlements solute dichotomy They feel that gods explaining of the scientiffc that another, antl ,f'""-,-" f*, *U". cities and city tife can best be served bv emphasizing th: continuous rather than thc discrete naturc of u$.rn characteristics ln this approach' some urban totm-siz., density. and morpholrgv-predominates However, or iD number increase the on based continua tunctional schemes dcscribe

fhe

Citg Coe

ae'ti.B thz Urban

There is a tendency in popular belief to conJus€ the large-scale netropolis, or city, with the entire range of settlement trues called urban As long as this confusion remains, manv studies will be disregardcd be:: W lim \tDsin I rrin Amcican Squa[er Sclll.mcnl A Piubhm bd a s"lr non lati^ An;,i, oa A" Porh RPanu 2 lq{i?) 65_'rq at ;;Lu" i " u'ba' Bu a'ir v r I Eliabdh t ed. . B'azildJ r hc \ ly'h iJ. (canbridse: sche'tnb vott'I rhe'rhitd a@;hv in 't ;tffi;a" i;.;id;;t hblishhg Conpany,19?0),pp. 929-72

ts.xE rN c ofU 8B !N

causc their focus is a town (the smallc!

lr #1rjih"i:Tj:ffi:ill;nf ***,.1.,,,.1.i r*"*,

yet can bPmniidn'd.lo hdve tunctionall) mov'd into these d. c'ry and in Pveryrcrt\Pbrrt th, politicaldefinitionof th"k plac" ol JU"",*"^

ji#fi ;ilbr.ff Hirfl?:ffi ':ft,#;;$ $;ttr'#

Bcric Ethnocenj'ism of Uion

Defnitio'ts

One of the basic errors that has consistcntly Permeated socinl tci of man) dPJling$ ilh th..it) is the \\ hl"rn ethnocenLri'm encelileraiure r\vot"ld Th' biJs rrrhrn rnrrlts ol thL' The srrh rh, derting mn"epts 'r' centors' ffrstis the lick ol a universai,culturelree deffrritionot urba'i bias' anti'urban an undcrllrg inrpositio of is the d seco The Due to tle lack of comparative studies, both historical and conrenporary.lhc,u(iJl scicn.r of th" urbrn ac'cpts the conrcrnporrrv Weslemciry as tle pr4lolypernd lh. mod'rn indu'triil citv i' r n"rm tu we have notcd, the c$ntemporaryWestem citv is etnbeddcdin a bascduponbotl,i"durlri.rlpr,'duttior',nLl'rniqrr'\vedcrn\rlrc\' sociery tll' ...o., in a sense'when he tried to comparethe even Web* -oa" the Eastern city and overlooked the efie€Lsof the lndusWestem city to hial Re'olution As onc commentatorpointed ouq Weber rvas reallv talking about pteind*rfridl or ancien, cities in contrast to in{t iiddl cities, so and not Edst ver$s Wesf In addition, some anthropotogists, partiolarlv those working in India, have suggested that the similarities in structure and culturc between rud and urban areasoutweigh the difi€rcnces between then, thus suesestioqlhal rne rural-urh*n dichotomyitself mav L'F^ Wesl'rn conha\ pointad^ut rh"r th' deffnt' ir rhe west3r Harrser o, o't" 'l;a ".ii. Chicago School (lvirths urbanism thc developed by tion or the urban a strongWesten ethnoexpresses continuun), folk-urban and Redfelds

**ti'Y,*;'l*l*$^,,rr1j:*:iihii:ili,f .nt i+,#*$",T##*r","rriffi il{:*;{*ll'ff i}'",:,.,'",T,ff

ffjr n# f:x*ffi nil$. lltfi:i;f#i;,;:i:i

fildffi #1i;$[q*c]Til:trt*,f ilil:Titffi

f**15fi +j"."',;*iltf l'{FlilH

fiff;;,:::'

"

rheu,bannatureor such "uburb\.ourcrnnss.andor_her

The political Ci g oer&s the Ecoloei.jat Cir!

('[^'[ive en'[i'l es'irc mrk"n:;i lrrf'*fti:if,i*'-'in

t"xl *i#"*;,ffi ****l, :#5*+. W +r'*""4','l*' J",',llll ;lili,ii:,fi.f i'."#L^*:Ti#?i:;1''

One techniquc for ovcrcoming this bias is to follow the suggcstion nade by \l1ngin that a deffnition of cities be derived bv rsking urbtn social actors in v:rrious cities of t}le world what th& perccptioDs of the city are.:r3It is doubdlll that such a hodgepodgc of ethnographicalv ddived views would be very usefut. However, this approach docs point tovako IIuM."some Tentative Yodiff@tions of weber's Tvpologv: o"identtl vdN Odental cirv. S'.i,i F,'r.t,44 {lq66\' r8!-8c .onrdbuti.a t" tnJian \n'i"laeu -(..a..i.\ iio. r. i*t. U,bu and Rud a n d D n co n r i r u i :"R u 6 l ci r i $ i n In d i a : a i l , x r l l . o sa i . o . L l r ;b 'L n i 'ti l i c'Lonrlo oJor' Unive' i" p. r'r^r"a.t. hiio onl c"slnn, I aitg atu| Dr.'trq ' 196?), oP l4l_58 silv ftd, ro rhP \rFrrapolb in tle ;'P*i'; i'ppliori.n or Lt" Id"al-Tv!' H;;;', ed U ,d n r a i n w o r l l tu t'o r ' A'ca s, L ! s l r ta ('on'rrd' n-"".i-tt' r - - ',r J'- ,"d ,i@ (New York: Tbols Y. Crowell Co, 1968) pp. 93_97. iliv-.ir*"i". "t"t-a""nion," in wm- M.ngrn (€d ) Pe6.nts in ci'ies; and Jo}n ;r'L_o"tl*t. of Urban Antbrepologv " Research sirateaiG ud n"bmc c"li.:.

i";;iflfr',"+ilffir**E,n't*1ru ,i*1r1

*F;illfH"^j"{r#e,-i.N:$.ffi "r:}.:.,#"i,":ff

54

]E

METMNG

8F'NINC

OF

55

'E

out the difierence between an insider's view and an ourridcr's view. \rost dcfnitions oJ urban centers have been devctoped by sociat scic,rtists wLo a/e 'insjders" in their relation to Wesrem cities but .inttsidcr,, in rh; rclation to others. AttcntioD to insidos views of the ratrrre of cities from rFsidenlc ol Lagos Nigcria and Bangkot. Tlaitand mishr p-,iJ. *;; r ns rq n rs c \!n rt th .y d i d l o r , er!e to de\cI,,p., urri !.nJl de6ni hnn Thus, it remains for the so.iat scientist to dcvcloi $rch a deffnjtion, bas;-, hopefuJly, upon a comparatjve perspective and some ;;;;: "i -.*"r. 'fhc sclond rspecr of the rthnocrrtris,r ot nuch ,ooal sci.nce \ wii i n g o r u rb a o l d . i s rh . u n d " r h i ,,g anri urb3rrbi .r,. or ncgati re i rnaqs , , 1 l h , .i ty i n tl ,F Wc \t. T h c c o n\FFc ot thi \ rtew i s rhe rom:rnrrc;ze-rl picture of nra1, agradan life rooted in the $dtjngs of Rousseau. Toennies, early Redneld, aDd orh.rs. In gcneral. rhere secn:edto be a r.ision of a Goldcn Age, when people wcre happy, genuine, and spontaneous but lhr \ $ J r d .' tro !rd L ,) rh .,i [ !vt,i ch i , LnIah,rrt. ,.ri n" i .t, ,,,.t i nherenlly evij. The witings of rud.eo-ChrisriJn hihticat rerr5 \upporl

llt ::y

* ur)I. l\'tmyot thr parrymembenor whari. rcfenedl; as

r np L n ' c a g o 5 ' h ,i u t s a w l h e .i ty:rr unnrtrrrat rId drri ffti :rt. U ,ban ccnters were viewed as a source of a kind5 of social and personatit_v disorgaDizatioD and deviant behavior. \,tany uf tl"i, ,tuaio fo"."a upon rooning housc residents,tAli dance hal girls, and relarionships tbat qt r c s h rl o $ . fr.,n l F ,,t i n d m : rni putati vc w i rth.\ dcscri pbon of uwJ) I,t tit. incorp.,rrtcd rhcse hiascs by de.mphasitng primruy relationships and sroups (bascd on nutual t ,si a"d aFect) ^n; emphasizing instrumental, segmented ties. A recent manilcshtion of rhis anti,uban bias can b€ seen in Banf,€ld's T/l€ UnlwaDentu Citu.3a ,{tmost every probtem of modem tife, from uncmployment and poverty to the failures of mars educarion and tnnsportation, is lajd at rhe door of thc cjtv. Thpr. ts no qrc\tiun t_harthe city r\ r ftrn rudF en\ironmcnr, ljnl I n v i e $ i l r\:rn u rn rt,rr" l F n \i ronmenri s i nappropri i re.Thcre i s no question that the city is a unique socjat environment. but to vicw it as pathological is uDacceptable. The suggcstion that the urban center is unnaturat and artiffciat is based.upon an implicit assumprion that cenain commun y forms :ue atural and gcnuine With the variery of mmmunitics rhat have devet, upc d i ' r d i { c n n r s o .i ,tl :v .rc n rsrhrougt,ourrh. w ortd. conctuJU nj rbour |he n o l u rd l n a r o r q .n l i rrn As o f .I\ pJrhorti r pJtttsm dc i mFnssi Lt. { ba s i c c h rra c t^ ri rti c o l h m d n h ei ng. i n al l si tuari on, i r rhrt they dc_ 3aBdield, The Unh.nDenluAns.

C'rltur. b) ils veD dc6rriti'n' tr, rheirsctrirrg\' vdopc,,ltu'.rl.esponse\ ri rr ttrP rnbonr. nol rralual .L'rd d i, ' learn, rr,le thrt lh..ify $ '. Inl ti"$ed Js negtti\'ly in rll''r \t. 'ni(l,t present-davWcst'rn industrialsocietiesDur drlesand pltrcesns it is in .*-rriaAt. Aee! ,ilies w.rc rsro,i,l.d $ith chuic" ,rnd fr' "dom 'r." pcriod i.?, *r,. ^,.,p".t r' rL" city .nLl uorrldr' In:rirrth'rc lor I cFrtain $'re'FntPr\ cities rirncw"rc leg.rllylreed Duri',glh" Errliqhlenmenl. "t ."a knn$lcds. Ho$e\"r th. '1'rl"'.'nc' ol indrr'trial/rtion li -tr','" ,,t"" g.*rt' ,1,,'inr 'h" l,,d','t"i,,ln'L^lrrrrnnlFd r" '\' \i'\ "f 1.,r ,rban life asclehuman;ng Thir is reHcctcdiDrorrantic trnglishIikrrature in rhe puetry of Word$'{th .rnd llalc ol lh. cib $ith socialdi,ordcrond Tiredual associati"n ^rliffciJlit) bas permeatedthe popular as wetl as the academicview of citv life' proTXui *he" a nervsmagazine,ndio, or televisionncws depatment ot the reportiDg usu.rllv means this ducesan urban affairs segment, view of miseries The and assortcd housing crime,poverty, low-income i re'ent TV advertiscment bv be demonstrated the city as unnatural can for Boy Scouting depicting a forlorn boy rvandcrnrg through t}le citv' lbe rni*age states th:t this boy lives in a shoddv, non-genuire world' 'His stars are neon lights. Inst€ad of gfass, he has ccment " Bovs are ursed lo ioin the Boy ScoutsJ"d FngJsein ctunping l" sp"rrd Ume in the countrvside,eet 3wJy trom lhe urbarrven' Thu. thev will bF ome Views oI the city and city life have vari€d from the extremes of total denial of ben€ffts to those which s€e tle citv as n source of a bene6ts.In ditrerent eras and for difierent segmentsof the populatior' attitudes toward the city have changed lvithin a given societv, ceitain asp€ctsof city life havc been viewed positively, while othen hav€ been viewed negatively. For sone segmentsof the upPer middle classin Arnerica' especiallv {cliviti.s ar" imponanl.lhe d'osein o.il,I|itioor lor which inlellectual attractions of the urban have drawn manv back to the old corc cities These attractions includ€ cultuml elen€nts (art, music, museums, theater) as w€ll as neamessto plac€ of work For some, thc stimulation of the diversitv of choice is an additional attraction. These people are reiuvenatine lormerly detenorating urban cores Their pro'urban bias often leads to negatile stereotyp€s about suburban life. An interestingexampleof a subculturewitb a shong allegianceto the citv core is the artist community iD New York Citt. Over the last t$'o decades,nany professional artists have moved into a downtown sectioD known as Soho.As Drechslerpoints out, thc physicatmenities (.ba doned factories and lofts) are particularly adaptable to artists use' par-

56

rE

ME!\rNc

jwil,n'r." +,r'j,*.h*: fflliT., *j,,,.Tl"l

5i

t@ \rsrts(, of

l ,f, J, , iler r nd d. f f r '"' ir r " b1d {' ole cr ili' \ r v\ ' 'Hieh dclsi-| l en t nl t o r "ur r e childr c r i, |or . m ighr . fi -of tu.' 1. t . qm , : r . . 'm m . ir llxr r l i'lc r hc h\ l 'if v I 'F'"m es lhr t' ct ', 1"'"'r y Dl I r PPst "lr 'hc 1" " " .n t it " bc. r us. "t r r int , ln ir t '. li. r r hr ( cit ie' ar e inh"n nllt ilu lnft fnr litmrn habjtation 'Th, *. o"d p'oblFm i" t h, , r I 'olilic, , ll\ dcf f n"d t ilics at F r r r FLlr ^ reat furctioning unit the d'e unils to be evlluatcd. rathcr than thc incoryorated surrornd reentlv iet.op.lita" a.c' Some cities thrt have le{al bonr{lirics do are t}rosc $'hose ,," tt,r el.rnDl,r. Tuls.i) "'t.rt" 'less bad" becrusc these :rre bounduics: eid to coincicle vith ccoloeical criteri'r' lhus high iD no.-ciqljke rark ;e trewly incorpornted areas rark lorver politicat boundarics retanred archaic urban units that havc The conpded e b.ing knids of units difiere,,t iecause essentially hrve its Nouftl older t regions of metropolitan that thc U,i" *gg".o .a'tea iigt'- ttr:rn tl. rulsrs and Srn los6s if tike lrrits Nerc conpari'd a ln fact, the citl, ranked worst (Newark, New lersev) is 'ot reall-v trea depressed it is a specializcd at dli uDit lutonomous functioning within the Ncrv York metropotitrn area iDd should have becn considered

:tr::iilrrt ;;i;6pt,lm:;.r":ixri::i,

",ffi lii, $i$ri ttitii:it..:.-,tlrir

dd#dd$$.i,,,:ffi l,,l.::, j j.,',."",*'iri:.j*,il*h,,,i:ri':'it;".ffi .ir ;:':u:tm A Case Studv ol Contuaion

Still another response to this srticlc dcfeDds citics in gencral ln this case, the critic fdls irto the basic diteDD:r wc mentiored beforo he confuses the central core with thc city ni its entnetv. All of thc posi tive features of cities this $itic lists are characte stic onlv of citv cores While it is true that cc(ain core scgmeDtsof many older urban centers are becomiDg symboticily and physically reiuvenated, there is some to tl pifv the general question about using stch small reiuvcnated ^reas

*r:lltifllii l?;ilt*ll#{

i;:;r"t's,* rrr#r ***,'fiIil*:Hfli,{

#il-r ru*il*i,:imt.i,*l,ri-{'il,;il il:Hf ti:;''i#ffi ir'".1:x;:t ,it:1",,:,t*t -irim;:iHll, ,ijr',: r3:.; uliiii'i"*ikri:r"i,:;ir ril;1,, #**lm*,ffii''[q] *,:j ir

URua\ ANrlrRopolocr

A..'D UnBAN SruDIEs

$'e have previousl)' noted the growth in programs of urban studies. To a very largc etteDt, this is a result of the inoeasing propor tion of populntion coming iDto cities jn thc dclelopi g areas of thc *,orld. In the developed world, urban growth is manifcstcd in the cten sion of urban physical and social features bcyo,id the citl to the netroFor social scientists.urban studies provides one of the Irlost e\citing grounds for r tnte interdisciplina4 approach to society and behavior' For nranl years, lip senice has been paid to the notion of interdisciplin an research ellortsi hot'evcr, this goal has not beeD realized ln urbxn studics, interdisc\tinary rcsearch and cxplar.rtion *'ould sem to be a naturat outcome. Th. r'rban geograpt-r. historian, sociologist, political

58

rE

rlc |eNc

MEANNC

scienhst,or eo.omist, as wcll as the anthtupologisr can ldn from one a n o l h o d ,d w o rl r ro w a rd r s!(cmari c a,,ah\\ of urban ti fe. E 3ch ot lh"s€ ffe l d sh a , d F \p l ot)Fdi t, o\n rhFo,,es.vi .sToi nh. emphd!\ ' e \e tu l n e l h n d o l u g i .s a n d re c h rri q ucs to! darJ i .ol tecri on.B v tusi ng rhe; \Jrl o tts .a l ,p rc a c h " r.w " c a n b e g i n ru d.\ctop . tn,tv i nrcg,rt;d atproJch ro rn c s tu d ) o t rh e c i b rs n r , ;ndenrr,d" nrl orce Se v fl rl -a l te rn a i n c a p nroi ch.r tcadi ng ro rhe goat of .n i nterdrr. ,_ .n ' In :' rv u n d c r\l a rd i ,,g o t r he ci l \ crD be ,uqgestcrt.S om. ut th.\e Jltcmihvcr arc dirtrrl) rclatcd to e,eahh. shrte othc,, foeus prir,.,nl ,{ , /,i i 4 t,. i ,d ;,.t,r.,t\ $ h a \, 11,.\, .,. i .r. rdi . i l ,t,, ," ..1. . , Il o \\A., rh c d i ( h n rq n \ h e r\ " , n r..,, hr,.t JnJ rc* " ,, f, i , .o," ., ..u" . o , F mp h rs n th rl n ru ru a l e \(l usi r.r,rs\ A n underhi ng Jsl mphon in his],:r e9rcatr9' is that teachins a,d research are mi,;aly reinforcirs a n d h .rd J o .rh " a q u i s i r,o n or greatcr i n,ghrs i nl o d,c phenomeno; Orr r$ d .h :rfp ro i c h hri ns. rng,l hrr J g,uul j , (cd, . rn Jrrcton , rnc lolat re{carch design. Dis.iplin.s in.luded might be history. gmeraph). n'rchnloq. Fconomics.polibcal s.i.ncc. seiotogr. and anrhro p o l a $ . T h e o re rn a l i s s u e \ d fl j \ed l rom aU ot thee di ;i fti ner w outd hF in.$rporar.tl i',tn.r sirglp integrared rpser..h design rhrr focuse( upun rhe u.ban \cenF. Tn rddti^n. each ot rhesc disciptines bas dara coll(tion techniques lhat woutd he ioreg,rred inro rhe desien. Ajthouqh thF u',i(\ of dn.l)sis ol the\e r:rrious disciptines bave b""n rraditionaly dishncl. th. inrceration of therr unirs $ould lead to a much la€er lrame

An Erample ol lrtuAhcipliiors

Rerearch

Ierhaps the best way of illustratiDg tlis approach is to us an exm_ _ ple or oDgonrg research h vhic.h one of the authors has ben involved. It will bc apparent that, atrhongh t}e research had rhe potential of cbNing unor \rriou\ social ,cicnc. dis(iptinc( in reatiry. o;ty two di.crDrines\ ere ktiveh involved The focus of the rcsearch was an assesment of the techniqucs and dcgr. to $hi.h idFntih ohc\i\cnes\. and toundaries tre iffecred br diflcr.,'t lFitur.\ ot r}p urhcn Fnviroment. This r.\ea.ch toros rras of ll o i e n ti c l i n i e r.s t tn r} . h i s tori an gFographer.po,i ti .al sci cnri st,\Gi ologr+ l rd anthropnlosi\r. Thc group sel.ctpd for rtudv were lrrlirn Amdicans iD a particuiar geographic secrion of the city of philadelphia. d * ' e " :f rh e re .e a rc h i ntnl r.J seog,3pheh rn; anrhrorctosi ds. IIl ." nc gFo:rapners wcrc trimrrity conrFrncd \v h how spre prosinirr. and iDtra,communitY molemeDt patter.s conrributed 6 ".ijr,U.f,""a h"o,'d.,ritr. The .nlhrofnlogrns tootFd primarit\ ir the eg(i of comm o n o l fu rrl \e l i e t\ rn d ti ,,shi r rel rti onshi p\ nn.thni c boundan" s.

59

or

It se€ns obvious th^t historians who might have been involved irr of reserrch would have_focusedupon the historic records planning de paJish records, real estate transactions, ommunity-nelvsprpers, tle .I about the plst Their pafticular murccs of infomation basic wills-as rnrl the research to include a longer 6re perspective could have bro.rdened ider t ib und boundar u m : t it r i, , t he nr t ut e of ,qe vi e w of , hJng. . . wiLh their r'i""(i\ls. ncrticular focur upon power r"la tarance. Political organizntion, rvould have voting, and conmuniw golenmeDt, liooships, the reserrch efiort. to larger valuable cortributions other nade Id th. i.lurl rf,ri,(], d.sign ru lrcl ot ntuturl iDterc* io th. anthropologistsend geogrtphers nrvolved sas snrgled out; this $as the rca of foodr"ays. Thc geographers contributed to thc rescarch design rnd techniqres (surveys, scheduled interviews) by fo(lring their atten' tion or the circulation of people and foodstufis in the neighbothood' rlat is, the location of storcs and restaurrnts nnd the shopping and eat itrg out patterns of the populatio.. The nnth,opologists looked rt hov .doic cultural beliefs afie.ted thc selection of food {or dietary pattcnx snd how kinship afiected eating pnttems. Ilistorians corrld have provided i'Ionnation nbout patterns in an earlier period of the century and provided compamtive historical n omatjon from sources desoibing simil patterns in Italy, shoving the persistence of particular food patterns. Econornists could have showl how narket forces, changes in food prodrction, and wholesaling nnd retailing practices aftected the actual food available. In other words. ther. could have provided tools to aDalyze the regional network of food production and distribution that sets the linits of what is available in the locat area. In the actual studv. tlE data colleded rclated to the intetcsts of anthopologists and gcographers. Research interests were ioint!)' th. both developcd, and instruments a.d fieldwork rverc i.tegrated The sane could have been tne if more disciphres were involvcd (In this cnse. with three anthJopologists and two geographers. ench vith va ed interests. the r€scarch acturtly did reflect ffve difierent p.rspectives ) 3c This tem approach is in dirtrt contrast to the approach to be discuss€d in the next section. Otlw

lnteditcipunary

A"pnachzt

A second approach to a general social scjence research strategv d€aling with urban life is one in which each of the separatc disciptiDes is represent€d by one or more people who pursue a spccific research s Thc ltalian-Amerid F{sd Pmie.r ( hdith C{ode et al.) has been onemed with

the .€iatio$hip behveen l@li!_, cthni.it!', clss, and dietlry patteds lt has len sppolted by a s.ht of NSF (-'.tion!l slicn@ foundaton) institutionll fund! fronr Tenpl€ Univenity dnd a la.ulry Research G!sn!i.-Aid fron Tcnpl€ Univenity,

60

ru

rc^mc

o.

6t

focus related to their particular discipline. At some point, the resultr of the vrrious resarch endeavors are brousht toseth."f"t"a t. ^"a "n"i An example of this approach can bc seen in the care of the ptan_ . ning of Ciudrd clryand in Venez,,eta.Ttrr tovpmmer,t pt",,,,j,s "g;;; iC \P , w a s i n c h a rg e o t th . p roj ecr ol urb.ni zi n{ " ,," a" --,,' 1,^i region of rhc,ountry. They contracrcd wirh rh" Joinr C*t", r.i U,Ur" Studies of Hanard \fIT ro conducr n,terdisciptina.y .".earch that llouid f e e d b a c l l o $ e p l a n n i n ge fl o rr. Ir uas rhp,psp,,nsi bi ti rvof the Ft.rnni n; r o rT ' .r r:rrh e r l l ' .., th , . ,.hn' .,,, ,^:,,' ," rJt.,h. r.,-.,,;l J,L-' l i o I. Economists and regioDal scientistsfocuscd p marill, ou the generat ec6 nomic rb-ucture of rhp communiry ard region Sociotogistr studied L,pper. rFvcl e\efltri\es rnd decr,ion nrkers ol the corporare structurc; An :rnthropologist. Lisa Peartic did i rwcycar erhnosnphv .r ,ru"d I residFnr pdrticipant ob"cner\ In addirion"fIn a sl,..ial. rTPdtublll rbon lppl'rtine thF \Fprrate ffndjr,gs of crch sh,Jv a ge,,er.d \"rum. wds produffd thJt contained data and conclusions from aI rhe

l :

LT

In many ways, this modet of an interdisciptinar_v sociat science aD. proach, in which a central body detemtned a g""..A .""*.i1, inlaest:rnd lhen $bsidized a v:rdery ol difrer.,rt "".y proiects. is rhe u$al one round today. For erample. when U\ESCO. rhe Ford Foundarion, the Institute of Race Relations in England, or the Research prograrnrnei Committee iD India, delineate a partiotar research problm, the; bodi€r usmlly subsidize tangeDtially retated research in diferent ffetds tlat is not cenua y coordinated. A third apprcach we may see more of in the future is oDe in \ehich an individual train€d in a variety of dhciptines devc.lops an integrated research proiect. We note ths as a possible trend for ttrc future because integrated soci: scienc€rescarch aDd teaching prcgrams in uban studies are a recent developmeDt, and tbe full impact of these prograns is yet to be felt. Even in such progrms, hos,ever. &c individ;at ;tudent us1ldly concentrates upoD one academic discipline, rather rhan receiving equal training in many 6etds. U*an

Studies ]:ninine

This last approach shifts our aftenrion from urban studies research to urhnn studtcs b-aining. Herp agri,r. re\.r3t direcrions have emergcd. Onp d-irction focusesprim:rrily upon teJm teaching in \hich rhc ranou\ rlrrciplinr\ parti.inate ioinrly in couhes. Wirhjn te:rm r.a.hing. altcmaoSrc Lb\d nod\in el at,. pknninpr'tuon Cnuih dtut RcEia^a! D"vlopMnt: fhp L.p?ndn d ue cududM p,uenn ol \N,rla {CMbridq!.: \t.t.T p,c,r, re69). r.l mtrr o rh? sthJoprtoqnt._ontnbuuon. .@ Lie p€nre. :rh" \ i?u l@n th2 d d l n o r q n n Ar b n ,: prc\., Un \cr .jq .n f

\th h qan

1968).

*e modcs have de\"lop.d. OrF n,odc hrings loe.th"r \nrious socirl \ t udies f r om lhcir par is, 's in f,.nt' ' r., * t '" disct n' c"m m or ', 'bl, cir her collect ivF\ or r hh donc r nr r be ;l l rr dnciplinar v t e'sPcch\ ": m nd" i. lor cr ch social Anot her pr cr nr . , t in, '\ ' indi! iduJl i' * ,1" ' . r ur b3n lilc hi. or hcl pir t icular r spect s of lhc discus. onh l mu.t ro the totilical \ci"nrid "ould sludi.d Thu.. ttu. tr]ditionally [r"ipUn" gcographer could talk [rc'r's tocat cornrnunity poser structure, the s^ forth use. and .bout land S omeur br n . l', J e' r , , o"- ', , m .: r . lir r t Pm or F lh. ', l 'n'- l\ lc. lcr 'l''l ctoupsol .^ubr \ t l'r r Jn t r u, l, lionlll\ , , 0. r "11in dif f "r enl JFpir t 'ncnl\ ?i e stud' n r put . dr . . our s". t "gelher $ill' t hF aid ol an advi\ or ' I n 6n apprcach, it is the responsibility of the student, not the teacher, to in brcgrate the disparatc material. Other progrems slart their students take tradicuriculum Students in integrated core an studies dbaD donal councs in vanous dcpartments and then cone together in a .rpstone inl"gration Jt lhe upp"r lFv.l This ldrl ,eem' lo be the mo't and b" uscd tur holh u,lF'sradudtc dnd gnduatF coomo" "an culricrrla -oae. The student produced by most of these pmgnms is proLably more ruited to an applied career in an urban agency than to a research cr€er, for Nhich 6rrn grounding in a particular discipline is prefer:red lvhile such progranN acquaint students with di{Iercnt research strategics, they are not sufrciently intensive to prepare for a professn:nal research For instance, prograns developed at Baruch College and Temple University were geared to train individuals to move into positions in urban pla.ning, urban govemment. and urban institutions, which did mt require intensive knorvledge of a single 6eld. Such training should enable individuals to assessthe validity of rese.rrch being done in a rariety o( disciplines and allow them to evaluate and utilize those ^s p€cts of u*'an resenrch relevant to thcir role. Thus, those who are responsible lor naking decisions about the future o{ a city can deal nore neaningfully with t-nowledge derived from several social scicncc disciplines. Too often, those tnincd in a particular socirl science see their discipline as an entity lvhose logicall)- determincd boundaries are impo.tant to prescrue. Frequcntlv, whcn pr.rctitioners of one discipline read the rvork of practitioners of another who appear to have invrded their tenitory, they feel threatencd. However, an obiective revieu of the gmwth of the social sciencer would suggest tliat these boundaries ar€ a rcsult of historical accident and are often purely arbitrary. Any aftempt to maintain thcn is bound to fail. With the recognition th:rt the "urban" is not the exclusiv€ domain of any single discipline, r more relaxed Dosition can be takcn bv various social scientists.

i g.rtE N tNc o. ^NTeohr.cY

Althoush\F du nor hrtc rnJn\ c\Jmrt.c ur ,,f s.holarsemc,or^_ In,m lrainingtrogram\ thaf emphdsize'nrFrdi,cipl,n",y ..sc"r.l,,b;;: gFs a.noro.r $e crn .ile r\fo cxdmpl..ot anrhropologisrs $ho telr lh,; rn ordrr lo comclo grip\ wirh thc ph,nornFn.rh..,ver" srudltns r r,i-: rn rhe Un'lcd StalF\ind crriesin Bra/ilr it u,, necc,srrv ro.m"J rncrr ow' compFGmpbe)ond rhe timit\ ot rnthrototog). Thu t.,* aJ nr\-oqn hi\loric.lr.'"ir.h $hrch q"s con,rd.rpLt ro tr e.scnt,r in iti und"r,tdn6;nto111,"6,4.rFnces b"h\, en tq.ocrti., i,r rjr" t nircJ \hr; and Leedsrlopj his,,$n pconomnrnnl\..". r,.inq, \r.l,n" ,r., .. ,".1 Lnclerstaldtlrt di&erenccsb.tqe.n tso thzilian citi.s.ii Th{: signiEcanceof this trend ro},ard aD inregrarcdsociat s.iena appmachcan hardly be overstated.A real interdn;ptinan, nul-\imp\ J.ldiri\F.$hprFrhc hi\toriaDconrrihure,\, tt,...o""-l,in"pp.""d; and rhe re.ult n q B. . . . \rhar r. have hcre I, pr,"ll"i;;;# Cstalt fslchologist.nkn rh.n rhev \i\ rhe t, s-.,r. riin rr,e.,rn ul jl\ p"rt\. Tl,'B rtr.re coutJ nrn.rge"f,of" r I.!"t ot erplJnrrion wel beyoDdany in the sociatsciencestoday. AnrhrcpologicalInput to Uftan Studrls What can anrhropotogistscontribure to urban studies? Based upon . our previousdiscussion,someans{,.$ ome to mind. rn Chapter r, ihc following trends were .ored: cross-culturai comparison, c\ rurat reta- . ti\isrn Fthnosraphic G.ldwork.and holism. Throngh a.hadirionit cmpha\ic on rhc cross-cutturat appnrach, the . urb d n a n th ro u o l o g i s ti n \i s t, l h at $c l ook ar urban phenomena i r al l time\ and placer. Any model\ or.xptanatioD\ ot *re urhan mLst oot h, narrowly ba\ed upun Wesrcm exp.ri.nr. or the m,dcm era. Related I o In rs rs tn e th ru s t a g l i n \t e thnorcntri ( rhi nti ng_i udgmtsntal vi .\rs of "p.^p.-"ti*, &fi€rent behavior. ideas or struchrres. p-tf,i. X"* y"* Calcutta, Bogota. Timbuctoo aI Dusr be red)gnized as parr of thei; , r ltu ri l " o n r.x r, a n d d c F m" d " qud ) rcl p\ant ro an\ ci pl anati on.,f thF nd tu re .o l l h F .i r). L , a d d i ri " n . lh" vi ni bl . rne.rni ng. and eval urri onr of I ne u rb a n rrp c ri F n c e m u \l h . i ni tu,t" d to i t,,i J ovpremphasi /i ngrhF anti,urbaD bias of the \vestem indusrriat s.ortd. Ethnogaph\ Another signiffcant contriburion of urban anthropology _ to urban studics .elates ro thc wNJ socioculturat units are studied_\tost lrban anthropologists stiil concentmte on rhe indeprh ,Icsc.iptive str,;;;; ,r Fox, natioml. and Ronane," and taeds,-The AnthrorEtogy of Citi6.,,

nl ul\ "^Jt i^n dnJ uoi ts widin I lar g. r , 'ir l"r t . Thr ough f r r r t icit ol e! eDdr '\ r ipli"n\ t dA' l}l dcr r \ e f.". r o- r , "" "xlr r r ''r " fi -I,ar" in r e'l sir ur r ion: I 'ehdior pFof le' p, t r "- ". t "r l i -to" , th" '.nrgul: , 'it \ I ncJnine unJe'l) ing ot expcr ieocP. r. "d lo ', sF li! \ t e$\ J-,t.o sv' coll"'l t h'\ dr lr f hu' t h' cr t egnn"' 'dn ]i i 1' o,,na peopl' sl'1 hos anJ about g"ir i'. rrion' u^n r"' d. riving<"ncrulrz

lii" iilr.

* ,r'"y Jo. h'rt eruulr dr {e.trFdanJ mrint"in'd ind how

I r f or r p', f l ''t '. 'nd i' LRc't cJ h) ' ilie' f-tntencti "ns : r n- ng''r lh: , r r h. anr l, r "p. loqi. t s , t vi r r r lizcr '"nJ C ul i c k h's nJr e. l 'psdiciPator"'

I

he can poilbe anthropologist lik.s to gather his material so that An studiecl ancl has expefenced he ."?,titt:.'t'i.t' *" riv sn nol 6nding' \ , ' r ologi'r l [-;pol oei. r ' ar e ot len init lled hy r r i Jb\ lr a't e'l t hn hur hPcr us' qu ar e nudh b". . u. c t lel 'nt i6eJ \ it u: r r l n' ' .n h i o t,. l , o', ' r l'" h. l'. ''i, , r "l , 'nr , r r . . ' d 'h: 'r 'r ', m viiualized.i' In attempting to describe other w.rvs of life, the fieldworker nr vhat people sant drtry situatio;s discovcred a discrepancv between is no*' cotisidercd to be This did occur. *h.t a.tuatly dould occ,rr "",1 onlv rvav of T\e i(Ieal culturc. redl culture 6e dlfierence between ^nd and norms that are adhered to tules to shich degree determuing the such verbally are vafid bch.rvionlly is through the dircct observation of and ideal between thc djstinction that be apparcnt It should tcbavior. settleurLan of complex i! the studv so, if not more as relevant, .ral is dents as it i5 in tribal or village settings. The Tine

Perspecti&

Another consequcnce of the ffcldwork background is concem vith tbe continuilv of behavior oler time ln order io des(ribc the prltcrned r€gularity o{ cdlturrl behavior, the anthroPologist had to spend a relatively long penod of tin. in close-knit interaction \tith informanis in the culture. For example, if anthropologists wanted to descibe a marriage cercmony or an initiation ceremony. thev reatized that thc obs€rvatio. of only one cvcnt $ould not give them the bpical sttrjbutes is trul)' pattcmed and rePetitive. or c\)ntours-\rtat This long telm perspcctive in anthropological studies also led to th€ rccognition tbat tlpical activitics (subsjstence and ccremonial) varied lvith the annuat cycle. !'or ag oltural and horticultural gardcna JohnCuli.k, Urbe Antlropolosy:Its Presentard F\rrttt, Ttuntacrio(r.f the Ntu ro* Aca.lenuol s.kn,, 25 (r9$), 454'55

^NTlsobr4cY ri'

ing societies. the various activities related to

Mt^NrNc

65

oF

Another carryover of thc traditional concern with continuous' f low" ol f ir nF i' r l'. "r nph: uis upon t l, . lil', a'lF ol lhc ir F -{ fsual r ho', sh r h, , nt hr upologr c. rftf elduor ker 'pcr r r I ) e: r r r r E". I-a" ol . dar a. h" , r . he c, , ulJ not uLt cr \ e dir cct r v lh. chr lqA lhr t I col l ect ing du. ing. , n indi\ id', , 1' Lt , t im , ir om it r l) 'r cv r o childh'"'d on t o l uncd dg' Sir . . lhc Jnllr r opoi'gnl r 'iliz' d lhr l t hr $ . . a old raU ,tro,, a -j anges und"blr ndinq ol t he f ull r anq" i n snr u' s"r " I 'r dJln. r l: r l r o 't , t $', 1', Fn \ vcr . r r ! d loobt air r inlor m Jr i"n , pPr ', acher acLi! i( ics .fhumrr r ir ' lh r ll s 'r ll r 'r hr 'l'loi pl, ', 'lr rl ' , ' l 'l! ,l ,,.rr ' in rn rttempt study groups of iDfaDts, childrcn, adutts, nnd thc aged ln b derive a pichrre of the dcvebpment cyclc and changes in statustheir aDd collccted the s€co d approach, hc or she worked with.rdllts of thcir own developmcnt and the changes lnie histories-rccollections that occurrcd in their strtus ovcr time Onc. ag.in, th.sc traditionil approaches hnvc bccD rniintanred iD urban anthropology and give us a broader vicrv of the flow of cultur'J behavior. A logical development has beeD the description and annlysis ot Jamily life in terns of domcstic cycles that parallel lifc cyclc phases' $ opposed to andysis of family stmcturc at a singlc point in time The sameis tNe for careers: ones occupational arteg)ry at a givcn potnt in tin€ is not as signiffcant for understmdiog a person's noms and lifestyle as the carecr cycle.

l**{lls*$t**i'[ftl*[i,,m'i#,""11'# Fncedby ctinaricchr,,gesparucurutr in"ri,*" a_ut*.

"r,*"i,.llj iil"*fi :ti'ff';nT.il'_iii"*.,:Lil::i*lH1i::*.:H:

esscntial. and a loncer neriod wai de,irrbte \trhnDghrhis ;;;;;;il; mighl nol hc cuhidcr.d F*cnriat in urbrn anrnroporogv studrc\ rhrF is tendenc.! to carry the time conrmibncnr oc. to sLrch ,ilLtir'l, i' l ' $^r\c r,c r,.ri rg e \c rc rh .r prori JF J Lehcr grast ot i hp ,o,, Ll c.j h

bFhi\ioriD \rrio,rssiiuarions. Ir *ar *

r,"tr..,.".oi

:l l:":i".oinLt chrng. connr'urq " in rime than ,tudiesdonc ar a ringlFpoi,,t In an iDdustrial urban situation, there appear ro be time . c_ycles rhrl should be con'idered in a srudy ot a neigbborhond. c.ou; "r],,,;. a,,\nthpr.m,cro u,,ir

u"r.rrh.hrdi.l.ihul.

rl,"jl-,'1",1lji"''1"",or h e r, i \ J d a i i y c rc te a l te rn rt n,g w ort domcsri c.." ; t" tJ;; ;,:#; rn^addrrnn. rhere i' a weelb cy(le wirh particutar days sct .(ide for drtr€rFnl lrch\ifies. rnd a seasold cycle which includes ho[d r. festirats an(| vacarron\-that rFcur on a ft gular ba,i5. Such viriahons can ontv hr <een in r.study thar has lr tong bme pFrspFcrivc to obrain rh" f,I;;,;;

,

i

m ..l * d ,tn d n u rri ri o n rr udv prFvi obty nored can be uscd ro , i tIrsrrate ,is n:rri.utxr Jppr,,ach. This dudy. designcd ro look ar g. m3intcnanF ot .rhnic gr,up b,,undarics. recognizeJ*at a ryp;"rf xo'nl rted peopte to lecall rh. mets rt"y ar. ""ri. on a _tuertio,,mirc.rhal parncurd day sourd to5e rhc range of lanation over rimF th3r the anrnnrpororjrrt !ee\. ID vicw of this.0 \ariery of p:rrticipant ob_ 'hu:rll) y r u a ti o n a n d i n te n s i v c i n r, t..hni qu.s w prF,,rd ro dctetoD ^ .i c$i ng i prcnrre,il lhc piri.m ,,f bFhavior B:rsed upon thcs. drr, thc toltow'ing temporal pattcrns emerged: L T h c re i s .a w e .U y p a h e rn i n $hi ch.ertai n toods rr..atcn on specrnc days ur thc veek. 2. TI€ time of the major rneal shifrs from {,orking da,vs to leisure 3 O n ,p d l i .u l J r c e re mo n i a tocca,i ur6 , hoti ddy. $.ddi nE r. ctc I roods specrricto that occa,ion are catcn rhat dc vtdom;aten ii

l

I L

i

o l th tu " \. i a ti u n r rrF p a rt o f J tFmporatp.rl l crn ot tood rcn\umFi on ,r\ha ll r m u s t b e rc rc S n i z c d i n o rd ,l to dF\ctop gen,tuti l rhons i bo,,i rhi s groupi foodways.

Thc Search lor lntonnl

Sttuca&

Urban anthropology has naintnined an interest in describing not only thc formal, institutionnlizcd asp.cts oI . social system, but also thc .ontours and structure th:rt exist undemeath the explicit formal organizt tion. Oncc rgrin, this concem is relatcd to the study of triditft)nrl and primitile socicties. where formal narkets and fomnl Sovernnents did In early a.thropotogical stlrdies of primitiv€ peoplcs, a gencral assumption was made about the lack of qrch formal structures as legal (r)urt systems and g{,vemment. However, it was apparent that somc peoplc h.rd more power and influence than others, dnd that some sort regularity eristed in the wny decisions wcrc made and of p.tt-n.d social contol was manrtained, even without fomal ofrce. Often, control was maintained through domestic, kin, and ftiendship strlrctures These elements are vicrvrd as informal structures because there are no explicit titles of otre, rules for successioD to ofrce, or insignia. As the anthropologist moved into tlrc shrdy of complcx societies where such forrnal structurcs as legal systcns and articulated levcls of governnent do cdst, he retained the intcrest in th€ substrtctural, under-

66

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67

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lying impo(ance of such informat ties (domestic' kin' and friendship) in the operatjon of society. rD an rmportant sratement,Eric wolf notes,

$;T;m^:i,,f iifl rl.J;#"l :rr:H.?",i,::i#il,?:i

struchrre whjch are inierstitjat,

lhe way part Gt logcther in a \)\tem rs r whole One &r emphasizes urban lih. Jnd-mor particulrrlv life in urbrn ;te iharacterlsticsor .ocieties.ir the lcgrcgationol,these inshlufional component': frustri.rl and so foah How*er. urban anthroIrity. so'..o-"nt. ecooomy. tools. srill lo,'l for the rehtraditional.rcnccptuai fo6"s. *irt' their o( UIe The conhnuarion separate arnar these supposedly ions-nipb"t*c.n in rhF uhan oonlexl cruses with mncem holirm o, tbe anthropologish a ldrger cont.\lual framc in lhe city.inlo any studi.d IocI gem ro 'rnit plhnic srorrps fft ncighborhoods or d.me\ti, units * ho" to -rk n ithir the hrger syltem of the whole city. tsqether By contrast, :r political scientist, even if he uses padcipant observadoa nigbt ohser€ a group involved in a decision-miking process in drcrnmcntal activities and describeboth the formal and informal aspectj ; the situation. However, hc would rarely bring in such factors exrinsic to politicnl institutions as the hflueDce on the individual of fanily ,bucture, {nen&hip patteru, and other institutions. When antbropologistr did uaditional ffeldwork, they collected data oDtb€ fril rangc of human activities I political, economic,religious, social. Over the yeus, subspecializations$'ithin cultural anthroPology {ocused uDonthesedelineated areas;thus, the subspecializntionsof psychological rntLropology, econornic anthropology, political anthropotogy have shown coDsidenble growth in the last two dc@dcs. To a certain extent, nndropology, with its holistic badition, night scNe as a nodel for the rlevelopnent oI an integnted social science approach to the study of urban life. we cin view urban anthropology ai the most r€cent d€veloping srrbffetdwithin anthropology, one which has as iti cognate ffeld urban rtudies. Sin.€ traditionat anthropology has been concemed with snall systerns( hibat and peasant peoples), it rnay lack much of the conceptuat aDd theoretical sophistication dcveloped by other social scienccs, tehich have always dealt lvitb ctlmplex society This obviously is a wettk' ness.However, we believe this is more than comPensatedfor by th€ transpositionof many of the traditioDal corrceptsand franes o{ reference la&ing in the other social sciences.These can readily be t$ed in the humanism to this study o{ uban life to add considerable dePth ^nd paiicular area of study.

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suppl

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In most econonic studies, the m€asureditems uully

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uscd by t}e hom.rheformar.money .-no-y_rr.,i i.. rr,.j ",.

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If so many exarnptescan be dra\n froin our modem, formal svstem.

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srreervendors.scavengcrs. ragpickerc.p"""*,

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econonnc system.

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betweon vrr "#,,ii":iT*:^T::":: .1" rera'rrorships *, "'iln $u\u,,na,,nFaDthrupo,osisr has to* "';iil,Jj."il:;;.."-$1il il:;

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s Eric Wolf, "(inship. Frj€n&hirr Md patmn-Clien

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This chapter dealt with the difrculties in denning th" 1rtbdn and suggested a tlree-part coDceptual vocabulary dbtingtrishing bctween the uban, urbanism, and urbanization. Approaches to the city based on

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oro lheir hinlerlands The .J polihcal.social.rnd economicdominance have ciearlv dc6ned bourdrrhs' must *hich u'b." iiee ro 'ettlements co'* or central placcs.and mssire archirecture'r still b'ing chdra(reristib "r"i-t. ietared by arctrmt,,gl.tsrnd historirns Someof dre urban g'Prtcr oc'uparionrl which stlow hererogeneiry cultuial una ir. ',*iA choicc and lr€cdom ad l,ersonai 'The distiDctionberwccn th. urban and non-ubrn is much more ln such difrc1rlt to aeternine and naintain in modern, complex societies urb'tr as of as rvcll ;cieties, the disusionof urban fomts rnd functions ir recognized is clearlv ;sm, to no" "rban scttlemcnts is marked This the conccpt to urban centers rbe change ot terminology lrom cities or of a metropolitan area or rnegalopolis in cont€mporary societv Another source of confusion in dealing stih contemporarv urban those ohenomenain .lmplex societics is the difrodty in distnrguishing from those urb'rn of the result de the direct ;pc.ts of nodcrn life that what of process Manv productiv€ industrial rtrit are the result o{ tle process industJial of the the result pmblemi' are more -urban are called rhan the urban. Obviously, it is di$cult to disassociatethese two phetromena,which are both ubiquitous at the present tine, but everv efiort should be rnade to do so where possible. DcsDite tbe difrcitlties of deffnition, there is an obvious movement toward a gcneralized focus upon the urban in all of the social science disciDlines.This tsend has led to the developrnent o{ a ficld callcd urban studies. In the futue developm€nt of urban studies, urban anthropology brs a potentially useful role to play. The traditional goals and techniques of the oltural anthrcpologist remain central in urban anthropologv The type of studies pusued by urban anthropologists can nake urban studies a more vital area of academic activitv

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*'d urbanism' and ubaniza'

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Part Two

CIIIESIN E PERSPECTIV

It should be apprrent that urban anthropology, a! a segment o{ the larger anthropological endealor, is .r loosely amilga'nated area of studv thd, in one wa], or rnother, attempts to describe and expltin thc urbnn scene Thus far, rve hai? .lnphasized thc gener:rt framework of anthropologv' the sro\rth ot urban .rnthropology, and some of ttie mator issues that htve €merged in urban studies up to this time. within that catcgory of urbrn anthropological studics crlled the anthropolosv ol citics, tvo .rpproacheshtve co'ne b the fore One suggeststhat. since thc basic streDgth of anthropologv is in the abilitv to do ethnogr:rphic ffcld\r,rk ill small social tnits. the urbrn inthropologist should pro\ide an essentiallv ethnogrrphic aDd Phenomenological liew of the url)m n:ltives $ortd. TLe opposing vielv stressesthc lioljs'n of anthropol()gy rud urges the reed k) focus on the Nhole city rnd its relationslip to thc larger systen in which it is embedded.

72

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3

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TheRoleof Cities []:,9 ij#;,.::i"iTJi*::t J: _'-ffi$:i:,#, f;:,.Jx,,}: '[i:.ffi';:Hi'.:llllf]ffiffi ;r;11il'::;,:ui.fl ,T:

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industrirr citics and

Th€ &scNsiotr that folloivs wi cover these topicsr the anthropological/ archeological perpective on the orignr of the ffrst cities l:!s pa.t of developing cultural systemsj the functioLs or roles cities perfornj the attempts by the anthropologists to study the dymmic relationships betlveen cities and tLeir larger conterts; .rnd the efiects oI thcsc relationships on the natue of cities (the urban and urbanism).

Onlcn{s oF rrn

CIrr

The historicd ernergence of cities is recognized as a fundanent.l chaDge in human exist€nce that had far'reaching €Sects upon all aspects of life. For much of ou knwledge about this development and its im'

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city as a Dew form of sertlement.

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of lhe sht " lr r lr r ' t it sw lhc cit ) wr \ J pr cr equisit ef ur ll'e adsreoce pr c'ent t l, e n\ u. r . i, t A nnr . t n r hF. m . r get , cc ol vdt Pr wir l, l rrc. A r af r P'lur n, h, r l t r ol nr cFr {t r r ) t vpF, 'F {clll"m Fnl pallPnr trA ty.t - *. ll Although cities are not nccessary to the c\istence ot the statc, thcy .r €ftcient ccntral placcs lrom which to adninister a complex systen. Cities are char&terized bl econonies of scale. Politic.l nnd ecoDo ic functionsand tle indilutions of thc strtc tend to rggrcgate in onc locatioo to idcre.Nc thcif rc.fs\ to hbor rnd lrrfk.ts. Thus citi.'s beconle 6nters for the erchange of goods, services,laLor. and ideAs. Tlie need to d.fend such signiffcrnt locations tends to furthe i"clsdr" (centralize)

ii$:#,:;l';1ill,sl:f;':"i;:1"*li":'""ttv-'t'"*"r"'i.t"'iif

;:-;"""'mnl""ln":i:;.t*i"jlTs:,*"#ilS"'.:t',1l.;,i \\' L .n l u rn ,rn L e i n g " d A.toFd rc(hni quF. fof c,rtri \i ti r| l th, t," n , rnc serF $A r( tur the orn.rq"Dcc of c;hes HnwApr ;n t_,-^ ,i,,1 . "f

rhe r* otrs,i' d€ city. lli'l;,lllllJT.i.-;l.l,il Honever, in order for there to be cities, the ight i"'i'ili'il;T'-;:"r"'"trwq j1,:*i#;:.:,,i.:,T"i.l,HT:i5'9,

:I.*"ti...;;j,Fil;# 12,000 years

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kind of ecological 5c{tingmust e\ist in which r irigh r.rte of land productivib perDrits agri' aritual are.rs to be dcrcly populrted in order to anlss a food supplv br the even denser, nucleated settlements of urban non food prrducers.

re*".;",. rr,"," $erp rhrpcs.prrarczone\ in

appearcd. in all .a\e.

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",_ rh. ir,rec.sira wcre rhe riqrL Euprtrdre, vr ey r r{es; lll"'_l-":'':; rhF Indrn poum:ar. Rner \ajle) {tndiar _,t ,t. H*.g-it" S*,i" .-.rsed in rirtr bsin. in Euope. so,rrireasr.r,ra. 1-.jili,. "'!,.. and welt ".,j:, rurica. Onp \igniffcanr factoralt rt,p." t^i,. f,"a i,, _-.." ,crl,onar floodins which depo.ired nch a uviat sorls, ]l:: 4u\ ::_:l:'-, pentumng conhnuousculrivarionof snin crops o" , t*g. ."rt". *.- Wo-rtd.r\orrh and So,,rhAmencar a pari et, Indc_--,t.th" pendeDr "mergmce of urban enrcrs hJ\ bpcn frJced.Cifi., i^ ,t",.,-", in \r{,_{,mdca I rrreFryin \rericoand c,tut"n,ra) :::,i.,^"::1""". region. HFr. mairp agri.,rtru. s?, rhc ba,is for d"rel.

Chilizarions, Srates, and Citie, ADthropologists have debatedat great iength tle relationshipbe t::::,..:::, t:niion ci\ili7:rrioi,..,rFcompre\ <"r...,g";i,"d, ::,t ,.tD ,ocinculturil\\.tcm. \hile 'narKerrnteqrnted .* i-1,o.,"ni lypF oJ sclthn{r wift,in rlFm In rgccr t,orh "i,t"_ "n ,f.^, pr.-.J", .,," .imillr ..r ,,t.irc,,rnr.rn.c\."t brr rh.r are nor p,tuiF ":T":""'"pj'."

, rie.. b1rq;1;.' 1..., ..;jfi ,"Jli :il ;il: ;::''" "[]'l;:'';l This_processalso relaresto the emergence or riarz potiricat

svs r" ho eartier\ritins. childesawtlre *r,_ **r"ir.". ii,,,'i. the emergencc

jill

of the archeotos'callyobserabtc

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TE

EcolocrcAl

PmsPEcrnE

Cultual ecology is n penpective that has gained considerable {oI lowing in contenporary a thropology .rnd h.rs consequently had an iDr' F€t upon tfban anthropology. By culturcI ecologg we mcan the focus on the complex iDterylay between the human orga sn, culture, and Drtural resources.In this interylay. each element resource distribution, orltute, production, denographics h tun aficcts all othcr components in th€ ecosystem.Change is bujlt into the system. Nlost erplnnrtions for lhe evolution of socielv, the move from tnbal to state systens, and the emergenceof thc citl, are based upon an ecol(,gical perspective. In the e.rrly study of the rise of complea societv nnd urb.rn centers, the emphasis rvas placcd rrpon tcchnological innovation aod incrcased productivity as prine forces. Ilowever, it has been recognized more re cently that increased production and surplus food aloDe could not creJte complei stratined state systems.Changes in social organization-paticc larly in the acquisition of coercive power by certain groups Nere necessary to crente the occupltional specirlization. structured ineqralitv, and state control th.t evolved. Thus, both thc evolution of tcchnological control and political centralization are esseDtial to the process. The emergence of states was preceded l' .r quantitrtive :lnd quali htive chxnge h resoLrrceutilizatio. and the prodnctive capacity of land I V- codon childc, 'The Urban Rcvohtion," Tobn PIMninE neoi.o, 91 ( 1950), 3,17.

lhrouqh inlpn{i\e agriculhrre Techniques thir in.r.J\.d rtre c6nrr.1 ^, \ o i l fF rti l i l y I l e ra c i n g fe rti l i ri ng pl ow i ng I w i rer r i ni grri on. paaal rice), and seed improvernents resulted in increased p;""u"it, Ajvances nr food production ted to an increasc nr the mutripticity oi parr;. T h i , i n \o l v c d b o th re rn rn ri a l l ydi \persed\cl tFm" ,,r,,,a i .r" .i " p" .a." , spp.iajized nor-agricultural occupationat erouns The p.ottfe."tio" i these occupationa) and tcrrjtoriat componenrs ted to entiati,.d b"."r;. cracies coordimtc the system. Thus, administrative bureaucracies. _to sttewidc ideoloqies, ard mrrket s\.steN\ d.rek,pc.t i..t ,,.".., c-,r.olr"i by an elitc witli coercive po$er. C.{ah circu.xtances, ,suchas thc neei to centrally control river Aoodnrg (Old $,ortd) or to coordinate essentiJ interregional trade (Ncw Wortd), @ntril,ured to thc rtse of ccntratizJ

il

Srch a logical, deductive description of the developnrent of th€ state takes on real eaning \rfien lve took at :rctuat arclrcotogicat eri, dence in pa(icular ecoloeicat zons. We cln sce then how population pressurc afects prcd'Jctive innovation and how the retatilc sdrabilirv of food atrccts gro\th. For example, the cereals of the Ol
o &-., td

'

Pa r,.m.,,i r ,l € -,ari n :n E d,r, sourt,.m In t ,h.n sptttprcntl: it9 fn.{ .1 | tbani,ntin ^tFqnpora,ni in ,,-\rtaeo

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\'asa"hb'r' \'amc' \radurarPubh€ri.'n\' In,

ecologicJ. J n'rly.i' ot this.culh\dtion rrocF,s i,,dicrl"\ iiiied. Re.ce.nl yield lor ll, c ol lJbor inr est ed lm an- hour , t i u bsist ence rhe Ad 'I ou'r t er . Hor ver lnr t e r r er s of hnd m u. t b" r ', , il , ble t or r he high. B r?l nti vely of site{ in urd.r lo lel l,rnd lie (:)llorv rnd r.cuup nutrishifting doliant .rtr. Ar populirtioo dFn\iry ircrFi5p.. Lnd re*rure' hFcome srrained. genernte or trans ltus, the population is widely dispersed and cannot scr \ . d. n\ e c"nh, , l ur hr n plr s NF\ er t helFssr hF \ l. r yr t o good s l ort ;nem w as {t at c or gJni?. d occupJt iondl speciali/ at r ', nind J di'per i d dx'rcilc e.litewere naintiined. rs weu .ts the cerenoni:rl tnppinss of r rh€ocracywhose dtlral centers rvere de sely nrLabited only at certrin

11el4ted D eoe lopnw nk i,l rhe Adomee oI Citieg A related issue is the d€gree to which writing is a necessary chir r.teristic of states and/or cities. Childe ffrst nade this assertion, and Stob€rgi emphasis upon literacy as a cha cteristic of urban places has bd to nuch dispute and confusion.3 Writing, like cities, adds to the efi ci€ncy of states, but there is no necessary relationship between writing rnd urban Me The existence of writins had two {undamental fu.tions. First, lit ascy, or some frDctional equivalent, was necessary for the record kecpbg denarded where taxes lv€re colected, exchanges nade, goods r:distributed, and defened payments allowed. For these, some notational forn indicating amout and time vas needed. The qtipflr of the nonlit€rate Inca state (a system of notation based on knotted st ngs) is an dample of a functional :rltemative to thc record'keeping fmction of

wriung. The second function of writing was to transmit. through time and space, the centralized ideological underpinnings o{ the large, cornplex state. When the area enconpassed w.rs extensive .rnd contained hctero' 8€neousgroups, a basic technique {or integratnrg th. vaious segments d soci€t], was th€ development of an ideology, or Grert Trrdition, that could be connonly adhered to by the vrrious segments. This was comFised oI laws eoverning secular relationships aDd sacred scriptures goveming suFmatural relationships. These were codiffed and prornulgated by legd and rcligious specialists and dissemimted by th€ church and/or Incipient

states or proto-states that never became full,

conplex

3 Childe, _Tte Urlan Revolution"j Gideon Sjol|rs, 'lhe Prcin lxnnol CilU l.N.s Y0k: The Fre Pres, rs€o)-

78

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oF cnb

societier crn bF fouod in many time\ and placc\ Tt,.y nevor it€vctcrnr'dlized orcrcivF potiticat sy\rFms or occupario,,,,l .i.*,"r,*u.", irl t h o u g l -th e y i n ro l \e m u tti p te. di spe.spd o,n,nuni ri e\ fi n* ca U r hnL or c n rfi s w th i mp o rt.n l (e r.m oni rl rnd ri l udl po$cr i , * " l l as hsal.andeconomic " ." ; rirht\ rhrt producelimiredconrrrt**, J,"*l,ll

popularion. Oftenrhe\erirua v porenr.)ml,otict".,A"^ ** rr,.'i"li duinq moil of rhe yerr. T|us. rhe porifionot rhtcf is nor a fulirJ

oc c u p .h o n n t In th .r ,y \rFms rh" re i rF l ocl ti ti " s rrsual l yrtr" resi . .ro l .. oe n c po r tn e k rn g o r c h i p t_ l h i t s.rve r. entFr\ fur ri ,,,i l and ccr.moh Th$c sits drLrN largc populatnns for a,,!url ritull *.",t.,,, t,i-;;" no l p p rm rn e n l u rL ' 1 tr" .mtrs . E \i mpl .. ol rhF,o proto-rtal cs .,. thc s w a z r ti n g d u ' n i n { fn c a rh F C hi hchr C hi ctdonr tn preJri sprni c Ca Ionbia, and the kingdoms of Hawaii. T h e c mtrg c n m o f h F c ri t) symhoti cp" $pr tead\ ro rnre sr.rA (\vi rh c cn l ra l i z e d ..I)trc i v F d ,,rh o ri h t .nd ci ti cr i n rhe dcmogr:rphi c vnre { r:Vg F .n u .t.rte d . d c n \.t} p o p ul dr.d , enr.r\ w i tl l r l rrgc troporhon of Don-asrjculturalists ) onte if ecotogical condlioas pemii ;ti ;J ment. The proto-srares lisred above noer developei f,,tll". " r,*"*. * ecological Iimitarioru. Ho\tev.r. mJn) \ta,ps with t,rban cFnrers ha; ,i:'' archcolosicit parr rh,r were proro{rares or symhotic p:".:' '' Krngooms wrlh ritual ccnrcrs. Th",. cenr.rl s,,t!\e,ru.nrty dc\ctoped inro

I ,, lii lili it : l i

Many early true urbaD cenros were in a renuous batance with their *momding Fcotogic€t arei\ rnd mrny were rbandoned afier a short eYrsrence.Evrdence h|r5 indirated rhat. in mo\t c*ses. ecotogical forces

poreramph.Hrrrapan cti.s in La;" *" #* rr,."gr,t l.l"_.i:"fl'bt: ro nave hpcn nbrDdonFd as i rcsulr

of ch.nges tn rhe warer rable ird edrly citic\ are rhought ro have dcctincd is jr res,,lr )tejoaTA:'cdn of ec o rc g rc a | ' m b i ta D c e ,

TrIE FuNcrroNAL RoLEs oF CrnEs {pparenily. urbrn form rdensih of habiratjnn and monunentrl is infimatet) rctlted to the conomic rnd potihcrl rotes rne setuemcnt ptays wirhi,r the lrrqer slstem. In rhis secrion we lha drsruss lbF l nctionrl rol., of cirie,.,nd broaden our pFrspecriv. bryond the political and economic roles. For much or trris a'tsc,*io", aata i* rivedlf,om.historicat and scogyaphic sourccs as \\e[ as anrhropotos ..

Tl'F \ vicw of rhp.ty is ofren rirher natro$tv rorused l'llronrn Dpon rhe rvertem ciry. In dcatine with preindnsb,iat cihcs_ to o$ins

79 PirennF.r and sornn ol lhe respo s to hi\ worl hi\loriar'\ 6, work of citv of medieval tilnPs A the pFindurfrial prolo cat}edral the ;{'ed the full signifrcanceof the varieh of rheie so. tt'.u doing tn .J. *t i"t' providA -is'ed i,'\isht into rhe imprctot Farli.rformsor

iifr,'.

srelrpr

world \\4,,1r a IPlv hi\rorians spcciatizcirr [61 t;fe rhrough-outthc {mtrh:rn cities. this eomcni'al view i' not tt ri", ,q"i.n, and Labn nl Ihi. rc{t ha\. $ork.d frraa"ri.ri, of thP dis.iPlin" Both ruthr'r' models ;S urbanhi.ro;an' 'vho useoIIy Crao Rom.narrdmpdieval r"tl. urL', Thi' criri i',^l l' r',i.',",rrrrr,.t LS",Jrurlr'r" 'f rela structure and cxtemal diversity of intcrnal the re@gnized fiey that techniques pnneered nnalytical ConstrlpsoI citls everyrvhere and the hint€rand to in systems to one arother d6ll{ these cities as linked hrdi suroundnrg then. One of the charactenstics of the titerature is th€ tendency to disbeh\eenrhe t,r.i,'duslrialand irJ,r.lrirl cib \t4ril. lhi' idcal rinsuish rvpotogy.til" aI idcrl rypes.doe\ distort realitv thc impact o{ th' ln Ir.t'ial RevoluUonon (iries cannol be ignor.d This dirrinchon i' so shall use it as a basis of our !.nadve in the literature on cities that we dilc{ssion. In dris discussion, we shall focus our attention upor the vrietv or tunctions o{ urban cente$ throughout t}ie world. The sirnplest mles d is format to stbdivide the tt?es of functions into three groupsr ecoDodric,political-milita.y, and cultural However, it must be not€d that .Dy city that has emerged or been creat€d for oDe dominant function sil quicHy draw to itser ancillary functions (due to economies of rcale). At any point in time, originally doninant {unctionsmay be reptacedby new ones. Thus any static typology based upon t}le dominant iunction or functlonal ntu of a particular city distorts the reality of ciange and growth. Another intriguing is$e directly related to tunction is the degree to which a particular urban turction or functional mi! will afiect the entire anbiance and contour of citt lifc, including the very forn of s€ttlement. Cities are not isolated geographic units. They are linked nr dynanic interaction with a hierarch), of contexts, from the local hinterland to regional, national, and even internatioDalffelds. Tbe $nallest unit in t}le hierarchicnlsyst€mof urban contextsis the contiguous geographic region in the immediate hiitcrland Some cities primarily service a.d relate to their environs. Their population is Iargelydrawn from th€ irmediate areas,and their econonic, political, and .a'ltural {unctions extend to this localiw. Particular functions of the r Htui Pirem€. Medieldl Citi.s (Princton: Prin(ton Unive6itv Press,l9t5).

81 u n i t m .' \ v ,r) i n tl ,c .\re n t , ,t rhei r zonp of i nfl u.nft. Th,,s, a tosl ,r

;,:l ili.il:.jj",1j]

nre\i{rwitha poriticrr runctioo p"'t"''""i-i"il

consis,s ormanv ,,,,".11; i;:i.';;;lil;::::)'.ff ,'i;":;x,-'e", -hich

/ non- br sicl. lhe im m pdi. r t e d. l oca l ur ban pot ulsli'{, 'um undir 'g &e slar ' or t aen inler nabonal lr c) ond. \ \ jt hin a. a mena" d. 'yst cm sysrF,n. .o'nc., ill:(.cou:d bp viewed rs h.vi,,s srrp.idldi' Ia4cr social ,r.u' rhe highcr level ryslcm5. !.d e.onomic .oler vi' (ifiP\ :rre cenleb of s',me marleting. {gricu]turrl A[ prFinduslriJl rhe hi,'tcrlind rcmc inlo $e cify. $here th.\ are re frcm o@ducts il!triUut"a fo' Ge suhsi\re,,ce of the urbarr populifion vir rhF lo.Jlb di€rted market. Similarly, products of urban manufacture arc aggrecsted by mercbants rnd .vcntuilly rench the Linterland. Thus. the ex !.ha'ge $ithir the ciB's conte\t is handled bI Drarkct spccialists whosc torehouses,transaction activitics, aDd even residencesare largely urban. Ir must be noted that localized rural markets are also involved in the b.ginning or end of the ex.hnnge, but that large scale storage facilities 6d record keeping are an urban phenomenon. Trigger notes:

r;;,.;#:.;mt:l;,ffi;lF+Hix:tltl!

r:rrg. S.ographnrr.r. wirhin i rinqt. n:rtn,n,su.h rs r}e sourh_mid$Fr. or northp.\tcrn,.n.,sr.,r ,.o"ridn,j,, rhr t,.,ilcrlStitc

'lhe,rexi level is the Dation_starc itself, a s).stem that e\.(s consi,l",aLle polilicJl and e.nnomi. Io,.e o,, rhe ctn. rhe l.o,ranr c.,i. l e i t. a r. rh o s c o u t\i d . o t th . nnri on C i ri es arF i nnucnc..t . l, _ " ,t h p i r o q n i n fl u .rn e u p o ,, rh . ,ommuni ry of nari onsat ,r,. i ;,J g ro n r| \u l ,s c l s .o l n a ti o n s .T l e E rrrqFrn commor, i"* ; \tarker :rnd rh. "trfi

rre formar errmpres of rcnrcmrnnry

l rll t, :|

ll )

l

.l"iyc ::ll:1l \ubscrs. l1T T,T.^'l rcgn{,:rl ( umnronwe"trt Th. Brirish ** **_pf.. hircd,,'or on smsrrrhic resionarizarion ^..ta* p"rrrl_"rj.l ""1 as much ine uthmrte contc\t is the totalit) of the intemarional ", "n syslem. cven

in rls Dresent teDuous sfate ZoDes of influence arc not static; over trme, certain zones ma), er. tcnd vhih othrys contra.r. Thp ciry #ects its conrexr and is affeded bry n rr re ru n r. rh e F ra l i o n s h i n i \ dl nmi . and characteri zed tu f..aU " i . rhc dqomic inrerptay het\lem urban function and exr.mar contert. wc can di.c.m r_hedifierene bctweeD ciries md rheir rcsultant efects upon behavior and Mestyle.

rl Econom{c Robs A distiDction must be made behve€n the functions I citv perfom, _ tor ils internrl populrrion Jnd those ir l|ertoms for th..,,t"*"i"pL.,o lrbuntr(l) thc e\i\tFncc of J large dense setrlemcnr dcates a ne€d for spe.Dteonomic and politi.at .o,rtrot acriviries ro $n. the tocat popuidhor. Howeter. the tui,on d.1rc t rhc cih ..tates to tr, tu,.tio"" i. conretr. cmsrrphen distinsuish between rhese hvo tevch lh. ")l:-^l D) .:lrrrng thF tirger contc\-rurl role of rhe cit).its l,zji. acrilit),aod itr role for the Joel population jts non-bai. activiqv. Atthough geogaphers

devclopedthis distinctionfor econonic*r",, *i, .r,_[ *i."li to otherrclesas wett.

tn-" .i."j"

A rnaior role of cities concerns economic production and distribution. From archeological evidence as lve as evidenc€ from histoncat preindustrial cjties, urban centers \eere the toci of large_sc.atenercantite and &tisanal activjties. The obiects produced tv J..rts.n.n a.a tne m€rcanhle transactions there had nany. possible market destinations:

Long-distancc tradc was centered iD the bwns nther than lthel mral sites because the former were also centres of production. b€cause of the scale eonomies thal were gaiied through centraljzation and because of the geater secu ty and protection tbat urban c€rt€rs ofered.d Trigger further noted that some specialization of production is of non-urbanized zones of conplex societies (military dara.teristic production attached to outposts And nills and foundries attached to agri dntural estates).6 However, the developnent of multiple, interlocking, productive specialization is direcdy related to th€ gowth of urban Most of the artisan^l manufacture in the city is fo! consumption within th€ city. A large number of textile mnnufacturers and proccssors (tailors, seanstrsres). potters, furniturc nanufacturers, nnd metAllurgists produc€ lu\ury items for the consmption of the elitc and middle i€gm€nts. tr{ost p€asant households manufacture $eir own basic consumer goods (food, cloth g, housing, tools, furniture, a d utensils) but tLere ae always some goods (cerenonial praphenalia, pr€stigc and d€.orative objects) manufactured in the city lor a rural narket. Since these localized productio and excha.ee activities are universal to all preindustrial cities, what difierentiates them in tems of economic role is their relationship to other cities a d to the state. One such distinction can be rnade betreen hade and manufacture. River and ocean port cities act as najor entry points for goods produced beyond ! B. Trisg.r, Det€mindnts of Urbe Cro$th in l.eindustnal Soci€ries, in P. J. U&o. nu$ Tnnshan, ud c. Dimbley le
8!

tu

@h

o.

clEs

83 lh" surroundingregion and ofren from other stirc sysrens.Such Dorr citiA, hr tun.rioned as cntry poinrs tff intemarion;t r,".Tr,l *..*

city'sfainous tannnrg rnd leathcr goods industrieswerc exported rl over the Arab lvorld'0

x?.:",-;::';.,'":'lTJii":,n:':*';ilffi :l...':,lxlli*i r" :;T:l#,,i"";J'il:': f l.,i TJlill :"".'"'^p";'i' -rr*i"! jf ;:l'li,:ill:frr*;TJi:rq**lr,+j';,;;li:'.:l'i::':'iil

; i*';;n: "t"i''l{i= tllli*irTtxin'"' it"':'']'

rcchns..e,,rrs r,,rIheitr*",.

Bre,mr Fr,nrum8... in Snlrh Arahii qfie entrepdts in.vast n.,t. qork ot b.adpthat emb,acFd-"0"-,n:';,1?."lno"lT:,:i.ljJ'[';: India. Elst AJrica i,a rr," v.air",-

:'ti::i,'i'::'i1x'i i;ii"t.H:1.#._'ffi:,::i triJiiI":T:T hocons'o'
".;ii"r;k;;:,f#I* il* :r.dti"d;lr-,"".,

u me crrv ffecred l\.ompo\ition .1nd thF srytes of IiIe of its residcnrs. rorrn oi stc.iatized pconomic rote occurc in eenrers known . .,Anorntr ot parti.ut$ items. Thcse.-fi gootts are i'I*'manufdctuF ',1r ". drspcrsd throushour rhp entue nate and ofte" *t., i.t.-"t.1.^ii^J.. Inora as a sratc \ystem bcfnrc rhc British cotoniat pha* arords some

:)::hl

:-"-oh

or suchspeciarized crafr runctions. n"

"r,y "r

ri"_

ilii,t,#ll';Tf, t.tii.l ilitxltl"lt i:i#il#l"f.]il;lt #.tli; prcstise irPms p'a'*a r"' ai''

;llJff;:ffi,;l'primarirv

^'

'*'i'i

The distindion befween produdinn for tor at rn:rrkers arrd tnr larss , h. dFnohrr:rrcd hv rh" iase of medievat Fcz. As Tris;r L, medieval Fez, for eyamnle, ove, !0-0{

iDu"avins.bur mu.h or,n" o."r".lo1iil':il:T*Tij::ff {noundrng,._'unrry.idc. 'tr sord.in,lhe ",n OI rhe,,therLand,r timirei .unounror \ery .\pFr\ite ct,rrhrnd rnosrof thc nrodudlono{ rlrc

? Ibid., D. 586. 3lbid,, p. 585,

The €.onomic cha"gcs that accompanied the industrial process re' rfted in a vuiety ol ,rrhJ" cent.rs that had neq economicrol.s The oo6tobviouse\ample i\ rhe emergenc"of a cih thJl is thc bdre ot large scaleindusu'7 The first type of nanufacturnrg to be seiously afiected by the tnduslrialnpv^luriol vas le\tile produ,lion thus. th. ciry ,,f En'jl,rnd"!, h" "on,idercdlo bP lhc p'olotvt,."f a e,rlt \ianchesl.r. idustrial cit) based o,r textilcs. Snrcethc te{nle industry $as bascd upon machine productio. of large quanties of stand^rdizedgoods. it Equired the developmeDt of heary industry to produce the machinery rnd the basic rnaterialsfor rnacbinery.Thus, industrial functionsthemrlves difiercntiated into a vadety of types large versus small, primary yerzussecondary,odious (in terrnsof noise,odor, pollution) verss Donodious.In Engllnd. the emergenceof Biminghan as a steelproducnrg ccnter was an obwiousresponseto tlis requiroent. The economic tunc' tions and the chnacteristics of such cities were diferent in kind fiom 6ose of the pr€industrial city and difierent also fron one another. Capital goods produced in BimiDgham or ?ittsburgh were dist buted duorgbout th€ entire nehvork of cities that emcrged as manufacturers of conmner goods tor mor" local marlets. An ancillary phenomenon was the growth of transport and commercial .€nters to distribut€ goods. It can be argued that rnany preld&rskial cities partiolarly port cities and inland trade cities-had performed liansportation and distribution functions; polt cities and inland trade cities have existed for a long tirne. However, new types of prodDction and marketing on the one hard led to the nrcreasch sheer nunbers of new urban centers. On the other hand, new modes of trmsport ( such as railroads) led to new types of conmercial cities (such as Topeka, Kansas). These cities were certainly difi€rcnt in many ways from the traditional port and tsade cities. Politbal Robs

All cities sene some political role in the control a.d administratior of their om population and often of their immediate hinterland. In additionto servingas controllins bodiesor marketsfor locally produced agricultual prcducts. city govemments werc usually empowercd to administer and tax their sunounding areas. One of the most intriguing political qu€stions is the relationship . rbid._D. 585.

between the cir,, and the state in which

*:tmr. ;::rui*l;;'{#ft"".r",:li$; t..;.'*";c;.r pi*i

dn€ct royal .ule. When thc kn'g was away ffghting or tou ng the orovi'rc€s, tne official cit) was largely abandoned. ' Wlile cities may grolv to eaceptional size as tle actual ceDtre symbols of politicNl polver, the withdrawal o{ such suppot as or can very quickly undcmrine their ability to suppot the population tb€y have acquired. Assur was abandoned with the fall of the Asjvrian Empne, and {ollowil'g the disintegration of Rornan power iD the West in the fffth ccnhrry A-D-,Rome declined, to becone a small own. Even more drmatic fates may befall capitals in states which remain largc rnd prosperous. The ancicnt Eg,lptiaD cib of .\khe taton Nas fourdcd. overtly f{)r religtuus reasons, as a new colrrt c€ntr€.Within a felv years its houses,prlaces nnd toples spr:rwled along €ight milcs of river front lrnd the citl functioned as tbe adninistrativc centre of thc Egyptian empire. Yet, following the reiection of its founder: religious innovations, thc coult lcft the city, and only a felv dccades alter the city hrd begun the site was once agatu unnrhabited. Likewise, the vast city of Sarna r was found€d in A.D.a36 by t}lc Caliph Mu'tasim on a site removed from the naior trade routes of the Near East but also remotc from the !'olitical turmoil of the previous capital of Baghdad. Despite the conpulsory settlernent of thousands of merchants nnd nftisaDs in the new city, it endurcd for less than 6fty years before mother !'olitical shift led to its abandonment.rr

;lT,i,l"illlii'li"#if .;1j'"';;j:,1,. ",,";;",il ,;". ; ff[.1,.#'i.llffi.li]';,ll".i:l.,;.Tl*:ilr; In such systems,some cities coutd b

*n,,,,i: ".h:r\ic r.hvi,\ *,i,il11TIif^9,i." X:ii:;:l: :"-?:l,ll*l

ir .rr)..h J \ r,F .r,..ru b l i !I.rl h \ _r ruti ,rEd\na\t\ a, ei rha i r. pri n," n ," 4 ir ,fo w e r a rd c rn h o d i mc n ro f th p rtatc or Jr a l novi ru i al or sarel l rrc." .,

Jf.":i.;i:if5'" Ili],I Hll;dd:!ffr",:ill::'JJi'"1,1"t

lln d m u l d l F a b a n d o ,rF da r w i l t . H osA ?! onc" .sraH t,h" d. rh" , r.ni ; r o d rJ $ to rh c m\.t\.s rd d i rro rrt economi c. dctqsc. and f" " " 1 theirstabiritv' -l t" ." f #; t""-pi"' *";;;;'

ff::f'^::T:::":'

'r 'r'*"

It should b€ noted that the esrabtish

i"

.ri,JiJia;;;ililffi#X

fi:;:.,i,::"1;

"""tr"",a when.such sitesdrewto themseh€, r"""i."" "aa,.r.*r

""ip"o,l#li

ilii'i,1.""J.1":l?:"ffi."i:,#ly;"lu;,*:,$:li:*mi

Itr the maintenance of political authority, it was frequently essential to establish defensible and fortiffed sites to provide stability and .oercive force. Waled cities, with parapets manned by de{enders and g.t€s to control the qow of popuhtion, were built in mlrny parts of the {,orld. Frequently sucb cities were located in topographically defensible places och as hilh or river bends. In tle building of empires, cities that fttnction ns lamching points for colonial settlement or for the military control of iidigcnous populations are often found. They are usually located on the defensible peri phery of a mler's doinain. The)' senc as outrlosts to defend the ruleis territory against outside competition or mtive revolt, and for the expansion of colonial setdment and rule. The cities of Rornan colonies md the Spanish seftlements in the New World ar€ classic examples. As Tdggd indic*es, 'Many fMous Arab cities, such as Basra, Kufa, Yustat and Kairouan began as nilitary cmps which the Arab armies founded on the edge oI the desert and fron which they dominated conquered teEitory " I'Altbough legally deffned as cities from their beginnings, such s€ttlencnts do Dot begin as full,blown cities h terms ot size aDd com

n$*:;.,r',J-.tfi ffi?*:::*"'jixlr",llp"r.:.{*.* Babylongrew ro be the targe\t ciry in Vesopotamia aher ir was

j,;.llllT;li: li'ilfJ'',i'.T' i: :n'xiHj'i,;:ffT.ll:1'':'"

capitar orrhe\rarinide :;;11"111i:iil,1:"lL'; $;;5#::i";,,J"

rti"tr,,tr.""alJ

g'i;: ".";il;'#?,:'JI l;':,'l;,$';:Y"

ea\t of it. T}ir neu ciry latcr cJ ed Fez Jedid r f.r^" f*1. r.uneo rne parde ot the solereigl, *re rF\idences ",_ of DrinciD:it coxrl q'gnrrifls and..rwo tuarters occupicd br foreign troons lo\ al ro

{,t i:;l:illfi:iiiflti''[J"iii:._:i::Hli.l,m:il,l:: ::t:ix'i.lH;i.,.:ilf; i":f",.:,:*ll,:i,l*#;e,r*r:.*f i,ii"ix :1ru : l*i'r.;:*il4.',;;x:rir* *:'i*ii#{Tif l;'ri'' )oPaul Wlarl€\,

The Cuno.pr of Itban6m.- in I

I Tngcer, 'Deteminlnts of Urb& Crowrh," r. 588. rr lbid_, p, 590.

ad

rE

hoLE oF c{Es

87

ff;::.ffi :ru:r.ff.:H* f tr tr "i:{:it*r#} j.i"r",*l *r,r.r, ;;,"Ji':,;' ".0n1 ;Jil:?,;1,il':,""i 15"ffH'

fiis discu$ion will develop rhree lhemes: tulturdl iutcgrdtio,'. the main boanc' ind transmission of traditior.rl i,leoloey. and idFologicrl ch^ngc.

jffi[ H; i;,: Jr:';l f,t,iiti,LtHilff "*#fu

*,1j*i,[il;r*;,ffirlrk:*#j#ilil

lntcgarion

;Li:;"jil ;:v, fl#ii::r*;1,"l[I:llru".';11;';',"': ;:il:;ul.--i;t:*"1 $""'T:"jil:iil""'""'Tl,ilu::'fi ;.l,lJ lill,'*:",.fi

"";,1

TIT#..ff :'i:ii.Jl:.il;l;,;l*,1#:

ir.T';:1,1" g,:ji u m ;q*]:tii:.*; Iilrr:i",t

;::i::"

*'.

^^- -ii*.1,.1

Durine tle course of human history, wh€rever cities are found, to be centers not only for political and economic activities but tend dley variety o{ activities, both sacred and secular, which seNe to a for ,lio eolosicalll trrrify large rcgnDs or states- By hoLrsing the svmbols of identity and by being the site for dtual and ceremonial activities thrt briog together large nurnbers of socially difier€ntiated population segments, the city semes as a culturally iDtegmting mechanism. The cultural role of the city can be seen as both maintainine the cultural system rhrough transrnission (fomal education and comnunication), as well as providing the basic sources of chdnge in ideolo$. We have previoudy noted that the city rnust be view€d within Iarger geo$aphic cont€xts. The same applies to any analysis of the orltual role of cities. wlen we discuss the subcategories of sacred and s€.rrlai cultural roles, it is absolutely €ssential that we recognize the enbeddedness of the city in larger regional and national systems. ltural roles of cities that th€ anthropologist It is in the area of the greatest From its inception, urbaD anthro nake tlre contribution. can pology has censid€red the cit'/ as a cultural force to be a central theme itr tbe emdging discipline. Redfield and Singer developed this them€ in an €arly article entitled "The Cdtural Role of Cities" la (1954), which will be disossed subsequently. A difierent apprcach was suggested by Moore, who, following St€ward, viewed the city as a particular level of sociocultunl integration.l5

,imirarrycrcareddc rnoo ro

"y-urr* ,,* p.i,r*j urbantife represenhne r vllriewof disciprioes ba\c

*:: :ifji*liii#:ff :,H:il::ili,ilruuj,r**j t'tl} *""+: :L:{;ft ::rm'x;;f,:r*:ix:;*;; ff::1x#,H;"y:1ru_*drl Hy::"::{i,#".r'ili .*-.r"'.r"

i, H,X":ffi'.:::il,:"ffi]il.?1,,{, ".'q* t"'. p.1""ir, ;;;i;";i'ilil:::JT:'JJ1.,ff"":lJ-" r.",aq"^n".. *..w*i"'"-..i" ffi:["#ilT::i:"i:i.iiT#'.,'J-ry;"",r,",

;a;;1;;;,".,ii"'il#;:::l,i:;:lT':fflTtr## CuLrwaL

Ror-Es

,.,""Tli.'ff .fiIi''-'Jh:f, j;:T ff X.*::Hi "JH,i:$i:,

So.ied Actioities. Cities in preindustrial times were usually the centers of {ormal sacred knowledge and ceremonies. The larsc architectural foms and aesthetic rymboh found in Europem cathedrnl cities and Mayan and Asian temple cities are a physical representation of the signiffcance of the sacred in th€ total life of the socielv. For nany socicties, the city was tle place wherc this world (the rnundane) and the ot}|er world (the sacred and supenahrral) actually met a.d coalesced. The ncdieval European catledral, the center of cities of that time, slD bolized a reaching upward to Cod. and attempts were nade to build rr nobcd nedffeld md \lilton Singer, 'The Crlr!.al nole .f Ciries," Econmi. Den l ofl Mt a.l cdt ! r c ct unee, 3 ( 1954) , 53- 73. 16Kenneth Morq "The City as Contert: Co.ter:t as Pro@ss,' Utbaa AnthtaDloEu, 4 tls75). r7- .

ii,Ha;.7 tHT',iHiTrt::tfi:yr*li.s5.::,:Hr;.T*,uffi

88

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Ror oF cnrEs

them as higb rs possible, gilen the limited architectural technologv of the time. Heine-Celdcn indicates that in SoutheastAsian stares,the cit, vas also seeD as the sacred cente. whcrc the eDtranc. to the other *.ortd was efiected.r6Von Cruncbaum also indicates the sacred symbolic c€n_ trality of the city in Islanic cosmologv.rr Rowe states, -. . . rle tndian city has provided a symbolic representation of the social order, both in its spatial arrangements and in its social srruchrre."'3 In the establishment of Tndian citics. there had ro bc rclieious saDctions.Bach cih tri(l to ha\e r Sanslitized dcity. The fouDd$ hrd to intect his cadc deih n,to th. (cltral coic of deities. Thus the ctv playcd a role nr thc doelop" m c n t o t a c u .mo l o c r a n d rh c o^m,,l ogy i ' r tum \dn.ti (n,.d l th. ,1r; l' ,,rrh c rmo ' r. i n l l i n d r b " l i c ts. ri v.r\ rrF rhp mn< sroed pt.tA and since cities trc often located or) riven, they becone signiGcantcosnotogiCeremoDial and fitunl activfties, which ivere central to the function of the church, frequently acted to integrate and solidify the entirc popu, lation of the city and the region. Usually these ceremonies used a rechnique of processions, in which targe numbers of people marched throuqh the cit) carryinq or pulling r.prF(entnrions of deities rnJ pFdorni;g rnusic and dances. The Juggenuut cercmo'ry in Vadura, thc Holy week processions of nedieval Europe, and Camival n] Dr zil are somc examples. These ceremoDies were hishly orgaDized, with people from diferent neighborhood, occupational, or ethnic eroups Laving dil[erent mles (dance groups, provision of supplies), but with everyone worlins together toward a goal. P.oplc from rhc provincial hinrerland 'ingl. cane in for the ceremonies t,o, oftcn as spectarors but often also as Not only did those fron thc slnounding region use tle sacred institutions of the cilv &rring these large,scale .),clical ei?nts, but ihey rl'o lreruenlly rcquir"d personrl (rremonial s.rvice\ F,r instrnce, Hnrdu crenation grounds were located in cities (near rivers); at t}le death of a famil]' mernber, thc body vas accompanied to the crcmatory grounds, rvhere funeral tuals rverc hcld. In instanccs of baDtis and wedding larv involving conflict or legalilv, a higb lercl religious prac titioner (a nember of the urba. hierarchy) was consulted. Some urbaD ccnters perfom specializcd religious funcrio s for the total system that parallel sperialized economic ard political functions '6 RobertHei.. CcldeE, Con.eptio$ af Sroteal Kinethip h Stutfuatt Asrr (tri.l^6, Nes Yo.k: South€.srAsiaProgrh. Comcll Unilcrsit!. 1956). 1rC. E. von CnncbauDr, Islam,",4,j?ri.dn,1 /rmpolosid.ttemoir at, 1955_ 13Willian Ro\re, Ca*e, (iship md Associationin Lrrbm lndia," in .{nlan Sourhall ted.), tlltut Anthrou.losv(LondoD,oxford univesity p€s, lyl3), p. 212_

89

in that tbey serve not mercly the local populatio'r or region. Once cvcrv welve yearc, the city of Allnhabad in northern India is the site of a occial rcligious festival called the KMbh \lela. This event lasts for Sre€ inondrs, du ng whi.h .t pilgrim population of three to four nrillion nrry come into the city od particularly auspicbus d.rys. Some estimates $ggest that thirtv or forty nrillion people from all over India visit the city nt sorne ponrt d rnrg the cycle. In the moden world, with thc €owth of intemational rcligions such as Islan and Christianity, ccrtain sacredcities. such as \Iecc.r. Rone, and Jemsrlern. conrc to b. viewe.l as the embodinrcnt ot thc world religiod. Sedllar Actiaities. Frequently we nnd the id€ntity of a region embedded in the city. An obvious exmple of thk occurs synbolicnl] given to the city and to the larger rcgiol is thc samc. tle nane wben In the modern ciq, new types of cerc.monialevents, usually secular in nature, perform much the same integrative function as s.roed rites did in the past. The Nlacy's parade nr New York, N{ummers parade ii PNadelphia, Cherry Blo$om Festival iD WashhgtoD, N{ardi Cras in New Orleans, Starnpede n' Calgary, and cclebrations related to political iodependene a over the world arc all e\amples. Often thq arc resi' duer of traditional religious ceremonies, or they commemorrte iecent hiltorical events,or celebrate local cdhrc. Not only are the eveDtsthemselv€s integrative. but the organizrtioDs created to plin and prepare then are also integrative. For nrstance, dance groups for the Carnival in nio and musical groups for the Mummers parade m€et throughout the yerr and .ross-cut clrss and ethnic lines to work towrrd connon goals. Th€se two exmples re well Lrown because they, ii fact, draw frorn oatioml and even international audienc€s, but every city has its local and less tTown version. The inteerative function of cerenonial events and public pcrformances involving mass particDation has been fecognized b1' municipal leaders, who now seek to create tlese events to draw people to the city and reinforcc their id€ntity with it. New York City's utilizatioD of Central Park for conce s, plays, and celebrations is an example of this attempt to establish a place of comrnon identity. Although the following discussion&aws hcavily on thc €xanrples of New York and Philadelphii, t€adeff are encouraged to use the franework and .rpply examples from lben om experience. Philadelphin recently eperimented with'sponhDeous happennrgs.' First Head House Square, a focal area of the old city, became an out door food and craft market in the smmers. Later Super Sundays rvere initiated, and people gathered in a central location to buy and sell food and craft it€ms. Finally, Olde City Sunday was held. The entire coloDi.rl

I 9t historical area was blocked ofi for the perfornmce of plays, fffe and dnm corps, and other activities. Such an unanticipated number o{ people turned out that sBecial mass transit schedutes were oveNhclned and food punevors ran out of food in the ffrst hour. The media deemed the event a total success in tems of people reesrablishnrg identitv with the city. The media quoted people as sa)'ing. It makes ne feel good to be a Philadelphian," "Philadctphia is realb' .live," 'l haven't secn this maDy people having a good time in years." \fany stated that they were from outer ring suburbs and had not been in the citv enter for vears Another important tlpc of se..ula. actnih thar rales place i. rh. city aDd dralvs people from the surrouDding region is the athteuc coD test or sponing ev€nt. Roman gladiatorial perfomances in huge stadiums and the Iargc ball courts found tu ancient Vexican and PeNian cities give testimony to the impo ance of thesc athletic crontests. Inrocitv ri\{lri.s onlv undercored the fun..tion of these activities in int.s'ahn; populations and developiDg pride ard solidarity. In the past, public punishment of law violaton also &ew nass audiences frorn t}te rcgion aDd could be cla$iffed as spectator events. Public exeotions were frequently viewed by large $owds. In the modern city, we see a further developnent of professional sports and stadium complexes. l{ajor nodern cities are frequently a$G ciated with professional ev€nts. ID the United Stats, bdeball, football. basketball, hockey, and other iDcreasingly nurn€rous mass spetator sports are organized on th€ basis of urban franchises, and tearns become identi$ed with particular cities and regions. The building of arenas for $ch €vents requires najor jnvestments on tLe palt of cities, often colnparable to the m€dieval cathe&als as municipal pmjects. In other parts of the world, soccer is th€ sport that develops this hnd of institutional complex and support. IJesides the economic and political importancc of sports to cities, the importance of teams for regional identity and pride cannot b€ underestimated. As many have suggested, the winning of the Stanley Cup b), the Philadelphia Flyers did mor€ to develop a conmitment to th€ cit_v and region than all the organized attenpts by local nercantile/poliri.al orgaDizations in prelious decades. Burnper stickers, team iackets, shirts, hats, and other insig.ia proliferate as +mbolic representutions of this commitnent. Similarly, negative inages follorv poor perfomances. The focus on local sportiDg events as rnajor items of conversrtion and scial activity in all cities is sieriffcant. Rallies, parades, urban riot! tu reactioD to rvinning, and mass airport geetings becomc signiffcant evcnts both {or individuals aDd for the urban center as a whole. In a study done by lln undergraduatc chss that focused upon suburban voungsters and their knovledge of and interaction vith the

city, it was observed tlat most of their contact with the city was based on sports. [n the nodern norld, with its occupationat and cuttural heterogeneity,sports events bccome olle of the few commor foci caDable of c.rpturi'rg the attention ot Jlrn,,st everyone rnd int.rscly irvolving their cmotions and loyalties. By c'onhast with such rnass phenomena as rcck festivals, sporting events draw all age, class, and ethDic groups. The flct tlat naior tearns, pe omers, or stadim complexes are a$ociated with a particular citv servesto make people in the sEoundins ..:i ' n i de. , r iJ\ l: , r . , r ihl! $i, lr r he ! hi. t , ; . ot l, pr $i. - iJ 'r r h. , , , , Fnr - r mred bccause of the anti-urb:rD bias. Erequently, the sradium itsef becoDes a new archite..tural form and stimulates urb:rD reviralization. Ilre stadium can be.onc thc slmbol of the cibr,, :rs the case of Hous, ont Astrodone. $&en St. Louis underw€nt successful and massive urban r€newal on its dv€rfront, the hvo maj{,r the CateNay Arch and the staditD. Politicians capit ize on this integrativc force, as did John Lindsny when he used the \{ets'unepected pennant victolv in 1969 to emphasize tbe heallh and vigor of New York CiN to overrome his ncgahvely p.r ceived perfomance rccord. Otler {orms of leisure-time activitv and entertainment are dso basic integrative mechanims for cities and their larger contexts. The existence of a potential mass audiencc leads to the existence of speciat, ized mlertaiment facilities: pprmanenr th.atcrs rrd *.,0. for ar,rmr, &nce, concerts, pupp€t shows, jueel€rs, perfoning animals and otlers. In addition, the city draws p€ople to it by purveyine illicit foms o{ recleation. As an occupation limited to the ciry, prostitution has €xisted well bcfore the Industdal Revolution. Vost Dreindustrial cities had segregaredquarters fo. ech Jdivftirs. This .trea i\ \bll relcrrcd to rs the -red light district." Other activities, such as earnbling and diinking alcoholic beverages, tlat may be considered ittegal or imrnorat arc often found h segregated urbaD reas where patrons caD cone and go anonynously. The size of the cit/ provid€s opportunitics for lotteries and ganbling on r ldge enough scale to produce the kind of extfemety athactive iact"ols not pos\iblc elsFwhcre. Sorne cities specialize h leisure time recreation as their I'dsic activity. This role increases in importance in the postindustriat period. Stch large-scale c€nters as Miami, Florida; Atlantic Ciry, New Jersey; and Las Vegas, Nevadaj are alnost entirely dep€ndent oD t}le economics of puneving good tines. This type of city depends upon industrial nod€s of transportation capnble of moving large numbers o{ peopte. It also depends upon industrial mdpations that dole out leisure and vacation times at rceular and predictable interyals. A qood examDle of this is the situation that currenll) prevails in EngLJ. h, citie, lile

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Coventry, BimiDgham, and Vanchestcr, which are naior indusEial ce$ ters, the work force is given a set two veek annual holiday. The tine pedod is stagg€red ftom rcgion to region so that the entire indushial work force does not descend upon reerts like Blackpool at the sarDe the. Accordingly, some cities close all their industry during the lasl two weeks in July, others the ffrst two weeks in August, and still otheB the rcmaining t'o weeks. Cities like BlactTool and Bdghton ee supportcd alnost conpletely by revenue earned during this time. A few examples of such cities can be found in the preindustrid rvorld. For cxanrple, Romar clitcs {ould tralel to cot.rnr cities for thcir seashores or bath facilities. Several EDglish seac@st resorts, like those nentioned above, began as recreation crels for Rom:rn soldiers along Hadrians Wall. In lndia. the elitc would move to higher altitude cities durine the heat of summer. In all cases, such leisure cities bdng together geographically or socially difierentiated segments of the population ot the total system.

Thz Cits os a Center ol Culana.I Conrintrrts d'd. Tr&,6mirrior

I

1

B€sides housing the symbols and events that serve to integate th€ system culturally, the city also hourcs the instituuons that maintain and transmit the prcviously develop€d culturd slrten or world viN. In hit writing about peasant societies as opposed to folk society, Redffeld introduccd the notion of the Great Tradition and the Little Tndition." The Little Traditions are the cultues of the dispersed p€asant villagers, l while the Creat Tradition is the fornal, orthodox view o{ thc literate elite, predominantly loc^ted in urban centers. Thc Creat Tradition is a formulation of the more forrnal, codiffed, explici! and co$ciou+ transmitted culture. ln somc ways, this formulation can be viewed $ analagous to the dirtinction made in modem society between 'mas culture and 'hieh culture." In thc prcindurtrial city, cath€drals :rnd tenples &ew to thenselves the literate creators aDd transmitters of the sac.ed Eadition, which contan,ed the underpinnings of world view and values. Urban,bard religiour rctivities were the source of nuch of tbc crcativc production in the classicala s: drana, nusic, dance, art, rnd literrture. Church oi temple nusic treql,ently set the strndArds f{,r all musical prodtrction. Almost all formal cducation was directed by elites for thcii owal ]c Robe.t Redffeld, PeMnt Sociery und Crift.r Pre$. 1956).

(Chi€go: UnireBity of Chi€g!)

cbildren. As th€ pun'eyors of lormal tradition, elites had to acquire trer.rcy rnd have higher levels of learning. Advanced forms of education were almost always located tu th€ city. Elites often resided in the city or had a dual r€sidence pntterr, which kept them disperscd on rural 6tates some of the timc but together in cities for the rst. Thus elites cotrld naintain c$ntact with each other, their children could marry each other, lrd they sruld maintain their special lifestyles. Rual-based elites sent dreir children to tbe central place, where they could leam (as wcll a; tftet, cour! and form ues). Th. schools lor the lDc. nr Cuz.o are an cxartple. Not only wcrc Drovincial Inca brought nr to acquire common world views, blrt the old princB of captued states were brought to Cuzco to be indoctrinated i" the Inca world view. Not only was tbe oficial world view transnitted, but also the speciGc culture of the ruting class. In feudal liurope, children of minor nobles were se t to schools attached to the bouseholds of najor nobles for their education, which included leaming the art ot combat, tLe code of honor, and social etiquette. Such training instilled dlegrance to a oltural tradition. Elite education s€rved to link togethcr the €ntire social system, world views ffltered through b€caue the common core of beliefs "nd drc entire s'.stem from the elite in thcir roles of pricst, admnristrator, rnd lan
95 and Hollywood as the GIm-TV ccnter, although then products are disseminJled mtioMlly. Th. locrrri,rn of parricutd in po,ri*t,. crtre\ has rnfluFnced rl]e rdrure of these ciries and -"Jio thtsir lifesryle. Plice notes for the Amdjcan Indian that the extcnsive pubtiGtio,) network of magazines and newspapers are uiban based, e"en ttro,qfl their readership is the population with thc least urban residence i,r fi; United States.,o The city has a somewhar difierent rclationship to mass cutture. Mass communication media-tele!,ision, ndio, magziiei ".r."pup".r_ origiDite nr urbm lo.alcs. As a rcsutt of rlris, much of th. ne$s reporred dcals with urban events and acrivities. White earty tetevisi
o,

We have bee. discussing the role of cities in the maiDtcnance and transmission of culture and t}le integution of the resional and state \)5lem.. Howevcr. rhe city at*r plays a cutrurat mte in regard to chaoge. An understanding of this role has been the goal of those interstedt cities sinc€ the 1960s-2 The analltjcat framework of the disossion that follows owes much to the early fomutarions of R€dffeld and Sineer.B Red6eldt early fomulation of the fok society concepr ser rhc sirg; for nuch of his later tleoretical work. Redfeld was alwov" *,itt ""n".-"i lbe world views of sociehe\-rhci. norions of rhc cosmos and momtiry. Tbrcughout nuch of the wfting nr rhe Iater part of his career and in his work with Singer, Rcdf,eld $.as conccmed with the wav the Littlp Trddition ,local peasrnr vi.$ ) inreracrs wilh the crc/r Tra;idon

l I

20Jolm Pri€,'U.S. and Canadid Indian Urbm Erlnic I6rrutim,', Lrrlan itr_ thfopoloeu,4 ?.1975).35-52. ?l StephanGHerjneton, "Life ir rhe tmagin.r- City, aa.p"*, 251 (rS75), prr. 39a s.lvia Thnpp. ''Tbe C@tivitr .{ Crlra. &d tutD Friedmeq -Ciri6 in Saial ('uapatatiD' 5tu1i2.in so,i"tu and Hir1dv.4 { re6r r. pp. 6,{ l;y;'"%i:* R.dfreldand \inser, Tle Cutrudt notenr Cih6_"

(folinal o(hodox cukurc) and becon€s amalganated with formal otlodox belicfRedfield and SiDger suggest that the city is the ceDter of change this susccptibility to change is reflected in two types of cities that and orllaeenetn anJ lvtercgenetic. Recognizing the clNsic distinctior bew€en prenrdustrirl and pstinduskinl ..ities, thcy classify all postindustrial .ities as hcterogenetic. The orthogenetic city is one which is 1r cent€r of native bureau, cratic functions. Its population is rc.lativelv honogeneous in culture of origir. Tlre (rrlturrl role of such .D lirbar ccrtef is io maintain and contiNally rcintcgrate the Crcat Traditio! by injecting elenents of Littlc Tradition through interactioD of the city and peasanrry. Rcdffetd ad Singer state that this 9?e of city is basicnlly conservative, nlthough rcme change does take place as city and countryside interact wfth each otler. They suggest that there is continuity bchveen aspects of the Great Tradition at vartuus ponrts in time. a.d it is the city that maintains and ilsures this contirruity. Examples of this true are Benares in India ,nd Peking (Peiping) in China. Wlile a orthogenetic cities are preindustrial, heterogenetic cities include one q?e of preindustrial city and two postindustrial typcs. In aI cases, heteogcnetic cities indudc people oI difierent cultures o{ orisin as w el l as in0r ent es lr um oukidc t hc lo"dl social. vsr em . I n s, , m c cr "es. these outside influcnccs are fron bcyond the political boundaries of the state itsclf; in othcr cases, they are fron beyond the immediate hinterlad. The main function of such citicr as n place for the exchanee of goodsand scNices requirer srandardizcd vatue;. Tradins in;lvcs ^.iiviry items and individuals repres@ting regions stretching long distances in both time and space. As a place rvhere divcrgent cosmotogies ard lifestylG are juxtaFxed, the city becomes a nator source of new ideas. If wc ref€r back to the distnrction previously mrde betwcen creat and Little Trudidonr. a heterogenetic city of thc preindustrial type is one in which a variety of Great Trlditions intcract with one another. Foducing am:tlsam and changes of a dificrent tevet ftom that of the Shifting our attention to the postindustrial heterogenetic city, wc dis.over two types: the nc.w administrative city and thc ffranciat citv. E xrnpl cs o f t hc new adn'ini. t r r f i\ c . it ics ar p Wa, hincr on. Canbct r J. r nd l{ew Dplhi. Th..sc rre c"nter\ .\r.rbli:hed ror th. ;"nb-aiizcd bureaucntic activities that &ntrol the general populati{)n. They draw upon a di versepo pulahon. indigen, jusr l $"ll i\ r or cign. Vany coloni: r t. ir ie( establisheddtrring the pcriod of Euro-Anerican exparsionist policy caD be placed in this category as welt. The financial cities n." "."-ptin"a

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by New York, London, Shnnghai, and Bombay. They are enmcshed in an interDational network of ffnnncial and mcrcantile activiti$, Nhich bring to thcn loreien influences fron all parts of the world. Despitc Redffcld and Singer's emphasis upon the distinction l,€twccn preindustrial lrnd postindustrial citics, they are vcry weak in their .sverage of heterogenctic postindustrial cente$. For illstanc.e, thev mrke no refercnce to center that havc primaril)' a manufacturing ftrDction, such as Detroit and Pittsburgh in the United States, Vanchester in England, \lilan nr Ital)', or elen srch preindlrstrial manufa.turinq .eDtfts as Ahdcdabad (textiles) and KanpDr (leather). India. l}cir typoiog], seems to b. ovcrrcpresertative of preindustrial aud non-nunufachdng cities. Are these tr'pes of cities inplicd to be Dore signincrnt for cultural Following the position developed in thc cirlier article with Red6e]d, Singer analyzed the dvnanic relationship betq€en the Liftlc and Great Traditio s in the contemporaJy Indian city of tr{adras. He sees thc Brahnanic clitc iD thc city as the puneyos of the Creat Tradition. Their constant exposure to elements of the Littlc Tradition enables the to select from thcsc various sources to create an arnalgam. Sinee. suggests that tbere h a multiplicity of Great Traditions as rvell as Little TrlditioDs. Since thc Creat Tradition in I'lndras is not a sinele,stranded cullural \et. thc proce$ ol thc amalgambon of crcat Tr;dition ind Littlc Tradition is a very armpler one. Singer notes: The long-run result of this process has been cotrolidative and sel€ctive. Some elenents of language, leming, and the arts, as well as of dtual curtom, drop out . . . ; new ores are add€d. . . . Alp€cts of heterodox sectdian novernents and of tribal and resional custom d. a\similatcd lo orlhodory. Fragm.nb of liHle hadition ha"e be"n absorbed into the Great Tradition, and thc culturc of the villases a n d rri b e \ h J s . i n th e l o n g r un. al so been rcsponsi rc ro rhc;uthoritative teachines of literati.r{ In all of Singer's discussion, the issue of change and thc impact of the city on paths to salvation is kcpt in the forefmnt. Singer notes thc emerging emphasis on bhakti, or devotion, (6 a primary path to salvation) as an urban,based emphasis upon a path th.t lrad Dot been Leavily emphasizcd iD traditional Ihrduism. The other t{o mator paths, ritual obseNances and acquisition of sascd knowledse, are deenphasized. Sacred crrltural performanccs in the cit'r, are shortcned, regularly schedrled, held in public placq aDd are open to membeis of varioN ,a \Iilton Sinc€r, "Tbe Creat Tradftion of HinduisD in th: Citw of \Iada," jal'ul ol AtuiM Folklde,?1, 1958.Repri.r€din Ch.'l€s talie led.), Anhropdaes ol Folk Aelisin (New Yo*: nandon House,1960),p. t65.

castesand sech. Somr ol thc tsaditioDd and hereditary lcadcrs arc re olact{ by nrrv prokssionrls. In the realm of cultural pcrformmce, -Singernotes thc d.!l topment of devotional song fests (bhaians). dewtional ptays. devotional conc€rts, and evcn fflns. Thus, tlre modern nass media .tre contributing to the sprerd of the dcvotional novement work of Redffeld and Singer, thc le.rders are difIn thc.{rlier ferertiated irto litcrati and iDtellectuals. The liter.ti rre typically found in thc orthogenctic city, \'hile the intclligentsia are charRcteristicof thc heter.ge , r ein. ii\ . I r or \ I adr r s, Sinqer s, 'bdi\ id. s t he lil. r at i inh) t wo c"rtegorni: a trrditiorrl priestly group foll(^{ing th. prths of riti,}l observances and/or knowledgc, and new literati following thc path of devotio. rnd developing a classical pcrformance style in nuslc .rnd dance b"scd on aDcient but dormMt forms. The intclligentsia arc those leade$ who c$ncem themselves lvith sccular themes (novelists, artists, oln makcrs). Both Dew litcnti and the intelligentsia are overtly con c€med with change and do not see thcir role as that ol static m;intaiDers of a ngid and historicaly derived tradition. An interesting example of thc uie of traditioDal culhral per formanceJ for thc purpose of culture change is found in Peacock s aialysix of shadow plays in Indorcsia. Hctc, thc governnent of Indonesia nade i €onscious efiort to stimulate the produ.tion of new shadow plays that focus upon aspectsof mod.rn life. Sincc the locus of these performrnces is primarily the urban arer, the city may be seen as the placc wherc traditionally integrative cultural perfornances are used to introduce el€ments of culture change to a mass population." In manl, ways, thc dichotomy betwecD o hogenetic and heterogenetic cities is a distortion of reality. To a ce(ai,r extent, Rcdficld and Singer rccognize this aDd suggest that even in the orthogenetic city, drerc ae sources of heterogeneity bascd pdnarily upon regional differenfts. Thus, a city like Benares depends not only upoD its regionnl hinterlaDd of t,ittle Trrditions, but upon other maior regions of thc stat€ 9l wcll. In addition, even the heterogenetic city m.ry have ortliogenetic charncteristicsrat difi.rcnt pcriodr of time, the ccntral cnrphascs of thc two tlTes mav shift. not necess.rily in a unilinetr directioD. Uzzell and Provencher point out that many citics in Asia and Aftica that wcre heterogeDetic (in that they were established by coloni:rl powen) have bcen reclaimed by the nati!'e population and are being redeffned as orthogenetic cities-symbolic certers o{ new nation-states.'zo This shift is oftcn reinforced by nonumcntal architccture, which is used 5JM6 Pe.mk, Ritet ol MorLmitutin: Svmbolsand SocialAspectsol lnnoneian Pnletati& DtdN (chicago:Univc6ity of ChicagoPr6s, 1968). aJ. D. Uzell and R. Provenchei, Utban Anthtopoloe!(Dubuque,Iowa: $h. c. Br{)n Company,Publish€E,1976).

***$ffi *

.ork in center cities livc i. suburbs. Suburbs difier greatly fron onc .'other and are not alwrys homogeneous intemally Lumping all such gross .omnunitres into a type with nllegcd stagnancy characteristicsis a pointed as a way of reality. As Cans h.rs out, suburbanism of dirrortion wirth's nottuD of ubanism.:7 diferent from not is ffe Sinc€ nany large urban centers have e\tended sphcres of influence, it can bc suggested that the cntir. region in which the city is fol,nd sil be influenced by the disti,rctive ambience (fecling, tone) of that prrtictrl:r rbri ccntrr Il.^v.r.r, there rre prohabh sigri{icrnt scq ;ents of the population p.rucularly those nr the out$ rings-who arc less infiuenced by the particular city than by the generalized nationtl ddture. For m.rny of those in the outer ring, the core of the etropolitan region is areleva.t. Thus, an individual who lnoves ftom the outcr rings of Dallas to the outer riDgs of Chicago may bdng with him rnd .onti re to displa)' r lifestyle not specincrlly rellted to Drllas or Chicago but sinilar in both placcs. He can also introduce cbangcs lvithout involving elements i the city core. 1Ve bave recently seen the emergence of changcs in lifestylc nr uban outd rings that vcre not gencrated by lh€ city cor€s: the rebirth of domestic do-it younell a.tivities in bread baking. needlepoint, crocheting, and similar qafts are eramples of this tr€nd thnt were transmitted by mobile fanities and later picked up by lhe rnass mdia for speciffc target audiences. Swingnrg as a se{ual style preference is thought to have been invented, transnritted. and matutained by personal nehvorks and spccialized journals, with little inter.r'ention ftom the institutions of the central urban c!rc. Howcver, the city center still ontains significrnt elements that contribute to change, such as high culture bstitutions, a large proportion of intellectuals, thc phvsical presenceof the medi.r, ,rnd the diversity of dtemative lifestyles. Urban social relationships create the possibility for the slorv incubation and isolatio of these lifestyles. ,{ heighteDcd pmtection of p.ivacy dlows for the dcvclopments of new altematives in a milieu which facilitates the reouitme t of .uverts. tr.tnsmission of information, acc€ss to media dissenination, and minghrg wit}l those who specialize in intcllcctual activities. While many major idcological moveme ts cannot bc viewed as uban movements. since then sDread l hrougho ut lhe svst cm h{, been . o t hey did 6At . m . r g; r , 'd 'r pid. gmw in urban centers. A study by Kandel and Pclto, which comFres ttre dwelopment of the health food movenent in a Nral ConDecticut college to\nr and an urbnn center, points out how the natt're of the urban

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101 location in tiDe .nd space. However, it is nore specific than the ,d tlbe

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We have preriously difiercntiated relerant coDte\ts for c'ties in t nns of their spheres or zones oI influence loctl, region|l. n:rtional nnd iDtemational. Cities iDteract with their hinterlands as well as cotnpete with other cities in the system Most cities have a va ety o{ €coDomic,political. and culhral funciions and subfunctions (for exampte, manufachfiDg could be divided into subspecialties, as in the case of Fez, where textiles were produced for local rna*ets, rvhile lBury items and leather were Foduced for the entire Nliddle East). Tlese difi€rent functions or subfunctions each have difierent relevant contexts. Techniques {or delineating relevart Li terlends for economic {rDctions have been developed by geographers This tasl is not simple, but devising ways of measuing political and cultural hinterlands is even more diftcult. In the gro\r'th of cities and, frequently, in their decline, their rel evant contelts shift. This is readily seen in the economic sphere, rvhere chaneing technology results in gro{th, decline, or relocation of economic activity. Major cities on the overland trade route in the Middle Dast were adveisety afiected by the developnent of all water routcs connecting Europe and Asia- River port cities in Colombia were adverselv aJf€cted by the rise of conmercial air freight. In both cases, tle contexts of the cities shrank frorn large-scale regional size to local, contiguotrs areas. One of the consequences of serving an international economic rnarket is that thcre is very little politicat .ontrol over thAt hjnterland so that the city is vulnerable. In the area of poljtical relatiomhips, changes in th€ relationship b€twe€n cit'/ and state as a rcsutt oI legislation, decree, or war witl have an impact on the city. The city-state (or contiguous city and state) is unusual. The city is usually €nbedded in a larger state context Frequently the distinction between city and state is difficult to see, becausc the state's machinery and ruling elite are located in the city ln a detailed

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A n c\ anr nr lion ol dynam ic len\ ion helqcen cir it ssxnd 'laler will u , 'debland anr l he aLle lo pr edi. l t h" local , r r ban shu. t ur . , nd ur l .tp l iJ. . lr r colonir l r . lJr ionships.lh" cily in lh. colonized ar ca is of ay 66nomic.rllv and polticall,! subordinate to the cohnial porver. In sorne .rses, a cir)- rv.rs created where nolle existed before, while in other clses, cirring cities that had preriously per{onned functions for other contcxts !.came centers of adninistration and commerce. Thus their relevant dnt€lds becnme intemation^l in scope, but their power relations diminbbed as they became economically .rnd politically subordinate. This dblnge in cotrt.xts afiected the very form of the city; certain zones wcre ia aside for forcign administrLrtors and merchants. As Brush pointed out ftr lbe lndian .ity, this led to a dualistic form. where there was a 'hative" ud a 'colonial" segrnent of the city.x': In the contemlnrary postindustrial city, certain ncw relationships b€tw€eD political and economic institutions afiect th€ir roles as conte\.ts tor cities. The nature of industrial production rcqunes a large, con€ntrted labor force. Morc significantly, indtlstrial enterprises reqrire accurnulation of great wealth and bureaucratic nechanisms for controlling $e production unit. ln th€ pnst, bureaucmcy (th€ hierarchical ord€dng d positions and authority ) was characteristic of strte organization but Lss important to productive units. After industrialization, corporations based upon brfeaucratic models of control emerged. ID thc beginning, indutrial enteryrises tended to be locrlized and subordinate to the relevant govemments. However. very sho(ly, businesscorporations expmded 50 that thcy were no longer contiguous with localitics or evcn strtes. The erpansion into control over ralv materials, trAffpo ation. and distribution of prcdu.ts resulted in the ceation of what are now called ,he ml,Li, turiotuls-econornic stn'ctures whose activities and personnel are not bounded by city or national lines. In shte-dominated preindustrial cities, the well-being of the city in terms of its defensi!€ capabilitjes, architecture, ard other forms of symbol i c rep '". ent ar ion. 'f . t at . t owcr vJ. cr r r em r \ im por r anrt o r hF \ f r t e. In efiect, thc prestige and power of the state were embodied in the opu Ience of the city as the site of stnte authority. In cities that developed dEing p€riods of weak state authority and were prinarily commercirl,

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u John E. Dtush, "Sp.ti.l Pattems of P.pularions in Indid Cities," Ceoenpht Retiru, 5a (1968). 362,91.

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of political grrvcr and econonic resourccs in a wry that discrimagainst the city. Control by state legislahres over appotionment ncant D underreprcsentation of the city at the state level. re' u lt . 't . , t " t r \ e\ dr ained m oney our of t l, c cit y. r Ft ', r ninq onlv !r roall portio". ln 'e(fnl v"d\. the shill ot rh. middle clas. to JreJs di de l h e cit v l'. , . 'neJnt a f ur t hpr d'ct in" r n lhe "c', nom ic viabilily and ;.j €quer'l pnlilic. , l indFp. ndcncc of Am ct icr n cili"{. The decUne in political rnd ecoDomic autoDomy ot American cities iprirnarilt,r r6ult of their imbilitr to rnnex neiqhboriDg arcas or cstrb' bh regiodJ n)nns of go\crDmcnt in lvhich tlie cit)-proper lvould be t!. dorninant force. \'Iost $cial scieDtists recognize the need for metroDliian o! rcgional sovemmrnl\ tu pFrform certJin politicrl lunctions. ' 5 the fnlt . a"t pt i" m . t r opolit r , ' Jr er lor . \ r m ple. r her e ar c nver t hr . e l@&ed locnl eovemnents competing for taxes and providing nunicipal Evices in a fragmented, overlapping, inefncient manner. However, nnl' denpts at regionaliz.rtio llnve been thwarted by sutroundj g suburba

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In other rnetropolitan areas. sone limited fonns of regioml cooperdon have developed, particularly in transportation, but tley have been lDited in scop€ and power. Other types of cooperative units, cspecially lducational, are strongly opposed. Exceptions to this iDclude Dade Cot'nt_v, Flodda and Tuls., Oklahoma. In other parts of the world, re lional govemnents seNe as functioning units in which the core city drys a dominmt mle. Examples are the creater London CoDcil, Tokyo, logori, Cologne. This generalized pattern of the Ame can city and its larger eco@dc and political contexts vades fron city to ciry as a resulr of the lorticular history o{ relationships between the city nnd its economic ind Fliticd hinterlands. Fox demonstrltes this in his conprrjson of trvo American cities, which ive shall dkcuss below.,a An area we know much less about is the cultural context. Ciries may tery in their cultural hinterlands over time; centers of art, knowledse. rnd fashion m ay losc lheir dom inant inf lr r anc"or "r a lr r g" eeoqr t pht c zone, while other centers may gdn preeninence. Arhens, ivhich was an intemahonal center of learning at one penod, has seen its intellectrd spheres of influence chAnge. Paris has also lost its culrural centrality for the Westem world- Shifts ir cultual hinter:ands e tied ulrimatelv to changesi n t l, c econom ic sysr . m or pollic, l cv, nt . , unl"* r h. " r ; - ut l fron ideological movements that develop their owr nomenrun (as jn d'e case oI the growth of sacred cities rcsulting fmm widespreld religious

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a_u cr lr \ lJ, r iJizing in J pJr t iculr r f un, r i'n' L H. . ugIro emer ged rha t . lhepolit i. , l ar lit y. . of lhe sr r r c o[ Ne! - dJ. lluour h l"ii\ ] at r . r , . ;r Rr I o Jr r m r jo, sam blins Jnd di\ or cc ccnr cr i { uencrd r h. r n'"r g"'"' ot SlalF: ll'. , r dr . t r v\ t o it se[ I \ vii] p popuhlr on. Th, r . . U n it cd r the 'r r t ion ion spl, / r p e\ t end' wFll bcyond t l, F lir scr r cqior 'ot $l'icl' il is i rteracl rt ncuo r . ns. . {ould t his be @nsider cd co, r nopolilJn in ir ' dr v'r . F In .atr. sp. . if f c I h f unct ion r lso ha. , inf l"Fncc dccidpd o'r r l, c ;& .dati on. p. r , , . d, ent ir ' r Fsid. nt ial popuhlio[ r l, at Pr i( c. uggcsr s o l or qr i tcsrtte nir€dprostitution !v!s intimately r.latcd to SIrr'b]nlg aDd di\'orce actili d6, which dcctcd tlie oornative coDsensN of tle generd popuhtnm. & spite of the prinury relevarce of ReDos spccialized functjon fof the ldonal mdket, the region in which it is locatcd also nfiects the city. 1ti5 is deno.strated in the importance o{ the symboh and beliels of o*boy cultrrrc to the urbnn rcsideDts. Reno thus has t\vo culturally aLvant cternal sphercsr the region and the n.tion, the latter resulting iorn the city s unique fDction. Price has also done work in Mexican border communitics. He den @rtrates that the very difierent ambieDce in the cities of Tiiuana and tccate can be attributed to tLeir difierent functio.s. Tiju,mn's role as a tourist town leads to a loc.rl cconomy geared to ()utside consrmers. The nte of gro\rth has been great, and the state .rDd nationat govemments luv€ responded with political and economic support. The city has lost nuch of its Mexican flavor. Tccate, on the other hand, has never beq)nc a tourirt tom. Pric€ indicates that this was a conscious choice on the part d the inlabitanh, who observed th€ tran.{ormation of Tiiuana and found It unpleasant. Tecate is a city that still seNes a localiz€d hintertand. This b rcfltrted in the forn of the city, its way of life, and fts traditional Mexi

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Ireds. in his a icle n)e Anthropology of Cities: some Method, ologicalIssues," contrAsts the Brazilian cities of Rio de Janeiro and Sao Paulo.'? A naior sorrce of thc dif$ence betlven th.se two svstems is dleir political and ec$nomic functions. Rio is characterized lrs an admnl iltrative city, the maior focus of state and mrional governmentol agencicsl Leeds' analysis of its labor forc statistics shows a high proportion o{ p€ople gainfully enploved in govemmental and service occupations. Sio Paulo, on the other hand, is a majo. industrial cenru which Leeds asrin substdti:rted in th. anrly\ir of tabor force rlrri\tics. This errlr and miior s JohnPrie,'Rdo, Ndada: The City as a Unit of Srxdy."Ufiah Anthftpololr, \ {1972) r4-23 6 Jobn Pn€, Teete: An tndusbial City on tle \teri@n Bo.der," Utuan AnthroN l oet.2 | t973) . 35- 47. 17-A rth" nL, y +ds, t hp Anr hap"l. e, . , [ Cr t ip. :Sam p\ t ct h^d, t nsi, r t t . . uc. - i, Efizal*rht,lJ) te4-t U,hanAnthnFloEq {Arhpro Cenrqia:I nn;^jry ^t C"rrgia Pr6, ls6a), pp. 3r-47.

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108 109

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Bue ceoter for Er.t Co.,st old mooey fanilie.. In conlrrn Chdrl.ston nr dominaled hy a 'lrte-ceutered aulhorit) \incc coloniJl rime.. and the ,Ldation syrtem made lhe ciry depcndent on its hinterlrnd and un3bl" io&,velop rutonomou'lv. The .onsequencesof rher" process.. Icd to two cities, in spite of their similarities in size and national C e difierent aFtert' The seement of urban anthropology exenpliffcd by these works is .@cemed with developing techniqu€s to pinpoirt essential .rualitdrto€ fiserencesbet\veen citi.s {ns opposed to th. quntitltive techDiques of and economists). They do this by looknrg nt functions rnd ,cogBphers de dFamic intcractions of cities with their economic, political, and culmnl conterts In most instnnces, they look at the consequcnces of funcdomand external interaction for the &*ol€ city as a unit. Such a view of urban anthropology would have it focus upon the cudy of cities as wholes rather than upon the smaltcr units \a,ithiDthen. ,& we noted in Chapt€i I, part of the gen€ral franework in culturrl :ln tbropology is this enphasis upoD hottrrn. The Aeld researcher in a small rd relatively isolated tribal unit could see the entire wav of life of a !.ople Frtrayed. Unfortunately, the cultural anthrcpologisr tias developed no real techniques for being able to study .#trs as wholcs in the r.me lPay that he studied tnbal cultures as a whole. Th€ one research technique emerging from anthropolog)' is that of .i[Dography. When this techni.Iue is transpsed to the city, obvious dim, olties develop (s€e Chapter 7). Those who invoke the importance of ioliJn often are lorced to reject ethnographic res€arch b€caus€ it is im''!s!ible to do an etbnography of a whole ciry. However, the contributions na ethnoeraphy arc very important to the understandinq of urban orsanirstion and lifc, rnd are by no me^ns inmmprribte *ith holi,ri" p",rFctive. Thu\ ethnogr:rphy m"\t rot hc discr'rded in urbrn "rrrrhropotogy. Working with subunits within the city rhat are nmenabte to ethno gaphic research can b€ holisfic if one takes into account the conrextual sbuctures and institutions. In this perspective, the city can be viewed ar the sm and result of its interacting comF)nents in their dynamic relationships with one anoth€r. In addirion, the city as a whole is infllenced by its context, and, to a certain e{tent, these extemal contexts imDinse di recl l y up on lhe m icr o- unir \ r hem . ehe, . Th, r s lhe er hnoar apt r i,ir udv of the mi cr G uit cm beddedin ir r qholc- cih ca. "*t '. , - c; r i. nnt e*s provi de i nsieht \ at 'o, r t t he d'ndm ics of bot h"na r he cit v oc: r n Fnr ir y r nil about its rel.tionlhipr with crtra-local torcps Probably the best example of th€ way in which such cthnograph], can b€ useful in the understanding of larger contextual units c.rn be found in the work of Leeds. In a variety of articles produced in the last decade. Lee& has $nsistently mainrained the need to develop analvtic models

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o e€onomicfunction as coni.xt variahles to explain both the rdapta |,ld organization of the tvo groups of Portuguesc .nd the stereo beld by the dominant cl$srs, Nhich in tLrn afiect adjustment.l' discussesthe need n) use such variables as caLse for ens(fi,nction ) and historical dcvelopment" (the proccss of dynanic ion vith (,.texts) to difiereDtiate between wholc cities as €onelam incs anv m icr oer hnogr r phic. luc, lion. , ' He r on is b.f" *. * t! l i rded in cxnlaininqt hF ext '. r icnc. ol elhnr c gr oup\ in dillr r ent cit i"\ . ' Ihe for egoine\ 1, 'di. \ , l- m onsr , . r t pt h. I r l, p , t hnoer , t , r \ nl m , ( , . , j[' is not incoDpatibte sith ! concerr s,itlr rtold cities. tf used to_ bo lh pFr spe"lr s\ lh gr c. r r F\ t Jm ounf ot in, , wt cdgc t$.r,_ - prr .o\ iJp ct {l\ or lar qr r h, Ps the on m i. r o- unih r nd t hp c8ecls of m cr o l .| rt Jt irteraction processeson the city as a rvhole. The follownrq ch.tDtcrs rdl di i cus st hc t Hnspor ihon ol t h. ct hni, g'aphic m . r t od r o it . ulr , , , , rdd sYstem

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;lp.*$3rl;:;ffii*ffi[il,rii.:# Larer, he adds:

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A basic element in urban anthropotogyis the rnatysis of cntire

.lis or city systcms. For this analvsis, archcological, historical, and @tetrrporary studies are used as sources of data. This chapter centered qon.th€ di$t r ir q lun( r r on, cilir s h"\ . f er lor m Fd Jur ir r q , t if f er enrpf f i d of hurnan hirton.r A basic issue for alt urban anthropotogy, bur which is central to Is tle or-rein of the city.

of rhefavera

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Evidenle availabte at the prcsent t:td€oloSy, '.&s iuggestr tlat the origin of rhe city is relativety recent in -hurnan U*ory.,going rh,,ut G\. lhosrnd yeJr\. tr is rpparc,,l rhJt .r _h{k .dtri-n hvel _,,t tcchnulogyhxd ro c\rd h"t,tre thc cir) :r; r s, ltl.menl Fttem could emerge. Ilori,evet the merc existence *,pr"" "i brrl produ.riondoe\ nor ,umc. as an exptanarjon. "g.i""i, H..rnr debrrF h:,\ ot srare poliri.at s),rcm{ a\ a ne.c\jnry Tf: "1"".,r". "*.jspncc .onohoo lor the-rise of citics. { posirionlinl inq rh, ._rnomic.erological |Igumetrtdnd th. politi.xt conrr,,l ,"nrralizarion .;"t.s "nd ",Eum"nt tDatthe integmfionot a hjghlvsophi\ri.arcd ,,."na "o-pl.* "_no_i. 6n basFdupon a r.al Llivision,J t.,h,,,r..r,,ired rh" inrroducrion'ot ceDbalt.d mer.iv. Jurhorih. Tli\ th.n t.d ro th" risr ol cirie\. t*.nt S" rcsultsot rhc rrchcotogicit.videnc" i\ rhe r..ognihon _., q ttre vanptyot urbJn centF^ rhcir difl"r.nridt fJH"ms ot crowth. and

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\1 2 rI3 then difiering functjonal and hierarchical s! nrnss or urban .yis,pn-- T'..- . , .. :t:''

from the very

h addition to maintaining trndition and transmitting it, cities ar€ c€rters of change. Much of the change that occu$ in the Great

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^^li'n e A- k - - ^:l : _ between ^- ^- economic p",ii""r rX"i'..';'#'Jlf lTffifilT -a

berom.' thc nav dthudory takcs place in the city. t he futr. ""a as.an inclbJtor. tor. radicdl (h:rnsF\ in d,. {ociocultural *** iii "thcterogencityand domcsti. privr.y r result of drc \ocial Za. r@. ,r. :, .": '".':.' '1...."5.'^.' ^ i.,:*.. o[ most citiFs. rrd]Tl can dNelop rnd.spread ln*';"t" :haocs

I! modem societies, man)' of the functions of the city have declined dispencd (itx\ oltrn becume suhordirdte to thc rFgions in tt hrcome local"d 't t u t he nat ional \ \ \ lFm par r ir ular l) in t hF O"y ,U A ". .Howefs, the cultural role of citi.s h modem staieq siill States. Udr€d rddrs a domlnanr one. In cont em ponr ) \ l', dit ssof cnt iJF cit ies by r nt hr ^p. , logisLro\ Fr l is given to the larger historical, political, regonal, €cononic, r.opition ethnogftrphic approach in anthrcrd social contexts. The tmditioml be maintained :rnd can add to the underotandrng of urbrn can !.logy i, l such elhougr aphy populkt ion unit \ i\ lint ed r o t heir sm dll l l e w ben Lttct conterts.

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111.-'1T :f *' -,i"' *l- **.- .r ""i'q"ilp"'ij.H'ilH entcn of centnrred authorit]..cities ,"", i:,i"*lri::*:::.or exrremcty important. r';,.,r_rry.*i."

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tion, continuity,

the curturarroreof the city has

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Part Three

URBAN ETHNOGRAPHY li

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shall discussthose studies that focus upon pa s In ChapteB 4 and 5 'e or €omgrnents of the city in tems of the charactcdstics of the units dncussed. In Chapter ,1, t}le most primary or personal units {'ill be ts€ated: these are egocentdc networks, ascriptive kinship units, and the ilomestic unit. In Chapter 5, rve shall dcscribc studies of the formally bounded. c$rporate units that arc major components of the urLrn ccnter. In Chapter 6, we shall L,ok at both formal and inform institutions and at temporal or spatial situntions that bring togethcr di$erent segmcnts of the urban population forging intcgrative mechanisms th:lt link elc nents of the city togetler. In the tlree chapten, we shall be concerned with the relationship of particul.r studies to questions about the urbm. \\'hat do x'c lcan about urbanisn (the efiect of the citt on the unit)! \\4rat do we le.rn

It6

about ihF so.ial .r,nstru.rion ot rhc citv and urban pmcess?

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is com"med*rrr, p.*"," ^1..lroporogy ""a

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Maay of the early vritings that attempted to establish the uniqueness ot urbanisrn as a way oI life intimate that cit-v life is based upon shallou hpersonal ti€s between people. They inply that such ties lack emo fbnal commitment and trust; they are instrumental .rnd manipuhtive. la etension of this line of thinking can be seen in recent theori€s of nass sociew, with its attendaDt nlienation and d'omie (lack of purpose, clhical values). This immediately raises the question: To what extent does urban ctbnogaphic literatuie conoborate this vie$ of u$an social relationiips? More saecif,cally, what evid€nce have anthropologists accumulated dout tbe maint€nance of close, deep, personal ties betrveen individuals? Related to tle foregoing is n concem with the penistence oI kin' Sip as an important baiis for social ties in the city. Ni.etcentl'century rcial scientists rccognized a dichotomy between simple and complex

rl 8 9

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ooten r ixll\ . lis\ ol\ ablp lydJi. iiP' r t $^ p. r $n r lalionships) was i l D ed t I \ \ "lf . r nd Fo\ t er lr r gFlv in lhP cnnr "r l ol Lr t i" Am er ican strdi.i' l)yadic ties between kinsmen. fnends, and patrons with (rhose with resourcesand thcir suplDrters) rvere analyzed as trr

,,t.rormrtion d,9 Jis.or',ti^nso.i,l netw,,rl\and tp!.e*," .conltrr are Flat'd to Frl, otrF'i in, rrct. fjr_relatronhrp., t ies hFl$een m r nipr nat iun, J social nFt $o*'. d\ adr c I ie--or -11,u::lll:

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me .insh m.mb.root hisor hcr nenvorr-rreoilci J od Ilo"ever, an individull s social net\rork in its total 9lcuss* con6gunirtime. &o is rnore tlilD simpll the sun of all liis drrdic ties. NetDo*

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Social nehvorks have a varielv of structural properti€s, which are cct irrportant in relation to their .ficct on the individual. Networks rc frequently divided into segemnts based upon the closeness of an jividual to memben of his netvork. Most frequently a dichotomy is rgest€d between the efective segnent and the extended segment. The segent of one's nehvork consists of those othcrs Nith whom $aie closeness-as manifested by ftequent interaction, trust, intimacy, fia€ is The exreuled segn nt consists of those who are more distantly od a6f'ct. Because this dichotomy is an attempt to catego.ize :r complete bo$n. relationships into social trvo mutually eiclusive subcategories, it is of d of realit/. Boissevain oveximpliffcation has refined this dichotony. 1 & divides t}le eficctive segment into two ptrrts the inner core of egoi ab.€ ties as an intimate s€gment, and a less intimate portion. He further betwcen an extended segment of peoplc who arc known riltirguishe loego and c.rn be contacted, and a potential outer ;ng of contacts whom €o does not know but has the potential of laowing. In the outer ring uE peopl€ in the efiective segnenLs of ego's oNn €fiective segment (ftiends of fnends ).r It ii very important to recogniz€ that di{Ierent social segments have difierent meanings and potentials for action. It might also be suggested liit sorne of the earlier ..onclusions about the qualitv of urban tife that anphasize shaUowness rnd instm.ntalify fril lo re.ogriz. scsnpnr difierences and/o. overemphasize the enended segment of individual

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to ascription) i, t*i"

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ff

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anrhroporosy i asopposed,o sociorn.

I Se€Enc Wolf, "(inship, Fri€ndship,aDd PatronClient Rclatn,nsin Conplcx Soci.ti€q in M. Banton(.d.), Th. Sritl An m@Lpv ot' Cotnple,So.ieties(Lhdn: T.r*tock Publi€tions, 1966), pp. l-22, for s senenl overiew; for rhe speciffcs€miul idd, se ccorge v. Foster, Thc Dyidic contracr: ,\ Nrodel fo; rhc Social ltructure of a Nlen@n Pe&ut lill^Ee, Ameri@a ,4nrfiropoloe&r, 69 (1961), ll73-s2.

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it is trom these vrur.rs that m$sive and sigDiffcant aid cornes lowever, siturtiunr'' crisjs I naior l) r hr t 1, ". , . , r i\ ed Fi nrlly. 't I x h'r al pF, p. ir ! ol \ ocir l ', ct $or l\ att€ntion is the degree to which the nenbers of ego's net@iderabl€ (particularly the cFcctive segment) are known to e.rch other. Ft vhich h nenbers are mutually kDown and socially relcvant to &tlvorks are referrcd to as close knit, ot]rcr dense, highly connected, or con6[ b which Networl6 menb.rs are not mutually lnown arc refcrred in€nt. b as loose-k,rit, disperscd. looselv meshcd, or nnconnccted.

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mt$*f$g'*+ffiffi, j$fu #"*",,t H+ti,,iffi *ifr* if;.ffi Nehnork Prccas

The struc.tural properties of networks have received considcrrble .ttention herc be.ruse of their implications for an hdividual's slcial [fc and integration in thc city context. In contrasr kl the stability of @ r) ul l h. lr 5, liplir cl) lr J\ "Ll . ucial unr r \ f . , und ir Ur Jih, jr al , r cicr ic5, ocjal network are condantly going through the dynamics ol change. &o may expnnd or ontract his n€twork; a shift in stntus or rcsidence oEates ncw source groups for recruitmcnt llnd causcs old ties to disdve; nernbers of th€ extended segment may be converted to the eFecdve segnent and vice v€rsa. The content of ties nay change; nerworks ory bec.one nore dense or less dense. An ethnographic approach, which enphnsizes the actual relation dips as seen by the ethnographer and which cmDhasizes the temporal vi"" ot Foc€sses involvcd in nrt$orks. cJn si\" us r mor" "aequat. lie proesses involved in network formation, change, and ruptures. One of the most illuminating descriptions of stlch process can be 6utrd in Robertt work in cuatemala City, where he uses lift hisrorv &ta to dcscribe and classify thc process of cstablishing and dissotving ncial ties. Hc discusses thc implicatbns of prc-urban activitics and drtses, as well as types of residcntial aDd ocftpltionat mobititv. for l i rshi p. l rienJship. r nd gFnFr Jl so{ial r clat ion, hiF\ . I t e f f nds r h; r hr s popul al i on.which is char r c. t er r zedLy l, igh r it cs of j"U ; n, yu1, , 1, *, nO rcsidenti^l shifts, by and ldge h:rve their ctosesr ties with a setected few, recruited and naintanted from very edly work or army experiences. K nshi p hs *e c, , nr inuallylosinq im p. , r r in( c: npiAhbor hood. nd wor t . pae gam importan{e lirr rphLivFly rcw lind \hallower tics.? Boswell describes the changine network of a male in Zambia as hc gocs th r ough hi\ . ducr t ion. acTr ir e\ dn oc. , , p{r i, , n. m r niF\ . r nd becomcr politnalJy actilc. H. lookj at how rhans"s rff"cr n.rwork rics: whi.h 6h ar. Jffc.lrd. horv rhe mnr.nr ,* rc. ip;ociry i" chrng.d. how nolf,r(\.Orcuniliua\/urcp^ Abrin: Un r",.irv ut .leu\ p,"... l9?,1) 'Brye . u4a^|.'ne sxa E tt, ^ows,

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n4sort wirhiies,ecruited fmm oDcsour..e\vir hc differenr

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status' andwhatarcth€enccts or

tI indivrdurls, tle rercarch str.,tcqre\ rJopted locus on eith.r lhp must jor parhcuJar cnds. !ri6c.u,t pri-a4 ric! or o,, . r.srn.nt InobilizFd - 11h , {' t hp sociJl n. t $or l ir r , S. udedas an er r d.t wo r najor a, , : r l}t ic .oc tsmpha\iz.s lh. JlTecl. or.motion-hden qualify. ol this ftci emergc: rclafion\hip\. anJ vre$\ lh. unit in t.rms ol socirbiliry: pcrsonrl ol nr 6. rc@nd vie$\ the n.l\v.'rl Js .r u,rit ot norm socirlizalion and social

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oottol. F{,r those who focus on the instrumcntal nature of networks. thcrc 1.r seser.rlfoci. One is the trirsnission md exchinqc $ithin the network of goods,seNices, aDd hl(trdration. .q.notheris the utiiization of nctworks b adaptation to the urban setting, bot}l short-tern ( rural {rban migrant rhptation) and long'term. Another strund of Detwork analysis focuses olon specialistsin netrvork relationships (sonetines called broke$ ) and de relationship behvcen their positions, thcir net\vorks, and urbaD Foc€ss. Finally, there is a concern with the networks of strategic and p*erful irdlvLduals. One recurrins issur in this vol"me has beon the npFd to rctu(c rhP

of rupturing tics

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rtuw of the urban setting as deh manizing and dep€rsonalizing. This is rhat lvirth refened to in discussing the breakdown of primary relation|hi!6 in the city In the network literature, this view is counteracted b' shiftingthe focus&on ldgc-scalestructuralattributesof sociatreladonshipsto smaller scalc relationships, dynamic in Dature, Nhich besins rith the individu: and {ow from him. ln Botti study ot Londonfamili.s.whetherdcscribi'rgnct$ort\ r.ti.t are dispcned or thrt Jrc highly mnnected. rhc given ldmily is 'l1.f|tneshedin a complex set of intimate, trusting, personal social relation.lhiF that involve g)mmon interests,frequent common actilities, and .omn|on feeling. Nctworks appear to b€ extremely important frcto$ in sociabilityand leisure tim. activities (recrcation,enteranrmcnt,vacr tions1.:' Denich notes tlat tle Yugodavs distinguish friends from acquaintaDcesand ca\ual contacb. Friend\hip is rpt asidelor J fF$ sp."ial riF. FriendJhip is not ligLtly b€stowed. Onc€ friendship is bestowed, a ser of nutual ti€s and obligations develop that arc very strong and include $ch mutual nid actirities as lending mo ey and also sigDiffcanr sociabitity

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r, rr ,y: tJ)e ctcvctopm.nt ol-lr..i.a rhe social nctuorr concept, a""ir.''i basic

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""

wir\v trPtworrs 3r

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Press,1969), pp. ?? 116,

Roberts too discussesdifiercnt notions of friendshiD in cuatemala City.H..mphasizc\gen.ralCuattsmalr" distrusri,t intim:rr.hF\ ,,urside the fanily and iLscffect in restrictingsuch intimate fiendrhips. He ilso dilcrsses th€ ef€ct of the larger urban context (rapid, uncontroled urbaD grow.i}l and competition for iobs and spnce) on friendship ties. rl Borr, Fttuilu dnd So.ial N.t6o*. DDmi.h. MisBrion &d \ets.'l

Mmipulario,'

121

In hir study. frj€ndrhjp_rs distinct fmm a

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art.mpi ro mca{rc desr.csor orrmitmenr ..;-_

w h : : t hcy m o\ cJ. cr . c'. ol in cir ios shpr . r h. y had fFd f ', loc. 't io" lr iendship lics. llr ) $'ir ld lr e Fler r ed t o f r iend. of f or m er hrenl , & i .rdr an d qunkl' dFr plol) llr '\ . r r n" lind af inf im lt F iolinc. t iFt ing p\trem"l) .btionrhip. For Ja$Lsoris inlurm.,nt\ nctwo'k lies werc af lpct ively.t h- ) inu, lv. r l r lm or t all nun- wo'ling t im c in a E prri nt jiety oI rersureonr rcltrrnes. Chanda, the Ndola reside.t whose network was anal)zed by Epstcin i@ a diary of activities, $as an urban African whose eareer had been d.racterlzed by great mobility, both occupation:rl rnd geographic. He !.d liled id mar) to\'is rdrd \rorkcd rt rlilllr jobs, nnd tLis $as re0ected b rhe large umber of fricnds ,rnd ]eisure-tine partners rvho rvcre forner @-workersor lormcr neighbors.rg Based upo Jmoby,ns rvork, u can be suggested rhat those who mobile becauseof occupation or other status attdbutcs but have very 1s rdrtively secure and upwafdlv mobile futures will be characterized by tui tar ne r sor L pr o( "\ ses. in whnh r hF phir o'nPna, n r eL( ivFl) quic( tb-fomation and €ary reactivation of latent ties caD be expected. Netcan be based upon expectations of continuity, rarher than uDon rck 6. actual maintenance ot contxcl over long periods ol timcj rhat is hdividuals can drop ties when they leave one area and reestabtish them rt some tutur€ time when they become situated near one another again. Jacobsont work involves the issrc ot laten A, tbc degree to rvhich or|€ can reactivatc old ties nfter long pe ods of inactivity. Robertd mrl emp hasizest his s^m . point . Fo' onF ot his inlor m anr \ , Pcpp. t le bnching of a new business lcd him to rcJdivate "everdl otd. lattrt ties. drich inmediately resuncd their old footing. This pint is often missed h sociological literature when it is assued that feeling, trust, and intinacy are measured by frequent and current interaction. Harries-Joncr provides us Nith an example of a situation in which ti€s mL* be continually validated if one expects to reactivate thcm in tbe future. His Zambiar urban migrants rvho expect kr retum to their hone villages maintain ties lvith a speciat category of "home boys,,, who acl as linkr berwe.en cib rFsidents and rhFir rural location.,l Thus far lve have been focusing upo the d),namics lrnd processral &velol'mcnt ot nctwork.. It should b' ohvrorF rhar rario,rs srnru,es and situations influence both tbe prccess of nework fonnation and the structural properties of networks. Brim suggests that various statuses (ie4 age, marital status) infuence the shape of ones efective network,

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"i.l^l ;fril%:!ff,'il,"'# r'"'|"S'lillj; IJ:v,t lv;i-:;:it*y,fri"ii !l;i# pai"u. i:* u,t^ fi;'; ,rl,,lti;f.";ru.;."':j r,tr,i'ffi:"1"J;"i.":i'fi#, ":TT" l*;iiii 'fii";;,'.Hfi1j; "

tlinr'dtr! TobBtun t\tcnl., park cat:f.mra: Cmmins, publlshinBComrsn!, lYl3). 13Epst.in, fie Ner\tort ad Urban SocialO.sanization.', " H.m..Boy rn* dnd p;tnj€l o,sanizariunitr a C.p!",t,"r| :P rM\hiflhjl-tT.l p. D J. c. \ t r t . hell,s@?/ . vpluo*L t c€g pp. 2c7. 3, 17

L27

or and rheir llil."'1.,,,h.,,,,,.b:. ilrimlre ri.( theircontehr.

i"'p,-pr.i p Ji,ili, Tl,jli,i"li'il"l*i"l'J;l'. "t"**,*,'"'

act iviliA lludr gl, lle gr oup. \ et wor ls Jr c par t icuhr l) in, l & re-t im e the trJrFmi5rion uf cohumption styles and prpl.r.nce5 ! for d,trnt ' ts h e. st udy o{ Londo, ' Lr n, lies. BoH dr *qs a di"linchon her w""n IdJy connecred networkr rnd di.p.rsed nctwork.. A t,iql,ty co,'nccrpd d{' orl is one in $hich t hc r ndividudlinler act sf r . qucnt ly wit h t he ulh. r Enbers. A i'aJiety of nctivities are performed with other netnbes of d. n€twork, invohing r good denl of exchange of aid aDd support. Tlie r6t signiffcnnt element of r highly connected network, however. is that ge individuah are members of each othrr's n.twork-that is, thev tcnd !, be nutuallv kDo$n to e&h other. The individual whosc cficctive nc. rort (no.e iDtinatc ties) is characterized by these densc, ovcrlappnrg d6 derives clenr-cut basic nonns from it. This kind of Detwork is alnDst ! group, because of the ties between the individuals rnd their frequent dlective activity. A dispersed netrvork seldorn acts like a group. Most mcmbcrs of lgok net{ork do not knorv cach other. Very often they are rccruited from disparate social ffelds. The individual receives manv difiereDt sets of 66s and values, and there is no conseEus withiD the set oI "sjsnjffclnt oahers-about app'opriale hehar ior. style pref'rences, and \imilar motters However, the individunl vith a loose network rndy be plugged into a wiety of urbaD subgroups and thus have wider access to resources. Bott chuactenzes thc nctworks of nanv o{ her informants as intefdudn i? ( compo.cd ot s"gmFnt: ,,l L'otl, typa\ ). \tors\ pr shc notc\ tlr ,l lhoce who were formerly members of highly connected nehvorks 6nd it diftcult and frustrating when they move socially or eeographically into ocorpations or neighborh{,odr where such networks are not custom.rry. Conversely, those who have been socialized in the context of dispersed n€tryork and who ffnd thcnselves in occupatioDs or neishborhoods where higbly connected networks arc custom:rry ffnd this transition equally diftcult. In both cases, Bott suggests. some transition:rl t_a?e of network with sone connected segmentsand some disp€$cd segnents woutd be fouDd. What is interesting is that Bott ffnds that the type of network a family has is v€ry important in determining frmily stNcturc and coniugrl roles. In fact, the type of network is more impo.rant thatr social class iD this rcspect. Class itself does not directly aScct farnily roles, and class does not afiect the nlture of the netwo.k in anv simplc wav. Such variablcs as occupxbon { rfrecring rhe opporhrniry for ;"n te.)iz.d fi*r neighborhood hornogeneitv or heterogeneity (afiecting the likclihood of localized netvorks ), rnd the nrdividu: s geographic and sociat mobitity afiect the ndure of the network in a complex fashion.

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tt8

r29 Bott says:

r.Dferer discusseslh" wry in which networls of co worlerr in n gr coppc' belt facto') drvelop and trahmit norm' 'bout w"rt and how they exert control over their own ncmbers He ihe way social status a'rd fears of witchcri{t are used to force

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be lnother example of the efiect of networks in social control can As Hill Iowa in Sioux City, Indians itr Hill's study of Americ^n

unmrmed lrrdianmrle frequcnrl)frll' the rolc "f "-vo'o*. network i. composedo{ his pen wh'.'s h"h.rvior md {J.rairr.- His

pto,

r ci''lo, c, l, r ' Hc. , ' r \ lJa1. d, r o \ pcr r d ! nuclr ol ld' r r r "' on 'r r ""t ,;td^ r nd seeliir r gt hr ills. \ i'il br r s d.rcr. pr ovc hi' m lr sculinilvb) hglr ling I r rplovm Pr u! r 'ncnr wor sor rryy aoour nor not abour s'uur ' (em pu. pur 'u. \ ue \ \ om en. and ano f;"nd. ends. . jInU [ .hi s tn "' 'r r blF "ommdri's en. from hi' rol' is lo when he c\pecled hF 'hifl I*ring -on"y. to that ot -family man Thi' doFs not occur immef,j * tat-*i*i Th" t undr m m r al p'occssiNol\ s sl'i{hng hi" ner m aniage. afr er l dy

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from peers to older kinsmen (either his om or those rcquired

,o dirercnrnetworks.il;;i1;;";;:il?'-an6

rnariage). These new nembers of the network froM upon many former activities and force him to conform to the new pattem. Hill's de$ription, it is obvious that this is a painful experience and a considerable p€riod o{ tirne. It can be observed and mearured

who eachbcro,

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' "'-"'Irtrurce aspectof r

the brcakins of old network ties and recruitment of new ones

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frowned upon by the new network. However, he chanees his matesIrom p€€rs to kinsmen. In addition, many of the behaviors associated with drinhng, such as ffghting, Pursuit of other and Ftty theft, are fromed upon. In ad&tion, where the cost &inkine interferes with the economics of the household unit, such

'

Lfiavior is disapgoved. In this example, it is not the ntture or charnc. bdstics of th€ social network (highly connected versus dispersed), but t[e shift in its composition thnt produces changes in norns and social

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Rob€rts notes changes in network composition as one enters old ag€ i[ Cuatemala City. R€caNe of the iob narket and rapid grou'th in Guatenala Citv, and b€case of the absence of social secuity mechanisms, the rnobile, as well as restdcted in their geogaphic old are domwardly dlobility- Rob€rts 6nds this reflected in changes in their social relntiona contraction of ties, rvhich then have an efiect on ships-particularly mnns and ioles.s

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lnd sciar Net'orr,..in r. c lritche. (ed ). s@,r

.Aruc K.pfft., "Noff ed the Nlanipulatid of Relationslipsin a Work Conte(," n' l. c' Mirch.ll (ed.) sridl NzrDdtr, rD. l8l-2,14. aTlnn6 W. H'll. F'm ll-Ll-Rai$r lo Fam'lJ \lan in J. Sp$dh' and D U Mccunly (cds.), cdfumfi! a d Cdfict (Boston:Little, Biom and co. 19?il), Dp. 18e200. t Robertr,Orsdirira Stmtrcm.

1r,l

lil

rs0 131 NeaDork Ties as Llrt 1lnentat

Thus. t hc r el: r t ionship.ar e nol Pas\ lo m r nipuldt c f or D , thc.palm n moDUrryjor nraivrl Denich notes that in Yugorl,rtii. if those in lhc r.stricrFd crlegory ras opposed lo dcquii,'tJnc"s) move upward sociallv this friends df ()nc remdins as inti r*. not lead to the di\solutiun of friendship tics mobilib rh. rFldtion I'are and frieodt' rvith t}o'e "ho achi"ve up$ad ries bPtweFn Pmplc of diff'rcnl thir docs not becom. litP pdtrun-.lienl rrai us.Her e r h" higher slat usr ndr vidur l doc\ not . r pccl or r eceivcdef er I ,l t.. E\ . h'r , s- r 'r n. , ; , , {TT"r r i' .x,, i n r cl, , m f "r 'j"o'l 3l in status i! spite of difierences N€tlvork exchangcs are often centered on crisis or uncipected !v€Dt!. Sociologicalxork in the Unitcd States h|s indicated that difierent tiDds of ties (kin, friend, and neighbor) are uscd, dcpending on the ldlount of resourc€ and time comrnitment. Illness rcquires both shortt€rm assistance(nulsing and sometimes domestic help) and often longrcmr aid, if one loses income or a job. Difierent kids of ties s'ould be lrobilized in each case. Unanticipated events like hreakdowns in transportation, babysifting se ices, or unusual needs (transportation to the lirport at a late hour)might cach lead to mobikation of difierent kinds of ties. Extcnded ties or shallo\\' ties may be used if time and amount ir not signiGcant, while th€ most efiective ti€s are reserved for rnore signiffcant situations. Robens notes thnt among the relatively poor h Guatemala City, Iiu and close friends are not askcd for small favors. A c$nscious attempt i, made to avoid making many snall denands on them. Kin are treated with special respect and reserve, as if they are being saved as insunnce Ior enreme cises of need or hardship. Fnends are asked for advice, counsel, and special aid in situations not likely to be recuning. Thorc asked for smal-scnle, short-tem help are likely to be neighbors or work mates who are not closc {riends. This djfiers fron m.rny other studies, in rvhich kin are utilized in everyday rcgular recurinS cxchangcs for

*m:**:,t*#rg*n'ffi

,tl: lilffififfiirfi'm l,*,** 5;1.fr51,'.ffinril*-ht*-

*t*H:'hii*'t*Jfir?tiffi t

$ **'p:*g*ui;*'rnmrg*,:l.:x*

str*$*ru*m$$}t**i#

For those living under conditions of great income insecurity and instability, rcgular exchanges seem to be common and are o{ten dcsctibed in the literature. Eamcs and coode descnbe this phenomenon anong t}lc urban poor througbout the world. The ease with which cnsis aid is requested and granted is also commented upon. Kin as well as friends are intenselv involved.aa

trlrffi-i..#".#*#;hi:r,H.",#i,f$ #"[*:i,.'xTj:T,#i#:ii"t i ]:TT*1k,.,i#;].ffi?.{i.*,,i

31Rob€rts,OrgdnizineSrrznsers. t! Dedic\ "Migratio dd Networl \lmipulation. .t Aolttrs, O46nizits Srnnsers. r{ Edsin Eam6 and Iudith C6de, Uhan Po@n'! in a CrN,Crlrl/dl YorkrFre Pr6r, 1973),Chapter5.

Corr€d (New

t 33

plants. Amigds are also likelv call fortl ffnancial aid and medicinal r

if$tffi#{#*t};*1i*1#ffi f i-a' ftna ,r.i. ii-r'"' u*.

*-.*a

in,childhirth

that middle .la$ retwtrt: rrF us"d predom-

for gaining accessto mobility or obtaining short'tem crisis aid.

areuuarrv 1,r,recred.rg: 6'".y;*t iJ fT-','_lTT.."::-:11 b":f1i:':i-'l^1,,':"ry]: n* Il tn'. crss$ascon'iJ*ed

, fi,g: q+* lffir* ffi3;',,ffiiff;.:it!"::J'1""'* :1".11",1i 1y, ", +.,,,Tr#,;.1ifi "** n :q",*" ;iffi ri,..*m dl+ :ffid#l,riH #jnidi r*rj:r.--:**'nm

"t

de q,ll':1,1:,'-:l^ \ine : goodsrnd 'o.i,+s. ' 'hesc rbu'rle\chat'ginechild cltre m

How€ver' "rl. in rn" Uniled Strt.s dr'd rhF increa'.of wom'n cnleri'e thc .wic.s Jlu'rr ll'e n'rdJl"' l.r- crn Iu Jor'rnrn m'ritr 56ortorcc.ihis *urnpLi." @v€r ied DY In eraminingnehvorke\changes.on. murr c\amine is'u's of reci thrl such lies m"'t be '"nrinuous\ [email protected] has sugg^ted or f,tca Uy e'.trang* hut rhrt they mu\t nFver h" lullv bclanced Rules JLorrt PcmissihlP lfurocal. 'in
,,:r.r*n;:*;iili:.rr.:Ti;:i:JT; c;ru-., i."i.'r,i,Li,l-lll:*." ki:iliti,,Tr,flfi ;,;;;d ;":'i*T[ "'.i., :1":,: ::.fr** ;l:Ll,*.

o",,"; ffir"*:rg..ii1i",l" ;";;;;';;ii,1#di,,i]

:l *l*,,fu

or r ratrinef wr,d

:1;;il+t-1"'r;1ffi tit$i**;#"I;,{;[:ll;s{

l#*ffiffi

n****s*ry "fi:)*':it' **'iff j,,Jj::::?::'.,g",i*:#

3?Guy AshtDn. "T1a Difiererti.l Adaptarion of Tno Slum Suboltu.es to a Colonbid HoLsins Proiect," Utuan Anthtopoloeu.r (1972), p 18633 Fcr.r "Th€ Drcdic contn.t." 33,{- L. Epstein, "The Nehvork and U.ban Social Organiatiod," in J C Mitch€ll {€d. ). Sdiai N6,adkJ, pp. 77lr€.

134 t35 a third individual,

who continues the proce$ of referral to yet anotln

the Beech(lreel study of Kentuckynigrants to northen Ohio

h i 'hdustriar {ondu. citi-.s i,i.l? :J1".::t.Lill ::"fll::::i' : l::i::l r eo"ar "dly u! l t h: , t r he. so( ir ] cont r ol nl h'hr vior r lhr olgh

5qf'*-'{$H*i$fttt{$:lr*':;f;{ffi "*d*:i,",;$ r."".,",.#ilt'r#I1;:*;91;*iaf [,ners .ham. ' thal prct:]il' qh.n lhe) reclril p"ople lrom ""mmon l6sip.nd \ i. $, d . s advanr agc- ous11 i-tw orks is cl. ulr A vcr y sp. cif f c st udy or t he use. f social r ct $o'ks r o obt r in joh is lound in Denich: study ot migr^nls i{ornation rnd i"h' th.'n.cl!es \ ocir l ncf wot 15 dr e e\ llicit lv uscd L'y yugodaui. . , 'ot ^\ lhat D'1, i( 1, L r ir 'ir 'c l, r I t r hlc ent it l"d \ our r p' ot Helr in obt mi eran s "m llo\ Tcnl tor FintJing lobs, tLe niost signilicant category wts "frieDd o. acqurnl'wce in a" influential position," followed immediatcly by "friend. $'here aD individual interened on behalJ of thc migrant in obtlining csrploynent, in nore than half the cases,that individual was iD one of 6€s€ two categories. The remai[der, less than halJ, werc alnost : 1

ffi$ffi fr*ii,il*fli'i,l,Hf',l:ffi

In the Yugoslavian situ.tion. thc manipulatioD of netlvork tics for rn individual's seu-interest is considcred quite proper. One must have 'coonections" and usc them in order to be successful in the urban situa' rbn. Instrumentalit-v of rehtionships does not appeir to jeopardize them jD any way. The individual who refuses to helP in situations where he .{ll is generally designated as unkind or selffsh. This patten of ielationdips based upon what friends can do for you is char:rcteristic o{ all Yugoshv society, rct iust the city, rhus negating the notion that it is ubanisrn that fosters this. However, it is in the urbaD situation where the individual caD use his ties in a variety of ways and a variety of rituations. The individual who lacks connections will be at a distinct disadvantagc in the urban arena. In addition to the iob market. Denich notes the use of ties in the rcquisition of housing. Apartments have been built by the goverment but are in shot $pply. There is a waitiig list for such housing. Simplv placing one's name on a waiting list will usually be futile. Connections are used to move ones name higher on thc tist. Shce apnrtrneDts are scarct, man), of the migrants evenhnlly build their om houses. The building of a housc requires a variety of govemment approvals ( Denich notes that some 6ftv govenrmeDt permits may be involved), .rs well as the use of conEactors. To expedite the house building. one must use one's comections nsain. It should be noticed once aganr that coDnections in clude kinsmen, friends. rcquainta ces, and casual cont.rcts In Roberts' study of a shantytoM iD Cuatemalt City, he found that everyonein his sample of residents hnd been recmited to thc newly foming comunity tlrough a kinsman or a fri.nd. In the migration literature,

:$i;lq,*l

t11;'-*l*i;+i$-,1'*iiiilll'l*iTr.d ","ffff

li;1".1""* f ;;*:l*{;l'*T #il,#$-'E"f

il':"Ttri{q;fr 1it"mj,ifltffi *!:.$ffi

[k!il5$:,iiilTl+r.i*]il:ll;..*,,Uffi-lf il

*nki;:l ffi##d;#diljil;1' ri:Tir''5';ru

"!:::"p ;,;i:;,:*i::;;:";,.,ff;.,;J,,,,T,)1,"ffi ;;1".,.;,1'yj

j',,ii'lf,ri:;?'.r.-"'#ifli*li,;rt#:'f .Fr# J$"",it'#

ar H.ny K. sehsr6velle., Ian.s S. Brosn, and J. J. \'lansalam,M@nt4inFanilie' o ?rans,n-d(Univesity Park,Pa.: PeNsylvaDi.StateUnive^ity Press,1971). rl Denicl\ "Uicr.tian and \etwoi} Nlanilulation,

137

ili'.:#''_f,r1* *tr#{i:";?iliT.i"i,:"nr**1':,.::ffi i T,ii.fii"".r.*i*' :ruiiffi.r:iTr $;,r!4r:ffi iffffiff'#Ji s',bs1uenl ;ii;i;,;,;;j;::.-., lout,,gr. r."q,i.nrr,,l'" about\vher.ro shopor whose services l.,-,l.L.l:l"g.liLTltian

J::fi.:nHl:;,,:T,ll;:;"1," .lf. i.t

;rfir:'.'::;"l*, iLgi",r.l.* Tlitiri'.flin1 il ;;ii;';ii::t,,"1l;';*i*:lr

;1"# l,""t!'u "t :fl;':;.i : .i:ffih::H f.f,-.s=*i,ly l*,,,1.1f iil;;'"#:'ilJ'lT.H l""T;:il'',JJJl":.iiiT'll';"il' of a c,oup that usesn€twork tier in the

t:o+e:.elqet€

;;;,;- ;; ;;,"dst;J ilH :,-l*.:11;.::*,.r*"e"p!, ,i ;";." ;*;r,,ii; ,J;""ffi,;.,;;"fi

:S i::-,9:9tq."" T.,.p'"""';"".'"'''L;i; *"' **ffiru;H i:0":*^:I;T:g cl*". ,.**,.ii" ;;#; .TT:iltr *ties.ior.%rious f.T"".,,i: :l:t::. ",a migranrgroupsin retationto heatrncare in various NedDo*

Specialists

develop nehforks to ."".i;-*lli: sene a r""**.,r".. *"'.1,_; ffi l,::y,:.r |,"-.* o. ,Farcslc in tn. urban ljIliry. 1l ry":,: f*".." roras l*. sisDinc.aDr in ietworks_ *,r,". ,ri, i ,"""rp"il il::.,::.:: liT-" ll,I:J*r ,r..y *,,r, ;:';i,,Tfr ",i"r,r,,r,",r.:.:;;. ;;*:;:T :i*l"lr, rp...:" centrat _concemto urban analysts. "r".,.f As we hrve just s€en, ubanites

t:.:..1[.ryr

:,

vi.w or rhe ;ndiriduai.ii"se speciarisrs prcvirre 'u",'r,"1r"il'"l,iji'J,X

p:*ticurar e* .;y ii:::i ::_*:y ,qe ittc-sat-rn icA. r"g"r i,t"-*tio". ;;-l,r;;,j;; iioff.,From. rhe p,rint of.vicv ot tt. m-ln,",qr.

il"?;:"::ffi: rhes. individuats sepe

an i',tegrarivcfuncriontor rhe ta,-scrsocirt,y"..

r,v p..*J.g

in""

ne]ltork ole in such i,,terme\hing \rructures wjll rlEl between Jh.i In o: ssed. b drsc l*P*' . . . . Soe(ialists in netvork relatinnships crn be (lJs.ifred a. infucntialr in0uenhal i' lrn indniduil who. hv vi'tu" ol his position a ,'okers. tn ;tolde sbnlegn inslihrfiou in th. social sb-uciue. can u.. th. power of He ir dire(lb inlolved in thc disfg position dirt'ctlv to hclrJ orhtrs. rcsoureA. In rh? Yugoslav stud) cited xbove. the\c 16^iur. "r '"** .drld be indurtriJl mrrugen and go\ernmtsnt bu'erucrats. A broker. or thc other hand, is an individuat r.lho has a.cess to nduentials ard uses this, rather thnn the dircct po$er of llis position, D belp others. The broker's position as a mediator may derive from the !.h,re of his or her own network, which Inay includ€ infuentials in d$er the eficctive or extended segment. This position may enable the favors for influentiah, that is, influ€ntials may freholer to rtriprftate in reciprocal trade ofis vith othcr nduentials An ns brokers act dn€ntty is prcvided by Denich when she describes a governm€nt of this . .!.mpl€ jobs for over one hundred fellow villagex by who has found hreaucrat colle.reues.a3 In oth€r words, brokers of with his bureaucrat bFt€ding ties witb high level people and extend€d ties have cfiective type tlis petitioners. *ltb . In many cases, influentials are utilized dircctly in obtaining emLousing, and other scarce resources. &"nent, '' Rollivagen describes a casc whcre members of a patticular Merican in Lhe popsicle indunJy in m:rny Me,(icJn Iage obtained prminene gnall scaie. are ver) ver) scaie. whiJe whiJe others others are their entcrprises entcrprises are are gnall Some of their dlcs. Some dlcs.

Lrge. Some of the vilhgers become entrepreneursrnd serue as en,'liloyersof large nunbers of fellorv villagers, rvho serve as sheet ven ' rlo,rs.Alrnost everyone who leaves the village has a guaranteed jobao Th€ cutrast between this case and the Yugodav case is obvious H€re tic enployer is clearly an influential, the very source of a job ln t}le Yugoslavcase,the bureaucrat is a broker, one with nccessto influentials In In&a, there is a general notion that the Bonbay milk industry is controlled by enucpreneurs from the state of Uttar Pradesh. Eames has noted this as an exarnple of the use of influentials by migrants. One lDdividual frorn a small village in thAt state had migrated some hventy yearsbelore and had establisheda succesdulmilk business.His op.ration was located oD the outskirts of the city, wh€re he established ^ large scale operation tlat mployed a large nmber of workers Anybody from his village nigrating to the ci!v, whatever their caste, was

Jijlj*, ".. -d LavRcfcra,s,upubF ^,iJ'i'1,L1:ii,",ll1*J,,li,:,3l:l:' pt",;"iji,il.,#TilT;"1,i:f;y,.*,ln,Jfl"Doich, r|

lll.,..)1,;,";;,i,t'

a7Grav€sdd Cravrs, .Adaptive SrBtesi€s.,,

'l;,_

'Migr.tio bd Network Manipulation." trck Rollrvagen, \lediatiotr and Rurll-Urbad Mismtion in Nlexicor A Pr.pNtl dd Ce study," in w. comelius and F. Trueblood (eds.), Latin Ameican Lttban x.aarch, 4 (1974), 47-86.

l3€

!3 9

cyranTeg e?p.l,,ym:nt and housins by this entrepreneur. ft was acknovhdepd that t'o,,ing *.." t"mporaq. and tbe 11" i'i. "ld vidual misrant

would seckother

i,, ht; ;.;J

il;"";

"itu.tio,, Olh€r types of lmkers do nor themsetveshavc suategrc

q.rrtrrhosp shar.sicposiho,".r,", r,",.;-f",.t :l:JTh\e.he: 'n hp: ."*'"j:' !':,ll'*" ::1"^'-tl-:11"d:d urban "r* r'"n'..,r' anthropotosicat lireraturc,ihc "1 broker has a ."1,"g in""i,"

l:'I

$ho seek ro i""a. ):s-.:'n1d: 9l eq,,ars "r,runed ".-", ,,orrer a qua,r_gro,,p

l:ll llr:,-,::: \iJrrrl hi( e\t.nd.cl t,""

"irt,

,,,n"-,ii.,t,

o sar,;i i,r:'rijiiT

Buttemorth descdbcs a case nr \fe\ic \rhi'h a hrake,r rhc(Fntcror J qudsisroul,or c\-rpros ,.,,,1--t]ry;i gers. I n^ groun mPFt\ oDca . .

;:i*,# r i"rut H ;:i; :;, id;:", !":-Ir"i: fi"tri;':,:

Still a otier type of broler is ,tn individual who has a very large shich er r L! . s. him t o m anipulalc $pil t ies wit h r darded-nehvo*. inlem,ediari.s. Hii.flFctile otitr seqmenl ir incunrequentirl. jkty of potentirl connccfilc poinl fnr many shJllow c\t.ndcd ties. a is br he i, , inJom . , f ior di{Tu\ ion.r nd hi' lx^it inn com p\ f r om a i rnpor t snt tj l @ bi nati on of l. lDUlah\ e , r r hr se\ . per . onr lib. r nd slilL in int Fr a. t ion. tli' tlpe of indiridu.,l h erempli6"d by Rob.'ts de(criplion of lhe ptl entrapr' neur in hi\ \ample ,a$orl(s ot the \m.ll scJI. \plt-emplo) h C uare m alaCit v. Such i, 'dividuals hpicr llr h$e icw clo\ e li, ', , , 'd tinds ind little sociibilitl. Hovfrer, their social rcsoLlrces(cortrcts ) J" nany, ard the.) estrlrlish x large inventory of ldznt ties, which they divate rcsourcefully when needed. These individuals tend to be in !.trnt mediators md rcntact points.5r ' t icil. econ"m ic. W i thin t hF ur ban conle\ I . lher " lir " sisniEca, , pnlit orl social institutions that are strategic forces on the urban scene. Wolf lrr suggested that mthropologists {ocus their research rctivities oD Frer cuques and factions in lhe arcla nt str.tegic eco.omic and poIdcal institution'.$ Uhlizins thi\ sam. oricntJtion. Le.ds d"'cribed ihe .trre of cliques that dominate in Brazil.'6 Gonzalez studied the sane Itd of elite cliques in a city in the Dominican Republic.'r In many his study of dys, these studi€s parallel a form pioneered by Hunter a@munity power stlucturc.5s Many anthropologists hlr\€ suggested that we could leam much It shdying the nature of the networks o{ such specialists as brokers and b&Entials and the way in which they manipul.rte t}len social capital. Sce the network of a broker or influential is a more sisniffcaDt social loit than most others, it provides insight into how the system wo*s.

1,t:,T';:;l'*1"*ln:li ;lH' ;t;if.;l!rij1l;,oi:,,1"Ji"

rrrenqJ +jouchhi, .crs ,o r,"..y -",ig*, ;'il;;.;;"* anArlsi{or.l},e potiricarutitiarion or nehyoda , u..,^l"ll--:l_r-* i,n L a n rh y J

"; ; i#;tr ;:1 r,:; ffi :,, i fJg.i.lT*,1 t.:d,t*;ti "; ".;:J h e n o rc s rh o r o n e i ndi ti du;l i

;:l;llT',',f* i{tti#in:,:iilrul*itik

credit),. both. of thesecenhal i"t**r. ng".o il;';:" il;; errendedsocialties in"the potiticarhterarcry; TT'njl",:.h"o they can serveas brokersto the rnembers.r ir,"J q"^lie,"Jp1. are wirh petitioners,uut drey nave exr :.qirr,..+".1.".fi":9y",!es ties with infl uentials.6,

jil"iTl:i!*# :';^!i,""Hr,i::i,#.:* y*iffi ;"*:: .i ,l:;._,:iJ.H,:f:: ,i,:l*l* lkt i F.i.t'J+xl \o*e!,. ljiitfi rhsc hrorpr ir,, nor*".r .' r,"i"ii ;r sood

.:::ll': In vr".tinsrh,se\homiit ,;i';;:;. ""."#,;# ;; lT",:1 rrlc inr. :rr.o,,nr. rheclo,en.s.J rhe*r"".,,,r,ip i,.Jrr,",,.__*"".."i

i

or rnc Indrrldual\ chrrdcler rnd rvillinsness to p.rform wcl sj

!:i:ii'1ffir:;T'i,ffjj."i.i,t:'

rligratifrrro''! Norrh Indian virr.s,,r. u, buni-rio,,p-o* .qmoDq \ristr,\ fm ^rn,p.

I$@s

in Nen o,k Sttldies

Once the shrdy of social networks in urban settings becomes irnDortanf the issue of t}le relationship of such networks to other social ohgories ( such as class and ethnicilv) takes on a difierent perspective. Sott suggests in h€r study of conjugal rolcs in the family, that the t_vpe d network in which a familv is enrbedded has greater explanatory value than class. In fact, nehvorks do not co-v:lry with chss. Whereas it is u Aolxns. O4nizrng Shoneen, I Wolf. Kin'lnp. Fricnshi!and PJ'n-Clicn, Brldrion..

.4. t]tls, Btuilirn .a ccA ,n.l \c idl :.rru, tu . An [LU Uriu,arv \tod,l a, J ( a.e w n".s;:, ;., ;";;,1;;":,;l';.:11il1;ff llicory. Atun.an Anlh,or,.loAi.d,bd r t964J, l3:t 4?. llil,n";'lJl::,^"-*;,. ton Nlif r ' n, 197( , ) ,DD. 98_I I 3 .?N, C'rrjul€z,'The City of Centlemd: Sanriago d€ 16 Caball€ros," in Foster lnd i: fl&n6 _

;,,:;,:j::i:.i11,..1:::o: J,ms,

"r

H.me-Bu). Trs.-

;'i:*;l,'l* fi"ini,,3;i:l';i';l;,1i.t,*-

sammn comnuni,'. s&.''

IonFr (e.ls.l. Asll,ror.ioaitb rn C'r'.s. Do 19-40 ! Floyd Hunt€'. coamunitq Pou.t :r-;,,cl.,p"l

Hill: Unive6ity of North

140 frequeDtly assumed that the nature of the nehvork wilt be a of class, this is nor nece$adly the case.

t up r lose t or in luer no cib. an insliluhoDalized Jl vi ng' ar inado u of denoting living with kn'sme,, or tcmponrib rent frpc. L, thp ; 1r;rou. dlscu'ioo of n"tworl' and migrahon. we rolic.d J rirril"r lcem involving hJlou nllagers rnrl friends frum the homeland HowI !nt', hnship llnkages r whcn thcy rrF rvrilable sFcr mosr signiG(rnr in jdies of migration A basic quest ionis: To $hat Fd"nl r r " qch hps m ainr dinFd. f ler 6. iritial p€riod of migration? An intcr€sting study because of its time r...,1 St r l r shi"! \ h". J, , i, . \ r h. li ,tp!hh' h 'l d'. '"\ \ '\ hi, ', , \ iol. r indn iduJl Th" u'i , g lLf e hi't or l pdrt ir uhr Jr I 'un. d a 't uJ\ pcriod years geographic a of Efty from 1916-1967. The base &q spans d the gtoup was rural Arkansas, and the areas to vhich they migrat€d rt(e cities in the midwest in Vichigrn, Wisconsin, rnd lllinois. Strck 1ot6 tLat t}le nigratior of members of this knrship network was medid.d though kinship ties. Usually a group of te. or morc knrsmen livcd h the same area of an urban c€nter. The pattem of residence of this b*r income Black quasi'group was charactcrized by i stabilit,. IDdi rl&rk fiequently moved vithin a single city, shifted from one city to odh€r, and also moved back and forth between the citv and their rurd trse. The infomation provided established that kinship ties were exi.orely sEong and were maintahed and even strengtheDcd throughout tbis long period of time.6o LomniE studied a lower class ncighborhood h Mexico City and @n discovered that, for the migrants in that neighborhood (as opposed '5 Mexico City born), kin'based networl$ wcre the most signjncant ncial units. Almost all nigrntion h.rd been kin mediated, and kinsmen e4ected to trke up residence iD close pro\imity to others. Whcrc 'cre this was not initiall), lkrsrible, the migrant wlrs expected to actively try b move nearer to his kin. If hc did not try to do this, this was tlken $ negative bchavior, and those who had precedcd him would cut ofi ties. In sone cases because of econonic reasons or hollsing shortlge, .r tunily that dNld not obtain housing nearby would move in with a rclated frinily, dthough this often lcd to tcnsions and cgnflict. For these migants. kinship was the basis oI :ll efiective ties thc basis of mutual dd, ioint economic ventures, and sociability.ol Long term maintenance of kinship ties rvas also noted by Sidic for migrants to tselgrrde, Yugoslavia. ILs importance $'as demonstrrted by the lament of a native-lprn urbNnite, who saw hinself as )acking

;:"il"::;!i;*:..-.,mTH ::::lry"ili:?*l...rii-l!fi irflill:.:il:" ;ffJ:t_Tf;: Tfi.:J:; {:}";;;l i;,1*,1$

membrA as il rbe,e were atways mosr signiEont. Une '.imporhnt mnclusion io Le drrq n from rhe r\isti,,q tirerdhll! i\ thrt othe. speciGc varirbtes ro rne riture of nd

l rn *, .rF.,i.. ,,,t., .,,,!t.r h,.i- ,,,,,, .,..;,,;.

l ',:1 .are: 1 " dcgrec ,** of economjc ables nrsccuriB., ocupahoD (nnture ot wortc *:'T), occupatioDal. rnobitity (,ut or *,."e"), .".ia."-ti

lT:,.:'d and changes h rI€ mobilitJ', life cvcle. Licbow and Curkind hat. ,hown how economic ins.c,,rih afled.

Bott.J,cob\on.and A. L. Ep+einr,,* .r,.*" ,ii :;y.-\llT:,,; elfect of workplace and resjdential

transien!), oD u"t*.o.t ti.r; nfi Boswel, Roberts and Hitl have ilustrated how net-o.k with chaDgesin the life cycte. Furrher investigatioo of *",."i,"oof, "hanges [f needed.

I(rNsnrp Social netwo*s are a. amalgam of peFonatly selected kin, f , and acquaintanc€s. Kin are setected fron a available relatives,

frienqs and acquaintances are recruited fron netehbors, ;;; s:h::rnales, and othd social ffetdr past and p.eieot r, stu.diesof social networks, ttinsmen fonn a signiffcant seginent "host of d individual's etrective and errended ties. Foltowing u"aii.""f ,,t# pological enphasis, ,nany studies focus e{clusive4, " tr,c U. seg-ent "po" or the relationsbips between kiD in rhe citv. Kin.Mediatzd

M@ntion

Tn rnost studics ot migrrfion rhe inguencf, of kinship rips is nark.d. virgraoon rr ob\iou9) not a random morcment ^,. of l)opulrrion. Th. center tn vhich u,c moves is made an adi\e b' a compter inrertinking ot social aoour ?mproyment opporunities. but in addihon rh.y serue as rhe inirial rnPorrror\ bFtq cen tne migrant and the ub:rrr sortd. { common in man). pa(s of rhe rvorld is that hns fn oner. mmed'atF -panern hospitrLjty in th. fom ol housing rnd fuod to rheir rcratlle\ uho join th"m in *re , iry. Kemptsrr.fer" to this in bis discusJon

r. Roben(emptr, Family and Houehold Organiation anong Tzint^ntzan Migranrs i! M€no Citv,'in W. Codeliu and F. Trueblood(eil\,). Latin AMA.on Utban ocarol stack."Tbe Kind.edo{ viola l&kson," in N. Whftt.n and l. s^ved (eds.), AttAhaican Anthnpoloq! (New York: TIE Free Pres. l9?0). .I lmil4 "The Socialand Econonic OlEeizaiim of a Mexican Shanrytosn."

*fi,i*{iii*:;{ w+*'"l,;*=-i:l$:r '#:L liL Ir,",*il,i.,;ffi J[1;,.;,,:::..:i"*, "_,a " .,r,", ",".,,1,i#;l:"-:f.:il-g,,rrr{t,)pii runher'r( jh:rpter 6

o f ll'i. 5hif t ir r l, : , 1it i\ les f nr . t r , r t ingt o hJr r . onr i, , , r uus dlil\ ,i tart tn lh. lhor in . in'il] r \ it uJli, r ns t hr n wit h ( 1, o. " wl, o h: \ e r r or ,.nct lengthl r,'cmplo\ me,,t.a' ]crtned S om er ddihonll in\ it l, r \ inr o r hi\ phFnom eno,,,. : r nlF oL, r . r in. dt r on, of Puerto Rican migrrnts iD New York City. Lewis descibes l|?ii stud)' which individuals who have recentty migrated rre instances.in ,6al r;boned into a kin tied househotd unit but are expected to disassocilte &tns€lver physically after a certain lcngrh of time. II ttict, do not conf''l to this pltterD then th.\. will be gcntlv, or not so qenrty tor.e.l

ih,lffi*laffi*rH

;;;";;,: ;:;;,#;;:,1mru fr""H* _ni:;ti:U*

Mr. Lcrvis cites qLranels rvith relrtives rs a major reaso for leavb& but often th. quarrels have an underlying financial component. He lds an interesting correlation between the lengrh of timc spent tiving rldr a relative and the particular kin relationship. Cenention tevct wa; altD important.

x,;:urifi l*,,,*,1*:*ril;il.hJ;l '',, ij,.ttfij*t F1;:dt*1;;..M*,t#ft :1;:t'ljii'Hil; ;i.'i;ffi;L:i,j;1Tu**1";{il

If l he inf om Jnt lir . d wir h . son o! dauRhf pr .he \ \ . , j t it et \ r o rcmai n lor a . $n\ ide'ahlc lcngr h , , t lr m e. - Thc a\ cr 1gr $as ov. r dtrepye ar s.I t t he inf or m Jnt lr . d $il}l r n ot d"r r ct ar iv" usur lh r n aunt or uncle.t h" m . r n lFngr hot r c. id. n, r t cll r o r w, , ! c. , r , . ow_ ever i f he m or ed in Nit h I r Flat iv" ot hir o$n gcner nr i, , n_m on often a sibline. , nd u. uall\ a \ r \ t Fr r Jr h. r r han: r "hr or hnr _: N"r aee l ength ot hm c dr upped lo L$ r han I vir . Fr i. t ion her $cpn

Irrffiiilq*: ia,jriiri **** i1;]{n:"*

,il**iil:i+ir,5,!i"".lrn:;ntr"r:.Hffi lii:;?,# prm,*:ffi

;rrhff ;IH-TF,I; I[+:1f ilq{j,lr,:x.ii,fl #l ili,l}1irT,ix**j."#il#"df

.'/; ltre omer generatDn.o, .':!. In tbe Cutkind and Irwis studies,thc mptuing of kin ties over 'rtue is frequently the result of ffnancial conflict. Robeits ffnds that. over tbr€, kinship ties Io. migrantsro cuatemala City aho becometessinr Dortant.$4rereas inftially, such ties are the focrN of a nch,ork (if avait le), they becomelcsssigniffcantas time in Cu:rtemalaCitv increases.ds One vadable that scemsto aflect the maintenanc€ of kin ties is the careq pattems of migrants and their kin. (We sball discuss this point belowin the discussion of kinrhip and.la\s.) An,,rh"r i, rtr" r. emphasisq_taccdulsn (in\hip hy \Jrn{s ",,i,t,t" q:Tr:" , rhni. sroupj $rth'o-lnFpopulation. \\fterc linshif i, h",uit* "-pt o.i,".t in it" ",t_ tuIe ot oriqin.rhe tendcncyro mdin(iin tin ."t,rion,t ip, and lu fool relource\.\yill miligatpagJin\rrhc brFaking such(ics.Culkind t;inh ^t out lhat the lcndFn.yto fum a!vr\ un.uc(F,\tut ,"t"ti,.. ,".i", l.i*"..

n;ffigs*g*l1ffi1 '' ,f"{*#F,',ss},t$i*=*rr'i"li[1ffi 1;1;,T;,:il:':

"$'jl:;;'p,Fi')

anr Bunr Inres*rion io s,,bia... ,ir.tr ',rrd

ocutlrnd

y61l'd.: ;p;;5r,;51, m,;H;:; u,r;iril,".m: i*Sfl

_Tfie

t-""

Enrra Df DesDair_'

stuh cutnrp:B;.|o,o"",t. to r/ v,ztu, \.\

.? Ibid-, p. 132. .3 no},.ns, Oreoaizing St tsds.

yort Brn,l.,nHn...p.

t44

i;Hi#:{:T;*i:$ *!it'i{'{#'-,.:ni}';i.r:l;:i:fi *,i'..Jl,:ll,rl';ffi r

i:.ji I*"1'.**.: l;,!]i"1ru.,n* chirtrrJn. rn :::"_.1 -";.*.-;;r*,.'; iDthe

t':":AXl city a;d do n.t r"._ ffi,fl*+HT;;1--rfT.rsed " rr,.ra

ffi&,i;"'ffi;.r;"';1":;"m; *":*li* {i l1 ^i:.;: that sugg.srtlat kin"hip ries arc insignificanr "".1, urL.rn.,ndjfion\ h,re b"cn chalcngcd in,th"li T,r,:l

rr.*",,,*. or,"r",,.i,. .i; ffi H;il 11h::.ry9r1"r jt ,h: urbancentcrj

r.".*ir

:'::.::fj::-.::ir*"h.:d

:l ::: "?

-o..i ill ;iFT fi,x$";,^#,: #,:l t"i,.f ff ffji::j wisa-direc,+,r",g" i.,i" e".".,,'l,:ilffi"J"ii # tt BrcJrdorn

roxnd,hJrkinr;", ."-"i."a i'"ponn"i i,lll .llillfj-ll.:-Ie under urban _"a,_*,

H1""1*.1,h.","d kin\men hs"ned

d.I

'tmonA

"i*" ."-1..,,,i,il'ilJ

rnd $opcratioD in.re,sed.rl

,11q,"", pirrem

ii drF devclop,nenr or .tose rics ,^.--i,l".Tj.rormcrb disraor hnsme;,",r,,,"-,*",r."'*r,l.ll il,i1". iffi .TJ ,le

ful compremenr or a pcrson s crosehn ries,

:::,"1.1:ii-iilu,:T..i

:Jr,l,f;,';;.*;lt r*i:l-i.'l4r!:,;i";-i.ig;.".fi rhis,Fnabrps.rh" .p"",.,";; :l(,lD.j. ";; ;;','.l. iJ,:r:TJ";:: il;":;i:i'"';l',IiF

'

activities over a two'day period indicates how he developed

with a widc va ety of individuals,not only from his r€lationships Eib€, but otheF rith similar linguistic and kinship systems.When is introduced to an individual not previously known, both men

thc potcntial ot as.igninga puhti!c kin I*'diar.ly explo*..tt ,\ay. crentuall\ Jre ahl' io do so.71 and * rc.ach "th"r Hanies Jones has indicated the degree to lvhich putativc or ffdivc

lb6men are amalgamated into one's personal network. The {ollowing is nr erample of this process denved from data collected in Luanshya:

Ki^ship Extensio,ls , ,Y"r :::i:::I

ID the Afnc|n lit€raturc, tribat models of kinship are frequent\ to the urban center, and the new contacts are ffctitiously -red within the kinship ndus. For clample, Epstein's description of

n'r t'"

,h" Leha"ior or "' p'"*iit' to ronrn'r

bthc czsed bakrmve* [homeboy] ties in urban neigbborhoods, tin links may be ffctionalized because they are nutually beneffcial . Her or becausethey establishone in a beneffcialposition. a .. . tie with Nrl"ngr. . . grcatlyFslend"d fility to estahtish her raogeol socialconlact\ lvilhin lhF neighborhood.ltl gave her il . close .elationship with a {'oman who was respected both for r: Ler sound advice on mantal problems and her knowledge of A{ri' cetr medicinesra itc relationship between NaDomthy md Nalenga was nctive kinship. bad m dny such t ies wit h a widc var ipt y of indilidudL $it hin

I neigbborhrxd, which sh€ constantly utilized. Thus, kinship terms !'noth€r," 'daught€t 'sister," 'sister'inlaw" were used for vafous who wer€ not dn€ctly rclated to Nalenga. Vatuk also reports use of ffctive kin terms in an u$an neighborhood in North hdis.6 . A slightly difiercnt point, but one thnt stil shows the impact of tie urban on kinship, is the tend€ncy ot mernbers of r tribal or re ,bnal group to enend kin teminology, and sometincs rights and obli!.tiols, to membersof the entire group residing in the city. An example I found iD Rowe's descnption of migrants Irum Uttar Pndesh to Eonba],,India. All of these migrants tend to refer to one another in lioship tems, witll the most loosely used terln being bl'drd (brorher). Tle terrn is used so ubiquitously by thesc migrantsrhat other groups h the city call the group tl, BhaVa.TdBruner notes th€ tcndency of

:l::,x##$-{i }Hfi "# r.*ri, i:'1il; ;ftinr.j ;*h",1l.*ij#-:J,:';;::l;*r;A:1i*-+lr* on**tO,

tn" "-o*"

t ,r.,n"n.-

*:,il:r-

il;l;Tl'trit ninKd,".,a... in\v "r..."r,u,,,! Hfiilf"1,inill";;,li )lll:J il";,"rlyljl"-,il;;l;8"J[ ":Jl-'i;*'.1[-tj.ll: iX'ig:' " ;;; it'fi;lli';':"i:Jl'l'l'?i;'il:; r";0.';,,* nldthlu, ;;;f; ]lg'a, \ol.75, Ti;; l;J:";;' 2 .ndaprive Cr.vd

aDd Craves,

Stntesi€s in Urban Mjgbriotr.-

r.]l. L. Epstein, The N€tiyo.k dd Urban Social Organization," in J. C. Ntit.tell (.d. ), S&r,l l'?toortr, pp.77116, ?r H.rn6'Ion€s, Hme-Boy' Ties," p. 320. rS. Vrtuk, n€f€rqe, Address lnd Ficrive Kinship in Uiban No h hdi!, ltnnol ogy, I (1969),255-79. r.Willm ndve, Cst€, Xi$hip ed Aso.iation in U.bd IDdie.'in A. South.u ld.), utbM Anthropohss llondon: oJdod univers y ?rcss, l9?3), pp. 211 50.

146 147

$HX9"

"""u

in Medan,rndonesia,to act toward each other in !

::.,'ff;'ir.,T-;:'i,"f :":T]---.E;"""'*:yi:hrh-' r.rr* r,,,,-."livi#':;:i #;i,,.'Xf; iJ::;::jj-.j_l':I.':*r

d; ;,,;;;;,; ""lil;TtI fll',,:,',?:":i:l .l.H."T.": lf: I:"":ll, td F::";i;;;'*r'i;;1H'd;,-,ff

[".*^',i'*:':;;:?#T,; f ,l:*,j';::"-::g:T.r,,r,.,* selves in a m€aningfirtq,, ,t f"""1,n. -q,"'-.

dheinstitution b€comesrelatively unimportant in the urban cent€r, mad" q"ite casually.i' ctrolces "re Kh"hip

6ttt

clltss

Many studies of tbe maintenance of kin ties in cities have looked Jtb€ irsue in the cont€xt of class. Kinship ties arc generally anatyzed in tmr of visiting pattems and mutual aid (afiective sociability and inexchanges). It is frequcntly suggested that kindrip is more f .pundr' l or lr ot h t h. '( "1r , . s, , r lr nq cLs r r d t he un, r . t hlc lab, t r , ng -unental Gtjs thaD it is for the middle class. For Bott, kin,based relationships are a fundamentat segment of ,rt social networksi they are more important in the lorver class London bilies, hut are still signifcant in the middle class sample. lacobson ,nd Mayer, in comparing educated and lower class grcups in Africa, tbc greJt imporr€ncc oF kinship to rh. taher dnd the les,er ,(iot out tsDrtance to the tormer.s? Yolmg and lt/ilmott who focus exchrsivety on wo*ing class fanilies see kinship as onc of the most important ingredients in all london, L of lives of their population.33 cans notes the same for a tle 4..tr &ilar population in Boston.sr Marrn, utiliziDg rhe s,ork of youns and Wilnoft. studicd rh. similar imtr,rtan.e of kinship rips in Lag;. \i. and Stack emphasize the h€avy reliance on Fia.6 Peattie, Iimnitz, li! for those with great economic insecurity.36 Less $ork has been done o niddle class kinship, but Schnciders work in tl,e United States and Oc wo* of Firth, Hubert, and Forge in London show that kinship is b no means insignifcant for these g.oups si In most of thes€ studi€s, class is viewed as a static elcment and is ,

-"*f, .",po,r,rnr lf f"l discu\sio,, n:::l jTilIl l'"1"fl ':.i::11 or' r'.'''i"' nr l* -,aa6q ;J,";''l: *"H' Slre ,lll;i.*' says: "

jr?'*]H"?ff]${?'T #"xfl [:'*ifu*rxx? Thr.._,tun,

are irnport rnt sinr

kjn ries arc more enduing. aDd Fi

qb d.ririe, ,oqard aodcraims on indi, l1,,1l,ll.Jlifr,:o:] rauur. r..i.na.hip ." 1",-s ;; ;il;;,d';'":H,J..ilil:llT"

:. .q''r-,J.vri".i'p, " """;'?i:I:"'l':"::,.T'-tilll'lyil'

#,;.",.-'i.llii::iilt*H.,1.t;Tit;._:;:f#i*rn: :'+,f*ffi }:fu ffi.*i"sj$s:s #illt::{rT"ir5fi ** r,*i #j*,T."* ilji["Ttr':.lT,i:rtT *'g:':,i",,r" u,'" .i*"rjfflg'lli#Li llff:?,:l ffl"-*tr.y.*

*r,"*.",pr,"t ,, pra'€don reb forcinsT,.T".j:.-l iJ"' alrcady i1i: *i,J*"",i't'#'-o""'" 's nr,*J.,.i "t*" 'r...

,;:Hs:rull* jr li".,:.,i:i ;F:ffiH ;iTl;n#"".jr

s Aol]t't;, OEmi.inC Str^eers. lJhb'm. lrimd Idnl'M and ptxtrp \ta)e, Ialn.tutr ot rdbpwa Cd.ttutitn du1 th..PrMil ol utuani4ti6 in a stuth Afna, c,ll/ rcapctorh: o ord f.M. Youp and P. Wilmoh. Fanilv and .l!$ in o London Slbwh \Batt:tnuP: Fasui. &-k. 1957). .Cars, U,ban villaiss. . Pererlfmi<. Fanilv ann Srial Ch.nE in an 4/a.,n C,l, , Lfr,tun. F rnJqlsp &d "\ i"r hods; , J Nr or n^ in H. ; , e u, . ", , . a r . r ; , f€ei :f ,p{d. le6r l' .,ry n Md1"d At.ia tt;ew york: F,rdcn.k A. proeer..In.. 1967). -L ,Pattb..lhc,Upu _ltod th" Bado t \nn A,L,r: Unjtc,jry nf Vrclriq"n p.,.s. ,nd Eonumic o.gtuia,ifr or a Mcx.€n sha;,.rJv n... li.j;"fT,li."l ["'*.r t D.vid s.lueidd and Frmond T. s,,irh. ct.( Di|ptptu?s and sp, Ratr,,in lnran, t<:talipond ronit, \,r.r/rp , Enet!\6d ct,n:, a*r,* n,tL-isil";,]"i

l;:,j:rn_:*l-#] #i:1;rur* :i;::.,1**: "ia rq:ri::r *i:i,;rT: |

;Tff i;::]i,1#l

rerd, iotrhip *"a . *i,r"i*' Jlil.". rrionari/ed, "

ffilT"H,ff

i#H'

"n:S jl"j,:;".",iff ;:iJ"ilJ ;1,:",:T't'J' l: *;j;fl:,rsil.,T:"fl J "-* irr"*::;X irsrack.^tl

'Kin and Non-(in," in A. southarr(ed.). u&@ Anthto,to,.

r#il;,;u'|"'*'tt

""hour Br.akdu\n. an,l Dfr,ch...i\riafrrion m,r \ei\dt

O,r (in, D 58.

30Lomnirz,

Th€ Social and Eoronic

OrBbniation of a Ilcd@

Sbant}tosr,-

ff,iiSii'-l*IITJ

i"r8"i.-*'

taaiti''andlhc nda'i 't""L,"

148 149

\"D-scmBr rcrms.trowcter.mohitirv and tire cycr.st 9:lned in

rchtiohro rin,mcn nor..b"aa"a in :il1,",,ff,.,|n"1;:1". ",.

for really najor needs, such as illness or total ffnancial col,

:iFr,trc€

liF' --

The tssueot con0ici betweenkinship obligatiunsaod it" cfiect on llvidual nobility is still an open question. If the kinship group studied ib 6e lowest segncnt of the urban class system, then the pooling oI bcrumA a mattpr of survivdl-rnd the recognitionof roral supporlsthe nom of kin ohligarions.Ho$evcr, lhere depend.nc" sUud -Dun€s ,,\,her€ cases individuals acquire resources and successfullv many !r ohlsrri"ns. \loro kin resp.rrhI. n, c,lFdt, i'1,rldr rh, pJdr.ul r .r"de nirbles ll'!t rfie( | st'.h chone.. A recent study of t'ro segmenrsof the American mictdle class shows 6ri6cart dilferences in kin ori€nbrions between the two. Atbum, in her 6dy of kin networks in Rockland County, New york, found very difln dt kin network anong businessnen and pmfessionalswith the same lapl of lncome aDd housing. The niddle ctassbusinessmenretaiDed totrg kinship ties, while the niddle ctass professionalstend€d to have tio, both iD visiting and mutual aid. professionatstended to dis;l thenselves from their kinsmen tn favor of corvorkers. neish, Fiate friends. For thr busine\\m,n. the rnobitizatiooof kirnhip ties and iod, ;i aD ecoDomicassetin developingconracts.Nol ontv coutd he drrw ?o lin for dirct Gnroci.l aid. but he.ould alo uri,re rhem for exFrdin_g a clentele. Many spok€ of thc advantagesof bonowing money usins baols. Inrrrestingty.nough. mobitityw* not a @ E:*r 16r. Difremncesin clas( between informantj and their kin were not or rupfurF ot ties.o4 dFifcaDt in tbe rnaintenance :. ' Xiunip 6d Ptu,i',|,itg

il,Ti...:$i.tfr::::n5.iil::iTi ;H'#liifi.{ij:iff

li{["'";;il'"1iili,q.irl;ii';11,,:n:."i;n:i;#:l;j j:j;i;:nl$-lL"'"iJ#:-,"1 lJ":j,."tr^ll?,ii'"i:r;y"

u;l*;,;}i ;}_Li.;**; *"x, ;::ri,r:*ql,"iH;

.fs q.ir*::r* m i.J."ftr_lf ffij:*"Ji,llii,::r, ;f*.d:ft lii:,:!:,"tr;:lr,i*i.;""",1i:,t";i m.l*;i:;.:}#h

[::*{::tliri: &:ff

---men are emptoyed,:n diflercnt scci,,rs J "r

"

#fl

ll:*:"::::i:ti:;;^, ;:"il:,j[ #,llli,T"."l[ff

r.-#J*: r+'1";i'"-,Ti[.1H.T1;I.I::.H-*

and ure his position .ira

,,1,".-to,. ities,.rherftemture senerauy tT..,,possib

,n.,,*,jljj"t d,,i"'".,Ju,#',ll,i:;"ffH?JfJjl :1,:, :.::1*":1".".*, shoi!s rhar ",i,a

.rerati;ery "."u "r'-.a .ig^?"

jk*-,};;rT"ffi $^l*n::*,*$:.r.;ffi fu*; afrH ;Hl ::. "",,,i-^,:

On rhe . ^ther hand, in her studv of,

Fo( many in the lower social classes,frequent face,toface visiting l- rD important ingredient in the maintcnance of kinship ties. Obviously: d6e geogr-aphic pm mit' is an impodanr ingredi"nrin rhe maintenan; 0. these vijiting rchrioship(. Lomnirz (a)\ thar disranceet"orually llds lo tbe severingof Lieslor tower ctassre\idcnr\ in \.,te,icoCiry.li Xarris indicalesthe sa-mef9r La€o\. Nigerio.Foyolng and \l rtmon s'ug8Estthat, whcn a worldng classfamity mote\ rway r;om BethndtCre;, llerF is a tmdency ro break their ri.,: how"ter, rhes. rie, rend t,, be E€stablilLed sone tim€ after the move.e? G.eat geographic distance, even for lower and workine class

ml";"'::ff ;i*i.ll.;t:;r+.fr r$lli*li'""$1,.L:.8 ;,::_'",;t#"J#,#

redistribute *,r,'',r," *"ar1 i#"[T; "these

j,j'li.*I,{I";triftir..[:.H,-,;.T,-,aHl:aTjj""L:t l#t I{,;'JTtr'iiii,Jn:lf

i.T,:i.,:iir;lr;1i#rd

:,ff.ll3:igii ::i."ff*ir,fi,ff FM Liy \ pr $nt . _r , , a subu, L, nc. , , , nuir ! . . . ( H. , nn, ;5." " 1* ,. ^l: i. o*,,,1 crrr1."*,r, .r"i*"i.'ii."i;.;r'i;"i",;, gd!.p" 3i" t:B:*d i.n.,a,.d@ ,ffi$'!;#;r urffi. o,Ban,.a, s.h.niy,.qr. :.nd I331";_T,.ll{"qq -il";;l o";:.;;",;;:' "i'.;'"i;".,_:,ii:"., a \datq

:Mdls. t

Ytus

Orgdizins

Strnc.rs.

F.qnlu an ! so.ia! ch@ee.

-d

wirn,ott,F,.,t o"ja&,*.

l5l

rnarriaga.and runcrals.hring ro ,cb as.chnstenine..,.onffm:rlioh.. lin extended n.lwork of an individ,ule\.n $h.n no dril). the db.r prltdmr monlhl) uf cxi5t.5uch evenr5reeslrhlish contact or 3|y, he'. gitrgiving. ln adJilion. lhe moking Fntertdining. retuforcc .d olher fun.lroh have both and and rerl impact. Such tiDg 'yrnbolic vie$c.l be r\ a real ecnnomic rontribution can to lhF launching l@ts nembcr or a newbom domestic unit. rcwbom In addition, they J. .arblish pattems of reciprccity for those participating. Many mttual aid acti!'itiespedormedbv proximatekinship groups b rhe loiver scgorentsare not necessrrrto the middle class,with its lEber level of e(ononic secunty, or are performed by fomal insurance ..chrnisns. Hoivever, on the basis of studies that have been done, kinsr.n will still be important to some middle class groups much of the &€ and to all of them in times of malor eventsor cdses.

il::l**{iji,Tffi",}:T%*:l':;,il"i5:td;'H,-"Tixr

Puerto_Rican woman in the Dronx r,,ho vislts her daughtei in B every,day, even though the subway trip t"l* r,."^ *a}'."' foundrharrle qorti;s.trs lamtli"s "i-"1 io sububar

Ro

Lounry marntained vicihDg patrems atmosr "'r,..t"a;"a .very weetend, even

"*ll;:._.;ilxli*li *I";l;:::;1,1,$l[:1,',,n:,*: mnrerruat\arirhle rhat ;nn,"n"". rt .";,,;;.;";; rl,rhan "

rl

I

I

,

,

ilf;

\n o th ff u rL k n (o n t,rtuJt \ari ahtc. dhc naturc of thc housi ns

ir,npa.ton rh, proximir!i,r r.i".ln*. e",.r."g

";"."1*,r!",i:'[:::'ilfl ffi*_.":'tll if i:^,jl]if i":* "it, i;tu:tl,:: Ill.,]T".

",.,..1

f#l'; TiJi:il,Tffi ,.".:iJ: li*;rut;::lr*

it, this is takcn as a denial of kin ties, and ,1" *1.,,.""f,rp l, i-f*l An ertemive. titerature deals with the iinpact of ."* l.*i", .. oft"n larcerubli. housingprojecrsi, r,Ur. *"r.^--, r.,*. proxmrD. rorccd rlocarion ot towcr classresidents fficurs in "f,* cases rlrh1T rnewJl or periphcratr,o^tng buitr h, arc.,mmodate ",r"*" panorngpopurationsand t"adr to rhF disruption of exisringhn D.rw --.

Bnce Laportc dpscribes this for a ore

in San Jun,

pue.to

access to pubrichourng.Mary of I::I::T-g:,:TI*, :ontrorred rorccdinto.puhric housine

**.,*,ppy,'s",ii;;;;"; ;ff,J# *'1 ries..rn oF case.rbercwasd aremprro rccFar€ :,1 :l:1 kin-bared network rocus.a."*.ra".ry a"",i""'',;ili::,;".#';; r:*r dimcurties.,m uoni" oor". . am"*"i *"i_"*. i::ll:..-l'd tiary thosewhomovedinto housins werc unhappy about leaving thcir kin. ";,il;;il;h;;.ii";; Lrter thcy stated thar such i

c?gd bec{useit kcpi thcir more dependenrr""-",-i-,.. I*" li" Asking taron. Had rheyrcnminedcnmesb.din ,"r."".1 l:cquinrry J tres lhey would have dFpteted rheir rcsources.,,,, "

rur me mrodtc . trsr pmrimit\ doe\ nor sem imporranr in thr maintenanceof kinship ries. Freouentlv. \

tla'rrla.eflW

Although the matrilateral bypothesis dcvcloped by wiltiam l. Gode is not bas.d on ph)\icJl prorimit). it i\ ulhnat.ly FlJred t,, it. Coodehai suggestedthat there is a tendency in urban society, whatever f. iDitial focus of the kinship system may he, to shift to a nwtitate l loo$-an einphasison the nothd's (lvifis ) relatives. Tte usument runs dog tbe lolJowinglines: in mosr urban sifuariunslh"rc is ; geogmpbic |Fa.D€?between work place and residence. Since it is usualty rhe male tio 'l th: mator incorne pmduccr, his work acriviti€s take him away biD the dornestic unit for €xtended periods of time. Thus, the fernale. 'Nio renrainswithin the domestic unit and is responsibt€for chitd care. t.oIIFs the .ontrolling ingucncFin thc socrrt retarionrhip.mainrained tt the donestic unit. The fenale is usuatly ln*ed to her own kinsmen DrE afi€(tively than to those in her husbands kinship unit and therehE tendr to maintain close ries with her kinsnen rather than thosc oI lf,e male. example of rnat.ilaterality is found in Bott's study. In one ....4n hghly connected network, she nores that the kinsmen of both the hus_ h.ird and the wi{e reside in the same local area, makinq them equaltv eetsible on a geographi"hasis. Howev.!, rh. wit" ti,it hpr morhe; !l!ly day. In addition, hcr sisten are also frequent visitoB, and col_ lxtively they visit the mothers mother. Bott notes tlaq in many wnys, *g-*l of rhe.kinship unir opFraresas a rru\ orgrnized group. * ntb mutual bes and colledive a.tivfties_ro:

;:;:{"jiJrrilii$ft ".}#;',l: i*ruffi.fl}$;".r.iH ii'"rll"'l"r.l"i#?,if

ijf:.[y"

yorr:curu,b,a univc^ir] 16\ re58)

- n..FrJ& LapdtF."Urban R.lmhoD,nd Farnrb {daptarim pu.rto in Rro: ,{ Lnlp rldy d u'ban rrhnvs,rph) in w. vatrqrn i"a.t. p*.nr;-.i,i,.:"..pp iri rlt \t^nk, Famitg anil So.iat Ctwn4e.

taB.fi,

Fa ila 6aI So.itl N.tuork.

153

Ii:,:i:i::T"#'^'::::i :l::,,:::T--ur}'iq ru.'."u,.1.,, "ou.' DDrttnc

UNrIs

Anotber primary social unit cenrral to urban anthropotogy is the &mettic g;roup or fanil) . \ donus.tic gfl,up consjsts of jndividuals who pl eflrnomlc rn.ourccs anJ coop.rat, in th, p.rtomance or d^mpsric dj vi des: shopp'nt conki4s. c. t ilq . lc. r ning l. r unJr y. r nd . hit d ( x, F. The issue of common rcsidencc is complex. Some co resjdentill noilsconsist of non-relatives or t o.rrd(s $ho. in fact, mainilril s.n.u.rte budgdr{. , r r llx. dur n, , lun, . : ( . ". r ir ir iF. s"p: , r Jr ,t ) . O n lh. , , ( 1,r, hanJ, rol e sepr r xle hnu\ "hnld\ ' oopcr ar e r o I nr . r ^r \ cl) in poling r e\ our crs dd shanng donestic rctivities that thcse non,co."idini gro;. act.,any tt.€mble a domcstic unit. On€ of the issueshere c{)nc€ms the ef}ect of the city on domcstic poups. A longjreld belief is that the density and tancl usc oatterns d the.ci t \ $or l lu${r . l an c'nphr \ i\ or sm r "r t Jm it y unir . r hJn in lo-urban sitlations. Robe.t J. Snith ffnds this tendcnct, in tfstodcal rtcordi of preindustnal Jrpan whcre nuclear famities in-the city .-erc orll€r than thosc in rural areas.On this basis, he clevelopsa hypthesis | bout.tbe F0ecr ol \ m aller t Jm it ips un . Jpr t al Jcnr m ut ar ionan( l I n\ Fd_ @t leading to indurtrial en,uth.,'r Othen indic.rtc that therc are manv cities in rvhich, under cerrain ci fi Imsl am . s lar ge,le, n*p; " er o, , t , , r in, . h, din{ , , , f *pr r r i" "r . f , ". rud€3r ra m r t r \ i t r ed t o im e anolh,r t hr ough ki, , r hip hond. , a, e , r uit e ocD mon.I n I ndid. som e ot r he lar gest ior nt f im ilics: r r " f , , und nor in l D €vi l l ag es.but in t he ur L: r n cFnt er s {\ Singe, pinh, , ut , r hi. lendency o comoroo r esid. n. F ir r eint o, c. d hy lhe: r m algam at ion ot t ou*t ot j D €mb€n rnlo r dr gFscr l. t . r m iJyent . r pr is, . 0. I n a . J, c st uJ) ut a r ext il" oil in Ahmcdabad, Huthccsing desc;ibes how a widow roo,a"a u fo"_ tory.that initialll emptoved the va ors nrcmben of a househrict unit. * " * :": ": " pr osppr d. ot hpr em pt oy. es ser e r ^. ! uir . d, hur r hc | mnagerol r d. t wlls \ t ilt . or t r 4llFd Ly m em hnn r h. . onsidpnt ir t ^t

m*t****ryery , ,, r' 'j;l',j"l,il;,"1.1Tj.,'.-:1,:,'lit hav! uo ' u,J\,\i,.,,:i

;,'*i ;.i1";;ffi :i."i,'.T,ii{'';: l.:,)::'o, lll1'"'-' .'"'; *,*';.,"-", ;;:;f,Tli:::;j:tii::,'I"'t'u I ;;;i il;*l:ili':"';':i'J^1"; ".jil''ljlii."ffi be l::H"ll;',n:::l':li'' related to social ctas..id "' fie unilcrsalit\ ot thn lenden.v r^wa..l "n' tri l al erl rl i l ) i n ud' c! n d th F .' ,^ -r ri h r" r^ ^ ,.-- . .,

; ti:;;:*:'#'i;'il'j";"ffi lll;'f ,f:":::"1.';l,I'r':l'i r,,"r i" il".".*a" :;'"1;;# ';:;ril:.ff"; ffiij,il]"?"*.t'","r

.Ilj:$i:f" I.T#,lii*.'l'.x r;,".,l"#r Hil-, : *n:t,+u ,";:t*":tl;x

#:.,:,* li:.Ft,T u**i-

r,,; ,;;;^1..J'l; :"i::T ""rpr,,,,s Tj -l .:llf':.,*: kin jn the city Loi (Y)nracrwitl

,*.",]:8":r;# mf*i:;:fr:[*,y",*,:::,:il-ti:."fr ^;i;; ;; ;:i ,.JjJ;ff;ff:,I**" .hirtra\a,dr birai"'"r _y",:'", i;;

thdrmarrirJreratir) .t*c ncrworrrtruchre -rre rFNoA ,,rU"*" uoa ard

u," ,,1T".,1.1_:l'-u-.:.m *in ti^ mdintenjrn@- ,,i ,, r"i.a ,, ,',li ',

ffiitflr;,r;hr il :,.jri*:l:"H i* f illl:t'r,l* .,;:1",J;;;i., ;; d: ,;Tl: HLH.' l* i,,:;,nT:t'li*'i

Tuming fmm the traditional Indian city to Indiars who have mi_ Snted to an industriat Brjtish city, rvc 6nd n .ontiDuing tte maintenance of thc "Inpr,*r "i.. ioint famity. rn Wotvcrhampron, s"itu"a, Inu"u

smartu,,j,p. rfi;:',;"" r"pan: snd,l :r'*:,1,+I ';."Iil,'r" li*i:i.,:,yll.,;l:l i-l-rjtr j." 3t*:I:.if;,lfi,ilx*"",hi;,,,,'u Ha,d.n,iri ;;,rb;i:i\ ii':1i".l,il.'il;!:; ");."J1 p?. r$ 2lo163 lT.r!.,i;-^ 210_ !?. ri, *hip:rr,c\ra,ri,r,crai '0,Milton Sinscr,_TheIn.lian .i; )lJir"Hlil',li"l;j:jl Jojnt F ":::;,lll,-E' ^ i,Hl.l,r1#il,*'ilrlr l)",,;?i'i:'1:#'#, ^r. .;;,; h;i; i'",ii;;';;;,"[I ;';"":',il.] tijfi :r'!!'ii.ll. fiii::Jl :it'!i,i'#i"' {.fikii*.,,f,f ,* l*"c:1,:j,-^:di l;-s",l,,,;,..; ;,!..' Str"t", 'ri",lio f:1Tj;:F; lX}} n.";o,,]jf,]: dily

lislhs o,npan). t96B).

in \IodcD tndusrry, in M. Sinse. and

toOt.-" ti, r t . ^i"c, p. ^. nat . . m m , , nr , ", . Jn r 97".

" ?".::ili.,:: ffi r;,i r"ffi iltrtfi#'iij:qti""#,ril :

pmximity ol rcsidrncc (usualty in thc sanc buitdjng or nlv€ close block, .""a"r. in the san. .cighborhood). LomDitz calh tt.ri bt always brilies in a oDpourd-tvpi, .rrangeDcDt" and ffDds thcm to be the &rDinant nodcof househokl orgrnization in the shantytown she studiJ grrups of neighboring ."rid".tiut ,.it" *t i"l, Such compounds "redod J', . r m m n, or uur a t o! washing.r cuki[ g. plJing ot childr . n i l re [ r h , , ut 1. . " t : , r nr lyis ] r cpr r an r m nom ic Lnit c\ , . clr t or | [dsoon. 6; frequent excharges of rnoncy, goods and .crvices ,i3 (emper ffnds what he (and T_e..ts call ) ftmitu ent)tr(s t?ry ropo'1rnt rr.r,,g his poputaiiol. Thesc "rrrn.b,l are kin rctated famitics, oftensiblings, \'ho r{rside nt ctose proxnnity .rnd st o." ao-.,] "o"i.fmigrated ""a ric activ'hcs- .{n .xanple is given of two brothers Nho aDd [|'l.ried h the city. Their shack becarne cranpcd. To add t;this, their hther came to joh then a{ier his lvife died. \\to, * op_.a t| p acrosst hc \ r r . et . on n, r cl€r gr , r , , p m o\ cd r h"r ^ f "p-o,,*, . , t , f , n , , , f f ', , , n uD es nrant so'1. r rJI r dum . \ t ic r , 1i\ it ic, $r t h lhF ut her t . r m ily Thp oeD sperl m ost of t hcir hisur e r r m . r og. ( hd. . , , , a t l" *o- . , , , t i, pp"a. a@ Ied, l aund. r ed. : r nd $. r r ched . hildr cn r og"r h. r . Am onq r h" Do; r cr

ffrH#r;:trll.**gnffiffi

ff**-ffi

of Kempcr's.:rmpl" scv r.l n,,.tFar t"-,ti., ,",rt,n tr*a i,r"rr,, tbaring cramped quarters to strerch insuffcient incornes.,, --.".ii He points oui ,ll:,r'"q.1, i,nIr L,m,rvis a ,,n,1,,c,.spnn\pro ,,,ba,,.i,r,d,hi{,s! *l l' rhe yr|ragpioint tamitiFscxisrcdonh in r"sponseto rhe pab]ocal ry

*3ft l:i',:lginr.l*.**#r*i*T:il'*#.i:{".#; iii,i?T,IlTll*";1-.f".*:1f., r.-.u.r,,; n"*."r.*"i *j ;,

[T{ui,ri1#ph${qft{rtr*f"},#l; *'f.fi ryF#l *"';':""|,ffii*.$".$fi$.f

Someof.rhc mu.l intcrding work on ,.oopcrafivF ho,6ehotd\is \tudy ot urban Black poor in I midwc\rcrn .ilv. The lrsrcsooalunrts.inhcr shrd) (\]nsid,rt indi\idu.,tswho an ricdio one hondror ki,hhip..Th.)tiv. i,, cros.pr,\imirv rtrhoush T,,i1,*,_1lsn Dr rn rne srme d$. ing unir.Jnd Jct rrri\Fl) tn m,,ry .o.;l rid ^ropl .

rhe hisi( tituhiprii i. b.r*.,n ,,uii"s.liri,.l ff:': D mrnerani]:l:'*. d v\ t cr . ur \ i5r . r 1nd \ ir r . r

rHs : ;u:r l;;#l#fii[{:n ."'#;:;:HaI

Bf t r usF nr t he t r ncr ion ol t Fln. , le\ in domestic activities, brother brothcr units are not fo"na. O"" h\ sr . , . t i, r hr r or \ hlJ t i. t v, , , \ br or hc! , who "pUn. TIe]..| ^* ' l .d m ove. l a D ocK {wl} t r om hi\ \ ist Fr . H. . t nd hi. lw, , s. n\ h. . im c par t ot hcr ooperati v e dom . shc sm , , p. ThFy Jle t h. r . . \ pFnr m ost ot lheir r im e here. rnd conr r ihur cdr o r hF inr cm e ot t he t . , n t am it v. Shc javsj J. r l n the FhLs r he r esponsihit it 't or nr o\ iding t ood car . ct ot hr nq. nd rhel l tr rnd f or so. iali/ inq chjt dr ; n wir hi, , oom . r r r c nehvor k: m av oe spka d o\ ?r $! t r Jl h, r N"hot ds. \ vhnh no, . "t , , t a, gi, "n i"al qouat tFtongs to is not I p.rrtic,,larl\ mcaningful .lIc,rion, .rc we have s.cn rhat daity dom"sti. oreJnizarion a"p.,ia, ..*."f "" rbiinDftz, 'The Social tud Eonomic Orgdiation oI r [Iexicd Shanryro$r,,, Dl(mEEr, FMily and Houehotd O.ganization.,,

;g=*y;f i*;*r*i";imr:1,,i,ij.ru":.x

r unib r**h f;.*,"'t ;l-r*#**-rr ;in residen'[ia' a'wavs

Ing*-,x*i.ginfi:i,i"mixt

156

ll:lfii#Ti:'#f5ilfep,

where thcveaqandwhcretheyofe,

t hc inspf t 'r i( \ "f t h' , , ar . t blc I '{v- st ill l: r h, r r n, ir k"r jndd! i torcor cr . rnd o,hc.ilcrFs ul \uch ,rnil:. cron rvh.n ,rrc| I.tr<, size dt.ser the r o( ha\ c bec'r par l ol t h' r r : r dr lr or , alpJt t em . j 6 ma)

SllT:,,".r:-1T:,"r,:nrriburDg ros€rirr,In are rhe r,losr ,,u1,-. . "u'siancctu sh. Iarerp61n15 lll'"),il,.:"':''l'*,iinusd o\a manykiD.bascr househords ^ ::i::l'i11." > r,\(r n a \e c ri s ti c b o u n d i ri es_-u6 wr

* ;'J'-Hr1; lliT;jifii':,lft* P ;:ilti ';'ru;iir "-"I ,j;fi:, lfl;#,J,l,lii1,:.$,i*,"*" , ,.-.,j,:"1-f"_",'0".,,i,o.-op.,",i.g

;#il illi::::"':1,,a.'1*a.

il',

househotds in wbich rre

aoda(rivi,ie, '|eso,,rccs

In tlte analysisof prinury relathnships, the cnrplNis has bce upon &sc ispects 01 ulban life thit hrve a direct imprct on thr) knrd and @nrento[ those relati{nrships-N.]h!o.ks, kin tics, rnd domcstic groups rre rhe important prinary units iD thc urban centcr. Within an urban context, the nlture of the ltbor market (oossibitr t,.,," d6 for j ob r ecur it y r nd m , , bile, t r r . cr sl Jnd r hc ho, , j, nx h. nJr , r r e d| €n}osldir ect ir npacton lhcv ut 'it . . Th. ', . hr " ol Ur l'r n iit -, ., . ri"t d dre cit/, and the nature of migratory pattems also have direct impact. It is impossible to replicate within the city the tutl ranee of mral d tribal r.l.tin'Nhipr. Thcrclorc thc rnrgrrnt rn,,rr ..le"r trom the Jppl\ oI poren dal r elat iun. hip' t huse qho will hce, r ne pr r r ot his or - ier E qni ngl ul $ur ld. Choicc em . r gc. bui $it hi, , r gnsr r ain( s im D, , s.d t v 6. urban set t inE.\ elwor *s. kinship sognr "nr s.ar r d , lom . sr ic eioup, ar c .I found univer sallvi" u'ban . c, , t er s . nd r r p, in t ocr . t . ^i" r o i, r t "" .cial lifc. Their achral foms a d enphajes resutr from a comptex interphy b€twecn culfural lrlue" rnd rhe t',rcer of tn" pn.ti"utfi u.t.,, @ter. It is c€rtainl)' appar€nt that the city does not dcsroy such units. tot ft€quently strengthens them in thei. modif€d foms. A najor consequcnce of urban ethnography has been to counteract thos€ views of social scientistr in tbe earljer part of the twentieth ccntury lhat charactdizcd ub li{e as d€personatiznrgaDd rhat emphasized th; locsof close, deep. and aficctive social ties. Frorn the studies done bv utbancthnogr . phcA it is r ppdr . nr lhr t m c: r ingt ut . ociat t ip, t , . , \ " bce; retaincd Ly tho\. who live in (iries. One basic social unit d€scribed and analvzed bv urban eth_ nographcn is rh. socirl navort. Such unrls crn b. \ ic*.i a. rhe ,rrb",r counterparts of the bounded corporate groups found in societics tr:tcli_ tionally shrdied by cultual mthropologists. The soci.rl nctwork is 1ln eg,olntric unit of social tuto6 selected by an individual to becone part of his or hcr neaniigful social wortd. Network nembers are frequcntlv f m m Jv hblc Lin, m . n. n. ighboh. co- qor t cF, i, t ooi' rcndr.d mates, prcsent rnd past. A rnajor charactedstic of such uDiLs ""a is that their menbenhip is based upon choice, rather than birth and lsciprion. Analysts distnrguish between the efccrive and the ext;ndcd n.t_ work. The fornrer is characterized by ctoseness,afiect. nDd maximat inter_ action. The lattcr contains individuats who are less well knom. less

:r,r:ll*;.*.*H:,",;; i;;"i:'*,Ti;1i J#, 116

iil{,.f lfiiTdil'ij"'..,,i,r.;"_,*m.,n:rhl.,h"*;

*tff**ffinu**ffi*ffi**

,l:. ll-1 l.*,.

'r'"

r,,',. ii'.'J,il'l[,*-']'**

andnephews

frll|,#"" ?,:.:lryl,;i;;; ffi X;iil,:ffiT ;:1,":

#tl;'i $;;"*r;# ;,r"i ;l;*:irj*fFj .'--'.; jillitfi*"# #f:';r.;j}:;*1,*ffi lfi i#"Hr F",

i[l;ij$li,tt:,f,,,tff "']*;l;"l, #i;*.#ff

Ji\:;y;:*,:t.*ru:*# ll# n::* r.j:ii::iij oomahc unirs. Ho$evcr, darr,frr*

j;,ffi ,-*:";;:xll,tj:riitll,*lF$l{}:jl:r[,fl: ---i.

l,; lf;i,:ij.'",

*,. "

eu.

"" ' Lloperirinsin domcsric:rctivi'

Hfildi,,{.,r.rnr#,1#l.}"rl1.} i,;fii+,"j"^dhl#f

t5E

r59

,in,heind, ;: ;Tl:;;#: ,[ffi] fiffi;,::.l"f fl:... ,ies

,f ,frr*ly llT;i"ll,T:1"":::ll.;"";".#;:J;"'T:ff

of the uban populrtion. To what cxtent are these patterns sharcd s€ernents?Another b$ic quertiob concerns the cff.ct ol other ; rod life cych. rragFson all of theseunits. patrefr lbJity Obviouly, nore urban ethnography of pnmary units is needed to

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;,1.51:jl{:."1."frfl ,Tiil* ;l*,-5?rJfrr:'i":ft

151 with tbere qu6hons. And as we have noted. ,rne ol the hiases ol rtoD etlmogiphy is ils emphasis upon t}e lower inrcme segmenti of the 616n population. \ve l'low d great dpal ahout this segmenr. bur not dugh about others

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MAlon uruaN coMPoNNrs

5 IllajorUrbanComponents: Neighborhood, EthnicGroup, andOccupation

In_th€ prelior$ chapter, we focused upo, tt

16r

Glronps B^sED oN CoMMoN RESIDENcE ln thc ffrst chapter, we discussed cvmmunity studies as n major clenent in ,{merican sociology that rvas stinulated by an ethnographic l eproach .Som eof Lhenum pr our \ t udics in t his r r ed hr ve been of . nt ir c drban.omm unit ie\ while , nh. r s havc l"cu. ed on sm allcr unil( , 'Jr ncly. oeighborhoods in a larger city. Some have used ethnographic ffeldvork r.chniqucs .xtcnsi!.1)'. whilc others have bcen based oD Nrvevs In thc ensuing discussiol, horvever, rve slnll foc s lpon motc rcccDt siudies, *hich arc clearly cthnographic. Indcpcndent of the American comrn nity study appronch, neighborhoods hnve been studied by anthro' in a vdiety of urban settings thrcughout thc world. lologists One striking {eatnre of rnost urban ethnogr.rphic studies of ncighhorhoodsis that thel' target arcas of thc city primarily nrhabit.d bv low ircome populations. Thus, studies of slums, squatter settlements, and public housing areas abound in thc litcraturc, but fcw studies of middle clas,sor elite resid€ntial .0l nunities are found. Another bias in the cristing litcrature relates to the alea of thc world tD which thc research has been done. For instance, we ffnd fewer neighborhood studies in the African uban literahrc, while the Latin Am.ican Iitemtue contains many examples of such studies. The neighborhood studies valy greatly in tcrms oI their research studies select tbe neighborhood as a convenieDt ethnographic Somc foci. udt within which to study other problems (related to such matters as pnmary groqx, cthnicity, class). Others are primarily conccrned with the natuc of tbe neighborhood itsclf. Some research, baiically cornparative iD natue, attcmpts to develop typoloeies of neighborhoo& and attempts to delineate critical indiccs that e{plnin difierences. Other studies look at commu.itics through time as they go through a dcvcloprEDtal cycle, seekiDg to account for difierentiation or for neighborhood There is a distinction behvccn the study pdmarily concemed with tLe neighborhood as a seu,€ontained unit and the study concemed with the neighborhood within a largcJ rclevant context (city, regioD, or nation). Thii latter apFoach is cbmcteristic of mor. rccent ncighborhood

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rhts \tudvors'"i""'

r'"'iup '' "r,iir'

A number of the earlier neighborhood studies wer€ primarily concemed with refutine some common assumptions about the nature of urban life that could bc traced to lvirth's analvsjs of urb:misn as a wav of l i f..r Pc'hapi t h. m ost F\ plicir r . r ut . 't io'r oi uinh i\ f uund in Cr n, '

iinl:'.".r*:;llr*:**.il:"*;jt.1i;tJ iJii:'fl,*:L'i:# T;::;i,:k:*r ::#:I.xi;-:; 5i; (r$a). r-24. rl4ri.

r60

Wirrl\ "Urbhism ar a Way of Life," A@'&n

ldMI

of Sociololv,4t

162

M^Jon u!D!N

coMbNtrNh M^toR

uRn\N (oMPoNdr\

163

nolion t hal {. h, ', , nm uniliA ir e. hdr doo H e. specif i. Jllt . 't t . ! 1, \ t hc c\ \ o( ir l hiqh r r lr s or olher indi' ol Llisor qinizar ion. by d€ri zed 'I r x , 'ot p"l, t i, . , l r . vol, r liandr iA lcld lo lr cnnser var ir " Jr , l, ut n6i deot \ themselves rs hrving a stake in the frture. In some cases, view |'d bdividuat sqtratt.rs hrvc eventually become real cstatc speculators and .ouepreneurs l)) rcnting their facilities to othcrs and cxpanding their neighborhoodholdings. Finally, he notes that the residents of these comnunides rcpresent d populatioD that is vcry heterogcneous in class and a6rpation. Telchers. polj(€men. vhite coll.tr rvor\ers, youne protes tona[ tne hcrc, rs lvell as the sporadically uncmploycd.

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5t1#ffi++i*n*,xu*t *****ir*lj"j,,;,* il:pT*i=*:i,,ffi Soc;al Cohesion

;

The nsue of the degree of social cohesion in urban neighborhoods, Darticularly lower or worknig class neighborhoods, hns heen r thene ruming through naDy u an ethnographic studies. Horvevcr, the evid€nc€ relating to this issue (denved primarily from Latin ,{Dcrica and North Anerica) is in@nclusive. We have previously noted Gans emphasis upon social cohesion in 0i! Italian Amcrican neighborhood. A similar conclusirn cnrcrges fron 6e work of Safa. who suggcsts that a San Juan, Pue o Rim shantytown i5 chdacterizcd bl' informrl socinl cthesion aDd solidarity.5 IIer general th€st is that a capitalist socicty creates an isolated socirl stratum at thc hotton (the poor). This group's isolated residential arcas develop a level of solidarity that can be viewed as an adaptive response to thcir power-

r*fit$,*****t;rffi

,1tr{fr$i;5$,;}triil.'':,',H$', Certainly thc view ruggcsted by Safa of a .ohesive community in vhich Inembels are all closely enneshcd through informal ties is quitc difierent fton the descriptions found in other accounts. Vithun has also noted the high degr.e of s,cial cohcsion based upon infornal and formal social rclations. In a study of :r Black neighborhood in a northe.rstem city in the United States. \Iithun notcs scverrl sour.€s of solida ty and cooperatiou. Informal mutual aid is comnon anong €xtended kinsmeD, neighbors. and fricnds; formal associltions include thc chrrch, sociat clubs, block arsocintions, and associations rclated to the Model Citics program. Conmitme.t to the neighborhood .an

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upgade it through mutual e.fiort. and in some clses ties are continucd even after familics movc to other areas of the city.6

[':f,::,i"il,fi';,iTi,,x,;,ilI ijff,)^)!;!,i; ^*i";..a l#;;; li:;

t ll€len SaJa, 'The Social Lolation of the Urban Poo': Life itr . Pueiro Ri.an Shanty ToM, in Isc Deuls.her and E. Thonpson (cds.), Anons ftte Poor (Nes. Yo.rl B6ic Bdks. tnc, 1968). .Jacqmline \lithb, C@p€rdtio! ud Solida.ity as SnNival N€.essitics jn r Black Urbo Conmunig," Utuon Anthropobsv, 2 ( r9?3), 25-34.

164

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notesth

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r huA N l oMroN nB

165

An ex.mple of a n.ighborhood study that addresscsittclf to many r h. ial lt e r ur {'d, in t hs , lr st r r siun i. Wn L. ' analy$' I the i ss u6 ', 1 'ot wc noh sl, o'r ld t h, em pl- 'i' ,d ordcr ^l . ", I ndiln r l, r n. '' O n, " . r s. . in. - lut t om Jlt hough \ viebc ju't i6. r t hr ' b1 s, r q 6on rhe st udl . l lh. l. Jn' r b, 'ut t hc t op h) looling , il' lr om t l, . Lut l, 'm . ri Og tf, at ". c1n \ t r . \ \ t h" fuC te do. s not 'om m ', nr t y . . J s. lf - c$nt r in. d 'r r 'it . hur r s $r lh $dvs in $hi'h t h" lo. r l . om r DcLl ll, . ! ar i. t y dD l i .i dy cui'c, "f ot NlJdr r ' is a P"r r "l r h. r t Char n. r nr qr r I 'n: , r "Ll in lh", i\ "lrgcr r' ni ty. in asP.ct of,ocial life tieatcd He purlles tltis tlicmc e!.ty entit!.

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ror(

irt r

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sioD tends to wax and wane. Increased cohesion **f,"

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l::r ;l'll;:H; il'Jj'i;it"]li', ;ilJjl*:xn.:,",.";;

IJ) . national planning body to inrri,duce i s{

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aDd tbe €fiortj of the residents to aivert the potential ai"."* **r"iJ Ilowcvd, b{a$e of the inscrsirivityof th€ pla."*" tr," aiSi*riiJ ""a r,*. . a srrccessfur outcome w,"ra r"".

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o responsibility for limited activities. such a

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Clrcnnanagar is aD illegal .$rnmu ity, and, prrallcling thc situation h Latin American cities, much o{ th. efiort of thc slun Poprl.rtion is dir€ctedto\lrrd legitnnizing their claim to the llnd and the prolisiD of nunicipal serlices, whi.h are not orrly necessaryfor subsist.D.e, but also 3.rve as a semi-formal claim to legal recognition. The connnu.il-v is a bounded unit, named and recognized as an entity by both its rcsid.nts .!d outsidcjs. Another very signiffcant indicator of the degree of cohesion of thc .ommunity is thc cxistence of r temple :rnd the support of a priest who dciates at the temple. The building was onstructed with common hm&, and the priest is support.d by cornrnon cortributions. In F)litical terns, Chennanagar is highly org,lnized. There .lre within tbe community, which three political associations (mmtdfu) rtE tied to municipal, state, and national political partics. Therc is intense loterest in local electioDs, and a laree segment of thc eligible population rotes. Becausc of its high level of organiz.rtio , the community has bcen rble to gatu .ccess to Nrtcr and c.rtain othcr municipnl services. The Fople in the c{rnmunity reognize that their power is linritcd and can only bc efiective if collectivizcd, or, alternatilcly. based on aD extremely p€rsonalizcdpatron'client relatiomhip. In all of these aspects of Ch€nmnagar life, the relationship to the larger community is paramount. Another nl.rior aspect of life that links the community to its l.uger clnt€xt is that of econonis. tr{ost of the residents jobs are outside the connunit-v or dependent or outsidc resourccs. RcsidcDts pcrform a varie!r' of jobs at the lower'skill ard lorver-paid levels of thc oc$pational s?ectrum. SoDe of these tobs (pottcr, barb.r. wcavd. $veepcr) are carry-overs of caste traditioD. but the vast matority are not c1rste linked. As !t'ieb. points ont, the di{nculty js not in obtaining iobs, but in obtaining permrnent jobs that providc a level of income sufrcient for suNival. tu in many such communities, there is some nobility of residents, and

frTil,::;5"ff i[]li]':i;*:;til:i-:l"",i:.1,T;;-lHlrilr"* This issuc of sociat cohcsion aDd fts rclationship to rhe solution ot

,sin\A,iqarcd bvt,,ncs,rr" a.l".il".ir,. li.l'::l:Ll'llul:l In r nercnDorhi,oclL,aspdorqani/fltioI "n..pi to InflDence

urbrn policy (t)nem. ing ll,. ncrtshborl,ood-Th" qo,.,n..nt Jqcncy invotf,yt rcrnained aloo{ R d th c r rh dn \ i Fw i ns the achon rs a f:ri t,rrc bccause or p o o r u rq a rrz a l i o n .rr l h F o rnmuni rv l F\pl he i ttri b,,ra i t ro F\t.rnaj nr e \ a n d p o s .r th J r $ .r. i rnml nF to l i ,€l pre\surc LTnnl?- - fte srat orEnDrdr,on or a ntcri@nsh&rrro$r " ].rlli.s "nd ErcD^n,. nr. wrJre,(.Ee,ius anrt F, Ttuebtol (c,Ls,_ r,l

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Fair,rr6 in u urbs ;ff,];:j,/;H.,,';:,ffi,J1".1j;?g1:uiX1.-*"'-rio'ar

tPsl rvieb€, socidl Lite tn an lndiot Slun (Durlam: carolina A@denir Pres, l9r5).

166

M4JoR !E

N coypoNENrs

the communirycan poinr ro severalfomcr porirn.a[vand emn,,mi,,-rLi..n..--,i..r ^. ---:lbl]'wlo retaiD^ties

MIJOR

h'e becoa.

; ;;;,"T 1",':j;: ffi lill;1,::";:::jl.i:1r:'t':l:i:;;:i;;': to.tfiesc individuals as important patroDr.

b e tw c e n th e c s m m (n 1 ) rc s i dentr;r

8l

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COMFONjNS

l -.

;*F; is. ri,u,nn,ichad l;:l :i5J":l'1"::1,:::*llt,.19:..

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URUIN

,. ,r., '1,r , n, led t om m "t r ir v, and lhe m m m unr t v ol lim ir cd I iahi] ilv '- t"." l,],tk is a orimrrv unit in $hrcn tn nat ur ' ot sociJl b"nd' and IF,_ . ,, ; r onrnanirv - lpnr if w r h.rt , t nr ot ecLs rh ^, rs , . . - ir ^r^l i,;dentirv frotecrs '.unir lhr u'r gh n'ylh r nd r cH,'"'..r'^' tr'" Li*'/a'l ' * tr l fl r', t h out ide hy g' ncr anr 'g i FPUut ion

In h;rl' ot $es" Iommunitie'rhe 5,1'.. i' ,,..J .".,niy;*^"'^rhc ' onmu^itr ot timittJ tiobititui: | *E'tv f;";.' i .".,r; id.nri6;d t') o"rsid'r'ruchas pla'nersetrus lp.i,',,,,' ltiu:9ilre: 'rt'|wr'

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\,,r ' n r i , ' ,r r , r . : r i ' \ ^ , " 1 ' '

l1::,:.1:;';:' ii:'":i,'# ll,,1' *:*t l' ;-i;l':liJ.:l"illif

:::$Jt;:il:irit1':,i;..1;i;:ir-til;[x[",'#{il"# j;:1,1" jili,_111 "_'.,L ;il'i;ll':,'l"J ;:'Ull,lfl *r,.j,Hl*,fr d.*" ..,";i ;;.;;;H

iiii;:,'ti:H#iii;: ;?;tT?;:j

sutrhs.emplo]',n\)('nF approi'h tl'r'"n [*".iri.r ",""'p'-;'t' how rh'v :u" '^nsrru(icd :rld hou i",, tf'" '.r"- ol n'ighhorh""ds

*'

lf;:'|i.fi'::;::lHill;

.*J'u

'fi.:';.'

tv c"mmun i d"f.nd"L,

r*,' *r'"1" segments' Hc ds'ribcs the wav in which thesc

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"i:r:f j'ru;:**te,H;f :::i-f;:i.,:"ll: :;'ful;' li:*":i:*:irr#; *:i';n fug*i**-**:' i'"t*LJ'.J

Intennl

\vhich lhe n'ighborhooo revel orinaple o{ "ordered \egmFnlation. in sub'umins lowFF "d;ntr;i*.*.' .' i;lusite. es*tne 'ommunih

Conplexit!

Oneol the morrsieniE{ant srudicsot thc inr.n,atrcn,ptcrirr,,t rhc . nFiqhl'orhuod. which irruludcs wirhin ir a Jlri,ni. x *" '., a.ysr.ms approach,is thar done by Sutttcs.r3 h' hi( xpproachI,r tbe rrudy of rnighh,rho,,ds Surrtesdid ba\ic ., elhnogruphic Geldwortand lorused upon rh" ,.,ia"nb.cucniri,c rn.. ni Fighborhood sprce. \vorlins t-'n it i*ia*.: ,.,*; ;'rr'.;;: rnu ty aDd from outsiders,(administrative ^. agencies) detineationof the community,bc suggestsa tripartite divisionoi s*,"1',.g-."", *. ir*

jt,. pq",r, Lrre a Low.rno'€

Banio.-i ; ili."aii)" 'niil.i"ii,#:J:#1i'l"i )I,;'i*l:l:"l9 lll:l1:i' 1.a::i;iil; ;;ii,;.: jxib:.bl$ffi 'i#,1:";:.^;:.:; i:^;,:::rl".J ttr',x :l t";; ii, ":!."i.y:i^ rx,;',4'Ji.::ff;ll*Ziii il,1f :tr:, i:,,,\:;:::,. rr,. c* r.",".ti-r. ;;;_.ifl,,Ji:,';",iffi . il'1,:"":),"j;:i,:..T',*.;, "it r rs;r r-.:, i"ii. ;'i;;: ;;:Lil,li'i. i',lil;r.ri1'.'1,f, f"i,,,":!,3\'::,; ;;*t \:""\lii"i;: ;Jlilfj i$# iilSl*l,jP.,*,:S;-):.,":"T

is inrcsrar"dbv r t.i'a ot o,g'ni,.r;on rle neichhorh"od

)"1"i.1j,t,:l ",r;#;-l t :d:: !",,ylui -,1,^i l;,, .,_* ,1"::i,%,,1,,h;. ;i :",: 1lil.i,l,'"l.j r"i*"s",;t:^.,"7ia_"ii 7;.;;i,;ii;L:jTf; : ii;i,:,i::';; Unive.sity press;t972t. :;1j.""'tli:t of chioeo

'*'t!Li,l'J'j1'Jilt;,ndv

in $Iash or a brockin a BtackcomnuDitv

Flht r nily lhc'" ir F s'\ "'r l i nsl ' ,n, D. C. not cs t hJl ir r spilF ol r cm m on

,iiii."i

i,r**r.'

in this communi(v.some basodon tse and othcrs an

greatpotenAnotherncishborhoodstudv,which would scemto have as wel complexitv of nature of the n,r r..-"" 'ommunitv urb'tn ""i"'i*au,s larger the and ncighborhood the ."r"nol"llip be;ecn cxPljcitlv Thev Citv'6 York "'-ir'" New in V.rlcntines ,*i"n, r'it". try the dvnanic naJ"*iln.a . methodologicalrpprmch that emphasizcsthe

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;ij;.;;;i;;i;;v;i";i;.

* i,;+,n. i -" p,^.rqio' l:#Y,J:"'r.f l::ilT';;i,"\iuli"i,#i'i

;"ii'T" lgti",r*rl."*-";tl*lthll;1"^;;-;;#;'-fl "'i;' t,-i

a n \r A.n l s r 9 ? l r

168

MAJoR unuAN coMmNAas lraJoR

.rnBAN coM"oNNs

n***$-ffi

r e\ id. r , l' Th, r " r nr v. l'r r - s|ilr lr om st r r s ant l 'cr 'r p s"nd .onrrolb) k, br iclt r r r J c, r n, r 't hlur k Size, t nJ scr vic'\ m , v chr nge An ;meral nd\ "l't t r i, ' r . : , '\ 't r 'r r Pnt r F( oqt 'it iun lhu. changing i egrl r.tr l. - ". r i .i t" uat +"r u' uI d t l', . l"q', . "f so\ e, nm er t t "^nlr ol of lJnd u" ( hing. ' I r r h. r inH'r "'r . c t h' r e( r uit m 'r r t ot ;;i ty.-and r a! t i, {'. ThA" chr nees r r . o, ', . ! ld r c\ iLlcn( \ 'I n \ onr ' r l, " ;$' i ndi vidual. . , 'd "\ ir 'r 5'\ ' , l, r ncst k ( ) , 1. . . m ') he r I 'r r r dam cnt "l pJt t "r ns, , , u1 * -," t,f," - elc i, , l) "p, , |. , to, , . lr $ould bF ] r ar F 'Jr . ind""d r o [nr,,l r h" r u- , ". . . t r in f o scr lices ri , i l l. gr l co, . , , r r t r it ! sit li h'q) oliir ) hor r sir gxnd ; a topul.tn)n that is uprvrrdlv nnbile ins ' ' The goal of this prrticul^r oricntation to thc study of neighborhoods ( o $'. iil r cr nPosit ior '. 6 to der. lop n \ Fl ul pr . dict i\ e ! , it . r in r . lul"d Nhich ullr m r lPly . hr ne" t h' t€dal di l ,h. ! 'd I 'i\ i, 'r iiul JI t A. Llcnt \ . set , r ul ncigl'b'r r hoot lsUzz"ll By , t ud; i, , q * i " r. .t r n. n, iijhho, l, ood prcdictivc chxracteiisti(s potential the rtrge ot is artempting to idcntift Uzzetl s eork is related to thc very detailed, long-tcrm cthnographic ltudy done by Roberts. !'hi.h compares two lolv incorne neighborhoods in cuatcmnla Cit],.rr Robcrts emphasizcs the problems in collectivc or qanization in this f:rst growing city because of diversc o gnrs, difie ng ;ree , and nobility within the cit'r' ot the low incorne population Snrce dlele arc fe$ nonresidcntial b:rsesof mllective identity (ethDjcitv is not usedto difierenti.tc, nor do people have stable occupAtjonal status), the Deighborhoodbecornesthc major potential focus for cohesion and integr^

**W:Affiiqafr-$r+*$ Difercntiation A some$hat Jifi.rent opDroach. wh

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or p_hysicarch3ra(r.ristjc.

_

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historical drre

lf we begnr .t a siDgtepoint nr tim,

acteristics will attract orhers to the cl]mmuDrlv. As ne{,metnbcrs of the

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Roberts Fints out that formal organiz.ttions are pervasive in both .nmmmities: one r shantytown .nd the other a planned conmunitv there arc betterment as$ciations, sporting clubs, mothen' clubs, consurnen' and pnxluccrs' cooperativcs, mutual benefft associations, and or long lived church groups. However, thcy are not $cll attended promote neighRoberts pointr out that thcse formal organizatioDs do not segmented net"vorks borhood cohesion. They largety reflect cliques and and arc not truly inclusive or integrativc Morcover, they are more l:! response to extemal activities tllan to intemal needs. Much o{ the org.rniTation is n result of attempts by outsiders to organize the community in order to advancc their {^vn interests or to minimize the perccivcd thrent of previously unkno$r massesvieNcd as dangerous.Thus, in many ways, fomal groups are flot useful indicaton of cohesion and organization by

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In .lnparing the two communities, Robcrh points out, as have othe$. that the shantytowD in its earlv stages does tend to be more or ganized, becarrscof the meedto plan the fornation of the commu tty and 17Brvan Rob€.ts,Orsani:ing Stransers{Austin: Univcsitv of Tess Pres, 1973)

170

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l r rc g ' ,ti J tc w i th mU n i .i p J I au.n.ra. \\' hi l e the orhcr comm,,ni l r r^.h,' crp, ripnmd p"riod5 ot grpater orealizirion tn ..t,rti"n ro t."u.i ,i-rc q u i rc i n tc ra c t| o nw rL h th e crry. su,h i ,,rehi Gci ri o,, .f tF mp o ra ryrn d rF l rrF d ro p d rt i , ul dr i $,res and eve,,ts. -g" ,,,^r." 1 Roberts looks at sone of the tocat variabtes thar afiect organizatior ,u

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ln n m.,rp s to r 1 1 \i c , mn ,rrn^,,r.,nd.,rri ,,rl .l ;n,. si rr, rh..,,\ ptankd counuDity js oD the cdge of th.j city. naknrq it,mrc

Thc i.a"""c

Roberts is pessimistic about the degrec to which tos. n(omc Fputatiors derfiecfi€ll, orgaDizcd and able ro p.trticipate tn the urban socia systcm. On the one hand, rejdence seens the oDty posstble basis toi organjzation. brt on the orher hand, traDsiency l]nd unstable life carecn negativ.'t_y afiect rhis process. \tord,ver, local organizntion ts conrolJ b) oubidry. $hu ,nrnjputrre lhe prucc* Ior rheir Organiza. "wn "nds. h,,n\ rpnd lo bc divisi\c and tactionrtLsn i\ perunsivc tn tocri hret politics. Leeds (previously dncussed in Chaprcr j) artemprs to ile. _sork lincatc rh,. digaF,,."s hphveen irrecular sehtem;nb (Brazili.a; /d@er) in llio and Sio Pdulo.,. poinnnq out the digerenes in tbe tusrory ot the two cities in terms of population, function h the nationat system, and : occupatjonal stnlore, L::ds aftempts to link these difierenc€s in tll€ ij. larger lxrqcr urban coDte{t .o'rt.{t ro to diserences diffcrenccs ;in the rhe nature naiure of the faveta. lavela. Hc tri€3 triq "r, to dev.lop dev.lop ihis j this lhemp lhemp \}\remarically \Fremarically bv poinrins out bv poinring o,r ttuec tt".c tp\ets t.,a. of J eriFrndl er tc rn a l vvariJbhs ,ri .' h l p s rl rrr iimpinge m n i n ,r- oD rhe naruc ol incgutar @mmuniri; that in all of L:rtin_Americar city variabtes (like the ones uU,"), regional va ables. and Dational variabtcs. His d.rta are --tio""a o;ginany cthnographic, bot he also uses non-ethnographic a.ta so".ce" t, les-tfe ln the same vein, David Epstein, in his shjdy of squafter sctttcmcnrs in BEzilia (the new capital of Brazil), discusscrthe dcsrec to which the tavela rnovemcnt in Brazilia js a rcsult of nationat and macrotr)iicy economic forces, rather than locat tudigcnous factor5 '; r3Anrhon) LFd. The qnrhroonl,,cy .l .:iriF, sumF \tcrhodotusi€t tsu6,,,in Elial,+h E-ddJlerl r, ,,rran ,r,lh;,,utdg I {rh,

n:i lii:ii l:::,lt;.:,.j1;;?:l;i.;;:;;;tu-ff-,xil.,u,HTly":l

t'stes in the Neighborhood

MonoCrsph u, So.icty for Appli€d ,{ntf,-p"togy,

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There are seveml rnajor problems in the urbaD ethnography of righborhoods. One we have already pointed out mistakes the study of r few localizcd tretworks for a neighborhood. Another problem is that oI the repres.ntativeness of a particular neighborhood of all neiehbottoods. Another set of pmblens €nerges when the neighborhood is unit $ithoui c\tlicit recogDitio,, of its fehinDs}iil)s lies ed xs i lDrrd{ to rhe lxrgcr context. \lost of the studies described abole do Dot do this, but other studies do have this limitation. Sti[ anothe. issue is raised when a p.rftiol.r research problem hrs nothing to do wit}l the nature of the neighborhood, but the neighborhood is selected as a unit in which to do research This frequently ct€ates.r narrow, localized view of the problem. An examplc of this latter dific"ltv ca. be found in the wo* of Mich.el $'hiteford in Popayrn, Colonbia.'9o He chose, initially, to study a neighborhood and to spend his lcld tine there. One of t}le maior conclusions of whiteforifs work is that |ie resid€ntial community is not cohesive. He maintains that people do not know each other well and do not irt€ract frequendy or intirnatcly with neighbors in the cornmunity. lvhiteford also indicdes that the community its€f is isolated and not really integratcd with the city of Popayin; he uses the term fl/rban to denote this rural fringe relatioDship. Ilowever, it is apparent from occasional references to work situations Sat members of this localig are, in fact, integrated into the laiger o$an context tlrough work and patron-client ties, but thesc ties are not followed up by ffeldwork outside the neighborhood. fiere seerns to be an underlying assumption in thc work that iDt€gation follows a linear progression-o e must have neiehborhood coh6ion at the lolvest level, and then the neighborhood will be integrat€d into th€ ldger setting. This is . very questionable assumption and prob ably woutd not be inlrde by those working ii middle clas commuDities, where integration into the urban social stncture is not based upoD neighborhood. Much is made of the lack of concern and knorvlcdge cxpressed by residents for others living there, but we are not given aDy insights into thcir n€twork ti€s outside the communitv. It is fairly obvious that one bias of urban anthropology alrcady noted in relation to network analysis applics to neighborhood studies as vell. nam€ly, t}lat the wo* done so far is oriented primarily to*'ard lower classes.In spite of this. ethDographic data involving long-term c$ntact with infonnants has provided us with insights nlto the realities

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ion. It has becn notcd hv mJIy thrt thP m:riorih of residFnts in are misranr\. Thus thc ( itv ha' \igniffcrnt culTr'i.a woAA "iti".( r n but do"\ not al$a) s b"c"m c I ba'i' f or or gawhich di ve r sit y.

-

The otber i\pect ol crLniciiy. the slru.r/rdt. dcrl. with lle tomrh'riragc. uhich emerge' 6en of groups brsed upon r lcelilg ol comm"n of trail' mJy nnl {(hr1l common.ilify s.fti,'g urban the *ithin "ulture m av have lit t le social cohcsion \ , r ident in ar r d i. r t r cm m ^, t ; sj sni fcant : traclitions N'r leanrerl co witb to do The creation of cthnic groups is a conplex proccss involviig a the particular oultiplicity of rclationships betNeen the urbaD setting and village, 6t'"L g.oup. In t}le proccss of nigiation. memlrers of the samc kin group, or dinlect group tend to bccome residentiallv clus.ltendJ tered if possible. or at least to intcract frequently if thev are dispersed As a particular group Nith a common culturc of origin becomes recoglzed bv othas in the city, they are stereotlped bv the others Primarilv on the basis of drsurned common olture traits- It is this view bv oth€rs xgrin't the eroup or com -trequmlly asso.ialed with diJrimindrion i.voluntary segregationgroups foms of and/or Detition with other aDd cohesion organization stong b:lsis of ihat gl"es the group itself a traits Some conmon culturd possible loss of tbrough time, in spite of a groups aDd between cthnic retationship of the Politicrl re"eni 't"di.s organization sggest that when such groups turn to political action, tlev can frequently mobilize tbe resources of their nembership efiectively This, in tum, adds strength to the group and helps naintah it through time. At other times. groups use their common identity to dcveloP access economic niches. to and control over partiolar Not onlv may we view the development of pafti.uhr ethnic groups as partly a responseto thc urban setting as opposed to a rcsult of culir many cases we ffnd symboir of identity to ture trait c^rry-ovcrs-but b€ n€rvly creatcd or else bonorved from onc limited segme.t o{ selernl oltures of odgin. Some o{ these processescan be illushnted by symbols of Afro'Amcr ican (Black) €thnicity. This group represents a rery largc and diverse population, both in the past and present Recogniznrg this, there has been an attempt to develop unity in the populitioD through colective slmbols. These include th€ creation of a nag (a totally new item). the ur of a language ( Srvahili, shich is drarvn frorn a minor segment of the Ahcan hentage), a hairst-vle ($hich is of limited importance in traditional Africa), dress stvtes (which arc predominantly $iest Africar in origin), and a food pattern (rvhich is drarvn {rom historical condi tions in the Arn€rican South).

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Villaee, Caste anl Relieion

isbe ,aiqlo"' culhrr.rl.rrtifi"\ ir' the ciq Lt fo.m th" ha'ic bounded

{l*il{;triid:}-li$ '*q6fl1[$]ffi ;:iP;i''xi:it**m ,;*;i;r frd:i5 The Etect

of the Urban on Ethnbits

As we have noted throughout this entire volume, one of the gcn is their cultural 6r[y agreed upoD .haracteristics of urba" "e"rers thrt eth'ric grolir hrr,' rggestcd \llrny nnthropologi\ts b€rcrogdtib and k) heteroeeneitv to respond is an overt .ttempt i'. tL" city ia"ntity comple\iw. to urbaD order kine C l uct r nan point cd oul r : t lh. r . Jr l\ lhal lnl'r lkm in q{r ic" i' pr iof 4rrily a response to the urbnn situation rather than a chrracteristic tribal in a homogeneous people live hinterland.:6 \\4rge in the life dbal * tti ng. l h. ir idenhh . r n, , nlr Pr \ 'n: r pr , licll, r r r iL'l cn'ul r , ccd n'l t geat, and stch groups me m.rrked by cteavages based on k ship' oolitic', and other factors ln contrast to this situation, in the urban rrtai, wh€re people tive in a pluralistic setting with rn.ny tribxl groups, . heightened sense of tribal identity cones to the forc One might argue that in many non urban pa{s of the world, ethnic groups interact regularlv. ln fact, an earlier work on ethnicitv in anthro !? Thev consisted fobgy by rarth eranrincd such noD'urhD situ.tions culturally difierenbetwcen o{ tong-term, wetl-established relationships groups two or three no more than frated groups. There were uoally greater groups is number of urban area, the irrolv€d. However. in the and their relative sizcs chanqe over time Since no stable set of relationships exists in a s€tting where constant population shifts are inherentlv characteristic.trban ethnicity is difierent. Mitchetl, building upon Gluckman s *'ork, srrggeststhat tribalism is a consequence of the individual s need to make serse of the large, conplex, and h€terogeneous urban enwiroment.'3 Where one is con stantly confronted bv unknown bdividuals or strangers, tribal identity can becone a bnsic way of anchoring the rclationship nr tems of colnprehc.nsiblenodels of social catesories. Beneman in his study of Dehra Dun, India, notes the same use of

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5 Joln Gulick,T'ito?i (cambridge:Hdnard trnivedty Press,196?) ,61{q clucknan, Antbropological PrdbleDs Arisina fron thc Afri.m Industnll Rdolutid," in Aidan so hall l.d.), sociol chaqe in Modrm ,'llri.a (Londonl Ot'ord Unire6ity Press,1961). , FredenctBarth (.d.), Ethnicctdns and Brnndun.r (Dost.n: Lirle, Brownand Co. 1961). 23J. Clyd€ \litch€ll, "Peraptios of Etlmicity and Ethnic Belwior: An Enpin.€l Erdoation," in A. cohen iel.), Utbdn Ethni.iq (Lotulon, ravilto.! rublhl,e$, 1974),pp. 1-35.

176

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d nigrants. there is no c\ter"fll stereotyping.3voidanceol inlprrcrion. ,. pf'ceivedcompetitionby lhe domi',ant class.{s morp migranh rrrive. t6€ process€sbegtu. Thus, when Hodee studied the Navajo in Albuos€rqus there were so few in the cilv that ther€ was no collectivization ; high degree of self identification with trib€ oI origin.3, Comparing two cities in l(alaysia on the naturc of \'Ialay ethnicit/ req)ons€ to city context, Nagata suggesrs that certain histodcal a $ ftctors detennine distnrct mod€s ot Malay ethnicity in th€ two cities.33 XualaLumpur is a coloDial city tounded bv a domnt.rt gmup. the Eumpeans,\rho ercouraged Chirese eDtrepreneurir activiti.s- Th€ Cbinesehave thus had a position of economic dominMce leadinq to rignifcant political clout h th€ post-colonial period. Bandao, on the aher band, was oeated by a locll ruler rvho remained nidependcnt of th€Europeancolonial €mpire; Chineseentrepreneuial activity was [email protected] \lalavs retxin"d politi..rJ d^min In... In most A{rican studies,the urban centershad been under cotonial dooination and were {requently difierentiated in terms of Eumpean and dtive residentialloci. Tle lo.atioh' ( areasset aside t". ,qf i""tiu" ..is) &ew to them a div€rse African population because of the labor n€edsof colonial enterprise. The dominant ethnic group w€re the British, French, Spanish, or Potuguese. In the earlier studies done under colonial coDditioDs.there was rccognition o{ ethnicity, although the basic group cleavage was seen to be racial. The control of ,obs, housi,rg,and urban politics by the Europ€ans restd.ted ethnic group formation by crcaring a racial cteamge md conditions that fostered frequent circular migration and remporary r€sidenc€in tle city. In the posFcolonid situation, a localty dominant almic group, which is the dernogaphic majoriry, has potiticat control over the city and acts as a cultural modet for behavior withtu the cirv. In Plolnicovscrticle -\lho O$ns Jo\r" the ni,tionot .owrFhhip of the city in Nigeria is related to the histodcal association of I prrticutar ethnic group to the geographiclo(!' of the cib.3, This g,^urr is rtso dcrnographically superior bccause of the closenessof their rribal base to tle city. In many Nigerian cities, a dominant trib:l grouD is overttv recognizedas lie cultural. potirical.rnd tlemogrrphicr^wpr i,r lhc city, either because tlrc tribe founded the city before the coloniat period, or

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fg"il{:h}"1$l1i$t}-,,:#i-f*tffi:;Jid"ffi rhe Efiect ol ?Gticutar Urb@ Cot crr, urban erhnosmpl,ic studies of ethdc srnrps tool a1 ."^_ l:" mntext rnemf].r: wrthrn.the of partjculrr urban cenrers.\^.ecln begjn to s€e somegenerrl patternsevol\c trom specifc case studies.

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dominant, and the doninance may derive from a conbination of dsi ographic and historic procesresand geograpbic tol,afion.

,_#Tfl':ffi:",".T,1,,:.;r ffff':I:*.L.T.xl;,,,x.ffi

means that the achral numb€r of nrdividuals *p**"d; ; ;;i *; gory, may influence_the dereloprnent or *"i.ity. a d"" ,Li J ; small lo mainlain a languceeor sxpport Teci"t i.,o.t"t"'", *iff _t *t"i

;:,ffi;:l"r::,T i:r'Hff#,tr rd .i.j{rutii;:f example,Indians in Engtand) indicatethat whe" tf,*. ar. ro Bp'r,mar \(irl,Carcgorjs

Md S(iat lnrcd.trd

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in Urban In.ti..

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a lqdith Na8ata, A Tale of Two Cities: Life in T{,o \fala}rirn Torvns, Lrrrdn Anih?opoloeu,3 (1974), r-26. & ldnard PlotDiov, "Wlo OMs Joi?: Etlnic Id.ology in Nigerian pol ics,,, trrran A a . r c t u l o e q - I i l 9 ? .:r ..t- t3 : f.r f.,a h a h t",n € l r ;n . ,"c stta n e p r n h .i t! (Piltsbursh: Unirr6iry oI Pi \bursh Prej.. t967,

H. HoAe., The Albnqnetque NaM?bs (Tu6oDj

Unnersity of Aizona

I78

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b€causethe tribe inhabited the region in wtrict a coro"ially createa 6O!

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179

Bruner has also examin€d the functions of Tobn Batak associations cities ln DirkJrtJ r(.rpital\' LhPTuba Batal conI threpIndonesian. \mall segmrnri thPv tend to p^rticipate in multi-Prhnic fu,. u '..y ln B3ndungthe Tobr BArrk are promote narionxljsm. rt'ut ftiutlon' are orienrFd to prnmoting gmup: as\ociatinn' lheir frelarivell 'mall $ilh another group ln Medan' in c{,mpetifion interests ir;r political large segment o{ lhe nrban e rhev conprise homclond. J6s" i. rt'.. ,t'q o:eanliPdinrn ma"v small sroupssith mutualaid [i"u,t.' 3r. llld cercm"rnultunchon\'An interesting extensionoI Bruneis vork is his ualvsis of thc life in n r ionally dominant goup, the Javanese,.rnd thcir response to of lhpir natronal 6nds thal becaure Hc rhey arc a milorit\' 4y where lives. of their in lh( organiation plars role ethnicirv a .oiition. 'mall porver stluctur€. in the citv with their role not mncemcd iod th"y u." to many \r.rys thel are similar to White -{nglo'Saxon I'rotestants in the United States llVASPs) ' Much of our infonnation about the efiects of particular urban con&rts on ethnic g.oups is based upon comparative studies. in which the s.Ilte etldc group is examined $'ithin difierent urban centers lt is from such comparative research that th€ most illilminating insights develop.

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The maintenanc€ of ethnic ties is obviously related to economic opportunity, and the issue of dominarce raiscd in the prcvious discussion canies over here. When a dominant gn,up can restrict the opportunities available to minority giouPs, this wil have an obvious impact upon their Fsition within the urban emnomic and institutional stncture. Even rvhere thcre is no single dominant group, competition between €thnic goups still cxists. Gmup cthesionand economicsuccessare ftequ€ntly related wlere a gmup acquires monolmlistic control over a particular e€onomic niche or o!.cupdion, thjs will reinforce group ties in order to maintain thc monopoly. In much the same sensc, strong grcup ties will enhance the possibility of gaining monopolistic control. CoheD, in his classic vo* on the Hausa in Ibadan, noted that they have been able to develop nonopolistic control ovcl the catde and kola nut trade in tbe city. Cohens maior point is that Hausa etnnicity is a political response to the ne€d to protect the economic interests of the goup. It is a rcspons€ to urban life, rather than a result of the strength of cultural values and cultural carry oven. Economic successin the city

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.o Ed\rrd Bluer. B*ak Etbnic As@iation in Thre. @en6 ltuNl ol Anthnpobcu, 2a \1972),207'29.

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In most arcas,Cypsiesoccrrpicda particular niche in the economic ;ucrure that provided the mcrDs for maintaining closcd boundaries ,d a stmng, persistentcL,lh,ralheritagc, which includcs languageand l6s. Frequently their economic activitics have been clandestine or theft, conffdcnce games, fortune telling. This legal mar@l-petty has led.to .tr,'ng boundir) mairtFnrncc Cypiie\ ha!. bcen thc dndity obipctot deroron drs.rrnrrrlr',n.Jnd negalivcder.otvpingLy mrn) di€r eloups and in tum look do\\'n upon outsiders. In he. studv of Sanoans in Crli{onia. lblon ffnds that.errain drcN most he.rvil),from the ppulation. Ior the n.rn, shipo.cupatioDs shipyard rvork was primlry, $hile thc women werc cmployed piagand in nuEing honcs. Samo.rDs exertedinfuence on these occuna, ! eides domains through i,'l,,rm..lcontrolol inb rF.ruiring.,nd infomil d,!al cganizationon the iob. However, they did nor hive administrativcor .ofepreneurialcontrol.'' In most of the prcceding cxamplesof occrpa, &na1 monopolies,the ethnic groups did have entrepreneurialcontml. A more general vies of the rclationship between ethnic groups opportunity structure is found in the work of M. Estelie Smith.r6 rtd study of the Portuguesecommunib, in t."voNes. England towns, I! her A€ indicatesthat the grcater e.onomic opportunitiesavaitable in one bwD r€sult€d in considerablymore economicsuccex and mobititv Ior residenl.In the mure,ucccsdulcommunirr'.pthnicallv tte Portugues" b.sed activities were more highll organized .tnd rh"re w*, considei .bly greater group cohesion. Although the portuguese w€r€ a minority Soup in both situahons.in rhe more open cc,,nomicsy\tpm. lhcv had lreater acrpssro .mnomi. 'uccessand ro r broJdd spectrum oflFvcts oI occupation, largely becauseof the economic growth of the town. The bwnt diveniffed cconomicsrructuremade it more adaptive to chanecs io tbe economicsystcm.ThF succ.ssot rhe ro"n rn.l i".utt"nr ,ucc-e,s of the Portugueseled to a positiv€ stereorypeof the grorrpby the domtuant class. This, in tum, rcinforced their trccess to a bioart spectrurn oI iobs.

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€thnic grcup in Nerv York was a direct responseto political com6' Non-Haitian politicians, urc potential rvho re@gnzeu rccognizedtl€ Potexuar power Powcr Ponrtctars, rvlo iljtion.q Non-nar.ran Lof

the r apidly in- m igr alr ng HJilians. becam e in\ olved in or gani/ ing ' , . . . ; . . " inl"rcsl group Using the innrlution of th. polilical_

*-" I Oo'O -" ttre stalus or Hdirian prie\ls. they devcluped an effectire Ijch _and for the mutual ben.6t ot bo0r gmups. block i&ical Fr"queol)y elhnically based polihcal orgdnnaHon(cmergethat are flirny conrrmed with u\ing power to bcnFfftlhe placFol origin. Little L notedlor \t'esl Afrimn tribal l\.o.iah',n' rhir much o{ th' iniri.l Otheh qho j6cem is wrt-hin,pro\ing'onditiun, in thc hinterlancl.5: tn Lihlc suggesl lhal such rsso.iationr are dcv"lopcd Lve crilicizcd siturtion lor t-h" bene6t of urban residents. fiese the urban r.lip'rlate rp flnctionsare ob\iou\l) n^l mutuall) extlu:ire: they may succeed a anotier or bc .lntrnuous simultaneous goals. Doughty s description I pgional associationsin Lima, Peru cmphasizestheir concern with Sg power to achieve beneffts for the regions oI odgin.sr However, i y rre used to protect the urban interests of the group as well. Altlrcugh ethnicity nay be used as the basis of political organiza!a it is Dot always the case that groups based on culture oI origin are jH politically. In man), Eumpean cities (for example, Hamburg, Carnary and Oslo, NoNay), groups bas€d on cultur€ of origin are not t&vant to the political process.In addition, many ethnic associationsar€ gganized lor difierent political goals, or the process oI organization may $ difierent. OutsideN may play a role in some cases,while the poc.ess .'y begin within the grcup in otheis. To develop a tuller understanding i{ l[e developnent of a political function in ethnic organizations, it is Essary to identity the c0nditions under which a particular developmtal process will occur.

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erjrnicrincs.trFquenrtyencouased Try'i"" politicJl. i.l-C bv outsidcrswho oesrred. suppoaen Eventuat4linsiden"reptaced ;;;" ; meLontrol of crhni. hlo.l( vorer. and ih. sr.ur.r_. hrs continuedover Glick has shown how the recent formrtion lnd cohesioDof tlaithrt'

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Much of tle urban anthropological litenturc dealing with ethnicity fucmes on the retention o{ elements draM from thc crJture of orisin. Suchiremsare especiallyimporlanl msotaras they lerd to high raresof

u Nina Glick, The Fomatid of a Haftian Ethnic GrouD'{Doctoral dissert.tbn. D€pgrtnor .,f Anlhspllo{y. ColmLir UnneFrtJ, 1975 '. PKmeth Littl€, 'Tb€ Rol€ of Vol@taiy Associations in West Afn@n Urbbization." A@n-n Anthnpoloeist, 59 ( 1957), 579-96 and wed ntncan U$aniati6: A stralt p..",, r'l UoLabw Attuciati"tr in So.idl Crurge ( Cmbridee, Cunrl,'idg. U"i""^ity 1805). 6Pa'll Doushry Behind rhe Back nf rh" Cit): Pruvinoat Lif. in Lin., ppru, jn W. Mtusin {ed-'. P"^dnt\ in aities I Ao{on: HdshroD \tiflin, tqTO), pp. Jn.46. &d Peruvid }ligtut Identjty in the U.ban Mili€u," in T. W.ave. and D. White (&.), The Anthopoloeu ol Utua Enan6@nts, society for Applied Anthropology \lonoaanhs 1972 nn 3q Hn

184

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aoired that an in d.pth analysisof lbo culture demonnrJtesrhar th.y 'genemlized. a\ Vorrill descnhF\.but vpD similar to rhe EnI dn ! b nructure dd culture. Nloreover. he showed tlx t nr the city of Onisha, ;p gmupsof Ibo (one native and one in-mignnt) who havc the same .rltud backgmund varv in the same way as thc Ibo and Effk jn Calabar. ti€ mtive goup is rclatively unsuccessful and unorganized, and the fldrgtant group is relatively successful and coh€sive. He link! these deracteristics to structuril fcatures in the city, rather than cultural raluesdrarvnfrom the uea of origin. \toreover. he rclatesthc rcspcctive ple ol eachcitr in ll,. nrlx,nal\\sternto thr di\c0s5ion. Ccrtainly the previouslymentioned comparativestudies of portuluesein hvo New Eneland toMs and the srudy of Malays in two Matadhn cities point in t}l€ sane dircction. They sho*, that structural wiables rre more \igni6(anr for group su.ces\ and ,ohesion rhan arc v.luesor organizationalnodels dr;rwDfron th€ culture of origin. parkin 4licitly deals with tbis issue when he compares the structures of ,{tican tribal ass@iations in the city. He looks at kin group systcms in 0. rural tdbal areas to see if these have an tmpact upon urban tribat orgadzation. His con..lusion is thar demogruphic and class vadables in ttr€city are norc signiffcantly related to the nature of orsanizations than r|ditional tribal fom\.5^ Schitdkraur.in hFr dr\cussionot erhnic group. h Kumasi, Chana, is also emphatic about the irrelevance of .utt;e f;r .splainine tle structure and organization of erhnic units.r, It is obvious liet iI cultue js to bc used to explain group differcnces.ve need bettcr orlyses ol culture and lcss mnfusion bet$een culturat and conrextual lctols. Another companrivc way of tcsring rhe issu. ij to compdre rwo , .olhml gmups in the samFsrructural pl,siri.n to ,"c if cutru;e mdtcs . diflercnoe.Cu.tlin9. in hir stud) ot lhe tongierm unemptoyed in lagos aDd Naimbi shows rhar memhersor diffFknt trihes in .actr cirr @inrain difrerenr paHerns ot kinship obtigations that are linkcd ro trbal origin.d, In r}lis case. rhe eonomic posirion is hetd con\tanr, !o Srt Eibe ii dearly the variabte. Uowe"er, tre ut"o .f,o*, tf,at, t"'tf," Iong_run, econonic positions tead to the same outcomes tor alt tdbes. Similarly, Ashton shows that rvhile the two tolver il sdied (Afro-Amcricans and Mestizos ) followed ttrc"f"* *-" ""Ug.."p, t,i"a i" ."_ $,D.J, Prlin. "U'btu\'ulunrary {.kjarions.s In.tnutiun. n{ AJanrrriun.,,.Van, l u9661 9(t94

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aEnid Schiidlaut. Erhni. y and Cpneratiunal Drde,,.nres Amune Urban Imn,i. Fet\ m^Ch!m." itr A. Cob.b. | 6an Elhnicitq, pt laj 22:, Pfrq TbF EnerF ut Drspair: Seiut'O,g*iarioo o( rh. Un"mpt,yed : r\w g.ultud__. [email protected]$ D L.cG atrd \.irohi... cni/i"alj;.. t7 , tsei7, r8o_:ii.-i,J i, U'btu AJri€: { ftologxc ro \trdFmizalion. CoDfi..r dd th" t n6,b;;; -lbe.Pm'

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I'ance on networks for suruival, there wq.

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gr"up Srch hnvc shar'd mcxning ,octitvl1 identj/, with lhF 'vml,ols rcmgnizedb) ouF rre group trequenrl\ and of.the ;.19-. fo" well J&ri ai Sin" Id"gu'tgPis learned is intimatel)linkedto erhniciry. Language $ilhin the-contrxtof th' lamill and i' a primarilv age. 1, ".v-ea.lr for the rr.,n\mi'iionof oth.r aspectsot culrure jt i{ l.pr.*t.";"soure or Frhnicidenrit) The usF I'f nxri\F langudees It;ar.".'"t sociJlinrrr.xh reallr senps to c\cl'de out\ider' and mled i'crrtain ,rtj..c. ti,:. b.hteP', in'r,l"r' ln Lrg' urb"n trbti(r(!'r$ r\'h'"'ls ). 'mall gruup' ielci lively u\e nalil' ldnguigPsin \rtu:rlion\ *ork places wit}l inf,b€Ia they \r'ish to exclude outsiders and reinforce solidffitv the dominant speaking pe ectly capable of they are riders, Nen whcn Lnguag€. Even if eveiyone spcaks the same tanguage, there is a t€n6n y fo. g-"p" to maintain dificrences in spcaking stvles. Kochman dxcnbes a complex system of styles approp xte for difierent contexts 0a Language reh* unique to tle A{ro American speech c$mmunity orini imp.tant only as long as tbe €thnic gmup maintains a high i€quency of intcraction and boundtry maintenance. Greenberg has discussedlanguage use in relation to tribal and etbnic identity in urban areas.65Citing tie Aftican urban literature, CreeDbergsugg€sts that tlere are many questions regarding urban language tlat hav€ not rec.:ived very much attention. The issue of ,ing"ar fu".d in polyglot urban areas of Atuca is an intriguing one, since the maintenanc€ of a ndive language that is not th€ dominant one used in a particular town or city is an obvious indication of the maintenance of ethnic identity. Creenbeg notes t}lat in older cities like Timbuctoo, which Lave rlrawn lrom a wide rangc of linguistic communities and bave had a traditionally dominant langrlagc,particular linguistic com' munitiesmay maintain a motler-tongue for rery long periods of time In Ghana, migrants lrom the north who havc a rcgional ljngua franca, Hausa, do not adopt the Ch.rnaian language. Creenberg also cites material {rom Skinner and others indicating that the lilossi migmDts in Ghana form a segregated linguistic community. Citing Richardi material, hc also notes that in some cases,membel! of a paticular linguistic community who are subordinate economi cally and politically, make an ov€It efiort to acquire a doninant language iD order to acquire higher status. In many parts o{ Alrica that were under colonial domination, the most prestigious language *'as tbat of the colonid pol'er. The native elit€ gained competence in this languag€.

**fififfi Bolndary Maintenhce ol E hnic C/o|tr,

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6! T. Kehman, "'Rapping' in the Black Chetto," ?r4tu A.rion, vol. 6. 1969, 65l@pb [email protected], 'UrbdGm, Misr6tion dd Language," in Y.hudi Cohc. (ed. ), h in Arlatatitu: The Brlsoci'l Backcldnd lohi,c eo: Aldin€ Publishins Company,

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Arrodler characteristic producing cohesion is the imputed rcputaor stereotypeof a given ethnic group. Sometimesthe group in-

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rh e eput at ion r m f ut cd t o it h) nulsid. r . ond u{cr lhi. a. d

ln rnulti-etlnic urban situations, t}le vadous ethnic groups $.ill chaEcteristicsconsid€redto be peculiar or unique to them. large extent, these reputational characteristics ire cont*ined r very tle stereotypespeople use to explain the behavior of others.

are by no means al$rls negative in coDtent, and in many cases, F'hni 1r ", r l' t h. m 'eh, . m . r l, . li. vp r l, p . h1r i, l. r i 66 membe n of t h"

rtions to be valid. I! Suttles descriptionof the Italians in the multiethnic Addans of Chicago,hc notes that outsiders (Negroes,Puerto Ricans,and

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) believe that t}l€ Italians have connections" tlat thcy are tied to t}le underworld and the local ward Dolitical leadershiD.?t is happening in this case is that identity and cohesion :lre rn.rgniby the oulsiders helicl in t}le pol.ntial power oi thc ethni( com

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. In addition, many Italians, although not having coDnections

penormed ror s

believe t hal ot hen do. and oper at e on t he r \ \ um pt ion t hat

-*iJ;;";J?,:?T,',;Il:,,:f;, '",.',*.-"",'n.". ""a;.; Indian;,H;ft;::"" 1"9,'""*.," werr.,s

stereotne is true. pinally, some mernbers recognizc that thei reputato outsiders give\ $em great.r polver. and se. thc pusitiv. tun.tions

;Ti:i:i#.fr i;;+i*rlt##:i':rfi#nq:ffi

t€ myth in spite of its questionable naturc

.

Dress and other cosnetic rspeds ot individlJl

appe:rrance could

most visible €thnic markers.The weaing of sads by most Indian is one example. B€rr€man notes that in Dehm Dun, India, dress styles are frequently maintained 1rndare used as id€ntity within th€ urban context.?, Ilowever, in many instanc€s, &ess is lhe on€ iten that has shown considerable hornogenization on the world , !€ne. Western style dress,at lcast for rnalesin pub)ic places,has been ilitured into most urban areas of the world. Howevcr. recent studi.s iove shom that subde distinctions in dress codes (ditrerences nr shoe hrands,length of hail) still operat€ in some subcommunities.Often, towever, these are not r€lated to cultur€ of origh, but to ncighborhood or occupation and even to age.

:ff ru+ rJ;us, ;t.f1{."1,pd,", I":;tT.1-; ; mffi u:i*";m:, lt*"'*""* nxr##jt :lljhxffi*i',.^;":^';l*lr','J-#::i*:,:

r,'iflT;r,ffi :#[' * {g,:,,:,j:,,1";1iqiitii} ft i[t[#]fi$*:;f ,:$*.uri:r*rs trjii1i:'ffi

i:ff::

^Y'

*-

"*n

in thetuaste(chi6'o: Ardine pubrnhing compdy.

ilf,"',ii:f:l ;;11i,;;;."i3,:qt^i:yul:nrcl'dsoph. ,e66, prryl6 3I4:: k "litr;;., ;ru:tumi: *.":li'",.1,.:[lrll1 ,'.""::;*' j.{,ltrq l;".:,.',.;*,kTj ,:f Iiff *""iiili,".l;l1:if c;;.; 61,;ii, iiljil: ",llli {. ii:I::" 1f,) il1i'Ji{ i1l1t;llJ:njfjrfqir .r
5 ( 19 6 8 ),5 7 _ 6 1 .

"..,*"

By

r

Food. Tnditiuts. One syrnbol on which the authors of this text lave done research and which lends insight into ethnic boundary main tenancc is the use of food. We shall look at this Dhenomenon in some d€taii. A di"iary pattcm .onsists not onty ot the lood itFm, consumed, but also the style in which they a.e prepared, the order in which {oods rre served, and the tnes of foods served together. In addition, taboos or dislikes for certain foods are part of tle pattern, as rvelt as the time n Sttrl6. The Suid Otale.ol a SIun. ?2Bellrrfu,

"S@ial C€tegon6-"

190

hJo!

Bts^N coMpoMNas M^Jon

l|",1;"1xkr:*a

or year (horrdays)dudngwhichparticurar

ll"H:tY::,j:-'il*::

asa.panof dicftu? ":'b':*" s,,''. *-yo:

-and [T._l],",^Tl::,:1:'ll-l".llllh ".rr'r''.*" ""lifif rhevusrim rew;i r*'l;*,* J;,Il

ll:":y:::"::,,I

aga,"i iil*"G :?i:r. i,.li:..,,,:T:,i:Xll: ,}iTjllTl]:Hrndrp-rohib,tion i;;.w";;i,,..";i0il

q!^N

coMpoNNB

191

rnarkcl for lre"h produce.?rln the sameway. koihpr butchers essential for the Jewish population in thc past ard are still im, for some segncnts today. One o{ the ffrt comrnercial enterrris€s IrdiaDs in England were specir ty grocery stores, which provide itemsfor the cuisine.The Pu€to Rican erocerystorc (bodzga) many social s€rvices,in addition to purveying specialfood. In hia, m^Dy of tbem have pool rooms widin them and serve as parlors.Baddeleydi\cussesthe importxnceoi crFek Jnd Turkish d€rhnuss f'r inm,qrdnr.in \Fs Ze.r,..nJ. In many vays, food consumption pafterns are a microcosn that . insisht into the macromsmof ethnic group idenrib rnd bounofer i? in urbrn areas. In rhe urbrn a'cr an ethnic sroup maint.nance lry it particulrr dietary paherns.ln thF niral arer. thesepafterns with fugs a higlrly integrated complex that \vff self contai,red. Exposure irrn€d items in the less bounded residential,work arrd leisure group ldietary ,flr of tle c;ty leads to a degree of interchang€ between the groups. .$s new dietary pattem is a comple{ inteNeaving of original ethnic prs and bonowed ones. How€ver, original ethnic items llre recognized I arch, and rules about their use aie maintain€d, thus seNing to sepaiias insiders frorn outsiden and mainhtu group boundades.

;::l l:l::.,+ "r, -.1, ,,b,, .n*,.r.,," r*,-i""1iiliija, l.:J"ll::..':l:::1,:-,111 *",'p. il i'",,'""i';;';;'il:l'i;{

::iil;lli "'. ,,r in_qmuparrt our l;1'f l::: u!\isnJro,\ rle) n!(um. _:_:,11,-lll"

mcmbenl'ip

at_reast onemeara rveek(usualy $lh l1;,'iir..sJ"yr,", $e sahbarh) i;a rradiri,nar ,,*i i.,'ri,"*ir,l"''-i on garaoccasions "n"i. rna,a,,.. .ii",l

I )1.""-1q.19.y"1

".aa,.*t. _''.avr.",,,,"e iilri^; ;;:,H ili:il:,I ::1..:,::g dinner Il:1:" u b rhe whorecran earhcredas irs H.^d-L:.r,ld:,

ty*llrv uscdrood;;;*.' ," desisnare rhc I: Ill".'L $n-in.raw. Hn ri. \hite bread iYPl:lll: an_a asrea "orr.a irFp"-p:r"-n rewaitJ-d;;;;,';.

ingasnegatwe symbots ut,a 1..;"". or rne Insrder r Datteh "r

.;jil";"'il:nT#"

wi;i-'r."d;;

;

It sholld be not€d that cerrain ethnic foods are adopted by orlrc; p.p"t,tion and rosetheir imporranc€ as ctLnic martdrJ ilTllj' "1..h" It,is intele51;nt to.note.thdr ,f," loU,". .i SouU philadclphia mr

isno,_..,aL* i"ji';j.T:'::,*"11q.1:lor,lem.l'cbaser ^l

.:. Institittional Mech.rnieru. A variety of iDstitutional mechanisms are .(d by ethnic groups to stimulate internal interaction and communicatri'- The,orrl'al tribal and regional arsociations.nafive langurge nFws iqpcrs. radio stations,and retigious acti\irie\ rre ba'ed on culrures of |lgin. Specialty stores and reslauanh such m rho'c discus,ed aho"e necessaryto purvey important slnbolic items. Where strong mles iI narriage within a goup (endoeanv) €xist, there witl be a tendency -t h€ighten exclusive inte.action. b Much of the African literarure emphasizesldbal endogamy as a basis of group maint€nance in the city. Sberc intermedi.ries are neccssar./to arange marriages, rhis lurther l.ightens gmup depcndence. Shack notes the tendency for currie Inardegesto be ananged bv intenediaries b€tween townsmen and rural dbal gnk.d However, he notes tlat curaje women are considercd quite rlsirable by otlrer uibal groups in the city, and if a Curaie woman is dirnced, there is a shong possibilit, that she will marry outside the

jiTl;lHr'"e-,; li"j:Hi:!:+r.i"._;:,:.,:1."t.:I;; ,il,trr'.:',i*"-;ti#"ffi ' fr lT:iilliili:!tt.r"ff ."n":f*#: ;l*1ffi#;s i,*'fr1:.:,1i:;,,, ii.l what ing fuoa p",,, *iri ri"."*." -aceompanl

4 nr.

udv dK wr.o

,".#Ti#::.il:::1, $":i,:*",i"ifi ::,Hl;tl;x';;.*.".,: o:.,L r- *"-q,c in piitadcrphiarhereare onrvrlree creek rood

j;i,i:ry, j:h:r,li ',-^1ff ili:"*ili,LJrt,rJg..:f ";l,#:#;:.J:#t hx *l:r]ll i#:ti_Jiffil:,i1r i{:ji+:,:.:r;::::rH:11111tffi:r:.:YJ*'"l;;1*:x: ;n:,ffi ".j^:

iT":ffi .i.1*:::ffi *""'.;T*,1.,ffi ;*:"t*i::*

trJuitth Cnbd€, 'The Plnhdelphia Food pfojecr: A Study of cntture dd Nurition', (FFr ilclirrcd .l lh. Ann"al ltalrnE nl rh- {"'cn.an Anih'.polugj.at A$.(id,ion, lg&): \ioditbs Erlmi, F.od$ar,: Tl. FnAi. uI LootirJ ;d S", idl \i\o,ts. ( ! . p e r d € l i v c 'e d a l r h F Si \r .cn r h An D U d l\th .ti n e u l th F \n d h ,a l e m {n r h ,.p o l u sr orl Alsiatirn | 976 , rrl. Bddeley. "The Chu'.h and lhp co8.F H.u.c: Thp sa.ial Orsenjzarian .{ rhc

ffi.f;gft*,. 6 Slack,

{,,ckr,nd. Npuzearand, \r,.,pi, n,*"a,.hL*ay. uni\a:'r)

Urban Ethnicitt ,"

192

MAJoR ub^x

!r Jon us^N

coMFoNEMs

corrPoNNrs

193

holidaysenDhasizedoften vary from city to city, as does the

H',:i#:,:Jli;T":ili.11il::#T"-.::ru:THH;:Iffi of the c.ldmtion.

I

tn lor

ot rhe v"r* City in Vrr.h 1976.lwo seprrJt.celehraliorrs

oT:i:.h1j-::-:., Hori.were h:ld,ol'" we+ @u re.ri,rrot lpll6lms Another'spo'sored presnte.dd,rina and

In many African cities, the hereros(

j"d ,i::'; F", qyl,*"'* ::::1,-*,0::J:li';:;lJ;"ilffi-:5'J,""ili:Jff r'1 ':l:.lri'9J1"::T fr" 1"19..::,i :\':::t'l':l.l: "::^a^1": of one the smearine morc traditionxl a.livihA. {ch :rs

matrilinerlgroupscorneinro conra;LO,"v p..rrl.U,il." bncd\ruI rnnflictingdcmandsrt}t crn bc macte "r"" uponright. ro

i emph,";"d rhrcugha llindu fAli\dI ]other wit} 11e. Irr both casesiderrtiffcation

;1.",1",1;t'4:'"r,?d;i;i;;irp,::.x{rl:i:;ffi

In many lmericar communitiesrvhcre large Dumbersof certdr dnupsare tourrrl.o\erl recoqlition is given to th. gro,rpsLI the crcrr cenrral Prrk becrme ;d';f nc$ ethnicfestilrls.1,,the $mmer of 1975. ,'ne oc.rsion anJ Ricrn Day on elehrarion ol Puerr', for th. Ocuena a Puerto Rican designatcs on anotber. Philadelphia Festival dc AII'India is p^rallel to Co' parade, which in a cetcbration culmin:rtes this W.ek D.ry,rs an Saint Patricks recognition event and as an Italia'r Da,v brbus evcnt recognition ltrh In inany discttssions of ethnicity, the mechaDismsdiscussed above to b€ directly derived from a 'cultr.rre of origin" and are asnrmed rr be passed down imnutably from g€neration to g€Derato .@sider€d on tle basis of nany of the studi€s we have previoudy However, &|Dclear that these s,rmbols and nrstitutions are manip it becones rdbd and change over time Kinship and mardage systems,on the one rtrted institutions, on the otheJ, are frequently changed to rcligious and i.'d, group manipdate economic and political situations. This to the iuble point much of the literatur€ on urban ethnicity in Africq in c€ntral ! tbe nuch oI the most sophisticated comparative study h:rs becn done. riere

m***n*N*ffi m*:Cr',,';:,#i X,;p"+li$ff'ro;l *.

:i-ll.

or crhnic $.mbolsrhat brins poopterogerberror

Frequcntly, sporrs are a centrat focu

)11".ii"jhnative.sports-such*r,"";.t"T::l*::'*1T.'* Ensrand_are :#.'*r,l'#

LragllorlndJ,n: I

l:, 1:,.1 :.,:*:'*1"

ur"r.aI o-'".i.l

sroups1re usld ror orsanizins ,.t_

.p",t";i

*ffi$fiiffi r"ilxtX;ni'*ri,f:ltt'",{' i:1fl

lournamentsusing both soeer and nativ. snorts. For \1est Indiansii Butralo NAv yo*. rhe cri.ket ctub was rhe o;t'. association,f,", fos,".ed West tndian idenrtv

*nic boundaries inurban T,i:'"xTJ.,^#':; i:Lfi'".,i:1T.1 "."^"

Bdnilery Processes.The issue of maintenance of urban €tlmic an nrdividuals ielaboundarieshas two basic dimensions: tionship to the groupi the other concems the rigidity or expansivenessof lie boundaries of tle group over tim€. The frst issue is relatively simple b descdbe. Chang€s in individual identity over tine do not have a great impact oD the contiiuity or boundary maintenance of the group. Through int€rmarriage, cbange of name, aligious conversion, and the like, individuals m:ry shift their s€lf-identi6cation fr('n one group to another. So long as this does not become a mass disafrliation, the group is not threatened. Plotnicov,in his study of migrant groups in Jos, Nigcria, indicat€s lhat one group is dominant demographically, economica[y, and politi-

.*".:.lTJ;.:1'r"x 11.c11,"1n"*f.*,;:,;;;;;;:;ui'ffi ill'1i""",:;*i'i,ill, i:,:;T::.":')' ;:'Bl,"ffi ;ln:ll":."t1* L:::::,y

Rore or vorutary Asseiatios.r':pllilT'ffri,f,';;ffi:., i;. i-,', wrrru. li.*Xlv;"TH,^, l: _^*J,,..i -'..t.i r.,ii iito,j;ili,i,'liilli',;X,jilXI ' So d o /n a ,s XT.-.;, in *:,i:f. "1 ::*..rr 9 fri s g l ,::_ i !_ _P € ru ::

il,#;:"

"f_!ll.:"..',U"'ar,i,n;

*'""

t"d') i^;;;;;;e

-rhe

A*aiari,a' (nre Hasu.:xoutonpubrishc*.

D Ob6eflati(m

were do€ bv Bertha Hinden.

194

M^lon

URBA

coMPoNEMs

.i?::ix*"?1T"'jff :,jrrf ll[il::,j,:.l3.:iy+'.r.,i"!ff ;'T+#Iifl!!L :*i,:ll;** ruinj 1;q:., ::r,.lru* l:l";i;*il,ii ::":*i, :prnl:ii1;Jlt;i.il:

dJoR

usa!-

coM@Ndr

195

hnguagc and food. Amalgamation is also thc result of demographic and econoinic-political

oppotunity

In the African litemture, Southall has rcfer€d to this as "superhave caued it 'incorpnration s3 gtbalisrn while Cohen rnd ^liddlero\n in languagc.descenrsyslem\ and other frce agairr.mi,,ilnat {imilarities \tereotypinglo nroduce a b^sis inleracl with e{temal culture arects ot

:l*T:!,r*+. :*:1ru* il';s+:;,"*r t'."F:'t

b) idcnbficarion ,m a"fii*,,i In \o m c .a q "t,r' e r. i n d i \

*-"

mcl' posjtie.

dF \ m.ml

I^-*:f:qr;t: ;;:'x'u^x.til"1ili1':'"" il":;m .

' d u rts

[d the fomxtion ot an etinic intere\t gloun. In a study of Ameri' an Indians in Los {ngcle!

Hiribavashi and

3+ This ,rsoci.rtcsnote the de'cl)pment of pRDIndianism in thc citv oeans the creation of idcntity as .rn American IndiM through a politicd oovement of giotps coming fron v€ry diverse tribal backgrounds. Tribal dittr€iences,which include signi€cant variation in language families and *rvs of life (nomadic huntersversussedeDtar'farmers), are minimized, rlthough tle authois note that dif€rent tribes participate diFerentlv in the movernent. Some of the difierences ilt participrtion seem related to ld@ogpphic proportions. In a morc recent attempt to andyz€ thc dev€lopment oI the American Indian movemen! Price suggests that tl€re is a process involved tiat ultimately resdts in a v€ry high consciousnessof kind aDd a height.3oed politicization of th€ group.s' He notes difi€rences between th€ Focess as it occurs in Los Angeles and Montreal. The process difien partly as a remlt of the proportion oI Indians in relation_to-.total.society. a rest t of the diEerent stereot]"es of Indians held by .-r"a p"rtly ""

ftHiiffi*i$]*1rytfi'ST;lffi'

pffr[1*,i;;+i1tl']rf,t',*t-$ffi ; LHi;::*## i4r[:[i"ilir!*:::ffii:*y"u i

.,,....*;. :11'-9.*nl. identincation tn€degr€€

il;i;; #;J#ili.

rowhichpeopr.ra."tiryi.,n La

:"11?T,.:.,","":: {eracl.within an "n*l erhnic group. Tbe probtem wir}, many studiesof u cthntcity is rharltheydo not takc inro aq_ountrh..'n,."."1 i"*d influenc€ this phenomenon.

that service thcm. Initially, such institutions are established

rd dominated by the whitc population; subsequcntly, they are takcn ove! by the Indians and rccast in light of their own goals. Pdce notes the gro*'th of publicatiors developed by Indians and containing nelvs of Indian lifc. Ttis is o e techniquc that solidiffes both the uban seg' meDt and the dispersed rural segmeDL Many antbropologistswho hav€ studied urban Indians exrmine their high rates of alcoholism and the choiG o{ bars as major foci of rcseational adivities. Price notes that Indian octivities havc recentty shilted fron bnrs in the Los Angeles area. Since bars in the carlier phases brought together Indians from diferent tribal groups, they sened as a

:'l*iitji":,i,":!t.*",;"::,t.:1"_T::.*;,."ijH;'ff;1 i:,*{r. li::"t,"ft#Ft'i 'l#3;# L;1;l*.5"69 ::;ff:,i:'t; i;:m:...;;Tl f tX ::Fti.:-q.':t:.i iTffi t"i,H;l:l ;tffirverc Hr'":l:t**# ,11.",-i:ltiit,'f anargamated in the t'TffiJiiJ ffi::.ff",4'ffi*,'J,l':e

j"i,ilT'trJ,.;*.ffff ""a",".".,ypi"g. :[: "",""i;.;;;;;;.;'

3oPlotni@v, 'WtD Oq{ rx} { Sback, _Urbd Ethniciti..

LLT..u.t"

vilrae?t::bd H,m.z. ..Ethnici\ and oppnrtuiry in u,ban

r.^iilaD sdnlAll ld.). So.ial ChtnEe in Alda (London: oxford UniveNity ftai 196r); R. Cohd and J. Middleton (eib), F on Trile to Natid in Al @ (Scant6:

Charafler-rylo).

LJ. Hinbayshi, w' Willard, and L. Kennftar, Pan-Indianismin tle Urban S.t t'Dg," i! T. wave. dd D. White (eds.), Ttu Antiropolosv of Ufida Ennndments, Dp. T-88. i5 Jotut Pri@, "The U.S. dd Canadian lDdian Urbh Ethnic Institutions," Urlat Anihtut olqs, 4 ( 1975), 35-52.

196

Majos

!B!N

coMloEus

MAroR UEAN

cdMFoNdrs

197

HH{*',tu:":i$ ri''iit1['#-'ii[1"ffi

drng Vexican-{mrricrn'.^! Tr}ing charactcriiticsut tarnily life. pdluns of socialintcrxction.."'d values.hc show. lhat mrny chrrrctFristic' 6t have bccn assuncd to be Mexican in origin are thc rcsult of thc d'oditions of economic deprivation rathcr than cultural carry-overs. &eaveshai taken a similar position in rclation to difiercnccsbetween €stizos nnd Indians in Peru.so He suggests that what was formcrly vwed as difierence in learned tradition is ir lact a response to class

ffi **-fltilltfifi '

It is worth noting that jn many cthnogrrphic studies of cthnic qt)upq there is .r (oalescencebchveen ethnic grcup and occupati(nr. iina we have leen enphasizingthe eclrnomicand political functionsof cthnicgroups,the degreeto rvhich eth c groupsdevelopparticular ecodonic Dichesfor thenselvesis an indication of the closerelationshipof dhetwo. tr{uch oI the African, Chinese,SoutheastAsian, Lath American, end North Americnn literature points in this direction. Thus these two baresfor urban organization cmnot be tota y separate. We have noted a tendenry in somc casesfor an ethnic group to an econonic niche and thus be roughly homogeneousin class. 'Dnopolize We havc also noted thc phenomenon of verticd integration, where class segmenlswithin an ethnic group remain interdependent. A third kind of r€lationship also exists. tr{uch of the literature on Afric.n cities points out dut the new bureaucratic elite tend to disassociatethemselvcs from thcse ethnic groups, in ontrast to their less mobile counterparts. A maior issue in urban etlnicity is the pmcesses oI eth ic group lormation and boundary maintenance. The general rnodel of this process is as follows, People fmn difierent hinterlands, regions, tribes, and even nation-states migrate to urban .€nters, where they initially mairtain high degrees of social inteiaction based on common culturcs of ongin. Oncr: they aniv{. in sumcient numbers, they become recognized as a separate group by othe.rs within the city. Because of the nature of th€ oppotunity structure of t}Ie city and/or discrinination against the gtoup, there are limits on rvailable emnomic opportunities. The usc of pcrsoDal networks to get t'obs or develop enteryrises leads to a situation in which rnany mcmbers of the group establish thernselvesin the same economic niche- The similarity in socioeconomic position maintdns and reinforces tle pattems of intenction among them. The ph€romenon of individual idcntiffcation with ethnic groups through synbols and instihrtions is

Issues in thc Etlmic Aryroach

#*',-.:.,ffi -a;tr$$Jilf,#il'g ,.*,*,.."i,1t1.**ru"rnrr"r,ri:,f#1t[,,:*,f,'{ #;'.5*'s*"m,:;_y,,m: i.#:i:;'fl,".i::iil,;:.ffi [lilr:i':-,*-*'*hll,1'l*+','*,:,,**ff

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33E)E

':rilifu l{:+:*#.ng

e Teny Csine, _ClN, Culture and Etlrnicity ir s Northen lvloxi@n Amencan com(p.Fr delive.ed at the l97l metings oI the Society foi Applied Anthropolnmity'

ro,psE,,M anJAdaprarion.,.

LAfa.rpis. "ir;u#,""'aris. btq co o, ,a,*oc,ot" r rtadiq:

univenfty of wis(ftin

ftF$.

$ThoI6

Grelvs, PuBuina Cdtural Ph.alnn eraph, April 1970).

in th€ Ands"

(unpublished mimeo-

198

M^Jo^

qBAN

coM@NErs

jT,.,."?: ;1":",*i1,"'ll:I [:f;1H., ff ijl,T,,,t;.:::lii Iffi

i,:Tn1;;::T;,il"til,i uU*:;:.r,H :Tr^:![:

M^J on !M{ N

oMP oN drs

r99

I intercsts.Tbis often l.:adsto commonrcsidentialpatternsand a strong bundary maintenance reflcctcd in lifcstyles.

[ili:..'#i:f+i:l.,ii,*r#:'$T ;Fiiii[:;i:,fl ilr;,f'.:'ft

[i'r,,ir'. #i,*dt{r[ii"ri{{Fifi s^rr'nporrrrrr'po",;;i,;;;";i,,, :,;:iil; l; il [i]i ;ill ",, Cnor'>s B^9ED oN rnE DrvrsroN or L^4n

Wor* Pkrces and. Wo*

Sitt'ations

Many studies conc€med with occupation focus narmwly upon the ro* ptac€ and the sork situation rather than occupational status comdllrities as subcultures. Actual work activities, rules related to work, aDdsocial rehtionships $ith co \rorkers. superordinrt€s,subordin:rtes, !!d clicntelearc clamined. Somctimestheseinsideb work related vie$s d society and thcir evaluations of the world gen€rated by work roles d€ described for then esoteric interest alon€. Rarely are the implications frr the social system of work-related views examined explicitly. Although lndted in naturc, such studies do provide insight into tle way Alnditions of rvork pmduce, or tail to produce,solidruityi that is, *'hat contributes b cr€ating situations in which occupation bccomes a primary identity .|rd oocupational grcups become tightly bounded social components. In a volume by Spradley and Mccudy called The CuLtuftI E pctktnce, a wmber of studies concemed the insider's view of his job, tbe spatial arena, tenporal cycle, tlpe of clients, as well as the way t}le irb influenc€s oth€r aspectsof lif€.e, Foi examplc, the study of an airlin€ rtewardessshows th€ degrec to which wo.k time requirements and mohlity influcnc€ Ieisuc,time activities and interyersonal relationships. A ine stewardessesare very closely superyis€d and must conform to n e.r related to dress, .oakeup, and hailstyle. Comperirion for routes is hgb. Another occupation described in this is oraanized car theft. The grout studied mnsided of men qho'olume viewcd this a\ a transibry o..cupation, used to build a stake for entcrine the husiness world or to pay fora collegceducarion.They J"\elop.d sel rourinesand ser rules p€rtainiDg to the kinds of cars to be stolen, when to ste.l then. and how to dispose of them. Brenda Mam's study of the coctlail waitress in a midwestcrn citv focusesprimarily upon thc intcracrion herqeen mrle Uu,t"na"" oni female cocltail waitress€s.'3Much of the interaction and communicarion is dir€cted toward r€inforcing the dominant position of the male in the work situation. She also not€s difierent catesories of customer who frequent lhe bar and their inreracrionwirh b;rh Lrrtpndrr and wait-

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c, Jm6 spndley ud David Vccu,rty , ed. r. Th, cu ltutut Elt4;,fl, p: rthnE,a,hu 6- cmpld so&'ru r( hi,!Eo: Scirn@ RFs,rh A.snqerc., t9?2). $ Bmila \len. "Bar Talt. ,n Jamc. spndle) and Dcvid VcLudr r"Js.) .on_ ana c6fid th.iu rBo\rnn: Udlc. Brntn ud Co.. lr?4,, pp. tot- ! lamp. spadley and BreDda ridn, rh. coct toit waihes (N.; y*1,
MAJOI

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COMrcNIIT

M^Joi

Patch, in his studies of the cenrral

unn^N

clMPoNNrs

4cetings ar€ *?ll-attendcd and taken seriously as a force for discipline .rd social control. A difierent so.t of status comnunity was srudjed by LeVasters and rbcrib€d in his book, Btue Colht Aristocmts.,6This was a status com, ounity based on a cluster of similar occupations. The setting for this *udy was a tavem in a suburb of I Midwestem citv. The clientete of Se tavem was drarvn pdmarily from the highest skill level crafts in the cdstuction industry. In addition, some truck drivers and entreoreneurs i! r,l,t"l .r" . ,,.,It,.r,,,r,.,r,d rru,l u$r,,ir ri,o n,rr 11" ".r. "L steJdygriup. C,r'c.r"ing m.tllod,ilue).ir \hould be rolrd thrr lt,. sr,,tus ()mmunity being studied was not obscrvedon the iob or in thc bome.bul crclusively in thc tavem However,lhp i\sue\ di\cu$Fd Ncr€ nuch larger. Like the longshoienen, this communit.!. too emohasiz€ct firdom and autonomy rt work a\ a mJjor vatue.They n.oua of their slill Invcl: and the productr ol rh(i! .rJtr\. Th. -"* burjrlinc, rfrer h€lpedto onstruct nerc viewcdas permanenr m"n,rm"nr,ro tt.;, ,fli. ltey also vie\red their high level incomes as a source of setf esteem. Tbe usral pattem of &inking was Ior thc men ro srop by at the 'Oasis' oo |-Leirway home and drinl vith le ow mcmbersoi rt ei, rvo.t crar-iemonstrating rhe importance of exclusive work interaction for the fo_rmltign of tighrkrir groups. They refer to this typical two-hour period of drinking as the "blue co ar cockrail hour,,, thus Dokins fun d Dos€ whitc collar workers *ho spend less rime and more monev in lrcciat drinking. F-riday night is couptes night at the bar. Saturday duiing lfie tlay the men hang out togerher at tte bar. There is a pool tabte anl tiey often show ofi new hunring and ffshing gcar. ttreir common in terest in hunting and ffshing keeps rhem together in leisure activities ortside the bar. On Sundays and holidays, whote familics coDe to the bar. Thus th€ lenure-tirne activities of this group are centered on the bar. This tavem is on€ of a dozen tavems in th€ ieiehborhood that each sewe diferort .[entcle. Thcre is .ven on. bdr rh;t sFn.\ rhe unem_ ployed,injured, and retired. The lack of strons ethnic afrliation in this city Dteansthat work roles-rar}er thao culture ot origin -\eem ro be thc baiis for difier€ntiation, solidarity, and out-group denigration. The stody providcs some insight into the caree; patterns of the patrons of the bar. Some are proprietors who own truckinq establish nents or rre building contracrors.Obviouslvthey used rheir stijt bJsc as bluc collar workers to acquire the capitlrt and knowledse used tater in entreprencunalactivitics.Le\hrrer( noresthal aftcr r p..;oa ot the entrepreneur sometimes changes his seu,identity and moves -""..., away

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a,specls tife.. Ttey aho_ investigate rhe importance oi **p",t.i"i -oJ

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Bhe Collor Arbtocnts,

M^ron

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coMPoNlm

Irom the bar. but rhi\ is not alwrys so. ltany drbble jtl entreprcneudrl rctivities but do not like them or are unsxcc.ssfut,arrd go back h *l employment.Thj\ would indicate thrt lhe usc *.*. a.t" ." *fi empJoled ras opposedro blue collar caregoric(I"t vo,,ld ,eU y;;; "ot mucb aboul real bounded functionat unirs as woutd ethnographic - ;'= " search whjch points ro srrges in panerncd cr,.", .y"l.r. Many patrons of the Oasis have ben tongtem rpsidcnrsof rtr. suburb. Recently. whitc.cottdr and professionaimiddt" ar.r" f"rnil,I \rrr.rn,1,l ol lhir jr\n\iun h) orhe'statuscommrrnirics is drosrrhr rh. [11 ol G. Oasisand thereis a co,,ti,,uinq condictbch"*. rt.lr"".""a resident status communities over politi@t control of rhe suburb. "ii lve have noted the tendency to study slms and ineg,nar setl6 meDts in our discussioDof neighborhood ethnographies. In the literaG oD ethnicity. minority groups are studied morc i.cque"tly tha" do,nin[i groups. In r€lation to occupatio al sratus conm,mities, thee Aso isl tp shlql, lowcr sesments.$e mrrei^a v trlptoyed. atr; l:ndency -tne. a statuscommuniry rne unempro)Fd.', such was thc 6asis ot Curkin& study of the long+erm unemployed in Lagos and Nairobi.,s cu*;J notes that kinship and tribal ties are reptaccd by Ues rnsed on the corn. mor e.onomic datus o{ h.ing uncnrploved.Tbe EmptoymenrExchanc€,. in_bothcirie\ serveas thc \prrint torus for..hrnging our" activities.WiIc lribal memherstuprcrbnicib ) is Iess irnporrant itr" un"-plov."nr i L-bF. crealion of intormat mutuat aid groups. thc c,*6o. ; sig"iticaot .; ponocar movemenrsr,rscd on rhc (tahrs of unemploymentij hanp|er€d.; by tribal cleavages. i: {, simitar \tatur d)mmmiry i, Ameri€n sociery is that descriH ,by . eeThese rnen are employed inreminendy I Liebow in Tallg't Q671y", or un€mployed for a tone period of tirne. llfre" e,rltoyea, tt"; pU" usually low_paying, require high expenditues ,f "re or ti-., are expected to be remporary. Much tike severat of """.gy the iuccessful entre-i pr.ncun in I?V:r'tcr\ study thosein Liebows rrudy who obtain stable dnd r.litivFly well-palingjobs movc out ,,f rhis \tJru\ communitv inro anolher. ThesF men hrve closc interr(rion, common leisurerime rdivitic: and simijarvalu.\ xbourwomcnand sork. tf rhe sratus.ommuDy notion had been used, we would have found out holv this unit rclare to othe$ jn the urban center in tems of onflict and competition. Th€ c7 F4r a drscx$ion of rhe impt'@tions .f rarinu, n

upwa,d mo,,,,rr). \A.rudi.h co]+. -ro!",1). and,rilff*,ii;:J:i,il]',"j#FHj:j

ttumt ot Anthtorotosu,3 t\972). t-19 eacr&ind, Eners! uf D€:Daf. ,c Elliot Liebou, 'rallv s C;mar lBost@: Lftrte, Bs*a

Co.. 1967).

COMENBTS

whi{h this group.nrighl be amalgamaledinlo r , ommon 'lrlus Eree lo nom"nity ot lhe m:ugin.rllyenrployedis nol e\plored. The impre*ion *l om rec"i*' ir lhal thir clique i\ relatively i"olated fro'n ,nher .imi (Black) is b groups.Its l(rcu of nctivity is r street corner. Ethnicity bsic to identities, but this group, because of its position in the division dllabor, representsa specialized s€gment of the ethnic grotrp. Another rnarginnl occupational category that tends to generate a tounded status connunity is pedi-cab &iving. In parts of the Third Wortdwhcte mechanizedpublic trMsportition {acilitics ha\'. not been lighly devc.lopcd,two- or three wheeled bicycle or hunran-propeJled dctshaws provide a major means of intra urban passenger movement. could and Textor have studied workers in this economic niche in Luckrow, India 1lnd Bangkok, Th:dland respectively.lrx'Thenature of this @upation provides th€ opportuity for corxiderable social intera.tion betweennrenrbersof thc group and thus tendsto generrtecloscdbound si€s. Most of their day is spent in waiting for passenger in important .lDtral locations. Vost &ivers are ernployed by cab o\\ners .rnd develop odnmon interests because of their relatively powerless position in relation to a -boss." They also develop common vie\ts of their clientele. li h.t. Berreman, who was concemed with uban social categories in gen€d, found these individuals to be a ficlr resource becauseof their ability io difierentiate minutely between customers, and pick up cues thrt were lEquently not noticed by others.lor This particular occupation is of fur$er interest to the urban anthropologist because dre group knows rnore ibout specialized zon€s in the city tlan other groups. Because of their ihobility, they frequently pa.ticipate in ancillary enand'running and .otrepreneurial activities throughout the city, o{ten of an illicit nature. llis also leads to tight social boundaries in order to protect covert infornation. In man!, ways, the tr{i driver in the United States has a parallel role, although he is less marginal economically. There are otber narginal occupations that delelop the same so of closed corporate nature, but there ar€ some activities that s€em to pre' clude this kind of boundary formation because of the high degree of conp€tition and isolation in wo*. As examples,we might cite scavengers or ragpicker, donestic servants,and street vendors. Even here. however, under certain conditions, cohesive bounded groups may develop. Thus, Taira notes for a group of ragpickers in J.rpan that they all had a parallel tm Hdold Godd, 'L.cknow tucksha$alh: The Socid Organization of an o(npa tiond Catesory," lntewtidwl of cotutx ttae Saciolas,/,6 (1965), t? 47r Jdml not€n Tefto\ F,@ Pe6ant to Pedicab Dn@r (New Havd: Yale UriveBity Press,

l98r).

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rd E€ll@e,

's@ial Caiecori6."

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OMIONENT5

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prrronclienrrehrionship\virh a whotesrle iunt deatcrwhom thev ,."rHF. iD turn. proMdcdhou,ing -,for riem. ." th"y ;;ln; 4lel I :"Y

usAN

conPoNNrs

prld, unions and syndicrtes of street vendors have developed under .dtaitr cirdmstances. These paticular situations that pemit the foma6m of a status community should be examined in great€r detail. Prostitution is aDother marginal oc{ruprtional category studied by arhropologists. This activity t€nds to generate a high degree of co, hsion as a bounded status community including prostitutes, pimpq and p:rdams.The norrn-violating natue of the activity, the need to develop Fotectio rgainst llrw enforcem€nt, and the desire to decrease compctitionfronr nrlrlteu$ leads to a high degreeof orginization. In tLis crse (aodothers,like begging), socialdenigrationby outsidersleadsto strong h-gloup boundaries.lor An example of a traditional occupational status comrnunity that is down is the Jatavs of Agra, India. This group is a sub-caste breaking low rhose traditional occupation of leather-working was considered impure sd placed them at the lowest levels of thc Indian caste hierarchy. In li€ city of Ag.a they have renained a viable status conmunity despite the occupational diversity of present day Jatavs. Although nany remain .nploy€d as leather workerc in factories, others have becone succcssful dEepreneurs who themselvesowlr factories. or have entered government rcrvice, politics, and academic life. There is a formal organization repns€rting the entire Jatav comnunity, and th€y have emerged as a powaful political factor within city rnd state governments. The group p0blishes a newspaper for its om mernbers and maintains its own t'brary and historical archives. Th€ latavs are now more tike an ethnic tmup than an occupational status qrmmrnity.1o3 Our discussion of status comnrunities to this Doint has focused uoon $e working cia\s and marginrl segmentsol rh" occuparional.rru.trre. Similar status communities exist rnong thc middle and upper teveh of 6is structue; bowever, they ire mrely studied by anthropologists. Jacobton's study o{ higher echelon bur€aucrrts in East Africa notes the commonality of interests and closely knit prtterns of interaction rmong lhis group.r@ Since these individuals govemment employees and are ^recent$ to another, their ties ftequently trandened from one urban are primarily with others in the same position. Relationships between rhese bueaucnts are very close and involve €motionnl support, lcisure-time activities,mutual dd (loans). and secudty. Jacobsonemphasizeshow

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raw'cng R an autonomousentcmrise _sire for the dcpendencyon credilors witl whom one est:rbtntFsinformaj ri* .r p""." a+,, Altlough V(Cce doe\ not discu\ thc impLotions" ""rrrl. ot thcse icri\ties tor oevcroprngr rtJtus communib. it woujd seem rhrr the v.ry srructurat implication\ thst m^le ir hard for peasanrs ro establishsot;&riw : e operaretor ltrrs\tatus communjty.Nevcrthcless. in,rony pxrts of the rn? I(ori Tan,. "Rdspickeis and ComnDib

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roaPatch "La PaRda: Limas l\tarker.-

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P@r {'L'md'n: FBnr cNanr

r@J. Jd6, _Ssei cream lrdies,'Iyesrem conoali4n JtuwI ol Anihtupolosv,3 (lgl2), r02-r8; and chnsrin€ ltilner and Richard rri1rct. Bld.k ptauerN: ,rhe {;;et WuA ol Blrek Pinrr ( Bosron: Lrtllc. Brovn rnd Co., 1972,. ta Lyncb, The Politi\ of Unttu h4blitv. ro D.vid \l.nln Pa'|. ralifomia: Cuo'ning\ Puh. Jaohm, Ititudnt lowwn ' hiiDs co.. 1973).

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a common ideology of friendship and sentiment devetops in the grouD For this group. occupJtion is eitremely significant, *lite,e.ia.,rli neighborhoodand ethnic rllegirncc lose atmo< att rheir sieDi6en.? f; forming social ties. The boundaries of this sratus commDit_v are infornbi .not mrintained through tormal as\ociarions,newsprpers,or any suci terhnique. However, the commuDity is sbong, as neasur€d by the deg; of exclusive intenction and commitmcnt. When its menbers nove f;; city to city, they go armed with a list of formd co-rvorkers and frien& of friends,so th.t they have a readHade omupationalt,vbascd net$oj waiting in the Dew setting. Thc emergence of this conmunit-v as a bornded intercst group has signjffcantimplicdioirs fo. rhe cities tud nation. as well as for individuah. Not all occupational statusesdevetop an occupationally based c6ny munity to protect their position. In a study of ln*yers in Medellin, Co lornbia, Judith Goode found that, despite a high degree of fri€n&hiD and informal interaction between srnalt networks of lawyers ( mosd; forn€r schoolnates ), and in spite of serioN economic threats to the p; fession, lawyers did not organize cohesively above the Ievel of netwoft to Fotect their interests.r10There were Do sucfessful formal organizatiotrt nor rarniffed infornal ties for the profession as a rvhole. Sorne of thc rcasonsfor this were the geographic dispersion of professionat activiti€q thus removing common spatial arenar for intemcrion, and the incrqlsirg \pecirlization in work, leading ro fragmenrarionand v"rv great comD€tii tion within each specialry.Finatty. somesr,onsly rnaintainedrradih;,al values mitigated agairlst collective activity. These pofessionals, unlib'i; most other professional groups in modem Colonbia, eschewed member-| ship iD voluntary associationsfo. recreation, chaity, or any goal. ; The difrculty in making generalizations abour ctassbehavior and/d ocrupational behavior is evident when lawyers in C.otombiaare mnpar€d to other professions (the same sociat ctass) in Colombia, or with laiwers in the United Stare!. In Cotombia, dentists and acsrunrants are rnucd mor€ highly oryanized as status communities and are intesrated into tbc \y\rern whtre rhey pJnicipa.c and prorecriheir intcresr3 l,.q:.:*id srrte\. rawyersas r group:rrehighly organiz.dand par. ticipate_r_ea&ly in the full spectmm of voluntaryrsociations. The), ff. successful in protecting their interesrs. Oddty cnougb, in the L'nit€d States dentists are singled our as a profession characterized bv ereat social irolrtionIu+,! ca{e

MrroR !m^N

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njtpJn*\ .,r a rradiriomtEtircro \rndmiarjon,- rhM

ln -llj ). 70-80. t'.Eaniution, 29 ( 1970

coMroNNrs

207

This kind of difierential resporue makes it necessary ro studv the contertof each p:rrricllar status community in ordo to d^cnbc rnd elplaiDdi0ereDcesthat existin relation ro expectedclassand/or occupa donal behavior. Class Stud.ies Some:tnthropologistsworking in cities have endeavoredto studv ocial classes.or segmentsthat nre larger than occlrprtionatst:rtuscom, nuntics. Thc previoLsdiscussionshould rlert us to tlie problemsinherent in lookingat such aggreg.tedconceptsas iniddle ctass,"-upper middle class,""professionals" and the like. We have peviously noted the earty influence of the rvork of Llovd Wamer on tb€ development of urban anthropology. His earty community dudies in the United StatesseNed as 1l nodel for many l:rter works. part ol the Wdnerian approach emphasized the studv of sociat classeswfthin 6€ connunity. I||r'lner lvas interested in classes. to examin€ theii 'rot Flation to the division of labor, but to describe them as seDamte. boundedlifestyle sroups vith rome degre" of .\ctusi\e inrcrucri;n and conscioEnessof kind.l! Andrew Whiteford in Quer6taro, Mexico and popay6n, Colombia .rd Ruben Rcina in Paran6, Argentin:r ha\€ studied these resp€ctive citiesLsing r socialclasspcApechvc P Th.y point our rhat the;ariou, clrsres studied each have distinctive tifestyles, which include both con snqtion pdterns and noms. Each class is recoqnized bv those outsid€ oathe classas a distincr Sroupand is lab'tt.d as such ( reputxrion). Th,,s. 6e grorp is bounded both by inside solidarity and outside stereotypcs. P$alleling what $/amer found in the United States, the upper ctasi in Frticular is the most distinctive grorp and is most concerned with main, tdning its boundaries and exchrding others. This kind of distjnction is hclciDg in the more amorphoL' divisions of middt€ class. stabte workine dass.and marginalqroups.Hrrc ue 6nd:r more comprehensilFviaw of stah$ commuities and their articulation within a sinste urban center. How*er. in all c:ues.incl,rdingwJmcrr. rhe .omm,;ir) srudiedi\ a rchtively snall Fovincial urban center. and the totat vi;w of the na_ tional elite and its activities or the relationship between local elites and rn w LIo\d wam.l andraut s Lunr Th. statu\su.t?hot o uodpmromhnitu

(Nry Ha\en: Yate Unirers \ Prc\r r942) rE-Arifre\y Whiteford, T@o Ciries h Iatin Am.n.a lca.ilen Ciir: Doubleday & Co., r$4)r Rubo nci.a, pantu1: social Rendone\ is an Aryentin; cirv {Ausrlnj Uni: r6ity of Tetu Pr€$. rg/3).

M^Jon

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mtional €lites is not made clear. This, in part, is a result of the timitario$ of tbe €thDographic approach.

Onc r.pccl ol occuprrional Jnrlvsi\ that holds many inrcresllno po\sibilitics for future urhrn ethnoerrphic r.s.irch focujcs on rhF.yc[ of occ,,pitionals..lucncFs.or crreer p. erns. Eame rrd C.oodc tuo(. " rl rhF lo!"cr seAmcntrol the indu\rrial occuparionalttru,r,.. "..i culturalll., halc stggestcdthrt ttrer. is:r corsidcrnbter,,Ionnt of hrerni (as opposedto vertical) nobilirl,.rt:, hdi\.iduts move from hea\.vdlv labor to petty €ntreprcneurship in a variety of seq"enc".. Irus, th.re i trcquently no upward mobility $thin the pol of marginat ocrq)ations. Where actual vertical mobitiry does occur, it is necessary to obtain detailed ac{oDts to deveJop some notions of generatized paft$ns anil the strategies used to facititate uprvard mobility. In th€ actual mobility process studied by man), ubaD anth.oDol. ogjn\. thFre is a tendencyto uriliz. so.idl ralldt:rs m"ch o, mo.. Gan money. By this we mca the individual's abilfty to maniputare toth efi€ctive (kin, ftends, and mutual aid) and extended ties (ac€€ss to infornation). Couective nobility is usually facilitated by ties to patrons (influeDtials or brckers) iD rhe larser urban structue. A second attemative is tlc accumulation ol real capital (private propcrty). This rnay be the of windfalls, savings, frugat ]ifestyles and/or the pooting of -result small anounts of cash. h many of the studies we have cited, tlese rwo fonns of capital are frequently interwoven and ffe related to the suc_ ce$ful nobility of either individuah or gn uF. These two sources of capital can b€ us€d to enhanc€ mobilitv in various ways. In many parts of thc wort4 entrepreneurial activities .re view.d a\ thF maior .ource of upwird mobililv. An allemarive Drth is th. rcqui\ihon of skilL and/or education (format credenriats). which foster uprvard mobility in hicrarchica|y organizcd production units in the formal labor market (facrories, ffnanciat institutiors, and sovemment o6.e'). Un,killcd lahoren cm acquire skith thar enrbtc them ro oblain better paying jobs. Education may lead to manasenal and authorit:rtive position\ Mrhin such oreanizahons.ThLs. mobiXty srrategiesconrisr of investing various amounts of one's social and/c monetarv caDital in cnrrcpreneurirljrnd/or rredFnhrl-\eekins:rcrivfti Socialand monetlry capital a.c not mutually exclusive.One can use social ties to generate moncy. On the other hand. kin and netlvor} ties may also deplete onei monetary resources.we have previously discussed 113ndrvin Eand dd Judirh Co.:d.e, uftan lnr&r The Fr.e Press.l9?3)

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dbisissue in Chapter 4 and noted that many studies indicrte that kin obligations can interfcre with individual mobility. ID Watson'sstudy of Chinesein Inndon, he notes th.t the capi, blization ncccssar-vto open a rcstaurant is usually beyond the reach o{ 6 individual, and the most frequent form of entrepreneurshipis the lartnership.rrl nre capital invested is saved from wagcs in prior resta mnt vork. Partnersare membersof thc same lineage-Lasedvilhge. stack,as ne previouslynoted,suggestedtlat the large :unounto{ capital for import export is bevorcl tlie cnrrabiljtiesof thc Curaje ti necessnr) Holvever, thev can genemte enough capital to control locnl mcrcantil€ rctivities. Peattie has noted for residentscf Lalaja, thar many individuals rspire to pefty entrcpreneurship and will use saved capital or windfall capital (lotteries, lump sum sev€rancepay) to i,pcn sml l sroresand bar.rr6 Frequendy these ;ue undercapit{tized,but mo.c significantly, ptoprietors from the community rvho ser,,e thc coinmunity are expected to ertend uedit and perlom {r€e seNices. Overextension of credit and oidercapitalization frequently lcad to failure of smal-sca]€ enterprise. This same form of explanation is used in the rnalysis of the succ€ss d Chinese grocery proprietors in small,to\.n Mississippi described by Itrwen.Ir? He suggeststbat thc Chinesc were successfulbecausethev did oot havepe6.nal ties$ith thF Bl.kts $hum rhe\ \ervctl.Alrhouch Sey did ertend credit. the limirs wF'e cte,r. Ar opposedto rhi, pauein. Lo€wen suggests that locrl tslacks could not have esrablislred succcssfrll €nterpdies because of kin and netrvork pressurcs on them to extend 6edit. The dual paths of entr€preneurship and credcntial acquisftion are not mutually erdusive and may be combined in a va ery of wavs. Higherskill lcveh mav gencrrrehighnrmonerrr|plum, r,, be in\cst;d in entrepreneurial activities. An eEmple of this processcan be seenin the career pattem of a _ Punjabiin Wolverharnpton,England. rnitially, be obtatned emplovment itr a tire f,ctory a\ n ianiror.He rubspqu.nrtylno,"a to on tt._ttn. gojl'ction ald eventually moved into the highest skilt levet (tire builder). With the wages obtained. he accumuhred enorrghcapital to rent an abandoned movie house and bcgan showing rndian novics. This was such a successful enterp.isc that he abantloned his factory iob. LIe "R^raudnt\ dd Be'nir'n@!:chine\eFm,sran,\vort,1, ir J1'"9 ]" !-. Y.Y-

Fu n cr a n r r R . KL ,n p e r . 4 n ,i ,o r ./o |i d . r n .i ,i p ! , Bo q L n ti r ,tp B.o\h hd Cn.. 1974)_ oo,2OI.2l. rr5 Sh&k. _Udan Etbni.ib " r\6 P@ttie, 'Ihe Vizu ,rcm the Btrno. trr{ rh" t/!,s^ri//i .hin?\c. Bptup"n ata.L and wh p l':l.mT.w ,c^mDndg€: Ha.!ar4 uDile^ib Pr6s. tg-t),

210

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then invested iD two laundrcmats and eventually established his o$! clothing manufacturing cnte+rise.r1s Nor dll aHempts at convcrii[g ski s to capiiat are succ€ssG.l Lames and Uoode summarizethe tif. h,\tun ot one of peanies infoi ants as follows: y, q" *" oi rn agricuJrurrts.o*er who himscr l':c: .areer-asd rarm worrFr. He drJted i"to p.rq. .n_rn",". beein his ,_irit t" atri\.d in.La Laii jtuarrer .errt.m.jrr in in.trrrri.,tCi,,.t,i , u,rJuDr \,n.zu,tJl..ldItis arrirrt srr torruir,r6h rimcd r\ rh; nJior industr) th. lron \tines C,,mpdn],was jusr beainnins ro tar',reh. Hi\ toreman bec_arne intcrcst;d In"him a-ndhc..$dsgiven thc opportunih to acquireetca;cian shtts on ihe Job- {tter sevenyear\ hc.was lnid ofr 6y rbe clrmpany,a risk Fe. itucntry preseniin btue-(o jrr $.ork b,rr cu.hio,cd b; ,;v..a.ce ;; n. ro,rnoa Joh a.san Ftectri,.at reprirman,b,,t ,h"a$ dr.,rmed,,,t rnvesnngIn h6 oq n busincss.Thus. he teft his new iob votuntarilv ro open a gm.ery s|orc. wheD rhis businessfaited, he fc bact on rb sxlrs ano Dtrame an ctectricianat rhe sreetplant wbere be ros€ sleadily wi*,in th. .omprny to heq,me c forem;o. ,ttu _;n;.;;; h;rre mabled him ro rcatir a his aspirarions,,a be _'r,ri,,"i to work while also investing ir a bar nrir bv hs tinsmea.i- --'-?atch describes the ptight of a streer vendor/shoeshine boy wlo .. attempts to_move upward by means of fonnal educatioD and the acquisi rion of c.edeDtials e dercriheshow the pre;udices of tbe p;vate sctlJ rlT: pfru make rhis so,t inpossihtc.when $; boy tries jT.," b ls.t i<ecp,hrsEerghhorhood/stum) Jnd occupationa secret at schoot,he ir * so. rhe sociar prcssures/eainsi his sucf€edins ale very ;::jf,J. Interestingly enough, nuch of our inlormation about career patfmm mmmunity studics, rather than from occuparion s;;3:.r-.: res. rn most community studies, where diverse segments of the populathc va,iery or carccr pahcm\ em..scs ctea.ty io; rlle I'T 1*,to-d urDan cthnoSrapher.Diverse panems of mohijity ,ometimes soerr to i,lrm repdate boundcd tife,tvte p.anie noles a For .smpte. smups. thc upwarcfly motrile and rnose locted inro cvctes or underemplo)menrand unemptomcnr in rte ,ommunih. she ;hrd. r13 Bes@rch,unPDjat,i

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in, onsumptionprHems.childheJ'ing dLffqences, d.u' These.include lnerns, a.a heharrorrl norrn. belwe(n lhesc 'Pgment' rho n,cu'eson the Lte ' Rob"'t", in his dudv of tw,, communiliPs. intliridu*ls lcJdi[e to (hc mosl sig..reerpatlem as un. ,,llll{,tc ol vFry important in5iShts provides lfcant social tun.c.lucn(esrI lle cconomic derelopment rnd th. occupa16o,rtrhe *ay in vhich urban riona! oppo.t"nity structur€ afiect the individual s life career' According k' Roberts, changes in the gener.rl nature oI urban life andthe ecoromv in Cuntem.la Ciry htve led b chalges in thc ltbor narket. work now takes place nr formal, large scale bureaucracies, rhich require fonnal eredentials;literacy is a fundamcntal requirement tor jobs. In the older systen. one's reputation or a pcrsonal reference {socialcapital) could l€ad to stableernploynent.Today there is greater conpetition for stable iobs as the migratory flow increascs. Age has b€cone a b.sis for emplol ment as employers seek younger workers. nobens states: Under rhese conditions, a successful occupatunal career is one jn which a sorker s€elGout stableand well paid employment.moving hom one job to another as circumstances change. Those rvho are old and illitcratc and cannot easily compete nre thus likely to r€main in, or soon €nter, a maqinal occupationwbere the tucome fluctuates with ec$nomic change or is so low as to make no differenc.e. In contrast to those situations where the change occurs because large ent€iFses demand hieher qualiGcations for their worlers, individual characteristics become important to job rccruitment in Guatemala CiW as a worker shifts from one small, ill-eqtipped workshop to another, as he sets up his own workshop with no more equipinent tlan a s€wing rnachine or a few rudimentary tools, or helps otheK to peddle merchandhe around the city. This inovement does include Iarger and more fomally organized enterprises wh€re litemcy is more closely ticd to iob position; bu! in eeneral, the €mcrging sieniGcanceof literacy and tge occurs as worken move from job to job, se€king better emplo)'ment or trying to avoid entering low-paid narginal employment.r'3 Roberts contrasts this situation to the opportunity structure in Monteney, Mexico, a rapirlly industrializing urbnn center studied by Balen and $sociates in which carcer pattemi arc quite difierent and relate mostly to larg€-scale industrial enterpdses.l'a It would be inter121P6nie. The Viea trcm the Bdftia. 1a \oLctts, OrEo izinC Skane^. r25 rbiil, p. l3q. rl lorge Bale'! Harler Aromins, dd Elizab€th lelin, ,V€n in a Deoelopine S@iet'r: Ceoetuphi. MrI S@iol Mobilitu in Mntetrcu, Meri.o (Austin: Univereity of Te!ff

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. ,cial or are on the for€{roni of creating ne$ normative pattems. Ethnogrphic studies of honosexuals.tran\veslite\. skid row resident\. prosldeo[6tes. and dmg addicts are examplesol rhe former c.rtngory.r'15 bgical movemeDtssuch as the antimaterialistic hippie and Hare Kdshna oovements, as well as other political and r€ligious commlmal movel|€rts, would Gt the latter category.r!6 Unfortunately, most of these dudies do not emphasize tnose urban conditions and aspects o{ structure 6at arc sigli8cant for the incubation and d€v€lopment of the movement, nor do they explicidy dcscnbc the inrprct of thesc niovon.nis on t}e .ity. One exc€ption is a study of the health food movement, which explicitly compares the mov€ment in rural and urban settings.r,? Future $rdies of such groups and movements should be concemed more explicidy with the rolc oI the city as a generator of change. These would b€ more crnEal to the anthmpology ol cities rather than anthropology tu cities.

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lhe tlree social onits tlrat have fomed the core of this chapter are sigrifcant in urban anthropolgy becausethey are amenable to ethnographic research and are important in att€mpting to understand the rtluctule oI the city. Most of the studi€s rcf€rred to d€al with only a srall s€gment of a larger unit: neighborhood, ethnic group, or occupafon/class. These small units are usualy articulated into larger units, which are the major components of the city. Many neighborhood studies foox on blocls or singl€ high-rise buildings. Suttles has labeled several levels of residential conmunities (face block, de{ended communiry, and comDunity of limit€d liability).1,3 Most studies of ethnic groups focus on localized segments or :lssociations and not the entire urban,based group. Even where large-scale ethic voluntary associatioDsarc found and are the objecrs of study, rarely are they €oincident witi th€ total lllban etinic group. The eipan-

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rs For lryDlq Erth6 NeMon, Llothet Canp: FeMb ldrErtuta8 in A@lica you Owe you,self. Inc., 1972); Jues Sp€ille, {EDsrewdd Clifs: Pr€nticHall, 'swei crdfr kdi6"; Dn'n&"j Jtmifd Jd6, R. S. Weppner, 'An Anrhropologistt Yis ct the Stret Addictt Wdld," HuMn Oreontarid, vol. 32, t9?3. l*Itr im L. Part idse, rri" lrbpn? Glkrro (New york: Hott, RinetErt and wiston. ts7zlt F. l- DaDe\ Tha A@i@n Chupn ol xtilo , \e* york. Hoh, Rinchtn dnj P R.ndy Kdd€l ed Crer.l Pelto, Vesetananism ed Healrh Food Us Amons Y(ME Adults in soutbem N€w EnsLnd' (mim.o., n.d., 43 pp.). rx Ge8fd S|nd6, TIE S@i4l CdBttuctiq of comtuunitizs (Chi@go: Th€ Univec y of Chi@go Pr6, tYt2).

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on between the individual life histories and the social unit ishborhood, ethnic group, and occupational status community) can studied cumulatively

through

ffeldwork

with large numbcrs of in

#il":X..T.1"i'il"f*:l:::^tr....*;"-;i*i'il:iJT',m i"1".::n,.::l*;i,,i.'n::t::."^:,":-,t---il'ffil,l"'ffi I or promote neighborhood cuhesion? $'bat can a desoiption of lili;..;",f ,::h:**";;,;;i;";#.-J"E"[]:'i[*H paftems oI life history careerscontribute to understandingthese T;:.f,l* il:i'J:*lT'*TT,lL :l':l: :;ll";r;];';#il. *,,r, ir,"'".ii*,i,ii level iI:,.JlTl'J.,[*, of indusion. ";;iliit".T..t'_,E provide insights? Thus we can see the changing relationship of these thre€ units

$hcrc th.y are not .!ngru.nt.

\Vhat conditions make ethnicity

ions? How can the insidefs vie\l derived fmm int€nsive work with

A s o, . upaLonal anJ r e\ id, nlir l unr t s hecor ne m ur . nl'. r ' in t h-

.rodem city, thc nsuc of r€cruitment into th€se units bccomes a basic :tftLe d'at is amcnablc to cthnogmphic research. This process needs to '{re explored morc futly in urban anthropology literature. With geoand sociatnobility a distinct possibitity (rs opposedto as.rip-]gaphic rtiotrby birth as the only meansfor assigningnenbership), the process ;d itritial s€lection and the cycle of changes within a Me career must i!€ understood. We have Dotedsone oI tbe boundarv maintenancetechniauesfor '1:l Sese units, eodogamu.segregaled( ommunicationmcdia. ritudl segregn'' tion, n€€d for special goods and services, language, and the general appeal to slmbols. Althoueh we hav€ emphasized these characteristics

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: utrder our discllssion r)f ethnic groups, thcy can be relevant Ior develop t}le other ing cobesion ing cohesion in tn€ oth units as w€ll. well.

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All three of the maior components-neighborhood, ethnic group, J occupation/class-can be analyzed on three levels: the analyst can look :: rt the degree of individual identity and allegiance to t}le unit, the degree of inteEction within the unit, and the degree o{ boundary closure and seg€gation from other uniti. An important approach that has great potential for the under, standing of all thre€ of these units looks at t}lem in the larger context of tbe city and tb€ even Iarger context oI the city's histo cal and national settiDg. While urbln anthmpologists like Leeds, Roberts, Nagata, Bruner Uzze , M. E. Smith, Paden, Parkin, Cohen, Gutkind, Rolwagen, and others have begun to develop procedures for this contextual and comparatite aoalysis.more needsto be done.

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2t7 William Hanna has alluded to the notion of "urhn middleplaces" an article con.€med with urban integration.l To the notion oI spatial he adds the concept of middlenen those stratcgic brokers who as mediators to link diverse networks togetbeJ. To these brokerage linkage nodes, we rvould add the cycle of temporal events that bring together and the voluntary associations that recruit fmm many

Unitsof lntegration

Much of the recent litemture dealing with urban junctures enpha, sizesth€ir hrsicrlh int( grrti\e inrplications. In an older rliety of urbrn psearch (some of \rhich was done by anthropologists) there was con

enphasis on group coDflict rathcr than integr^tion. Certainly of the juncture pints

discu$ed ii this chapter ar€ Dodes o{ conflict

reinforcement of negative stcreoB"es, rather than integration. \'larket, and transprtation depoti can brnrg peopletogetherin congicting well :Ls acconrmodating intemction.

Miner, in his study of Timbuctoo ( 19,{0), d€votes a whole chapter conflict betw€€n the Tuareg, Songhoi, and Arabs, the threc major grouF in tb€ town.' Studentsof Indian urban life havc noted the of public Ilindu or Muslim lestivals on violent Hindu-Muslim ict. In studies of recent ncial violence in the United States. Dublic sit€s have be€n important; the Phitadelphia riots of 1944 heavily ved mais trarNit syst€rns,and earlier incidents in Chicago occurred the public beachesand l€d to flare-ups. However, the recent literatur€ iz€s the underlying integrating mecbanisms in the city. Since are operating social systems, they must accommodate thenselves outbreaks oI violent !.on8ict.

In the previous two cbapte$, we looked at the ethnography of group or quasigroups that contain people who know each other, or at least recognize cach otbcr as belonging to t}le same relativety bounded social units. Thcse tend to be priDary unib or tocalized segments (lower levets of inclurion) of social uits based on rejdedce, culrure of origin, or work. Ethnographers ar€ drawn to rhese goups becau-se thcy arc aneDablc to €thno$rphic techniques in that they resemble rhe snallscalesocial units of traditional ethnography. However, a variety of other situations and strucfirres draw va ous segnents of the urban population togerher in neanineful intcraction. Thesp urhan i,,n.ruh wi be rhc ioc,rs of t}lis chaprer. Such ptaces. temporal events, and associations that serve as Doints of contert for diversF urban elemcnt5are: markets fesrivats.Lars. s.hoots. hospitats, political events, and courts.

URB N JUNGT BEs

n. n."t typ. ot *ban iunctu.e we sha look at can be subsumed ' 'imder the notion of the situation. Situations can be spatially and tempo'itally defnc{ and can be studied ednogaphically through intensive 'interviewing and obscration. We shall group them according to whetler ihey ae primarily deffned by space or time: obviously, botl elements ole signiffcant in all instances,but their relativ€ importance will vary. Urban situations scwc to int€grate in several wrys: First, they 'r coDstitutc connccting pints for incr€asing levels of iDclusion of units based on single social att butes. Examples of this are cycles of temporal lwilliM HtuDA, "T[€ lDtesEtive Role of Urban Afii@k Middleplac and Middl* N^," Ciailn,,nms, 12 ( 1967), r2 29. lHlrc lvrircr, TIE Primitine Cits of Tinbuctoo, R€vised edition (cdde! City: Doubleday & c.Dptuy, 1965 ).

219

events that bdng togcther localized branches of ethnic g.oups or oftuDG tional gronps,as in lolk festivalsor .oDventjons.Secon4 they constiril limcs rnd pla,.' whcre pmple lrom digFrcnrcomponenr\come roeetl,* ar shcn ethnrcAroup\ mr\ ur clff\e\ ar. in oontei. Some situah; potcnlixll) inteqr.,tFa ldrgp number ol \cgmentr. *hilc others arc nrl nJno$ly tocuseLlxnd bring tog.ther a limitcd sFr. A sparirt node [1 is located bctween two neighborhoodr and is usea by both neishbor: huotls wuuld serve :i limitcd lunction xs connecrin,-{pr,irrr. Hoive,.en|l-:,1 lo^itionsri1,J tu dri$ ,, ."-' thF rIrir, ,n,, ," ",,,,' ponentsand thus prolide the poteDtial 'r^1r for bigher lc\tl jrnchrcs h the follotying discussion,a distinction should be made beh^,e.r (orlfict l|oirltstot indiaidudlinteraciionJnd r$nracrpointsat lhe sr6r, Icvel ut orqrnizati,,n.All thc situatiunsdis,u$.d lall somewher"on'r c.ntinurm hel\t..n bringing indi\iduals logether as isolatpsand briryinq lhFm logelh.r Js rcprcsent0tivcs of parricular 'tr|'.'n,sn,pon.ntl A similar continuum can be envisioned betw€en plac€s and eventr tL{. serve onl) \porddic linking tunctions and those rhat rrc so resulaft intcgralivc lhal they spin uff pcrmrnenr formcl stn'ctures. Wc are using lhe noriono[ situationsto diff.renuare berse.n tlEo and rnorc formal aspects of socid sbucture. Such spatial or tenpor.l tori are part ol lhc permanent urban rcenc. br't rre lt*s elpticidr: rcogniTc'l as serviDgan int.grative fun' rion than the lormrl asseiatior" that exist for this purpose. This is hue even when we look at institutions as schools, hospitals, or govemmenr agencies, for we looking at these institutions as plaes thar infor:nally bring compoDentstogether, rather than as obiects of srudy themselves.We not concerned-as are educational, Inedi€1, or lcqal with the internal organization of these institutions, their su their sulcess or failurc in achicviDg then goals, or their ruler for pel-r. terned interaction. $'e arc only mncerned with then as settings witttn . which divene elcments of the city arc broueht into close, regular conrr.t We are concerncd with the efiect of the rrban on these institutions ard their efiect on urban integration jn the bJorrnal, stuational sense-not it the way tbey are supposed to be int€gntive (theil formal reason Ior being), but in the way they accidentallybring p€ople togcthe.. Ptblic Placet In any urban center, th€re are arcff in rvbich larqe numbcrs ol indi\idu.ls who Jrc n,,t kno$n to oDe Jnothcr,." p...."nt. e"rurlly, a simplc division can be made between private space and public spacc. Private space would then be those areas in wbich domcstic activitics take place. Public space would consist of atl other areas wh€r.

da's is nor rcntrolled. \'.,t"k. in hcr study o{ famil) life in AllJhrLrd. .*es tbe very clerr Jr\lt'r1ion 'nrde bcfsecn lh"\e rMo Jrenrs ol *raction.s fto\enrh'r:rhu pointsout how d.n\iD in rhc url'arrresid.otial sprce in llah)rir I',rs led to an Jccentu{lronol lhts differene tNeen public.nd p'r\rh spice H.re. physicalbarrich tn sighl rrrd lrmd ar. 'sed as much,s possiblcto sepJrrt. lhe tun arFnrs.hIr !..aus€ of density.the\c are iupplcmentedby tornal ru].' of etiquette. dich l€ad to conlentioDsabout ienoring or overlooknrgceftrin visr.rrrl lld rur.rt cvcDts.'Sonretinrcsden within horlschold spacc, Nch dil drctionsnre Daintanrcd.Bascdupon Chinesehouscholdsirl Hong Kong ggapore rnd Ceorgc Torvn, I{alaysia, AndersoD suggcststhat the Cbinesemanage spaceand iDteryebonal rehtions in a way that minimizes 0€ potentidly negativc efiects of crowdiDg. Space witbin thc house, rhich is shared by sevcral unrelated families, is carefully scgregated i6o public and privrte .rcas. \lembcrs of ftnilies living h the same .borc arc required to intcract with one another with :r high degree 'ot intensity. Stah$ is clearly deffned. .rnd role relationships C enotional ir pattemed and predictable.Children can be, and are, disciplined by 'it' adult. Fina y, individual privacy and isolation e not highly valued. responsesto crowding do not €ompletely eliminate conl[.s. ".,]t*^t stress, but do much to minimize them.5 lat aDd the domain of public space, thcre are ceftain distinctions that ii In public The arena ot thc Ianes in a neishborLood are djf'iin be rnade. $e major rhoroughfares. which s"np ar neighho,hoodbo"ndAent trum ,frb. Suttlesma.kesthe samedistinction in dircrssing the {ddams rrer *Cbicago. Some pubtic spncesare not as open to ft€€ access.rs others. .6one a.e .o.ially bounded, that is, there arc strict rules governing thc Iteractions taking place, and people who do not know the rules are fitquently ignored, ridicul€d, or kept outside.c Several segments of the sban social structure mty regularly int€ract in thesc places, as nr neighborhoodsor occupationallyheterogeneous .tinicatly heterogeneous the localiz€d rules for such interactions are known Ddrk€tplaces, but regulars in these spatial areas. mly to Within the targer context of the city as a whole, there are recognized &eas in which $/dnga interrct, and the rules of behavior are more rsylvia vatuk, Ki$hip

oul Utuanituti@

(Berkeley: University of Califooia

Pres.

wt2).

.loald 'cmpeisons of S@ial lnteraction Stles: Urb'n and Povmcher, ffday Culture," i! T. Wcaver and D. lvhite (e.ls.).'Ihe AnthtoroloElr af &bid,l6b, Sci€ty for Applied Antbropoloey Vonosraphs, t972. .8. Andeson, J.., "Son€ chi.ese llethods of De.ling sith C.osding," ^". Ntropoloeu. | \t972), t 4r-50. .G.suttle, Itu S@ial. Order ot fi" stu- (chi@go: univ€rsity oI Chicago

1068).

Rual Ufian Urrdn Press,

l"**::*..i:1"::i:::.:.::

dr.:f.

th*.

cases, urban€thnosnpLy ir r

the sFci6cig of categorization varies from one situation to another, on how tnnsitory nnd fleeting the contact is. Speci6city also on the status of tbe individual doing the categodzingi ffner are drawn when the person doing the categorizrtion is lookat som€onepe.ceiv€d to b€ close in status. Although many desigDaare based upon traditional categories ( caste, religion, place of ), there are n€w€r relcvant categon€s [ke 'bfficeworker-clerk" or nan" (executive), which arc based on u$an occupations. Freoue tl_v,tbe cues used in the designntionof others arc derived frorn iotning styles,hair style, lxnguage,generalposturc, bering, or moveibDt "tyl".' In thc catcgorization of othen who are strangers, these cres may ;fi :& accideDtally misinterpeted or deliberately counterfeited. This un.;l&tainty ."akes such interactions subject to an inherent wariness and 'iistrust.,Al Gornperzhas pointed ort, languageis the nost dificult of svnbolic codes to counterfeit or maniDulate.ll Bameft mentionl in passing, a clear-cut exanple oI the efiect on ol tne existenceof public plxceswhere anonymily is dnticiprt.d. relatively high cast€ association president wanted to see a popular Since aI the more expensive seats were sol4 he had to buy a ti&et. Duine the performance, he became aware of the fact a low caste individual who performed nenial services for him was next to him. Tlris compromised his dtual purity as a high caste . As the servant b€c'ameaware of th€ situation. be (tle servant) up and left. Such an event could only take place in the city. In the

m' m*rry..ii^rr,la ffl;:::1,::il: ?l i:'::1::^'.i3'"q :1 * rver:rr discipl,rei yl1':: u'l a*"-*n :ll, !l I "*".*T*

*"i.r p-v"r,,,r'"'*if :ll,:,?".*:i_r"j:llT::t ::JI \oci;rosy 9*q,'h:^. r,",.""a r*. p.,rli".rf ::1,:lhi::",!:9:,,.r"rs.within in thi\ area. but tJrcy often miss rhe cross
ffi

;r"p".";

.':';::trHT"Thi#r}i"* ,","."trs-l'l:Jffi ij'tiji{*":f ";"d

Nlitc.hell was one oI the tirst anthroF ogists uniqueness of public spaccs in AfricaD urban ccn.ers. He sals:

There arg of co-uls€,nany of these situationsin the daity life of tgw:. which.i\ poput_ated by peoptefrom lIf",";i :.larse moes ano wnerenerghborhoods are dtwrys changingin --ycomDosition

I hey mJy occur in urbln crowdr. in beer-hals,irmarkes and m on..Here town-dweUerstend to categorizepeople in tenns of sone vNible characleristicand to organize rbeir behrvior acsrrdingty.o developred a list of public places of inte.action fa - ?.eneman !!l inv€ntoryoJ \ucial categoriesrbar peopteuse h ta*tiiytng .u"ng.rs. rf . oropr order to ro oetetoD develop \uch such aa IisL list, it *u.|."".nrd w,( p.rpnri,t ro, t,r nLi_ io r^ ^-*^:_-.observe, and intcNiew othen in situatioDs tlat ,naximt,ea ^Ure of strangeness and tJre0eedngor rransftorymhlre ot rcnracr. Tbe gbservgd were: teashops, retail stores, barber shops, wholesale hospitals.recrcationareas,pottical .alties, pubtic transportation and stalls of sidewalk v""ao's H. ul"o in"tud"d *-. arenas discussed above with more cnnaolled access,"ft}" *.t .i ,*ri""aff rrear. crJrr wo,l phces. and sma facrories.Thc reashop,*hich Gsurql so lgnificantly in rhis study. has rs irs analoguer_t. t *r", d.f,"l and othcr trces ot eating rDd &inking ptacesfound all"i,over rhe world Berreman notes that a variety of cues are used in the aftemDt to calegorizeolhers thar are primarily gearedrovtrd conuc,tiog an aoonymous \rrdnger into_an incumbeDtin i speciGcsocial caregory.Once Ll,i, rs oonF. tnc rur.s lor (ocial interactionare uoderstood,and one is (om_ fortable about knowing what behavior ir appmpriate. Bereman nor€s

ii"::*:::I:.-Tlf ;':i""-1-1.i"T:::::* ry': 4::*n.--n*r*"si:

7 Fo d djrGio

of rhe \rmngpi

plFnom"non md ik inpli@tim

liv.red ar rhF Tjnd Amuat \t@unes of thc Amedtu

for urban *i.l

Arlhrcpotosid

A;;aHoq

B.phoaiotin pubti ptoet r\fq york: Fre pr6, le66). i9 tl"fl.1:, \t'rchctt, 'J Tb€rFri€l Orienrdtion\ in AJri@ Udra, Studi6,,,m \L Be_ 4dF fon (ed.)..Tb So.iol Anth/opoloEvof cotupt", sti?ti6 tI_o,ao., .r,"i,r.*_ r,U ri,hes, 1966), D. 52.

are4 one knows how to avoid contact with lower caste iDdividuals,

in the city, it seened 'safe' to buy a cheap ticket since anonymity !' Even in such public places as pornography stores, customers per.eive the situation as less than anonynous and are still oonstrained by .iDaDy social Doms. They develop ehborate techniques to hide their dentiti€s, acti\.ities, and purchases.lt : An eveDmor€ t€nuoui kind of stranger interaction has been studied betwem people who pass each other in the streets or on transpot ,oG. B@d, "Seial Categtris od Social Int€nctioD in Urbb Indi.," A@rLan Antkoporoeist, 74 (19721, WI-U. rrcbarle-4Fers@ dd tohn Cmp€E leds.), LinquLtac DiD.tsitv in S@th Asio (Eldminsto4 IndiaD: Indi@ Univ€Bity R6arch Center in AnthropoloAy, Folklre dd Linguisu6, Publi@rid No. r3, 1960), r2 Steve Bamett, 'Urbe ls a Urban D@s: Two Incidents on On€ StI€t in M.dns City, South Indi4" Urb$ Anthropolosg,2 i1973), 120-60. It David A. Xarp, Hiding tu Fomognphic B@k Sto.€s: A Reonside.stion of the N.tu€ of Urbd ,{nmymity, Uftan Lile anl Culrxre, r (1973), 427-5t; M&BAret n- Hend@D, Acquiring Priu.y in Public," Ur,.n Lile and Cnhule, s 11975), ,411655.

oe of the characteristics of urban life in many parts of the world. Cara lichar& has developed a typology lor Anerican drinkins places describ, bg the salient dificrcnccs bctween taverns and middlc class cocktail 6s, local as opposed to downtown bars, and other important dif-

*ffi$**[**ffi il,*ii1l'fl'*",+'iffi*';fi

Despite th€ fact that many bars develop a reputation for serving r particdar client.lc, thc basis of th€ clientele selection may be such dst &verse residenhal, ethnic, and occupahonal goups may be brought ogedrer.For e\tmple, .t singlesbar or a gry bar may attract a clientcle drawnfrom n very dive$e population. Sinc€ they erist to dcvclop new hols b€hveen people. thcy are obvious ar€nas for intergroup nrtcraction, rmfict, or avoidance. lacobson has noted that bars in th€ city center of Mbale are lotential sources of intergroup contact. However, this pot€ntial is not the clie.tele is rehtively homogencous and represents Ealized, new bureaucratic elite. In thb case,financial and transportation @ly the @straints, eleD more than social pressure, act against the use of these fuiliti€s by non-elites.l? Many bars have a dual clientele. In h€r study oI the mcktail waitress M n not€s that her bar servcs a workine class clientele until $out 7 r. . and tlen becomera colleg. studeDtbrr. Perindicallyworkilg class people do come in after the changc in clientele, but they do mt remain long because they see thenselves as outsiders.l3 Within the rtftican beerhall studied by Wolcott, a vadety of ethnic groups congregated; however, each group had its own location, and interaction *ar sustained within the gloup.lo In Epsteint discussion oI Chanda's activities, there are some drinkiog situatioDs that link him to others, while in other situations, social distance is miintain€d. Thus Chanda reestablishes prior contact with a woinan who runs a beer hall and who did not cven know that he had b€en living in thc city for some time. On thc other hand, a d nking party fmrn a difierent tribal area had no interaction at all with Chanda and his drinking rnat€s.,o

**t[u*ru$***m.*ti'.m Eating and Drhking

Establish'/.etd,

food.and d.ink for rars. llj,""::::.:jl:,., ryceT{ 0.'llll :I11.,*"dr",ie^ s,"h;il;.;ff

.v I'i11.:1.,': :,,,"q""n.n,,r"i.". u.;;;;l".ii#HT:l# : lT':T,':T:::_.1ih",,,u1, r** t.nr"l r,""ifi;;'.tr

ff":; fl1";.*:";"1ylll,r,,",, ; ilF ;;:#;;;. ;;il; *:^,i:*.:: ,:"1*o::lt!:9 .1 li: i:,::: l:"-':."1f ;"'-':{1".'9'9:" ,: '.otr,",", '}";;;;i.J'il.H ."t"ia.^. *liJ ilil;T. :T:: .:::,""9 ""._t,d. *."1 crienrere. arc i;';;; ;, :l:I'l: 'i j"j::t: -"," "p.; ","i,fi"l"rfi iil;,il ; #,"s il';;# :lH"T"jT:::'-:l r'*.,"r. r:*rrv. ir,*. tr,.*"r. :l^l..o.ll_-,T*"::": &aw fron the entire urban center. "*

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personal inrcractions-

#j:l t#'ir*i*;H+,# #,'; iifug$'FJ#;

r.C.m Richai&, "CityTarerc,' lmn Oeanieti^, 22 (Winre., 1963-64), 260-68. ti Dsvid Ia6hm, "Cultu.e sd Stmtin6rion amdg Urbd Africms," lo"hal of Ariat ond Ahi@n stu.lies,5 it970), 176,83. 13Bmdr rvtion,'Tar Talk," in J. spmdley and D. Mccudy (.ds), co\fottuit, Md cdrltcr iB6lm: Little EIl}n, rs74). pp. 101-111. ro Hfury wd@tt' "Th€ Africu Ber Cardos of Bula*ayo: Integrared Dnntdns in r Sesrcgated S@icry," Butg€B Cdter of Alcohol Studies Publiorion, Snithe6 Hrll. nutseB UniE6ity, N€v Brunswicl, N€w ler*y, 19?4, t in J, C. \ritchell - L. Epstein, "TtE Net$o.k dd Urbm Social O.ganiation." (en), soci.n Netuo*t ln UrLs Situatums (N{anch€sr€ri Mdchesre. Universig Pr6! 196€), pp.77-116.

224 2

Arrica, thebcer har f:jj:11,i*"*'*::."x'*l: "l'-:1,'t' "^;I#::,1#f::t:',1:: *;";'d;;;';.ff

I t--":'b", ;;;;Tf,fi "**"a,r*"*i"; ::,.11ilil"il"1:'jT"i: t,'."p";""'i;:;",;; _.r, -ji'q:lr ;ii;;.";;,;"Jlt "i .,ru pJi,r*,!ii,i**jii,'lli i:,;l:*::i:;,:.:._, :1,1"":L"T,'::.:l-,,_^ ",-r,";" jx,!:' ;:;il ri:, T. rr: :: J; -"ts_':l;::l;;:;; ;il;;;","*",;T "* er. ['.o1.fl'Jii;,,i: :"::,;11'-i"1 v"."ii.,.*L1.. ;;il;'" 1T," j'ju",'a

*i T:':i^::'l':l :-'q:'_1._' 1ld,

pic l u p $ o m .n . p h y c a rd s .m o c t' E uropFans and A si Jn\,.,nd o,

aborrl ll'dian beint gtuo* s.n rtrrsideredimportant StcrFotvpe\ m.dc in pxbs where **. tre,lrtnrlv Lased upon obrenatiors i";.i conmost signiffcant tmong the ft wo g."a" co eristcd. These werc t ct Point5:' d.rived lrom a study ol bars in the I A ."-.t "l rhe conclusions " ' it i|m D;ego area by fort-v anthopologv students stated that ster€ocan't bc that bargoex leu-"a ntnu"t nothing about bars except and "- . . .rll typcs of persons go into hars at one time or another ryped" 'i. d,d lhrt dfirknrg srs seconcliryto I wislt to incet with peoPle grd escapcttt(' daily routine.'rd It sccrnsunfortunatethat thc corphasis yrs upon thc study of bars as closed ard isohted units' rathcr than oron the bar as a potential junctutc betlveen groups in San Diego tiev wcrc searchingfor "Tfte Culturc of Bar Life in Sm Diego"-as if iherc were such culturc. Obviously, there is no typical bargoeri what ^ cver generalizationsc.rn be made ha\'e to bc linited to pa icular tvpcs of bars or tt?es of users The ditrerences in bars and the s$es of use tror various groups u der partictlar circumstances ar€ whrt is important in understanding bars as 'middle placei' in a city There are several reasons why bars can serve as feasible units of €ttnographic rererrch.Thcy re prrblic placer whrre acce* is supposed to be relatively open. In rnany cases,thc anthropologist is Dot an intrusive f,qure, rt lcasl initislly. FurthFrmorc.the hxr oltFn bring. togdhcr divsse secmcntcol thc rrrbanstflrcturc BFh,tviorin bars is inlormrl and quasi-public ;.personal, making it possible to obs€rve privat€ behavior in a j:t ttl"g. signiffcant about -e wide range of activities and conversations ,rocial topics are 9?ical in tlis context for sociability.

Jfl'111J,,';i'llil:ff +t"::l.:ili:::: :iiri",:H:"i:,i::tT tJ!i.,F:,1,t;, J;'lTl.:"..:ffi1;:zu,:nii::.{m;i't dl' l.j, .''"g"'-'r'"r ra""ii.'"'ii il""T$'ffi 1Ti:,1i":fi:"i#,f#f5i:"

;:{di;:1i#T*il;:r.}"[ iiljt"# +#i,{ workers oI the mie.ant.,a

ff _1.,* f, *:".1":i1r*1,*:.1!i;?l?.[.*kii::]T*'f j;:li'[, fi:ffi .T;:;l;ffi i,f,':T:;il#1 ;T,T:,1*S rhere. on thc ornerhand". ,r,. p".tii"

:T..ll':. -.:rle. i""a;i *: \ |l,r.severat.during the coulseor d,e cvening. ,l,:"-,'"p ;i1 T,.\"^:,,

Mu.h wc in sma groups.Arotfier rigotfcant dirlre,c. of G

i,:"ilff ;H"-"'i:';.H #i,ft*#r ;;.';;.,ffi;T* ,. ..

Pub monopotizarionwas a frequent complaint _ heard ftom the

bv,r'"r"ai",H ;i JL",;Tr:H",",il"-",,10; *'' leDover "n

Oihet Le& te.Tinc Phcec In addition to bars. thcre are a number of other localized uban settings that serve as potcntial plrces for the mingling of divcrse urban componcnts.Ntost cities in the world sct aside open space for parks. These areas attract various elements in the population and, like bars, are amenable to ethnographic research As in tbe clse of bars, some pa*s and open spaces are characterized by frco access than others Some'belone" to th€ urban .omponents discussedin Chapter 5 and tlrus are not iunctures,sinceaccessis controlledand the arca ls defended This is especially true if teen'age gangs control spatial areas Suttles'

n;*fil*rn's*i*#i$:11' .:f:#*:h':lltix no di,p,,rcov"r shortmcdrurF. bur r;e symboticncanils or ,r,. liri*..i

r.'i,iiffi 91v;;';9339ry,d('ffii:;n1i;:''*''u'**'^ "*' j::,:"t

-* lF,,:.?; il:l*iq I ;,.i*;1ryi4"ra*rr .?Jl;-'jil,,##iJl," :li"li:1",'ll:.*"..1w:*]ll*,:ru;:

25nMrch on Punjabi misrmts in Wolverhanpton, England lYas condtrcted durins 1969 add 19?0. nsearcheE were Edlvin Emes and Howlrd RoLbov Research vas Grant h"umb€r support€d by a study leave from Temple Univesitv and NI-\iH18799,01. DHEWIRo3-\iH * "Ss Deso B.rfli€s." N'eu Yorir Post, February r9, 1976, p 3.

227

{@ is F\trcm,.lyimportrnt in undcrst ,ding the rPhhon'hipsb.lween (frtajD pads of Alrjc,. marL.linsactivilicsha\c bedbric gF,ups.In dmreth, ,rll,u\t Fxcluive domrin ol wom.n. who ha\e gainedcon14crahl,eolomic po$er. In othPr ports of the lvorld. nlien groups dcb rs turb\. Jews.Chinee. or Ersl lrdioh contlol marlcl activities t that markets are important zones of constant interethnic contact. ln \liddle nart market activities, it is noted that rug merch.rnts in lhe proc.ssof negotiatinga srlc will convert the strangerinto a kinsman bv usnrgnctive fonns ot kiD terlus. Birganring itsef has a ro.il1i goal nr dat both partles try to raisc their social status in each othcr's eyes lnother e.lementin the bargaining process is the attempt to change the dtuation from a strictly commercial activity into a social event by t}le saving of ter and other it€ns.'9e Ccertz points out difierent aspectswithin the 'pasar" or bazaar ioititution in Modtokuto, Java. Hc says this tnditional market which rbminatcs the town 'is at once an economic instihrtion and a way of life, a gcneral mode of commercial activity reaching into all aspects of 30 Modjot-uto society, and a sociocultural world nearly complete in itself." not Ite characterizs the rclationships behveen tradcrs and customen as dected by ties or social status. " . . comnercial ti€s are carefully insrlated fron general social ties. Friendship, neighborliness, even kinship rle one thing, Eade is anoth€r. . . . The rnarket is the one ifftitutiondi"rd sEucture in Javanesesociety where the formalism, status consciousD€ss,and introve ioD so characteristic oI th€ cultue generally are relativety weak. . . ."31 Thus, the ma*et is a mechanism that breaks dom subcultural bouDdaries and links outsiders together, albcit in an im-

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:::,': J:i,;i.**.r"**, [:T t]'*titliH:'# ''1rr Ma&etohces

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;i,lli:""J"".

ascommui€,ion mcdia

oberschall. like Ceertz. has studicd t}le ma*et in Lusaka, Zalnbil. He provides much informrtion .bout thc changing mle of tLe narkct in the last decadcs, as rvell ;rs the sociological characteristics of the vendon and the scale of their capital investment and economic activity. All this was obtained through questionnairesuveys. He is unable to tell us anything about observed market activity. In regard to the question of how cr$tomcrs choose anong vendors, he says that besides differenes in quantity and quality ". . . the.e e{ist pcrsonalrclationships hilt up over time between some marketers and steady customers based on kinship, tribe, community of l^ngurge, eighborlincss,supportedby favoied ueatmcnt, crediq and a fuge basela (added weight). Only futhcr reselrrch based on prolonged ptrticipant observation . . . could

iffii#infu,Jjl'ill,if #,.,,,,",",,'=* itt,f :'*;ffTilif Iililr{,;"iy:'#il.**ill:trH

olh.r \toms is djffercnt lrom orhcr s^cirl inrerachon. I n. control ot marlcr ,.tivjti.s by digcrent seqmplrs ot rhc poDula-

.'#l$,Yltil;$: Cl"ogo r**, rSSSl,

chitdhooit in cont"n,onry,nr,r' (chi€so: unne^i,,or

msdintrorr,cb,vinar pafi.murvisroE to il lrllf;plfii: *t"" z,o . a ,r-er, r:r:?d",a^nrm_.hn$ "i,;il;;";:;.

2c Fuad Xh6i,'The AttnroEtiquette of B.raaining in tle Middlc East," Atuti.m pol4gi,t, 70 (1968), 698 ?06. tno. C;gtz, Pealdbrs and Prhcas (Chioeo: Utiv€$ity of Chi@go Pres, 1963).

229

requiredinformationaboutthe relativeimportance of varioo. l;c1voir1_e"the

An €xample of a study that illuminates the potential inte$ative mle such institutions is Spic€rs study of "The Patrons oI the Poor" Spicer a situation ill which thr€€ difierent types ot patrons-one repIting a missionary church, another representing the public schoots, the third representing the juve ile probation omce-establish their with s€parat€ ctienteles that cross-cut a low ""t"'ottg "go'""nt"."a ne neiqhborhood. This cornmunity in I southw€st€m Amcfcan cttv who identiSas ethniJly homogeneous,containing Mexican AmericaLs segmcntsof i"a rf'".""t'.. ..I"ai"ns Thcs. tli.ee s.ts of prtroDsliikcd lower clars communit.v to certah institutions of the larger socjcty lie Darticular situation described by Spic€r, however, these three types

In Patchi ethnographic work on Urnai cen m ts with viewino rha ..^,. ^^-.1'.1 Ta'kets' -hn.primary -","-- "" -

i. iii_fl ffffilj*'i"I::li^'n:::l:1":I:1"_"'*"a,*i il .;TTn l#i:::fi":Ti::,tT. T'::t1 "**;;. "I:n'i ;"';ill;'i*,hlil.fi ,m i;: ;:mjL* *'-t5-;1",c1.g1" $;; .,,rit,"uu,r.'. ;:-.ffJ ly:.,,11.1:r_l Ty., ",J"*;;;;,,;l *.10, .u-.*,'.-^" ,iffi :fi'::1,::'i[T::.1-T ll': "r-''a' "'. mntror jiT a,s.,."i sroups. hl,il ::lTl::"1.:_11"f:"1 ii,l,"ll*, thercin.

" ";ri". userhemarke,pra,c ,.r",.";i. ii. g,.* ""a

*-*".",,

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* q*"plfr j "T.jh"I-:p-.-'"-"-."T:::iT9: patrlnsareviewed b.sed upon intemal leadership. Another p€rspective would thenr as irnportant links to middle class individmls

and institu

;H:ffi ,lil"f;:il F;iH'".T.li-rH:ff i;+;Fi#,,xTffii orrhe sbee,srr,"oi"r p.p,r,,r.l,J.xlo'ilH;}l,:.ff,#g '.""ff ;;ff;x.Tr;,*r$l; *l:#*+;.._T*H;ffi Se?oice lrl[ritutioln, .,

There cre a number of orber spatia y deGnedservicc *.0_"

I

SiDce anthropologists are accustomd to dev€loping longterm relarips vcith infomants, and since they are more likely to wish to view insututio" fro'n the dient's p€rsp€ctive, they might follow their ininto the institution and examine their p€rc€ptions and interacwith strangers and r€presentatives of other eroups. In €fiect, this an enesion of Cluckman's situational analysir, which focuses on darcribing in detail a situation that brings togcther diverse elem€nts in gained abont the backgound' r singte sfotial setting. In-depth knowl€dge the interrction and to to explain is then used dI interactius etenents so interactron future implicatioru for I A. L. EDstein has done considerable research on urban couts in He notes that such c'ourts are as concemed the Alricrn with moral and ethicat issues as with legal ones. In Luanshva, the -opperbelt. handle most disputcs involving Africans. Onlv when a African courts Eunpean brings a cornplaint against an Ajrican does the Atrican €nter the fomal European court. Since the AJrican population is triba[v het' erogeneoui, the courts are set up to reflect this diversity. Thus, each goup selectsits o*'rI representatives to act a5 judges in the tdbal courts' ." is head by all the repr€sentatives of these goups, one of fo.n u,horn"is s€l€cted as president Epstein notes that much is made of customary difierences among the tribes by tribd rnenbers themselves, but there is an overriding general agreement about what is considered to be proper or reasomble behavior. This generalized agreement allows the court to fulction in a diverse tribal setting. $4ren a particulor element

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: ::"J1".;i:,1ilf#Ti:,.J,i:t_f J**ng::.,::xH"*t who \peci iTc in orgrnizarion rheory and bureaucracy do ule particiDant

toe\amiDe rheformar 8.,r;;J;;;;;;f;

:ffi:;';il.ft1':;: .Lual,a ii*#fi,*:l ;:ll'*i.t,i:i;'i.*

;:'',ffih'i:'#l";,ff

Ma.ketveD.ron:ri@ and Noiv,,,u,b@ kthroeotow. I Limat r{arket" Aneri@ unive^itis Fierirstin nF """*:

'#i'Ji"t"T*,;;'i;1 ;'-'**

Neishborhdd(D-

3t Edwrd soie.. "Patrm oI the PN," HuNn Oganiution, 29 IISTO), \2-20 t6 Md ctd;mtu. vol. 14, 1940.

"Analvsn of . S@ial situttid

in Modem Zululed,"

Aantu Stadier,

230

li::T:';ll;$f *n::;r :jjft [ir":],i"t;:^#

*'r^**n;'.;;'** [-}iii*fr* r5,:.,,1

An article in the li€lt, york Timzs described a dailv commuter hain Philadelphiaand the New York metropolitan area.{oMnny of nding the train hale beendoing so for years (in somecasestwentytve years or norel. The conductorshow most of the prscngcrs bv lafl€, and dre regulars knorv much about each othert persoml and fofessional lives:. This view by a joumalist provides an accurate description of the 5,stem,but an in'depth anthrcpological analysis, with gre^ter knowlcdge ,l the social backgrounds and longleun interactions betw€en passengers, 'co ld prowide grerter insights. Since one of thc authors is a regular on iigfie train, the following insights arc €xamples of what cou]d be added to :.:FEaaalysis: .:.1 l.il 1. The.e is a distinct division between those who live in Pelmsylvania and those$ho live in New Jerse).The latter are regvded as Interrol)ers. 2. Many contacts are made on the bain betw€en mernbers of &fier", ent occupational goups. Those in the t€xtite and jewelry buiness provid€ their merchandise to felow riders at advantageousprices. 3. Tuesday is called 'ragpickers" day. Many of tLose from the Philadelphia tertile industry go into New York to buy and sell. It is apparent that many of these people see each other only on the train and conduct businessthere. 4. The card players and drinken form distinct groups, and these focal activity points draw tog€ther many disparare individuals. 5. The oc.upational atrd ethnic diversity of the ride$hip is narked. Induded are bankers, stockbrokers, govemment enployees, salesmen of all types, college professors, law stud€nts, wholesde brok€$ in meat and textiles, and nanuJacturers of tovs. containers, and medical equipmcnt. 6. Among the ethnic grolrps are two larye blocks of Ang)o-S:uon Prctenants and Jews. In addition, th€re e snall groups of white ethnics and several Blacks. There is rnuch €thnic jokine.

,H"; *it".q;i,t,p;i1l;;T$*1;illfiiif,.-,'nf :fi Tm lmr*,*,:'r:-i,i,."t.r,i*#rd" ";j:l*.i .",ij;::d::;t

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*ilthiilffi *ii*#lfu "#'d :il,Tl*r,fr Truns?odation

"","'

i,:il'fJ;l:lil:fli}.;1;:';:*::

* ano,her spa,ia, coo,ad

?*"'#H 1ry;ql:*;ir**:,""#:.r;:ffi *. n r, ll,lil;i:1", 1,1.,j1.,1ii,ff.,; T;Iu.T":l:, ^i ",.ay.r",il j::ilTJ ffi-hl': : :l;:m:r[:${ ;,ffi:ii ";.-;*

*,:;,?XriJ;r}:fl*if; :i*HJ,f *rilt.:{i-#ilrff a c.ns,ra;n ;" b"h;;;, ff:::,l}:,::i"llsHli;::h1tffi"Tj: r .h:.",i"": l;ii"LJ.l'lJiiii#;:1T1i'ffi l:.'.;'frilili,,Jt ""

: ^,h.h6,pr ill'i.ili;.i:i,if ^*.;l;f;lfit.ii;Iitx!,, n,.Dchps,a

As public v€hicles move through urban space, they pick up riders ftom difierent neighborhood areas, ethnic groups, and occupations who are together with great regdanty for extensive periodr of time. Examptes

ifi fl ;",y#,"lruIlfl :f rr,"l.*;,1"0"{j::irgliT;"fuIifl il: ;;tffi;rt;'lt"J*"*1,,;T s.ji?s;r;.1.,11lifl ,,.f,,;;yrJg -,

roNtu \dk Titues,M^y 13, 1973,Sectio!10,pp, l, 13.

can b€ found in commuter trains and sta

Several sociological studies bave been concerned with sports fans the efiect of particular urban contexts on {ans. They have noted tidif,"r*"." in the mcaning of sports eve ts, attendnnce, and behavior lictween old cities with sports traditions and new cities with no such

[:ll"u*tr:T#],*:il".l]1t:*'.,.j#[:':ng

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:"i

,ir. \r-lhou.,t'.Ausrr,tjJr'e ,",re,rr,rr,,t".

",..te,ei.

AnthDpologists have devoted mor€ aftention to urban festivals fdatr to sports. Th€se €vents are, after all, analagous to the ceremonial l.ycles in rul"l and tribal settings. Larg€-scalc urban festivals (as opposed to fcstivals for particular neiqhborhood or .tbnic groups) do bfirg iogether the various conponents of the citv We noted prcviousty (in the chapter on The Rolesof Cities) that : ilstivab play a signiffcant integrating role for a city and iis region Such tcrents rvere very important in thc preindustrial city and have main;trined sone of their original signiffcancein th€ modem city Large-scale '" festivals frequentll' re.luired the rctile participation of most of the segments of tle u$an population. The large-scale processions ritual ev€nts along the Sheet of the Dead in the ancient city of '€otihuacan are noteworily examples. Visitors to the pyramids outside ico City r€mark that the thoroughfare and its many temple mounds |nd pyramid conplexes seem designed for spectacular c€r€monial A para[el event occuned in modem Mexico City tbat drew parfmm a wide rural hinte and as well as diverse el€ments from urban c€nter. Thii was a procession to move th€ image and itual oI the Virgin of Guadelupe (national patron saiDt) from tnditional site in an eanhquake-damag€d basitica to a new location. In the European nedieral city, each guild of adisans or merchants its rery€ctiv€ mle in ceremonial pageantry, which had to be coodinated to efiect a unity symboJic of the whole city. Remnants of t}€se ii ceremonial events stil enst in many European centels. Not only does . ,the need to c{'ordinate gmups lead to structural integration, but some :;.uban festivals €nhance integration by encouraging spontaneous inter'' action between groups that are usually non'interacting oi whose contact is constraircd by dgid rules. FestivaLs also pemit role inversions and , te$ion-rclease behavior. The "King-of-Fools" festival of the Middle Ages was supported by the aristocracy, who paticipated in th€ 'fun and games" duing which the class structure was temporarily inverted. While we assurne tbat urban festivals may serve these integrutiv€ functions, we crnnot begin to classify types of festivals and their differences in integrative outcom€ until rve have more actual descriptive data. Some data suggest that the coordination of specialized participa tion grcups based on occupation, neighborhood, or ethnicity serv€ to Iorge stnctural liDk. {3R.y Didinger "PhiladelphiaFan: B@bnd or Bhebnd," PhilrrlelnhiaBulletin,

tr{'il'".ffi #.*'lS ':l;,,firr;:;.i.fi {:'i;'ffi J.';'ffi;,T'J1ffi -mri*#",i',#lililirf#'fl ,h* MaDnis a c6. _ 1,1:l:19r4l.rdyl F .":,* perception rociar psychologistprimarity andbehavior.v,"y .r *," ,t jr*J.

:.:..1g-*..1,

roor. attr,ernai"ia"ar, Jni'""".."j;?d 111:ifl::1."".'tl:,r'i:e. context. once asaia,",;,tr.;p"r.il;;f;i

f.:'fiar i"j*-i111jif be moreinrcrFsted in.rookins r'r,.

*.,1 ,i",*.

Jlll;;"-.;il;

.ontact b€tween nenbers of bounded urban social comDonents. TEMmmL

EIENTS

many cvents that talF place in uban seftingsrhat drae , ^* rogetncr '**" 5egment\ot thF populatioD.Su.h cvents are amenableto urbari

prhnusraphic te.hniqup. unr. r,". *,""[, "rtr,ough anDroporogi.ts. I,n lurgp scrle sporring

u.""'J",...iiH

p1,Ihj..."'",d"*.pdimiry :::.'.Hi:.::.lgoals, However, ".:"we krow littte about the

and rbaremrnmon:

":

cvFDh. divene elements d

,Dv

meantng of these events to people, the acrual interaction, r}le efie.t of ,."i"i air"*ity ., i.i* action. rnd tie conserluerresof such inregrrrive evenrs for orher a,ea! or rue. tor instance.we 6nd a starement by Leter in her amlysisof Brazilirn soccer that rcpresentatives of vanous social ctasses trave ed *h:" B.1a.zit pta'.ed in $F wortd *p _""r*. n.*""*, *" :o I'€]aid. Dno no d:rtu d€\cribing rhis high dcgree of integrariun (reared by a

l;,t#:"Y,T Ufiaatu\ pp. ;"*"1-^ 12-6t.

,u Li,e $.irhLinc.. in Hermc,dnd Edrringron {eds.}.

{ J. Lever. ..Soeer a ,,:..".:yll,."l sprr,r dd p,uer, \!{ e."*i 59.

$-ay of Life," in c.€sory st@e (a.),

cq@c, {. .,r"iJ.;;, r,;;;;;;'t*ta,",,ji';1"ilff,i

2U Leeds.deating with rhe cami\al in Rio indicaresrhar tbe forh.. liun of thc variou\ dancc groups prdn ipatinq i, the event is a ;u; rncr rcinlorcement of cohcsion for rhe neighh,rhood or on.un ion; groupsthrt are their bdseot organi/arion.He ltso poinrsout rlrrt monA taD sponu^hip u{ rhesegroups is provided by uealrf,y .nt epy.n6[ and bigh govcmmentom(iak ot |}le cirl. Thus cortitioDsare.rared bctween fragnenrs of rhe etire and frrgrnents of $" t.*". t;;h; "l*,, providl thesetwo classesin parron-clientrelationshipqrrhc tower groups political support for t}le elites in rehrm for f:ryo.s.'' bu.chlpr hJ\ dps.rihed rhc corrpta\ sroup rrtcrretati,n,\hin! torm.,l in L" Paz. Bolivir. in rctario,,ro lte fies; ( ych. Ea.h ba,,io i; a saint and a 6esta ro commemorate its saint. There is a cycte of barr; nAia\. Each.6estr has two rypes of sponrors:one conccmed wilh the mst or church.related activitiFstma\s.candles.food. atcohol).rod one conc€med \..ith the cost of danc€ groups, musicians, and fooa ana drinl tor dancers, musicians, and rctaiDers. Barrio residenrs not only sewe as sponsors and audiences for then own Sesta, but for neighboring banior as well. Otten dance groups based on ptace of orig or .."r"p.u.*i un'on ptay a rolF in rhesa tocal functions. Markets and wholesale outlets for pmduce al$ have nestas for their patron saiDts.Here, Gestasand danc€ groups are based on ocorpntional.lincsand place oi origin rsincc ry?rs oi pnaure,nd p.oduce \pcciali\ts come irom di8erpnt highlmd rcgioos). Buecbter mentionr tnat stevedoresand vendors forrn dance groups according to rhe ldDd ol produce t-heyrell. Fiestasand dance groupi are also as-sociiredwitb clubs ul mignnls lmm the samc rom. ln Gese insrances,unioG of artisans and market sellers .rvhosemembenhip includes a high pmportion of migrants frcm a particular to\rr atso rn;y U amhatedivitir Oese clubs- Thus partictlation in ctub festas is frequently based on ocr:upational diflerentiarion. La PJz n ficd rogethtr by an annuat cycte of neigbborhood.mar_ , rrr. and regrooatclub riestas.In each t\pe of ffesrathe organization of spoffo^ and dance groups may bc basedon neighborhood,occupatiotr, or placc of ongin. Ccncrat pdrri.ipation in the f;stivitics d,.*s i,Dm a slill qidcr noiysectjon ot rcmF,nenrs. Thus rhe fesra cycte serves to Lnit logether the rrructural rcmponcnr\ oI the cirv.16 Events iD ulban America rhat perform rle samc integrative func_ rr { I-@_ds, Hosing-seitlpmpnr Ty!F\ A,tuqampnts fnr LiviDs, ptutFrarialrarim aI4 rF y(la,r \rtu^(luF ot lhe c r.- D $. comrtrb $d F. Ttu;bt@d (ets. ). rzr,, r{.r1dr.r. 4 (197{). 67 100. {.qans Bucc.hl€r, The B uat Din€$ion of Rural,Urban TtE ti6ta S*, r.n D r bF N", t h. n Hr ghhnJ r . in w. u a n s i n , e J . ) . p^-etworts: ;;;,;;;; iti;:;; Ho ug br onM r nin, l97o) , pp. 62 7l

235 .ior are Mardi Gms in New Orleans,the RoseBowl Paradein Pasadena, Paradc in ?hiladelphia Each of these has manv ioa tt'. v"--"^ performance Sroups ( dance or float organizations) bared on eparate cthnic 8roup. or economiccnterprise Cthnographiclrno";glU"'tt".a. lhe linkage\createdbv the\( festitals to undcrstand l'ii" i".."4.4

C on' . lez. , ', d ( , \ \ cnber g por nl or r t lhal lhe inlcg'at iv' t un't iuh of l :' Conzalez describes the a'fivitie\ ot hrban tedit3ls cr,, b. c{rgq.rrled in Dominican Republic as in\lipre-LenlFn weFks Santirgn Camival |he ] os' r cl"s" I 'ot h upl"r f ur l'"und: 'r is r r 'lor . 'l: r . ruri on.tl ,. 'r "nJ norms behaviord and related costunes ehborate activities invol'c social place within exclusive take activiti€s the For the upper class,

lj. chts and do tead to crossclass intcraction Thc activities do involve "ot '' mle re"enal in that, while costumed,upper ctassvomen arc permitted I o behave in ways that would be considered scandalous at other timer' DaDce and skit groups perform, involving activities of m:lnv outsidc !,^ """.r o{, the w u i , lower class w e a r the u r e garish often r ( cr r wear Young I o u n g boys o o y\ o Ba r h " costumes i 'g o u p s . the club of onlv within thc , festivatstroer male' but 'orrffnes r. I-ower class activities take placc in thc street, where costumed, (called 'lechones" ) panicipate in unusual activitics: .,. -ut"" :.i prank, -""t"a foolishness, and stylized combit. A residu€ oI the snteentha centurv urban ferti\al exists,in which two \ections ut lhe citv are considerei ro be;vah and cogagcin mo.k comb"t Howclcr. the lerritorial usits have not retained any rcal social int€grity, and thus this stvlized 'combat and its €ventual resolution have only a very attentuated sym'tolic solidarity function. Tb€ only point of contact betw€€D tle two classes is the upper class mmanticization of the lechon" as a folk hero. Upper class intell€ctuals colect and display the folklore of the lecbon 6gure and sponsor a oontest for mask-maker' Lechon masks have become collectols items' Leading mask-makers are patoniz€d by th€ €lite, who laud this form of folk art. This is the only formal, structured linl bctw€€n the two classes,who otherwise observe tbe festival in s€parate ways. Howevet the d€gree of participation jr high {or all classes.'u O;senbeg too has questioned the notion that urban festivals l€ad to crossclass interaction or even to a degree of common participation by difierent ctasses.He observed bar behavior during the Calgary Stampede in Canada to see if there was a similarity in participation by class and/or an increase in cmss-class interaction. According to Ossenberg: The annual Calsarv Stamocdelcatures a rodeo and Flated 'coq tnv- themesas ceniral rrtirchons. There is al.o th. usual camival i6N- Coale. aestem ltunwl

in a Dominics The Sooal Fmctions of Cami*l oI Anthtopoloss, 2B \),970) , 328'12

Cit,"

So!,i_

2ffi

237

g$*5$;i;*tT;t#btr*:frq*'rri"H*$,*$

b€€sne tramps, .ud torver income iDdividualswear costumes royalg. In addition, peoptc assume supematural attir€ or become rantic folk hemes (pirat€s, glT)sies, Batman, Superman) The impact oI an urban setting on the evmt has not yet been and ethnographically. ln many urban settings, the actual event inyouger children, who may be accompaniedby tbeir parents is a leal incidence of strunger-stranger interaction at the boundary & the private domain. The right to privacy is abrogat€d for one night, 6nd c.rllershIe tleir orl) \isr.l xc.ess to the nisidc of the homes of 6eir -strangcr ncighho's.The e \len.F ot high rirc .pdrrment rc\i i.a"n.=. t^. a0cctcd paH"ms ol muvcment A child accompaniedbv 5 p*r""t ."y roam a singie building. which i\ percei\ed as sale and less lodoown. Pe,ceiveddanse^ in lhe city dismurage chil,lr.n fr"m going the ri1,.{utat DiCht. These factors eliminate. the- romantic,s: lut Preser-ve

ffiriF.'Hiji1;,di*,rt[*tl'i"$i,lt ;;'T:uruti*T;,;;*;klr."ldii""F1-#

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l1fi ffri+f*#:{lufrit'$"t1'";'*grr+'l ffighbor

inte.action.

Even though the festival is foreign

to migrants,

groups adopt it as an aspect of nmdcan tifc " Thus, the Spanish radio station in Philadelphia {requently talks about "El Trick .t Tieat." Not only has tle u.ban environm€nt itseff had an impact upon the 3 festi'?I, but the Iareer urban industriat society has totaly changed Halfbwe€n thmugh commercialization. Costume fads are created by the gum industry maintain -t conmercial costume industry. The candy and on the symboJsof a pmtect festival has dso taken the festival. The asd .tarvest f€stival, with the purchase oI purnpkins, gouds, and Indian com; rbe decontion oI homes with a harvest motif; and the use o{ apples and cidq both natural autumn {oods. Ethnogaphic analysis could driw out the tull implications of the efiect o{ city life on the festival and t}le functions of the festival for the city." Be'ides regrrlar urban fe\ti!ab. sponlancous erent' organized through the m€dia trequently occur in the city. (For a description of such aappeaings," see Chapter 3.) An example of an ev€nt shap€d by the nedia was the celebrationof a "birthday party'for a bridge linking Pbiladelphia wi0r part of its surroundhg metropolitan aiea in sout}l€rn New tersey. In this paticular case, a radio personality suggested that it vould be a nice idea for menbers o{ his listening audience to celebrate this event by csngiegating at the bridge at a particular time on the tbirty-ninth birthday of the opening of the bridge. Thc fact that he was going to appear at this event and lead tI€ participants in the singing of 'Happy Birthday" drew a large audience. Obse ations during the event and a subsequentfollow-up study (which included responsesfrom one

ffi rlu'.*::liitr$i':?'d,f*#**iffi$i*=t n:{:;$r **#$i*-#fu::-m}td;:-sHr$' "'"'-1"T""-Yl,il"it"".if",iffi#T _

scene, there isoneinaior re$-

Th€ history of the fesrivatof Hallor

;ilrl#tfurl:,ru Lji#i,#';rt".T-r;ffi ;lH;, # i#:}..?,,1" ;?;rffi *,_-x, s;;.,i.,'*,i. r". ; "*r"i"fr. -,.i ' ; ;;;";ff

:.[r-{1"! ili*:'fi,1," ffl-[*,]"j'

";-";i:iiTj.#"* .

;J;:#':1,fi:fi;,JH'fl

.Nb* _"1 urban fativat. rjre cib his rr/nrform.d rhc eveD(and irs

::Tlf :.'ll;i:"i,-ilt.*';n:n:1i1"";*#1$I: ti,l,"?;flf i ,t6l'1fr'i

aDd Ba'Brhaviu, Durinq tu udanFesri6r. ','-

";,:')x,:'';:;:L :\{#!"?ifi d,T:'i,f""i:f, tffi il-?,*Tf*1*"

,e Uuch of this diso$ion is ba*d upon a smmary pap€r delivered by Eueen€ Colm to the Depa.tment of S@iology dd Artbropoloey, Bemard M. Btuuch Coleee,

cuNY. 1975,

hundred participants and an interview with the evenr's originator) plc duced a number of interesting points. bridge had a pariicutar image for many uho used tt or 5qw .This x as a ba\ic landnarl in their cognirivespatidtmap. S,,.. r_b"Hrn";ib olening. il hdd mainrainFda nickel to . ard Ct;,r-* n"a llJ Years Day, thc toll was not cotlected. Many of"" those inte.viex,j; scnbed tie bridge as 'Triendly," 'homey," lit c -,mall-ttme" peopre. lili contrasrcdthir bridge to two neser bridg.s tt}rr .p,n rbc O"lawaj viewingthe nthprsd( 'Iie rim. untrr,nL r " r-,1 in,pnsing.The analysis of the data colected suggests that io. ,"u"y p".t1";pdnr\ the e\ent irselfuas a fom of prorestrgai,\t t-g* p"rii;"f socrarrnrtrtutlon\ ovcr $hich rhey had no mnrrol. Anorher imnediatc ""i rhJr peoph b,ote throush hariels hehveen srpanse; 1,r,1.In" :i. wnde partictpating in the ev€nt.5o

In the electionstudied by M.yer in Dew$ Citv. Madhva Pradesh, ) relationshipb€tween the existing Political structure, the Congress network) is.a rty. and the particular action sct ( candidate-center€d o"". 'It'. pu'ty employs full-time workers, who recruit unpaid rvorken, and Loth s.ls $orl on the diversecJste qcgmcnlsof qe ooputationin order to .lrct lheir crndidale The candidatemobili/cs lo tho'e devel'rpedfor him by the in * o'w p.'sonal r'-r*t' ^ddition *o*"... Vryer sees lhc a.lion set as a goal-oricnted. bounded

outtv sd,.ul rrr' t r hr r i. l, . u\ . d

r.

STRvcrr,.n {L FoBMATToN M^ny, rccufting temporal events result in the crystallization ef rlructures for the mntinuous integration of segmcnrsof the *br" poi_ ranon I h?y tnus becomFurbrn iunctures in thp d,rj.ru,al as w;U ar ttudtiondl sense.This process can be seen in tle area of political events. Elecrionsand events \uch as hoycoHsand strikes lead to rhe emereeoce ot structuratehments rhat peA t heyond r_heparticular evenrsin;ved r"needect'v.nessoi t-beaction is frequentlya onseq,renceof rhe deseo ul organtation. Jnd Gus rhe srructure ij often more important rhao the event. In Mayer'sana)1sisof urban Indian potitics.bc observcsrhat rhose runn'ng to! elF.turil uffice muhifte aftion .r'.|s.ot tempoEry malitiom centered around themselves. Tbe action set attempts to recruit from aI urban segmentsby usjng vadour eventr, ;""""r, E*oiaty, primarily defned in caste tems, :s an :mportant ""a "ylntot". etemenf but no singi; gmup is strong enough to place its o\rr nembers i! omce. Theref;, il is mcessaryro amrlgamarevariou( scgmont\fur supporr.s' iftij coDtrasls$irh L)nchs work $here one casrc{rhe.yara,i i" lg,al *as a Iarge r:nough group to el€ct representatives to rh€ city ou;il and tLe state l€sislatrre5, :0[d.,in

ji;"tr.

taop. and Hnqed

.

"

Robboj. rru(r,ar,on dnd Indirecr Agsre$ion: Hcalthv

sicr sncn.r'.tnh.tut@tut! Jouwt

r1A. MayFr 'The srsnjFloe

"t

s""t"j p"u;E;!;.'i; i ts:^i;.

of Qutui-cr lDs in

rh..s^iotAnrhrcporoqu ot.".,#r:|ii.,..:j"?!/ilr:.*"*. ll".u.llrncn. l,,t,"t I "d;1. , r'" funi.( rl t ntou.habilitu(Ne,v yorr, prs. cutDti;

, r pur ' lr i lr Lul. I

ilr r : r liLr r or "

ir r r 'r " r jr r e

6ample oI the processwas the attcmpt to gain the electornlsupport ot :r low castegroup. A party uorker oI high castewas able to gamer their rupponby validatingtheir chim lo highcr.tatuswithin lhp rastc hierrti" ** done rhroughhis willingr($ to dine $ith menbtrs ot "r"tv. -i-Se group.

Bamettalsoprovidesan exampleof the potcntialof the political

for the integration of separate omponents. In this instance, the dined with ;resident of a rclatively high caste interacted witl and even political One of rol€. aspect of hjr lower caste lndiviauab as a necessary noms and was caste tlat he had broken rhe rnembers of his caste felt $edding prP\idenl him to a not inviting b) b" snubbedrhe . ioour.. "nd i rlinnerin h;s famllv. Orher powertul memhen of fhc group rpplied prcs:l sure and an invitation was issued. The caste leaders rccognized th€ fact traditional notions of caste pudty cannot survive in tle urban syswhere intergroup integatioD is necessary53 This theme oI urban int€gration thmugh political organization is to A. L. Epsteifs analysis oI urban lif€ in Luanshya (in present&y Zambia). Epstein se€sthe creation of a local branch of th€ Af can National Conqress as a real move toward urban integration that crose cuts tribal and occupational lines. A previous attempt at integration was the fcderation of tribal and urban welfare associations concemed with rhe beftement of Afncan urban li{e. At t}e time of Epstein's studv, the area was under the coloniat domination of the Bddsh, and the development of both the welfare Association and the African National Congress werc att€mpts to gain colectivc power for the Aflicans. ln tbe developnent of the AJrican National Congress, th€r€ werc obvious points of confict between this organization and the existing trade unions, particutarly the mine workers. The mine workers were forced to live in one African location, while all other Africans lived in another. Epstein looked at tne process of fomation of a local branch of tbe party by analyzing a sequenceof events. At its inception, the branch u'as establisbcd by an individual as a power base to challenge other urban

uoivmir'

.tst€ve Ba6etr.

Urban Is As Urba! Dms

o

3:lT.#;ff:::::,ty-:ty:.:Jfr ;,i:.#*;"H,T i;",1x :.iy.tr-T:i*:*"u*'

who r€ceive ecvnomic support and the elites-who rcceive polisupporl.Th" a,mmon tocusfor thi\ cualr\ccne is the desireof each

*4m* Hi'T.ji"T**"H

and its sponsor to $in in the festival comp€tihon.66

An intercstingexampleoI the way in which sportscan sometimes to structures that amatgamate urban populations is contained in s analvsis of soccer in Brazil L€ver notes that sports clubs have devcloped in order to supPort soccer teams in Bi'azilian cities ln in the smaller city of theseclubs tend to b€ class-exclusive, 'hile from the entire chss sp€ctnn]. In

i.l;:ilfuTl*i';*ffh:;:;y$i ffij:,"1"-#i,lt+_dif

*x,ni*['l;**t*sllrffi

thcse clubs recftit mcmbers

some sports clubs are socially exclusivc, and individuals not onlv have the cconomicrcsourcesfor fees,but must also passa rigorous ins for new rnembers. Lcver cites one individual

:i,:..il:J:ti..iiff :y;,* f i":"::l,iT:,i-_i"::"ffi:"fi

member of an

ive sportr club who states that his {avorite soccer t€am is sponby a middle class club and therefore not suitable for his status are other clubs in Rio that have completely open membership ar€ struggting{or sunival. Soccer. when first introduced to Brazil by the British, was €xcluy upper clxs. Ov€r time, it was adopted by all segments of the dation, and present-day prcIessionals are almost exclusively refrcm poor segments of the rural and urban populations. The howevei, ar€ located in urbm centers and professionals must live In Rio, social distance is maintained betx'een the playeK and the members of tle clubs. In the small citv. there $ much more inter-

:tk+*,$:*#'*i{lldlmfd *rnllffi #$:'a:t' m€ntal agencies. Only one ethnic srouD $

'#fi"H lrr"fL'fi ili1"t;ffi .T;.Ii;;;;;n Mu"h uf t]t" cunent discurrioDof u

n*iil**:*':*fr sl"Fg*$' lru;,"ffi :;::i,t::T:"il::HTt""*r::n,*H;*;*ru;.s

i"ffi'h:";;:',"ffi:f;J-fl?l;'*.'":'*;e;;; ; ;;;;

Another level of integration can be seen in the recrtitment of Wealthier clubs in the big cities r€cruit players fmm teams in ii.rmaller cities. This omcess of recmitment works to the mutual advantage ' of both clubs, since the srnaller city clubs are well compensat€d for the bss of their playen. Sonreclubs have an etlmic base, such as the Cerman club Anotller basis for club formation is occupation. For instance, Lever Dotes that in the srnall city, the railway company started its oErl club to build morale rmong its workers. Players are ofiered part-time iobs in the rail system Crcss-classclub membership €xists, since mnmgement as well as workerc belong. In Brazil. tbe structure fomed by sports activities is integrative in the smallercities,but helps maintain cl.rssboundariesin Rio. Unlike the Utrited States, rvith its diversiff€d sports scene, in Brazil, soccer is the only maior spo.t. The high degree of commitmentto that sport seNes a national integrative function, but the lack of single homctown teams or broad-based clubs precludes much integration at lower levels.5?

9*'l'**:$'[$*t]:{'#ii'"',r:'';:tt+:Fffi '*rr*,T"i1:}';nrru:,ali-"l'*

I'tT;lf

g ii:r",;Tr.# ;,1.rufl ii{:i{iil.lt"..:i"*,,J.iln

In thc poliricJl rrena. Iturual advantrges acrn,e ro both rle tower class

i'"flH:-r,-f*";","Jft ffi "#tribi*L"mminac.pFrbe.

5. laeih, HoNinA S€ttlement T)pes," 5?Iav€r. "s@er * d B!&ilid Way of Life. '

242

*lTffi ?i*:1"fii*:-,"1.'::,**"-::f ,the:,jerce.c*

netwo* of an individunl is the lowest level of this scheme.At their : most ext€nded nmifications, individual net\vo*s become meshed ier. Srokers and strategic infuentials, who are menrbers of nanv

,*l:;Tx".ilfl[*L]:'"'i,.;;:::*,::"::':l=;;il'';:H .r tf,.," ,,, .'e no* m"rnte,5"i 'g*nt

llowder, thc .***fU

"lirar." multiethnic civic associations.ss Obyiourtt there are many other

; n;'n;l:i# ":ff *ilr'i-'#*ff ;g;fu-!;

)*s, serve as linkage Points Cnven and Wcllman. in their article "The Network

[T;,4:[lr, r :[""rril: ;"i;:i{*: ijii,i'fftl'fr

Citv,"

make

point. Based on extensive n€twork studies in Toronto, they show 'ilar working {ron lorver level, individual networks, one can build sucwider nets of relationships using brokers as pivotal linls. As rr iffcs. groups rnd instihrtirinsLmome the nodes rnd f" 't^"t-" iDtage points h the dingrnmatic scheme The ultnnate model is one oi personal netrvorks meshed together to form more formal 6: and institutions and ultimately the entire urban structure that (Chapter we indicated 4), In our earlier dismssionof networks ties network various i6p st"dy of brokers ard influ€ntials and their seNe rese;l(h, that.could rfouldbe an important focus for ethnographic iluminde the structur€, functions, and types of soci^l tiet as basic ive mechanisms.Detailed descriptions of their socir ties and how :6et are mrnipulated to bridAc gap\ bet$een g.oupr and institutions r rouid appear to be an important tocu' for future urhdn erhtographic ':ilseurch.

::l.ilji.",; iili,*nlp*}*s.s*t#^jiH fi$#i:ft ;'' **":**l;ffi ii1f,"ilfi

Wheeldon descdbed a civic associ

Hi*Hil.*fl f."*rki##,*ffi !f 8:il*

r*5r**ft t'*:f:*:"+,:;,i f g,TJ'*:ffi I#ik,:ffi.*il",#fi :i::ffixT fil.;iH,

c"omu nirv'arne''t'^' i lia-e; :J' ; lfi:l'ilT" "i## ""i:i',

CrrY A3 A WEoLE The ultimate

descnption

of th€ unit of integiation

in an urban

socialBouar!,ries in onAryeo,i4ci,' (Aurin: univeBiy r@o cities i^ Iatin A*ia (cadrencit!.: Doubreday &

is tLe city as a whole. Many urban anthropotogists take "holisni' mean the n€c€ssity of studying the wbole city as an ethno$aphic tcrget poputation. However, it n virtudly inpossible to studv a whole city using the ethnographic method. The "team of .rnthropologists" approach, such as that used iD Pricds study of Reno, makes tle goal morc ipproachabh, but the size of the team rcquired for a metropolis is unr€alistic.s As we point€d out in Chapter 3, the citv as a whole as an obiect of study is not necessary to preserve the essenceof holism. What is rcquired is that any micro-unit b€ studied with the whole city syst€m' etically used as a context- Nevertheless. there have be€n several attempts at etLnographic studies of whole cities as mor€ than the sum of their partr. The classic early study of n city as a whole was Horace Miner's study of Timbuctoo. This d€sc ption of a town of 6,000 \'as less n studv

LrJ,lr t*.*ll*;fi ?iJ:rffi l]i'ixt iiil"i*]Tli*;;,#',lill

.2P. Cdven dd B. Wellmu. Th€ Network City," socioloeidl lnquits, ro'1. 43, 1973. .lJobn A. Prie, 'Reno, Nevad.: The City a a Utrit ot St!i]y, Uftdn Anthrcpologs,

NmwoRxs as LrNxnc MEc.rL{NrsMs

i.r

'" ".':1".ilil:;:ffi*T:1i:: :Tff::i - "*"'!'fheore,ica,,i,era,ue

x'*i:':*ii*;'Fir,:+,'H-;tdiqr:#,r,{":i,* lil:*"T,,:15d,,1, ;r:i$"?#"1:"*fi

', Mirchell {ed,). soctT Netaotld i^ urbon sit@t@.

I (r97r). 14-28.

of FreetoM, Sierra Leon€ is based predominantlv o:ur"d,i Banton'srrastudy i;ffijl"L:'"r.'::,;l"l,ll-fl ,i" rhc i'ntnigtution o{ new rrihxl qroups within describes $ ",^"y" "i:Tl1,_,:":::1,j0::,:' ,",.^;,.,'',. J*, g. i ;j,,#;i :IilT"l1:dlx-;:.1.y# had to rddpl to 3 citv.controlhd These r*to"rn ihi.tro;"ul "onr"*t " ";; ponents and the mark€t as a iuncture.6{ Creoles (ex Negro daves), whose culture was gre.rtly Anglicized

j,111,,#1.1fi .,-1"".""ff1il:i'"t+liTl:f*u:,I: TH

:::J1'."J:#iff,.X?iffJ"'ni.tT,ii.J

to collect much aggregatesurr€y drta hi

-

,uunuruc,Jde\a,, nc.."..,titl':,lii1;li,ti:]:f

he focuses on the migrants' daptive modiGcation of social instj(tribal hea&nan, tribal associations and households ) he bases his on some intensive interviews 6!

R"i.u'"."""tt

study of Paran6,Algentina, a city of 100,000,is the

both lrost ambitious .rtte pt to dudv :1 wholc citv. The book contahs viovpoints ard atives' reflecting in'depth ethnography and .ontext Neighborhoods, voluntary ffsociations, social classes, and life € stages arc presented, with seveml intensively studied exanrples Wc bow components are tinked together to prodrrce i unique citv. This

tionships of this city to its Iarser contcxr.d

r*,P.':li'ii:.".'"i:#1".r"1:11:1,1";"*;':,i;:ltlJ[';h ,;lTi;,",Ij*il"1""',I;,* ;l];l"t T."iT J.lffi Hedea'Is F,:lTiffi 'lTii wi,([

b difierent from those previously mentioned becausethe size of the ity is larger than nost, .rnd the range of t.vpei of components is broader than most.?0

Il:i:: ;t'"".',1fil:'"li;-;f-g;y;;g::":phv

;'ff :Hri;[:','-#"t"ffi hil*ix:''H.#s,1;';*#fft

We mu$ also mention here two strcns advocates of the whole citv Fox and Price. Their studi€s of cities as wholes were discusscd Chapter 3. In these studies, the city is studied only in relation to its and not though ethnogrnphy. Fox u€s prinrarily historical, eco ic, and political data. Pnces study oI R€no included selected small' ethnography, but his study of Tijuana and Tecat€, Meico was primarily on suvey data. Price direct€d a large team of students did ethnographic research in s€lect€d neighborhoods and institubut the ethnographic data is not signiGcmt in the presentation.

A nurnber of studiesthat took at whote ciries are concemed . wirf prim-Jritymov.mentroward rhe $,estemmodi gr.***.. *:| trus '":r. ueerrr compari\onot rwo IndoncrianroMs ir prirnanty(l)ncen dj

wilh the efect oi dioerencesin hisrory. power retations, and cultur (omponentron lhe rate rnd dire(iion of clcnge in thc rwo toMs. Thir

an e\lremely imporiant book. enpharizing ccoDor c actrvibes and nomjc tnstitulions. and provide. insighr inro how ro use uban histr Process as .\ontext.si €xapple_of a study of W€stemization is the stud), of .,, ,,Another

team much about the city as a product of d)'namic interaction

with

context, but little about its basic components md their interrelationas descibed

in Chapters 4, 5, and 6.11

ville" by van den Bergtre.Describingcondihonsin a smal SouthAfricar.rl town, he-di:cussesthc retevant economicand p"fiu*r .r-iil,'. narional.hvel.He u,es erhnograplricdara primrritv to -*.* rhe thre6 de\cribc ncrar/elhnic componcnrslwhitps Indirns. rnd Africans) and rne socirl c,assFs.He rrro describ.. the cconomic and I'otirical insriturionsrhal bring th€m tog€ther. Ir mrEt be noted that the pop, ation of this conmunity is only 10,000,and the question is raised;bout the possibititv of transposing this appmach to larger meb-opotitan centers.Gs

:.; It should be noted that many of those who have creat€d the mysfique of studying the'city as a wbole'must work within severecon iraints. They must sacriGc€ethnogmphy or limit their choice of cities. 'fre feasibility of the whole city ar an ethnographic target population irens to depend on s€ver€size limitations- Only a limited number of types of components can be studied. Within uban anthropology tlere & scope for both those who are concemed with the ethnographv of

6aMin*. Th?,Pnmitiw Citv al Tinbudoo.

l.U.

;,J:i;iil-

lnrori. A c u in vo.r"m Atrca rcamb.idsc:HaMrd univedie

ii[!"ff";d;];"''3;^ '-'" ^*n6'Pierp \d d.n(

S1ghe, a@ritb. Th? Sa.iol Stturlup ol a South Al.iun (nlid letoqn: Wesleyan Unj\€rsfty press. 1964).

Tod

r*,o^, wr* et;-.

Citt!: A sridu ol TribolLile in Fr.€ioon (London: ox-

lo.d University Pres, 1957). rrR. Reine" Parar?i sochl, B@nAaies in M Argentine citu tr R For "na6o.ale and Romance in Urb.n lnthropolog\. Uftan Anrhropoloet' \ (1972), 20''33j and cities in'Ih.it cultutul Seftines:'Ile Ant'htupaloeuof vtbani'h i E n s l e s u o d cl i fl '. \e w J"M \: Pr e n r i m H a l l . t9 7 7 r ' a n d I Pr i F. 8 .a " \e v"d d , The C'ty s a Unir nf stuJ, , lJttma Anthrcpolueu l I l972l l'l_28

2ll7

f*?ii ffi':il;1:'"*:di:Jli{#ji##[$ffi ''

or thc community infrastructure of their homeland. Where they ire Dolitical influ€nce ttithin the urban setting, either as individuals ;lkctivities, thcy usethis power to €stablishtheir villagesns rcgional or parts of economic development

Rust.UnBAN LnrxrcFr

like schoolsor roads for the arca. In many cllses,political activity to dev€toping the homeland rather than efiecting chanees in

t]

Ii T;lrf ;:r,_"*,1;1,,i#:..J,*1 lltl :,*},";;ffi

schenes, or to acquire facil-

lrrban setting. Simic noted considerable rural-urban integration in Yugoslavia in visitcd iii studl of migrints in Belgrade- Tliese individutls frc.lucntlv :.llpir villaee of ongin to participate ill villagc'wide itu.rls and famili:rl

;;:;;lr;i:tri:**i"**!il*';6.pr,*

cycle rituals. The central thesis of his work is that the rural and settings shoutd not be looked at separately but as a singl€ intesocial6eld.r' In the C€ntral AJrican urban literature, there lrre speciffc mechnoted for the m;dntenance of ruJrl urb.u ties. Both Haries'Jones Epst€in note that a number of tfbal groups had official rePresentaof the tibe in the city who were designated by th€ rural tribal fiese individuals were central mediating ffeures lor members of Eibal gmup residing in the cit'r'. Th€y werc cont&ted whenever one back to the homeland, so that goods and inJormation flowed

"^,,,:,:::ir.Hi*.,;,s;5ffit#yJ#.?jTlrill".."ffi i:,ffd{ri:i'iii:","-*'i1.il'l,lf.Ji,**9.{f il#

ffit",,n:":{..iillti*rnru"rii}:i;ll;,*'.#

r#dfi'S3;*$n:-*'*,1..,***,ffi ffjl*fliiTjfiq; E6;ixti;*i:rrr mffi this central p€rson in the city.?3

*",;r; *l *l.:fil:rd.T h,;."* :$ii,1.,r;3-;.r

nro\trrequcnt rea,ons r-'pr"_"a ii jil,g"-""i:;H":i ;H ",c,, .'srationisrhe prtr.m.1,. *,,_ i. ii" ::-:: :^'_yI*,.ir.. ''*

i;:;,f:J,'":';ffi :#n;';;::,:n:::,1" "sdl'iill#

and rcc.ivc urbi', .r,'ra,",1.,'o"n"i, '.i'ior 'ducahonor \kirl trainint

The Curaie in Shack's work in Addis Abnba maintain extrcmely ties rvith the homeland. ln0uential individuals fron the rural areas tibal members in the city to collect money for schools and for devetopment in the countryside. Many urban businessmenborcapital from fellow kin-group menbers in th€ countuyside. A com Aldcan pattem of the construction of r€tnement housesin the rural was characteristic of the Curaie. Urban-based maniage brokers mariases beween urban men and tribal women ?' . In an early study of rural-urban migration in Indin, Eames noted ernphasis upon tI€ maintenance of rural ties by urban migrants Mierants were exp€cted to send back a high proportion of their earnings .-to support the village family. The migraDts were primarily males who r left their wl"es ard children to be cared for by members of the joint ,. family. It is suggested that ruial'wban migration help€d maintain the : continuity of large, ioint falnilies in the rural sector, and that when mi :'grants returned to the village permanently,their ioint families t€nded

;;$ir,r*;r}*i{iqii:*:"ii*';:Trjhrur$ T;'jr,:;:i*i'#s

rrcqu.enuy_migrrnts retdin properry rishrs

;:"ln,lr, i*i" *:xdif,*"1lir::* ir,,. r,.,.a,","g *r"":,:;lfll''" ffi,;n[T;,f".Tf I"^1.,1.:i,, .'*;tf*;liti* ill.ltrxi;!,rf IJ,:"'I'.I:'IJ,LJffi r"'r'"r ;T:: il',T'Tilil:i:"cornmodities' -*;"

"'i"1".."I

There ar€ a nunber of ways in which nigranrs enhance tbe potiricat

?tA. Snnic The Best of T$o Worlds: Serbian Peasants in fmper (eils.), .4nrlrotlolos< i" Citiet, pp. 179-t00 r. Epst€in, Polntr in an vtban Nd@n com^ittr, p. " HomeBor Ti6 and Political orgdiation." rW. A. Sh.ck. "Urban Etbni.itv ea the cultunl Proces opia," iD A. Sdthall (ed. ), Urrd' .4nrlropoloss (New York:

lg/3), pp. 25r-86.

the City," in Foster dd 19j ud

HtriesJone\,

of UrbaDiation in EthiOxford Univesi9 Pr€ss,

ua

I

maior roles. Indeed, migr.nts and their orgmizations -have in rhievilg l"gal strtus and,Le.ciiai"d i.p"rt"nt ir-nor ley roles lfisnition fdr r"a"y of these communiti€s It is not surprising in light as "dcpi ttl" t" ai'"o"". that nany clubs think o{ tbemselvesin the word include thii often hornelands ind ien
**t**1un**s's**ffi X.***ip**:****:tr:':'*:l,:l*s,lflffi tens ofvisiti

Buechlerfnds the s,rmephenomenonnr La Paz, Bolivia, suggesting Andeal distribution. In this case, migrant associationslobbv for rls and higherJevet political status for home comnunities rather rcgiom. Buechler also notcs the importance of the rural ff€sta cvcle

g and economic aid.,6

tft"Tffi ;*:l*:s1--$,:;=i;lfru*H;#f ffi

m visiting, social interaction, and economic contributions to the village For West African tribal groups, Little has noted the ettcnsive

of urban based voluntarv associations that coDcer them with the cnhancementof the rural area. \'leetings are essentiallv in natur€ and collect a great amount of money for schools €ommunity prcj€cts.& A similar function has been noted {or urban-based caste associations many students of lndian urban life Bamett notes the building o{ a hostel in Madras tlat housed univenity students from all over state ( rural and urban) who attended college in the city. A5 a o{ living in the hostel, recent lead€n of the group form an agepeer group and maintain a comrnonality of interest 3l Smivas and have also analyzed $is phenomenon. Alrnost all the exarnples govided above deal with case studier of areas. However, there arc some explicitly comparative worl(s that to tcmtr€r the vi€w that migrants always sefle as links of integration the rural and urban social fel&. Mayer, in his early classic work on migrants in a South African :: . itv, describes in detail the varied adaptations o{ difierent groups in the ,; ity. ro' group, tlr€ naintenancc of stroDg and continuous contact '.with their ""e home villages l€d to the maintenance of a conservative enclav€ in the city. Tbe relevant social Seld {or these individuals was an inte-

1;;t*ii1T,f,"l',.;t#l;rr*"fi#*t*:',;ffi

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,"

associa,io{ i:,T:::} ffl',fl::Lilj,res_or misranri'

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li'lilHil*;Tr"ffHfl*";,,Tmm*lTP"'jq::Htr;

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orlunr Misntid rronr Northrn.tid virrase," E4".i

;);;Jt:":.;T.,3*;.,,.jt.::]-rl snd r.lt{T ;#H?;,&.|".{L:I%# 1.9^,2._itr\riJ,msinser ; ;J';:h;;'I

ffln,*"'_ ..;H.,"*;i;:1;;";

Pul,list'jns Compdy, l96a)

o"j-:"r.q,chitrse Emistu, wmre6iDrn. a"".-," lllqI+:""1;. iS**t:! c r*r.,,,a n i.#; i;tl:;ffi ;#ff "#'ffi:.yfl-ff il

'isP.

Do.chty, T.lhinil the Bsck of the City: Provincial Life in LiM, Petu," in W ltfansi; aed.), PcMts in Citkl, pp.3u-46; Md Pe im VisrMl ldentil) in in ware, Md whitc \eds.), rh2 A^thrcpolosu ol Utbot Lnt i' tL Ulban Milia dMk. 6. 39-50. ?!HrN B;dNd "Th€ Ritual Dimeroioo ol Rudl-U'ban NPi$orl\' r .nd Thc R. ,4.n Analvsis of Rural-Urban cf Couti6 in tlE Botivim Highl.nib: orFntatid Univesitv N.tworfc and Hie.arcbi€s," in Eddy (ed.), Uhdn AnthrcNlosu (Aths: rg€a), pp. 4&57. oa G€rsia P6, s Xmeth Little. wesf , tiea U,bniati6: A Str.l! ol vollntdrlt Aso.i4tiots i4 c@bridse UDiv6ity Pr€$, l9€5). So.7d Ch6e. (Cdbndg€: 3r SteYe Bdetr, _Urbor Is As Urbe Dc."

251

€:fi,Tti'Ti1i"':i1,i::,.:T::iJT,*T""":J.j":."TTffi

Wc need urbanities and rural areasover severaleencrations.s5 shrdics that look at succ€edinggenerations.However, even more t rrc studies that explain why ties p€rsist in some crrcurnstances

*Iisi+**'d'ffii$ntr:+:m il;r,;ti"..iil''#l

Th€re is another tactic that can be used in the study oI nral urb^n as hrkagc. A major on. We have thus ft focusedon th€ 'nrgrdn focuses on insrltutions i the anthroFlogy oI complex societies serve to link regional and national systemspa icularly through

a6onouic rnd politicrl

rctilities.

Thus rnrrkets, political partns, dnd

irual uycl.s.rvhichcrurrcrrt u,ban :rnJ nrral iomponent(.Jr. rrlen :h of analysis. For example,the work of Bailey and his studentsin India focuses Flitical partics and thei levels of integrrtion. Beginning with parties, they build to form stat€ level and national-level so that intcgration of a high oder exists within one subof the society-the political systcm-which contnins both rural and

*li li,*l**:ffi

l*,g;$;t*;*$"**'-':'l+=,*g,r!x,,

*i*l'iit$**..**$*,il*';,il1'*':1ffi , m;,*:: * ru*l: *i:{rr.*r**i#l;l:;_'H

Buecbler has advocated tbat the best way to study Bolivia is by at political, ritual (ffesta cycle), and economic (markets) subthey link rural and urban c€nters. IIe h.1s studied all three lystems, usiDg ethnoeraphic datn {rom ruIal villag€s, towns, and Paz its€lf to demonstrat€ the ways in which such subsystems unify social 6ekls.3? Anotler examplc of an institutional component that can be viewed a subsystemof thc total society is the judicial process.This point can see' in EFteini analysis of urban African courts. The itrdges in uban cr)ut are representatives of tribnl groups appointed by tribal i€fs in the rural aiea. Following Cluckrnan's anal)ris of judicial deEpstein suggeststhat the urban courts have developed a gcneral of what constitutes a 'reasonablc man," and that the rural ) uban social systens are uniffed by this nechanism. Lo$ry found .ihat the crun system in Chana was a unified and undifierentiatcd rural,urban mcial ffeld. He cxpected difierences between rural and urban :corrts, but did not ffnd them.33 Studies of subsystcrnsthat unify rural and urban areas and lead to ; .Lierarchical integmtion into regional and national entities fall squarely r,,5C. stack,"The Kindredof viola in N. whitten and J. s^ved (eds.), Jaclson,"

;**,:n:*m"rr:f; #,;:-ffi iii[:;"ri: {,i,T

'"" "" 'Tl-li th€y have hervily investcd iD them.e, In additton to rhe issue of mainrenance of rual_u,ban contac! .,is.an issuc reratcd to . tne ,r," time depth a.p,r,of J sucb ti€.. ,:l lll"-ill Tls,"pojnt t.." ": out tbar long_term urban ,i''" ,"Sa.ot ?o ;;;;;""JE Ifany_wdt:n DouShty notc-s ttrat regionat associations in r_ima r,av" .etaiJ : :]es: rheir rcmmilmcnt tor thirry ur f,,rty years. Eamer ana n.*. ..i",fri rtugrantsfrom a villagc in-tndiJ have maintained rr,.i. p"i"i and cDmmitment "i.ir"g " , to the \iltugc over long perio& of tim". rne.quFsbon is $hat wilt hrppen rfrer sevcral generrrions,since mo\r.rtudie\.lonk.nt) ar rhF ffrsi-gencrauon. rn Sto*. rurruy bJsed krhhip netllork. she do...ore "*ay.i-" the porsi(eDe of ries

f;,T*,1""y"*l;""1y:y:

or rribew:

c ,el,,,a,n on4

p@s

tte ot u,bdi. :!i'il"::"*Y:l!H:i-l:':,'c"p"'"*'oJr.a-ffiffi;L|lffi i

mr.,"incorneriusddrru"d;Ji"dl.L":?aT.-a},li;H"'.r:#.f,.*.:,tJi.

AnrhtopoloEy (New Yo.l: Free Pres, 1970), pp. 303 124tuA@i@ .F. Daifey, Pol rcr onl Socrl ChanEe (Berk.+y: Unive6ity .rf California Press, 1959). :r Euehler, 'Th. Aitual Dimensi@ of nural-Urban Networks" and "The R@rearia, dd of c@nri6 iD th€ Bolivian Hishleils.' r3Epsfein, Poatar ir m U$an Aln@ Lo$f, "Me-Xo Court.' Conwnitg;

-',";"..1"Tf-':,::T",*"":r,'-i"ri*;rti"",,?'iiiJ.'.IT'"lil*a"*".

ii h,ii:jlf"i#i:**'

rheDremisununrt€d," in rv.Mdcin(ed.),p@n',

253 prrtial to bar studi"' mints. AnthropnloAirlihave been particut:rrlv :lff #":?:$"*,t*,1;*::".9::1,::l'-T:::Y;"*r,*q lor th' rnth'opologisr' 4F+ :;id:ffiJ:,:l;:' lY",**:*':gl"a-'"i"'''';'" I""f' o'frr" phecs provide dn c0\ ""i""r*l not arrbars Horvever, *"g" or nrrornation ;il;;;J6 a,partol, thc sy\trm \ubs)\rcm "ra'"

;i,:'j";;,in,i:: or :l:";1"::,:l.i::l'::,]'ii which ;houtdt. ,rJ*.a.lVi ^li "1.1',':i',il? i'"i-.n-""r"*' rhisissue ";;;;iri;';;, i;.chJprF, z. r" p* irr.

I::t

11.:'...,-

\csmcntrot th" urbrn populrti"n \'rarkcrshdve as thc.serr'ngwr(nrn beenselecr.dLy som" urbanelhnographcrs urban

"", ".pi.ir" t" -""tr.-pa.gf ii

I:'..:1,:n: :ll""r.lpni". 1ri"t "qa;"tt. and anthropology of cities.'tn -*ut.fr"pt"r, *" ir,"ii .".t thc importanceof nore emphasison the tatter.

;-i;-;;;"( jlo.."rt"t

Tl i\ our po\iHonrhatrhe cty can.t^r:rn:lt!ti. p",po.-. 1._.,.".1

and sevenl strdre' havc tried to delineate behavior. However' not enough attention has be€D

dir il ,r." .iin...',, st\lesof mrkct h'hivior, $hi'tr chrracterize tsegmentsoftbeurbanpopulation'Theenph;'sjs of an urban i'll'"or", r'..plt"r" )- t'"s not bcen chanct€ristic of ir. lppr"""r', at lea.t {ro.n the ?erspcctive seeing strclr

.,\trmr *" '+,r," *g,*n;i ;:..:":,,1^11-lh,.:'crrr ", "..:.1-1,.;,1:

*r'iii t LX;il;.li,,ili'L ',;Ti:::,:l :::j:ir:", ll iill,,f isus.fur onry ir,r isri;ked ,;;; ;;;.,;iiitJ"'l|ff#lnt,

" nr othcrJulturalsettings ) seneasp:l"i':f,*l-

points ot intcractil'n bctween diver'F grorr$ ur 1"" * \\Jv 'l,a"t ,.r.. O" rt'. o*e. r'ana,murls ha\e beerrriewed in rlris Africa some intcrestnrg results, p ticulartv from written abo t,bv urban i*. 9p* * t""-po'ut """"rc have been is urban {cstivals Thesecventshave been rr'. pre'i"1. u.ian scttings and their integrative role hls in many -"i..."" rcccivFd not hxvc The sccond tvpe spurts ev'nt' ili" i*. b*rs lor urhJn ethnosraphic -t.a potcnnallv iio'ide hut *;"' ;;:h '* " qhich vrriorrs a gr..,r-d'al abuut lhe wrv in ,i* .rv *ff of tJterrhan ppulalion relale h' F3ch otner'

rf ii.Td ;lt,,ttbiiiii:J,:$i...............,"T:.[:]',"Jl-'*ff

L,rlih.y to luot at lbe ruraj\ystemconrexrrs we . t\tormver'rrd ds.rhe strrdent or ciq lifc crn learn from the studenr of rhe mi subsystem, the latter can learn from the former. The .tr;J; whose unjqrc characteristjcs have a ." ,i. *i# rynergistic rhc iDsritutionJlized,ubvrrcm\. T},e rpatity, which "f*, aU sociat scie nope ro grasp. i\ thc lotalitV of a socio$ltual system. To attaitr sever.rl akonative apprcaches can be but gi"e the i.U of social reality. If there were such an"scd; approach,"one *. io"fa t* "ff

situationstend to be r€currentand develop io"i"rV r."lz"ai*i"l * do manv temporal events Urbnn-festivalstend ft;;, ;*

of *"ft a .ta repetitive and require high degrces -organization as both necded ";;;;";". Frequentlv tliverse populatioDs ar€obviouslv sports Pro{essionar ii' **. ;;;;;";;;" """.t' rtgl a"sr"* of structure for.their maintenance -* :"1-":.1 arc charactcristicallv found. Another set of evcnts ;;;;","-."-

S!'1|rMAff

In addition to the bounded sociat units we have be€n

i,, chJpr.rs4 ands. rhcrFarca numheror *"r"r **.g" ii,il"ilEj

bnns togcthervarbussegmenrs of the *b""

l."a to hish desreesoi *ructure are"thosc,tly,tn-vill,e '"n"o" "' For"the iucccslul ourcom€ or r politicJl eflorr' ;r";;';'""""

;;";;;;-;;;;i.;i:

sctlinqsbring toqerherindi\iduds.white o$;H'hrins roc.tt", sr*; somc le trrD\itory. white o$err rre rccurrent a*.top p.rio,J,i ",a iNor\ehrgcnumber\. whne.,r,_, _,,r," r.* i* :i11:il.:,, -T. some involve peopte xs spcctators.wbije orhers druduats: and " involvE rhFm a\.pJrhcipsnrs.-lrhis €rpcd uf urbJn ethnography hirs nor been rs neJ\rry cmphasizpdin thc lilcrarurc as rhose dcscribed in the pre' ceding two chapterc. Social siturtions rhat dcr ls urban tuncturn bave bcen divided intu l$u maior .dtegorie\:sprUa y tocJtizcd(\p.rc) rnd rcmporalty localized l time )Among the spatjattylocatizedpublic ptaces.we discussed ban and rcsr.rudnts.mJrrrts. .ourts. servicc institurions,and t ansoortation li*-

li l.-i"r,i.*"r,

sructur. is neress^rvto brins toscther thc divche

wo*s gual"' rhis proces-s population for ;il" .i "o-'o' to.the ]ead "; mav .r,v * *.[t pi'trucal events,srch as strii(es'

;;; .J*

seHing of structur. One turthcr el.mFnt in the rrrban associations' rclated to structure is th€ existence of voluntary rrnge of interest' co'stituents' and structurcs t ft*" t -ia" ethnographic literature attempts to cleverop a vrew Some uban 'l"f t}e q, l".tgt'i, ;nto tt'" total integr'rtion of citv -svstemshave " ".L"r..-.i'"*t;r thesc !ow€ve::"'T"LT::'llllTilll5 studies

,{L-g"a

*r,nosraphicbJ\e still plasuesmanvnl th*e efiorts "' centcrs wnen In addition, they havc usuallv bepn done in \mxll urhrn

,. il*i,J

i'..

attenpi

'*U"" ""if'-p"i.gl""

to studv entire cities' thev arc fac€d Nith

254

lhc ne.esity of taling inro uccounrrh^ hrger corrr.rt,orrhe.n6r. o cial sy\rpm.ln manycAcs. the) mu\t look,dtIa.g.;c"t" r mr..oscopii historical, economic,political, :!nd social t"t"tt $ntrr rmpingF upo' rh. presenr.ordiriun or rhc t.rrg"r.,,".

;"'i{l:::i,l;:lj,':,"..1H: ft"nlff :r ".-,"iT'li,i:il":j, anll,'olnlog'ctllii.tut,r'cd.Jlj $irt, rriqranr\ir rhc (ity. AnLl$ i;fi the migraDtsaDd their organizationrare

,,,bm J:rd *",*, s";;.;;;'),,,;l,:l:];::11; :llii"; :,,rrr

'Ti:

j",l:l;.i;;:;,:ff ,",,,"1""ii:'.::'':li.:'"1";?:;; ;,: :*',:jffi networls.In rhis,:rr rhc,,erwork,,,,cppr is urd In a din.,"ni'ili

irom In.rr u\!r by th.. ,ngrcphclrt ,rrbantih Such a notionhi bccn used by some anthropologistsworking jn conrple\ societies,; ticularly in thc political sphere.

Part Four

WHATTODO AND WHATNOI TODO

tn the developmentof urbrn rnthropology,thcre rre a number of basio ,bues related to tLe plocessof doing resexrchthnt will bc dedt with in Glhapters? nnd 8. Speciffcally,in Chapter 7, we shall dcd lvith the '&velopurentot cxplicit rcsearchdcsignsthat dchre,rte independentand rlepenttertvtriables; Lolv to selectn soci.l u,rit to be studicd .ud deffn<: it careftrllyrand liow to recogrize thc difiercrcc betwccn I social unit lhat is itsclf the obtect of stud), as opposed to one that is the sctfilg for stud)nrg anothcr rcscarchproblcm. An rdditiond ffpcct of doing urb.rn mthropological reserrch that will bc discussedin Cbtpter 7 is the transpositjonof etl ographic techniqucsfrom sinplc socirl svstemsto urban s)st€ms I'roblemsof locttiDg on;selt,coDttctnrginformrnts, .strblishing rrpport, aDd the sirnplc davb-dny probl.'n$ of doiDgs(ch researchrvill be erplorcd

Slill 3nother rspecr ot doing ,rrban rcncFrru tL . issueof valucs and etl'ics. $'e shatt inctu, "nthropology

berwe.n :rnrhropor(,sis,s .nd i'Jurmrnr.:: l;i:T:

:j,,T:'1"y

7

goJl\ dnd p,,tenlralmi\u\esot 6ndings.\,FlJred .,1,i,,1to; 'c\.ar.tr disrr$cd inrol\er rl,e prurcr.ri,,n ot inturm.,nL\through ,on,"4 e[ conf dentiality and anonymity. In Chaprcr8. qp shr look at r rrcd.uf l dahrrn rhd, r ir quently trcated as I core area of urban

usi,,s m,t", :,r,rom .",),..0,".11l;l"l:{l;j'"lill':,,1 t,vctl r h, di\1r*ion r' Ll,.,tn,r ;. s",L,,it mpr ,t,,... ,tr.

rh. ,..u;i Techniques, ilethods, v ."ol " "'"' "h"',r' HIJ:,I' l;.:',"lili:],::' ;;il:i :lt:i:ilr'9, "\'1v filr research rocirhatshourd be,* ** r ;J'liiirJl+* andEthic "lri

,ru

ODeof the basic issues nr t}le emergence of urba anthropologv is the deglee to which methods based upon t}le studv of small, tribal societies ro be umsposca to the study of largc, cornplexurban social svstems' By methodologywe nre not limiting ourselvesto the simple techniques o{ data collcction and anatysi't,b t are including largcr issues There rre four basic ar.as relatcd to methodological issues that will form t}le cor€ of this ch:tpter. These are: L Precise deffnitions of research questions and tight research de' signs 2. D€lnrertion of un'ts to be studied 3. Logistics or the ffeldwork enterprisc in the city 4. EthicJ and political irnptcations of research.

954

bEoDs,

rma@,

aN

rucs

RTSEARCE DErcN

In Chapter 2, wc dbcussed the difrere.ccs betwcen anthrogtosv of the cit)' and anthroplogy tn the city. Anthmplogy ol the cit_v c!nsists of studies that explicitly take into account the urban ontext Ir3 either sctting or problcn. Anthroplogy in the city is the pursuit ot traditional anthropological r€$earch h an urban setting, in which rhe impact of thc urban is not a. importrnt factor. In the cnsuinq discu\siih ol rcscarch dcsig,r !, u.ban nnthropologiorl studies, we shall confine ou$clvcs to studies of anthropology ol the city, since suc.h studiei form the corc of urban anthiopology. We have previously distinguished conccptually the rotions of urtdn and ubanism. In Chapter 3, we focused our rftention on the urban in aD attempt to discovcr the functjonal basis for the nature of citi6 as so.ial jnstitutions. As we have seen, most reent uban antLmpoloeical studies have be€n attempts to either delineate tLe nature of the wban or to examire urbanisrn (dercribing tbe efrect! of the city on smaller uDits in thc city in terms of organization, values, and behrvior). A classic disiinction js rnade in most scientiGc disciplines (in tle fornation of a hypothesis to be tested) lr'.tweea m inderynlent oaitbb and dependent oariable. The independent va.iable is the factor (or set of^ factors) that leads to a particuln outcome-the depcndent variable. The independent variabte is $e atectine (omwtnent and the dep@dent variablc is the atected .x:n\rnnent Thit lrarnework is extensively used in psychology and sociology. In nuny ways, this analrtic dwicc is artiffcial and ove$implifics a ct)nplcr reality, in which fedback betvcen both poles and tbe mntcxt in which the relationship tales place is ignored. For these reasons, many antlrolnlogists rvoid the delclopment of designs that explicitly follow this fornat, since anthroplogy plac6 so rnuch emphasis on brcader context, holism, lnd prccess. Anthrc, pologists disiike the approach becausc it focr'-seson a narow, spdffcaly delineated variable. Thc ethnographic mcthod is b€lt for ersting a wide net a.d seeing broAd relatioNhips, rathcr than nffmvly defned vdiables. In spite of these inadequa.is, howeRr, we fcel that the usc of this analytical devicc can help us pinpint and clarify some ('ntusions in thc literatur. and expedite more clealy focLsed future studies. If we nov tum back to the distinction bebve€n urbaD and uban ism, some general statements about ongoing reseirch in uban mthro, pology can be madc. Many studies, especidly tho6e discussed in Chapter 3, focus upon thc urban (nature of thc city) as the naior dependent vrriable. Such studies attcmpt to obtain infomation about the fon and function of the city by looking at the city as a prcduct of either eneml torces or intemal forces or a combination of the tqo. They ask such

remoDs,

rmNlarq

rs

trflrcs

duestions a5: Und€r what oxtcm.l conditions do cities cmerge? Does tunctionat spcciatization produc€ urban simitarities? What efiect does .hansins fundion hrvF on the cty as an rntib i HoN do thF interarlions betwen sbunits in lh. cit) afie(t urbrn f,'m and funrtion? In all ol the nature of the city is tle dependent vafable, and O"." o*pf"t, etemal or intemnl, historical or c\ontemPonry' political or economic Leeds orocses fom the independent I'ariables. If we recall the work of be difierences the basic see that 3, we can in Ch.pter and Fox cited are fnnction history and h tcms of Seo Pauto Rio and tween 'entral iDdetendeDt vrrinbles afiecting sexualily, camival. and tlrc rdiure or Fox uses the efiect of the state on the citv as the ift;tar omunities. r central independent vadable allectiDg its folm and organizrtion :nd variable Anotler research tactic is to use the city ns independent some subunit or area of behavior within thc citv as dependent variable ln efre.t, &bani].rn (or the conscquence o{ urhan forn and function) is the dependcnt vanable. The basic problem is the lack of clear-cut distinctions between t\{o NT€s of studies. Some assume univenal attributes of the urban, and then ;;dy the efi€cts of these univenal attributes Others look at the particular st of attributes in a given urban coDtext and try to determine their ecects. l'hus, a h'"othetical article entitl€d "Tanzanian MigraDt Adaptation in Wichita" codd falt into either one of the two categories suggest€d. It the anthroplogist were to focus upon the particular attributes of Wichita tllat led to TaManian migEtion and/or had a direct impact oD sdaptive stEtegies of tI€ mig.ants, that would be using the attributes of a particular urban center or type of urbaD center. If, on the other hand, the article were to deal exclusively with Tanzanians and assun€ a generalized urban milieu or set of uban chamcteristics afiecting the mignhon flow or adaptive stntegies, that vould be using "urban" as a univenally defned independent variable. Most anthropotogists would jts over6nd studi€s of the univenal tlpe l€ss signiffcant in view of ernphasis on the Western city as the standard for de6nition of the uban. As Rolwagen points out, most urb.n studies incorrectlv assume that cities arc suftciently knom and are suflicient\ alike to serve as background for particular studies.' Recent anthropological efiorts have shifted awav from general discussions of the nature of cities (The City) to specinc disossions of particdar cities. Thij shift can be seen in Rcdffeld's om work. Following Comidedtims," r Anthotryl€.ts "Th€ Antl'ropolosyof Ctiies: Sone N{ethodologi@l in EfizabethEddt (ed),UrLBn Anrhopoloev(Athe6: Univcsitv of Cedrgialre$ " 1968),pp.3rai; iicha.d Fox, Rltionale;d R"-dc in Urban Anthropol{rsv UtuM Adhropoloeu,| ( 1972), 205-33. nf r hc cil) _{s ,l ac! n olr va; en. : c co. F; h, " F am evol I t r lhe I nvot isot r Jn l { l972l 6b_86 cmkn, A rr;ssion ol lh. Nle{m Cac fib.n ,Anlh,opolosv

MEnoDs. El]Ner,

^m

Efucs

rffiODS,

MNQUES,

AM

EEICS

#fuh:' *f,*r#ri-4r{t1ffi$ffi

A futher metlodological developmeflt is the explicit use of con' ed c.omparisons.tu we notcd in Chapter I, the notion of comparison b€€n part of an anthropological approach from its incePtion; ho$' , until recently, the group being studied was implicitly compared the c"lt,re of t}le .lnthropoloeist. ln Mead's studv of Sanoa, this was rnade an explicit part of the m]'tl debunking process. Subsequently, the explicit .omparison of tdbal societies with on€ er bcgan to ernerge. Onc€ again we can illustrate this shift bv

emphasized a typology of cities that caD cities. Finallv. in S,nne;c .ur-, -r.

f,:;l;d:*ffi r iJ*:,hits:"+{+*,_'i.,*r':I.*xf

,,,",","';;;:'liiJ'il:;.'h,',uT,.'.;,i,l:1"'_i:,,*"S."T;,i,k

ing at another st,,d! h! uead. In Ser d,}d'tenPewrcnt,

lllxil;;;T#ll,;,'"*:::;T';,-*1"*":Ll,l;Xl:1il l"i:;',1i:,",ihfi ni,';,':r"_0 .:n'*.'' r-r "i ";$,".:[i

xx1nft :iffi ;;fu .?fflr;iH"Tf :.rrtff \ariJbtc.ro developcaregories barct ,fru .niu, ;_4";"i;fi;

rnrcmar mmponcnts and t_beir interactjons. \Vhen we can derive adequate tr?ology, we wjll t}ren be able to use *lr" ,ge"" tl1l dependentvariables"in the study ot tle effectsof city type "" on

non and ways ot tite.

Tightenine Research Desien , . te 'r.nealnesswith which rnany anrbropotogistj trFat h. re'ajed ro rhe earty devetopmentor the ethnographic :::,f early Most

erhnogmphy had asits so;t aDopen_""a.aal"jpu"" j way or lrte ot a particular group of people. fiere was lirile cory ylP s*".d" hyporhesesmncem;g d,; rerarionshipberweeneptio acfrDeated vanabres. MargaretMead.b her votumeCo"ri"g Age Sano4 provides an exarnple of the shift toward ..".u."t piotlrn" "l

rhe maiorthrot of her vorumcr" t"'ai"p."" :::,"9.j1!:"9"*r. hylothesisthar rhe onser

of biotosicatpubcrty ."",r,"a ur rore co usronand revott.BeforeMead.swork, mosr social "iJ|*Jl scientirb

assumed this hyporhesis ro be true. In hcr study of Sarnoan adolesceot Iemale,. M€d demunsrratcdtlc invatidiry of tiris assurnption. The bdependentvariable. biotogicutpuberty. did not pmduce role confusio ano revolt (dependenr variable). rn many ways, Mead's efiorr is part of a tradirion in anthropologr , that might be called mytb debunking." n"* *"u-pn# nade by westem social scientisrs .boui human narue "* "r.rl, that anthroDolo. gists refuted though comparative feldrvork. I VarsaFl l\fed. Cunrqq of Aap in SaM: A [email protected] Sruduol pnmiti@ t@h totlw:srpn citiniatid. ReriJcd edjrion I \.w y;t, \; [m ii;;*;J'o;.;;,

shc nt'

to describe the variation in sex roles within thrce difierent tribes New C,rinea. ln this study, three diferent pattems of male-female relationships are described and each patt€m is linked to tle con-

and ler d m or e dir ect lv t o an undFr sllnding ol p. r lt cm s ol

within the human species than does the case study appmach implicit Westem complnson. However, single ethnographers trving do contmlled compa;sons would be greatty hampered bv time and limitations. Thu5, tle case study in a single tribe or peasant ralremains the mode. Tbe use of controlled compadsons, where rural and urban comare used, can thro,r some light upon an issu€ .aised eartierdegree to which tleie is dismntinuity between urban and rural life' :s (or urbanism venus ruralism). There can be no argument that c€nters in any given syst€m arc difierent phenomena from ruml ities. at leait in folm and function.

However, there is consider-

variance ir views of wbether tlese difierences afiect behavior. Bv conEolled mmparisons beween urban and rur]l .ommunities n a single system, we can begin to answer this question. Any comasp€ct of sociocultural life could be selected in both rural and settinss to se€ whethcr difierences are formd. Provencher, Mangin, Hanmell have all explicitly adopted this methodological strategv order to .\rmpar€ interaction styles, community organ;ation, and structure respectively in rural and urban settings i What are tieconsidered to be unique urban or rural characteristics may prove in fhree bimitiae Soc,etes (New Yo*: Margeet ltcad, sa anA Tenpefl@t Wilid voruw hd company, 1935). rR. Pmenclrer, of Soci.l lnieraction Styld: Urban and-Rual Mil.v Conpa;ios

Ciltue," in T. Weav€; ud D. writ€ (e&.), The Anthturoloeu of Urban Etunon' .|on|J, Smiety fd Applied AntbrorDlogy lvtonos.pl's, 1972; W- Nldgin, Similarities bd Difl€rencs B€t$en Two TnEs of P€ruvian Colmuiti.s," in W. lvlangin (ed ),

i: t*tr-i

itti" iB;lo;, H.;4"t." Mimi" co., 1s7o),pp 2G2e;E. A. Hsmmel.

'The Family cycle in a C@stal Perovid

SIum od

village,"

Atutr@n

Anthropolo-

r'InoDq

rIi:EMauB,

EaoDi

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Since urban anriropology is a retarivety recent devetopn€D! q - epect it to regect more might sophisticaledrcsearchdesigru.ft4E fact. i1 rarely so. The urban anthropotogirrij pnmarity concemed Td myth debunking.lle or \hc arremprs16 1*r assunptionsrfr -untvel5al and urban life. using cross-culturaldrra ro relute $eifi. -yrhs about the ciry. Referringback to Meadt woft we can say thal shG are more file Conile ol Age in Sd'noa thrD Ser and Tempe.an t Thus. in mo\t studiesof migrant adapration.rve 6nd descrtprionsof r4i in shn h th. mig,rnr5hJlp Jdaprc,lto u,l,an r,.sid,1nr,,Ljj".tiX taining manl a,pects of rrrdirional hchavior $us *futiog rf," ooEl ",r1. lhal the cit) i\ a disorganizingforce. ln studiesof squatrersetrleniJ (see Chafler s). we GDdde'criptions rlur indicare rnat r!"se comn; lies are often highly organired and cohesive-rl$ rcfuting $e ed.. that-theseare slumsor cancerousgrosths. Finally. studiesof family a1f, kinship- in urban setrings (see Chapter 4) have sho*al u, that'tha principles.of social o4anization remain signiGcan! despite assunpdqn,i that they br€ak do\r,'rrin the ciry. It seeins apparent t}lat the time has come for an emergeDt u aO . anthrupologyto go beyond such gro\s generalizations,-impo&4as t,

werein rhepasr. pdrr, alu andbegir ueau ro d;tineaie *"am*

ir,"r'*",,ra wourd kad LJ-ilDr;::

the kind oI change or behavior being d€scriH- In some of th€ d.il::l rec€nt literature, these issues are in fact being conlmntd and 1 tro ed compadson is being explicitly utilized. This prccess nust c$ntinued and expanded. If we look at migrant studies ar ar conholled comparisons can be achieved by eompadng two goutrE tn city, the same grcup in two cities, or by maintaining contiD;us h tudinal studies of rural and urban components of the same gmup. To srmnarize the previous discussion, we vould suggest li.ot energent u.ban anthropology b€gin to delineate ryeciffc pmblems to studied beyond general descriptive ethnogr-aphiesor general nyth tation. Such design statements must be precise, and the city must tar explicitly deffned as either independent or dependent variable, Naraoslt.' defned variables with overly prccise neasures however, ar€ not €sd .,l tial. They lead to a loss of contex! inteEelationship, and proc.esr.Sud I' emphasis on holism aDd coDtert has been a strengtlr of anthrcpolosf and €tbnography. Finally, most research questions can be arxwercd most adequately by developing researc-hstritegies that encompassr! explicit comparative frameworl. UNrrs or AnrrI,ysls In any etlnographic research desigr\ a maior consideration ir 6. sclectionof a bFsiclrnil. or ethnographictrrger population.in which dre

rclNa@s,

!m

Edcs

r€sult of consid€radons of convenience or feasibility, \tithout being signiGcant to the variables in the research design. Such a unit is a witlin which research is to b€ conducted ln other cases, t}le unit is c€ntral to the research d€sig!, as either th€ unit being (dependent variabte) or the ind€p€ndent variabl€ Wh€n the population unit is merely a setting for re.search,we rarely 6nd deffnition ard d€tailed d€scription of the basic social unit the unit is the focus or obiect of study, careful explication of the uDit is essentirl. The former t''pe of study is v€ry evident in the genre of studies vith migrant adaptation to urban Me. A wide vari€ty of targ€t units have been sel€ct€d. Neighborhoods (squatter seftlements, and housins projecti) and occupations ( Bangkok pedicab drivers ) frequendy been ethnographic target gmups in which to study miThe neighborhood or occupation is not being studied to underits natul€. Sp€cifc eraEtples of thes€ distinctions can be seen in the wellwo.ks of Elliot Liebow and Ulf Hannerr' Liebow's volume fs Con€l might be described as a study of Poor Blacks who conrte on a c€rtain comei in a neighborhood in Washington, D. C , th€ study, while se€ming to have a spatial focus, says nothing the neiehborhood. On the other hand, it contributes to our underilg of family, kinship, and netwo*s, as well as a particular sociosegment of a paticular etbnic grcup.o ln Hannerz's book ide t[e &ta souc€ unit is a blocl (once again located in Wsshing' D.C.).

Ho$,€ver, the prirnaF/ re.search focus ii on delin€ating

the

of lifestyles of ar ethric group, whicb is represent€d by the residents. This is essentialy an ethnic goup study, as opposed to neighborhood study. Hannen is more interested in ethnicity and its than neighborhood cohesion or process.?In both these cases, researcherbas bounded his unit in terns of space, but the g€ographic is a settilg within which to pursue other particular research probThey havc frequently been misclassiGedas neighborhood or comshdier when, in fact, they tell us little about the nature of the In t}le following section we shall discuss the units of analysis most selectcd in urban antbropological iesearch Each unit will be in tems of why it has been selected frequently, what probare involved in id€nti{ying and sampling from tie total universe such units, and how boundaries are drawn around the selected unit. The boundary issu€ becomesvery impo ant in urban anthropology.

266

MEEod,

rlcera@s,

,m

F|lc

MEEoDs, MNra@s,

the neighborhoodis merFly a target popularioolor studying orher vad. ables.tbis doe" Dot maher. Wben lhe nersrNruooo $ an rtrdependd varirble such units are convenientfor cr,"rottea co-pa,;so"s. HiwJj whcn lhe rcighborhood is the obiect of srudy ( rhe d;r,dcn, v;;ij sucb oftcia, units are not very usefut if rhey t a* ,. iocU **"1"fr meaning. Another way of de6nirg rbe communjry is to 6e clear cur physic.t , ermenrs. unure a vrlage. whjch may be sunouded by wild. nahql a geosmpiuc seruementwirhin the ciiy usudty doe" nor l,av. r cleJ'-,ut Lufer unle,. ir hd r naturJtbo,,,,,h.y(fo-*dl;, river or hillr or a man-'nrde bufier {Iormed by a commerciat su{ trJn\poriatjon lines. facrory zones or wa s). One of the masonr rh; Latin -{merican squatter commudties were so frequently .tudied ;; that they were usually isotated and bounded ty-"r.n'e.t-*. fr Puerto Rican shanrytom in Le\4is' Backf'.oun& to f," Var, .t. U.ri fi Peafie's Viea frcm the Bdrflo were distinct both frorn other residei tial areas and from the c€ntral city pmp€r.'t When rhe neighborboodis merety a sening for a study, physical , Doundanesare quite app.opriate.Where $e neighborhoodis e ber rtr independent or dep€ndent variable, it is more essential to determine th. deg€e to which physical borudaries are sigDifcant for the resident activities and their deffnition of the neiEhborhood. This issueis an imporraor ."""*,.ti q,r."tion itsef. We have previ, ouily noted the impo(anr inouenceof the C'hicagoScboot oD urbsr \tudje,s (C$aptcr 2) Tl'e. ecotogicaj approach of p;t and Ourgess ng. gestecl thal certain sparial zones of the ciry were -natural" *""", *ould maintain the boundari€s, activities, and integity over ",bt"[ dnledespirechangingpopulations.Thb essumptionof tbe ;n;n"ity of sud r-y1l"*T h^ led ro a srrong bclief in the effect of sparial tocation and physical boundaries on neighborhood htegrity over time. Thu, an investigation of whether such units de meaningful can be a signiffcad issue.lo be investigarederhnosraphicatty.tn this case. rhe digree oI physical bomdednesswoutd be rhe independeDrvariabte. In many of the earlier discujsions of urban neighborhoo&, the issue was raised about the degree to which such uits baied on common resi_ oence are comrtunities,in terns of the frequency and intensity of social relationships-rather tb^n tocnlitiz s- char bv phistcal ^.te,iz;d studies propinquity. As a resDlt, many of the cohesiod -crely start witt the neighborhood as.g€ogaphicatly deffned and itrvestigate the degree d ''communiqmess." It is impossibl€ to detineate a -sociat" Deigh;rhood :,g:9,"F\:,

BM^Emnds-torr vidz rNetr yort: RtudomH()@, ls68); Li!. ttum th2 B6tno rAnD Arbor: Unive6ft' of itichige

pB,

t968).

^M

Emrcs

267

priori, sinc.esuch meaning{ul interaction units can only be outcornesof search. It woiJd therefore seem n€c€ssary to initially deffne the unit , but ro bound the unit more precisely as the study develops, than sticl to predetermined delineations. , MaDy social scientists are beginning to emphasizethe neighborhood construct,the insideri view. The cognitiveapproachdirectly menlal a residents views of th€n enlironm€nts. The degee to which physical omcial designarions.and frequencyof \ocixl intcraction dJ Soundaries, fect cognitivc notions of the neighborhood is itsclf m import:lnt issuc It has .lso becn suggested that becaus€ of difierenccs in acti\ity spheres,

,rex and age afiect the cognition of neighborhood. Thus, non-working and childrcn's definitiom difier {rom those of adolescents,whose ioaming .ange is broader. In tum, working adults have {urther difierences la perception. $4rcre the n€ighborhood is a dependent variable (the obiect of ) a nodifed cognitive defnidon, which incorporates the natives' of a neaningful unit, is the best. In all cities, certain neighborare relatively easy to delineate; they are named, physically deand seemto have a shared cosnitive view of then boundaries. wever, in all cities, t}lere are other areas that are more ambiguous. these cases, perfect a priori delineation is of course impossible, but Iea-stthe problems of delin€ation must be explicitly recognized The Vatentines have devetoped an approach that does attempt to this by worting outward from a micro lmit, the block, in which inffeldwork is done, to larg€r units, such as clusters of blocks using same stores and series. and finallv to the district as a whole, which institutions and common problems. Beyond the block, the Valentines would thus sample situations oI interaction within other larger This schene parallels Suttled tbree fold anal)'tic scheme, which nov€s outward from the "fa.€ block" to the 'defended community," to i drc 'coinmunity of limited liability." The face block is one where most ipeople tentl to holli, one another penonally and intemct with some frequency. The defended community is larger in scale and includes certain common arenas of intenction (stores and service areas) and a i high deg€€ of visual rccognition, so that strangers can be &stinguished i and can be defended against. The community of limited liability is irn' psed more from the outside, through the prolif€ntion of administrative units. It is r€€oFized frorn the outside as the viable community and ;

12Cbd6 Valentin€ ed Bettv ku Valentine, "Nfaking the S@€, Dieging the Actid. ed Teli.g It Lik€ It 13: lntbropologtuts at ltrork in a Dlrk Ghetto," in N Whitten Anthropoloes (NeN lork: Tte Free Prss, ed J. SNed leds.), AtreAMi.M

r970).

wEoDs,

llr;Nors,

.!rD FErcs

dealt with in pollcy planning.lt is the unit that is th€ basisfor assigdlt iatitutions such as schools.heallh facilitics, rnd law enJorcement. lf this thrce{irred commmity approacb is cccepted, ll'en urho erhnographer\should pursue their studiesal a t}fc€ levels. especiany to examine the junctues b€tween all three. Since the 6ist two are de0o.d and created by irxiders ard smaler in scale, they are obviously nq6 amenable to ethnography. However, the very important brokerage frnb. tion of the third level mu$ aho be studied.l3 Another problem with the geographicallv bounded residentiat (t}m, nrDrity is its lack of population strbility over time. One of the charactei. istics of urban life is a high rate of geographic mobility. However, $d[ mobility is not equally ch*acteristic of aU residentialarelrsin the dg. For some. transiencyis a major characleristic.Such instabiliry af€(b the composition and Dature of the unit. If a iesearch problem that (h6 not iDvolve the neighborhood, tut for which the neighborhood is tt setting, is selected, then the e$ectJ of trlobility coold have sigDific.d consequenc€sfor the research problem. However, if the research !'rob. lem is directly related to the nature of neighborhoods, or the interadln baween neighborhoods and the city, then high Earuiency as a neighba. hood characteristic can itsef be useful to the undentanding of col|r munity formation and change. Interesting exampl€s of this develolbd out of the Chicago school's stu&es of the continuity and maintenancQ of ecological zones in the city, despite high transiency- Sutdes' mn reccnt etbnographic work is a turther exploration of lhe problem of tl: nature and process of neighborhood boundary coherence.lr The issue of sampling has always been a thomy one in ogy. How does one sa-l€ft L typknl \ill^ge? How do€s one select in@ mants to reffect the tota, range of social activities? Chillm$! a Nigedri anthropologist trained in Europe and the United States, raises the i!sr.. of sampling lnd representativeness in relation to many Iarge Africo tribal gloups. Citing speciffc examples, he lotes that in some initrl|ct! a handful of informants have been used ar the data source to ott{h infomation about the lifeways of a tribal group numbeiDg more thor t00,000. Thus, the question of representativenessis not one tbat confrontt the urban anthropologist exclusively.r' In urban anthmpology, the issue is of great signifcance. Eow dc one select a typical neighborhood and how does one select infonnant! within it to represent the total collectivity? The inteisive natue of tt 13Ce.ald Suttles, 'Ihe Socntl CdBttuctlfl (Chidso: 0a ol Comdfties Uni!6ity Chicago Prs, 1972). 1a Gerrld Sutda. Social Otuler of d Slun. 1t S, Chilune!, "l$u6 of tt M€tlodj n Int€4,retttiM "n€ in tL€ Ethi6 of R.grch Anslo-Ame.itu P€rspectiv€," Corent Anfr!rcpoloeu, r7 (lcl6l, 457-82.

EdoDq

EBrQ@s,

ND

E@cs

nethod precludes th€ rxe of a random scientiffc sampling However, some holistic awareness of the geography of the , its activity

zones, nnd the chanct€dstics

of its residential

zones

be ued to select a neighborhood (or mor€ than one, if controled isoD is a goal), nther than merely selecting on the basii of conMoreover, some awareness of the ranse oI intemal heteromust b€ ued in s€lecting infonnants. Unfortunately, nany anth.opologists are so committed to paralleling al ffeldrvork bv 'inoring in" with their inJormrnts, they select or even hamper residentialunit wh€n srrcha unit is either unnecessary When such a unit provides a setting in which long,range participant can be pusu€d-wher€

t}le anthropologist

is interested in

iDg lhe neighborhoodas a product ot external or internal forcc\ to detenin€ how the neishborhood afiects the urban whole-then a unit is necessary.ff the activity or group being studied is largely e delineated territory, such a unit makes sense. However, if the re, focus has nothing to do with d€lineated territorial space, then unit might be inappropriate. Ctutrps tutted on Comnon Cuhwe ol Odgin Another 'natulal" lmit of urban anthropological research becaue iti analagoN nature to Eaditional anthropological studies is the deof etbnic ( and/or minorig) gro]]ps in the city. Here, the of the goup are based upon presumed common cultures of or leamed traditions, rather than (x)mmon residential niches. There has been a tendency in uban anthropological literature to the two uils of migrantsand ethnic qroups.In fact. anlhJopolworking in the Westem industrial world and those in th€ Third can be difierentiated on the basis o{ which of these two units emphasize.Etbnic or "ninority" groups are important units selected s€ttings or research foci in American cities. In contrast, migrants are t}Ie rDit sel€cted in th€ developing world. Migrants ar€ those left the rural hinterland and moved to the citv durine their lifetim€. groups are tho6e who share a common cultual heritage but inlong{enn lnd citybom urban residents as well Since cultural bet€rosen€itv is on€ characteristic of the urban com, we would expect to find divelse ethnic goups represent€d in cities. In some cases, these goups may b€ alien to the nation-state in'migants) or to the smaller regional contert of the particular Tbus. tlere are groups from otler nations as well as frcm other areas within tI€ nation itseF. Even in nation-states viewed as hornogeneousby outsiders, sucb as Norway, there are signiG-

270

)@rEoDs, rE :eqarsj

rrD

EEc$ MEEoDq

cant enough regiomt difrereDcesro be remgnized. -Ihus iro Oslo, in djtion to rUen groups. oDe 6ndr ertrnic dis6"c6ons betwern peopie al ;i; di$er€nt regional backgroundr.Tbe exisre,,e o, olrerenr etrrnrc orisih however.doesnt mean rlat eth'icjry is r signiffc.rnr*p-l .f O.t;;t: organizarion or Ue. The impodance ot ethniciry is itjeu a ..*"t quJ tion and cannot be assumed. The exisrenceof ethnic/migranrgroups is a unjversalcharacrcrislh of citics the anrhropotogisr s des-ireroltudy a -cuth,ral- u,.ir ha; ;;; that much urban anthropologyhrs ftrused upon srch unis. Sinr.e dif. f'r.,,r rrib.,l ,rr r.gio,,at J,e,,sJre orren d.6nJ by U,s"i"b.. ., ,.Ul; digcrtrcer. aliens{rom orher regjonshare tucquenrtytreen th. b"";; urDan anmroDotosicalresearch. in srudicsof resjdentia y tocatizedunits ( neiebborhood!). . ,.Just,as sruoresor .erhnrc mignnt groupr can eirher utjlize rhe gro,ps as th. sening wi6in,whi-ch rcrtajn rescarch questioos a,e asfed o-r as'rr.e tG or Ine rserrch efiort. As we saw io Chaprer 5, tbe formation of erhnto group\ and their maiDtainingor changing boudaries are frcquenrly p. sponses lo tnc urhn sefting. the ner€orpes hejd by rhe dordnr groups. and mmpetirion with other groups. U |his &ind .f p,**r; erDrucgroup rormarion and maintenanceis ttre,es€clch /ocu of tL anthmpologist, then the sel€ction of this unit follows air*tfy froG re\earcbproblem. Thus. if one wantj to srudy rne devetopmenrof pafi \olidarity among Bhcts or pueao Ricansin New V-l City * * irtal process, then the selection of t[e unit ir indicated. However, if the rq search focus is not on Blacks or puerto RicaDs or on any other ethni3 group, but on questions of the eflects of econornic narginality, then ttr6 sFlectionof Blacks-orpueno Ricans(or any minorfty goup) woutd [or oe as sb-ongr) even though they have a higb frequencyof .incticated. eco-nomic problems. However, the assumption is ,nade veryoften io anthropologythat you have to srudy a goup wirn a common learned tradition Perhaps the urban anthropologist has b€€n too zealous in the .ttempt lo rccapitulate the disciplines tradirional culhra y bounded unit In thc uban a-rea.He or she assumesthar rhis group is -natural- and amenabte to participant observation. .rhe anthropotogi* 11".** hasgiwn -..." primacy ro rhe coDepr of culrue or groups basedon sepaite rcarncd tradrhons and has assumedthat rhe impacl of such tradiUon dominrtes.an.individuaJ\IiIe. This ,ssumptionis prcbtematic ard sbould De researchedrath€r than assumed. Wlere ethnic group mernbershipir the basisof sociat:rnd economic rerdlronship\, il i, obviously r baric unit in the social tabric. However, where such intemal solidarity does nor erisE rhe impact of erhnic go,rp

' -oai

T!rF4u!q

rND lErcs

U\

bership on the individual's lifeways rnay be relatively minor, and ng on such a unit of study may be somewhatmissuided. Since residential groups lend tlr€mselves to 'moving in,, they are nerely the sefting for research and not themselves the focus of rasearch problem. However, in most caseswhere ethnic groups are they are usually tle research focus as well as ethnographic population; that is, they are either the dependent va able; or variablcs. Whcn the cth.ic gtuup is vierved as dependcnt vrriablc, the seDcharadcri\tics ol thF city rnd hisrorir.. geogr:rphic. ard e.onomic

variables are usually tle independemt variables. Thus when Estelie Smith descnbes the difi€rcnt positions of rh€ portueuese in Ne$ Engla"d roMs she seei rhe\e as lhe result of the time o] mieratle initial opportunity shuctures, the subsequent history, and the Ay the doninant groups.The processesof ethnic group 'tpes-held boundary maint€nance and assimilation are thus tied to con, variables. In a similar way, Nagata descdbes tle position of in two Malaysiantowns.r6 Studies that use urban ethnic groups as independent variables also Many African urban studi€s look at ethnic group membership as independent variable. The work of Soutlrall, Cu*ind. and ottcrs on cthnic diferences

in the retention

of kinship

obligations.ri

Many studies arc concemed with the economic position of urbanEtbnicity is often teated as the ind€pendent variable, afi€ctins ic sucfess eithfl in the sense of ethnic "values" or control over niches. The woik of Cohen and Shack exempMy this apE Deun"olion. When anthropologistsseled an erhnic/migrant pop'datioo a5 either the seuing or focu\ of rhe reserrch.rhey have a didcutr ' time identifyiDg their total uDivers€. This is not tru€ if the group is ver.r, ,$all or is completely represent€d in the formal organizations or relisious : institutions of the group. Thus, in sev€ral cases, a small group deffned l

r . M . E s r . l l i e S m i l b {To l e o f T$ o C i ti 6 : Th . n € ti l y o f H n r o n d t D i ffcr e n cp s. .A t urlan Anthtupott4u. 4 ( 1975r. 6l .72: ,uJilh Nagara. Tate .I T$.o Citir,: Lifc Tdqe.' U*an AnthrcroloCq. J tt974\, t-26. : i! Tm \falasib ' lr Ai'lm Sturhall. Urhan Migtalim dd rh" Raid"n(r ol chjtd,o in KMorla. in 'w' rrtdgh (€d.), PM& ir Cirn (B6ron: Houshton Mimin, 1970), pp.' r5d_59r _The ' . P€.er Curlin4 Ererey of D6pair: Seid ortaniation of rhe U;#pl;.d ; Two ALi@n Citi6: Ingc and Naircbi," Ciuilirzri@, 17 (19€Z), 136-911, t3 Abnd cnho. r-^/'h and potrins in Ubon Ahiu Rnurtp.lqeand Kemn pa,n. t969)i w, A. sb3ck..'u.bd Erhnnil' tud th"\t4ndon: cutlurat p,oes nt urbtui;atbtr--in Ai.lan Sotball {ed.). Utum AnthopoloEg t\e$ yort: Odfod UDiteuny PB, 1973), pp. 25r 86.

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of then are no more than a generation old. During this ffrst genmany of tiem recruit through conversion. Becauseof the totality intensity of commitsnent, many of tlese groups share common resiand thus ethnography h relatively eary. Some examples of these in American society are the Hari Krishna movement, conv€rts to mdical political comnunes, and thenpeutic communities. What these groups from relegious sects discussed earlier under gmups is that they are products of the urban setting itsef and not based on national or regional cultures of origin. One reaso such groups are heavily repres€nted in the urban liteiature is that they are €asy to demarcate (as opposed otler groups) and the impact of mcmbership is great. They often arc , afecting all aQects of lif€ for their memben. The frequency interaction is gieat Thus, they arc th€ closest analogu€s to th€ se|fsocioNlnrral syst€msanthropologists have sntdied and prcs€nt probleins for ti€ taditional anthropological methodology. When the urban is the dependent variable, the signiffcance of these for urban social st cture and urban life is not easv to see Wh€rc groups are not actively antisocial, their signiffcance to the city not great. Such studies are interesting esoterically as anthropolog,, in ies. They are concemed with illuminating an "exotic way of life" roIr the other hand, there are real possibilities for illuminating the nature of the uban as a generator of change if ttre city is s€en as an indqrenlllriable. What is it about city Me that enabl€s a vast array of such Ioup6 to incubate and grow into movements that lead to social change? Do difierent tpes of cities tend to be t}le setting for diFerent types of ideologicaly based groups? Are some cities more fertile ground for rnovenents tlan others? Here again, a comparative framework, wbich would look at difierent goups in one center or similar goups in difier€nt centen, world be a useful research strat€gy to enable us to understand the relationship between urban social shucture and change. Studies comparing the sane movement in rural and urban settings would also ft this need.

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Since oDe basic characteristic of the uJban social system is specializatioD of occupational function, it would seem appropriate that urban andropologists study sp€cialized occupational groups. However, this has not often been tle cas€. Wbile cultural and residential units have been overepres€nted in urban anthropology, tlis typ€ of unit is underepresented. Although sociologists have recognized the signiGcanceof occupa-

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hoo ar a variable in understandingmodem sociery.for a considehbh period of time. urban rnrhropologi;s have roi rnoved in tbis direai.l Perhdpsrhis oversishr is a resutr of the sorr of- studies ".,h,.p;i;;d have tradihonally done. In tribal societies,work was s1rctr an i.r*l part of-lilc and drily acfiliry lhat it was treated * , fr."fi.""X;"; te$ated segmentof the cultural system. In viUage strdi"s of p]s; socieh.s. in spitc of the grerrer division of labor, peasaorfarming w13 treated,a\ worl.bad. been in sinpte societies-$ an inregral asp;;'; rre anc tne socrocuthr.atsvstem. Tl: .unt.,i1, rh. tu rJ,,Ecot o.i upit,o,,rt "'n o{ "pecirtization I.,l,e sociAlsy\lpm. The effed\ ot thc djvisionot taboroo social difierentia. lion withjn th€ city mexns thar rne study of ocftpational g,."p" h;i; us,uDderstandthe_city. The impact of uban forces on oc
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g ocopations to sp€€ify tbe occupational group he or she is at, to analyze. Once again, this is a problem of rnodifying tte s of the group as the research develops, rather than using a i as$mptions- Here again, ethnographic metlodoloBi puts the anin a befter position to illuminate the real conceptual and boundad€s of experiential worlds, and perhaps tlis is his Paralleling soinc of the problens of identifying the poputation uni:rs€ for ethnic groups are similar coDcemsfor ocmDation. Obtainnrr total list of all th. scJvcngersin Sao Pauloor rU rhc working engineers New York City is a. inpossible task. Tbis is why some of the most 'asting information we have nbout occupations cornesindirectlv from ies of nigrants or neighborhoods. For some occnpationat groups, ricksftaw pullers in Luct-now, India, who are atl Iicensed: loneeshoie0en in Porlland. Or.gon who belong ro r singte x c;mplete "nion) presents of the total population is available. Job turnover the hnd of problems to the researcher as bansiency in neighborbood and continuous in-and-out migration in ethnic groups. An obvious solution to sorne of these problems of delineation is to on ethnogaphy in the work situation. The researcher assumesthat unit being studied in deptl is represeDtative of the total universe. Sinc€ work in most urban situations is removed from the home is time-bounded, the us€ of participant observation in the study of based on the division of labor is somewhat limited. If the antbmis conc,€mednot only with tlre work situation, but witl its efiects orher areas of Me, be or she must also use participant obseryation these other situations. Once again, tie sheer magnitude of th€ popbeing studi€d and the complexities of their interaction present The very nature of the work situation may also Dresent Droblems the participant obsener. Wherc membersof an occupariona|category k iD a c€ntral location, such as a factory, ofrce, bank, or store. they an interacting social s_vstein.However, where practitioners are distpe-rsed, particiFnt observation is not as simpl€. Taxi drivels, traveling ' .ales'nen.streel vendors.and professionalsin privare practice are examples of sucb dispcrsed ocrupations.Howcver, even for those in such i,.isolatedwork situations, there are spatiat points of intersection. For the ftr._., it night be the garage or cofiee ,!vr,., shops 4!4r garage; near the ulr for rur 6qr45c, lfn travef"g salesman and the street vendor, it migbt place be the l{e , wbere inventory is acqun€dt for the professional, it might be the hospital /or court area of the city. In all these cases,it is also possible that fomal il'Iofer'ional organizations or labor unions provide an arena for cornmon 'bteraction.

276

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Among the major social units anthropologists have long studied at! thos€ based upon pdmary social ties, $rch as domestic Units, kinslio units, and social networks. A major urban research focus of many of th6. studies is tI€ attempt to detemine the efect of the urban on such uniti As previously nentioned, €ariier theorettcal wfitings about urban life suggested a decline in tbe signiffcance of such primary relations. Muct of the subsequentresearchhas attenpted to show their continring signiffcance and is thus at tie myttr-rctuting stage. In most of these studiei t-hefocusof the rerearchhasbeen upon studying lhe oature o{ $e unit!. Since these basic social uDits fom the conten for socidization and meaningful interaction, they function as importaDt integrative struchuli bridging the structural units descriH above. The study of such egoc€ntdc units in conjunction witL sociocentric units (neighborhood, occupation, and ethnic group ) can enhance the understanding of the intenel& tioships between them. Detneation. An issue in primary social unit shrdies is how to de. termine the extensivenessof the unit to be studied ethnographicaly. In social network analysis, one begins with an individual or ego and traces his ties. How far should one go? Detemining the linits is a di$c"lt problem and really d€pends on the research question. One could determin€ limits based on time, spac€, or intensity of contact. A slightly difiercnt Foblem occun if a domestic unit is used. OnG could deffne tie unit in terms of common residenc€ in a household, bot recent research has sho*ar that urban dornestic uits are gready c@strained by ttre urban housing market and pLysical shuch're, and it b therefor€ useful to look at relationships outside ahe scope of the house hold. Many of ttre same problems of identifying the total univerce apply here as well. If the goal of the study is to deternine how domastic udts, kin units, or n€two*s are afiected by the urban, then problems of lrniverse delineauon and samplbg occur. On the otber hand, a particulr network of an important individual can be viewed as an independ€nt vanable afecting urban organization, and thus tlrc problem of sampling is ot as critical. The ideal number of units to be studied and tle way they are selected are determined by the nature of the research questiotl

A very difierent kind of unit that can serve as tle focus of urban antlropological research is the sifrafion. By this, we mean an event that

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of urban structure and organization (tltus pointing out th€tu interrelationships) and/or is directly influenced by urban conditions. Within is cat€gory, w€ would include studi€s oI th€ efiects of d€nsity in public (ryaiting in hre, riding th€ subwry), th€ €fiects of residential , and architectural variation in housing. Tbese are studies oI the of d€Dsity conditions, using situations rather than social units as sources. Another tru€ of situational study fodses upon dle interof lreterogeneous units of the urban population by looking at a situatioDa! conte\t thtt

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ic arena-open marketplaces,stores,bars, sports evcnts, festivalsbe used in situational analvsis. It is Dossible to select situations that so strategicany pbced that tley will illuminate th€ issues of urban sbuctuie. Examples are studies of bals and stores tlat are shared used for difierent purposes by &fier€nt populations. The atena of public performances in u$an socid situations (the interaction betwe€n strangers) is anotler important aspect study for which techniques of uban edmograplly are quite adequate, sihration studied may vary from non-iecurent intenctions to those high rcg arity (but still between strange$). Sone of the situatiors occur witiin institutionaliz€d cont€xts with a high degr€e of ruleq othen focus upon mass ev€nts, such as sports victory c€lebrations, rallies. and music festivals. Public disDutes and conflict situaare anotler tt"e of situational unit that can illuminate aspects of liIe. What difierentiat€s these units of analysir from thos€ we have previbe€n discussing is tlrat participants in tI€ situations ar€ not memof groups and there is no degree of group boundedn€ssor continui$ iqver time, Thes€ are the very aspects of tle urban situation that make .ft dif,erent frorn non-uban life. Analysis of srch p€rformmces and interrctions is thus a vital element in urban anthropology. Here, the mov€-in iresident ethnographic approach is not possible, but the skils of observing :rDd translating observations into rules and patterns are key techniques Eanslated from traditional anthropology. Placing srch events in a laiger locial system context is another fundainental aspect of the antbropologi:al approach.

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The protott"e of a bounded unit in the city is ttr€ fomal institution -school, hospital, court Specialists in how ttrese institutions deliv€r their servicrs are educational an*ropologists, m€dical antbrcpologists, and Ieeal anthropologists. However, th€ urban anthropologist might also be

274

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sihrationwithin wtuch other questionsare asked.fiey are partictrlertv usetul as iuncturesbetwecn dificrent componentsof the clty. Secnnrth the institutions can be viewed as a dcpen&nr variable, lnouenced# eith€r the universal attributes of the urban or a particular urban coneri TEE CrrY -As a WEor'E In all of the units descnbed abo\€ (shether the]' are ethnosnphi. target populations {or research conceming other vaiables o' the focu3 of research design as dependent or independent variables), the largs context of the city, region, Dation, or other releitnt context mult br eplicitty rc€ogniz€d in the research. Much of the cdticism of urbeD anthropology has been based on the t€ndency not to do this' but to lool at micro units as self-contained. We bave previou+ noted (in Chapter 3) that there is a growing €mphasis in urban anthrcpology on c'ontdt A related bend is tle tendency to sttrdy entire urban centers or thc "city as a whole." In some cases,the andropologist concemed with t[€ city as a whole has given up ethnographic emphasis. In orher cas€, bowever, the antluopologist stil uses the smatler socid unit, bot reht r that unit to otler small units and to tle larger urban sefting. The c.mbination o{ in'depth knowledge about a micro-unit within the largd system gained from ethnographic research and other soBc€s of alata crd perhaps be the most efiectiv€ conEibution of urban anthmpologr. Trc FEDwonx Exrmrnrsr

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Wayne Comelius, a poiitical scientisl comments on some urbsn anthropological research in Latin ADerica by saying, 'It demonshal€t that intensiv€ micioethnology in an urban sefting can ultimately plovitc a basis for macro-level explanation and conceptualization which tea& to important insights into the dynamics of urban lile."' We have previously discussed the major shift in culturd anthropology iD tle early part of th€ twentieth century as one that took anthrc pologists out of the library and into the ffeld. They no tonger rclied on descriptions of the behawior of people by others, but colected their own d€scriptive material. They used both the verbal statements of infoma.ts and direct obs€rvation and participation in the Meways of other socitl groups. The efiectiveness of these techniques of doing an ethnograplty has been demonshated in the voluminous antbropological literature. ,l Wayne A. Com€lius, Int oduction" in Waln€ A. Comeli6 bd Felicity \{. Tme Urboa Be@tch, vol. 4 (Beverley Hills: Sase Publid' blood (eds. ). ,ztin Atu'idn

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In studying urban populations. this same basic approach has a a.ar to ofier thos ivho are concerned with the understanding oI n realitv in tems of what it tn€dns to difierent p€ople-how events activities are perceived and valued. lD addition, ethnoqaphv.cin used as the basic techn;que for describing ttrose infomal ielationships t shuctures missed by f;rmal techniques Furthemore' the cvcles of and Drocess are also r€vcaled. There is far from unanimous nt among urbatr antluopologists as to whether ethnographv is essertial elerneDt in an urb.rn anthropologv.

Flowever'

it seems to

that without tle ethnographic perspective, urbaD a.thropologr' would a redundant and st€il€ endeavor' Even for those concemed with th€ relation of cities to the national or the development of typologies of urban centers' some ethnogwould seem 6 b€ €ss€ntial to g€t at those arear of realitv that missed by more fo.rnal meanrements. In addition, an ethnographic r base can help avoid sorte of tie di6culties €ncountered when one tly imposes culture-bound categories and analvtic frameworks. fte ditrculty of selecti"g research probtems or units has previouslv discussed.Whatever is selected, the kev elernents of ethnographv, c$ntact, dir€ct obsemtion, intensiv€ness of contact' and relaof aI data to c.ontext must be involved. How the citv mav cr€ate for the ffeldwork enterpdse will be discussed below. When antbropologists did their studies of ongoing Eibal or village x, they could simultaneously liv€ with their $biects {or an-erdended of ilme a.d cut themselves ofi from their traditional culhral and social linkages. They'moved in' with the people thev studying. Their analysis was based upon direct and continuous ation. Such int€nsive mntact is mucb more difrcult in the uftan but must still be maintdned as ln ideal Thus continuitv of intensiveness.and intimacy are still essential and possible. One of the basic characteristics of an urban existence is that onds are sinsle-strandedrat]ter than mulfiplex: lbat is. all role 'reladonships ,rclationshipsare noi overlappingor played by a srnall number of indi'viduals. R;les, activities, and sprce are sp€cialized and segmented This itas imptlcations for the way th€ antlropologist works and how he or rhe relates to informants one of the classic stipulations for doing ffeldwork-suggested bv Malinorvski nore than ha|f a century ago-i! the necesitv of severing rll ties with one's culture of origin, including one's prior statuses, social linlages, duties, and obligations' For tle urban anthropologist, part Btuislav rralinosli, A4tuts and Cr.- l92t). Itt oduclio!

oJ the we'ted Podf. (New York: E- P. Dutton

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tic|iarly the Anerican anthropologist in an American city, srch isolada is impossible and no longer seems nec€sseryTh€ disassociation of anthropologists from their oM culrre w.! r concomitant of doing fieldworl in a foreign sening. tr was suo; to immersethem rotally in the Geldsituationana enabtetb"m to obseri and snalyzcwhat rhey observed"in a more obiectiveway.' At thi5 tiB; mo\r anthropologistsrealizc thar ohjc.rivfty is an ideal rrrher thatr,reality. and this ideal can be m/intained and si'ived for even if Sr xnthropologistsdo not sev€rrhei ties \r ith pdor srcial relationshipsa,*l totally immerse themselves tu the neld siruation. fhe informants-thq. s€Ivestrave nultifaceted lives and many kinds od relationships. Ttdt, forc, they understand such conflict and outside pressuresOne of the uffesolvable questions i.sthe d€gree to which it is eir.n rirl for dn rnthropologist-evcn an Americananrbropologisrspecialidn in AmericJngroups-to be erposedto somesort of esperiencein an ad setting as part of his training. Although this kind of cross-cultEal fdd research may be considered essential iD the Eaining of antbrcpologi$, to sensitiz€ tlern to being 'outliders," it is not €ssential in every rer;d project. Thus, an antlropologist who has le"emed to decipber the cort6l oJ behavior folowed in a difierent system and ha! Ieamed how to pL, the rol€ of an outsider should be able to transpose these shlls and orieo. tation to the study of urban phenomena in his or her o\*,n systein. Sitro., in sorne cases, anthropologists have been socialized in the very systd th€y are studying, they must constandy be awarc of the potential Fol> lems resuiting fmm being an insider-the problem of sensitizing onesd to onds intemalized assumptions and biases. If studying one's own social rystem is a problem, it also ir rr advantage. If we irnagine a foreign antbropologist cffing to tbe Unihd States and pursuing ethnographic ffeldwork in New York City, we ca! see how learning to operate in the city, with its social complenty, woold be €xtremely di6cult. Having to cop€ with a new culture would pr€se €ven more ditrculty. The antbropologisr as -outsider" would not onb be faced with the usual problerns of 'culture shock," but also wirh th. need to become familiar with an exb€mely large spatial area and dilfercntiated social structure. The uban anthmpologist studing in hir or h€r own social systcm is faced with social csnplexity, but the prob lems of culture shock arc rninimized. In sone wavs this is un{ortunate. sinceculture sbockdoescontribute to $e sensiti;don of rhe'oursid€r.' For thos€ anthropologists who se€ the block, neighborhood, Ci local community as the basic unit for participant observation and fc urban ethnography, ti€ more traditional fieldwork tactics are posriblc

MEFoDs,

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essential. Valentine mad€ this Doint when he studied Blackton ). He cut himself ofi from his netwo*, told no one where was e-xc€pthis university, which forwarded his nail'a He tried to Malinowski s ffeld isolation and to depend entircly on the and services available in the n€ishborhood h€ studied. Stack 'moved in" and uied to re.onstruct traditional anthropological ff€ldcoDditions.?rIf the study is focused primarily on the domestic unit, of tle neighborhood, community int€raction, solidarity, and street then full time ffeldrvork seens essential, and living in the conmunity

usetul. However, if social units tlat are not residcntial and t€ritorial nahlre are being studied, then moving in would be impossible, ir€tor even disadvantageous. Occupations and dispersed ethnic networks. and situations do not, in fact, lend themselves to in" DarticiDant observation. An illustration of what ii being suggested might be useful at this If t}le social unit select€d for study is an urban sect or storefrcnt the need for rcsidentiat propinquity depends on the research . ff one want€d to do anthropology in the city and describe the organization aDd activities, one might want to live near the However, if one wanted to study th€ recruitment plocess to s€e the church articulated &Ferent social €lements, one would have follo$' active recruiters as tley go through th€ir daily activities. Thus, *,ould want to liv€ near them, rather than the church headquarters, near good Eansportation for movement around tle city. This issue is treated in sonre detail in most of the €ssavs in tbe in Cities.26 lL one of the articles, th€ anthfoAftkopoltelltt sp€ciffcally notes that establishing residence based upon initial

research design assumptionsled to the need for relocation. Thus Gonzalez shifted her reidcnce as she sLifted her research focus in her study of SaDtiago, Dominican Republic. Initialy she wanted to study migrants snd felt that an outlying neighborhood would be well'suited to gaining eccessto migrants. However, she discovered tlat the migrant population ,: l'as not geoeraphically localized and that she could neither "move in" llgith tbem nor locate a best ptace of access on thc uban pedphery R€cognizing that she wa.s too far frorn the city center, which might be r considercd a point of equal access she relocated her residence there | tu the research develope4 she recognized that residence in the central , vrlenti@ md V.lmrDe, Valins th" SMe" ,r C.tul Shd. AlOur Kir (New Yu'l Harp.r dd Roq. lq74) 5 c@rse F6rer &d n, K.mp.r terll.\. AnthtopoloCistsin Cilr?s (B6tun: DltM md Co., Inc., rsl4).

LilllF,

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area gave her a befter view of urban proce6s. As she observed tll€ process, she recognized a need to shift ffom a focus on migllnrs to onc In Watson's study of Chinese rcrtaurant workerc in rhe Londoh mctropolitan arca, he found that the nature of their occupation dispeccd thc cornrnunity he wls studfne, since the men worked in suburlsD rcstaurants tlnoughout the fringe. Thc nen, all nigrants from a siryle communily in tle Hong Kong Ncw lcrritorics. had no common rntjetinc pl.r,s .\,,r,h.,.,tr cl,,l,.$hi,h,,,,1d h:'r.,encd lrs r.p"rirt tu si Warson and his witc achrally lived in a r(x)ning house t\+€nty minutes out of th€ city center and commut€d to informants. Kelnpcr, dealing with migrants from TzinEun n, notes tlar hir informants were scattercd in forty-nine neighborhoodi and had no comInon spatially focused institutions. Pilcher could not livc among hir residentiallydispersedlongshoremen,since no longshorcmanneighborhood or suburb existed.:? In other cas€s,living in the ncighborhood is unfeasible, even when the informants are neighborhood,based. Thus Elliot Liebow notes tbat he did not Iive in the neighborhood where he calried our his 6eldwort bccause oJ the nature of race rclahons. He &4 hownea spend as inudr timc as possible "hanging out" with the men of Tally's Corner. Thc samc was Eue for Hannerz on Winston Street. BlTne. in her stu& of a retirementcomrnunity.could not tve in rhe community to"'* * the age r€quirement for rcsidence. When Niehofi studied factory $,o*ers in Kampur. Indir. he could not tive witb the workers,since bou$tr8 was scarce and most workers lived in restrictive s€trleme{s built and subsidized by the factory orgaDiz tion for their wo.kers. Ogbu notet that he was unable to move into the scbool disi:rict that was the ce er of his research because of the lack of available housine- In alt these cases.good erhnogrrphlc dala was rcllected wirlou( fuil hme m-resi-

:6NM"y C.n'alc7. Tbe cib of cFnrt.m.n: sanri.so dc t6 cahalFffi,- in F.Erd rnd Kcmp€r rp&.\, AnthrorDloesls Ciiipr. Do. t9-40. t JMes Wahuo, Rcslaurant. and R"-itr*6' 'tr Chin* Emistur WmleE in LdJ.n, ln Fcr.i,nd Kcmpe' rdls.r. Anthnt4baisti in Ciri?r. pp.2Ot 2t: Kdnper, rTintstulzenos in Mcrj6 Ciiv": WLIlim Pilcha, Trp Portldd InAshm INN York: Huh. ninehart ud Co. 1972) 23Lieborv, Tz[gi Corct; Sdhi&; S@n B]Te, -Adeq u Adult Cmnrunity," in Fostd and Kemper 'lhnm, (ds.), Anthrcpolaslett ir Cttnes, pp. 12352; Joh! osbu. Leaming in Burehrdidp: TbF Erhnosraphy ot Edudrim," itr Fosrer .nd K"mper { cd.. I , A^thtupoloenk in Citiz:. pp. 91 i 2 | , J@nn" Cu'Jtmi4 Urr@ tt4rpEad.r Thp cultrnl \trotccu ol 4tutia;1n liz^r tNev yo*: Cotmbia I Dvmiry Pi6s, 1975); Arthur Niehofr, Focton! wo*tts in tn lia ( I.riltuuk@j pubtc Ms(s

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^ND

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An interesting mntrast between rural and urban r€search is provided by Guillemin. In wo*ing with the Micmac Indians on a Can:rdian r€servation, she lived ivith one {amily. In working with the same group in Boston, she leas not intimately tied to a bousehold. She lived away fron the group in her own household and used her car as transportation, but often spent two or thee nights in one of tbe homes of her 0ve or sir closest infomantsThe alternative to 'moving in" b to commute to one's informants. possiblcto spend long, continuoustime i thcir midst during is still It hours without tiving tlere. I{ one does a "commuting and cvcDing day of ficldwork, thcr€ lre problens of tirnc a[ocrtion. For Liebow, tind and Bymq the time spent in mmmuting was not drat sigbecause they went to tlc sarne location each day and spent pcriods of time tlere. For Watson and Kernper, on the other hand, long major segmcnt of their research time in thc ffeld was spcnt nr trying the r€ach p€ople-commuting nther than data collecting. Watson estimated inhe spent three to lour hours in transit for every hou|with also noled a tutile two da' for one indiridual and hc tormants. 'earch he ncver found. Obviously, when one has to movc around the wbole city, acce-rsto traffportation systems becomes a paramount issue in location. An interesting example of the irnpact of location of housing on the pusuit of research is illustrated by the work of the Callins itr Taip€i, Tai.waD.In their ffrst uban €fiort, which focused upon migrants from a vilin which they had done prior fieldwork, they were housed in facilities at a university compound. which effectiv.ly cut them ,,fi from intimate

conta.t with their target population. Th€y were distant from public transportation and food souces, which minimiz€d their contacts and their ability to ente.tain th€ir infomants. In thei second urban research €xperienc€, they located themselves in an accessible. middle class com. munity nerr public transportationand crsy shopping.They still did nol , live with the migrants, but were able to maximize th€ir personal conOne intriguing circumstance requires rnobility, regadless of locadonj if on€ \yants to follow one's informants through their da\ rouad, as in traditional ethnography, one has to move around the city. This pmvidcs a view of the lull nnge of cont€xtual and spatial relationships that impinge on onc's informantJ lives. Even when anthropologists 'move in" and see much of the localized activities oI the target popula-

a G.Iin andGallin, The Ruhl-tGurbanMisrationof an Anthropologist in Taiwsn."

2U

MEoh,

lEiKrars,

}M

lgG

4mos,

rHNta@, ^ND

tion, they must nor remaiD so locked into the locality as to lose tf! relatioDship witi th€ larger city c.onteit. Entry atrd nqpott

Efrrcs

ID other cases, urban domestic life is not as private as we have ated. Because of the nature of slum housing, there jj less opporufor privacy. L€wis, in lris work in shantytownsand tenementsin Juan and Mexico City, was able to direcdy obsede the dom€stic a In such housing areas.the small. poort) lighted. poorty ventihousing wilh common courtyard spacefor lauodry. plumbing fa_ and cooking led to a deemphasis on private domesticity. r. even in such cases,there mr) be socialty created rules {or Inrg pnvacy under ditrcult conditions.provencher and tnder on dcscribe the etiquette developed by urban Matays and C'hinese to up for a ]ack of physical barri€n to visual and sound c\ontact

The necessityof d;ect conract intensive ret tionsbips. and c6ttnuiry require participant observationof daily activities and sDJi event\ on rhc one hcnd. and inrensive intcrvirying a.a verbaf'rfus--tioniDg on the o$er. The anrbropotogisr's abitiry ro garhcr.r"h dal i L,r\ed upon bc'ng:rcc.fted hI tho.e being srudied.Thjs is what; meaDt by entug arrd rapport. Il is only through such acceprancerhar aDtbropologisrswil . tr households.s! allowed to interact wirh rbe p€oplc and a5k rhe hnds of questions th:v The pmblems of enhy and rapport can sometimes be solved tnrnk necessaD.If we rhinl in role performancetems, tbetr anth$ .are tbe anthropologist's manipularion of statu! and connections. porogrsrs rlant rr ormrtioD on trot t-stage or pubhc Wdornnnce. "fbe are severaltechniquesrhat can be used in this attemDt: l) use perrormaDcethey wrsh to obsene is not rhat comtrucredfor tbeir benedr professional ties or status; S) use of personal ties; 3) join;ng format but ralher that.whjch is r}?icat of normat everyday tife. But thev a[ iationsj or 4) 'ttaDging out" or "movinE in.' wish to see dcftrtdge peforrnance as well-the pririt", ."a*.4 aor[ There are many manv ways w,vc in which whi.h anthrcpologists .-rh;-]. can use pro{es_ {c:9ene This requires a delicate p€rsonal relationship. Both S;&ard status a.sscientist, professor, or anthmpologist to gain access to Glrllemin have desc b€d with great senjitivity ttrc developmer of tl6r ies that-will help them rneet those they wish ro srudy or ro gain relationships with tlreir informants.so to infom3ntr themselves. Even in Eaditionat anthropological An additional characteristic of urban life tlut poses diftcukies br it war not unusual for an anthropologisr to gain entry to a tbe-et-hnographer i\ rhe emph$is on privacy. fiis .esults f.om tbe ;. group through thc sponsonhip of missionaries, colonial ofr_ \tbr1ltjes for privacy thar come hom technotogy ( bouses wtrn ventila-tin govemmeDt ofrcers, or infuential local Ieaders contacted on the that are souodproofand visually protective). as we[ as rle tedercy; ;is of pmfessional status. For tlre urban anthropologis! parallel forms develop crosed boundanesthat results fn m urban deDjity. Ooe could sponsonhip are often used. suggest tlat this has been a probtem in tnditional ethnograpby bo, In Kempert study ot TzinrzuDrzanmigrdts ro Mexico City. he smce c€rtain .ites and evenrs are classiGedas pril1ate or seqet Hor. Fo6tcr.bis olaD advisor who had previoustyworked in rie viltage. ever,-dom€stic privacy has not been heavily emphasized in inany trad! as his tasic entry contact. Conzalez u;ed govemment contacrs gain;d rional.anthropologicalstudies.In *,. city. rhe ;hoh domestic ;Rna ir bel flT,be ageocy and her strtus as pmfessorro gain-direct closed,and gaining accessir often a dimcult orocess. lo Ge- elites she wanted to study in th; Dominican Republic. An example of reserrch tbat remgntJ the problem of dornestic Gonde used her university conn€ctions to gain acc€ss to law school pdvacy is that done by LeMasters. One of the cenbal foci of hjs rc grsduates in Colombia.3a search was male-female interaction pattems iD the occupational statu! re\earchwirl puniabi-speahngIndians tiving in rhe community he studjed. However. he recogDizedrtre dificutti€s of gaiD . l::-r9r*g ci9 ol Wolverhampron. England. rhe jnitiat step was ro gai entry ing accessto p.ivate domestic life aDd obtained hb iDformation th;gh obsewationsin a quasi-pubUcareoa, a bar.i, Here he observedhusFltJl M6i@ stldi.s ia the cutt!rc ot poaenv Ne|| yotk: , 3 9Y kd: bandr and wives. ioined in coDleF{rtiors abour domestic life, and .jEosic B@ks, rrc., r -lqtli.s: 9l; Chrldt probed relatively private areas. ii thc ctkute ot' Poaertq iNew ydk: RanI 30Clrot St&k, Ail O"r Krr; tud c{i,]Jemia,Uibo. Rtucdiles. 3, X.n. LeMate6, arre Co,zf A,i,r@rrs (Madison: Iiniv€Efty of wis@Gin pr€.s,

ffi,"[T*","; ,d;;;:;".. ]"Tif fy'trl,"':""i8 l::: rr6s;: ":i;;,].;i;"H1.^t"'"m, tff TH.F-rffi iH;iit'J"t'ffr,rT,T'h,;,il;#t,l#1t-1

:lf1'ry.. :r,l:jtu_',-d in v€Emc;;-: c";J;;.-;fi;?;,y ;i c;ir;;:i 'H";1?ffffi*-#"fi,.,1T;;,ffi,Ji..";ffJ?.::"H*T?; :;"ffi Ahiatid,

wl

29. tg70.

rixEos,

rEcNra6,

aD

!@6

through a govemrnenragency mncemed with probtems of interooDrelations in the cir). The exe.urile otrcer of the Community n.la'tionl Co@cil was contacted, and he provided Eames vith a list of tnd;ar who belonged to organizations toosely aftliated with his agency. fi erecutive omcer's name was obtained initialy thmugh $cial scieoc. re5earchers at thc Inslitute of Race Belarionsir London. who aeepred the rcsearcheras a colleaguebascd upon his credentials.tu The statur oI pmf€ssor at an academic institution provides acc€s! to studentswho may be poteDtialinformants,thrt is. member of tie target poputation. Many uban anthropologists have l.sed univenirv students as research assistants.Often these students thernselves beconi informants, as in the case of Epstein s vork.36 Coode and her colleagu6 used Italian-American students at Temple University as info,mantr io their study of food as a slmbol in ethnic boundary maintenance.r' In many ways, the problems of the urban aDthropologist ar€ asaiD analag{,usto lhose ol the tradirionalanrbmpologist.One wants ro s€lect 'good" entry contacts-individuals who will provide a wide raqe o{ infomants, or whose infomation will be valid if they are rhemselves inforrnants. Thus, it ii important to develop contacts with 'infueDtiats." Such influentials may be insiders or 'gate-keepen" who control thc access of outsiden to their group. They might be outsiders who arr stntegic bmkerc or who are important enough to the gmup so that tbeir spoDsorshipis not ignored. A problem confronting the urban andrmpologist is gaining acc€lt to a variety of segm€nts of the target group. Thus, Kemper notes rlrt his initial contacts were with middle class migants, and this iofuemed his total perception of migant adaptation until he foftuitously tapp€d a less successful group.t3 In many studies of migrants that follow them frcm their ruial to urban locations, anthropologists have already established ties with informants, which gives t}lem ready acress to the migrant population. Thi! is one of the most ttT'ical modes of entry. A casein which this did not prcve to be as sucr€ssful is in Watuont $ Edwin Eams and Howed nobboy (R6drch Ms suppdred by a sructy lave f.m Temple Univesity and N.I-H.M- cnnt Number DEEW-IRO3-VH r8d9-0r). 364. L. Epstein, 'The Network and U$e Social OrgonltioD," ir C. J. MitcLll (ed.), s@ril Netror&r ,n Urlon s @rio6 ( Mdcberd UniveBity p|*, i969), pp. 77-116. 3?Judith Goode, 'fie Philadelphia Fdrl Prcject: A Study of Cutru.e dd Nutritid(pap€r delir€r€d ai th€ Annual Mering of th€ Am€ri@ Antbrornlogical ]ilsirtioo, Mexi@ city, 197,1)j "Modifying Ethnic Foodmrs: TIE Efiets ;f r@tity ed Sdi.l Neltrdl. {paner d,lircrcd at th. \illeotb Annual Mebng of rhe Ncrh6t Anrhc poloaicdl Asociatid, Middl€roM, C(m_. 1976). 33 K@per, Tzintm n6 in Men@ City,"

irf,EoDs,

rE@NravEs,

aND EN6

247

study of Chincse restaunnt workers in London. When he ul€d his knowl, '€dge of the village setting, local dialects, and kinsmen of t}le London group, thc migrantsb€cam€very suspicnus of his prescnce.Even when he met individuals wbom bc had previously known in tbe village, he was unable to €stablish irnmediate and warm relationships. The change in context had afiected their vi€ws of the past.se Besides professional ti€s, personal ties based on kinship or friendship can be activated to gain accessto informants. lvhen antlropologists are working in a city wh€rc they have lived for some time, they eln usually nrcbilize their or11 cgocentric net$ork. 'r'hus an anthropologist

working in the Philad€lphia Italian-American food prcject was abl€ to use several childbood and adolesc€nt ftends as well as relatives of her stepfather as informants and entry facilitators. Laura Nadeis ability to gain entry to a Washington, D.C. law ffrm was based upon her sibling relationship to Ralph Nader. ?ilchert work with longshorenen was facilitat€d by mntacts he had rnade by having previouly worked as a longshoreman.ao The use of penonal ties can also occur in r€search in foreign cities, In research done by Goode among a prcfessional group in Colombia, one p€rsonal ti€ proved very successful in locating three gatekeepers, who then intmduced the rcsearcher to an unlimited number of inJormants. lbe penonal tie was a menber of the professional co munity who had done postgraduate work at an Amedcan dive$ity and had a close rclationship with the ex-neighbon of the researcher. Since the researcher coDmunicated with the €x-neighbors at Christmas tim€, the contact Eas almost accidental. Tbrough this p€Eon, the researcher was sponsored by the local university pmfessional schools and professional associations. She probably could have made the contacts on her own eventually (using fomal letters of ntoduction from her university pmvost and her role as professor at the local university), but the personal tie prcved most useful.{r Frcquendy, anthropologists use both pmfessional and penonal ties, if they have them. Pmfessional ties are used to gain initial entry and quicuy lead to personal referals; inlomants whom you meet begin to iDtmduc€ you to tleir pe$onal networks, and you expand the world of infomants tbmugh personal refenals. In $€ previously mentioned Italian food pmject, both professional and pexonal ties were used simultan€ously. Padsh pnests intrcduced the research€ri to key ogic€Is rE Wabo4 'Rgt.lrutr tud n@ittmes." {ohlm Nadd, 'Up tlE Antbropologisi Pdsp€ctiv6 cain€d from Studyins Up," in (ed.), Eeinbdlinq Anthtupolostr (New Yorli Rmdom qouse, 1974), Den Hyne pp- 284irl (dginalfy publnhed in 1969); PiLher, Pottland Lhcshdemen. d (Hq 'The R€Ima of a Tdilitional Elite to Modemiation." "tu

288

r@rEoDs, rmqa6,

,M

Ertrcs r,Ecotr,

in Ge parish women's clubs, wbo ir tum relerred rhe researc_hers to rL memberc. Parallel to this, tbe aoth'opologisl s childbood and adolesd friends were conraded for refenEls to their kin and fnen&. t llis tle rapport eslabliihed witb informatrts met 6mugh ttre pe,sonal chai -; was gr€ater_and longer )asting than tle relationships establisbed tluo,rs more formal cbaDrels. Sometimes there is Do e3sy way to discem pointr of €ntry. ID thit situatior, urban antlropologistr frequendy enter rheir target pop,nati6. by participating in fomal organizations, by -hangrng out" in the semi Pubtic arena' r bars. srures.comeff), or b) moviDg into rbe p.ouL By mere hequency of spatial prescence. rhey hope ro gain ac€pta; and establish ties. In order to study Sikhs in I.l'6 Angelas, Fleuretloibld thetu orqanization. Eames, in his study of Pmiabis in Wolve*;ptm, visit€d their two templ€s frequently and visited local ptrbs \rith hit infoltrtants, who introduc€d him to new conracts. Rainwater and hll associatesused Ge stores and service areas of the Pruin fgoe houriry proiect to Bale tle acquiotaDce of potential informarts. 'I.hey thco followed informants into Itrore private arenas, such as th€tu ifome., Pilch€r used the union hall iD a similar fashion for his shrdy of portlsd longshorcmen.., Stack pmvides one of the best descriptions of the sEat€gy of €nty aDd rippolt. Whil€ her initial etrtry into the conmunity v,ar though ; former student who intrcduc€d her to several friendly families. sbc "r_nove_d inJo" the community as well. Her best and m6t suategic y placed infomant was meq lo\revet thmugh a casual e"c""trtc" rnll self-htroduction at the laundmmal This porallels Liebods enuy though 'haDging out" at a take-out sholr€ Obviourly, tlese variour neans of gaining acc€ssto informants et! not mutually exclusive. The antlmtrnlogist will mobilize ryhstev.r routes are available to him or her: prcfessional ti€s, pe$onal ties, iF formal organizatioDs.gatekeepers.brokers. Another characteristic related to the multiplicity of Dut€s o{ ac. cessis the possibility of punuing research daspite severat false starts or ruptured rclationships. As an example of the lafter, when one of t[e authors of this text i€tumed to resume research after a one-vear atsence he arrived on the eve of tbe marriage of rhe daugbrer oI one of his b€sa jDfomants. Since he had had no contacr with him dudng the precediog year, he did not know tbis event was ocruring. Wften the father of the a A-nn€Fleuet, "Ind4DEtion into N€twdtj Andg Silhs in L6 An8et6," U,D6 Anthtupoloev,3 (1974), 27-33; Em6 sd Robbor. @rch jrudy; I€ R.inwerd. B.htnd chefto walls: Bh.k Fnilizi ,n o Feil4nl SIun (Chi@go: ]irdile pubtisbinE Co., i970)r Pilcher The potrland tav'h@M. 13carcl stack, Al od (in; Lieltuw, Talhs cm|

llr:ryarq ^ND

Eqd

289

bride discovered that the anthrcpologist was in the city but had not attended the ceremony, he was extremely annoyed and eventually dropped out of the pool of informants. ln a traditional closed commusity (tribe, village), this rnight hav€ meant tle expulsion of the rcseanher and the temiDation of rcs€arch. In this case. how€ver. because of the size and diversity of networks in ihe ta4et population and the Drban q.,nmunity, the anthropologist was able to pursu€ his r€search without signfi cant disruption. Eqlatt&tg

the Milsilm

Explaining the mission or goal of th€ antbmpologist has always b€€n a ploblem. Traditiona[y, antlropologists cou]d €xplain to an isoIated, non literate group that their p€ople were interested in the way of Iife of tlose being studied. Sucb an explanation is obviously inadequate in the nodem urban world, and even more so when on€ is studying a city itr oDei own sFtem. An 'explanation" that l'0116 b€ft€I rvirh a literAte population is th^t rcsearch is b€ing done. Scientific Ioowledge has enough acreptan \e as a fnsitive value that this alone leads to acceptaDce widnut Eany additional details. Otr the othei hand, knowledge of social science research has, to some degre€, fostered suspicion of the anthrcpologist, who may b€ seen -{s a potential t[r€at. Some past social science research has had n€gative lolitical efiects for those bebg studied, and many f'oteDtial infonnants a*are of this. As one erample, a research group might be sent into neighborhmd where ubar reDewal is being contemplated. Based upon their tudings, policy decisions may b€ made tlat will disrupt the lives of the rcsideDts. [4ren the rcsearch€r approaches groups who have leamed of the potential tlreat of tle researcb, they may be quite distrusdul. Unlike a tdbal or villag€ situation, where the mission, however e4iabed or aocepted, ne€d only be established at ti€ beginning, in urban rcsearch, when one is dealing with a dispers€d and unintegrated popdatioD, the mi$ion may have to be explained many tim€s when new conbcts arc being made. Watson notes this problem in his work wit}l Chinese in London.rr Obviously, no univ€rsal e4lanation for doing a particular ethnogaphic study can be sugg€sted that will be acc€ptable to all gmups. Each ethnogripher nust decid€ upon the R"e of explanation that wil adequately and honestly descdbe the nature of the research in a way that wil be unde$tood by his or her informants. s W.tson, "R6ti|,@tr

ed Rmittde,"

290

rmEoD6,

TFrBracs, ^M

Er4D\

[mc

VaruEs -^l\D ErEcs Thus far we have

been discussins I and roclticar p.obr;;;"i;;;ffi ;#:: ;n"Ti':l ffif;hr,# rssue.which musrbc dijcus\edin

rhe mnr.xl a..tUaa.gv

""iT e oat*er underrving fi :':i'iT:l;,-"" T#.i:"f "'b'" ""th';r";-; .

In generalterms, the issucof a laluc-free anthropotogy (or socirl

s:,:nce) mrsiderabre i,""i1,,,1"'i"h-j lrasrie .cenerated rake posftion

:::"-1".",,::-::I

rlt,t no suchpossrbilrty .xisls.

f::"] l_,"-?!ll" .y*,

o.a p.obrem T,'.1:""-{-':':::fl,g."up ,n: r:chil9:es tur,,.,..a ro tal;;';;;#;::f;; i.J"*rv^

Jii',l

::ld^i:',:1ic

a context -u".t ;;."u;:lF;ff; of varues :il:ll..r:_"1::::1,*thin ";d ir to,mare their own *r,* *,i r,,,*" ..i i',1[ ll"_::!I:" possible, as "!".r,J andtlen p'rrsueth€ir research ,-.r,- .r,," r*'-*o.i]11# ]p yl:

makerieir rcsearch asvarueJree aspossibre .*"e,lz. ,ii

ii

"*'il:J':"'Tl,:ff1,fl:L.

€r,ie,workw,sdone oni$.

-'."th; posiu.",_r,", co,rdtare *.y *.* u.ig

l,:r-i:"t:jllT"f]lqi.rs werekepro"i;4d."_"-6;;'^J;;;$.: q", rhcirvarues ?f.,j:''..T0 -,il., .'.:" whenanrhroporosists stuiyisoraL.a ;u*. 1,j"* L,1ll biasesand attirpr to i.ui *i*, ,r,.. _".L,.*ry "* *j

::*11."*" explicitly.

,h"l urban r,re is cbaracterizedby mulrifacere4 inrer_

T.. li-.

:T:._^'i'lly,l:l:l k

T^L^'l:

cumprexes.tbat impinse on rher;r. .r .I ir,*".

Jr ,. f"":j*ctured.rinequatity ""*"" ,"_,,^""'*."ifr. *il"" rir*tyr""

g "t,ay 3*".3:,'":lf. tion by t}le politically '1t'" dominant.

;;;. ;;;;;;;:

: .

The Iwos

of Reciptocat Obhsa&ns When.urban antlropologisrsdo resesrcbwirh

.

a parrirular smuD

obtisations ro rhemwhichG"y .,s i."g. ll,l.Rl qourd nor be as tfte of rzc. rms lT'i-,"..Trrdin situarional

.""""r"t o...".".* rfr.r r)cu(es on the cit) r..a nbote. Where. bouev.r. anthropotogistsare in conrnuous conract\ith a scgmentof the poputarion and esta.'btsbctrrse

T*"fi#",1,f:ffi"jhips ,

with them,th;.v musrrecosnize that tr'ey

F;nt, they_orveanAonest explanationof their inission. The kind oI

in,traditionar so;eues1ve wantto i",;;;;;;.;

:.:"ll"T:i:1'::: way of lifC- o en had .o meaning for a popularion. It i s certainly

adequate for anthropologists ;n ;ost

r,.d"n setones

not

: '

rENIauEs'

N

291

ErBc

!€ern etbically essential for anthropologists to tell th€ir inlomantr about Se purpose of the study, altlough they might try to reprerent it in a way that is non+h.eatening, meaningful, and int€resting to those being studied- It seems unethical lor an urban anthmpologist to completely disguiie the fact that he or she is studying a group, which is sometimes done. Although anthropologists fr€quently collect information that re of th€ efts their careen, Orey fail to r€cognize the erploitive poor in an Amerdationship. Spicet ill his catnlogueof patronsof the ican citv. includes t}le social scientist (and particularlv the anthropologist) and notes that several theses and publications have been based on iodles of thls community, with a minimal amount o{ reciprocitv on the part oI the anthropologist {5 Cuillemin also r€cogniz€s the potential rol€ ;I the antlmpologist as a patron of the poor. However, she notes that when anthropologists are aware of this potential, they mav break away from the dominant/subodinate relationship and establish more egalitarian bonds with their informants ad It is interesting to note tlat when American anthropologv was in its infancy, it was Dot unusual for anthropologists to pay informants for their tine. This Dmchc.ewas tooked on with disfavor bv later anthmpologists, who f€lt that the anthmpologist should elicit information by developing a rclationship, and not tlrcugh dire(t pavment. However' they might oEer other kinds of rewards or sewices. At the present tlme' it would seem rhat som€ anttropologists are moving back to the notion of itirect payment to intormants, especially in uban situadons where 'time i5 money.- There are other ways in which t}le urban anthrcpologist can reciprocate for time and inlomation Some feel that occasional gifts or sewices (nrnning erfands. providing lransPortation.lranslating. or sewing as an intermediary with a public agency) are more penonal. One way in which this can b€ done is thmugh "advocacy" anthropotogy. when antlmpologists talk about advocacy anthropology, thev regad themselves as individuals who em and should help their informanls uderstand their social position and gain greater acc€ss to some of the scarce rcsour.€s in th€ social svstem ln contacts with outside institutions (police, coults, hospitals, schools), thev attemPt to work on behalf of their inlormants and, in many cas€s, educate then (and the institutions) to b€(om€ morc efiective acton in relaaon to each other' One example of this i5 Peattids intenentlon in the "sewer conboversy" described in chapter 5. Anotber

set of reciprocal

.5E. Spr@, Patrctr of tlE PN, Cuillemin, U'6an ndegs&t '6

obligations

€xist in addition

Hutunote@ibtun,29

to

(1970), 1220.

com-

r@soNr

N

wnoDq

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pensating-for tjme snd infomation. These involve lhe antbrcpologirti atlempts to inguencethe use of &ta to avoid misuse.and ro lrore.r infomants' anonymity. It hai now be@me fashionable to use the tern "client" instead of informant" by many of those ir the advocacy toLl In the pasl the'cli€nt" of th€ anthropologist coD]d b€ view€d as t govemm€nt that supg)rted the anthropologist's research, either direcah or indirectly, and reaped policy or action bcneffts from the data. TL newer form of clientage sees those being studied as tle ones to b€&0t primarily tuoln thc knowledge, and mary arthropolognts \+ould the.Gfore prefer funding tlat is Dot "taiDted." In fact, they would preJer wo*ing for t}le clients tlrenselves. However, $e limited resouces of trntential clients and their r€luctance to allocate th€se 1o anthropologicat rc. search sLould be apparent. The adiocacg approach should not be confixed with arytied b scarch. In applied research, the client is not necessarily the inforinaDt group itself, but can be a public or private policy,oriented agency. Th6 anthrcpologists in this case ntust always be erplicidy conc€m€d wirh protecting the dghts and interests of their inforinants. TLey must alwaF be aware oI unbalanced power relatiorships and structured inequality. Any anthropologist-whether advocate, applie4 gercrating'pueor "basii' research-must still be concemed with wlo has acc€ssto drt and th€ pot€ntia] misus€of such information.In the pas! the acadeinic.ly orient€d anthropologist has been inter€sted iD knowledge alone. Thug anthropologists might take the positiotr that, as students of human bchavior, whatever insight they gain is part of the general scieDti6c pusuit of knowledge, and their data are in the public domain. Mis$es aI! therefore beyond th€ir control and should not concem them. Howev.r, this position has come under attack and is inc{easingly recogniznd as untenable. This sane issue is relevant in genetics today. In a re€€nt issue of Scienc€ Ne@s,it wa.sreported that a goup of gerctic biologists d€cided not to pu$ue lurther sudies of the breahng of the genetic code ( the basic soucc of tbe origin of life) because of the potential misos€ of such reWhne physical anthropology might have repercussionsfor tle total cous€ of human life, cultural anthropology presents no such species wide threat. But a particular study of a particular group could lead to massive implicatioDs for control or change of a Meway. It is now recogn;ed that literate elites or policy-oriented sp€cialists have greater accessto data in specializ€d journals than does the informant gmup. ln the case of research in the Third World, tlre English"7

'Rulesfor GeneRef.nch," Scie@ N?@r,lr0 (Jdy 3, rS/6), 3.

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lan rs elite ha!€ greaterrcressto dala that are not reporledin the access thar ro insure an efiort f'sl mrke o." must .i i"r.,,n-"l *-::r;;io"n

,; inro'.u.t.. q'-udairi"ar benentor suchinirial ;; inluith-eanthropologhts iccessi, tfrarit"p-"i,l"t u.out.' tor checking themselves'

asrind the views or.thc inrormants ;;;;;'h;;;* recogIn somecases,data mav be ollccted that the anthropologist Tn such casesthe informa,rlr*." p",*rr.ffy f'.t'"[ul ; th'-inlormanls ill ar published tion should probably not be ol souffs- r'f a rchred iss,rai\ th,l ul proteclilglhF c^rrGdcnlirlih .r'" past, anth;op{'togisis tned to insue conffdentialitv ;"r.'-riJ".-i" f"r rhe communitiecdrcv sfudied and bv disgui\ing i" *l"r r."ra""".' who were their maior \oorce\ ot intormation ln uban ti" i"A""ia'*

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,-"i" ,l"au"" rhe ii-mcurrirsor hidins rhe cifv's to describe be apparentEven iJ one 'rsesa pseudonvm "r'."ri of eiehtmillion anvonecouldidentilvthe citv' wourq "."U.*a.r,v "i'4""1"l,€avins out speciGcgeographicand demographicdescrrphoN surl purposesHowever'rt.rs for cornparative readeriJ|estudy useless basecrrocarunrIs geographically of identitv customarylo disguisethe

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oeighborhootls or blocks such --- as intotr Atrm.Ll bcation m;ghr be imporsible to hide iEdividual inlormxtion nalts are stiil pror,'cted Fieq,re"tlv. anlhropologi{Lsobrain

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of legalproblems u* tu"'a ""i -rtt' and so rorth rhe inlorma' privilegedcommunication

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lhjs problem we can cile the work of one of the "*.pf".f ,* *r'o, while studving Indiaff in Ensland' uncovered **". "i-ti" ut""t illegal immigration Altiough the British governsuch data -o"flior-utio" ** q.,it" u*o'" of ti'". actititie\' lhe publication ot -"nt would have inlorm.d the authoritier of the panicular tecbniques-and have J ;ir"ga ent.y develop€d bv the communitv and would loJ* were tlata the consequence' tu a O.".i to their coounuance -never '-J " published. -' one I'" a.ecently p'blished volume, Migation anA Antfuopobgg' south workers-in among consumption *U"- a.J *ltri ijrcit Ac"la si."" anv anthiopolosist workins in south Africa muit irica.l,",o;* by the govemment.il is quite posqiblcthat this ioformation l..oo.*a {3 workerswho. in efect' trusredtlc rc'earchet lu,'*i,t'e "J -,JiT" asH. A. AtveM, l;.\." i;;;"d pp. 49-fl)

R"b"n Spen*' kbor Migtur5 in Sdth AIri@ Ind$trv'in Prs 1970) A"th-po-loes tseattl., univd'iq of ws'tustm

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When one .tudies groups lite drug pusheFr.thc Btact \tafa, or nro.nlules. lhir qlre\rion of hiding jdcntfty is reJlly cenrrat to $c stud;a;d usualJyts discusscdat lenath. In othcr.caes..rhc t";"."1,.. rn,y teet rhat atrempting lo disguise sourcpsnr rntormation and presewe anonymiry. ma) diminish tha impact on policy formation. Thus, a rccent articte publisbed by .". .f i;; authorsd€scnbedthe caseof an Indian who at;mpbd to ;"t, *llti;;. ln,nngland. In rhis instanc€,the casehad bec,omea czuse c1tlbrc ;; full details-inchrdingtlte name of the indi'iduat nxolved, tl." ;;;.;;; J',\ a,,m, rr ufr, i:rh. of6rralconnspondcnre. ,na ,,.,u.p.,p..,r, $erp uicct.5in(f one goat ot th. articlewdr ro changcBrirish "o,nr, Home Ofice policy in r€lation to Indian visitors, it was fat th"at rUf &cim"ri Another speciffc erhicat problen retates ro the use of nechanical . equilmFnr(tapc rccordcrs and cnm.,asIwithourrhe e\pticitpomission ol rnrormdxts.Wc would hopc t-hrt the days in which mtcrophones were hiddcn ard..rncnrs concealed are past.Obvioujty.mahng'-plicit;; puposcs or rhe study and obtajningpcrmissionro usc mechanicaldcvic€s may Inakc the rcseaJchmorc ditrculr. However, it would {ppc$ to be easier to live with these difrc.t ties than with the ethicat initicarons oi not informing onet informants. Thid

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What are the sp€cial probleDs faced by Arnerican and Westem _ Europeao anthropologjstsworkiDg in a Third World oaEoo_stare? Ii should lirst bc notpd that \uch nation-sratesbave had a cotonial past and in nany cares thc new etites view thc foreign anthropotogist I a rco-colonial foree. Althoueh direct politicat ao-i"ition tras e"aci, -anv 't lhrr..(0untries are srill economicaltydependenron. aod cxptoitei Dy. Inc nFsr. roday. many nrtions jn rhc Th;d Wortd are barring or curtailing the research activiri€s of foreign-bom rcsearchers,particuf,{ Urban cthnographers must b€ awrre that they are viewed as at lea5t _ exploiters (if not spies), taking infornation out oi the country and pro_ .has viding notbing in return. One response by many anthropoiogists been to publish tbeir ies€aJch materials and anaty;e, in tb; Ia""guage ot th,c country and in ioumals or rnonogapLs easity ac.essible tlicreiA"_ othcr approach has been to deposit data and materials in libraries in that muntry. Western anthropologists can also hetp in the training of locat aeEdvin

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social scientists by imp:rting their L-nowledge and tools as a social scientist. Thir is freq ently done by involving local students in research projccts as assistants-providing economic resources as well. Schwab has described tlre techniques he used in thc trainnrg and employmcnt of Dative researchersin the study of urbaD AJnca.5o Thc above proceduresinvolvc a dsk. lf you provide accessto infomation k) the local elites (political and intellectual), you ocate the possibility of their using it against thc less powcrful-your own lnformants or target population. Thc problcm of protecting in{ormants is simild in thc anthropologistsown socicty wL€n dontg researchamong thc poverlcss. However, ar a for€igner rcquiring visas llnd political clearancc for research, the anthropologist has obligations to botl the state and thc informantsand must be very careful to pfotect individual informants and groups in terms of conffdentiality and non-release of potcntially harmful information. Another problen tle anthropologist fa.!:s in t}le publication ol naterials collccted in Third World nations is that of nationalisD and national pride. The antLropologist is still viewed by some as the student of the strange and exotic. Educrted elites who hold this view of anthropology fear that the portrayal of aspects of then hves or the lifestylcs of sub grcups in their social system will show them in a Degative light ard dam, age their intemational image. Here again th€rc is no solution, other than tfie seisitivity of the anthropologist to thes€ feelings and the avoidance of ethnocentfic desGiptions of lifeways.

BsronrD GnouP E1IINoGnAPIIY Thus far we have discussed some basic nethodological jssucs in urban mthropology which primarily fo.us upon ethnographic research in a target population.Resenrchdesign, selectionof units, stratcgicsof entry, lnd ethical oncems have been discussed. At this point we will sbift our attention to some other m€tlodological issues,including the use of non-ethDogiaphicsourcesof data and the study of the hger context in which thc target population is cmbcdd€d. The nature of ethnographic fieldwork r€quires the developrnent of a rclationshipb€tweenanthmpologistaDd infonant that must be based uF)n trDrting, closc, continuous, and intimate contact. Such a technique works against a scientiffcallybascd sampling procedure. which would enable the ethnographer to make gcn€ral statcments about thc entire 50 WilliM B- Schwab, An Exp€riDdt ir Methodology in o Wst Ahi.an Ufbu Comunity, Iiltun Oslnitutin, rs ilssil), 13-rsi Lmknre Backwad: An Ap(1965), 379-80. pEisal of Two Field Trips, Httut Orqanitution,

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c.omlunity. UThen aDttuopologjsts fal i,lo the rrap of not recosnizin, lbis. they op€n themietvesand their Gndingsro s.ri.L *i..uf...i-ti.il Despire this lack of samptiDgproeedures.howner. rbe efio.b oafi urban anthropotogiltsare more rlan descriptivejomalism and do fal within the ran_geof scieDtifc disciplines t}at attempt to probe tbe ,eai ties of urban life. Stftelt

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The urb^n anthropologistwitl probabty rvant to supptementintensive ethnographic .esearch with extensive informatio; derive
'T!€oretical

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colected survey data early in one of his studies and note4 to his disriay, that rcsponses initially obtained were contradicted by his informants when he developed a close and intimate relationship with them.65The callins, in tbeir frst tuban research in Taipei, depended beavily on suweys, using a team of assistanti. They note that analysis oI the data rfter retuming from t}€ feld had little meaning for them. In $eir subsequent Geld trip, they went back to ethnographic techniques.sd Plotnicov wans ihe urban anthropologist about the s€ductive nature of survey material and the use of the computer tor analysis. He sugg€sts tbat $hcn the andropologist mores too far in this direction, Le or she tr}ay lose tie hunanistic element so vital to the anthropological peispecAttbough the survey technique oflers certain advantages to tle snthropoloeis! paticularly when the questioDnaires used are based upon prior €thnography, this techDique has certain basic weal'ness€s. Frequendy a questioman€ obtains verbal respo$es about hypotletical b€havior mther than actual behaviort the respondent alswers the way he thinks the researcherwants him to respond. In addition, questionnari€s are usually time-bounded. The ulitmate goal of urban ethnography is not simply to build better surveys. The questionnaire is an additional technique the urban antlmpologist can use in obtaining more extensive data, but it must be recognized for what it is: a technique that has limitations and can only but not replace, ethnogaphy. Lugat

Conte*

Since anthropologists doing research in the city on a paiticular social unit recognize that their slice of the system is part of an integrated whole (the city and its context), tley must obtain a great d€al of infornation about these otler segmentsof the system. In some cases,this may iwolve the colection of ethnographic data on these related units. Thus, anthrcpologist! working with a conmunity group may be interest€d in the relationshipbetween nenbers of the comnunit, and.oults, hospitals, and schools. ln addition to studlng speciffc situations in which hfonnants are involved (interface betveen the two), they might also 6nd it useful to have some ethnographic data about their operations on a day-to-day basis. They might wisb to observe how tle co-workex in tle agency interact, how staf meetings are conducted, how decisions are _ADtbsrdosidl 6t laofid Plotdov, Field Worl h Mod€m and Lo@l Urbe |€nt" Urban A^ihropolacs, 2 ( 1973), ,48-64. s caltin md Galliq "The Rurd-tGurban MigEtio oI d ,{nthropologist." rt flotDidv, '.4ntbrcpolociol Field work."

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{dvertisements carried by newspapers.osTrends and changes over time can also be useful gaugedthrough systematiccontent analysis. Most .ontemDorirv nation-states mllect v.st anounts ot denographic data in periodic censuses. Thesecensusescontain the social contous of the city: sex, age, ocrupation, litera.y, incone, housing, plac€ of

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t,{, .ll,,,:d{:; #h":^-tf'.trffi fil:l,ii j,t*":'rj.:1*"nJxh.lil#"gilh;l'ffi ethnugraphica y. For exampte. M. Estel

birth. and so on. h most feld situatioDs. whetler in modern urban or rual areas, anthropologists rvorking with aDy target populntion $.ill uiua]ly attcmpt to do their oM census, which will servc as background or coDt.\t lor most f.s.uch questnrns. Thc c€Dsus tcchDque h1ls also becn charactcristically used in p€asant villag€ studies. ln the cou e of

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th€se micro-unit studics, certain criticisms of the large-scate aggregate data collectcd by governm€ntshave energed. Statistics are only as good as thc catcgorics ured to collect them. These categories may not reflect reality. Categories used to measurc unemploynent and labor force pa icipatio have becn criticized as not rneaningfrl. Further, statistical categories are imposed by collectors, frequently memb€rs of government agencies, who somctimes manipulate then to c.ontlol t}le public's view of a situation. They rnay also be nanipulatd to increase the political power oI paticular groups. As Guyot has shown, thc de6nition of t}le etlnic category o{ "Spanish speaking" in the United States census changes as it i-s manipulated by govcrnmcnt agen cies to pruve that th€n polcies are working.ol Un€mploymcnt ffgures have also bcen manipulated by chaneing d€fnitions. We have previously criticized social surveys because they frequently lack shared neaning betwe€n the researcher and those being interviewed in regard to the questions asked. The srme criticism can be dhected at the rnisuie of ccnsus data by social scientists. For instance, a c€nsus usually lists individuals who liv€ together in a domestic urit. To Lse these data as the basis lor thc analysis of trends in family life may b€ ertremely nisleading. Although in Arnerican middle class culture the co-icsidential unit .nd the {amily are tbe same, thjs is not true for many other groups iD Amencan society. For instance, no amount of census analyris woutd reveal the nature of cooperating domestic units o{ the Black poor in Amenca, althougL Moynihan us€s such statistics to make staremenLsabout the N-egro family.e Thc vdiety of domestic gmups found by Stack could ncver be obtnined from c€nsus documents.66

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6t P.ul D. Wieb€ sd C. N. Bdu, "Mariage in Indi.: A Content Analysis of Matri' moill Adveni*notr," Mon ii Inrlia, !ol. 51, I97\. o{ 1. F. Curot, Who Counts D.tEnds on How You C(Dt: The Political Conkqum6 of C.rrs Couting fo. Erbnic N(inoriti6,' mimeo,, 1973. c Ddiel Nrorrihan, '|fu Negro Ftmilg, wshineton, D,C,, Departnent of Labor, 1965. €o c@l Stack, ,41 O/r (in.

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The same can be said about tbe meaning of employment data contained in the censu-s.Those who are employed in illicit occupations o( ifiegular activities like street vending, begging, or domestic work will appear as unemployed, whereas they may be working tull,time as ns1sured by tirne and money. Thus, unemployment inay bc overestinated for some groups. Antbropologistr iDtererted in the impact of the labor market on a group must move beyond collected statistics. fiey may have to collect their own demographic data flom their target population. A ftrndame tal diticism of lomc statisticsavailable for aD: ysis of urban life is that they measuc a phenomenon at I single modent ir time. This approach obvioDsly limits the analysts ability to folow tundamental processes.For example, students oI Indian life have emphasized the signiffcance of t}le joint fanily in tlat country. The census of ly/L like all previous censuses,showed that only a smal ninority of the total population lives in a domestic unit that could be characterized as a ioint family. The percentage has sho\rn no signincant change in the la51 t$o decades.How€ver, what the censusdoes not show is that ir the intelvetF ing years b€tween families that were ioint have broken iDto nuclear units, while others that were nuclear in thc 6rst censur have becom€ joint. Thus, there is a hieh probability that a given individual, particularly in an upper caste, has lived in a joint family at some time in his lifc, even though the total pmportion of such families is small at a given point in time. Indian families go thrcugh cycles of sEuctural phas€s, of which the joint family is a common one. The same is tl||e for the femal€-centered family found in th€ Afro-American pop'rlation- This seems to be a phase in a conplex cycle which indudes matrilocality, nuclear units, and cooperative uniti (see Chapter 8). Another example of the w€aknessof many statistical sources caD be seen in relation to rural-urban migration. ID Colombia, c.ompariions b€tween two censusesshowed that ile city of Medellin has increas€d in population at a rapid nte, while rural regions were being depopulat€d. The assumptioD was rnade that people were coming into Medellin frorn these rural regions. Political violence, wbich had incr€ased in the country, was assumedto be driving p€ople away frcm the countryside. However, ar more case studies were done. it was found that rnost of the ncw mignnts in Medellin *ere second,generation urbanites ftom smaler cities, who had been displaced by the re.al movement of the refugee peaiants into these smaller cities. These cities were erFeriencing both incoming and outgoing movemeng but statistically showed no change. If the focus of research intere$ had been the smaler cities and the censuseshad been used, there would have apprearedto have been litde change in population, when in fact two-way rDobility was great. Aggregate statistics are very important data, but they have to be used with an aware-

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see a potential for o€ds of their limitations Once again, it is possible to ."."arch ltseli in the irnprovement of categories used ffi.".,1".er;pil to collect such statistics. Oi iaol hdiaaton general ln most ethnoqraphiesdeal.ingwith tribal p€ople there h background ar collected be sbould i.fot-"tion asre€meotabout *hui r"; lhc r"h, ,r sh,d). one can prcdicrwhar wirr be included ;i;;;;;; or 'tetti;g" section Almost everv account begins il J" t""lg-*A'

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the purpose of tbe ffeldwork is the d€' ;" tb" hi"t;." ;;.-;-;;f Me tlen the naturat setting withjn which Joi'" n..ora"."av'of -""a to wtrictr ir aaapts is an essential aspect ln addi" "f t-.'.,,,f","* "-"" is concemed with the major historical events i"", if *" *f,*eopler contacts beween groups, this aids '1 und:rstand:ne of ri. o'"t, ". tormal nas "".t tbe orl_tureHowever' in urban anthropolog oo equitalent on the crrncal t'eeo reach€d has been establisbe4 because no consensus setting its extenal and that b€st d€scrib€ the citv i"&caus ---With is ;; city as the basic sefting within which the research standerd of a set develop possible to t l"e .";a"-.t"A i sLoul
p.i.-".t uoiu." tu'" ai"riluton of typesof resideotial il"--.*i". rouleswould ffa1."-*"ra""u"f usage)as well as publictransportation Geographerc container' urban J."'fr i"at*." th" sp':tial ""pe*" of the measurins.$e ror rechniques ..ais of land use and ir".'i*.r"""a could !e u'e-d Htsof cities:thesetechniques i-*""J "iJ,rr-o"nas tunction at origin, rate of growth tbnoushtirne' iU.-i",o.i"-*.1 rein U"t ti".f everts, $rcnessivepolitical dominations cllanges government '.*.r Reccnt oI misatorv srreams-couldbe described -,ltme.t policv affecting housing' tabor markets and .uban .' url i**"J couro arso De olannine should also be included Administrative units political and rcUgious and schools i*"*&a ii."a". *""s ror hospitals -the if in grouPs ethnic of distribution ;; aflempt to rnap ;;;). ot depth time The made can be r'*. i*, *" "p"ti.l*n "o.pon"nt. Relative " ot be mecsuredin terrnr senerations a'Sl.;.6". s;o. goups can be developed' *Eo. ,L.oe,"pt'ic "t "th"ic thesecharacleri*ics are berng ano for measuring techniques Some in urban studies and could be adapted as a stanlr". bee" a.""f.i"a

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dard format. lt is obvious that data of this tlpe can be obrained ontv through tha efrort5 o{ other researchers.and not througb the anrb; Pologistt own data generation. Since the goal of urban anthropology is to develop generatizatiorx about urban life, and since the basic technique that will allow us 1a develop these is comparison, it is essential to develop some set of ag€€d, upon procedures for desdbing the critical context variables that vil become esscntial to all urban etbnography. The diftculty has been t[€ varietv of procedurcsnr the researchdone to drre, which is conte\roriented. This work has not used a common set of indices or oiteiia_ Sone emphasize histort, otlers demograpLy. Some fo.us on the rclationship between cxtcrnal political u its and the city, others on economic relationships. Among those who favor history, diferent procedues arg used and difierent aspectsare enphasized or ienored. When we, as rrban anthropologists, can agree upon conlnon nrdices and pro.€dures. then each case study would be potentially comparative, and generalizatioo, could be rnade. In many ways urban antlropology is a universal pilot study. Orrcg the real meaning of patterned b€havior is described, then more meaninsful and cxlensi\e techniquescan be used to deterrninethe enent ro which these pattems hold true. Throughout the foregoing discussion we have encourased conbolled comparisonsand tighter r.seJrch designs.On |ne other ha;4 there is a long tradition in arthropology of being hurnanistic. Advocates of thi, ernphasis stili suggest tlat antlropologists, urban or otherwise, should not nanowly deffne their focus, but cajt ttreir nets widety to grasp rle most they can about meaning and context They should be concerned about illuminating the particular situation being studi€d, nther tlan searchiDgfor comparative data. The two appmaches are very ditrerent, in that one is rigorous and conrroll€d, and the other loose and unfocused. While u$an anthropology seems to call for tighrer research designs, it must still accomrDodatethe humanistic search for meanine.

SUMMAtrY

A numbcr of m€thodological issres have been raised, some of vhich e unique to urban anthropologti, wbile others arc cr,mmon to all anthropological eForts. Much of early urban etbnography, paralleling earlier studics of tribal groups, attempted to dispro"i certai" .o-,nonty assumedcharacteristics or universal propositions about hurnan life. Itore rccently tbere has been a shift toward mmDarative studies with morc sophisticated research desisns.

I'EITODS,

T'CHNIAUES,

AND

EGICS

Selection of the unit oI studv in an urban sefting is a problem faced by the urban ethnographer thnt th€ tribal €thnograpber did not Jace r'h. most comnro"ly sel€cted units are bascd upon conmon residence incishborho. s ), conrmoncultureol origin Iethnn arrdmigtanlgroups) omirn bcliel' ( movmFnh), and comm,rnwork r ocrupationt' For all of th€se units, delineating boundaries is a comlnon problem Som€times the unit selected is the foos of study; at other times, a research probl€m is select€d rrnd t}le unit beconcs the setting vithin which the problem ir studicd. Oxe popular rcsearchproblen in urbrn cthnogrrPhv focmcs upon the rvay i; vhich various units mnintain and change their boundSome paticular dimculties face the ethno$apher doing ffeldwork areas. Th€ ethnographs lrcqu€ntlv studies a geographicallv urban in disDersednopulation, which creat.: Iogisticdl Problems Vuch time is consmed in:gening ro inlormrnts The closeand inhmate r'latii'nship between antlmpologist and infonnants is frcquently absent, or at least no'e &mcult to achie"e in an urban setting. Sorneof the frequentlv used techniques to gain accessto a target population are the use of profesof personalties, joining associations,tanging out" sonar tes, tt'e "seSom€ of thes€ are used to gain initial cntry, while 'moving in." and othen are uied tbroughout tle study. A further problem faced bv urban ethnogaphers is e+laining the pupose of the research to those bdiDg studi€d. Urban ethnographers have an advantage of being able to tap sources of
8 TheCulture ol Poverty: A Misapplication of Anthropology lssues to Contemporary

In alnost ev€ry volume that has appeared in the rather loosely confederated ffeld of urban anthropology, there is a section devoted to the 'Culture of Poverty" concept.r Therefore, we would as me that tbis topic is also included in rnost urban anthropologyr courses. The isere of the culture of poverty, the development of the concepg its potential as an er?lanatory d€vice, and its policy implicatioDs, particularly in American society, have all received considerable critical atteDtion in the rccent Iiterature. For snplq the introductim to w NloaiD (ed.), Pl,@d' in Citia (BGtm: ' Houghion Minitr Conpby, 1970) ddls prim!.ily with th€ cdtue of poverty; ! *hole s.cljon of th€ .€a.l€r €dited by John Fnedl dd Noel Chima4 Cnv lvusr: A ( New York: Tho|B Y. cmwel co., lSfS), S.bcti@ Reader in Utba Anrlrdlolocy is devoted to pov€rty; and R. fox, Citi"r in Thet C tunl Sen ngr (En8lNood Clifis, Ne{ Je$ey: P.€nti€'H.I, 1977) refers to one of t}E th@ major ar@ of

we fecl tbat a disqrssion of this conc4t will s€Ive as a classic In ilustrabon ot whal trot to do in an emergiog urban. anthropology'. and rpnrrcaanalvsrs oi units addition. problemsol ethics.methodologv' anthropological concepts to complex society can be U"" ot it"Am""f we clariGed and ilustrated in this discussion ln tI€ ensuing discussion' in Chapters discussed issues outline the various * t O"U "* 7. "t".t.A 1, 2, and ' ft. a.'"toptr|"nt ot the culture of poverty mncept ir intimatel) work or fnked to the *oil ot o""' Lewis. we ha\e rlrexdv nored thc reffeld urban of eramples City as one of the earlv r,.*i" l" l,l"ri* his attento shift search. Lewis was one of the earliest anthropologists techniques tion f'dr peasantvilage studies to studiesof the adapti\e 'Urbanizaarticle His migrale to $e citv emptqed Lv uiXue.t. er"Jdo*'"-"'hois a cllssic rehuttal of the notioo thal the t 'i -.t"'i the individual, the familv, and the social order' Thus Lewis citv ilesEovs was one of the early 'mytb breaken (see Chapter 7 )' The criticiss we make of tbe culture of poverty mnc€pt deal wrm or y orc aQect of Lewis' work. His total lifds work included many Se"iffcant contdbudo , including peasant village stu&es using innovau% a.t -.ott""ti"g tol"iques and further innovations in his studies of sftrm residents. Hi was a pioneer in the d€velopment of the intensive iocns on the family unit in the citv, and his d€velopnent of the nethod the "ty"ical dav and rhe life cvctes of individuals did J *.**g -d"t"rt" the bumanistic emphasis of anthropolog His into -""1 po.t .y"d as real people' and Lewis has receiv€d kudos fo-r"ot" port ivals However, the repercussionsof his -e.. iiogr.it'i."t i"' X" i"u"i". positive orlture of poverg-concept often seem to overshadow the 'onof his career. tfuutions - W" *t see that L€v/is began his career by attacking Redffelds foll societv and folk-urban dichotomv; he continued bv doing ethnopereriphic studies io Mexico City. which initialtv ernphasizedsuong later to isrence of orqanization ltanily catpadnzgo retigionl' onlv Rican shift to an a6ost €xclusive concem with the Medcan and Puerto un&rclasses, whicb culninated in the development of the culture of pove'ty concepl in which he descriAed the fmilies he studied in terms of theL disorgani"ztion and pathologres. Lewis tius became the target of attack in much the same way that Redffeld was earlier, when Lewis led the attack Beginning his career by attacking overgenerrlizedand weaklv documentedconcepts Lewis for the sarnereasonsBeginninghis work U"il-"g .l* ft" ^tlaclied "-1"' concepts of social disorder and disorgatle upon assauli $'ith a dir€ct similar models of disorganization cr€ating his career erxls nization, he of for the cDlture Poverty.

307 A further peculiarity in the devclopment of Lewis'work is thar, in -his earlier criticisms of Redfeld's folk society concept, he used a vadetu of scientific and cmpirically based arguments, which were quite efectivj. But in the developmeDt of his own concept, he made the vcry sarns errors of overgeneralization and Don-empiricisin that he discov€red in Redteld s work. The tust rnention of the culture of poverty crncept appears in a vo]:.tme,Fiae Families, dealing with Mexico Ciry residents. Subsequenttv mentioned in Chil&en of Sanchez, the futly developed statement aD_ p.xr\ in thc L,lroduc(iontv La Vida rnd i" a'r .,rti(.1.rn Srrpnrific Ametican in 196J.These two discussionshave been reproduced in a number of s:ubsequentpublications.r

Tr|E CuLaunE oF PotEnrr CoNcEsr Lewis suggeststhat the cultur€ of poverty i5 an integrated set of values, norms, and beLaviors characteristic of some of those who live in povety conditions. It is found in an industrial/capitatist society char, acterized by a cash economy, production for profft, social inobility, and high lates of underemployment and unemploynent. It be nored 'hould that Irwis himsef seesthe culture of poverty as a resl]ons€ to indr.at'iot capitalism not to i\e urban. Lewis do€s not imply that the nahre of the city ^nd. influences the developrneDt of the culture of povery, but many others assume tLat since his work is done in urban areas, he ir implying that poverty and the culture of poverty are rrban phenomena_ Lewis claims tiat there arc some seventy haits that are diagnostic of those in the culture o{ poverty. These are subdivided into four subcat€gories: the nature of integration witl the targer society, the nature of th€ slun community, tle nature of tle fanily, and the nature of the individual personalit. Under the category labetled relationship to the larger society, Lewis notes the g€ncral lack of participation in the institutions of rhe larger sociery (political parties, Iabor unions, health, educstion, financiat and cultunl institutions). Prisons, courts, and welfarc systems, however, lle insututions where the poor arc overreprcsented. He nores thar distrusr arrd hostility towad these institutions is also extended towad th€ church. 2 Osat lavis. Fiae Fomlies: Mencan Stulies in ,he Cuburc ol p@ds (Nev \otk: Basic B@ks, Inc., Publkhea, 1959); churcn ol sotuhez (New yo.k: Random Ilous€, lnc., 196r ) ; k Vriz : A Pteno Rim Famill in the CdtLrc .,1 p@nv lNe* York: Rddom llous, Inc., 1965); bd The Culturc of poverty," sci.ntafr. iwd.a,. vol. 215- 1966.

Regardnrg thc natur€ of tl€ cornmunity, Lewis motesa lack of orgathe familv level' but ofiers littlc in the wav of a descrip' "izationiev""i tion of the communitY level. Tlre lamily ls described as a 'partiat" structure' with high rat€s (or lnlormal) unions, desertion.and separation'as r'ell *.""*r*"t r'."*r'olds. Some of the characteristics of the household * r"-"i"'U*"i units Nere overcrow&ng and lack of privacv' At the individual levet, those iD the culture of povertv are seen as f.rialistic.Thel hare lveak cgo structurcs"rnd nr.*,,t-ti.* nti"*.a "nd ,bou,.cr roles,despirean ennhasison masculinir' T}es" Lbi*ln C€rtail latter"attributcs are alegediy related to maternrl dcprivation an ;ndividual characteristics are related to tl€ nature of the life cvcle: (the .r-tu ini.lu,io" into sex and a relativel)' short period of childbood period dudng which the child is protected and dePendent)' Lervis jircludes nr his descriPtioD a rumber o{ economic chluacteristics unrelated to the four-fold ciassiffcation These would include high rates of underernplq'ment and unemllovment, low $ages when emsmall quantities of goods lack of saving' oloved. frequent p"'"t**.f infornal credit meclanisns pawning' small-scale uffious bonovins. goods and the use of secondhand It should be apparent ihat lack of organization or €vid€nce of disorqanization is found at all four levels in the culture of povertv Lewis *?s.tt. th"t Ihe culture of porerw. oncc it comesinlo 'xiilence lendj ro3 perpetuatedLtuough time. ffgonlhs ol 'haAEcs in thc 'hdlm' is transmitted i tn" Wopb. He vile' s it as a subculture that "*i sir or se\en' "t jndicatP\ is child the hme:r lhal bv intersene;ation;llv. He povertv Thus' of the culrure into molded he or-shebrs been ineversiblv to as unable is viewed pov€rtv of raised in tlre culture u" i"ai"ia.l take advantage of changing circumstances The Ute of Antirqological

Conce?u

In the ffrst chapter of this volurne, we discussed four continuing tbemes in anthropology that should be carried over into urban anthmpology, etlnography. hotiim. comparison.and rclativism The culture central to anthropologv bul problemrtic in L"".pt ** ai"*.*a ^ its usasein omplex society. ri r.*is risearch in Vexim Citv, rhe ba\ic tFchniqucsof ethnocraohv were u\ed He obvioblv wa' intimatelv conccrnFJwith his inprovided us vith deta.iledde'criptions of evervtlav adivfo'mant., and -histories. clearlv Tlre research in San Juan is not ities and life ^s coll€cdata actual about ttre questions raised has Leeds ethnogmphic.

308

tion pro€ess.3L€wis did not live in the community, nor were his contacts with informaDts as continuous and long-term as thos€ in Mexico Cig. Conceming bo)ism, Lewis' work app€ars to ft the gereral nodel in some ways. His emphasis upon the multiplicity of relationships betwe€n the culture of poverty and tle larger external rysrem that gerL erates it is quite explicit However, he frequently confuses the two; tlat is, h€ includes as pa of the culture of tlrc pmr aipects of life that are cbaracteristic of the external system, not responses to it. For eramDle. he lriks of uncmploymcnl :ts a trnit ot the rulture, $hen ir th. ecn erator of pu\.rty itsef. UnJortunately.Lewis develops, b.ail lid rather than a syst€mic view of tle relationships between $pects of the culture. Therefore, what is GDaIy derived as the culture of poverty is a series of characteistics, not carefu y linked to one another or to the nattle of the larger society. \Mrile Lewis was comparative, in that he compared }texico City to San Juan. h€ did nor clearly depict the similaritiesaDd diffseDcesin the nature oI both places, as would be required in a conrolled conparison. Moreover, the fact tbat he did not study any non-Hispanic qrltural system, and still generalized to all of the Third World on the one hand and the United States on the other, belies the kind of careful conpadson call€d for in Chapter 7. A naior difrculty with the use of the culture conc€pt in c.oni|mction witl poverty (or with any question relating to coEplex societies), is that the conc€pt of culture has varied and charged over time. Altlough accwted as basic, the concept has never been succesdully detued in a univenally accepted way by aDthmpologists. In Lewis' use o{ the culture concept when d€aling with poverty, he emphasized the self-perpetuation of the cutture of poverty-the Dotion that children are doomed to the culture of poverty by age six. TLe usc of early childhood socialization as the explanatory device for rhe transmission of culturc has beeD characteristic of anthropolo$/ since ns beginning and is even re0ected in Tylori in0uential deffnitiotr. More recent studies have focused upon this process as a central research problem in order to detemine when early socialization is important and wh€n it is Dot. Lewis, on the other hDd, simply accepts early childhood cultunl bansmjrsion as the only significant encultuation process, without recognizing tle issues involved. In rec€nt times, on€ s€es two €mergent views of culture. In one view, culture is a system of cognitive categories or cognitive maFs, 3 Anthdy t€€di, Th€ Conapt of the'Culture of Poverty': con@phDl [email protected] Ehpiri@l Problems with Pespe.tives frcm Brazil and Pen!" in E. teqEk (ed.). cultu/e ol P@ttv: A ctitiqra (N€w Yor&j Simon ud Schuster, Im., Ig/l ), pp. 22& 44.

which individuals carry around in their heads and txansmit through sytrbolic codes. The ss'r} of th€ overlapphg elements of individual @sritive maos is cttlJut? The other point o{ view seet cullure as a set of'adaptivt' #ategies lor suryiral, usually linked to a particular setting of ava'ilable reso;ces and external c'onstmints. This is an €cological aDDroachto cultu€. Ipwis does not rccosnizelhese two trends and uses a traditional defuition of culture as a;wav of life " Thus, the ecological appmachthe senention of culture and continucd ctlture change resulting frcm interaction with the €€osystem is not found in Irwid formulation' L.e$,is views the culture of poverty mor€ as a sharcd set of cognitiv€ maps- He presents a Yiew of the carbon copv recapitulation of a way of fife, geniration after genemtion, without anv notion oI the interaction of tbis way of Me with changing e emar syst€ms. f'o. io* O" eognitive and emlogical approaches, the issue of ! cfiange is 6mdarnental. It is generally re€ognized that modem -society is dracterized by rapid tat€s of change, particularlv in the technological and economic spheres Thus, modem culture concepts must b€ able to deal with change. In I.ewis' detuition of the cultur€ of tr'overty, however, tle issue is dealt .i/ith by sugg€sting that those in the culture of Dovertv are relativelv immune from changesin the extemal system' Th,ls we Lve a view ot cultural traditions which are self-perpeluating and closed to outride in{ueDc€s. * To some degree, the concept of cultuie can be useful in the study oI urban poor. For one thing, it focuses our attention oD sharcd beI havioral Jttems. rather than on behavior as individuallv deiived The culture corcept can tbus be used pmductively in showing variabilitv of paftemed behavioral responses which difier because of the socioecoi nom;c posidon of a gmup in tbe slstem to *hich thev are rrsponding Thus, classsubc"ltu.es or subculturesof occupationalstahrs communi ties can be fruittully studied. It might be suggested that we moalify the cultural c'onc€pt for use in moden-Me. Tlrerc seem to be manv temponl levels involved As a situation changes, mary shared (socially trarxmifted) req)onses can be developed. Some of these may b€ short-term coping responses,in the sense that tlrey teDd to disapp€ar, while still otiers mav become part of permanent adaptive strategi€s and persist over gen€ratlons Thus, in ch^apten 4 and 5, we have noted changes that have occurred in the manipulaton of kinsbip and ethnic linkages in urban settings The issu€ of thi oenistence or duration oI thes€ changing pattems through time is a rc;arch probtem which most anthropologists have not yet studied' The aspect oI the culture concept that seems least appropriat€ in the study of urban poverty gmups is that which focuses on intergenera-

I

i

I i r

F

3lr

310 tional transmission of basic values and belief systetns,which serv€ a5 drc basis of behavioral r€sponses.W€ would agrce that social leaming remains as the major process for the transmission of values and beliefs. How€ver, the le ning may be intragenerational in peer groups, rather than intergenerational, leading to persistencefor over four hundred vean as Lewjr ;ggests. Attdbuting behavioral responsessolelv to eadv paretr! child socialization s€ems unwananted on tle basis of €mpirical data We need a nodiffed deffnition of culture that takes into account difier€nt temporat durntions and intragenerationairnodcs of rcial traDsmi5sion in order to understand modem societv. ADolher m^ior di$cully wilh the culture concept ttral emerg€s from Lewid work js that it cannot handle w€ll the phenomenon of social and ecosrophicmohilty ln a gencral sav. the culture ({nccpl used bv ."Ltr-"ot"si.r. ao.' nol lcnd itselJwell lo the study ol mohilc societies Since individual mobility is so signiffcant in modem industrial societies, this problem ir very serious ln atry group of poor people, there are qoin; lo he seAmentsmoving out ot poverv an,l manifestingbehavioral i..pJn". p"rr"-. quite diffcrenr from rhosesuggestedbv Lewis Moreover, the;lderly have usually been downwardlv mobile and thus have had very difi€r€nt life experiences {mm the long{erm poor' Thev too manifest a very difercnt set of behavioral i€sponses. I-€wis says that some poor people are not in 'the culture of povertv" blt h€ do€s not exolain whv. If the triditional culturc concept i5 maintained, then one *oaa Uu" to look for dtficiences in childhood socialization or social transmirsion to explair the difi€renc€ in behavior of those who manifesl upward or downward mobility. If, howev€r, a de6nition of cultue is us€d that rccognizes the life cycle as mntaining many situations tnat lead to resocialization folowing changes in social status, tben nobility can be seen as a response to situational changes leading to new social leamins. One of the characteristics of memben of complex societies is that they not on\ change status pat]$, but thcy also occupy a variety of statusessimultaneouslv. In addition to the universal statusesof age' se4 and kinship, other statuses relate to wo* or lack of work' location of rcsid€nc€, l€isure'time preferences, ethnic gmup, and class. The cultue of poverty notion is based solely upon class and thus disregards many of the other statusesthat are signiicant for any poor in&vidual Each of these statuses generates a pattemed set of shared rules apFopriate to the incumbents of the status. Th€ total cultunl system i5 an articulated combination of these subcuttuml rules Lewis himself recognizes this by suggesting tiat the cultur€ of poverty might be underrtood as a subculture, not a ful! cutture However, Lewis sees his individual infor,-.-!"

.-r

+ r . "r .

- , . - l^' ,

{ "- r li^"

..

^f

.-1-

^-"

t|

"

and,hc of poverty suhcurrure ril,,f;];j:sljob:ll,::::'' i.i,;:','i.-L lor rnerr rules pattemed the shered derivc *"';;;.;;d;.i"d t *t't:1 thatth€conccpt P:T1"tX

:iill;iljl:'l;":"'"1'*,::1rilil";ilJr't ll:*.fu or rite becam"rhc vehicrctor ex" rn "' -") reha!'or qtious pads'1t.t-*lJ'111.. ,,,""', to tie srudvor ^, whorc '" .r ,r'' (sncFpt ''"'il?::'i;";il;;;i"-ii"'

il:::#"..;f;'r,;;; pi"'""g iiri",l.*,

,*;::i.,Tl'J:ii'll't::"$'ilx; ::iil:'",'ffi"'',:Ii;"1'fl :,"Jllii U"*a

up i" fail, si'cc thcre is no easv rvav o{ summing

;J*ll*:i,lT,n::"'*"J#1ll:'fi ":'?.' :rhJ,T'l""lff :i.I ::i"iT*?'-T;1fr nur*h*:r1:,:l',1::1T".,1fi ",i":J'::ii: i"l}ff"ff: l"ll"'s::i u' j*T:"il'l'Ii',i?l: ".H'*f ' h""***m"#*'li:'ffl1":"' "T.''3h'[H ..-C..-."y-"

""*;;.-; r*J""r

jmporrant in $hich as which suhcurturcsar' ol differenf subcuiluresreintorce each *a'no* ";;;;." ao "p"ts

:tr.,.;trl*mx':lT:J;fJ'""i:'jL""i:'-J:j.';j."T ;',:il':3:i '::T:"i:,"'1.',"*"'l"lf xlsl';.":ft Hl;fu'""x'* ;t**"R*"",:sixJi:"'ff":'"'ff 1":1",i*'l-1il'"*"'.u" to a dvnamic pmcess i"a;"ra""'i fr.f,"'i.i, we introduc€ a static notion changins bis bestatus' to status movesrrorn ;ild""I ;;*J;;'.h" svstems subcultural actuar to artinciallv derineate ;J;;]il;;";;,

tinn:':iu::t*:,":"llrt;*::"Tft il$"f*r,Tr: thus showbg how thev can sometimes r

neqate€ach other' times ""."ffi;r;-;;;i multiple roles in an urban settingis tound in ." rhe den'irv ol rolc relarion(hip\'rln it he attcmprs' s.*r',I-ili'"r" or the urban\efting rrrhoushhe roresvsrenr ;;;r*;i;;":i.;;,he generatedbv each rore and their ;;';;;;;;'il'""i ".a ''l* Itrn'n { Wslter B. Nilter, Suboltue, Smill netom and the 'Culture of Povertt'"'

oru'bdi^ Inder lf?T.t:i,. Hl'Ji'l;i'l,i'.^" 0".,,^,'o' a'a univ"^.r tr'$ odo'd Uni\chitv ,'i".':. il s..ir*[ '"a.'. uftaaA t"owtosu'Ne('fn-l:

implications for behavior. He is interested more in mapping .ole relalionships and predicring thcir structural outomes th;-ln .*.r"." lhcir behavioral implications.bur his s'{tem can be used .t"rl;; " ". Ntiler point for the gencrationof subcutturatbcbavioratrutcs. Soth a;i Sout}lall are analytically brcaking down the complexity tbat I_ewis he;; in an overgeneral marmer. Relatioistn Md Eth',oce',,tril'n I,ewis' concept lacl$ the pe pcctive of cultulat relativism, a coDlFptual tool.which we ha\e pre\iou\ty dircusseda\ one of rne sr,"ngr63 ot aElhropologl. His erhno.entrismshows in hb descriprionof rhe culture of poverty as a rhin culture and his equation oi tne cultr,,e of poverty with a 'poverty of culture." The latter may indeed be a catchv phrase and a neat linguistic aphorism, but it demonstnter an attituJl toward a particular segment of society thar n peiorative. This aftitude carries over into the dbcussion of tmits, many of which Iawi, describes ar "Iack of rarhcr than descrihingwhar is presenr.It is obviour -" that Lewis is qorking from a frame{ork of middje classnotionsot what shauu exist. Le$.is sugg€ststhat those in the culture of pverty lack organize_ tion, but h€ subsequently notes their ability to develop inforrnJcredit groups and mutual aid mechanisrns. IIe obviourly views organization from a middle classvantage point, which assumesthat only foriral stnc_ tures with speci6cgoals are organized."We have previouslymentiooed tnal one rlrength of urbaDaDthropotogyis irs abiliry to umover inlormal structures aDd networks that have no lab€ls and titles. It is obvious fton Lewi\'owT data tlat much info'rnal organizariondoesexist.wirhout rhe lormal characleristic of names,o6cers. and archtves. T}is ethnocentricview is particularly lpparenr in Lewis.dcrcrip_ ||on o amrty pattem\ and pehonrtib rypes. DisregaidiDgdininishing marital stability tbroughout rhe entire classspectrum,l,ewir focuseson marital instability lor this group atone. In ;haracrerizing rhe female_ Daseonousehordas a paniat vclsion of rhe..norrnat" family. be is ne_ glecting anthropological literature on domestic cycles u"j ao,"""ti. vadations that tend ro occur under certain csnditions. In addition, his description of individuab a( havtng werl ego st ucrures. as being lalati\tic and presmt-time oricnted. or as ha!i,g confusedsex identjties is obviously based upon class biased psychologicat modets of what con_ stitutes adequate egos, time orientations. and sex identities. Also is _he comparing the rniddle class ideals of planning for the future and defened gratifcation with the actual tenniior ot "tne poo,. This is not the same as c\omparing middle class behaoior with tniertv

t'etutaior, s]J:,cerccent middle class consumption patterff indicat€ a lack of concem for the future. L€wrs notes that manv of tlose in the culture of poverty hold middle ctass ide^ls about the desirability of a stable nuclear familv but do not follow their ideals. This same discrepancy b€tween idsdl and rcaI behaviot exists for the middle class as well.o In all faimess to l-€wis, his inJormants are portray€d in their own words as slanpathetic human b€ings. However, the culture of poverty conc€pt denigrated their behavior and their beliefs.

Wn r rs Uns N

^mur

rrfi CuLrItnE oF PoirRTy?

In Chapter 2, rve discussed problems in deffning the concept of urban- The culture of povety lit€rature contains nany examples of The emphasis upon poveity gmups in urban arcas in modem and developing soci€ti€s is primarily the result of an eroneous association of tbe term u$an anthftpolagg with the so called urban cdsis, which leadx ro an interest in the poor the rnarginal, and the disenfranchised. Fox has divided urban anthropology into thrc€ categories, the laryest of which is'the anthmpology of poverty." r He includes in this cat€gory most of the urban ethnographic Iitenture that do€s not deal with migntion or wjth tle city as a whole. As we noted in Chapter 1, on€ of the tren& in early urban andrropology was a concem with social problens and the s€arch for solutions. However- w€ would maintain that continued overemphasisof this one area will distort the subffeld. Poverty is not an exclusively urban phenomenon, nor is it generated by the nature of citi€s. Gulick has noted for American society that poverty, racisrn, and sexism are fundamental characteristics o{ the laiger social system atrd not m€rely aspects of urban localities.3 L€wis himseu explicidy recogniz€s that tle development of the culture of poverty is a consequence of modem industrial capitalist society wit}l its labor mark€t, its materialism, and its pro6t ori€ntationrather tlran the uban setting. He suggests that, as traditional agraian societies follow a capitalist indD(rial model, a culture of poverty wilt 6Fo. e imlDrtst dinsid of the teniieDcy ro onfu. ideal behavior with real b€bavic in dmparing c)s subflltur€s, se S. Iq. lvtill€r, F. Reissman and A. S@gull, ''Pov€rty dd Self-Indulgene: A C.itiqu€ of tlE Non-D.fened cmtiff€tion Pattem." in L- Fl:mM et al. lei]6.), P@rtr in [email protected] (A.n Arbor: Unitctrfty of Michigan Prs, 1965), pp, 41G32. , Fo\ Cil@ tn 'Ih.i/ Cxllurol Se|.ingt, 3J. Gulick, "Th€ Outl@}, nMrch Stntesi.s and Rel.vane of Urban Anihropoloey," in E. Eddy (ed.), (/raun Ant lroroioss ( Athcns, C.orgia: Unive6ity of Gdrsia P6s, l96a ), pp. 93-98.

314

emerge.Howev(r. bis poverry rFsearchhrs been carried out er.tuivetv in urbrn areas;hi\ selectionof th. slum-communiry * th. g;g;;;: rocu-sjnwhich LhFrutrure or poverry$itt U" r.,"a a... gi". ti. i,i,ii an urban appearance. The Tlture of poverty issue lalls norc neatty under th€ rubric of- anthropologyot ufion indt/sttiat jor.,"ry. rarher rhan in.or o/,tle cib. tl ore werc remrred r" mnu.n r].is"rth-p"#; 1..,. i;;i: anrnroporogyo/ .rties. then it would be esscntiatto srudy rhe efiectsof lhp urbrn \F ing o rhc nu\^rr\ p.,p,rt.,tio . {s \. \ill ",h",ru.nri, sr In our drs(1r\\ion,fm.rho.loft,g)rhir i\ dificuJr bur can be dooe. Ine.rircK u, ctezrt) detjncd urhan po\ertt researchcao only lcad to a continuing confusioD between urbaDism, modemisrq aDd i"a*t tanJ

In _ conc€pt formation, tlere arc two mutually interacting p.ocess€s involved, induction and deduction. The inductiae i.-*il"i i_ce* r. a concept or model is derived f,om pnor empiricat research. ",i. fhe az. du.t e pro.css is on. in which the rhcorirt star{s wilh a series of as. surnptions.d?velop\ a modet in a logicat manner.and rhen tesrs rhe mD_ *.T"d:r b) doins empirical rerearch.Mosr phitosophersof scieDce i:il orrt,ng]lrshrhese rwo modes.bur in realiry rLey are often jo,ned iD a prccess of fomulating and testing. kyto'conc€pt was d€.ived fron his originat fetdwork in Medco ^ Citt Md was rhur inductivety derived. tewis conrendsthar in bis lare! \tudy ol Puerto Rican stum life. he xas tcsring tbe vali&ry of rhe coD_ cepl in a diflerent cuJruralsetring. Ir must btno(ed rl,t tt. tf,-,r.f qds rlc devetopmeDrof I cross Le\:i: cutruar. generatizabte )o]k model,or the raluer and behaviur ot I poverty segmentof the F)pula_ t,on Ho$ever,it doe\ nor appearfrom rhe work in San Gai the Juan mooerdevetopedearlier was uctualJytesred in the Geldsituatiotr. What seem
315

Valentinei critiquc of Lewis. By selecting {rorn th€ mass of data prese{ed iD the body of the La Vina volume, Valentine is able to d€monstrate rcpeat€dly areas in which the behavior of members o{ tle Rios e family completely ontradict the culture of poverty trait list These obvious contradictions remain unexplored and unexplained bv Lewis ad thus become a basic issue related to tie validity of the concept In tenns of research design, Lewis' initial work in Mexico Cib/ was a tEditionil anthropological stud)' without a pmbtem focus Lct'is felt tbat he hid discovcredln unex?loredconstituency{or anthropological ffeldl'ork the urban slum dweller. He was studying the "wav of li{e" of this group in traditional fashion ln his long-range study of this constituency, he d€veloped th€ culturc of poverty notion as a bv-product \\4en Lewis shifted his research fofls to Puerto Rico, he had rnore clearly formutated a problem the testing of the culture of pov€rty rnodel. ln tl)n latter fomulation, one muld say that the culture of poverty is a d€pedent variable, or the outcome of a set of society-wide conditions, which are ind€pendent variables. However, by Dot explicitlv folowiDg this kind of logical procedure, he was trapped into the position of viewing th€ cutture of povedy as a self-perpetuating subcultural ln the translation o{ a conceptual fonnulation into a research design, an important element is the development of *'ays to deffne the variables. When rv€ look at the rnultiPlicity o{ variables that comprise the cultwe oI poverty, w€ ar€ given no clues as to how most of them are defned. Another methodological source of confusion in Lewis' work is the lack of any cl€ar-cut separation of those aspects of the larger social system related to the position of tle poor in the social system from those aspects that Iorm ttre culture (or adaptive response to the position). Thus, when Lcwis includes within th€ ttd#s of the culturc such items as high rates of unemptoyment, lack of cash reserves, and other situational coDstraints,h€ is adding attributes to the dependent variable that rea y compris€ tl€ independent vanables. Pmblar

of SelactirLea Unit ol Studs

h our discussion of social units in Chapt€r 7, we suggested that either a paticular unit may be selected to study its characteristics, or a prublem may be select€d to study within t}le context o{ the unit as an ethnographic target population. Lewis' tactic is to take the latter ap' eC. V.leDtine. Cllr!ft and. PoDen!: A Critiqte Univc^itv of Chicaso PF$. 1968).

o d CounreryropMLt

(CHaEo:

316

3I 7

pmach. However. tbe research problem_tbe d€scnption ot lhe cuthE or povert)-caDnot be readily dbassociatedfron the social uDil. k; assumesthat r}re stum b the geographicor spariat mit wirni" ;;i"; oDe.canstudy rhe cutrure of poverry. He not; thal not aX stum ; characterized in this way. They caDtrot even all be char_ acrenzeo as poor. ttut he never selects a pool of poor deGned in ru_ rhe ednographic targer po;utarioo. He at.o .ot.; ;;t "1d.,.:p".* nor ru the cnamcterinics of the culture of poverty caD be foud in any dum group. , Eventually, he nanows the tens rhrcugh which one seesthe cdture of poverty ro a single family. Once he rums f.om r_hesl"m com_ounit ro rne iamry as tne @if ot anallsir the questionof wherner rne fanilv is an appropri_ate unit for thc study of a cJhre o. s,,kdrure is ;;;i arery,mrsed..tr.one were to accepr Lewis. norion (whicb we do oot) rnar urere rs trnle orgaDiation abore the family levet, tben perhaps one could_derive a culture or subculture ftom family studies. il*;;.;'j; wo:'lj inen be rncumbeDt_urrcD rf,wis ro descriL il. .i-ir",ity io and behaeor dnoag rie families wbo share the comrnon traditioo "ni,,"s of the culture of poverty and indicarerhe meansof social oarsmission, nameivnetraorks and inlormat sociat structures. ln lzrwx' I4 Vi.Iq he *lies; only one family, and one which be hinsetf states is .,ypt*t_ Iil;; thal the nios famiJy is characterizedby the mosr -urbnded id- rhat he nas ever observed. frostitutioD is also not rr?ical of orher famites. Tbur we-have ro indication ot the extenr to which the ftos hmilv reorcseni a sbaredpattem that could be caued a subcutture J ;;;"r-'** Going b€yoDd Lewis'work in the qJtUIe of pverty,'it can be jF, the study of "the poof as aD *b." ; :l9ej","d search probrem briDgs to r}le fore many basic issues""s_;bsid in tht*l*d", serectins an inner.city stunr. or an irrsutar comDunity "f lllsquancr l 3, "rll lettlemcnt). or a minonry erhnic group rf," _tt i" *bi.i ro sruoy.he behauor of the poor js a basic error. ". Even coDmunities ano ernnic groups that have a higl proportion of poor people wiGiD

,.,.s_. or remporarijy poor,

:l:ll{,:r, loDtal,, larce"".u1" "r wtrrcn makesuch uDirsinappropriate. of rhe .inappropriateuse or the esnic minoriry group, -.liTol::, as the ur|lt vir}iD which -"^.._t:l^", ro dudy poverg can be seenin rhe worl or varent|neand parker and Kleiner.'oIn both cases,the worl wrs used rn rerauoDto tne cutture of poverty $n.ept. ValeotiDe cites tbe lrteranlre on rJtackAmedcansin a discussionof rhe cultur of povertv and oe scenN ro ma*e ne as\umption thal B)acks are equivaLnt to -tlre ptu^r: nd s. peker md n. Khinq, .The c,irure of lo.l{tu'TeAn glr1rp and rovetrr: ". Dimehio!.,Aed@, Anthrer&.4;nr,72 tlS7_o].,,:.ril ^diurrve

poor." Parker and Kleiner use data collect€d in a previous proiect on Blacks and m€ntal illness to discuss whether these Blacks have culture of poverty beliefs. This pafiicular wo* prcsents two problems. It assumes that b€ing Black is being poor. It also confuses the relatioEship between rlcial minority status and poverty status- II the research in a Blact populition does indicate feelings of hopelessnessand fatalism, are these related to being poor or to being in an oppressed underclass? The pmblem of selecting an apprcpriate social unit is also demonstrated in n number oI commqnity studies used to re{ute Lewis, wherc it is assumed that the neighborhoods selected are equiv ent to "the poor." Mangin useshis experienceswitl luniodas (squatter settlements) in Lima, l,€ed!, his data on td@&rr in Rio, and Safa her data on a sharBto*'n in San Juan to disprcve the culturc oI poverty notion. They do not explicitly point out that their communities were, in fact, not equivalent to the poor, b:ut contained people of difierent occupational levels. earcer directions. and incsme.11 Poverty must be defned itr economic terms, since it is basically an economic c.ondifron. The consequence of econornic deprivation for behavior is the area that must be studied. However, a population defined merely by income characteiistics tends to b€ a social aggegat€ oI unrelate4 non interacting people. Such an aggregat€ is not a useful ethDographic unit. A search for a common culture among this aggregate is inatrpmpriate. Probably the very best utrit to use in the ethrographie study of poverty and its cons€quenc€swould be an occupational status c.ommunity. In every comple! society, there are certain low-paying occupations. Thos€ pur$ring slch occupations would therelore represent a group who live in c.onditions of poverty, characteriz-edby instability or intermittency of employrnent. These jobs are frequently time-consurning, and/or require heawy ph'sical e{Iort. Tbey are considered menial, diny, and urpleasant and are frequently viewed by other members of society as defliog to those who punue them. ln urban areas, specifc oc*upations that would fall into the pov€rty level category are: non-mechanized c\onstnction labor, dockwork, pedicab ddvers, porteE (cariers of h€aly itelns), domesti.r, janitors, scaveDgers, street vendon, ard watchmen. In some of these occupations, tbe individual is sef-employed and has relativ€ autonomy over bis time 11 Mdsin, PtzgnlJ ir Cit's rnd Pov€rty and Politis in the rrtin Ane.icu Citv." b L. Blmberg md H. Sclnrndt (e.Js.), PNet, Ponen! 6nd Uho6 Poltv, Utbn ,{fitns Anual Review, wl. 2, r970j Ledr, "The cdept of the 'cultur€ of PDv€rty'"; ad llels $Ia, "Th€ &ri!l Isol.tioD of rhe Urban Poor: Life in. herro Ri..n sbdty To@," in L Deutsh€r and E. Thonpson (e&.), nadc rtu PeoPl"j E@nters aith rhe PM lNew Yo.k: BBic Bols, Inc., PublisheN, 196A), pp. 335-

318

and efort. How€ver the monetary rewardi arc minimal, unpredictable, and often lead to depending on creditors for survival. In other cases, the individual works for others, often on a day labor bmis, so that he or she has no job secunty and has little control over the work situation. Tbe common thread in all of the.se jobs is that returns are srnall insccure, and sporadic. so tlat tlose who do tlis kind of work live iD conditions of material deprivation md insecunty. Most of the occupations catalogued above abould in citics in societies that are not fuu industrialized. NlcchaDizatioDfrequcltlv leads to the elinrination of such work. Another way in which some of th€s€ occupations are transformed is throueh $ionization and bureaucratization. For exampl€, construction workers and longshorernen,th]ough union organizations, developed t}le bargaining pover to assure them a secure income above t}lc poverty lcvel. Bureaucratic organization of rvork lus clmnutcd such jobs as the sma -scale watclman, replacing him with private and public security organizations, which are hierarchically organized and glarantee employrnent security and befter pey. In the transfomation from a preindustrial to a postindustrial society, many occupations formerly characterized by poverty level income and iDsecurity arc eliminated or transformed. Despite technology and the oiganization of work, there are sti[ some an; ogues to these marginal occupations in the indusEialized world. Thesc include menial workes in rcstaurants and hospitals, janitors, donrestics, and vestiges of premecharized construction work and cqrmerce. Even when attempts have been made to unionize or bureaucratize day labores on some of these jobs, they have not been able to prevent high tumover, mass lay-ofis, and th€ poor wo*ing con&tioff that encouage tumover. Furthermorc, somc powerful unions seek to exploit the oqanized lowlevel worker. Economists recogDizethat there is a secondary labor market in th€ United States in which jobs are chamcterized by short-term employment, low wages, and no fringe b€neffts. In fact, thjs labor market rccruits fmm a pool of labor characterized by low incom€, sporadic cmployment, alld job sequencescharacterized by hortzontal movement mther than verti€al career prcgression. The secondary hbor market co$ists of dead-end tob,s. The phenonenon of poverty jn contemporary American society is clear\ related to an cconomic system that under normal economic conditions, assumesan unemplolment rate of approximately si' percent. A certai! scgment of this honal" population of unemploycd consists of those who are Iong-termunemployed (out of rvo* one year or more). Despite r social welfare system tbat providei some cumpensation, the amount of income while uncmployed i5 wel below the poverty line. Based upon this discussion, we *'ould contend that the most ap-

might studv Dropriate social unit witlin which tie urban anthropologist in li"'i-"".r ot Dovetv is nnc ba'ed up"n occunalionor participation mF space or thc sercndary labor mrrtct. 'athcr lhan a unit hascJ on cvclcs or career ir m{sinal people rrnih o{ Interrctins ;;il;;;: to oe loncie.m uemnlot.d ,an he studitd '' The parlicular e$ecls indepenthe but researcher' particuhr rhe iJ ."i..'Fd bv ;,;;;"ld deprivatim could be cleartv defined and mea.-'".,-;"r J"llt a unit' ""i, .*"a. C",tt"a i. ."" .r the Iew urban anthropologists to use such rn unt t'rrgct ar cthnographic |1s He setectcdtne loDg-tcflDuremploled kin$'ere variables Hjs dependent U' A{rican"urban rescarch ""-..f ship and n€twork ties.l3

Eflncs A D PolcY IMPLrcATroNs (see ChapIn an eartier discussion of ethics in urban anthropology population urban witl an working ter 7). we Doted that anthropologists of this comPan $ork lhe) whom ro the group with i""" be used " t}|at can anallses -..i*.^ is to avoid generatingdata and/or mitrn.Dl consequences of the tim€s at all asainst iDformants. They should be aware oi oublic rse of their data and generalizations Thii cdterion pertains as well to tle culture of povertv concept attacked th€ Lewis formulation have done so lvra"roi tn*" dealing -loLve rr d" i*;. * it" i-pli"ations for the dcvelopment of programs wdting was timc Lewis lhe with Dovertv. lt shoJd be noted that al was-the poticy domestic a major thrust ot Amencan "U"",',f* "6*"p,, of poverty. The various Progrxms that were drveloP€d in eradication ot $e l960slo deal with thi\ pfl,blem rveresubturnedunder the notion progrims what " the "War on Poverty For those invotved in determining were.two could be estabtishedlo climinatP povertv conditions therc uncrcareo \{hich major rllemativ.r: either aflack the economicsvslem behavior and values and Dnderemplovment o/ attack the "-if.u-"", w€ic as'umed to be intereenerationallv transmitted $hich ;i i;;. -Ay ,hstnsetors p€4etuated poverty bv int€rfering with up"'n'i.f, as ""a ward mohiXry Alrhough L€$is did accePt the largcr socicl .sy'tPm lhP culture ol s€neratinc pov.rty, hi\ empha{ison thF seU-perpeluation if o*"tty ** the poinl of departure tor elaburalionb) tho'e developon irg speciic aotipoverty progrdms Thus. many programsof the War l! For a disllNiotr ul rhi' b$e. se L, Eme' and l Coodc U'hdn Po'dttl^ t Crc*, Gooue r4v?tD mo tultutul C6tP1r (Ncs Yorl: Free Ptes. l973i Clapl"r 4: J I t tetz" t'tr' rl Anthtu'1ot^vv' ct$diltn tv'Jr'r ldtnol Gl€n Anah\is. i

li',iliI**' ; If..llT;'{ft;Ti'.:T:X,*:"'lY"l'16.?i i:?,:1",":*tf

320

321

w_er: designed to chang€ th€ beLavior and values of tle poor l)verty These included mmpensatory educarioD prograEs. matrpower trainins programs.and oommunjty actioD prog'ar's. Since r,ewis httrr,ett main: tains that tl€ only way of changing tle culture of poverty in tte Udtea States is through a psychiatric or social wo* approach, his -scieDtif,c credentials" reinforced such governm€Dt programs. tuotler rearonfor tbe attractiveness of Lewis' formutationto Dolis makerswas that it explainedlaitures in education heahh care, and joi training prcgraDs. If programs faited, the inappropriate values of their clients could bc blancd, instead of the iI conceived or misryplied nature of the Fogram itser. Finally, the concept was boadly accepted becaus3 it bolstered the popular vi€w tlat Lad developed since the Indusuial Revolution that tle poor were responsible for their own condition. Le\a,is by providine a "scienH-6cexplanationbased on norions of intersenera_ lional. trdnsrnissionand ear\ chitdhood lociatizrtion. was reinforcing already existing beliefs. Another ethical issue mentioned in Chapter 7 is that of national pdde. In his later wo* in Mexico City and San Juan, Lewis' descriptions of the life of the poor oFend€d many Mexicans and l,uero Ricans. Thev felt hjs presentationof tife in rbesecounrrieswas unbalanc,ed and pejorative. When one readr some of tlre anti-Lewis statem€nts, aDd when one is exposedto Puerto Rican shrdents who have read fu Vtdd, this national disnay is quite appar€nt. SiDce Lewis' work is so \yidelv read bv norL professionals, many Puerto Bicansfeet it has sinpty reinforcedthe negative-stereoB?esof Puerio Ricans held by tbe American pubtic. A"3a result of such strone fcefings, Lewis became persona rcn gmta in lnt\ M€xico and Puerto Rico, making frntler research in tnese sites inpossible When he popularly disseminated an untested hypothesis, which was then generalized to the total capitalisrindustrial world, Lewis act€d contrary to the standards for co cem about the uses and Dossiblemisuses of anthropolo8icalstudies. Once again, we must t€mper tiis criticism by looking at Lewis' wo*- in the context of its tim€. The issue of the social resoonsibilitv of the antlropologid \ras not cplicitly rahed unril $e lafler oart of rbe 1960s.'r Lewis qork oo rhe urhan poor considerabtvanredared thir. In his day, anthropologistr sought "knowtedge fo! its oM sake.- The b€lief tbat on€ owed onds in{ormants something in return, or that one must prctect them from the porential misuse of data had not becune widespread. It is too easy to castigate with hindsighr And Lewir was by ..s(iat Rdrnn\ibiliries slrpasiuo," lc lpTTan c. cieslno:md X. c.ush. I ut4r Atrth@porolu,9,t 19681 39t-435 Ditue Lai,. tsm, Lunenr AnlhrcpoloAu, 14 (1973).581-602.

-Anrhrcpotngy and colonial_

no means the only one responsible for developing notions of cultural
a'd nebvance of

to t€st and/or r€fute Lewis' contentions. Another reason for this concen_ tration on the lowe. segments was because they s€emed e]asyto deff; and were ielatively accessible. As we noted earlier, th. .t.L *" ;;;fi the anthropologist, while the poor do nor ha"e the resources to do tiJ Many of the morc radical
We bave fr€quently noted the tendency of urban ethnographe$ to concentrateupon tbe poorer segnents of tbe urban poputation. This Drascan De seenin the conEoversyover the culture of poverty coDcept. Oscar Lewis' work has been cenEal to tiis conEo""."y. A po"..r_ ing ffgu.€-in the development of urban anthropotogy, he foc"jtoward the.endof his career_atrno\t cxcJusivety upon rL.,riiay.f p"*rty. n... sucn sruoes he devetopedthe norjon of r commonslbcultrre that char_ scl.nzes segmcnrsof lhc poor poputarionin many areas of the world. Tle povcrty subculrure concept has many rheoretimt linitatioos. _ -\lany contcmporaryanrhropologisrs avoid rhe useof the cutrureconceDt. roMtusin (€d.),pee'& ln cirie,

partiorlarly when dealing with conpl€a societi€s Most of the core charof the pov€rty subculture concept have been questioned bv Lt".i"tio other antlropotogists as representing a list of taits' many of which are conEadictory, not testable, and n€gative in tone Pov€rty is obvioudy not an exclusivelv urban problem, and a-culpoverty-to tbe extent to which it might exist-is not a particularly of tue uban oroblen. The inclusion of the literature dealing with thh issue u"d.r urba" mthropology is an eror' It do€s not fall into the category of antlropologl ol the cit), or antlroPolog,vin tbe cit), but r'zltherthe anthropology ot compl€x soci€ty ethnograPhic studies Lave b€en concemed with AtAo"gL -r"y Lewis fomulation, th€ selectioD and delineation the tisting refuting or to study povertv subcultwe remains probwhich unit within of a social and ethics nised in Chapter 7 of rnethodology issues lematic. Many the p{,or. The overeDphasis on study of issues ilr the become critical nuch energv Tn many has misdi.ected antluopolog Doverty in urbaD lhcir attention to odrer segnow shifting ar€ cases,urbar ethnographers population menrs of tbe urban

BibliograPhY Selected nPnt t nll4t in. N, . n[ B e.aL\? ol l i it at iun"o! sPa'P ur har t : PI ct t ?il ollv incttnon t^ thts ttr' orticles.eihnoetophic mono*aphs. an'l clasic anick' lor societles ljrndo.,: senror. M led.), Tlv socittl Anthrowloeu of Conplel 1966 Tavisto& ?ublisheN Ltd.' The Free A]rrfl, Fonilu dnd soci4l Neraotk (znd ed ) New York: Rotr,Eltz Pre.ls, l97t 2I 'The Utban Revotution'- Toun PlanninE Reniea' *.""", " pp. 3-r7. "*-q (1950), London: noutl€dge and ,nd Pol i,csin Urban Afia i""*, "*"-1969. ""*",. Kegan Paul, : ravistck Publicstions' rs74' ;;. Gd') , u,tun Ettni!'itv' randon R"scorch' ""; and F. ru@B,oD (eds r' riiin Anzdca uftan ; ;;;;, 1974 Vol.4. Eeverlev Hitl": Scge PubficthoDs

ciie

t;';'**';l;;

utbaneooeasin a c."s' cuttu t contPil

New Yo*: The Fe Presr,1973 of G€orgia Press' U- fa.l, Urban Afiltnoln)lolv' Athos: Universitv "r"t. 1068. M'nch6ter: ManE ErErN, A. L. Potiticstn a UftM Afican Conn"fig .lrcster UniveBity ftes. 1958 The Hague: Moutd Pubr'^",-*", L. ta.l, Inniarsnts and Atso&tiotn lishes, 1987. Boston: Little' O. rruprn {eds ), Anthtupolosistsi' Citi's and Coinpany,1974' "."*",-a. BrcM -a S?rdng! EngleUrbdt Atthftwloal!: Citia'si^ Thcn CuhurcI ***. "*. wn'd Cliffs: PrmticeHall lnc rvlr'

i. *J"

(eds), cits wavs NewYork:rhoms Y c'owetl

""'""",C,., 1975. "'*'"-^N

1962' tf', U'A- V'rheels New York: The Free Prcss'

"^"",-tt*"""" i'.i"ieii*^

Princ?scticaso:universitvor chicaso?ress're63'

in Urbrn-Migrrshatesies -* cu^ws -Adaprive *O t'*oooE ts74' pp Anthrcpoloqt! ol Reiva "-- i s i. siegcl{ed r' Annuat lr7-151. Th" CulturolStfltPauol Am'rtan Ufto^ Ren"eadcs: C.*--,, f"^ "" *r*J?*l-r* "-.iork: columbiauniveruitv Pr6s reTs ftess' 1987' Unive6itv H'ra'd t"an.

i*'"i "-'i*i

3%

3m

CurxN^D,.PErER, Urban Antkopotoeu. New york: Bmes and Nobte Bq,t(s, t974. H^NNEnz, Ur-F, Sorbid". NN york: Colmbia Univenity press, 1970. J^coBsox, D^vD, lrinerdnt T(ru$Mn. Mdlopa*: Cminss hbtishing Co., 1973. LEM^saFF.s,E. Blue Colla' A'!rrodzr$_ Madison: University of Wisconsin hess, 1975. LEw$, Oscar, U.banizatio Without BEakdoM: A Cde Study,Scien, rific MonthltJ, Yo:1.75, 1952. "iu LrEBow, ELLror, Tallv's Comef. Bosto,: Littte, BbM and Co_, 1967. LrmE, KxNErH, fye$ Afrcan U$onizotion: A StuAv of Vohmtary A&eocidtio6 in Social Ch@se. Cambridse. Canb.idge Univ;nity pres, 1965. LyNcE, Owh',-"t e Polirirs of Unto@habilitu. New york: Collmbia Univebity Press,1969. MA\CN, W. (ed.), P€aerrr in Cirrcs.Bosto.: Houghron Miflin, 1970. M^ntus,-PEr€R, Fantly and. Socttl Chaaee in a At icd, Ci r. I4ndoD: Routledge and Kesan Paut, rg8l. M^rEn, PHrLr", Toutl$Mn or Ttibemau Consetuat n atut thc ptoces, ot in a solnh Aftican c'y. capetok: y,b^y!y oxfor
Societ!

and Ailrffe.

C,hicago: University

of Chi-

caso Press,1956. REDFTELD, RoBEnr and MLrcN SNcEn, "The Cultual n.hi. r\.-"1^r-" a "^a

RusEN. Paffiun: Social Boundades in M Araentine CitV Austinr Unilersiw of Texas PGs, 1973. Ro.ERTs, BnyN, O/gu trkitg Sttungers- Austin : Univenitv of Texes Press' 1973' RoLLv^cEN, l. (ed.),'The City as Context: A Svmposium,"U an Anthtopolasv. VoL 4, 1975. SMrc, ANDET, Tlf rearant Urbonites New Yorl: Semine Press' 1973 SpBERc. GDEoN, ?he Pteind8lriai Citv. New York: The Free Bess, 1960 A- led.\, Uftan Anthtupoloev New Yo*: Oxfod Universitv Press' SoML, R!r!^.

r973. Sprrcm, R. ted.), Mieratio^ 1nd. Ant}dopologg seattle: Universitv of Washington ftes, 1970 Cities Honolulu: Bishop Museun sponn, A. (ed.), Pactfa Pon TNns 'nd PBs, 1963. a Dtusk. Boston' Litde' Brorvn and Co ' SpsrDLEy, J^\rss, You Oue'IoweII 1970. SparDI,E ,,^MFs and BENDA M^NN, ?hz Cocltail Wdftre$ New York: John Wiley ed Co., 1975. spF^DLF, l^MEs dd D^D MccunDY (eds.), The Ct'l DeI Eqeience: Eth' l^ Cor,'plz' Socilas. Chicrgo: Scimce Research Associates' noe;eh!

1572. Sa cr, C{oL, Alt Off Kin. New York: Haryer and Rov, 1974 ChiSurrLEs, GEn^IJ, The Sockn Ordzr ol the Slnn Chicago: Unive$itv of @go hes, 1S88. UniverSurfl,Es, cm r,D, Tl, Socrtl Coisrn/crion of Cm witkts Chicago: sity of Chimgo Piess 1972 and Ucro, P. t., R. T NcE n', and C. DIMBLE (eds)' Mdn, setlbnent U$m]Jn. lnndrn : Duclsonh, 1972. Dubuque: WilUZBLL, DoocLA md R PRo\ENCER' Urb^n A^thmpolol! liam C. BroM Inc , 1976. PBA\L', Coneaille: The Social Sttuctwe of a South Alricm r* St*"*, " " ?o;s. MiddletoM: Wslevan Universitv Press, 1964' Berkelev: Unile$itv of Califomia V^rv& SYLn, KinlJ|lp snd Utbaniatioi hess, 1972. E^aironme s' WuwR, T. and D. WErE (eds.) ' The Anthtu?oloes of Utbot 1972' MonognplN, Anthropologv for Apptied Sciety Cdden Citv: Doubledav e,sonrw, rao Cities ln l1ltin Anwi'd Wnrrronn, 1964. & Co., Carolina Academia WEBE, P^uL, Sociol Lile in an lndiaft Shlm Durhan: Pl6, 1975. of socioloe!' wlnrE I,ctrm. "Urbanism as a w^v ot Life'' Att:trtican ltuntl

44 (r$8), r-24.

Rolc of Cities,"

Eco-

YouNc. M. nnd P WLMom,

Famitu and Classh a Londotr S{b"b

Baltinore:

Bott, Eliabeth, 122, IZ3, 126, 127' Friedl, John, 19 2a, r39, l4q 147,r5\ 2e5 Btaidwood, Robeit, 15 Bnm, Joseph, 124, t2F26 Blue!, Edwed, 14t46, 176, 178-79, 215 Bruh, John E., 103 Brye-Laporre, R., 150 B'Ehler, Hes, 934, 249, 25I Burg6, E., rI, 266 Buttenvo h, D., 138, 174 Byme, Susa4 283

Index

i :

AUTHOR INDEX Abloa Joan, Isa, tgt, 272 Abrahabs, Roger, I88 Adam, Rober M., 76 Albun, hene, 149, 150 Anderson. E. N. Jr.,34, 2r9, 285 AreNbers. Com4 13, 33, 34 Ashton,Cuy, 132J3, 185,86

BarnetqSteve,291,939, I Barth, Frederick, 175 Bzalas, Mrry, 136 Beals, Ralpl, 16, 45 Bercdict, RutL 7 Bensmn, J@ph, 14 Berenan, Cenld, 174, t75-76, 189,

Baddely,I., 191 Bailey,F., 251 Bal6n, Jorge, 2I1 Banfeld, Edward, 49, 54 Banton,M., 245

Birdwhistel, R., 226 Blake, wilid, 55 Boas, Fnna 5, 7 Boisvain, letmy, rl9 B6well D. M., l2l-22, r4O

2n3,2tu2t,224

Calin, Berndd and Callin, Rita, 283, 297 Gans, Herb€rt, 14, 52, 56, 99, I47, 16l-62,163,194,196 ?,eetu,C.,227,4 Click, Nim, 182-83 cluclmaa Mar, r75, 229, 251 Coftnan, ENine, ,20 ComD€rz.Tolur,221 Goualez, N., 139,23s, 28r-82.265 Coode,Judith,59, 131, 1S0-91,206, Caire, Terry, 19G97 208,2r0. 285,286,247 ChiHe, V. Codon, 15, 46.74'75, 17 Coode,Wiuiam J.. 151 ChilDsu, S., 268 Could, Hdold, 174,t03, 249 Cl'rimrn, Nel, l9 Cranovetter,Ma.k S., 182 Christaller, Walter, 37 GEvat, Ndcy, 134,136,144 CoheD, Abner, 179-80, 182, r95, 215, Grav6, Theodore,I34, 136, 144 271 Creaves,Thomas,197 Cohea Eusene, 237 CEenberg JNph, r87 C.omeli6, WtFe, 278 Crilo, B. D., 180,182 Crava, P., 3 Cuillenin, Jeene, 282, 984, 29I Gulick, Ioha 27, 33, 53, 63, 175,244, Drvi! Kingsley, 38, 15 313.32r Dedch, B€tte S., 120, rm. 131. 135. Cutkind,P. C., 124,140,14944,r48' 137,116, 224 fia, 185,m2, 2r5, 224.27l. 3lg De Vo6, Gdse, 184, 186 Cuyot, J. F., 299 Doughty, Pad, r$,

188, rgZ 218-49'

2A Dehsla, RicLu4 5$56 DulJreim, Enile, 46 du Toit, Brian, m

Hammel,E. A., 34, 261 Hama. william, 217 Hmerz, U|I, 167,180,186,IS4,263' 265.242,243 Hdies-Jones,P., 125, r3a, 1'15,182' 208' 137-38, r31, 134, Eaji'€s, Fiwiq 240,247 2t0, 224-25, 2'3f, 2474a, 250, HrdngtorL Stephmie,94 6,244,294 Hanis, Marin, 45, 46 Erldy, Elizabeth, l9 Hauser,Philip, 53 Ellis. H. C., 296 Heine-Celdem,Rob€rt,88 A. L., ),22, l2s, \26, l2a. EA'tein - r33, r,to, l4s, n3,229-30, 239' Henderson,R N-, 184-85 tte$lin, James,230 40,247, r, 6 Hill. Thomasw.. 129. 140 EFtein, Da;4 1?0 Hinden, Bertha, 193 Hirabayashi.1., 195 FaIe6, oyd, r92 Hodge,wiliam H, r77 Firth, Raynotd, 147 Hubert, I.. 147 Fleurel Ame, 284 Hunter, Floyd. I39 Otome,153 HutheesinS. 2&5 u., ls, lrs. 133 i*il.'cl.g" Fox, Richard, 33, 35, 62, 102-3, r05' Trckson,Viola, l4l, 15556 108-9,245, 259, 313

Jacobson,David, 121-25, l4O, I47, 205-6, 223 Jancs, Jennifer 23, 3r Jesus,CuoliDe de, 204 Jones,Delmos,164, 264-65

Me,d. Marsaret, 2, 7, 2m-61. 262 M'ddleton. J., t95 Mile.m, S., 222 Miiler, walter, 3ll Miner, Horace, 15, 37, 211. 24344 Mitchel, J. Clyde, U,37, r75. Zpn. Kandel,Randy, 9S-r00 236, 243,2X Kapferer,B @, 128, 129 Mithun, Jacqueline, 163 Karp, David A., 22r Moore, Kemeth, 87 Keil, Charles,I88 Nloore, Wilbert, 46 Kemper,Robert,19, 1,10-4r,l;.1, 155, \I.,rg,n, kwis H., .1,lt8 174, 271J2, 2ar,82, 283, 2a5, Ilorill, W. T., 184-85 286 Moss, lEonad, 2? Khri, Fuad, 227 Mornihan, Daniel P., 299 Kinball, S., 13 Murphey, Rhode, 88

Kleiner R., 126,3lcr7 Kehman. T., 187

Leeds,Anthony,27, 33, 35, 51, A2, 107-8,109-10,139,155,r70,215, 234, 240-{1, 255. 296, 307-8,317 Leiehton, Alexander,8 LeMasters, E. 8., 196.20r-2,284 tave\ 1., 232,247 Lewis,Diane,7 Lelris. Oscd, ll, 16,22, r43, 146, 266,t85, 305-23pa$im Liebow,Eliot, 14, 124, 126-27,l4O, 202, 263, 265, 2a2, 2a3, 288 Lindsay,MayorJohn,9t Little, Kenneth,183, 192,249 Lloyd, P. C., 40-4r L@wen,lamesw., 209 Lomitz, Larissa,r32. l4l, 146, 147, 148,1.19,150,154-55,164 Louis,Arthu M., 56-57 Lowy, M., 230, 251 Lynch.o$en, 174.182,205,238,298 Mccurdy, David, 199 McC€, T. C.,20.1-5 Mztinowski. Bronislav, 2, 5, 7, 979, 281 Nlangin,William, r9. 34, 50-51.53, 162j3. 192, 1,317,322 Mann,Brenda,199,223 Mann,Leon,232 M.rriot, McKin, 12 Maris, Peter.147,r48, 149,r50 Mayer,A.. 238, 239 Maver,Philip, 147,949-50 Vavherv.Henw. 204

Nader, Laura, ,287 Nader, Ralph, 287 Nagata, Judith, 35, tTl,2r5, Ne$'nrn, S. M., 296 Niehofi, Arthu, 282

nl

Ob€rs.hall, R., 227-2a Osbu, John, 282, 298 Osscnbers, R., 215-36 Pnden,N., U6, l9€, 2I5 Pddilla E., 150

ParhR., rr, A Pek€r, S., 126,3l&17 Pdkin, D., 178, 185, 215 Pmons, Talcott, 48

Patch,Richad, 2O0,m4,2r0,228 Patti€, Lisa, 60, 147, l4a. rc4 2lJ0, 2to-11, 266. 291 Pelto, Crctel, 99-r0O Philpott, Stuart B., 293 Pilcher, Wiliar\ 2cn-201, 214, 2u7, 284 Pireme, Heui,79 Plotnicov, Leonan4 177-78, 193-94, 2fi, 296.97 Pcek, D. F., 53 Polanyi, K., 46 Press,INin, ll0 ftie, Brrbda, 3910 Price, John, 35, 94, l0&7, rgi96, 222, 243, 245 Pmvenchea Rmald, 34, 37, v7,219, rAt r!< oo^

Suttles, Gerald, 166-67, I89, 2r9, A. R, I 7, 18 nadclifie-Browo, 225-26,265, 267-64 288 168, tf,e, Rainwat€r. Redfield.Rob€n,r0-13,29. 45.54.87' suzuki,P., 50 rl8, 24, 2s9{O,30s s^ved, JohDF., 2 9,1-99,112, Reim. Rubin, 45, m7, 242' 245 Taira, Koji, 2034 Richards,4., 187 Te*or, Robert, 203 Rrchards.Cara, 223 F.. 54 Toetuies. 238. 210,225' 134 Robboy,Howdd, Trigger,Aroce,40. 8r. 82_8384-85 286.294 Robert!. Brvcn.l2O'21',l2XU' 121' Trhsham, Ruth, 36 129- lJ0-3r, 134, 13536, 139 Tylor,EdrrardB-,4, 308 140, l.43, 14647. 148, 169-70, uzzell, J. Dousld, 37, 97, 168-69, 211-12.215, O 215,265,296 Rulwin. Ilovd, 60 259 137. lll, 35. noUwasen, lack Valentine,Betty, 167-68,267, 28r' Rous*au.I. I., Y 298 Ro*. william, 88, 145,250.298 valentine,Charles,1676a,267' 281. 293.2S8,315,316 SaJaHelen, 26, 163,317 den Berghe,?iene, 244 Van Sanders,Willian, 3940 Vatuk, Sylvia,I45, r52, 219, 265 185 F,nid, schildlaaut, Arthur, 14, 17 Vidich, fthreider, Davi4 147 C. E., 88 Von Grunebaum. 295 15, fthwab. Willia4 Schwazweler, Hairy K., I35, I42 104 Shacl, W. A., r78, r80, 186, 191-92, Wmer- SamBa$, 13'14,29,52 201 W. Iloyd, Warner27t L94, 2W \Vatson,Jmes, 742.2o9' 248. 282. '47,228 Sib€ma4 Susan, 283, 28G87, 289 SiDic. Andrei, l4l-42, 152, 7 Max, 46, 47, 53 Web€r, rl8 Si|rmel Ceors. B., 243 wellnan, sils€r, fu to: 12,87,s4-99 112 153' RobertS., 184 WeDoner, 2A.zil wh;;dey, Prul. 37. 45. 84 Siobels, Gideoa 15, 77 t. D., 242 Wheeldon. Skirms. E., 187 14.2O7,242, 4 SmitL M. Estelie, 35, ll0-ll, l8l, white{ord.AnaLew.50, 130, 166 17r Michael, N'hiteford, 215,271,294 Whyte.WilliamFoote,14 Sdith.Robertl,153 Wiebe- Paul. 165-66,299 27t r44 195' 19. SouthailAidm, 16. Wilmott.P.. r47, r49, 152,ls4. 265 3lr-r2 Wirth. Louh, 11, 3G37. 45. 46. 52' SDencer,Rokrt, 293 53, 54, 68, 99, 118.123.260 S;icr. Edward, 229, 291 Hary, 293 Wol@tt, I99 S;radley,lanes, 23, 3r{2. WoU,Eric, 66, 119, 139 Srinivs. M. N, 174,249 Maiha, 226 Stack.Cml, r32, r4l, 146.147 r48 WolfeDstein, 55 15556, 2505r. 244. 288 993' wordsworth, Willian, 299 Yrncv. William, 166 ste*rd, J., 87 You.i, v.. 147,149,152,154'265 Stub, H., 198

SUBJECTINDEX Accomodation,

in p.e-urban

Agriculture,and the sigin of cjri6. 74.7&77, ttl Achon sets,iD politicrt events.238_39 Akheraton(Eeypt),85 A ddi. A b. ba (E rh i o p i a ): Alienation,49, 117 etbnic srcups, 178, 180, 186, tgtAllahabrd(india),89, rS2,2r9 92, 194 ArnericrnAnthropologjcat Asociarion. rural-urban soc!

ties, 247 Aclministrative cities, 95, 10q 107€ Adv@cy dthropology, g9t-9s

I Anericrn Indias, l0 political novernents, 19t06 sci,l cont ol rnech,nism. 129 British coloniatisn, 7 uban publications, 94 Brihsh uban m,gratronsrudies,16_ U.S. g@emnent domimtion- 7 17 Andanan klandJ. 7

I

beer halls, 223-24 bureaucracies, t97, 205-6 c.urts, 229J0, 251 dan(€ sfouDs. 236 fct,ve kinship, 145 gossip networlq l2a kinship netwo*r, 142, 144, 117, 149, I50 linguistic communities,187-88 marketplaces.227-28 neighborhood studis. l6t political organization, 289-40 pubtic spdces.220 social networkr, t2t-22, 124-25. 133, 138 rual-urban ties, 247 tribalisn, 175-76, t82. 183. l9l,Sg Afro-AnericaN. 185-86. 188 culture of pove.ty, 3i6-17 fenale,centered fahities. 30O lansuage styles, 187 -soul" cmcept, 188 synbols of idenrfty, 173 A s ia ( I ndia) . 8 4 Agnnan seieties, 4l-42

Antlwopology, hBrory of, 3t3, 28_29 _amchaii anthrcpotogisrs, 5 colmialism, 4, &7, 28 computive .ppr@cb 4-6, 28 cobplex s@ieti6, g-t3 generaliatio!' p.obteN, 6 govemm€nr di.ection of. 7_8 relativistic bias, 6 wodd war lT, zJ, 9, 2&29 Anihrcpoloey o/ 6. in rhe ciw. 3G35. 6a. 71, 251, 25a Anti-urban bi6, tt,24, St. S+57. 62 AppJied mthmpology, 8, Zl-22 A$b ciues, 85 Archeolosy, t3, l5 origi of ciries, 74 urban deffnitiom, 3S4O. 46 Architeture, sp€.jalization of, 39 Arti$ans, 81. 8t-a3 Ascriptive kbship, t15, lr8 Athens, r05 Bab-vlon, 84 Bashdad, 85

Capitalisn, 49-5I, 306, 313-14 Cdavan cities, 82 Cdeen, car€er pattems, 208-12 capitalization, 208-9 entrepreneurship, 208, 209'ro Castes,caste syst€m, 174, 182, 205, 238-39 Ce6uses, 299-300 Center for UrbM Ethnoglaphy (U. of Pa. ) , l9 Ceremonili evenls, aDd civic identity, 89. Sra abo Festivab chadeston (s.C.), 108-9 Chibcha culture (Colombia), 39, 78 Chicago, 167, 217, 219 interdisiplinary, 0l Chicago Sch@I, 53, 5,1, 266, 268 physic.l, 28546 Chiefdons, symbotic, 78 political w. ecolosical, 5253, 57 China, cities in, 86 p.e-industlial cities, 41_42 Chines€ nisaDts, 177, 2a2, 285, 287, pre-uiban s@ieties, 39-40 289 ubd industlial societi€s, 43 entrepreneuship, 209 B@ndara mhtmanc€. 172, 184, 186_ ru.al-urbd ties, 2{8 96, i53-64. s"? ako ocop'rional spacemanagement,219 status communities Circuld migration, 21 body movemetrts, 188 ethnic grdps, 18&96, 214, 9r5 food taditions, 18$91 boundaries, 265'66 ilrstitutional m€chtnism, 191-S2 centmlized agenci6, 12 languige, 187€a contextual lelationships, 101"6 manipulatio of, 193 city-state .elatioNhiPs, 102-5 proc€ss, l9:L96 eonomic relatioruhips, I0l stahs @mmunities, 198 cultual h.ditioN, l2 ste@t}?es, 189 denographic mealuremat, 301-2 synbols, l8€{7 dispereal of functio , 38 B6ilia, 86, 170 as dominant cnters, 37 l- See B@iliu soce! tea$, 232, tunctionat roles, 78-100 ulso Rio de Jeeirc; Sno P.uto culturat roles, 86-100 80. Sea alJo British Comonwealth, emnonic roles, 8043 C@t Britain political rc1es,8386 Bmke6, in social networl(s, 123, 137qualitative di$erences, 106-l I 39, 217, 242, 264 hie;dchy of ontexts, 79'80, 83-84, 87 Aflth cities, r97, 205-6 dlnmic tension, 106'9 md the modehization process, 48, rcgional identity, 89 49, 50 as institutions,3233 and the orisin of cities, 75-77 origins of. 73-75, lrl-12 and orthogdetic cities, 95-96 ecological fsctors, 75-78 205-6 6 a status cmunity, potitic.l cntralization, 75-77. lll. ll2 Cairc (E8}?t), 82 popul.l'on pressures./o. I/ Calgary (Alberta), 23436 wntins. developnent ol 9. 77 Canbem, S5

Bangkok, 52, Y, 84 Ras, 216, 292-25, 3, 277 Baruch College, training programs, 6r Belief systems. S€e Movements (India), 82, 95, 97 Bffis Biminsham (Gr. Brit.), 83 Blackp@l (Cr. Brit.), 92 Bosoti (Colombia), r05 Bonbax 96, 98 kioship tems, 145 milk industry entrepeneus, 137-38 B6toD, ltalid neiShborhoods in, 162. S€e zko ltalian-Ame.icans

334

svBIEcr aDEx

suBFcr NIE

citier (coflt.) iD peasant societid, 9-10 and statesystem, 74-75, 1025, lll the traditional cit/, 15

rypobsier,260

universal conept of, 34-35 City as a whole, 86,67,71,24346, 253-54, 274 City{tate rclatio$hips, 102-5, 108 culh&l influeDces,105-6 Ciiy states,84-86 achicved s. hereditary status, 102-3 coloDialrelationships,103 4 Ciudad cuayoa (veneaela), 60, 209, 210 Civilizations, dd cities, 74-75 Ccrcive elites, 75-77 Co-godparents, 146-47 Colosne (cemany), 86, 105 lawyer study, 285, 287 mi$ation ensuses, 300-301 Colonial cities, 97-98 city-state relrtionslips, lO3. 104 Coloniatisn, 4. 6-7, 28 admiDistrative.ities, 95 aDd ethnic doninanc, t77 Connercialization, 32, 47 Communicationmedta, 98 communities of linited liabilitv (sut_ t les ) , 16 7 ,2 6 7 -6 8 Comnunity studies,11, I3-I4, 210,11 ConpaAlozo sestem, 146-47 Conparisons..1-6,28, 69, q6l .ultural. demographic dificr€nGs,

Cultual anthrcpology, 2, 4, l7-i8, 26 S€€ d&o Etbnosraphy subsrEia]ties, 67 Cultual aology, 75,77 Cultuil functioN, of cities, 37, 55, 86-tOO coDtinuity and tramission, 87, 9294, 112-13 edustion, 92-93 mass hedia, 93,91 ideotosical chdge, 94-100 integrltion, 87,92 saded @tiviti6, 87€9 sul& activitid, 89-92 Cultural hctercgftity, 3q 40-4r, 55, 69 and the division of labo., 41, 42 pre-industrial cities, 42 Cultunl relativisn! 6, 2a, 62, 3p-r3 Cultural traditioN, 172-73, 18336 citi6 vs. villag6, 12 values, la4 and chanse, 30S cognitive maps, 30&9 real vs. ideal, 63, 3r2 13 Culture of poverty, 22, 257, 304-23 connunity relauoit 307 ethics, policy implicatio$, 3l$.22 fdmily struchre, 30I, 3r2, 316 individusl peEonalities, 3{r, 3r2 institution.l relatims, 30&7 intergenentional transmission, 309-

r0 , 3 2 0

nethodolosy,314-19 .nd nobility, 310 relativism, ethnrentrism, 312-13 Ffi-pe.petuation of, 307, 3O8, 3O9, 315

universatcharacte.istics,34 35 Coftplex societies.913, 3l0ll. See ztto Industrial Revohtiobr U.ban industrial societv Connict nodes,217 Dade County (Fla.), 105 Conneltiors, in social nehvorts. 136 Defendedomnunitis (Suttt6), 167, Cooperativefanilies, 154,57, 158 Core fmus, of cities, 39-40 Corporatc sroups, ll5, t57 Couts, 216, 229-30,2;1, 277, 297 Craft sp{ialization, 82-83 Critical mas, of ethnic populations, 175-76

Demographic me.-suemob, ml-2 Density conditions,277 Dep€ndent lariable, 25859 Deriant gr@ps, 23. S"e alro Under Divisio. of labor, 41, 42, t98, 2r4. Seedbo Oeupatidal stahs com-

335

Ethdc gtoups (cdt.) Docments. in istitutioDs, 298-99 patrondient ties, 180 Dorestic units, lr5, 157, 158'59. Sed Dolitics.l8l-83 irroblen-centered studies, 2L'22 Dominet cla$es. See Elites relisious groups, 174-75 189 identity, Dcs s:tyles, and ethnic vs. social clais, 19&97 Dyadic ties, lI9 s@ial netwol6, 13940 stlucture, 173, 184-85 Est lndim migants, 17*"17, Iaa' symbots of identitY, 1?3 191, 192, 293, 294 traditional studies, 25, 26 career Pattes, 2Og-10 tribalis , 175-76 288 cntD arrd uPPort, t85-86, units of analysis,263, 269-72' 303' 3rGt7 ioint {milies, 15354 of oligi!, 174 villages 2 behavioi, -25 Dub S€e alto Tribalism eaiing, drlnling establishnents, 222Ethn@enhism, 6, 62 and ihe culture of Poverty, 312-13 E.t)mmic niches, oI ethnic group6, of urb.D dclnitioDs, 53'56 179-81,197-98 2, 5, 62-63,?1, 115-59 59, EthnocraDhv, Economic mles, of cities, 37, 18, 24Y46' 2\3 54 whole, city.-as_a 62, 8118:] 122 techniques, coltection anisa$, 81, 82i3 14 studies, conmmity 83 and industlialiation, vs. holism. 71-72 oroduc{iotr sD€.ializati@, 81 83 informal structures, 65 66 8r{2 lade and m;ulacturins, m icr cunit s, 72, lm - 11. l13 bdsDortation. dishibution' 83 se" a&o Fieldwork; Research de32, 66 25, Eomnic studi6, sign; So.ial networkr Vrlde\ and and culture bansmission' Edu€tio!, ethics 92-93 European Comnon Mrrket, 80 Edu@tiodal anthDpology. 26 Evolutionists,4 netwdls, 115, 118' lI9Eso@tnc ExchMses, of soods,seNices.66' 81 21, 15758 See 4lro S@ial ne! and sial network, 120, I23 13036, 158 Elites: S?? ,h, Instrtmental social ties; in citv'states. 102-3 ind ;rftue transmission, 92-93 o@er cliaues. 139 3"-" dlso So.iar dass Fae btocks (Suttles), 167' 267 Etrdogamy: md eihdc bomdary maintenarc€, Fanilies, 153-57,158. 276 l9l-s2 gloups. 42 {Inpahoal Ethics. S€r Vald6 and ethics 160 I72-S8 Ethnic goups. llGlr. amalsamrlion, 194-95 bounaary n.intenanc€, r72, 184, 18&96,270 critical nass, 17&77 cultuial tmalitions, 172 73. r83 86 do'nimnt 8rcupr, 177_79 eonomic nich6, 179-81, 197-98 lonship neteorl$, 143-44

ceop€rativ€fmil@s, 154 57. I58 c*ended tamures.r)t domestic cycles, 65 ioint fanilies, 15354 imial network norm, 127-28 truncated famihes, 154 Fcstivals. 216, 2la, 233'37. 253 and ethnic boundary miintenance192-93 role relersals, 233, 937-38

336

3uBFo

s@Fd

mlx

F ez ( M o. occ o ),8 2 -8 3 ,8 4 ,r0 l , 1 0 6 Fez Jedrd,84-85 Fictive kinshiP,20, 144-45,227 Fieldwork, 5-6, \8, 27. 28, 27a-As, 303 commuting, 283 cultural rclativisn, 6, 28 eDtrf and rapporr, 284-89 erplaining the mission,289, 990 9l holisn in, 5, 67 mobilit_vf lctor. 283-8,1 pr.ticip.nt obseaation, 5, 63, 269, 272, 275. 279-a3 reciplftal obligarions, 290-94 sweys, questionnaires, 296-S7 tine cycle studies, 63,65 Westem vs. non-Westem citics, l7l8 Financial cities, 95-96 Flood rive basins, 7.t, 76 Folk medicine, 25 Folk scieties, 10-12, 305, 906 Food production, and rhe odgin of cft, ies , 74,7 &7 7 ,7 tl Food traditioN, 7, 189-9t service inshtutions, tg0-91 weekly neals, 190 F@to\D (Siem Irde). 24s Friendships,123 24, t3l. t32-33

Great Traditionr, 12\ 77, 92-93, 94-s;, ll3 aDd Little Traditim, 9;98 itr Madr4, 96-97 Croups, 3132, 3l]. See atro Ethnic groups; S@ial .etworks Cuatenala City, I2,0- , t29-3t, t3/.36, r39, 14G47 cr@r oppo*mities, 2ll sodpentbood, 14tu7 liDslip.etqorks, 143, lrlE-4g neighborhood comparien, 169 70 rural'urbm ties, 250 cweto (Bhod6ia),52 C},"sies, 136, r&31 Haitio higlants, 182{3 Halloq'en festivrls, 236-J7 Hadpa (rndia), 78, 82 Hrusa seiety (N'seria), t79J0, t82 Hawaiiia hDsdoru, 78 Health food movenent, 2rS Heterogenetic cities, 95,96, 97,98 Hntorical rearch, 59, 7&79 Holism, 6G67, 71, 2434A, J.54. 274 connunity studies, rlt4 vs. ethnographic methods, 5, to$ll vs. mell-sale stu&e, 2t26 Hollwood (caxt), 9.1 "Hom boys,' r25, 14O, t45. r74 Hong Kone, N4S,24A. See dso Chi,

Canblins, lotteries, 91, 107 Hospitals, 216, 2la, 22A, 277, Zg7. Geographi.al nobility: 298 and the Indusrdat Rdolurion. 47- Hosing: 4A and kinship ties, 150 and social networks, 124, r27, tSB, and social networkr, 13t36 159 Houston (Tex.),9r Geognplical studies,36, 37, 298, 30r Huang'Ho river bsin (Chim)24 basic vs. non-basic activfties- 80€l Hunting-gathering sftietiB, 4i Italian-American food srudv. 58-59 Codpare.ts, dhul, 146-.17 Ideolosical choge, 94-rm Cossip, and sEial control. rs6, 128. city cfrters, 99-lm 135. t58 cohmunicerim rechnolocv. 98 Col€rnnent agencies,218. 228 Crect. Linle Tr.ditims. 94-98 Grert Britain, in_ 3-4 ortho,, heteroAenetic citis. 95,96. 'nrhroDoloEv 16- 18,28 -2 9 ,3 3 rrd 97-9a Ahican miErstion studie.. 16-17 snburb6, 98-l0O and cnlonialism,7 Ideological movehents, 213, 272-75. vrcation cities, 9t-92 303

NDA

332

Institutions, 22-23, 37, 67, 277 -78 documents, 298-99 I6tnrmental social ties, 122-23, 130_ 36, 158 b.okers, 137-39 qbes, 131 dw. r9t96 and friendship, 131, 132-33 hdep€;dent veiables, 25859 housmg acquisition, 135-36 India: iob mel@t iof()matioo. 133-35 &tim ets, 238-39 physjcie re{enals, 136 casles, 174, 182, 205, 22r vr. prima.y tjes, 122'23 colonidl .ities, 103 reciprmi9, 133, 158 craft specialiad cities, 82 s@ial capital, t30 Hindu-Muslim confict, 217 social status, 130-31 30O 153, famili6, ioint lntegative rn€chani$ns, r15, 218 neighbofioods, 16548 lnt elliseot sia, 97 societies, 11, 12 I6ant Ioterdisclplinary res€arch. 57-60, 62 training progrNms, 6041 tual-urbm ties, 53, 24748 of AntbroPoIntehational Congrs sd€d cifs, 88, 89 Scien@, 26 loeical . . . of, 220-2t categoiiation strdge.s, hesul; comuniti€s, 168'70 Ishm.bad (Pakistan), 86 domitrdt ethnic giouPs, 178-79 Food Proiect, 5859, Itrli.n-Anericd kinship erteDsions, 145-46 286, 287-48 22? ndketplacg, Italim-Americans, 189, 194-95, 196 shadw olavs. 97 176. Italian oty-states, lO2 14546 Toba B;to[ so.ietv,

Iood sto€ge, 76 fla:fl,|J notation, 77 *hools.93 ln@4,ontron proes, ud ethnic idcn-

t7s

Inds Riva valtrey, 74 capitalisn, 495I, 306, 313Idutrial Revolution, 32, 46-49, 53, Ind6di'l 55, 69, 79, 106 ed j-odividual tutonomy, 47-48 naDutachuing sP@ialization, 83 modemizatim, 47-48 gographic mobility, 47-48 sial tinq a @tion oI, 48 in socirl networks, 137Irfuotials, 39, 286 lnlomal structurB, 65-66 Inlomants. 256, 285€9, 303. Sa, ,rro Participot ob$ratton .cce$ to infomation, 292-93 onffdentiality, t9&94 md trEchmical equipmdt, 294 paym€nts to, 291-92 Eiplocal obliSalions,290_94 smpling, tlTicality. 268-69 ItJomatior\ misuse of, 292_94 Inland citi6, 82{3

Japan: nucleai fmili€s, 153 port cities, 102 working clxs careers, 2rt 184 Irpses€-Americans, _ War Releation ente6. 8, 29 Jatav caste (Agra), 114, 1a2, 2o5, 238, 2S8 Iewish food traditions, 190-91 job markets, 133-35, 1373a, 274 brckes, 137-38 Joint Center for U$an Studies (Harvar d- M lT) , 60 KrnDala (Uscnda), 178, I80, 182 KiNiip, 4, 20. 24-25.26. ll?-18. r2r' 140,52, 158 cr€dit enensions, 208'9 delineation problems, 276 extensiom of kinship, 144-47 ffctive kinship, 144-45 ntual GsodParents, 146-47 and the housing meket, 150 instrumentaluses, l3l

surjEo rNDlx Kinship ("o"t.) matrilateraliq, 151-52 and migration, 140-4.1 patriliDe.l ties, 152 iD pre-industrialcities, 142 and proxirnit'/, 149-51 and reciprocity, 148-49 and social clN, 147-49. 150-5r and social control, 129 and s@ial nobilfty, 148_49 and social netsorks, 140-52 Kumbh Mela festival (Atlahabad), S9 Lind use pattems, 39 Language, and ethnicity, 187-88 Language haining schools,8 La Paz (Botvia): festa cycle, 234 mrg'rant ssociatim, 249 mral,urbo subsystems.251 Latency, in seial ties, 125. r39 Latin Ame.icm studies, 16, t6t. See atso specif. c ier bU nar|e r-aws, trusmission of, 77 Lr$)e6, as a statut commuirv- 206 Leadershippanems, 2s Leisue+ime, Itreation, cities for. 9l92 l,€vdrt, cities in the, 82 Lifestyles vs. urban funchon. 44-45 Lim a ( P er u) : irrcgular commuities. 168-69 marketFlaes, 228 regional a$ociarions,r83. r88, 192. 244-49 squatter settlements,50-5t, 162. 317 strcet vendoB, 204, 210 ru..rl-uban ties, 250 Lingxa ftancs, 187 Little comhunities, 12 Little Traditiotr. r2. 77. 99,93. 94, 95. 113 London, 96. 105 Chinese ftigranrs, 248, ZA2. 2AS. t87. 289 kinslip and urban migration. 142 social networks. 123, 126:27. 747 Lonsshoremen,200-20r, 275. 282. 288

Madns (lqdia), 8Z 9e97 Che.naDagd connmity, 165-66 cste hctels, 249 Crcat ed Liftle Tradirions, 9G97 Mdize agricuttw, 74, 76 Malay ethniciry, r77, r85,27r. 2ai Maliytian c,ties. 35 vanch€ster (Gr- B.ft.), 83, 92, 96 Manufachning cities, 82-83, 96 \Iarkets, 216, 2t7, 226 28, 2;1, 253. 277 22A, 227 \uaainiq, tiestas, 234 Maket systems, 32, 47, gO-Al M6s media. 9394 Mas tmnsit systeds, and public tEhavior. 230 32 ''Mds vs 'hish (ulrure, 92-93 Matrihteraliry, lSl52 sidden agriculture, 7GZ temple cente6, 40, 87 \lNr (Saudi Anbia). 89 Nledicaldthropoloqv. 26- 228 l\{ediev.lcitiBi cathe-dnl citi6, 79, 87,88 festir.als, 233 sch('ols and alrural haditiom, 93 Mental illness.and seial ties, 126 McsGAmerica. eme'gere of cfties.

74,7a

Mesopotania, 74, 76, 82. 84 Vethodolosv. See Research dsisn Metropofitan rcgimq 32, 42-44, SZ. 57. 69 megalopolis, 43 oute. dngs, 99 regional goveribenr, r05 Mexican-Amen@N, 184, r85-a6, t96 97 Mexico, conmunity studiesin, t0-tr erchages

t3a

ol goo&, wices,

feltivah, 233 joint fanili6, lY kinship ti6, 140-41,149 lawist studies, 305, 3O7 senie institutions, 229

132.

Mdico City (conr.) shanbtowns, 16'1 and \illages of origin, 174 MichiAe State Unive6ity, couDteF msdgencf trJinrng,8 lvicDunih. ethnoeraphy of, 109-Il' tr3, 24344, 246, 267 Middlenen. See Bloke6 ;daDtation studies, 262 md politicrl boundaries,52-53 md ruJalization, 50'51 Su-uabo Peasants in cities; RuJal uban migration; Smial networks Military outposts, 85'86 Modem'ation Pues, 32. 4647 4950 Modiokuto (lava), hdketpla.es, 227 Vonetizatio, 32, 47 MonurHtal echitetute, 97-98 Movenents, a! units oI analvsis, 213, n2-73.30,3 -l4ofinc io," in ethnographicalffeld_ woL 27983, 288*9 Multinational corpcatioN, 103. tO4 Mrth debunling, 26G61, 269, 305

New Yotk City: cab drivers, 230 ceremonial events, 89 ethnic festiv.ls, 192, 193 Ilaities i4 182-83 neishborhoods, 167-68 Dublic behaviof, 222, 226 iuerto Rico kiNhip, 143, 150 Soho subcultue, 5556 c"ltual vatues dd econonic suc@ss,184-85 ecoDomic aiches, 17$80 ethnic sroups, 177-78, 182' 185, r$-94, 196 rural-urban ties, 250 unemployrnent, t02

Nonadism,4r, 74 Nucled fanily coolEratives, r54-57, r58 Nucleatedsettlements,74, 75 Occupational sp€cialization, 4M1' 263, 273-75, 303 delineation Droblems, 274-75 rnd the Industrial Re\oldtion, 47 and the origin of cities, 75, 77, 82' 83 Dre-industrial citis, 42 Occupational statui comnunities, 160'

Nashville (Tem.), 93 20n-212 Nationalisn, 295, 320 bueaucrats, 205-6 Natio-stat6, 80, 86 care , career P.ttems, 208-12 and orthogmetic citiet, 97_98 domestic seNants, 204 rcgional difie@rcg, 269-70 and endogmy, 42 184-85 177, lndias. Navaio la\ryers, 206 Neis[borhoods. 25. 26, 160, 16l-72' longshoremen, 200-20r 264-69 pedi-cab driv€6, 203 coEnitiv€ aDDroach, 267 ;nd poverty studies, 317-19 lcalilies. 266-67 6;ndihes-!r. proshtution, 205 differentiation, 168_70 savengers, 203-4 166-64 complexity, intemal and socirl clais, 207-8 low incone bias, 161, 171'72 str@t vodors, 200, 204-5 268 169, stabiljty, DoDulatioo tavem studies,201-2 ;a;pling, ty?jcality. 268.69 uemploymenq 202-3 171 162, 16346, rci.l cohesion. 6 units of analysis, 263, 264-69, 3O3 Olympic Cames, 106 O.ie;s of cities, 73-75. 1ll-12 N e* ' ak (N .1.) , 57 Orthosenetic cities. 95, 97'98 New Delhi. 86, 95 Oslo, ninorities in, 269-70 (R.L), 108-9 Nesro.t Newsoeoer, rs so[Ers of ethnoPdlacecities. 84-85 dTphic information, 298-99

i

\

340

s@Fd

sulrEd rNDq

Nq

Ped6 (Argentina), 2O7, 242, 245 Paris, 102, 105, 226 Pdks, public behavior nx, 225-26 Participant obsetratioD, 5, 63, 269, 272, 275, 279-83 diss@iation from osar cultu.e, 27980 enhy and rapport, 284-89 isolation of obseaer, 28G81 manipulation of status communities, 285 88 "moving 4" 279-83, 288-89 ptiyacy, 4.85 ecupation specialization, 275 P6sing, and ethnic boundeies, 194 Patron-client ties, 180, 204 Peasantsin cities, 19-21,26, 27, 3r nnual studies,19-20 nisration stu&es, 21 l1nl ties, 20 -ruiatization" of cities, 505r vs. traditimat studies, 24 Peasants@ieties,9-13 little commuities, t2 Pedi
Portugues€ nigmts,

to New Enetand,

1r0-rr, t8r, r85,271,298

Pottindustrial cities, 9t98, lm-4 Povetty, 49, 321-12. See ul,o Culruie Power Elatimhips, 25, 6+66 PreindNkial cities, 4l-42, 7&79 city-state rel.tioships, 103-4 c{tmnuication, 98 harketing,8r sncredtr.ditions, 92 Pre-u.ban seieties, 39-41 ''Primitive" p@ples, 3, 4, 28, 66-67 Problemcntered shdies, 2l-24, 3l and applied mthroplosy, 21-22 deviant groups, 23 ethnic grops, 22 institutioN, 22-23 Protect CaDelot (chile), 8 Prostitution, 91, 107, 205 Pruitt Ig@ hGing p.oject (St. Louis), 166, 248 Ptrblic spaes, 218-22, 252J3 localized mle, 219 vr. private space, 2l&19 queuiDs behavior, 232 stEngers, intdactior betweeD, 219,2 Puerto Rican migruts, 270, 3Os Mesas, l0l coopentive hous€holdq 156 ethric festii€ls, tgZ r93 kimhip ties, 143, 150 Irivist studi6, 3O7 See also Culhre of poverty Puerto Rico, shantlrM iq 16{} in cities, loGg Qualitative difiemG, Queretm (Mex.), 14,9O7 Qudti(mdres, 29697 Queuins behavio., Z]2 8/tp6 not.tion, fi Ransoon (Bl'ma), 84 Reiprocity, in srcial netvorks, r$, 1,18-49,r58 Regional asseiatims, 183, 188, 192, 24849 Regional subsb, m, 87. 89 Relativistic bis, in anthropology, 6

Relisions, 25, 174-75 Rel;ious entes, 78, 8749. Io5 Ren; {Nev.). roGT' 3 245^^ -^

341

Seculd activities, of cities (oont ) leisuq recreational activities, 9l-92 Dublic executions, 90 gGsr ;orB. athletic event!, S;ice institutions, public b€havior in' 228-30 intesative mles, 229 Senk;ent pattems. 32. 36, -4344 citY ore vs the uJbarLJr-tz Sevine (Spain), rr0 Situationdl ansl-vsi!,276-77 Situational ethnicity, 194 Situutrcnaliunctures,217_32 eatrng,dnnking establishments222-

lffiH*-ffi"'tT:;"8fi':6' sea uiso tnits of malysis controlled conPditon, 261 mvth debuDking, 26G61, 262 typology o* citi6, 260 variablB, z$-sg

Rio de tmeuo, 35, 107 8 camial. 88, 89, 234. 2404I Iavelas, ll0, I70, 317 !s. Sao Paulo, I07€' 259 s(rce. clubs, 232' 241 Role relationshiPs, 3lr-12 RoEm empire, 85, 86, 92 Rone, 85, 89 modemizatior oI' 50 rcmmticization of' tt Ruralizatioa of cid6' 5O-5I Rufal-ulb€! dicholomy' 5l'-s3 -^ Rural-urbe migEboo' ls' zab_Dz Nociations, 248-49 hierarchical integration' 2515-2^iob iDlcnation elchange' t rJ-d 14044 iinshiD- social rctwdk,

individual interaction vs goup orsanizadon, 218 s;rketplaces, 226-28 o rls, 2%'26 oublic soaces,218-22 ;wie institutions,2t8-30 sDati.l, tenPoral foci, 218 t;ansDortation. 930-32 Slash'a;d'bum asriculture' 76-77 Socar clubs, 232, 24I Social anthroPoloSy, 13_14 Social crpital, 130, 208 and etbnicity, 19S97 and festivals, 234, 235-37 and hnshiP, 147-49' 15051 and occupatimal stahx communl ties. 207-8 rnd social network, 127, 130-31'

trTF"ffiffi'??'d-.?:*'-

-

49, Nl tim€ el€ment, 25G51 6, U7 v\'iti!lg,

s*red $nDhn€q Eesmiss'on of' 77 Sabt I4uis (Mo.) 9r' 166' 288 saltlma (lraq). 85 rit6' to Uarll Samoa! itrmigrdts'

s- i-"id.-ic"r*.r' t* "utt"*".zxSdtiaso (Domioican KePubbc, zro' ?ila2 SIo Paulo, 35, 107-8 {avelu. I70 vs Rio & loeno' 107-8' 259 Scavosss. 209 schools.216, zla,22a' 271. 297 SNndarv labor mailets, 318-19 Sdul& acbvitie!, of cities. 89_92 elebratios, 89'9O

r39-40

Smial comPlexitr', 39, 40'41. 69 and individual freedon, 42 rnd careerPlttems, 208_9 and the lnd;drial RevdluHm 4T-48 .nd kinshiP ties, 148-49 nre-industrialcities, 42 ;nd smial netwotu, r25. l27 l3I' ner*o'ks, 25, 118-40' 15?-58' 276 analysis,122-26 ftendships' 123-24 lctency, ra and nentst ilness, 126

s*iai

rf i: ,

U2

solFcr

Social network! (con .) analysis(cont.) nobility dd tie formation, 124

I

I

NDq

Stodard MetrofDlitan Statistical Areai, 43, 52, 98 State
Units of analysit (cont.) institutioN, 277-78 novenents, 272-73, 303 263'89, 303 neiehboih@ds, 6$65 studi6, Time cvcle 273-75, 303 263, ociuoations, l7e 176. Toba dau.k societY,14;46. 276 prin;ry retationshiPs, Tokyo, 105 276'77 situatioN, 83 Topeka (Kol), Urbrn. the, 35-44, 45, 68 cultural betqogeneity, 39. 40_4I md ideolo{ical chmse, 95 s a dependentrariable. 25859 82 81, 76, cities, of and the cisin distilctive lttributcs, 34 occuPdriuns.8l ethn@€rtrism oI delinitioff, 53-56 26. 24 (analltc) stddics. -.1'pcciJ.ed Triditio;.I form vs. {unction, 3G38 37 vs. behavior.lifestyles,14-45 studies, in urbd Training progams, v'. mdustrial conseque"ce!.46-49 58. 60-82 38, 39_40 nomholosy, 217 83' disbibution, Tmpoitatior\ pre,;dust'ial citie.. 4142 turd hnship ti6, 150 ;rc-urban scieties, 39-40 lnd leisue activitis, 91 ;,ral-uban dichotony, 5l' 53 oublic behavior, 230-32 siz.F.38-39 175-76 t0, T;bafim. tribat soc'eties, smial omDleritY, 39, 4G'11 261 260, conptrisons, conholed societi€r,43-4{ endosamv. 191-92 "rba".indu;tri.l r-2 13-28 , anthrcpology. Urban i"corioontion procs, 195-96 vs. of the citv. JUin anthroDolorrv srmpiine. trTlcality. zs8 258 2s2. tr, 3s,6s, Eibal conns, 229-30 and dch@logy, 13, 15 unemplo)tnent, 202 areas studies, 1&17 Trobriand lslands, 7 comunity studies, 13-14 Tulsa (o}:la ), 57, los contemporaF/ Problens, l8 of, 19-26 donain Utimocmiture natrilocality' 152 *rsmt adaDtafioD,l$2I 42, 212-13 23, Underchss€s, omblem-tenteredstudiet. 2l-24 taditional ethnography.%-26 and-th; cdhre of Povertt, 306, 3o7' formal vs. hformcl sLructures.65 3OA3r5,318-19 probletr, 26-28 ov€rlaD 210-11 mobility, and s@ial 21-92 nolio-i;Dlicatiotu. Unilineal evolution, 4 17-19 sub6eld, L".iriti.. size standdals, urban United Natios, ". 02, ZSZ-0S'sOZ SZ-6O, .e""*t, 3a vs- smioloey, 17, 18, 27 United Stat6: centers.46, 48-49, 68 69 Urb,. city'state relatioDshiPs. 1045 ttrhr industrial smietv, 32 33. 43-44 13 14 community studies, 69, 313-14 68, ethnic politics, 182-83 & cycles, time festivals, 234-37 vs. uban anthropology,46 Indian studies, 10 Urb.nism, 45, 48. 68, 69 lls. 117. kinship ed urban migration' l4l' 258, 459 t42,146 45, 48, 49-51. 68 Urbanization. 155_56 c@P€ritive hou.eholds. capitrlism, 49_51 vs. Industrial r6ort cities, 9l ( Hanna) . 217 "Ur ban niddleplacs" soial ohesion. 163 of. 5I degrec relative Urbrnness. Units of analysis, 257, 262-78' 303 (Childe)' 15, 46. 48 Revolution Urban 303 cthnic goups, 263, 269-72.

linLucr@, 15, 217, 24344 Time, allocatiooof, dd aheIodustrial

I

! 344

s@rEr

NDA

Urban studies, 2, \8, 57-A3 city as iDstitution, 33 interdisciplinary research, 57-60, 62, 69 vs. uban anthropology, 27, 28, 57, 63 training prograns, 58, 60-62 Urban t'"ologies, 100-101 Urban vs- mil eth6 (Hads), 45, 46 Urban way of life, 44, 46 Values and slhics, 290-95, 303 nnuse of iDJomatioD, 2S2,294 policy implications, 319-22 rccipr@al obtisations, 290,94 aDd the Third World, 294-95 Vrriables, dep€ndent vs. independenr, 258 59 Venenela, squattd settlemors in, lU Viltage stD&es,9-10, 19, 19 Visiting, of ru.al-urban nisranrs, 246, 247 Walled citi6, 85 - War on Poverb/," 319-10

I I t

Warhhgton, D.C., 86, 95 neighbodoods, IA7 resrch uits, 263 Wettemiation ptlEs, 2,t 1-45 West Euop€an citi6, 86, 183 working cl,ss alegioce, to the citv,

56 Workplac€s,situtior

l9g-900

World e{msiti@s, 106 world Wd lI, ru, 9, 2&29 and applied anthropolos_v. 8 .eneny" cultu6, 7 food habit studis, 7 Japees€ Reltutim c€nters, 8, tg languge Eaining, 8 village studies, 9 Writing, and the odgin of cities, 9, 77 Yodba towns (W. ffrica), 4(Hr Yuetm (Mex.), 10-rr Yugolavia: ki$hip nes, 141-4t, 152 u$an nigrant social networls, rto,

r23, I3l, r35, 137,2_{7

Zambia, social retworls

t

26,

in, Dr,22,

puhlic beh.vior in, 2i,6

II

I