Alexander the great and the hellenistic age

ALEXANDER THE GREAT AND THE HETTENISTIC AGE A Short Historv .-r-,

Peter Creen

Weidenfeld and Nicolson LONDON

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ALEXANDER THE GREAT AND THE HELLENISTIC AGE

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Contents

Preface and Acknowledgments

ix

Introduction: Background and Sources xiii r

Alexander and His Legacy {:f 6-f zl)

z

Hawks and Hyenas: The Struggle for Empire $4-2761

r 2 1

3 Kings, Cities, and Culture: The Mythic Past as the Future 52 4

Eastern Horizons and the Cloud in the West lz76-1961 7 9

5 Dynastic Troubles, Artistic and Scientific A c h i e v e m e n t s( r 9 6 - r r 6 ) r 0 5 6

Sword over Pen: Rome's Final Solution (r r 6-3o) Selective Chronological Table Maps and Genealogies r8r Guide to Further Reading Bibliography Abbreviations Notes

zr9

Index

225

2o2 217

r94

r 59

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The abiding importance of Alexander lies more in the field of moral and philosophical

debate than in practical politics . . .

The debate over legitimacy that Alexander

lasted a mere generation. After

was a symbol

and nothing

else. Fclr sub-

sequent ages he typified the world conqueror, and his territorial acquisitions were a standing inspiration and challenge to successive dynasts. . B. BOSWORTH

It is now impossible to consider the Hellenistic

period in

Creece as a uniform, essentially static epoch. SUSAN E. ALCOCK

Pr eface and Acknowledgments

It is now seventeen years since my study Alexander to Actium: The Historical Evolution of the Hellenistic Age first saw the Iight of day (and well over twenty since the original text was first delivered to my publisher: I had a copy editor who specialized in minutiae). Since then the outflow of work on the Hellenistic age, already voluminous, has become a torrent. No scholar can master it all, and I have not, sensibly, attempted to do so. As those who compare the earlier work with this one will see, my essential views have not changed all that much; but I have learned a good deal from what I have read in the past two decades and am very glad of this opportunity to review, update, and where necessarymodify my original arguments. Once again, I study the three centuries of the Hellenistic age in a continuous ongoing diachronic narrative embracing the entire scerre/ rather than, like most writers on this sub.iect, leading off with a condensed (and generally bewildering) political history in vacuo, followed up with a series of more or less static therne-park essays, first on the major kingdoms (Ptolemaic, Seleucid, Antigonid, Attalid) and then on a variety of topics ranging from the monarchy to economics, from Alexandrian literature

to the visual arts, from urban planning to military science, from philosophy to piracy. The trouble with this approach is its kaleidoscopic disjunctiveness (which can make for severe confusion) and its inevitable tendency to

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Pr efaceand Acknowledgments recommendations are not only (with a few special exceptions) to works in English, but also to those in print and thus easily available. For the same reason, I have for the most part avoided articles in leamed periodicals, runs of which tend to be held only by academic libraries. Last, though I am on principle in favor of transcribing Greek names as near as possible to their original forms, I have in this book retained the Latinized versions throughout

(for example, Cassander rather than Kassandros),since these are - like it or not - far more widely recognizecl. The published work of many scholars, past and present, and personal acquaintance and discussion with more than a few, have enriched my knowledge of Alexander and the Hellenistic period more than I can say. Among them I owe an especial debt to Ernst Badian, Gene Borza, Brian Bosworth, Pierre Briant, Elizabeth Carney, f. K. Davies, Peter Derow, W. S. Ferguson, my old Carnbridge teacher Guy Griffith, Erich Gruen, Christian Habicht, N. G. L. Hammond, Waldemar Heckel, Am6lie Kuhrt, Geoffrey Lloyd, fon Mikalson, Claire Pr6aux, Graham Shipley, Andrew Stewart, Frank Walbank, and Edouard Will. As always, my work has been sustained by the rich holdings in ancient history, backed up by the highly professional Interlibrary Loan Service, of the University of Iowa. At Random House I am particularly indebted to the support, practical efficiency, and cooperative professionalism of Will Murphy, Matt Kellogg, and Dennis Ambrose. Last but very far from least, what I owe to my wife, Carin, both personally and professionally, she knows better than I do.

x1

Introduction: Background and Sources

BACKGROUND What do we mean by the 'Hellenistic age,?Answers may vary in detail,' but there is a broad general consensus as to its genesis and political dimensions, while the phrase itself and the concept behind it are recognized as the brainchild of a nineteenth-century German historian, fohann Gustav Droysen. It begins with the shattering impact of Alexander/s conquest of the Persian Achaemenid empire bl+-lzll and follows the history, first, of the power struggle engendered among Alexander's marshals by his premature death, and then of the several dynasties founded by the victors (the so-called Diadochoi, or Successors)in that struggle, most notably Ptolemy in Egypt and Seleucus in Asia. Its end is most commonly defined - a deffnition that I accept in this volume - by Octavian,s victory over Antony and Cleopatra at Actium in 3r ncE, which eliminated the last of these dynasties, that of the Ptolemies.' As late as the mid-nineteenth century, in the preface to his History of Greece (r846-1855), George Grote, a liberal historian 'as a whole, the period {and banker), could still write that between 3oo B.C. and the absorption of Greece by the Romans is of no interest in itself, and is only so far of value as it helps us to understand the preceding centuries.'3 Though quite a few ancient writers (Polybius and Plutarch among them) saw that xiii

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Intrcduction : Background and Sources Creece and the nascent imperialism of Rome, as Grote supposed, those three centuries reveal themselves as a politically violent and variously creative epoch in their own right, and it is as such that they are studied today. Why did Grote so despise this period? Ever since the reestablishment, from the beginning of the nineteenth century, in England in particular, of the primacy of Greek culture over that of Rome,5 it has been the Periclean age of fifth-century Athens that has received constant and largely exclusive praise as representing, in virtually every area - literature, drarta, historiography, architecture, sculpture, philosophy, and above all the democratic ideal of the city-state - an unprecedented, never to be repeated summum bonum of original creative achievement. With this benchmark in place, it was inevitable that what followed - especially given Athens, crushing military setbacks at the hands o{ Sparta (4o4) and Macedon (ESS)should be widely regarded as a period of decline, a falling off from an unrnatchably high standard. Modern students of the Hellenistic era argue that the benchmark of Periclean achievement is meaningless in terms of cultural evolution, an apples-and-orangescomparison, and this in ways is plausible. Yet it remains true, and less often emphasized, that most writers at the tme likewise moumed the end of an incomparable era; many saw no further scope for great achievement and looked to the past for help rather than to bold new innovation. Toward the end of the fifth century, Choerilus of Samos, an epic poet who had treated the persian Wars, could write:6 Lucky the man o{ those times who was skilled in songmaking,

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I ntr oduction: Background and Sources overwhelming odds, and never with success - the Athenians had rebelled against foreign overlordship. This dogged pursuit of eleutheric (freedom) was both passionate and significant. The difference of outlook, and confidence, in a powerful independent naval stronghold such as Rhodes, which remained free frorn the dictates of royal bureaucracy, is unmistakable. The emphasis on personal rather than public relationships that stamps the Hellenistic age applied, essentially, to a leisured minority, unremitting

which

depended for its existence on the

toil of others. When we examine the art, the

literature, the town planning and architecture, the advances in science and scholarship, the religious developments, the administrative patterns, and the political and military practices that between them offer an evolutionary profile of the three centuries between Alexander and Augustus, it is that minority - cultured, colonialist, well-off, actively or indirectly exploitative - whose actions and beliefs, by and large, shape our picture. Courtiers and mercenaries, merchants/ entrepreneurs and bureaucrats, artists and artisans, scholars, poets, scientists, historians, and philosophers, whether living off private incomes or patronage: it is their world, rather than that of the near-invisible majority, for which we have the evidence, such as it is. But then the same is true o{ Periclean Athens. It is the articulate who change history, who record those changes for posterlty. The social strata of any society evolve historically at different speeds and in different ways. For the Hellenistic era, as for many other periods, a safe rule of thumb is 'The lower, the slower.'For the {ellahin of Egypt, or the peasantry of Greece and Anatolia, very little changed over these three centuries except the identity and/ sometimes, the severity o{ their (mostly alien) xvl1

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Introduction: Backgroundand Sources poor, the inhabitants of regions beyond the scope of our textual accounts'e - must inevitably obscure both historical change as such and the powerful individuals whose actions brought that change about. The fashion today is to downplay those dynastic upheavals and characters that figure so prominently

in my

account/ in favor of the abstractions of underlying trends and theoretical economics or the voiceless life of the common people as revealed by landscape archaeology. But power dictates still, the abuses of untrammeled power are as ugly today as they were in the li{etimes of Alexander or Ptolemy VIII, and now and again we need to remind ourselves of that basic (if unpalatable) fact. * These three mouvementd, centuries cover some of the most crucial and transformational history of the ancient world, played out on an unprecedentedly large stage (seemap, pp. r84-85 ). The changes are lasting and fundamental. Chief among them has to be the final demise - always with the occasional odd exception, like Rhodes - of the so-called polis mentality, the city-state as the normative political institution in international affairs. The parochial weaknesses of the system, glaringly apparent during the first half of the fourth century (Buckler, zoo3, passim), led directly, in mainland Greece, to the diplomatic, political, and, finally, military supremacy of Philip II of Macedon. The cumbersome democratic process met efficient autocracy and failed. Too many cooks (of necessarily low quality) not only spoiled the broth, but tended to disagree on the recipe. In Athens or Alexandria, Pella or Pergamon, when every allowance has been made for local or cultural variations, the same characteristic profile emerges. The traditional collective claims o{ the polis, progressively loosened from the late fifth xlx

'porrad agl Surdpnls JoJ uosear rol?ur E eln]r]suoc puB /Ilrls sn qlr.M\arE arnllnc Jo r{cuerq d-raaaur perepue8ua lr secuelpe lear8 aq} trng 'uaql ol parrnc)o ra^au pooqrla{Il IIE ur pue auo ou parra}ep uorlualur-Jles Io euo eouessJur (aasueJ e1v\su) selr ssacord aql 'qrdu reql lpJtsacue Jo u.uoJ oql ur .{1r1uaprpue uorlecgrlsnl ro; 's1oor ro1 r{cJ€ase se.n tr 'erodsurpr*eu a8nq srql }o sJaqureur snorruJrllnur aql patrun 8urql auo JI 'lsed eql qlrm uorssesqo Surrnpua ue e{Er1s pFo" aJn}nJ eq} }o uorsr^ aq} 'srossac }ou IJo 'drerqrl uerJpupxelv -cns eql 1o sarlsuudp n eu eql Suoure os aq1 ur sy 'd1ssa1qfruos pJrequraursrp rsnl prq JapuExaIV lerll }Eql a>lqun sueeur ou l'q pue '1uecsar3 arrdtua prueuauqcv

alrueg eql pue ldd8g cruoereqd ur rerlrruuJ 3uo1 'p1o d-raa Surqleruos otr uorsJaleJ E ecuessa ur trnq 'uorlrlor.rur ou seil{, ,{1uoq1ne pdor lertuec pue stuop8ur4 a8nq o} U1tls eqt tal 'sarrolrJrel peranbuoc,uolrr-leads, aql ur'uor1ello1dxe pegrfsn[ Jo srsuq u uo 'ursrleruoloJ seq ua tnpq ep ]trapguoo ro; arar{dsorulE IPapr uE paleaJ' rrraql uaen}aq 'srosseccns aqr puB repuexelv dq arrdrue uersrerl eqr 1o dn Surrrreceql pue 'rorzqroq Eralsea ro1 lduraluoc paurur8ur ue 'rusrualloqued ;o epuu8e -dord eqa 'adecsa ol preq uaeq a^eq lsnur - seqorr xneelnou aql Jo Erlueur luruuarad leqf - lueseeldun Surqldue Jo lno de.r,r rnod dnq uec nod ler{t Eepr aq} 'sasuc r{loq uI 'sa^EISdq paurro; 'serltrrrlce -rad aq o1 'suazrlrc 1o dlrpqrsuodsar aql dlsnoraerd raqlo dueur ,loIIE seruocur Sursrr apqzrr 'sarrruacJerrr perrq dq paceldar dla8rel uaaq.mou seq 'er1r1rtuuezrlrc aql 'a)JoI Surpurq 'urou aq] euocaq seq p;rarvrod (sglgypf) leql lsrpnpr,rrpur 'raru,od eurnua8 alerrud pasrdsap uJor{s sor}r^rloe /salcrred Jo 'prulnuo drnluac ledrcrunur pup crlrc IEroI ol pelrulsar ,rr\ouoru trCV

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Intro duction : Backsround and Sources SOURCES Our sources'o {or the career and lifetime of Alexander and the three Hellenistic centuries that followed (in themselves two sharply distinguished categories) are various, often fragmentary/ hard to assemble, and in part inaccessible to nonspecialists/ most often through being untranslated from Greek or Latin and available only, even then, in foreignlanguage collections seldom to be found except in major university research libraries. Since the aim of this section is primarily

to point the interested general reader to texts in

English translation, I have omitted much that is normally consulted only by scholars fluent in Latin and Greek and used to reading commentaries in German, French, or ltalian. This applies especially to articles in periodicals. On a very few occasions, when the exact meaning of a citation is crucial (for instance, Plutarch discussing the proper limitations on freedom, pp. xvi, zr9l,I give the original Latin or Greek text in an endnote. The reader should also note that the term 'fragment,' though useful shorthand, can be misleading. Genuine fragments abound: they may be written on scraps of papyrus or a loose page of a medieval manuscript or be quoted verbatim by some ancient author or commentator {scholiast}: Athenaeus (fl. c. zoo cn) is an especially rich source for such material. But all too often what we have are not direct transcriptions, but summaries and digests of material from lost works (for example, those prepared by Photius, the ninth-century cn patriarch of Constantinople). Such 'fragments' give us, at best, the gist of what a lost author wrote and can never be guaranteed not to have omitted material in the original text or not to have xxl

IIXX l.q rvraqdeu s,allotsuv 'sauaqlsqlu3 uerrolsrq s,u8red FngIo -rrruc eql {oqertg raqdurSoa8 uelsn8ny aqt puu eas) {3urrvro11o1 uerrrv qloq ^q dle^rsuelxa pesn 'atar3 ]o snrltreaN repuuururoc 'suerrolsrtl relel Kq 'raqtue ur taalt s,repuexelv epnlcur daqa serg e{q 'parrraserd suorsnlle pue 'suorlullt 'sldtecxa uropueJ dluo a,ua-rns eJarll s>lJorv\rreql Jo 'teetel s/Jeprrexalv rJlri. 'rurg repun pe^Jes peq or{,r{ sJaogJo rorues 3ur Iretap ur lpap -pnlrur 'arurl aql sJelrJ-1r\ snorarunu q8noqa 'uralqord Jo pupl tE 'seJlnos Lreralrl rqt q}l6 luarJJlrp e r.{lrr\ leep or JAEI{ J.fv\ 'Pse r deerY ) sr IIereAo a8euroc >leero ol uorlcnporlur leraua8 - pelerlsnllr '(r96r) sapruouo>lro pue '(E96rl -lsaq pue - tseq eql rEJdq IIIrS ra8uqyag '(tL6rl ocrrd are ln]asn ureruar leqt sdazrrns rerlrug '(r66r) ecrrd sr 'palertsnlp dldrue '4rom da4 aqtreraH 'reerec srq epuu8edord Surlourord-y1ag ,'dqcre Io arnteo] luaururord E se,^r!. -uour Issralrun srq Surrulcep aSeuroe aprrvr,-arrdruaue acnpord ol, ltlr 'egg6r 'quor,r'sog) Surturu 'dlddns aldrur ur parrnbce aq 'passerSordaq se ',{eI.{^ yo 'ra,rps pue plo8 q}oq 'sanssr urwo srq qlr^ dcuarrnc 1ueo1aceldar ot pepua] repuexelv :pp1ue1d pue r{cu q}oq sr 'pueq raqto eqt uo 'acueprrra crlerrrsrrrlnu aqa '(€oor) auroqso pu" sepoqU ur eIqEIrEAe sr (papnlcur suorlelsrrerl)uortcelesdrnluec-qlrnot rapr^. y '(og6r) rerassraH dq pelpe IIe^. uaaq aABr{ aseqt puu 'u8rer sr{ qlrlt\ (1}cerrp 'Iersrelorl IEep leql suorldrrcsur rvra;dlelrleredruoc ere araqJ -uor pue 'fuetuaur8er1 'a1qr8r13auuaeq eAEq spug snrdde4 '(rura1r1 lred lsolu aqt roJ are rapuuxalv ro1 secrnos eqJ +

'slcerlxe pezrrrruurns se (po JArAlns s[rop -org pue snrqdlo4 ;o suorlrod leltu"tsqns /fueruurns alaldruoe qcns euo sr (3urrvro11oy aas) snraduro4 snSora autotrd7 s,urt Io -snl 'llusuerl daqt treqzvipeuolsrp esrlv\-req1o ro palerdrelurel ACV

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Introduction: Backgroundand Sources marriage, who wrote up the Deeds of Alexande.r (a running narrative of the Persian expedition as it advanced) in fairly hyperbolic terms but nevertheless by 33o had fallen out o{ favor and was subsequently executed; Onesicritus of Astypalaea, Cynic by training and Alexander's chief helmsman, the source for iascinating snippets on Indian gurus; and Chares o{ Mytilene, court chamberlain, who provides valuable detail on/ among other things, the famous mass marriages at Susa. Slightly later come two semiautobiographical accounts of the campaign, both consistently eulogistic of Alexander and both, because of their alleged factual acour^cyt main sources for Arrian: the first by the self-promoting Ptolemy, veteran commander and founder of the Lagid dynasty in Egypt; the second by Aristobulus, a relatively junior officer, who composed his memoirs in old age after the Battle of Ipsus (3,or).All these, it goes without saying, while ostensibly of{ering objective accounts/ had a variety of drums to beat, axes to grind, and scores to settle. Last, but by far the most influential - I omit many minor titles and authors that are little more than names to us - we have Cleitarchus of Alexandria, probably just too young to serve in Asia but whose vivid, romanticized, and by no means overflattering account of Alexander's reign was in circulation by about 3ro. Cleitarchus'work formed the main source for a critical, often bitterly hostile approach to Alexander's achievements, morally based, especially popular with Stoic intellectuals, and in direct and deliberate opposition to the eulogistic tradition

praising Alexander's glorious achievements and quest supposed for universal concord. Both traditions/ as we shall see, are variously reflected in the accounts that survive

intact and still constitute the fundamental historiography of xxl11

pue urelsds lecrSolouor{c pau8rleur-qcnu srq roI dlrJerrrrrd alqu -nIBA uerrolsrr.l ssulJ-puof,espue fuepuoces e sureruar 'sreloqcs urapour dq peturrepun dllecrleurarsds q8noql 'snroporq acurs 'uoLlDzr[rALC 6lolg s/]uerng to lerrv pue IIIM ]o XI erunlol se,l,l.eJrBlIoA 1o a8e ar{l JoJ ecrnos lsarlrpa rno q8noql sE req}Er sI sIr{J 'seuntuac ilnt aerq} dq saqucsap }I stueaa eq} selep -1sod snqt pue 'aca o? 'c 'crlqnde1 ueruog atEI eI{} 1o lcnpord e sr 'snlnars sruoporq uurrolsrq IESreArun{earD rrerlrcrs eqt 'ac drnluac puo3es aqt dq ruqr 're11e1eql lserlreo agt uoAA Io 'sI lEql :rapuBxalv Jo slunocce 1uE1x3eAU to pua agl lnoqE lpun Jno ur pasn eq o1 q8noue 3uo1 panra-rns'ssalaglrertau '1so141 'lsol ueeq peq 'snqcrelrel3 uarla 'ureql Io auo d.ra,raacuessruuag eql Jo aurrl eqr dq leql os 'slunocce IEnlteJ dpea raqos erouJ aql Suranas -ard urorl saqrJcs lelarparu a8ernocsrp ol sen acuouroy aql to 'Arolsq sll uo uorlcnpollur }uallocxa u3 qlr1r llnsal lsrol\d or{I raqlaSol 'ryorvr Surleur"seJ srr{l Jo uor}Elsueg uudpeap dlqelrns r dleraua8 sapr,rord (r66r)upurauols 'sa8y epptl^i eql ur u.lv\ou>1 sluaura^elqcB puE eIrI s/rapuexelv ]o uorsre^ elos eql atrreceq pue 'sa8en8uel durql JaAoolur palelsuerl sern 'slunocce snouas arour IIE palsno alurl Jo esJnos eI{} ur qsltlr!\ 'sauaqlsrlluJ ol per -nqrrtle dlesp; 'a)uDuroy npuoxa[V pellet-os aql 'Surllatdrols snolnqr1 pue 'sa1el ,{rru; 'pua8al 1o o8errey d-reurproerlxe uE rot Iprrateur tserlJre eqt papr^ord snqrrulralf, pue soueqlsllle3 'zz-r '1196rlurrsnv pue !rar-96'(S96r)Burpre11 :eJaorlsr -ueIIeH aql qlrrvt' dlureu: Suqeap s{rorvr,o/ltt ur pepnlcur osIE ere arurle1rl s,rapuexelv ruorJ sruetl 'ltoozl dalprel puu Ie>IceH pue ur 'palelsuerl uru8e (€oor) uo13urquo11 :suorlcelloc ]uocar o.1r\1 'a1qele,re .ivt'ouaJE suorlcalas '(€56t| uosurqoU ur pelelsuerl ueeq aAEq'peuorluaru lou eAEq I luql sraqlo Jo pue 'slxel lsol aseq] IIE ;o sluaur8erJ Surrr.rzrrnsaql '^Epot serpnts rapuExelv ECV

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Introduction: Backgroundand Sources for information {for instance, on Philip II of Macedon and Alexander's Successors)nowhere else available. His account of Alexander - though marred by a textual lacuna coverrng some of the most crucial events in the conqueror's career - fills the whole of one exceptionally long book {XVII) of the Bibliotheke, There is a general consensus that one of Diodorus, chief sources was Cleitarchus. His text is thus relegated to the so-called vulgate tradition, as opposed to the 'court tradition' o{ official eulogists, primarily Arrian's authorities Ptolemy and AristobuIus. The only English translation currently available is that of Welles Fg6ll, which has some sensible, though sometimes dated, notesi readers with French are recommended also to consult Goukowsky (tsSS). The Rornan Quintus Curtius Rufus probably wrote his History of Alexander in the middle or late years of the fi.rst century cn, under Claudius or Vespasian: see Baynham (rSS8l for a judicious discussion. Long underrated because of his rhetorical excesses and supposed reshaping of his material to suit Roman politics, Curtius is now recognized as providing a great deal of useful factual material, not only from Cleitarchus and the vulgate tradition, but also from Ptolemy and Trogus (see following). Rolfe ftS+61 offers a parallel-text translation. More up-to-date, with useful introduction and notes, is Yardley-Heckel (ry9+).Curtius is especially valuable for the material lost in Diodorus (seeearlier). fustin (more fully Marcus funianus |ustinus) is known only as the (? late-second-century cr) abbreviator, excerptor, and adapter of the Philippic Histories of Trogus Pompeius, a Romanized Gaul of the Augustan age. Alexander is covered in books IX.8 and XI-X[. Like so many ancient students of history, |ustin was first and foremost concemed 'to point a

eql tnq '(pe,rord eq touuec pue) peuorrsonb ueeq ser{ aseql Io dlrcrluaqlne er{J 'repuexelv o} ro dq sra11e1 pa8alle snorJEAarr (setull durql rarro) ueqo lsour 01 sreter r{rrelnld secrnos eql ' l696tl uollrrueH pue'l€E-zSz'lE L6rl lre^Ir)-tloog to' 6El-lzz '1616r) urrrad raqlre ees 'rapuexelv 'Lg?-zg€ Jo at!'I etqt rog 'l9E6r) lllqqeg ur qsrlSug ur pear d1]uarua,ruoc tsour eq upc ( 9 5 ? € - q 9 z € ' z o 4 l ) s d u s s ee q a ' 5 € r - € r r ' ( 9 o o z l q 8 n g u r r a ^ r l o ees :se?rnos tno Surssassuuer{1v\}unocre o}ur lI alel ol sdervrle paeu en puu 'aar8epressal ro ralear8 u o1 dqderSorrolsrq luercue 'rESaeJ snqn{ Jo rpql qtur parred I1e peroloo tceJ ur cuoleqU 'dqderSorq srq Jo os ssal dlerlrud dluo pue ,lganl IIDIS etuuur rc laqcLll >ltnl s,repupxalv, uo sdessa (dpua dlqeqord pue) '(soqra) Ierluulsqns o-1!us,r{crp}nld Jo enr} dpelncrtrred sl sIqI ralcereqr Ienprlrpur uruldxa Jo aleJlsnllr ot dpo pe^Jes (srxerd) uorlce IucrJolsrq qclq^ ur 'seqcaads 'crtrcraprdaro 'acard (uldsrp Ief,rrolar{r q ilI>ls sE^. sra}rrm crtrsrqdogpuoces }o rure arurrd eqJ 'sueqlv lecrsselc Jo {aarO clllv true8ale pue 'Ktolvto 'fuolsrq eql ur pa>leos survr (crlsrqdos puocos eql sE ulr\ou{ 'porrad eql >lear3 raqro a>1q)lnq alnr ueruog rapun to sJetrJ-lr'\ dlqeaceed pa,rr1'lsarrd crqdleq pue 'lsruoluld rnateure 'raqder8 'lsrdessa'(ac ozrc-S? 'c) eauoraeq3 -orq Jo r{cre}nld '(3uvrto11o1 aas)poued crlsruelleH IeJoru

aql ur sde8 r*e; E uuql erorrr - dlelrnbapeul re^elvroq - sra -Aoc pue (?66r 'ur1a,raq pue dalprul) qstlSug uI elqelre^e .ln'ou osIE sr 'palelouue 'urlsnl Jo lxel alaldruoc aqa 'dqderSorrolsrq pue punorS>lcaq eqr uo uorlcnporlul IecIlIJt E pue ']no -q8norqt sacueraJercrqderSorlqrq eydure 'lxat aql uo dreluatu 'rapuexaly Suru.recuocsralder{c eq} -ruoc Suruunr Jo IInt e qlra uortulsuert alerrdas e 'lL66rl Ia>IcaHpue delprea aleq or d1cnl dluuorldacxe arp sropear qsq8uE 'snSora urorJ suorlralas srq pelelcrp 'alsel rno roJ uJUo ool 'sIrI] pue,'a1el e urope ro Ieroru :IDV

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Introduction : Background and Sources bulk oi them - some, clearly, from a collection - rnay well be genuine. " Apart from these, he names twenty-four authorities, including Callisthenes, Aristobulus, Onesicritus, and Cleitarchus, who seem to have been his chief sources. ptolemy is conspicuous by his absence. Plutarch alone preserves almost all our evidence conceming Alexander's youth (assessingthe impact of education, paideia, was one basic ingredient when judging a man's ethos) and is essential for such events (lost in Diodorus) as the murder of Cleitus and the Pages' conspiracy. But this biography takes little interest in military matters and badly underestimates (even for Alexander,s ethos) the conqueror's sheer drive and ruthlessness Irom the very beginning of his career. Finally, Arrian, whose Anabasis of Alexander, closely modeled on Xenophon and composed in a pastiche of Thucydidean Attic, is the longest, most detailed, and in many ways the best account of Alexander's eleven-year campaign to have survived. Lucius Flavius Arrianus (to give him his full Romanized nomenclature) was born about 85 cn, a wealthy Bithynian Greek who studied under Epictetus, was admitted to senatorial rank by Hadrian, held the consulship in rz9, served as legate of Cappadocia (4vr371, as military commander repelled abarbarian incursion by the Alans, and finally retired to Athens, where he was elected archon in r4516 and died c. 162, early in the reign of Marcus Aurelius. Arrian's eareer is of importance when cclnsidering his attitude to Alexander, which is largely laudatory: he was, by both nature and training, on the side of officialdom. (So, for various reasons/ were his chosen sources/ Ptolemy and Aristobulus.) Like Plutarch, he was more interested in ethos than praxis and in fact had little originality or critical skill as a historian. It xxvii

3r{ :snoruroue sr sugrrolsrq Jo} anIEA srq /os ue^g 'lc?trur e^r^tns &ro1 1o lno s{ooq eAU }srg aqr dpo fuo1srq ,snrqd1o4 urorl tJeJ ur ecurs 'ruadde lsrg 1e lq8rur ueql ssel sr snuoq srqJ 'sruad eerql-dqg araru e ur rarrLod plron ol asrr Surqsruolsu s/euroU uruldxe ol Jlesurn{ }es pue snu -ErIIueV ordrcg elerurlur uu arueteq aq erer{,r\'aruog ot Jo lLgrl eupd4 reUE peilodap urrcrlrlod ueeeqcv ue 'snrqd1o.1'sseulvrL furrodrueluor ssulc-lsJg e :Surssnu sr repuuxalv roJ ler{a eleq an t f Str ot 6rz uor; 'pueq reqlo eqt uO 'u.vlou>lun asr,/vuaqlo sluala dueru 1o sasdurq8 sre;Jo sselaquelau qclqa '(rarpea aas) urlsn{ dq snSora;o tuatu8prrqe ,,,8ursn;uof, pu" dqc1e4s, eqt 'l.1uo auo ser1aloq^\ u se porred ortsruelleH aqt - aq deur (aqr q8noqt alrtplrrep pur elEI - secJnos elrlerreu snonurl -uoc o U ueql reaat ou eAErI su8rudurec s/Jepuuxelv eJeqAA 'eJnluu lueraJlrp d13ur4r1s v lo erc qluep s/JapuEXeIV3urrvr,o11o1 seuntuac aarql aqt ro1 alueprle eqr dq peluasard sruelqord aqa +

-laerD 'd-relueuuroo sselc-lsr5 Jo e8peyvrou>lpalrelep u serrnbel 1nq E sreJJo(566r 'o96r) qUor'rsog z,'uollrrrreH 'U 'l d.q uor}cnp -orlur elnru dllecrlsrralcercqr v qlrn '( rL6r) Unocurla5 ep sr drqsreloqcs truecararoru elrdsap enlp^ poo8 lprs pue 'rcdeaqc 'ralroqg 'sacrpuedde 3ur1u1nur1s dHBt.{ aruos pue selou Suru -unr qtr-1!\raqteSol 'uorlcnporlur luallecxa pue pelretap p osle nq'srsDqouy aql Jo uorlulsugJl alup-ol-dn uu dluo ]ou sraJJo r{clr{r\r 'lEg6r '9L6r) lunrg tlnsuot pForls srapeer pe}seralul '(snrlrn3 pu€ snroporcl Jo luarulearl alrssrruslpra^o aql sr se) uorsrleJ yo ssecord ur ,l\ou sr epnlrlle srr{J 'arJnos p se anlul IIEToAOsrq alErrrrlsererro dllearS o1 urua sE qcns susrrolsrq pasnEs lEr{} IrE}ap cr}uarltnE Jo g}IEa^\ alqEruepun srq se qcnu se lseal 13 repuexalv uo lcrprea ,fiore1npe srq 'asrnoc ;o 'servr ADV

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and Shuckburgh (r889, repr. r96o). Shuckburgh (r98o) and Scott-Kilvert (r979) offer selections only. An excellent critical introduction, distilled from his great commentary (Walbank, r917-rg79l, is to be found in Walbank's Sather Lectures (Walbank, r97z). The major historians of the third century BCE are all lost, surviving only in scattered fragments, excerpts, and citations: unlike

the Alexander historians, they have not been systematically translated. For a succinct survey/ see Sacks in OCD3 lryg6l, 715-716. Hieronymus of Cardia, Duris of Samos, Timaeus of Tauromenium {the modern Taormina},

Phylarchus of Athens or Naucratis, Aratus of Sicyon's Memoirs, and the local Attic historian Philochorus: it is these who are generally agreed to have shaped and charactefized the tradition of the early Hellenistic period; and of them, the most important - despite the paucity of his surviving fragments - is undoubtedly Hieronymus. His history of the Successors, from 323 to the death of Pyrrhus tn z7z, was based on firsthand material and personal experience. Its quality car be gauged from Plutarch's Lives of Demetrius, Eumenes, and Pyrrhus and above all from books r8-zo of Diodorus, covering the period down to the Battle of lpsus in 3or, which use it extensively. The best study of Hieronymus is still Homblower { r 9 8r ) . Duris {c. j4o-c. z6ol, tyrant of Samos as well as historian, wrote a lengthy and somewhat hostile history of Macedonian affairs from 37o to Corupedium (z8r), which incurred Hieronymus' criticism. Timaeus {c. 35o-z5o) wrote a Sicilian History xxlx

xxx pue pelJesard dle8ruy ere. s>lro/t esoq,/vt 'ellolsrry rally ' Jstueururot palrElep puE IInI E sppe (e36r) ppry qclq^a o1 'uraqt ]o uortelsuert E saprlord (666r) ppr;1 lsluaru8er; pcrrolsrq er{} atupdn 'g pue y sacrpuadde '1666rl e{relf, puu (696r} ppry pue urelslapg 'rapro plror\ aq} qlr^\ urnrredurr uuurog to uorlec5lluepr eq] prul ol Surlurod ursrlusrelrun orrrrsocsr11'(rvrerpsnroporq qcrq*\ uo dpearp sp-1!\ prreleru) sllolar elpls :rJa d-rnluac-1srg eql ol lueurleerl crla -qtedurds Surnr8 erurl eures eql }E allq^r srl{rqou ueuroU eql peJo^eJ snruoprsod 'lsrleroru clors V 'so8 eql ur lurod euros o1 uo d-ro1seq] parrrec pue '9lr ur qlurro3 pue e8uqtre3 Jo IIuJ aqr 'JJo w r1e1 snrqdlocl erer{rvrdn 3ur>1ul trto1sr114ooq-or*1-dryg e elor.rv\oqrvl '( r S 'c-S € r 'c) earuedy Jo snruoprso4 qteru(1od leer8 er{} Jo }pq1 sr ssol IeorJolslq tsatear8 aqt 'pouad Ja}eI er{} Jod '3urzr1e1ue1 dlercedsa st'o9r o1 oz€ ruorl d-rolstq ueruaqlv Surraaoc 'sLqnv ',(oeraps; ,sruorloolrqd Jo s>looq ualele lsEI er{l }o ssol aqa /snlEJV -uor uEeBqev eql Jo srrcutaw eqt ur to lcrlrqrr€ JrIl acuepuuoo qcnur ool peculd snrqd1o.1'ua>lol elrres aql ,(g '(r96r 'ucu;y) surq ueeeq3V-ltue 'uelredg-ord ,snqcreldq4 ot enp dpealc sE1!\ursrcrlrJc srq Jo sntulue eql lnq 'tusrleuorlesuas roJ rurq pe>lcel]E snrqdlo4 'sntqdyo4 qllar dlectSolouorqc dn 8ur4uq snqt 'elredg yo 3ut1 pEISV d-reuorlnloner eql /11I saueuroal3 qleep oql qlr/vr '6rrf ozz ur papua szr-ro?srIl srq Jo '.zlr, ur'IJo peq - snurduorarH as€c slql ur - rossecepard e UaI u.no srq 3ur1ru1sJo uorlue^uoJ crtsluelleH luerua^ ereq.^^>Iro.lvr -uoc eql pe,/v\ollotsnqcreldq4 '(gs6r 'urvlorg) sauu3 uerdurdlg leruuerprnb aqt dq Suruo>1carruelsds pctSolouorqc E toI elclr -suodser se.lv\oslp sneBrurl 'dsdolne Jo >ltEI pue etrrerou8r f,rcI -IIIU slq pa8ezres'dlqetcrpard 'sntqd1o4 q8nogr 'pporrt luertue ar{l ro] esaerD uralsen Jo lunoc?E luEururop eq} eruBceq lPqtr qCV

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Introduction: Backgroundand Sources available in good English translations ({or instance, Barnes, 1984), and, to a far lesser extent, his successor Theophrastus/ mainly of interest to nonspecialists for ltis Characters (Ussher, r96o; Rusten and Cunningham, zooz; Diggle, 2oo4lt the philosophical tradition, though of immense richness and variety, has fared no better than that of the historians. Original fragments are very sparse;otherwise we are forced to rely on late citations and summaries, often hostile and generally out of context. Flowever, the English reader now has a full and well-annotated sourcebook of this rnaterial available in translation (Long and Sedley, 1987, vol. r, with the original texts, plus contexts and technical commentary, in vol. z). Several of the surviving texts, most notably that of Polybius (covering zz9-r46f 5, mostly in excerpts), have already been discussed earlier. |ustin's selective abridgment of Trogus pompeius, as we have seen, is the sole surviving narrative to span all three centuries. For the period of the Successors, from Alexander's death to the Battle of lpsus (323-3or), we have books r8-zo of Diodorus Siculus (Geer, 1947, r954i Bizidre, t975; Goukowsky,

1978}, which use much crucial material from

Hieronymus of Cardia. The remaining books of Diodor-us {zr4o), down to eol59 BCE, are represented only by fragments and excerpts, translated by Walton ftSSll and Walton and Geer IrS6ll.Appian of Alexandria (fl. second century cr; White, rgrz-r9r.3) wrote on Rome's Syrian, Mithradatic, and civil wars: much of his material sheds light on the history of the later Hellenistic kingdoms. The late Republican litterateur Cornelius Nepos (Rolfe, r9z9) wrote a series of biographies, of three - his Eumenes, Phocion, and Timoleon - are

which

relevant to the period, though markedly inferior to those of Plutarch.

srg qSnoqt :fueqdrrad ueauerrelrpaw rapra eqt ro1 seop oqerls leq^, eceeJD puelureru lerluec ro' saop lceJJa ur {Sooz ,uo1 -1n11t966r 'telety tSg6r 'lqcrqeH 'Jr t5€6r-gr6r 'sawol t616t 'rzra1)suruusnud 'uorlsurroyur palu8arrpl Jo aunu a8nq B sr trxal srH 'lsol nou sacJnos crlsruallaH JerIrEe pue (eupuuxrlv roI 'aldruuxa ro1) dsdotne qtoq Sursn 'dep srq ur errdrue uuruog eql '1canq 'a4te13 t666r puv'L66r to luetxa IInJ eril sd.alrns {ooor '1c tzE6r-/-16r 'sauo{) .(ooz [qdafioa2 {ooq-ueelua,res s,oqerlg 'c 'It) srtercneN 'seru Jo snaeuaqly dreroduretuoc-Jpeu srq pue 'eraseury -PSnEdrelrr.l!\ IaAsJl :rl ,{-rnluac-puoJeseq} ,o oqPtrs reqdurSoa8 uslsn8nv aql ere Ere JrlsruelleH eqt roJ saornos drrralrl 'lecrrolsrquou dprerurrd 'luuuodrur lsoul aerq] eqJ 'ssorp Ierrroleqr qcnu prrus anIEA Jo suratr uropuer pps (oooz 'uosyr11) ueqey pue (€oor 'sueAaJtS-pJoIIoH 'Jc lgz-Lc6r 'aJIoU) snrIIaD snlnv slsrdessa al drnluar-puores aqt pue (oooz 'dapug uolalTcuqg) snurr -xew snrralun (rerodrualuoc /snrJeqlJ dq saruellecsrur relrurrs '(z(1uo suorlcalas raJJo '€66r '11essn6 pue !266t 'p1agre1e41) selopeoup Surluarrar pue slce] pera]lecs snoraurnu IeJrrolsrq Surpnlcur 'lfooz-Lz6r ''p le llrqqegl oqarc1111 eql ur s(esse aq1 dq para,roc Ierreluur Jo aSusr e8nq eql sr lseretrur lenba tsourle yg '(€/6r) Ua^lr)-ltocs ur pepnlcur are uoolourlJ pue /uorcor{cl 'snqrr(4 'raSarsag eql snrrleureq ']xel >lear3 Io sa^t1 erqjlalpred e yo a8elue^pe aql seq l9c,6r-tr6r) urr:e4 lssacce dpueq pue deaqc sJeJJolrrou (rooz) '1u ta uapl-r1l'sa^t1 e:ql '(aduo4 'e11ng 'sn11ne4 snrlruov Jo uortelsueJt crsselc e ro4 'snurururelC :ecaar3 ur sprolre./r ueuroU qrut (1qe11a8royun sFap osF oH !r'seuaurnf pup ra8ersafl ar{} snrJ}aurec s3 r{cns slsrlenprlrpur crlercurtsorpr lsnrrouas uetuou er{l /uoelorurJ 'III sauauoelS 'snleJv :]no ueur ppo aql se>lrlaH 'anle^ro^o o] pJEq sr acrnos e sB a?ueuodurr s,qcrrlnld tr'sdus >luEqIEMsV {CIr'

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Introduction: Backgroundand Sources sympathy, like Plutarch's, is for the classical era, he still manages to provide, over and above his guide to the monuments, a remarkable amount of historical information. In Athenaeus, one work, the Deipnosophists, neatly translated by Basil Gildersleeveas The Gastronomes {Gulick, rg27-rg+r, cf. Braund and Wilkins, 2ooo; Olson, series in progress, 2oo7lt we get fifteen books of well-read table talk about, literally, cabbages and kings: food, drink, scurrilous eavesdropping on celebrities, endlessquotations (mostly from Middle and New Comedy). Because of the ultra-fragmentary nature of most of this evidence/ nonspecialists will find it most convenient to rely on the various selective sourcebooks, all of high quality, now widely available in paperback. Excerpts and fragments of all the lost writers discussed here are variously given - in translation, chronologically arranged, and with helpful notes - by Austin ( r 9 8 r ) , H a r d i n g ( r q 8 S ) ,B u r s t e i n ( r q 8 S ) ,a n d B a g n a l la n d D e r o w lzoo4l. These collections also include excerpts {rom the (largely untranslated) Byzantine lexica. The largest and most important of the latter, known as the Suda {'Fortress': tenth century cn), is currently being translated online by a vast collective consortium and can be consulted at www.stoa.org/sol. The sourcebooks also provide ample epigraphic and papyrological (though not, unfortunately but understandably, numismatic) testimonia, and it is to these that we must now turn. Whereas for Alexander's lifetime the directly relevant inscriptions were comparatively few, during the Hellenistic era (when recording practices multiply exponentially) they can be counted by the tens of thousands and are still steadily being added to annually. Gravestones, not surprisingly, are perhaps the most numerous. The variegated civic business of the Greek cities, enacted by Council (BouIQ and People (Demos) xxxl1l

AIX).X

dlalrugur 1nq 'suorldrrcsur dq para'Io tet{} UEI{I reqorJ dluo 1ou sr srudded ruorJ aJueprla ar{} }er{} enrl sureruar 1I 'pres lEqJ 'rueql urorJ azrlureua8 o1 snore8uep sr 1r 'acuetrrodtur arrrlerlsrururpe ro leuorleu snorlclo aABq spug uaqr\ ue^a snqa 'tdd8E roddn pue slpprw Jo satrrslercuraord d-rltrnoc-dn urorJ eruoc - sosnoq paurnr pue sdurnp qsrqqru worJ snlrrlap ar{} Jo 'e8uuuo}rec durruntu 's11orcspeprmsrp Jaq}aq^\ 'acuaprla;o adfi luaral;rp [ra,L - spug snrdded rno IIe lsourlv E r{}r^\ petuorJuoo are e1lt - eJel{1{eslo erer 1nq utlaq uerrdd8g aqtr ur uounuoc lueld qsruu e 'sntt{dod sntadtrS aqt ruor} apetu radBd Surlrr^\ erellq,r{ qtoous e dypur8rro - sruddud uo 8ur -Arlrns slxat drulueu8erl ssal Jo erour elqerarunuur ai{} qrllA 'uorlJnporlur leraua8 luallacxa uE sralJo lzoozl ueaTcw 'srue}sds 'porrad crlsruallaH aql Jo suorlducsur ar{l rod Iecr -Jaurnu Surraqdrcap o1 sazaanbsSur4eut urory 'lre s,lsrqder8rda eql tll uorlcnporlur uo-spuet{ Surlrurcse; e sepraord (196r) pEar{poo6 '(266r 'rc3e3) sralqer asJnc uo suotldrrcsur aq} ur eprs dtseu str ./!\oqsupo pue (spraqsrod pue slprr'r uo) IlBlerB slr serl 'elntreu dq crqder8rda lou q8noql 'a;r1ate,rrrd 'u./vrou>lun uele Jo palrodauepun esraJor-llo oJE treql sluele IEcIJOlsrr{JoJ eouaprla lno-Surqseg epraord seturlauros suorldrrcsur'procer drelalrl oql ur sde8aqt Jo esnerefl 'lua[rs eJEsecrnos fuero1r1rno r{clq.^&uo uorlertsrurrupE prcnelas puE tlEuralotrd lnoqP qf,nur sn IIal slorpe pue 'sra1]a1'sralreqc ledor lsacrlcerd lurcos pue sarurouoca rreqt aleurtunlp {rqdlag }E ro soIeCI rro 'eldurexe rog) sarrenlrues rruellequu4 roleu atl] Jo splocar eI{J 'suor} -drrcsur crlqnd >lFq Surureruer aql roJ slunoccp - dlruntu Jo -rrrr Jo slq8rr uezrlrc sluer8 'slunotce Sutppnq 'suorleln8ar 1o 'ssaursnq tunrseurud8 nsproperro Ioor{"s ledor qlut suol}elal Jeqlo pue setalgtrE InJssef,ons ol sprelrtar 'slelrlsal snor8rler 'saetcap Jgrrouoq 'set1ear1 /uorlerlrqre Jo sprocar 1o Surpunl aql ACV

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Introduction: Backgroundand Sources more varied: in particular, it offers far more material in the private sector. Bills and contracts/ daily rations, {arm rents, tax returns/ jottings

of dreams, school exercises/ divorce settlements, letters to wives or village officials - the list is endless. (In addition to the sourcebooks cited earlier, see Hunt and

Edgar, r93z and 1934'.dne first for a fine assortment of agreements/ correspondence, and wills, the second for regulations, judicial orders, petitions, applications/ contracts, tenders, and the endless bureaucratic minutiae goveming small-town life in provincial Egypt.) There have also been literary finds. Apart from

famous

discoveries like

Aristotle's

Constitution

of

Athens or a lost play, the Dyskolos by Menander, there have been endless tantalizing fragments o{ earlier drama and lyric poetry {see,for instance, Page, :l94rl. For a general introduction to papyrology, Turner (r968) remains unbeatable, though updated in sorne respectsby Bagnall (tqqS). Inevitably,

all these sources, being Greek-based, provide

variants on a ruling-class (if not always official) outlook. The most useful {and frequently disquieting) surveys on the relationships - and hostilities - between Greek and non-Greek in the Hellenistic world are Eddy (196rl, Momigliano 1:1979),and Isaac (zoo4). A good short introduction is now available: Gruen in Bugh (zoo6l, 295-314. Material in Akkadian, Aramaic, and, above all, demotic Egyptian (which gives us glimpses into the lower echelons of Egypt's native population) exists and is slowly being made available. But for most practical purposes (even for the spreading of anti-Greek propaganda - Ior example, in the apocallptic 'Oracle of the Potter,' Burstein, r985, ro6), Greek remained the Hellenistic

lingua franca. Besides, the three

centuries of Greco-Macedonian rule were a gigantic colonizing

IAXXX

/Jleslr ur acuepr^e ecrnos E dluo lou :d8oloaeq?re /}sE"I lnq Jo '(ryon elrtcelep (666r 't1og) a,req o^\ ecueprlo IeorJotsrq Jo ecard InJJepuolv\v dpo aqt (1enlrr,r are 's8urpug pcrSoloauqcru snld 'sanssr uroc eql '(sartsuudp uerrlceg-oterC eql 'aldtuexa ro1) sasec 'dlpoqtne Jraql to uorleprle^ se aBeurr crleru lercads auros uI -sruJnu srq esn o1 penurluoc sarlrc puE sJaInJsnorJe^ serrnluat o-1tuJaao JoI lpql dlrroqlne s/Jepuuxelv se,tr g)ns 'os uezrg 1r'u-^aosIg or paqolrns dpa11r1 pu€ pueq s/Jepuuxelv Surd-rree dq uu8aq senssr prepuuls sr11 'dure1o1d qlIA >lro^r le ssacord aql aes UEO aIA 'a8erur ulvlo rrer{} Surreaq suroa penssr pue s3ur4 sarrlasruaql perelcap daqt 'ls.rg 1u dlsnorlnuc '('1y St-zt 'dd) reurlxa dlseudp pea8ry ledor eqt puu puop I1eerarl,t.srreq srq ueqm 'uaqa 'sonssr rraqtr uo peeq s,repuexaly Sursn l.q dcuru 'srossactns eql 'snqcerursdl -1rr8a1 Suruur8aq qlyw tq8nos .aarJql ol pelFrII req penurluor 'sprepurls snorrpl uo 'sarcuauns 1ecol Jo -urnu E 'relncrlred ur eceerD puelurpru uo alrq.n.lelupueru ledor dq pezrroqlne se sreqlo 'dltuepuadepur euros 'pelurur osle sartrf, snoraurnu q8noqr 'sarqcreuour pIFllV aql 'ratu1 'puu 'prcnalag 'cretua1o14 aql 'dlqelou ]sour 'lueeru srql 'porrad JrlsruellaH aql uI '(sseu>luervrlercueu5 ueql ssel ou lecrlrlod sazrcrlqnd 'zrrau4 garw dlrnbrlue se 'dcuorrnt aql Jo lueuesEqap) qf8uarfs crurouoca 1o aalueren8 eql se ilazvrsp dlu8rararros 1o uorssardxa ue sr turur o1 lq8rr eqJ'suoltf,nporder ]seug eql seq IIIIs (996r1 f,evtSli('JJ58r '€96r) proJr\er3 pue {566r} o8a8r*o11dq para;;o oru suorlcnporlur leraua8 aroru /(t86r pue 166r 'uloq4royg dlercadse ees 'sJrleursruJnu crlsruallaH uo) a8euroc perJel pue s,porred eql u€ql rereelc srql a{eru s8urqt .vr.ag InJrruald 'uaql Apnls ol dllrerurrd aaer.{alvrl?qf 'III ro poo8 ro1 'qens sE sI ]I pue 'arntual ACV

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Introduction: Backgroundand Sources the instrument by which most of our other sources - coins/ inscriptions/ papyrus texts - are discovered and contextualized in the first place (snodgrass,1987, and in CrawfordI r9g3t r84; Alcock, rg94l. The value of excavatedremains is that 'represent what somebody once did, not what some temporary or later writer says they did."n In other words,

r37they conthey

are free of antique spin. But their corresponding disadvantage is that they themselves cannot speak at all, with the result that modern archaeologists speak for them, replacing antique spin with their own. Silent testimony is thus of limited historical value. But it can modify and enhance a narrative: Greek traders and mercenaries were actually established at Naucratis in Eglpt long before Herodotus thought they were.'e For the Hellenistic period, probably the most profitable archaeological evidence is that contributing to our knowledge of increasing urbanization throughout the Mediterranean and a good deal of the Near Eastern world. This comes primarily from Athens, Rhodes, and the already famous cities of western Asia Minor, such as Pergamon, Ephesus, and Miletus (in Alexandria, frustratingly, little has survived); yet the evidence offered by a site such as that of Ai Khanum in Afghanistan shows that the trend extended to the farthest outposts of empire. But who were the beneficiaries? Who worked out in the gymnasia, watched Greek plays in the theaters? Who had weapons buried with them, and why? What effect did mass emigration from Greece to the newly conquered lands have, in physical terms, on these old and new landscapes? Did fewer rural shrines indicate a religious crisis or simply depopulation? What insights archaeology can offer are, not surprisingly, Iinked with long-term conditions: the planning and layout o{ cities; the beliefs and customs deducible from shrines, graves, xxxvll

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In October 336 ecn, a much-publicized royal wedding took place in the ancient Macedonian city of Aegae (modern Vergina): King Philip II's daughter Cleopatra was marrying Alexander, king of the neighboring state of Epirus. The occasion was peculiar and ended tragically. The bridegroom, to begin with, was the bride's uncle - in fact, the brother of Philip's powerful but repudiated wife, Olympias, till recently an exile in Epirus, plotting revengeful mischief, but now back in Aegae as mother of the bride. Being on the eve of launching a major invasion of Asia Minor,

then a Persian satrapyt Philip characteristically

figured that an incestuous dynastic alliance would be a cheaper and easier way of protecting his rear than a time-consuming campaign. Hence the wedding. During

the ceremony, the images of the twelve Olympian gods were accompanied, in procession, by one of Philip himself. Thus when, on the second day of the festivities, Philip was assassinated by a member of his own bodyguard as he entered the theater prior to the games, many regarded this as divine punishment for unseemly royal hubris. For others, clearly, it was an opportunity not to be missed. The assassin, Pausanias/ was pursued and killed - thus precluding any interrogation of him - by friends of Philip's son and

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Alexander and His Legacy the daughter of Parmenio, Philip's most trusted general. With Parmenio, he was to command the force securing an advance bridgehead in Asia Minor. Philip's formation of a safe power bloc united by marriage surely bore some relation to the coming campaign. Yet to disinherit, and mortally alienate, the successor he had groomed for almost twenty years - and to do so almost immediately before his planned crossing into Asia was the kind of gaffe that Philip, always a canny diplomat, would in the normal course of events never commit. These events/ clearly, were anything but normal. What, then, were his underlying motives? The wedding feast simply underlined their apparent lunacy. Everyone got drunk. Attalus proposed a toast, a prayer for Philip and Cleopatra to produce a legitimate heir. .PJexander, in understandable fury 'Are you calling us [note the royal 'we') a bastard?, - assaulted Attalus. Philip made to attack, not Attalus, but his own son. Drunk, he stumbled and collapsed on the floor, giving Alexander a famous exit line: 'That's the man who's going to cross from Europe to Asia, and he can't even make it from one couch to the next!" The insulted prince, heir-apparent no longer, got his mother away to Epirus and himself took refuge among the lllyrians. Both, predictably, proceeded to stir up frontier trouble. Why, with a major campaign ahead of him, should so canny a diplomat as Philip have invited palace mayhem by trashing the long-established royal succession overnight? If we assume that he had not taken leave of his sensesbut was acting on a rational basis, there is one motive only that could explain his sudden volte-face in the fall of 338: the conviction that Alexander and Olympias were planning his overthrow. Argead history made such a fear look all too plausible. If this was what Philip

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Alexander and His Legacy few short years would come to define him. His powerful opponents may well have thought they could dispose of this upstart boy without trouble. -fhey were wrong: he showed himself absolutely ruthless from the start and had good reason to be. He knew that both his cousin Amyntas, and Cleopatra,s newborn son, Caranus (named, ostentatiousTy, after the dynasty's mythical founder), represented a direct threat to his rule and had powerful backers.l Outside Macedonia, too, the situation was volatile. The f'hebans expelled their Macedonian garrison. There was trouble in Thrace and the Peloponnese. From Athens, Demosthenes wrote to Parmenio and Attalus in Asia Minor, urging them to rebel, promising Athenian

help, and sneering at the new Macedonian king as a mere brainless adolescent. Attalus certainly, and Parmenio very probably, took the bait. Alexander,s new kingdom was 'exposed to great jealousies, dire hatreds, and dangers on every side' (Plut. AIex. tr.rl. His older advisers, led by Antipater, were all understandably advising him to use caution: to steer clear of tangling with the southern Greek states/ to appease the frontier tribes with concessions. No, he told them: if I abate my resolve one iota, all our enemies will be on us at once. The only guarantee of security is courage and daring. This, of course (a point he probably felt it preferable not to mention), inclucled at least one assassination mission. Attalus, with or without the support of Athens, was an obvious danger (besides having mortally insulted Alexander), and Alexander had already sent a trusted friend to army headquarters in Asia Minor, officially as a liaison officer but with secret instructions to bring Attalus back alive if possible, otherwise to kill him at the first convenient opportunity

and make a deal with

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Alexander and His Legacy not Alexander/'the new young hegemon is reported as saying/ 'I would be Diogenes' - passive intransigence rather than active. Alexander did rather better at Delphi, which he visited on his way back from Corinth to Pella. By now it was late November. From mid-November to mid-February, the shrine was closed on religious grounds: no exceptions. Alexander, who put great faith in oracles and badly wanted one for his persian crusade, seized the Pythia bodily and began dragging her to the inner sanctum (adytonl.'Young man,' exclaimed the quick-witted priestess, 'you are invincible laniketoslt' Alexander promptly released her, saying this was a good enough prophecy for him, and thereafter assumed aniketos as one of his regular titles. Impatient though he was to launch the great invasion (and for good practical reasons no less than because of his pothos, his passionate desire: the Macedonian treasury was almost empty/ and success{ul conquest was a quick way of filling it}, Alexander knew he had to thoroughly subdue the frontier tribes first. He spent the winter of y6l5 - another lesson well learned from Philip - training his troops, especially for mountain warfare. In the spring, he conducted a quick and brilliant campaign, striking north by way of the Shipka Pass, winning two engagements, collecting much booty, and extending the frontier to the Danube. From here he moved west to a more hazardous encounter with a group of tough Illyrian tribesmen. While still engaged against them (late summer 335), he was greeted by the most alarming news from Greece. Despite the League of Corinth,s reluctant cooperation, despite all the talk of a Panhellenic crusade, no sooner had Alexander vanished into Thrace than a resistance movement, led by Thebes and Athens, went into action. What brought

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Alexander and His Legacy the walls of Thebes. It took some while, even then, to convince the Thebans that he was actually alive. Time, and funds, were running out for Alexander: he urgently needed to get to Asia. Since the Thebans had believed him dead, he told them, and his death would have voided the treaty they had signed (because he left no issue), their revolt had been in legitimate good faith. If they now returned to their allegiance, all would be forgiven. The Thebans, however, were well prepared and saw {reedom within their grasp. They stood firm. Alexander countered - as hegemon of the Hellenic League with a demand for the two leaders of the revolt and an offer of amnesty for the rest, who would still enloy the benefits of the Creek 'common peace' lkoinA eir1nQ. At this, the Thebans proclaimed that 'anyone who wished, along with the Great King [of Persia] and the Thebans, to free the Greeks and destroy the tyrant of Greece,should come over to them,(DS r7.9.5). So much for Panhellenic propaganda and the League of Corinth. The threat of Persian collusion was bad enough; to be called tyrantt and despised as such, sent Alexander into one of his towering rages. From that moment, Thebes was doomed. The breaching of the walls led to a bloodbath in which six thousand Thebans died and thirty thousand more were captured. Then, on Alexander's urging, the League of Corinth voted,to level the city, sell off the prisoners, declare the fugitives outlawed from all Greece, and ban the Hellenes from offering them shelter, {DS r7.r4.3). This was overkill, in a very literal sense. It certainly, on the surface, had its desired effect. The Greek states/ Athens included, rushed to seek clemency. Alexander, his fury appeased,had no wish to be held up yet further by the Athenians' impregnable fortifications, so canceled his blacklist (which included Demosthenes) and did a deal with thern.

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Alexander and His Legacy Back at Pella in October 3 3 5, Alexander recalled Parmenio from Asia to be his second in command: he needed Philip's old-guard officers, and only through Parmenio did he stand a real chance of getting them. We have already seen the (largely familial) control of key military

appointments that the old marshal

insisted on as his reward. Alexander then held a meeting o{ his commanders and Companions to plan the Persian invasion. Our sources tell us that Antipater and Parmenio both advised him to marry and beget an heir first: the advice was scomfully rejected. Was this just the young would-be Achilles speaking, impatient for heroic glory? Perhaps. But there was another, highly practical, highly unromantic reason for prompt departure: money. The army's pay was badly in arrears. The sale of captives from Thebes had not even quite covered Philip's outstanding debts. Income from the mines, roughly r,ooo talents a yearl accounted {or no more than a third of the annual military budget. Worse, on his accession Alexander had, as a bid for acceptance, abolished direct taxation (modern parallels suggest themselves). By borrowing from his Companions on the security of crown lands, with the clear if unspoken assumption that the 'loans' would be outright gifts, he raised 8oo talents, thus making good some arrears of pay and reducing (though not eliminating) the treasury debt. But with six months' training ahead of him before the earliest possible date for the expedition's departure, he was cutting things desperately fine. Behind the brave talk of vengeance for Xerxes' crimes in Greece, much less any thought of cultural proselytization, was the urgent need on the part of Alexander and all his senior officers to turn their campaign/ at the earliest possible moment/ into a profi t-making operation. II

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Alexander and His Legacv Achaemenid empire from the very beginning. Who, rf any, of his intimates were privy to such a determination we cannot tell. Few can have anticipated the lengths to which his demondriven pothos (desire, Ionging) drove him or would, surely, have committed themselves in advance to eleven vears of virtuallv n o n s t o pc a m p a i g n i n g . The general notion of invading Persia was not new. Ever since Aristophanes' Lysistrata, a dream of stasis-ridden and eternally warring Greek states uniting against the monolithic Barbarian in the East had been in the air. Xenophon's successful march to the Black Sea with what remained of an original ten thousand mercenaries , after Cyrus' failed attempt at Cunaxa (4or) to usurp his brother's throne, gave a misleading impression of Persian weakness. Rhetoricians, the Athenian Isocrates in particular, played this up. Achaemenid wealth was equaled only by the empire's decadence and military faiblesse. Here was an El Dorado virtually inviting conquest. The trouble was, who would bell this old tiger? Despite the rhetorical attractions of the idea, none of Isocrates' Greek nominees came up to scratch. Finally he fell back on Philip of Macedon, though making it clear that he saw him as a kind of hired condottiere who would be only too glad to carry out the job for his cultural superiors in the south. 'It is fitting for you,' Isocrates assured him, 'to consider all Hellas your fatherland' (Isocr. S.rz7l. Never was advice taken more literally. After Philip's crushing defeat of Athens and Thebes at Chaeronea (ll8), the nonagenarian pundit, perhaps recalling his own words, committed

suicide. But the damage had been done. Panhellenism gave Alexander a ready-made ideological launching pad for his own career of conquest, to be dropped as soon as it had served its purpose. r3

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'3ur4 ueruopacew Sunod r,v\euaql uo rerssop e pelquesse a^eq rvrou dq dlarns plno.rv\ (urua1 SurraqleS-acua3q1a1ur lurradrur ue Io p€aq eqt 'adg s,3uq4 luor) pellec-os aql 'saueqdolsrry 'o nnq reqr dq pezrloqruds) >lror\teu dds pruaureeqcv eqJ 'oo1 'rapuexalv roI qclptu alenbepu uu aq pFon daqr reqt r1a; a^Eq llolr deru pur lI Io erurl prer{ p acroJ uuruoparew acuslpe aql ualr8 dpearlu puq 'ur8tuq4 aurluodselleH pue erpdl yo sdBrlBs er{l qlrl{ uorl€Joqelloc ur 8ur>Irozvl'serleuecJeru >IeerC srq pue sepoq1 Jo uoutuaw 'puvq raqto eql uo 'pue1 (g 'rrpup -xeIV roJ {onl Jo sacard Swrzeto:elerales JO }srg aql :Surssorc ueruopar?w aql lua,rard ol elBI ool - ueaSev eqr ur uorlcE roJ pozqrqourar spr\. '3uol1s slassal porpunrl rno' ol parpunq aarql sdeqred 'teag urrcrueorld-ordd3 1n;rervrodsrq reqr i€€ Jo reruurns aqf dq dpo snql selv\1I'ur\op tnd ot S[€ Jo pua eql '1d.{39 pue uruoldqeg ur ,(pelncr}red Iltun tseal 1? >loo1eseqJ 'tno ualorq puq rer{} stlolar aqt Suqlenb tnoqe }es ueql eH 'uoq1rru og dlq8nor;o uorlelndod e qtrr/r pue 'uelsrled urepour su ls€e rey se Surqceer (sarderlus) securaord dtruazwlotul pepplp 'sa1e15pelrun aql se 3rq sB lsuel le l-rolrrrel E :sJosseccnssrtl puu luarD ar{} snr(3 dq pa8rol 'p1o sarrnluac or\l .nou 'alrdure aql palrrequr snq] snrrec 'auorr{l eql pun{rq rorrtod pue re>luuelqnor} }erqc eql uaeq p?q oqrvr 'seoSug q?nune eql ttarzr^ puerS srg palncexa dlrdurord aq 'uorssscce uO ']cE ]Er{t ;o uorlruSorer ur I11 snrrecl Jo alllr aql peprervrese-n pue - red-rnsn dlprenoc e se urrq paluasard leqt upuu8edord uuruopaouw prrue ralul raqrueurer o1 Surqtauos - allleq ur dreaurq leuosrad dq;yasurrq paqsrn8url '3ur;1 -slp peq all arrrecaq dpuruy IEoJC ledor pruatuaer1sv eql 'uorllaqer 'uorleurssusse to Jequreur IEJeIBIIoce lercur.rrordpue crlseudp 'an8rrlur ecepd yo porrad v letlv '98f. 1o raururns eql uI + ICV

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Alexander and His Legacy Its compilers had access to much in{ormation and gossip now lost to us; but the evidence is enough to suggest something of the profile they must, without hindsight, have put together. Physically, Alexander was not prepossessing.5Even by Macedonian standards he was very short, though stocky and tough. His beard was scanty, and he stood out against his hirsute Macedclnian barons by going clean-shaven. His neck was in some way twisted, so that he appeared to be gazing upward at an angle. His eyes (one blue, one brown) revealed a dewy, feminine quality. He had a high complexion and a harsh voice. Like most Macedonians of good family, he was a superb horseman, and the story of how, as a young boy, he broke the stallion Bucephalas became a legend in his own lifetime. Like many children reared in a political household, he was precocious. Memnon o{ Rhodes testified (as an eyewitness) to his sophisticated qwizzing (perhaps after coaching) of Persian military visitors. This agrees with the tradition

that Olympias had

always encouraged him to believe it was his destiny to conquer t h e A c h a e m e n i de m p i r e . His education, while physically demanding, also set him an ideal of Homeric warrior glory lkleosl as his goal, to be attained through manly excellence (aretQ. His tutors, while flattering him, still put him through a punishing regime. With symbolic aptness, he kept two things under his pillow while he slept: a dagger, and his copy of the lliad, annotated by Aristotle. If his mother's family claimed descent from Achilles, Philip and the Argeads included Heracles among their ancestors, and these filiations were taken very seriously indeed. Before he died, Alexander could, and did, claim to have outstripped them both. His training under Aristotle gave him a lifelong interest in science and medicine: the experts who accompanied the expedition

r5

9r 'uorldurnsse elqeuoseer f,;ar v sezvt' ]eql - At1ercc 01 r{suc ruorl Surqldre^a qtr^\ peqddns Jatleq rpJ orervr.deql '11vrcl1e Uetsdn >laerC srql alpuer{ o1 dlqrqe rrar{} ur }uepguoc lIeJ rourw ersv Jo sdertes uersracl eql tI 'pIeS ar{t ur d11e>1aer3 AUE lsnr] o1 aIqE aq re^au plno1vteq uo uagt urorJ ]eql luparrr oslu 'ecuarrresqns Surlnsua alrq,/r 'saqaq; Jo uorlcrulsap lue?aJ sr11 'e8er alqullortuocun Jo slg o1 auord pue 'aarslndurr ,qser 'pecueuadxaur splv\ ag 'ralseuded e ro; aJer{l\asle >Iool ileivr lq8ru pue ded Jo uoqs arolererll arervr.sdoort srq :pepunJrapun dlsnorres sezr\d-rnseerl srH 'suoluuc puelq8rq aql ]o dcelcolsrre aql SuourB auonll eql roJ sle^rr snorre^ pEq eH lBrluelod 'dtrluenb u^{.ou>Iundlenrlureduroc E '8unod sefi\ aH llrls se.u aH 'duzvlrapun 1oBlsrg uorsu^ur aql uaqd\ uerra 'ra8uup snorJese sE urrq papre8ar 1ad 'dpealc 'euo ou 1nq 'sreqtropue suursreclar{l ol pu8rs Surure-&r€ luas oAEr.Ilsnru euorql aql Surpuecse uo padeld -s1p eq uorlcundruoc >lcEI pue isseuelllcaile 'ro8u eq; Jo 'qleep srq reUE sdep azlgdervrepeurd aqs tEr.lturn{ o1 peqce11eos eurocaq aleq ol pres sr oqzrt 'srqure8dsrg reqloru uaanb urrsrad er{} pue (rurq pardopu dgenlce oqz*) erru3 Jo ppv se qcns sern8g leuraturu pa8e-alpprur qrlm sdrqspuerrJ asolt rrrroJ ol 'rale,uoq 'sum og 'ssEIOpue a8e srq;o sqlno( lsour ur ]uaururord uauron ur lseJalur rrlore aql roJ aouaprle ou sr aJaql 'dFra ue8aq uorlseer{daH q}r^{ dcerurtur 'euttt aures eql ]V 3uo1ap1sr11'pa8errdsrp pue peJBeJqtoq aq sluauraaarr{ouosor{r/r '^tIuIInJSEul leqlBJ P qll/v\ uotltladtuor ssallualal l n q [Brn]Eu '1sa33nseltleq ur ernsodxa-JIesssal{rer pue 'redrual lou lualor^ 'acrol r{sreg srH 'rurq uo {reru alqrlapur uB l1e1stuared sr11 'radeld erdl ? sE luelul leJnleu treer8pazra.oqsosIE aH fe alonb urrq fel feql fuouraur aarlualer e qlr^\ 'strq8rrrvrdeld 'II1aI

puu /sleod 'sueuolsrq {aaJD ar{} Jo Jepuar snorcurol e selvl eH 'sarJnluac rol lseg aql uo uorlerrrJolur Io aJrnos urEur aql eurEcaq ACV

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Alexander and His Legacy

* Alexander's conquest of the Achaemenid empire - the great military victories o{ the Granicus, Issus, Gaugamela, and the |helum; the symbolic cutting of the Gordian knot; the pilgrimage to the desert oracle of Zeus-Ammon, with its rumors o{ divinity; the foundation of Alexandria; the seemingly endless eastward march; the frustration of Alexander's ambitions by a full-scale sit-down mutiny of his own men when faced with the interminable Ganges plain; the death march through the Gedrosian desert; and Alexander's premature death in Babylon, just short of his thirty-third birthday, while still planning further conquests - this is a story that has been told well many times already, and I see no need to recount it in detail here. What matters for an investigation

of the Hellenistic

world that

resulted directly from his activities (but which he himself almost certainly never foresaw or intended) is to isolate those features of the Macedonian invasion that in one way or another helped to determine the shape that this new world took. The conclusion of the present chapter will therefore examine the expedition {or relevant evidence that may, in one way or another, have influenced the future course of events when Alexander was no longer there to bend them to his will. The young man who crossed the Hellespont in the spring of 334 was stiil very much involved with Europe. He was king of the Macedonians and captain-general of the Hellenic League of Corinth. Macedonian territorial conquest would be presented as retribution for Xerxes' profanation of Greek shrines. To this end, Alexander's vigorous public propaganda was a nice blend of the Homeric and the Panhellenic. Before crossing, he sacrificed at the shrine of Protesilaus, traditionally the first Greek ashore at Troy. He followed Xerxes' route in reverse/ making r7

8r prBnpuBl eql urorJ snssBrrrecrlBH a>III suod >lcBl}p ot pecrol JIes -IlIn{ puno} aq /dlIEdoI s/eflrlou >leerc IIErus srq ]o F]lsrulslp '(snrJ?Q ol pe{cou ppolsur oq^4.)seusuaJraur IIE a^oqP puP Io Surrrq apcs-e8rey proJJEo1 tad olquun 'lroddns elqdog >laerD Jo pe,rrrdaq 'u8rudursc eql Io ttvd tlltua eqt Surrnp s>lsrr alqeraprs -uor ur tun{ pallo^ur tr pue 'u8rar s,lapuexelv lnoq8norql pa8ueqc reaeu 'ees IIEqs a.,vrse 'apn1r11usn{I 'rueq} pazr -Iufruq puu paranbuoc perl oquvr.arn8g palpq aqt Surpre f,ent Aue ur rot rusprsnqlua ou peq dldrurs s{eerD aql :aldrcurrd uo ersra4 lsure8e rert e pasoddo ecaer3 puelureru ur euo oN 'eIqEIrEAe dlunrce sp^\ leqlrr 1o truatu8er; durl e :rapuexalv qtrr^\ ersv ol passoJc [tlvrrvc peJpunq xrs eJaur e pue 'sruru-19-ueuJpuesnogl uerres 'sdrqs o9r dluo - Surqtrou pelnqrJluor egedg - selels 'per{3unel selr apEsnrc aql aruBu {aarD pourquoc aql urord esoqlvr ur asoql dq unoqs opEsruc 1uer3 aql ro} rusErsnqlue 'procer eql Io >IcEI eql lsure8e palurodrelunoc aq ot speeu tl ruorl sreeddesrp dla8rel ueql pue - arnres s€.{v\rourlN ersv lr}un 'sr lerlt - popaeu ser\e, 1I se 3uo1 se pelsel epuu8edord slql 11v ueru IIe o1 s8urqt 1e Suraq dq uorleradooc arnoas ol sldrualle s/rapuexolv Io esec crletuotdruX.s pue l.1rua uE :ersv Jo $IearD se uees aq ot are.n (eruo1 1o sarlr? >leaJD uursra4-ord ue{o eql }E peurre uorsrcap u) sua[or; 'ezrrd 'eqcrurorpuy ,snuraloldoaN pue .nopr1!\ s/rolceH ;o ,|rourau ur sqrS aperu pue {pelq ppr{ snureloldoag uoqu,) urerr.I otr poogrrous {uos ,salpqcy 'snureloldoeN rolserue lecrgtdu srq q8norqt aprs s/Jeqlour sn{ uo sural srq ur poolq urlora Sur,req) osIE er{ }ng 'snpor}Ed pue sallrycv Jo sqruol eql punote 'pe>lEu 'e)et e urr uorlsaeqdall pue eH 'rEM uulor; er{l urorJ dpo8alp (ldoued pue plerqs B qlrr\ rrrnlar ur pelueserd sp,/v\pue (sueqlv otr araq pou e) eurJr{s s/Eueqlv ur roruJu u.fvrosrq pe}ecrpep eq 'urnIII 'euop per{ saxrax su tV lsnl tuodsa11a11-pluruI uo4eqrl :ICV

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Alexander and His Legacy side. Except for a small cadre o{ siege technicians and court favorites, the vast resources of Greek cooperation - military cooperation in particular - remained closed to Alexander throughout his eleven-year campaign; and on the news of his death, Greece promptly broke out in armed rebellion. One significant consequence of the general absence of Greeks at command level in the expedition was, after a while, a lack of reliable Macedonians to leave in charge of steadily accumulating conquered territories. Attrition

through death in action, disease, and the occasional high-level treason trial similarly took its toll on the military command structure. Consequently, much of Alexander's later integration of Persians and Macedonians, especially in army units, far from indicating ideological racial fusion, was dictated by a chronic shortage of Macedonian officers and troops: a shortage caused not only by attrition, but also, later, by mass dismissal of the old, the unfit, and the potentially mutinous. Politically, as Ernst Badian once remarked in the course of a famous assessment lBadian, t966, 'cautious, pragmatic, and opportunistic., 45), Alexander was Here is a nice, and much misinterpreted, example of his pragmatism. Two other factors, present from the very beginning, were to have a major long-term impact on events after Alexander,s death. His refusal, against advice, to marry and beget an heir before leaving Europe, combined with the built-in competitive distrust between his own group of coevals and the old-guard network set up by Parmenio/ meant, inevitably, that once Alexander was gone/ there was no unified structure to ensure a smooth succession. Nor is there any indication that this was a problem that bothered Alexander himself overmuch. His pursuit of Horneric glory was essentially solipsistic: it did not

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Alexander and His Legacy With Alexander's death, all'that remained was, in effect, a huge pirates' treasure chest and an even larger mass of spearwon territory, stretching from Anatolia to Afghanistan and beyond, that were there for the taking, as Alexander had predicted, by the strongest. |ustin (r3.r.8) got it right when he wrote that 'the officers had their eyes on the empire and positions of authority, the rank and file on Alexander,s war chest and its great hoards of gold.' There had been no sense of cultural proselytization about the expedition, no concerted effort (despite all the Panhellenic propaganda) to export Hellenism to Asia except as comfort for upper-class Macedonians and Greeks abroad. Even though their aim was largely pragmatic, Alexander's attempts at fusion (for instance, the mass marriages at Susa)were vigorously repudiated the moment he was dead by his culturally and ethnically xenophobic followers. On the other hand, his latter-day efforts to be treated as a god gave some interesting ideas to the would-be dynasts among his successors.Alexander's own murderous paranoia had reduced the available heirs to his mentally defective half-brother, Arrhidaeus, and {better late than never} a still unborn child bv his first wife, the Bactrian princess Roxane. His vast territorial ambitions had shifted the focus from Pella to Babylon: the Macedonian king had become the Lord of Asia. Mainland Creece had lost its primacy. New great cosmopolitan cities such as Alexandria were shaping men's thoughts. Except for a certain social matiness among the elite, Macedonians, the military old guard in particular, had never paid much attention to democracy. What proved an irresistible lure to them in the summer oI 323 in Babylon was the dream of empire - and, possibly, a new kind of kingship. In the event, like so many apparent historical novelties, 2I

'>IJo1r\qrledcrdocsoprelp>Iperrrl dlalrugur uE sr pretsur pug ervt, 'duetu os ur s€ EerB 'u.uop lpq1A {seJq suor}pzrlercua8 Ilure^o sn{t uI 'sexel pue alnqrn 1o luardrcer eq} uuq} ssal ou sroleJ puB sluur8 Jo acrnos eqtr /uorlrperl dq 'sert ureql relo 1as 3ur4 aql uroq.rvrro1 'paranbuo) aql ol JerIIrueJsluret ur paurer] erea't (8o1oapr pue dqdurSouocr rreql 'raqlour ts (sroranbuoc se ssau -reqlo u8rerol rraql pesserls sprolJe^o ueruopacew asaql '1e,ra1 auo lV 'cruoereqd dl3ur4uts etrnb 4oo1 ot ue8aq sarurelolcl aql eroJeq 3uo1 lou se..r'\tI llentrr ueruoldqeg qtnur perrnbce sr.{cJBuourprcneles 'auop pBq er{ sB r{cnlu uor}rpErl rorrrE^\ u^ao rreqt dppotu o1 ue8aq uoos e1fund eql peurnsse retel oq/vr uaql Jo esoq] lnq - sruelqord sluasard sdurrrluuatu IIe tl1 s8urql IIe eq ol ,\eoq - sernlsa8 Surzrleluerro srq peluaser aleq detu sleqsreu sIH 'sdervruaesaroJun ur {reru slr r1a1 dor eqr le sueruopecew ur Surllnd dldrurs pue surelsds alrlerlsrururpp peranbuoc rarr.o3ur1e1 Jo rlquq lpnsuc s/rapuexelv 'suorlrpert plo Jo xrur str roJ olqu>Ireruar lsoru srzrt drqs8ur>l crtrsruelleH gCV

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Hawks and Hyenas: The Struggle for Empire (jzj-276)

On the afternoon of fune r t, \23 ecE, Alexander III of Macedon, Lord of Asia, conqueror of the Achaemenid empire/ son - as occasion dictated - of Philip II or Zeus-Ammon, and a selfstyled deity in his own right, died in Babylon.' In his final months, and particularly since the death of his lifelong intimate Hephaestion, Alexander had been showing increasing symptoms of paranoia and megalomania. There had been a number of alarming purges. Antipater, summoned to Babylon from Greece to be replaced as viceroy by Craterus, at once assumed that this was a thinly disguised death-sentence, and he may well have been right. The king's plans were becoming increasingly unreal. Philip was to get a tomb that matched the Creat Pyramid. Lavish temples were to be built at Delos, Delphi, and elsewhere. The Susa weddings had hinted at delusions of grandeur: Alexander's dictatorial scheme for mass relocation of populations between Europe and Asia ,to bring the largest continents to common concord and familial amity by intermarriage' (DS r8.4.+l did more than hint. The gigantic overdecorated funeral pyre and monument he ordered for Hephaestion (at a reputed cost of ro,ooo talents: the monument was never completed) might be ascribed to hyperbolic grief, but his military plans were on an equally grandiose scale. The 23

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Hawks and Hyenas: The Strugglefor Empire eleven years of combat-heavy active sewice, wanted no more military adventures, but a profitable share in the spoils of empire already won and in most cases a return home. Ethnclcentric, xenophobic - they had little more time for Greeks than {or Persians - and indifferent to their leader's insatiable ambitions (though they were not above copying his dress, hairstyle, and mannerismsl, the Macedonians showed no interest whatsoever in Asia except as a prize of war. This, of course, was exactly what Isocrates had held out to them as a Panhellenic inducement. To the propagation of Hellenism that was supposed to accompany such an invasion, they were, for the most part, massively indifferent. Nor was there any strong continuity of command. Alexander's early indifference to marriage meant that the Argead dynasty's succession depended on a mental defective (Arrhidaeus, Philip's son by Philinna of Larissa and thus Alexander's hal{-brother) and Roxane's unbom child, who might not even be male. The prospect of a long, and weak, regency offered a classic invitation to at least a dozen veteran marshals with high ambitions

and a loyal foliowing.

Worse, the vast realms through which Alexander had hewn his path of triumphant militarism were neither fully subjugated nor properly organized: he had brought disruption rather than unity. FIis eastern frontiers began to crumble even in his lifetime. For most of his careerhe had no fixed capital: he was continually on the move. He did not live long enough to establish stable government throughout Asia and in any case was {ar more concerned with pursuing further conquests in the West. Though some of the Successors/ as we shall see, set their sights on acquiring the whole eastern empire, that was the limit of their ambition, and in the end - after over fortv vears 25

9r 'pue slq sessaulr.lv\eJoJeqluerdrceJ 'II" luelrodrul lsotu Jo ]o 'ypts 'l-r1u,re3 uor 1o Jerqc ro pueurruoo ur puozes s/JepuEXeIV -uedruo3 eqr 'o Jerqc ur repueururoc se uorlrsod s,uonsaeqdall 'elaue8ne3 ecurs - dluo ua.tas Jo auo lxo/qd Jo rolrrequr -oluruosl pren8dpog ludor :seccrprad sr qleturelJe aturpaunur eq] ur e8rarua ot arn8g roleur aqa '3urrq pFo^\ ernlnJ aql ]pq/r ol se dlurulracun prerdsaprlv\ € pezrloqruds lan Sururnour ur paqcuanb are.&\sarg se uo1(qeg lualrs p reao sseu>lrupeql 'ilU plnoc ueru auo ou ]Erlt prol E ryaI aq 'slurlolne lnyar*od pue crlerrrsrreqc IIe e>lIT 'tr roJ paredard servreuo oN 'olqelrecuocur serw Surdp repuexelv yo uepl eql 'pauaddeq dlpnlce ]I lllun

.rI Surpuelsrapun o1 da1 Iertuesse eql urroJ deql :drerluoc aql uO '(o? 'oooz 'daldrqg) ,eloq/r e se porrad crtsruelleq aql Jo ernlcrd pacu"Iequn ue acnpord p1no.l't'g/-z-trE Jo sluono eqt ot uor] -uetle enpun ded o1, leqt pan8re uaaq spq 1I 'plrona orlsrualleH eqt Jo ernteu pue adeqs arrlua eqt paletcrp rlluep s/rapuexelv ra11ed-rnluec-Jler.{eqt Jo stuele aq; 'renod ledor ;o tdacuoc l!\au B pue plrolv\ 1t\ou E 'ro; salnr coq pe Surluarrur pue ',qlut ere.l,t.srosseccns aq] eIqI{ ElnurroJ suilel o1 Sunuoc d1.rrr.o1s 3ur>Fozrre se 'dlelunbapeur ra^a^\or{ 'pazuas1r pue 'poolsrepun po^Io^ur osoql teq] Lqrrerarq LIuo rqt sulvr 1r lcp1 uI 'epe 'sppo Sururlaqr*rano -ruqc lecrudc E se peqrrcsap uauo sr srr{J lsure8u acuelsrsrad paururJalep rreql roJ elqe>puuer lsour ala,,rl. - snorlqo }sou aql arr-raserd - acuelrrequr crlseudp Jo ler{l pue 'parldde ra8uol ou selnr pIO 'ropulsrnbuoc o] sldueue

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Hawks and Hyenas: The Strugglet'or Empire master/s signet-ring, the one gesture toward an orderly transfer of power that Alexander is recorded as having made. It might have been thought that this was enough to identify the heir-apparent and that the dying man's alleged identification of his successoras 'the strongest' was (as indeed a supporter of Perdiccas afterward argued) a repudiation of the dynastic principle. But this was something that the Macedonians flatly refused to accept. Traditionalists to a man, they insisted on getting an Argead king of the blood royal, and all other propositions foundered in the face of this obstinate and immovable determination. If Perdiccas was in fact offered supreme power lsummam imperii), as Curtius alleges, he had by now sensed the general mood and prudently offered a temporizing alternative: Roxane's unbom child, if male, would be king, with Perdiccas, Craterus, Leonnatus, and Antipater as 'guardians.' The proposal was accepted. At this point, the rank-and-file of the infantry phalanx, under the leadership of Meleager, launched a violent protest against what they saw, understandably, as a power bid by the cavalry elite (who had indeed dominated the original meeting). Roxane was no more a Macedonian, they shouted, than Alexander's mistress (and Memnon's widow), Barsine. Perdiccas was going to use a long regency to snatch the throne, just as Philip had done with

Amyntas. The troops wanted a king, and they

wanted him now, not at some indeterminate point in the future. Arrhidaeus, weak-minded or not, was the only eligible surviving Argead, and they were determined to have him. Foiled in debate, they stormed the palace, and the senior cavalry officers, with the bulk of their troops, left Babylon. Perdiccas stayed behind to negotiate, and Meleager revealed his

own

ambitions

bv

a failed

attempt

to

have him

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'paplozre dlareq se.u s/raqlo aql uo pasrtuordruoc eprs I{oEE rp^l. Irlrc pue - elor Surpeal e pedeld 'helalcas Tear) s/rapue -xa1y 'seuarun1 I{cn{x\ ur - pe^\oIIoJ suorturto8au crluerg 'dlrc 'poleulss€sse eql otr sarlddns pooJ JJo tnc dgooc Ltlettec oql ADV

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Hawks and Hyenas: The Strugglefor Empfue was to retum to Macedonia, where instead of replacing Antipater/ he was to share power with him. Antigonus One-Eye was confirmed in the satrapy he already held, that of Greater Phrygia, Lycia, and Pamphylia. Ptolemy was given Eg1pt, Lysimachus Thrace, and Leonnatus Hellespontine Phrygia. Eumenes - the only Greek in this Macedonian conclave - was allotted Cappadocia, which had not yet even been conquered. These appointments reversed Alexander's policy of assigning less important figures to the satrapies and led directly to the dlsunity, and ultimate dismemberment, of the empire that followed. Finally, Roxane gave birth to the hoped-for healthy male child, who was enthusiastically acclaimed king as Alexander IV. There were now two heirs in Babylon, and Perdiccas together, technically, with his fellow'managers,' all now elsewhere - had them in his charge. x

While the Macedonian commanders reacted to Alexander's death by summarily canceling all his future plans, the Greeks saw this move/ and the chaotic uncertainty it engendered, as a perfect occasion to revolt against Macedonian domination. Alexander's order to satraps and regional commanders to discharge all their mercenaries had left Asia full of wandering bands of brigands. More dangerous still was a concerted revolt by the southern Greek states, under the leadership of Athens, that erupted - after a period o{ simmering preparation - in the fall of 323 and came to be known as the Lamian (or, by the rebels, as the Hellenic) War. Hatred of Macedonian overlordship was sharpened by resentment at the enforced repatriation of political exiles that Alexander had ordered. Mercenaries {now available in abundance) were hired: some of the funds came from Harpalus, Alexander's absconding treasurer. A 29

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Hawks and Hyenas: The Strugglefor Enpire Apprised of Leonnatus' intentions, Perdiccas made Eumenes his trusted lieutenant. Eumenes seems to have been a genuine royalist {he conducted staff meetings in the presence of dead Alexander's arms/ scepter, and other regalia), and Perdiccas, whatever

his own ambitions,

was the two kings' official

guardian. What was more, in gratitude he at once conducted a successful campaign to subdue Eumenes' satrapy of Cappadocia for him.

Eumenes, characteristically,

left subordinates in

charge of it and remained with Perdiccas and the kings. Perdiccas himself, Iike Leonnatus (and indeed most of the Successclrsat one time or another: the dynastic tradition died hard), had ambitions to marry Alexander's sister Cleopatra, now conveniently widowed by the death of Alexander of Epirus in Italy. Eumenes, for whatever motive, encouraged this, acting as his agent and go-between. The idea also appealed to Olympias, who encouraged Cleopatra - now once more, with Leonnatus out of the way, officially available - to make her way to Sardis. The problem was that Perdiccas had earlier, when angling for Antipater's support, married the viceroy's daughter Nicaea and thus was not anxious to have his new plans publicized. (Two other daughters of Antipater, Phila and Eurydice, were shortly afterward married, respectively, to Craterus and Ptolemy: Antipater believed in hedging his bets.) The marital scene in Sardis was complicated further by the threatened appearance of Cynane - Amyntas' widow and Alexander's halfsister - with a plan to rnarry off her ambitious daughter Adea to Philip Arrhidaeus. Perdiccas' deputy Alcetas, sent north to head Cynane off, solved the problem, predictably, by having her murdered. At this his Macedonian troops, always loyal to an Argead, forced him to convey Adea to Perdiccas,who had no option but to let her marry Arrhidaeus after all.'

3r

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Hawks and Hyenas: The Strugglefor Empire So Perdiccas left Eumenes with a command that now included Caria, Lycia, and Phrygia (and facing desertions to the coalition by both Neoptolemus, a personal enemy/ and Alcetas) and marched on Egypt. Arrogance and bad intelligence combined to destroy him. A botched attempt to cross the Nile at the wrong point lost him over two thousand men to drowning and crocodiles. This was no successor to Alexander. A cabal of officers including Peithon and Seleucus murdered him in his tent that same night. Ptolemy, who surely had spies in the enemy camp/ early next morning approached Perdiccas' troops, offering an armistice and much-needed supplies (Perdiccas' logistics seem not to have been up to much, either). In return, the grateful Perdiccans - many of whom will have served with Ptolemy - offered him the now vacant supreme office of epimelltAs to the two kings. (Perdiccas, who could not trust these bargaining counters out of his sight, had brought both of them, and Roxane, to Egypt with him.) Ptolemy, canny as ever/ politely tumed the offer down. Instead he recomrnended that two of Perdiccas' killers, inclufing Peithon, 'to whom he owed a debt of gratitude' (which suggests that he was privy to the plot), should share an acting appointment. His proposal was unanimously endorsed.Once again luck had been on his side, since two days later messengers arrived with news of a great victory won by Eumenes in Asia Minor. The despised Greek secretary/ scorned by Macedonians as a pen pusher, had not only shown himself a formidable strategist and tactician, but had killed Neoptolemus in a hand-to-hand duel. Craterus, too, had died. As Diodorus says (18.37.r), 'Had [the arrival of the newsl happened two days before Perdiccas's death, no one would have dared to lift a finger against him, because of the magnitude of his success.'Perdiccashad as much bad luck as J J

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Hawks and Hyenas: The Strugglefor Empire at least a dozen years older than her new teenage husband.) Antipater was in no position to shift Ptolemy, well entrenched in Egypt, so left him where he was. Seleucus, previously commander of the Guards Brigade (hypaspists), got Babylon, while Peithon was rewarded with Media. Killing Perdiccas had paid off. Antipater himself took over the kings ('to restore them to their homeland,' DS 18.lg.ll and returned with them to Macedonia, his natural and preferred context. Ii this was a bid to bring the Argead monarchy back to its local, purely Macedonian, pre-Alexandrian status, it proved singularly unsuccessful. By now, the fragmentation of Alexander's empire was already well advanced and the Hellenistic triangulation of MacedoniaEgypt-Asia clearly apparent: Ptolemaic Egypt, indeed, had already settled into what was to prove the longest-enduring of the Successors'dynastic ventures. Yet even after Perdiccas' death, the increasingly threadbare fiction of imperial unity was stubbornly maintained. Some, like Eumenes and Polyperchon, genuinely believed in a royal Argead inheritance. Most used the kings as camouflage for personal ambitions they felt it wiser not to express openly. Yet for many years what they all claimed to be upholding, ever more improbably as time went on - though the conquered territory did, for the most part, remain under Macedonian control - was Alexander's undivided legacy of empire. For at least two decades, it seems, they literally could not conceive of power in any other terms. From his gold coffin in Alexandria, embalmed and iconic, Alexander still tyrannized the minds of the ambitious and often thuggish captains whom he had dominated so ruthlessly while he lived. The sick and septuagenarian Antipater did not long survive Triparadeisos. He died in the late summer of 3r9, bequeathing his o{fice as epimelAtls not/ as expected, to his son Cassander 1(

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Hawks and Hyenas: The Strugglefor Empfue mercenaries, whose allegiance went to the commander who employed them and could * as Eumenes, betrayed by his own Silver Shields for the return of their baggagetrain, found to his cost - be bought by the enemy i{ the price was right. In Asia especially, ethnic considerations of loyalty came a poor seconcl to self-advancement, loot, and the iure of spear-won territory. The head-on five-year satrapal struggle between the armies of Eumenes and Antigonus was fueled by ruthless politicai ambi_ tion ancl foreshadowed the shape of things to come. Eumenes claimed dream instructions by Alexander,s ghost. Antigonus, more realistic, made it very clear that he meant to seize Alexander's imperial legacy entire; and once he had finally destroyed Eumenes at Gabiene (3r6), he lost no time in going after potential rivals - Seleucus, peithon - however faithfully they might have served him through that long campaign. In the Aegean, meanwhile, Cassander cut off polyperchon from Eumenes by the destruction of his fleet near Byzantium {spring 3r7); reimposed Macedonian control on Athens (after a brief and bloody democratic reversion rn 3fi17) with the appointrnent of a conservative philosopher, Demetrius of pha_ leron, as governor; and with the support of philip Arrhidaeus, wife, Eurydice, declared himseli regent (3r7). Olympias, for whom Philip was a mere mindless interloper on her grandson,s rights and who had never trusted Cassander artywayt promptly launched :rn invasion of Macedonia from Epirus. Eurydice, the warrior-quecn, lecl against her in full armor But once again, dl.nastic loyalties trurnped ambition. At the sight of Alexander's mother, Eurydice,s troops laicl down their arms. Olympias promptly executed philip III and large numbers of his supporters. Eurydice was forced to commit suicide. At this, Cassander, who had been campaigning against polyrerchon in

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Hawks and Hyenas: The Strugglet'or Empfue to play on him, he descendedon Babylon and required Seleucus to give an accounting of his office. Seleucus - like Belshazzar seeing the writing on the wall - promptly fled to ptolemy in Egypt (? 3r5), where his lurid account of Antigonus, activities caused instant alarm. Once more, as with Perdiccas, the outsize ambitions of one Successorled to the others forming an instant coalition against him. Messengers sped north to Cassander and Lysimachus, who at once, ignoring the counterenvoys hurriedly sent out by Antigonus, allied themselves with Seleucus and Ptolemy. Antigonus moved fast. He marched from Babylon to Cilicia, where he took a further ro,ooo talents from the Cyinda treasury: this was in addition to the rr,ooo talents his satrapy yielded in annual tribute. The total - a staggering 46,oootalents in all - meant that he could not only hire mercenaries, but build ships more or less without

limit. Strong in all other respects, he lacked a fleet, and his enemies (who all had large navies) knew it. Planning from scratch, and laying out vast emergency advance payments/ Antigonus now commissioned vessels from Rhodes and the Cilician

shipyards. He then marched down into Syria. Here he was overtaken by envoys from the rival coalition, with a set of demands nicely calculated for rejection: the restoration of Seleucus to Babylon and the allocation of aI1 Syria to Ptolemy, of Hellespontine Phrygia to Lysimachus, and of Cappadocia and Lycia to Cassander. They also insisted on a share-out of the treasure captured from Eumenes. The alternative was war. Of these requests, the only remotely lustifiable one was the restoration of Seleucus. Not surprisingly, Antigonus gave them 'a pretty rough answer' {DS ry.57.2l'. What is interesting here, and in the various proclamations that followed, is the unmistakable appeal to 39

ov 'saqaqa dorlsep o} sE-&\eH Jo arnlse8 e sE llrnqer peq aq r{t5{r\{ '(3ur4 Surrrrlrns eqt 1o anlawrda oql perunsss aler{ ol perurelc oqrrt 'lyasrurq snuo8rtuv o1 lueaur reqr dlqeurnserd) /sueru -opo"Ew oq1 ()1/ ouPxou pue AI repuPxalv repueilns 01 sE1!\ 'acrol dq a4ruolessaql Surdleur aH 'euorql aql le Surture pue '^IqruJSSB 'serdurdlg Surrap.rnru ]o Pasnccu se,rt. repuESSEJ (rule ueruopocew eqt dq pesropua 'olsayuetu e pansst (tr€) 'spuuruep pazrcqqnd-1le/r'rs/uorl urnl srq ur aq 'arda pIO tuord -rsoddo aq] 'o acuecgru8rs eql padser8 dlluelsur oslu eq lnfl 'uolleuruuetap pue d8raue rol snuo8rlulT llns; ppot ';1eslr euo oN 'sdoorl s,dua1o14 dq pIa.I dlSuorls sert qcrqrvr arda o1 a8ars prrl puu 'srerrrec gcredsrp pue suo??aq;o rualsds e dn tes 'sacuerlle roy {ssaccns auos q}ut} srudd3 1o sacurrd eqt paqceorddu 'leaqrvr Jo sleqsnq uorllrur € relo peseqcrnd - asuadxa a8nq raqlrnJ 3 - osls eH 'uollce ur sdrqsrervrparyunq e^Eq plno^\ eq '(dlrundtur snonldtualuor qlrr\ orJ pue elg

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Hawks and Hyenas: The Strugglefor Empire opposition to Alexander/s memory and in a bid for Greek support. Failure to do so would lnean war. In his own bid for non-Macedonian support, Antigonus announced, finally. that ali Greek cities, those in mainland Greece and Asia alike, were to be free, autonomous, and ungarrisoned (DS r9.6r.r-4). The Creeks might be forgiven for receiving this offer with a certain cynical lack o{ enthusiasm. The Spartans had used it during the Peloponnesian War but then had bartered away the cities of Asia Minor in return for Persian gold. The persians hacl found it a useful way of reinforcing their control over those same cities at the timer of the King's Peace {386).Autonomy,s main attraction for the power-brokers was the pretext it gave them to break up dangerous leagues or federations. And freedom was a relative term. The cities were not relieved of the need to pay taxes or tribute. Garrisons could be, and often were, imposed or reimposed on the slightest excuse. Overriding everything else was the bitter fact that those who bestowed this 'freedom'had the absolute power to remove it again. Here we come up against a perennial, and largely insoluble, problem of the era. How could the cities, hunger for selfdetermination be reconciled with the ultimate absolutism of the great Hellenistic monarchies? The Greeks yearned for liberty; the dynasts needed allies and educated specialists. Inevitably, each side made unwelcome concessions in pursuit of the best deal it could get. That such proclamations did find takers is clear from the fact that Ptolemy - who, like his allies, cheerfully held cities down with oligarchies and garrisons - at once issued a similar decree, 'wanting the Greeks to know that he, no less than Antigonus, had their autonomy in mind, (DS 19.6z.r-zl, and that both he and Antigonus persisted in the claim throughout their subsequent careers. Freedom, like the

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Hawks and Hyenas: The Strugglefor Empire We also have that city's fulsome response to it, setting up a precinct and altar for the honoring of their godlike savior. Here, of course/ we see another characteristically Hellenistic phenomenon encouraged by Alexander's example: the quasidivinization of outstanding mortals during their own lifetime. It was not to be all that long (Septemberz9o) before Athens welcomed Antigonus' son Demetrius, 'with incense and wreaths and libations,' as a present god, 'not in wood, not in stone, but for real,' and thus the suitable object for civic prayers and adoration (Green, 2oo3a/ z6o-z5z). The Olympians' record of aid during the past century had been less than outstanding: perhaps flesh-and-blood heroes could do better? The 3 r r tre^ty left Antigonus free to pursue Seleucus, but he had less success here than against Eumenes. That same year, his general Nicanor suffered a crushing de{eat in the east, and Seleucus took over most of his seventeen thousand troops. Demetrius failed to retake Babylon. When Antigonus renewed the attack on Seleucus, he found a united resistance that included the Babylonian priesthood and was fueled by loyalty to Seleucus and a strong personal distaste for Antigonus himself and his violent methods, now evident in his slash-and-burn plundering oi Babylonia, which - as the Babylonian Chronicle reveals - resulted in famine and spiraling food prices. Though early in 3o9 Antigonus captured part of Babylon, the endless resistance wore him down. In any case, the east was not his main objective. Finally, in 3o8, he seems to have made a nonaggression pact with Seleucus, after which he returned, permanently, to the west. Seleucus, like Ptolemy (with whom, peace or no peace, he kept in contact), was at last recognized as a major player in the imperial struggle. He himself later (3o3) made a similar deal in the east with the Mauryan conqueror 43

nn 'ruop8uDl ou puq aq uaq^\ ualo 3ur>Ie ureurar '(llecrxope-rvd ']q8rur 3ur>1 e (snrrlauraq espr aq] ur su) reqr os 'sessol Jo '1senbuoc dc1parraluoc .(1u IerrolrJre] re]te uela tsrsred plnoc ]r -rrrJou sezrre8rlse.rdsrqr q8noqa 'e8rlserd leuosrad 1o spunor8 eq1 uo lnq eouelrraqul dq 1ou 's8ur1 se^lesueql paurrelcord pue o1fund eq] pournsse diuado lsEI le - repuESSEJpue 'sncneleg 'snqcerursdl 'dua1o14 uaql /snrJlar.ua6 pur? snuo8rluv ]srg - s.rossercnsSururetuer aql arolaq (9o€) srued o,l,t.lrolo IIIIs se^a 'ssaulnJasnstr pe^rllno puq 'sueruopaceweq] 1I tal llp 1o s3ur4 uorlecrldrur dc111r 'srapualuoc aser{} to dlrn8rque lerrxopered eql 'ss. ou 'duralo]4 drruur o] de,r,t-req uo - paraprnru erlrd l -oel3 ralsrs s,repuexelv Suvruq dq spea8ry aql to uorleururrlo aqr paralduroJ puu apereqc aqr peddorp oo1 snuo8rluy 'got' u1 'esouuoo0led eqt ur (]rrncsqo 01 parrlal Ieraua8 plo eql 'prec durnrl auo srq Io pa.trrdap snqa 'doq aql Sultncaxe otur uoqcreddlo4 pe{Iel-}set 'aqrrq 'arnaeurs qcrr B seslluoJd pue suorlcrp lue1e]-oor e snld Jo 'rapuesse3 'rtaq -ard pea8ry elqrssod lsrwrele ]o xrur E r{1r.l 'eursrug ]sel oql se dn rurq 8urltras ueSaq pue uoure8red ruorJ dq uos prclsuq p1o-read-uaalualas s,leerC eql repuexely 'se1c 'peep servr -EreH acuelruuoc ecurs cq qtrrw paqclal /snuo8rluy 'l.tsuudp Al rapuexelv pe^arleq uoqueddlo4 6o€ ur dprret"ra3 pea8ry aq1 dq patrun arrdrua uE 'o epereqr IEuorlc5 sql ol pird 8ur]]nd d11eugsnq] /silodrqduy ut 'euexo6 'reqtotu srq pue AI rapuexelv uorleurssesse leroes aql pa8uerru aq 'or€ ur d1c1e Jo -qord 'tuerajtrp rer{}Er survr. dlearl aq} ol uol}ceer s/repupsse3 'arrdura rusaJp ,snuo8rluy J
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Hawks and Hyenas: The Suuggle for Empire The ambitions of Antigonus - now nearly eighty and hugely corpulent: one reason for using Demetrius so much - remained as powerful as ever. In 3o7, he sent Demetrius to liberate Athens, which Demetrius did with efficiency and panache, getting divine honors as a reward. Cassander's governor, the philosopher Demetrius of Phaleron, departed under safe conduct to Egypt and became Ptolemy's adviser on setting up the Museurn and Library. Demetrius, handsome and charming, took o{f to Cyprus, where he inflicted a crushing defeat on Ptolemy's fleet (.to6) and was rewarded wi.th a royal diadem from his father. Antigonus clearly meant to secure firm control clf the eastern Mediterranean sea routes/ since he at once sent Demetrius to reduce that other great naval bastion, Rhodes, whose citizens had rebuffed his diplomatic advances. For over a year $o514), Demetrius assaulted the island's capital with a {earsome array of siege engines, fire arrows/ rams/ and torsion catapults. Ptolemy's ships ran the blockade to supply the defenders, and in the end Demetrius was forced to leave the Rhodians independent. His title of 'the Besieger' thus has a decidedly ironic flavor about it. The Rhodians celebrated by erecting a colossal statue of Helios at the harbor entrance, paid for by the sale of Demetrius' abandoned siege-gear.They also bestowed on Ptolemy the title of 'Savior.'3 Demetrius' excuse for giving up the siege of Rhodes was that Antigonus recalled him to deal with Cassander on the Greek mainland (just as he had brought him back west {rom Babylon). Here he scored some quick and striking successes,including the establishment of a garrison on Acrocorinth (so much for autonomy). He drove Cassander out of Attica and quartered himself and his mistress Lamia in the Parthenon (lo+). By 3oz, he had actually revived something very like the old League of Corinth 45

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Hawks and Hyenas: The StuggJe for Empire The final convulsions were ugly and murderous. Cassander's precipitated a civil war between his sons: his widow, Thessalonike - Philip II's daughter - favored the death in zg\fT

younger brother, so the elder assassinatedher. Demetrius the Besieger,still in possessionof a powerful fleet based on Cyprus and a scatter of coastal cities, found a cautious ally in Ptolemy, always anxious to preserve the balance of power. Ptolemy insisted on hostages:Demetrius sent him his proteg6 Pyrrhus, the young (but already twice-exiled) king of Epirus who had distinguished himself at Ipsus and had the additional cachet of being related to Alexander the Great through Olympias. Ptolemy took to Pyrrhus, gave him arms and men, restored him to his throne, and in effect used him as his lieutenant in mainland Greece. A new, and {ar from negligible, player had joined the Successors' endgame.When Ptolemy turned against Demetrius, Pyrrhus {elt no qualms about doing so too. They had good reason. Demetrius, taking advantage of the chaos in Greece following Cassander's death, and angry at being rebuffed by the Athenians after Ipsus (his second period of residence in Athens, in 3o4, had been an orgiastic public relations disaster), stood off Ptolemy's fleet and took Athens by siegein 295. From this base he moved north, killed one of Cassander'ssons, {orced the other into exile with

Lysimachus, and finally

lz94l got himself

acclaimed king of Macedonia. Once again the old coalition - Ptolemy, Lysimachus, and Seleucus, with Pyrrhus as a fourth - formed against an overreacher. Demetrius put his own image on his coins, assumed a double crown symbolizing Europe and Asia, and wore a robe portraying him as a sun among stars. He reconquered most of central Greece and married Pyrrhus' ex-wife, Lanassa, who brought hirn the strategic island of Corcyrd as a dowry Qgrlol. 47

87 euo dluo aqt /duelotd Jo qleep aqtr /lsel tp /,/rESrpad arues ar{J '{€gz} os p1p dpp pue 'qleep o} }lesutrq >Iuup ot pa8ernocue srzvr'ssa1]rn peJoq /Jo8ersa8er{} areqa '(aeuae1a3 reurrol aql) earuedy te dlr.{rldec snorJnxnl ur snrr}auJaq dn 1es aq 'pealsul 'pesnJer 'a8ertno /sncnolos 'reuo Isrou pezr?r1qnd-11amr{1r^{ -srrd srq alntrexa ol sluelsl ooo'E sncneles peJaiJo snqcerursdl 'rrpurllns srq prrlo{ snrnalas '532 u1 '.ercr1r3 III IIet rq rrrq,!\ olur o8uer srurnpJ eql passorcor pue dn erre8snularuecl 'Icnrls eseasrppur eurrueJ sE turg uesep cl1ue8aq sdoorl sr11 'sarldclns slrl lJo lnr snqJerursl,l 'pa1re1aq 'seuaurng a>lIT 'serderles uralsee lear8 aql rano urlv\ o1 'seuarung e{I 'Surdoq 'puelur >lJnrls aq 'laag pyarvrod IIIrs srq Jo (suortrrsrnbceueaue.rral -1pory s,dura1o14arrdsap) uoddns aql puq eq araqa 'tseoJ ar{l o1 3ur4cr1s Jo ppelsul 'rorre IBteJe aperu aq uoql tng '(saeuerlle Ierrq Jrer{l Jo ouo Surrnp l.ula1ot4 dq *lq pasrurord dlsnor,t 'sreure1o14 -ard) acrp.fung 'eryu.-xe s,dure1ol4 1o ratg8nep e ol aurll punoJ uale aq 'srpreg pernldec aH 'acear) Ltmn

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Hawks and Hyenas: The Stuggle for Empfue of Alexander's marshals except Antipater to die a natural death in his own bed. In 285, Ptolemy had taken his homonymous son by Berenice I as co-regent. The designated heir now succeeded his father without incident as Ptolemy II Philadelphus. But this move sidelined Ptolemy's eldest son by his prior wife, Eurydice, Berenice's aunt: yet another Ptolemy, as violent as he was ambitious and known (with good reason) as Keraunos ('the Thunderbolt'). Prudently, this superfluous sibling left Eg1pt. Rebuffed by Lysimachus, he attached himself to Seleucus. Immediately after Ipsus, the elderly Lysimachus had married Ptolemy's teenagedaughter, Arsino€ (II), Philadelphus'sister, a woman at least as ambitious as Ptolemy Keraunos and in her own way perhaps even more dangerous. As a result - second marriages were the curse of the Successors'dynastic ambitions - Lysimachus saw his strong position (he had driven Pyrrhus back to Epirus) undermined by domestic intrigue. Arsinoe was all too conscious of the Thunderbolt's predicament. Now, at thirty-odd, she had three sons of her own to look out for. She therefore talked Lysimachus into executing his popular and militarily

brilllant

heir-apparent, Agathocles.

Agathocles'

widow turned to Seleucus, and many of the wealthy cities in Asia Minor, oppressed by Lysimachus' fiscal extortions, followed suit. Seleucus brought Lysimachus - like Antigonus One-Eye by now an octogenarian - to battle at Corupedion near Sardis (z8r) and left him dead on the field. Though Alexander's empire had been fought over by all his senior marshals, it remained, by and large, in Macedonian hands; so when Seleucus crossed into Europe - for the first time since setting out with Alexander over half a century earlier * he must have believed the great prize to be at last within

his grasp. But Ptolemy Keraunos, who coveted the 49

o5 '(LLc retuurns) quou qcrpru pue durre d-reuecraur Suorls E pur teeg e raqlu8 o1 'qlpazvt s,reqtuJ srq Jo tsel eql qlrf\ 'lasrurq 'qlurro3 'snaerr4 les - serrleureq pue /snpq3 Io seseq srq o1 Sur8urlc dlareq 'sueqtv pue snqcortuv dq paualearqtr 'tr1oq -rapunql aqr dq Eas lE ueleeq - uos peurerl-trols elqe>lrerrrarun s,ra8arsegoql snrrlaruaq 'se1euo3 snuo8rluy'qlnos aql ur puv 'suerlolav aqr dq HdIaC ruor1 r{uou uo^up se,/v\aproq auo '3ur4 ou peg pruoperpw 'pensua soeq3 'as1eauofue,re ro1 crued 'aoursry ro1 Surd;sr1esdra,r :suETIeg eqr pue 'rour14J Jo ecJnos e ersy 'ecerqa otur qlnos ldezvrsdeql se 'a4rd E uo Tcnls 'peaq srq papered srlel aqJ 'pel1{ pue palue}ep se-1v\ pur tuar{} tq8g o} }no 1ua.tr (rarluorJ arll uo sreourplunour ueruepJeq utorl dlaq Jo rel;o 'uausoqrn crtla3 IElr^ E Sururepsp) lloqropunr{J aqJ }o uorsplur sseur E sem alaqt o8z ur pue 'sasua;ap urar{trou srq uor; derte sdoorl parprp pEI{ sngcerursdl 'sncnelas lq8g oI 'raDeur reqloug sBlvrlr 'ecaerS puE Eruoperew q 'peqsrlqelse dl.ur5 erelv\ sartse -udp r*eu eql '{uorpedruo3 ro} lno Surl}as eroJeq luaredde-rreq pue lua8ar-oc se snqcortuv uos srq perupu dlesut pErI sncnales araqrvr) ersv puE 1dd3g u1 'sraprstno dq paldnrralur dlapn-r arar'r srosseccnslsel eqt to s]crl;:uoceurcauro]ur er{t 'turod srql lE }ng 'ra^o urorj rE] sElv\'aas se 'raereJfueurproellxa 11eqse,ry\ ra11 'uorpadnro3 le qleep ,snqcerursdl rorp (docep E se saqor ledor raq ur pr8 a^els InJqtrul e 8ur,rea1)snsaqdE uorJ pedecse dlereq peq aqs se tsnl 'acerqtroruug ol de-&\e1oB dlareq 'Iesraq aqs 'uerylrqc Surureurar o.fvl']rer{ peII{ dlrdruord eq r1orrllr uodn 'urrq Surd-rruur olur 'eoursry '{relsrs-18r4u1 o srq pue) 'uos 1v\opr.,vr tsepla raq ,snqcuurrsdl parnl - futunoc eql pag oqrt yo s8ururervllua8rn aq] lsure8e - ueql ag '{r gz 1u1)3ur>1erueceq pue '(pedleq drooq yo uortrnqrrtsrp dcue8reura ue) drure eqf dq parurpllce 1Iestuq lo8 'uorlsd sr{ parapJntu eq 'eraqcerursdl 01 elnor ug 'suepr reqlo pEr.I 'lasrurq uope?Ew Jo auorql {5V

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Hawks and Hyenas: The Strugglefor Empfue We do not know his original motive. It is not clear if he intended to confront the Celtic invasion. He may simply have hoped to acquire a little more territory. If his goal was to seize the empty throne of Macedon (also claimed by Antiochus on the basis of Seleucus'victory), he had an odd way of going about it, since he ended up in Thrace. It was here, near Lysimacheia, that he met, outmaneuvered, trapped, and massacred a huge horde o{ Gauls, some eighteen thousand strong, that was making for the Chersonese. The kudos that accrued from this victory was enorrnous. Antigonus Gonatas, self-styled, if kingdomless, king of Macedonia since his father Demetrius' death in 283, finally made good his claim. He set up a non-aggression pact with Antiochus, received honors as the savior of Greece, drove out his rivals, and reconquered Thessaly. He took Pan - to whose images he bore a marked facial resemblance and who had reputedly obliged him by panicking the Celts outside Lysimacheia - as his patron deity. Snub-nosed, knock-kneed, as uncharismatic a figure as could well be imagined, the Besieger's son now embarked on a highly success{ul reign of over thirtyfive years and founded a vigorous dymasty that was terminated only by the Romans in 168. With the deaths of the last Successorsand the establishment of Antigonid

Macedonia, a workable balance of power was

achieved between Egypt, Asia, and Europe, the three corners of Alexander's empire. The funeral games the conqueror had foreseen on his deathbed were over at last.

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eql ()1 ]nq {elqer{r}eurun sB dca8al srq} prE8ar ot dppol aIqE - u o r q s E ] l o u s l r I ' r a l l a q o p t r ^ a p l n o r / p e r l d u r s l E A r A e le q l 'euo ou :urnuoq runrutuns aql eJa/v\ eser.IJ 'sapldrrnE 'sa1r -oqdog 'snldqcsay - dtrrurrl ftnruac-qryg pazruoueo aqf dq sdeld Jo sIEAr^ar Frcglo reln8ar qlr.ln.eledruoc 01 pur{ daql zwou 1nq tslq8rrrr(eld u€rueqtv dq rno peurnl Suraq uo luarvr sarpa8era 'arar{/vrdre^a dn sdorc '1sed aq} (q peulaq,/!\ ;o dce8el aqf -relo eq ot 'raplnoqs s/euo relo >lool otr dcuapuet sIr{J 'op 01 slsrue elrluoJc ;o uorleraueS ra8unod er{t JoJ t1a1Surqrou se.,vreraq} leqt 'peroldxa ueeq peq sarlrpqrssod crleod IIE leq1 lce' eq] patuaruel - scs oo? oroJacl 'souIES snluaoq] se^\ 'qfrl(l slt{ - oq,\\ 'Ilecar a./l/\. lI Jo Jo alull aql Lq peoue^pe lezvr dpeerp 'lce; ur 'ararvr,:peuaddeq rezrau stsanbuoc uralsea s,Japuexelv per{ }noqe auror eleq plno^. '(srelod) serlrc IeerD eql Jo luarudolerrap I€JntIn? pue cr^rc aql ur dpelncrued 'eceld >Ioo] ruqr sa8ueqc rrlsrre]orreqc puB IEl /uorgo} -uauepun] auros 'paapul'lroqcoporq) srossaccng er{l Jo e 'ro ;lasurTrl rapuexelv to raqlra suorluelur lcerrp aql 01 patelarun ear8ep 3ur4r1s € ol pue 'xalduroc dl.{3tr{ 'snoreurnu era/r - ellrl e^rlralloc ou peq 'dlluecgruSrs 'dlrnbrlue r{crq,/r\ roJ lnq - o8e crlsruelloH ar{l sE u..vrou{ sr depot teqrrr acnpord o1 Sururqruoo srolceJ aqf leql tuarrdde aq rvrou dq plnoqs r1

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Kings,Cities, and Culture: The Mythic Past as the Future post-Alexandrian world

its superiority was axiomatic,

the

inspired work of a lost golden age. The prime concem for a modern historian is to understand why that particular kind of creativity lost ground when it did: why (again, in Athens) there was a visible shift from poetry to prose, Irom drama and iyric to philosophy, science, and rhetoric, from creative innovation to scholarly conservatism, {rom political and civic involvement to individualistic quietism, from public to private life. The shattering of Athens' sea empire in 4o4 had far-reaching political, economic, and psychological implications- That unself-conscious high-riding pride and confidence that shine through so rnuch fifth-century Athenian art, architecture, and literature vanish. Athens' record in the first half of the fourth century is marked by hardscrabble {and often less than honest) politics, fantasy-ridden rhetoric, endless losal conflict (both internal and external), and a grim determination, as with the so-called Second Athenian Sea-Leagueof the 37os, to recapture past polis glories in a world where the kind of imperial benefits popularized under Pericles were gone beyond recall. The second half of the century reinforced this sense of disappointed frustration by brutally exposing the fundamental weaknesses of the pcllis system as such. Philip of Macedon, an autocratic monarch whose chain of command answered to him alone, played havoc with the squabbling representatives of city-state democracy, while their citizen hoplites and commanders were no match {or his professional pleneralsand highly trained phalanx. Thc practical advantages of one-man rule as opposed to government by democratic cornmittee (pithily emphasized b;, Homer and now relearned the hard way) were not {orgotten, particularly by Athens' oligarchs. Defeat by Macedonia in the Lamian War $zz) meant it was they who were called on to

53

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'sesselr reddn egt 01 pelrrrlser lsaq e8ap,trrd e se dcrrcouap pep;e8ar pue /lros due ;o rusrlecrper pauunqs '1eo8 cturrd slr se lueuqcrrua-Iles q8norql ssaconsper{ teql puert uor -oau e (q les;;o .la.ouse,^alI lnq 1531"ts-dlrcroleu aql uI pelp releu eruepuadepur ro1 e8rn eqJ 'sJosseccns s/J.lpuexelv Jo drqspropa,ro 1e,,{oraq} o} se^lesuaq} peleporutuorce pue uorel -Eqd Jo snrrtraulacl Jo elnr eI{} petroddns (or t-lr8l dlluanbes -clns orlr"r srql se qcns uaur sen lI 'aar;-dlnp reqlrrr] lrodxa ot esuecrl e ulg

3urra11o 'eruopace141ot tulq Surlr,lur raled

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Kings,Cities, and Cuhure: The Mythic Past as the Future Persians were never really replaced. The Celts were transitory and unpredictable (and soon revamped, in Pergamon and elsewhere, as Noble Savages);the Macedonians were officially proGreek (had not Alexander I been known as /the Philhellene,?); the Romans were discounted as serious bogeymen until it was far too late. Yet Panhellenism had left its indelible - and deleterious - mark on the Greek world: it offered a splendid moral justification for ethnocentric colonialism. The Achaemenid empire was, to both Alexander and the Successors, 'spear-won territory' lg| dofiktetos), there for the conquerors' exploitation, and so, in essence, despite modifications, it always remained. * Among the traditional prestigious prerogatives, and duties, of an ancient king was that of founding cities. During his short life, Alexander was responsible for creating a good many (though fewer than were once ascribed to him: Seleucus did better), naming most of them a{ter himself. The most famous, and by far the most successful, was Alexandria-by-Egypt, built on the one deep-water harbor along the eastern stretch of the North African coast: that 'by' rather than 'in' hints eloquently at the city's non-Egyptian status as the Ptolemies' cosmopolitan capital. Like Alexander, the Successors too established their homonymous foundations: Lysimacheia, Antioch, Cassandreia, Ptolemais, Antigoneia, Seleucia-on-Tigris, Seleuciain-Pieria, and - an occasional nod to the always force{ul distaff side here - Apamea, Arsino€, Berenice, and Laodicea. The practice was in fact of considerable antiquity in the Near East, where great cities such as Babylon, Tyre, Nineveh, and Uruk had sustained flourishing international commerce on a basis of royal and theocratic centralization. Now, with a resurgence of 55

9s aql ur ueaqpeq ra^e daql uer{trpeerdsaprd\ arow '3urlr{39 'uaryo os se 'lou uetl,/vtIeqloue qll,1.\ euo peleradooc pug 'eprrd crrrrc pe8eJno?ua 'uru dlluellacxa eJe.ttdaq] 'leeaar suorldrrcsur ssal 'urnrsuurrrd8 'releeq] 'dlquressu -]unot sV e e pue prre Ircunoo E 'runro; 's11ezvr lecrtrlod pue te>lreru qloq sp pelJes leql eroSe ue e^rsualap :^tprtouep sqod;o sSutdderl Surugap aq] ile peureler sr8au rraql rapun serlrc >Ieer) eql 's8uDI aql qlr^{ peprser relrod oleturlln eIIqM 'pFqdq erlr? snorrnc e se.lr llnser ar{J 'xeldruoc eroru dlSurpuodserroc arue?eq uorleJl -srurrlrpe rreq] pue 'te8ll pep lear8 u -rvrer8 selll3 'puel pup Ees /,q cglen pella^\s eorourrrroi Surqsrrnog 'peleqeun penurtuoc eql /sselloor eq] 'serreuecreru pa(oldureun 'salxa lua8rpur /esu aqtruo areqzrMJana lecrlrlod serlrc eql 01 uIJp luerSrru eql erezrr sarn8g uorlelndod :eJoJaqJaAa uuql uorlezrrreqrn erour se,/r eraqtr 'le^oaloru 'e8u crlsruallaH ar{l Jo u/rEp aql }v 'serlrc lv\au Jral{l luorJ lcedxe o} }EI{,/r\ lnoqE seepl urrg d-rarr puu uorlezruolor Jo sseursnqeql ur ecuerredxe;o leep poo8 u peq '1p relye 's>1aer3eqa 'snon8rque dlpaprcep sr 'sletrdec u.1ro rrer{t Jo uorlelndod er{l ol (aartcnrlsur dpulncrUed sr errpuexalv {aer3 /serrolrJJelJrer{l lnoq8norql serlrc >laaJ) Jo esec aql) uarre pup luapuadapur-rsenb .ro luepuedepw aq] ol sluarrJurerro8ueruop 'dceraoruap a1d1s-ueruaqly -e3pw eser{l Jo drqsuorlular aql le^ Jo uorsral due o1 ueqr pacelder 1r uorlerlsrunupe uersrad aql 01 rasolc J3] pools suropSurl crlsruelleH er{t }o luauluJaaoS eqt /lno palurod uaaq ueuo seq sV 'pro./v\lsEI eI{} per{ 3ur1 aqt qclq,r{ ur 'uerrelrle8a (letcgredns rarrarvroq'ura}sds ledor e uo dn rq8norq 'sueruopacew lnq slaar) elels-,(ll) tou are^\ sralnr ^aeu aql 'ueru E 01 lsorrrle 'leql dlclereprsuoc padlaq tl areH 'sa^lasrueql lrassEer ol ue8aq lueuJuJeloS;o surelled p1o 'slsenbuoc pruauraer{cv s/Jep -uExeIV Io ]no palrec surop8url uuruoperew eql ur dqcreuou ACV

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Kings,Cities, and Culture: The Mythic Past as the Future ciassical eral they constituted a powerful, if in ways paradoxical, manifestation of what it meant to be Greek in this new age. The paradox, of course, lay in their political status. The tension between royal authority and civic independence was, as noted earlier, a permanent probiem throughout the I lellenistic age,where compromise operated on a sliding scale dictated by political advantage, and no fixed principles {even as regards what autonomy precisely meant) were ever established. For some there were advantages,not all impalpable, outside the scope of dynastic control. Athens in particular may have been crippled politically by Macedonian overlordship but still contrived to stamp the expanding cultural scene as, in essence, an Athenian creation. The new cities were built according to the well-tried Athenian grid-pattern. Their education and democratic usageswere Athenian-based. They imported Attic drama. Above all, the common tongue (koin6l, the Greek lingua franca that came to be universally employed throughout the huge polyglot expanses of Asia, was a modified version of vemacular Attic creek. Though Alexander rnay have planned Alexandria primarily as a stratcrgicbastion for the eastern Mediterranean (which indeecl it remainecl until World War II), it rapidly emerged as the greatest cosrnopolitan center of the ancient world. Its positicln favored international commerce. Its boulevards were planned to catch the cool breeze off the sea. The immense wealth poured into its creation produced facilities of unparalleled sophistication, luxury, and attractiveness/ including the great harbor lighthouse, the Pharos, that became one of the Seven Wonders of the ancient world (a1l of which reflected a characteristic Hellenistic, and especially Ptolemaic, taste {or 57

8s ur peu8rsep selt\ /s8urplrnq leluerunuour sll qlIA 'srlodoree dl;o1 s,dlrc arlJ 'arupu s1r uorue8rad eAeB leql lueruqcred eq1 puE 'slcnpord furep 'daeqs 's8oq 'sasroq 'urer8 '1ro 'eur.^A :suodxa alqergord Jo lsll prlos e dq pacrolurer se.1vrarnsear] ueeqceurtsdT rler{J 'dqlparvr era.vr./seruralo}cleq} a>1r1'spr1e}try aql 'ezrs alrlnurrurp sll ol uorlrodord IIE Jo lno aouenu -uI sll '3ureq olur ourec snql urop8ul>l crlsruelleH ,/\4.au V 'l[nseJ e se sn]e]s Iel.or porurul3 d11eug {sacuelsurncrrc relrrurs ur setrEuoD snuo8rluy a>1t1)pue slleJ uErl€IeO aqt ra.to drolcrrr tvet8 e pelocs 'uos s/ursnoo srq '1 sn1ellv 'rossaccns ,seuerung 'tfz wr parp oq,^a '1 saueurng rtaqdeu s1q ^q pepaaccns su,tt eq 'E9z u1 'Ir{d1aq yo pooqlserrd relncero aqt 3urpn1cul 'yerluengur eql 3urle^rllnc uo r{}luer\ srq Surpueds 'acuapuedepur pre^\o} dlsnorlnea peloru r{leep /sncneles re}Je 1nq 'sncnalag o1 (drnsuerl ar{l ur sluelel ooo'6 pue) dfpdol srq parraJsuerr d1p.r,r.erqs tsru 'snraelapq4 parrreu qrnuna pelnder e 'snqceurrsdl rapun roura.ro8 s11 'Jourw ErsV lsa,r{quou ur surp}unoru er{} Jo rnds e uo q8rq 1as 'uorue8ra4 sezwSurlselalur 'aqceued ]sour aqt sduqre4 lenloal -lelur pue sseccns lurcraururoc Jo ernlxruJ anbrun s/Errpupxelv palenbe alrnb re,re suortupunot crlsruelleH rar{lo eql Jo euoN 'uorldrunsuoc snoncrdsuoc olur ere.,rt sarruolold aql 'uelqen urelsroqJ ero;eq 3uo1 'euu* a8elur,r 'urnesn141eql 'erolu8 ueuro-1!\'sdoq d11ard 'sraqdosopqd 'sa1ce1 -cads crlqnd 'lezvtod'ql1eea,r:sa8eluerrpeslr Jo ./vteJp slsrl sppo -reH Jalrr^. arurru aqa 'dpoqd;ale roJ Surqlaruos peq 'lroqs ur 'errpuexaly 'qcnelelued oq1 palelsupr] or{,ry\srvra{uerrpuuxalv aqr Surpnlcur 'stueprser u8rarol ;o sdroc 1ue8r11e1ur pue perre^ dlleuorldacxe uE pecnpord 'fuErqI.I puu runesnw pepunJ d1p,(or aqr q8norqr slJE aq] puu drqsreloqcs Jo a8uuorled qsr^El qtr.l,r paldnoc 'dcrlod uorler8rtutul I€reqII y '{ursrtue8r8 lue8enerlxa AOV

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Kings,Cities, and Culture: The Mythic Pastas the Future imitation of Periclean Athens, and the Attalid public library sought to challenge Alexandria in the range and amplitude of its holdings (Mark Antony later raided these for the benefit of Cleopatra). The Attalids were also great patrons of the visual arts. Their ambivalent attitude to the Galatian Celts - seen not only as enemies to be vanquished, but as emblems of primitive nobility - inspired some of the Hellenistic era's greatest sculpture. Pergamenes went as students to the Academy in Athens (rather than to the Aristotelian Lyceum) and in due course supplied more than one of its future directors. Pergamon's public gymnasium ranked among the largest and most luxurious then in existence. Wealth, munificence, and strictly limited ambitions (they acquired a reputation as arbitrators and power-brokers) served the Attalids well: Ptolemy I's lesson had been taken to heart. When the time came, they were among the first o{ the Asiatic Greeks to cultivate a special relationship with Rome. * Among the more notorious o{ Alexander's actions during the last few months of his life was his demand to be worshipped as a god. In fact the idea was not new and appealed to a wider range of the public at large than educated reactions to it (which of course are all we have) might suggest. Offerings to notable figures as 'on a par with the gods' lisotheoil were not uncommon. Philip II, a shrewd political psychologist, had taken the notion to its logical conclusion by having his image borne in procession with those of the Olympian pantheon, while his son's pursuit of Homeric glory, in the opinion of many, went further still by excelling the recorded achievements of Heracles and Dionysus. The age of the Successors was more than ready for human 59

ro^Ej ur reqlaSolls spoS eq1 perouSr reqlre seprduna ol seroSpl -ord urorJ slEnlrellalul aIIqM 'ernlln? JrualleH ur ^uolor{rrp 'ralo >loo] >IearD paIIEc ialcertru Ielueurppunl E se.llt'tFsar aql 'd1rea peqctrp /suorl -os eql) rusrleuorter lecrqdosolrqd pue 'arerrts8ur>1ecaeJ3 ur 'sse1aqlre,rra51 -dacxe lerceds euros qlr.l aql pue "'spcl3 Lueq] ueel{}aq rolerpaur pazrullrp aq1 asues eulos ut lnq 'aldoed 3ur1 aql sIrI Jo praqdaqs-rorrru^r eql dluo lou 'diesrcerd 'se,,ra. pup /psardsepr^a rreeq lcEJ ur peq drqs8url 'acear3 Lpea ur :araq roqdelaur dalo[ E ueq] erour sr orer{L'[aurur srseqdura] araM ^aqt os paapw ro/ 'spo8 se uraq] ol (erd cll pasn a711/:re6 uursauuodoled eqr Surrnp slereua8 ueruaqtv 1o des retcureq:) u seq 'lq8yrvr.de1duelueqlv aql 'sqodng ,'ra8uol ou letrroru 'lelrotutur po8 e nod Suotuu oB 'peurrelcord aq uaqat Surrvrollo; 1, a8nq e ,/vrarpuerueqs se seloopedrug 'uoaqtued uurdurdlo eq] ot poltrrupu ueaq per{ 'de8 aqt pe8pUq peq salterag 'oqddeg 'sarcaql sao8 'po8 E q}r^\ dlrred pue retuoH 01 Ielroru {ceq 'palsrxe osle puerlra}unoc 8uorls e -osr 1aa Jo uorlou ar{J 'slelroru pue spoS ueolltraq uorleredes aql poolsrepun peqsrlqelse-3uo1 eqr 'srrclnq Jo uorlou {eu) slcelqns srH 'Jleslurq paldrs os puu suDtuopocow aql to 3ur4 servr snuoSrluv lnq ',sacur llalclns raqlo re^o lI paprol suPru -opeccw araqaaslg 'dqcreuoru ueadorng leuorlrpert e 1nq 'uerl -dd8g ro crlersv '1eg pruoloc ou se^. 'surop8ur>1uEupuEXeIV -lsod eqt Suoure auolu 'eruopeoew esneraq se (1urql ol a>11 sraqdosopqd se) Sururerl crols srr{ JO lunoc)e uo qcnu sltou>I rereaq-lodssrd os lou 'se1euo3 snuo8rluy se,tr {,ra11ac1 dyq,) dtrur.r.Ip slq Io Eapr eloqna aql petce{ar oq^. qrrpuour cor{ pE euo oql 'sn1els ledor palnbce dlqsar; neq} uaqlSuer}s 'snoununu ued - luarpar8ur erlxe dlaq o1 ued lecrtrlod 'slseudp 1v\euaql oJ 'uorlpograp lryrervlod e peraJJo dtrur,rrp 1DV

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Kings,Cities, and Cuhuru The Mvthic Past as the Future of scientific inquiry or attacked Flomer, and the Olympian pantheon generally, for failing to match contemporary standards o{ social and sexual morality,

the majority

(including

many in public office) responded l'ry instituting

a number of trials for impiety (asebeial, on charges ranging from atheism and moral relativism to the teaching of astronomy. A sacral element was missing from civic life, and that element had once

been closely associatedwith kingship. In addition, the traditional gods had shown themselves less than helpful in times of crisis. By contrast, Alexander's royal achievements had been not only superhuman but tangible. There was something here for everybody. The religious would recall the role of the king as sacral mediator between earth and heaven. Rationalists,

latching

on to the influential

con-

temporary arguments of Cassander's court guru Euhemerus, could comfort themselves with the reflection that the so-called gods were really nothing more than great generals and statesmen crfthe past who had been'divinized'by

popular acclaim for

their mortal achievements. And a living god could at least be petitioned in person. * Aristotle's teaching had left its mark on his royal pupil. For whatever reason - a growing shortage of responsible Macedonian commanders and administrators seems the most likely Alexander dropped his tutor's advice 'to deal with the barbarians as with beastsor plants' (h. 658, Rose);but however much he himself

came to modify

this intransigent attitude, his

officers, notoriously, like most Macedonians, remained unabashed racists, and the whole acquisitive thrust of Panhellenism will

have reinforced such an attitude. I{ Alexander,

thrifty in his personal habits, merely sought the whole of Asia 6r

r,9 dpeals dlaarlerudruor paurcurar 'peepur 'sacrl4 'palcedxa ueaq ez'eq lq8rs lsJg lE lq8rur uEql /I8l'uauoq eJour sKervr,ur pue 'crleurelp ssel re1 uaaq a^Er{ ol surees lf,aJte eqt llere^o le1 'senssr dcuarrnc-11erus(o1p-raddoc rulndod l-lSursearcur //rou aql 01 uolleleJ uI qloq to enIP^ eI{} pa^Fq fI leqr petrurrrr}se uaaq osIE sEr{ 1I'or:r otr €r:r urorl u1v\op- dlSursrrdrns 1ou - orler Jo^Irs-o1-plo8 aqt elorp durouoca upauerrelrpaw aq1 (rusrxa ressalE ol) pu? rrlersv eqt otul JrJedssrqr IIEJo uorlcalur aql 'seqrJq ureld o1 pelunorup lerllr\ pup 'suorteuop trueruerrleJ 's1;oded qsr^el su ]nq '(a8ru1 pe>IFq sarrpuecraru Io sraqunu Surseercur1o 8urpury eql qcq,rr\ ur) sasuadxa(relqrur dep-of-dep uo Lpo lou 'peledrssp (lptder sem (d:luafinc urapour ur 'ssen3 urnrururru e le 'sre11opuoIIIq parpunr{ ? dlrceu quo^ } utns tsel sn{J'sluale} ooo'ogr }spel lE Jo eun} eq} ol 'serlnseelt IBJeAas s/ErsJedJo slueluoc palElnrunmu eql SurJaepuErrrruo) dq (raqrrel oB ol psnyar eterurlln /sdoort srq pauodlsod dlprcgrue puu) uolr -rpadxa srq pacueug eg '(elqeqsrn8urtsrpdlarrq uelJo Sureq orvrl aqr) arerrd ro oreq crreurol{ E Jo asoq} urort rEJ}eq} I1e }ou oralr eerB srr{l ur suorlou u.uo s/Japuuxolv /uees eAEqazvrsy 'leedrur srurouoce slr sr ssassEor llncuJrp lsoru aql sdeqra4 'uorse^ur s,rapuexalv ;o sacuenbasuoc pepuelurun dyloqrvreql reprsuoc ol e!uo3 a.4\ueqa purru ur euroq rq sAE,/vIlE plnoqs lcpJ srqJ 'srotrrl eqr dq 'seq ua 'qtyear* Jrer{l pazaanbs aq o1 'dleleurr11n 'areql a.razvr ]nuq ap Jo ersv pue 1dl.3g 'sqcreuour prcnales puu 3rerualold elrsseocns or JaIpIos 1tv33vtq lEnpr^Ipq tse^\ol aql ruorJ 'sueruopacel4l roJ 'et{ 1o dervl € sE uor}Elroldxa qcns dylsnl ot uerreqreg aql Io suorlou s/ellolsuv pu? rusruallequed paurquoc 1r :als)s alqelre?uocu oueqllq € uo uorlelroldxa leruoloc Jo tce ue dluo tou su-lvruorlrpedxa aqa 'd1ooq pup seq?rr ro1 prle erar\ pel aq sdoorl aqf '(soap1)eruel srq af,uer{ueol dtolrr.re} uorvr.-leadsse A)V

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Kings,Cities, and Culture: The Mythic Past as the Future throughout the fourth and third centuries. Here the Persian practice of melting down surplus tribute bullion into ingots and keeping it largely out o{ circulation, in a Fort Knox policy unrelieved by any sort of recognizable credit system, in fact caused more financial trouble than Alexander's depredations. Progressive draining of the empire's gold and silver reserweshad led to chronic inflation and spiraling prices. Comparing the Achaemenids' theoretical annual tribute lr4,56o Euboic talents) with the amount that the Macedonians removed from the imperial treasuries makes it clear that by the mid-fourth century, much more of this annual tribute was being returned, one way clr another, to circulation. But Alexander's openhanded onetime infusion of ready cash into the market, combined with a vast influx of colonists, merchants, and adventurers of every sort into Egypt and Asia under the early Successors, cannot have failed to stimulate trade. One of the most remarkable symptoms of this is what Davies (in Bugh, zoo6, 9ol rightly describes as 'the vertiginous rise in maritime traffic.' It is also true, and important, that by setting up mints and imposing the Attic

r7.2-grarn tetradrachm as his currency

standard throughout the conquered territories, Alexander in effect created a monetary common market. Yet we should not assume/ as has sometimes been done, either that it was he whcl first monetized Asia or that the new system ousted all others. The Persians had long been coining their own currency (shekels, darics) as well as using Greek issues, while various moneyless systems/ by barter or warehousing, remained widespread throughout the empire. Again, we have to remember Macedonian priorities. When they took over a region, they seldom changed the financial or administrative

system in

place: they simply put in top officials to ensure that the

63

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eql pue 'lI peIIII rarr.su dcercourap uurueqly :dlercos >Iaar3 setrearuraduorlou eqJ 'uorlrsrnbce p spoqleur yo Lpnrs lecrlcerd Lue pazuelcerer{c elto}srry .,vt.or{ dlesrcerd sB./!\trsEI srq,l 'a}sp} peq q lo 'uoruluoo 'sse1c-razwol SurqlLue qtrur palenbe uoos tnq ,sueJcrpuErl r{}I1v\op o1, Suruearu (1eur8rro uual E ,',crsneueq, '{suerp se pasrdsap su,,rlrapsrl pue roqel lueprser) lenueur 1y S)tfatu aqtro1 lEq] OABOI :alqP>lulqlun Ssll\ecleululoc qtrI1v\ spuutl s,auo Surlros 'relleq uala selrr dyadord ro q1l"a/\r Surlrraqur pue 'ueuraltua8 E ro18ur>leudeuotu;o eporu alqerdacce ]sour eql sE,^ PUEIu1v\os/auo SuIurel ',puodaqpue ol9ld ()1JarrroH urorc 'serlrlrar crurouoco qlrm uer{} acrpnlard Ier?os qlrlvr op otr alour sEL{r{cn{,l\ 'srreJ;eJo e}els srqt roJ uoseer poo8 d-ra,r.e sr arer{J 'sar^el lcarrp Jo Sunure;-xe1 dq raqraqm 'csg ledor eql ro] eurocur Jo tunorue alqrssod runurrxerrr eql Surlrerlxa rol alqrsuodsar 'sacrlcerd (cemnearnq la^el-elppnu E pu5 arvt,qrrq,/v\ e^oqe 'surop8urq Iecol Jo (ersy ur dllercadse) dleuel Surrapll"^acle sezw )rtrsruellaH er{t ur '}1nsar eqa '(ruafsds roueq leunuuroc e Lq pepro^Eeq ueqo plnoc auocur Jo srseqer{} uo patelnrler asoql) sexel paxg ded ol ro 'slsea-reqpeq lsure8e a8paq e se '(s1oo11ern1 -lncrr8e 'serlru1 'd-ratrlod'acuelsur ro1) eonpord lorr plnoc deql reqzrrdnq ol raqlra dluo qsec pasn sreploqllBurs rser{J (sr 11rrs lualxa auros 01 puE plrollL ueeuErJalrpaw aq] to enll peurp[raJ srr{t /^lluare-r fuarl IIlt} srureJ rreql ruorJ rEJ pe^ou ruoples oqlv\ sreurrEJ acualsrsqns to spueq oql ur 'lunotuered (sdrAle se) serrt'lerurue pue aIqErErlloq /uorlcnpord pooy 1eco1 'pa8ueqc elllrl /luelxa Sursud:ns u ureas deru lsrg le ler{,r . ol 'snqJ .uraqtr uraruor qJnru ]ou plp Ia^el leql aolaq uo lua_n teqM'utaql o1 dpreurrrd peleuupqc nou eralv\ sexel pue alnqrrl Surlsrxe A'JV

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Kings,Cities, and Culture: The Mythic Past as the Future congenial. It even affected the sciences: Euclid and Archimedes regarded the application of theory to practical or, worse, profitable ends with withering contempt and would have nothing to do with it: it took the Roman siege of Syracuse itt zrz to make Archimedes turn his mind to the problem of defense artillery. We now see why Greek economics so signally fails to match the extraordinary achievements made in other areas, from mathematics to astronomy. By considering themselves above such demeaning matters as getting and spending, the best brains of the age not only remained in profound ignorance of how these processes actually operated, but were happy to explain them, as good philosophers, in purely moral terms. Why, asked Isocrates (8.rr7-rr9), do the Megarians, with no good harbors, mines, or fertile lands, own the most splendid houses in Greece? His answer says nothing about their manufacture of cheap woolen goods or their profitable carrying trade. No, their success is due entirely to self-control and prudent moderation (s\phrosynfl ! Similarly with the generous response {rom almost every Mediterranean power to the disastrous earthquake rn zz9f 7 that flattened Rhodes and brought down the Colossus. The notion that this generosity might be due to the fact that the superb Rhodian navy prevented Mediterranean piracy, that Rhodes itself acted as a useful free agent and exchange center between the major powers/ does not occur to Polybius, who tells the story (S.88.+).Forhim the huge handouts are a direct reaction to the stoic dignity and restraint of the Rhodian envoys when soliciting aid. To a quite remarkable extent, then, the leading rulers of the early Hellenistic years were trying to come to terms with new international realities while still thinking - insofar as they consciously considered the problem at all - in terms of what 65

99 pue SuDIcBs pa>lo^ordun q8noql 'l-ro1rrra1 pelndsrp Ja o uaryo ]sour - serlrc uaa^uaq slcruuoc FcoI sselpue pug a^t .alues egl sr srnlcrd aql '1e,rayJazvtolE le lng 'd-reqs pue dpear sreads rreql dee4 or erreq drolrrrel uon-reads ro1 sprrrr ,{-relrlrur :paseec tuoples paepur esaql puu 'suropSur4 f,rlsruallaH luar8 aql uealv\teq slcluuoc Io tsJg >luqr el 'plagellteq a18urse sE uEeu -pilelrpaw eql /res snrqdlo4 'suerJolsrq druroduraluoc ;o crdol 'aarsnlcxe egl ual;o puu 'ureur egl 'snolrnbrqn pue snonurluoo se.lrr.eJ€]Jel$,'ecuelsrxa neql Jo sorlnlues aeJql eql lnoq8norqa 'sazrseqdrua uelJp) ,,'uroop Jreql leur daql araqrvrsr luql pue, uona ,'plagelppq eql uo ur8rro rrar{} per{ satuls rrtsrualleH aqJ, 'crruepue ourocaq peq uollsrlods ;o uortou aql 'relncrued ur srolertrsrururpe uEru -opecew Jod 'ueq] Jo sturoJ lcEJ ur are slEep esaql Io ilv ,.rno perrr9c Jo^eu sE.rv\ leql >lJon asueJapuo sexpl lercads Sursrer dq 'eper1-urer8eql Surzrlodouou dq 's1eap l.cuaunr luelnpnery dq 'uorlerlrqru Surrnp seprs qloq ruorJ saquq 3ur4ul Lq ,sarnsearl eldurat Surprer dq :pasrer serrt lelrdec ^.oq Io seJuelsur sno -rreur.serrr8 'allolsrry ol rofie (q paqrrcsu 'Dcrutouo)ao-opnas(I aqr 'asr1eell fun1uar-qlrnoJ-alel V 'ldacuoc srql pepuelxe dlluecgru8rs errdura ppeureeqcv aql Jo lsanbuoc eqa .a8rlsard sE IIa^\ sE eurocur Jo acJnos reln8ar e se (rolcra 1o spods aqt uo pa{or ilrts srelng 'sJeqlo;o slcnpord aql octol ururu dq elnbce ';lesrno( spoo8 ecnpord ueqt raqlur ,sprorvrreqto uI .ercJ -re1t :tueurqcrrue-Jles Io eporu peuorlJups dlleuorlrperl rrqto teqt rrorJ ro8 aq o1 se8eluuapp eqt paurlrapun peq uors?Aur s/rapuexalv 'saprsag 'salspl qcns Surdpler8 ;o derrr a.rt1ce1;a lsoru eql spruSarse uorlucrlsrqdos leer due Surrq 1ou p1p (larcos Io runlerls lercos reddn eql ur eruengJe roy alrledde Burrwor8 'l.ruouoce a8e-croraqe 'dllercedse sueruopecery ro; ,paureruar V

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Kings,Cities, and Culture: The Mythic Past as the Future plundering (for instance, by the Aetolians) were far from uncommon. There were also frequent small but vicious civil wars, revolts by subiugated native inhabitants or discharged mercenaries (these last often unwillingly settled in remote regions), and unpredictable incursions by northern barbarian tribes. Armed conflict was not only the primary means of resolving differences, but the source of royal mystique and, more to the point, of royal income, whether through taxation, the ransoming of captives, or the acquisition of profitable new territories, such as forests for shipbuilding. Ancient,

like modern, warfare also tended to boost the

economy by creating a greater need for goods and services. The vast numbers o{ mercenaries, predominantly Greek, that were now employed had to be paid, and spent their pay lavishly wherever they happened to be quartered. Though they became the butts of comic poets for their macho posturing, rowdy conduct, and drunkenness, it was often their settlements, ironically enough, that brought Greek lifestyles, gymnasia, and religious cults to the Asiatic outback. An enormous amount of the Successors' funds was also diverted into researching and creating new and more efffcient siege equipment: artillery that included torsion catapults to proiect arrows, stone balls, or incendiary projectiles; huge wheeled towers with

swing

bridges; and suspended battering rams. Yet these apart, the era saw singularly little real advance in military effectiveness till the Romans appeared on the scene. A Ptolemaic phase of gigantism in naval architecture - rows of oarsmen rising from four or five to twenty and more as the motive force for increasingly unwieldy vessels - got nowhere, and navies soon reverted to triremes and quadriremes. 67

89 aQ ol patrcegu sdervrp 'uor1e.ro1dxaSurraeuord se pelearl Sutaq ruoJJ rEI 'pua s,pporvrar{} roI lsanb asoqr* 'rapuexepT pelquesar deqr 'd1ppo 'srql u1 'arnln1 aqt eceJ o1 qcrqr\ urory srseq elquu dpo aqt sE tsed oql ot pa>lool qrog 'Ie)rtuepr servra8elrraq rraql uo e>Iel rraql tcadsar euo ur lseal ]e 1nq tfuerql.I pue urnesnw uerrpuexalv rvrau1ear3ar{l JJEISo1 serlualotcl dFra aqr dq pera -rIlEB sreloq)s pue slaod asoql ruorJ sapntrl]p rreqtr ur d1fueqs reJJrppFo,/v\ errdure 1o slods eql puB 1re drnluec-rluu Jo sarrolS lsol aq] ro1 cr81e1sousuurueqlv teqt pesoddns eq lq8rru 11 'seIlIueuIe cIArc pue serrnxnl ,t\eu snoreunu Lq - suorlJJuuoc pue sarrroJur eqtr qlr^. esoql roj - lasJJo se,rt ruopearl pcrlrlod alerurtrln JO >lcBI ereql\ '1p a,roqe suaqlv 'salets-dtrc plo eqt Jo auo ur uruurer 01 asoqc oql,\ esoql pue selpuoC snuo8rluv ro 1 drualo14 se qcns sJaInJJo strJnoreql lE sJol?rlsrururpe ro 'sreloqcs ,slalurur sP srearec epElu oq./v\asoql qloq :s>Ieer) pelBcnpe Jo suorlseer aI{} are 'peluaruncop }seq dlSursrrfuns lou pue '3ur}sare}ur 's8ur4crd qcrr ro1 elrledde lsoy11 /sralsuur rraqt parer{s E]lerqurn uuluopesew eql rapun rourw €rsv pue fdd8A or pe>lf,og oqlt\ srrlnluelpe JJqlo pue 'aunlroy Jo sralplos 'stuuqcrau >leerD 'sluauarrnbar snor8rler lua8urrls treql palcadser tegl aqJ

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Kings,Cities, and Culture: The Mythic Past as the Future following in the footsteps of mythical predecessors:first Heracles and then, in India, Dionysus. The major preparatory task of the Library's academic staff - a task never in fact totaliy completed and one that continued long after the Renaissance - was the retrieval, classification, and editing of what we now term the archaic and classical literary heritage, frorn Homer to the great tragedians, a high proportion of which had been generatedin Athens. (As a result, for us the social rmpact of Alexander and his successors is - despite epigraphic, archaeological, ancl numismatic evidence - inextricably bound up with the literary rccclrd.)To this obstinate trend we largely owe the ultimate survival of that small percentage of ancient Greek literature that we possesstoday. What gave the obsession such force is harder to explain. One pclssible answer is the absence, often remarked on, of any body of scripture that could be appealed to for moral precedent. If Homer was treated as the 'bible of the Greeks,' it was faute de mieux. Hence, too, the extraordinary spread of ethical theories among rival philosophical creeds. Yet it is also hard to escape the impression (unpopular among classicists today) of a widespread ancient belief that with the close of the classical era, a sense of creative direction and purpose was lost that, try as they might, the Greeks never quite succeededin recovering. Nor should we forget that the new Greek emigrants - o{ Alexandria in particular - had, like the Alexandrian |ews who translated the Pentateuch, been cut off from their ethnic roots. The heritage that the Library's savants strove to rerrieve was already subtly alien to them, and not merely because of the passageof time. This may hint at the reason for a well-known literary paradox: while they were the first, as critics, to formulate rules for the various genres they analyzed, they were also

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Kings,Cities, and Culture: The Mythic Pastas the Future Equally debatable, though to me highly plausible, is the thesis that sees major discernible changes in the various Iiterary genres as for the most part occasioned indirectly by the sweeping historical events described in my first two chapters. Not all of these were due to Alexander, though his career undoubtedly accelerated them. The most all-pervasive, the shift of emphasis away from public collective involvement in the affairs of the polis to private and individual concerns, had, as we have seen, already got well under way by the start of the fourth century. Aristophanes' last surviving play, the Plutus lWealth,388), with its resourceful slave and attenuated chorus, foreshadows the Hellenistic New Comedy of Menander. In newly subject cities like Athens, Pericles' despised private individual (idi6tes, hence our 'idiot') has come into his own. He is encouraged to make money rather than fight. His Macedonian overlord is more likelv to hire mercenaries to defend the city than to call on its citizcn militia. Collaboration is profitable. There is still, and will always be, a nucleus o{ patriots ready to fight for freedom against heavy odds (one reason the overlord mistrusts citizen levies), but a quiet private life looks increasingly attractive to the well-heeled upper classes. The plays of Menander, with their lost-and-found situations, rich dowries, and comforting platitudinous aphorisms, reflect this world with

disconcerting accuracy. Piracy, brigandage, and

braggart mercenaries, besides providing plots, hint at the endless warfare and near-anarchy going on in the real world outside. At the same time, escapism is rampant: virginities are miraculously preserved, the lost are found, dowries rnaterialize, everything comes out right in the end. The idi6tes may or may not reflect on the degree to which Euripides, and the new individualism

in the visual arts, has

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Kings,Cities, and Culture: The Mythic Past as the Future the collection and classification of all Greek texts was a bid to make his capital the guardian and controlling center of the Hellenic heritage. Alexandria was to be the new Athens, Pericles' famous 'education of Hellas.' Athenians had called Macedonians barbarians.Now they must acknowledge the socalled barbarians as not only their military,

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superiors. In more than one sense/ knowledge is power: that appropriation brought control was a lesson most of the Successorshad learned the hard way. But what was won must - like Alcxander's body - be the real thing. When Ptolerny's grandson Euergetes I refused to return the master copies of the three great Athenian tragedians that he had borrowed and sent copies back to Athens instead, he knew exactly what he was doing. That his act - like the moneymaking devices in the Pseudo-Oeconomica - was blatant daylight robbery remained immaterial. * Ptolemaic Eglpt enloyed two incomparable advantages: a geographic environment that of{ered excellent natural protection against attack; and accumulated pharaonic wealth so great that when Octavian finally laid hands on it in 3o RCE,even after three centuries of expensive wars and untrammeled royal self-indulgence/ the standard interest rate in Rome at once dropped frclm rz to 4 per cent. No accident that the Ptolemaic dynasty outlasted ail its rivals. If all else failed, a Ptolemaic king - modern parallels suggest thernselves - could neariy always buy his way out of trouble. The court in Alexandria was famous for its opulence and generosity. The Museum and Llbrary,like the f . Paul Cetty Center (which in many ways they much resemble), never seem to have had payroll problems, and their resident scholars enjoyed permanent appointments. Researchin most branches of

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Kings,Cities, and Culture: The Mythic Past as the Future What we have here is court poetry, and court poetry implies a special, limited, well-read, class-conscious audience, its place in the social and financial sun contingent on its unqualified and active support for the current regime. {Theocritus' Idyll 15, with its vivid snapshots of Alexandrian street life, manages both to flatter Arsinoe for the quality of the concerts she sponsors and to mock the provincials who attend them.) It is essentially city-based. In Alexandria, its art and literature reveal not only an urban hankering after pastoral fantasy, but an equally unreal de haut en bas penchant for Alexandrian low life: dwarfs, drunks, cripples, brothel-keepers, bawds, cobblers with a flourishing trade in under-the-counter dildos for borecl housewives {asin the Mimes o{ Herodas). The sculpture is selfreferential, the concern with myth dwells on the erotic (Leda and the swan). What remains significant is the need for myth, even in an ultracynical upper-class generation brought up on the antitheological logic chopping of the Sophists. At the very top intellectual level of Alexandrian poetry, with Callimachus and Apollonius

Rhodius/ we are never far from a recurrent obsession with aitia - causes/ roots/ origins, the why and how of lovingly retrieved ancient customs. more vividly conveys the paradoxical tensions of Alexandria this new world still in so many ways inextricably wedded to the old - than Apollonius' Argonautica. Here was an Nothing

epic retelling, in not quite Homeric hexameters, of the myth that took fason to Colchis, at the farthest eastern reaches of the Black Sea, in quest of the Colden Fleece and brought about the famous, and tragic, love match between him and the Colchian king Aeetes'daughter Medea. That Apollonius tried epic at all was remarkable. Conventional wisdom agreed that the genre was pass6, that Homer had said it all, that huge sprawling 75

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Kings,Cities, and Cuhure: The Mythic Past as the Future basic geography of the known world. It was not all that long since the Ionians had held that the earth was a flat disk surrounded by Ocean. Aristotle's

generation had, correctly,

replaced the disk by a sphere but still retained much of the old thinking. Greeks had - have - an ingrained tendency to think of themselves as occupying the center of the world, whatever its shape. Anything

outside the western Mediterranean, or the

more central satrapies of Cyrus' Achaemenid empire in the east/ was still largely terra incognita, visualized, as always with the unknown, in mythic terms ancl increasingly fabulous toward its oceanic perimeter. Northern and southern zones were held, despite Herodotus' skepticism, to be symmetrical mirror images of each other: thus the Nile was somehow a septentrional version of the Danube. About northern Europe, China, most of India, and all Africa south of the Sudan {despite a famous Phoenician circumnavigation of that continent, later disbelieved),t' ignorance remained profound. When Alexander set out to conquer Asia, he was as much a victim of current geographic theories as anyone. (Some of these he persisted in till his dying day - for instance, the notion that Africa was part of Asia rather than an independent continent.) Imagined symmetries and interconnections, chiefly o{ mountain ranges and rivers - the Taurus and the Hindu Kush, the Nile and the Indus - led him to grossly underestimate distances in the unexplored world. The bematists, a group of specialists who recorded the ground actually covered by the army on the march, continually

had to correct his, and Aristotle's, esti-

mates. Almost all the existing information about major rivers east of Ecbatana proved hopelessly wrong. Worst of all, the eastern shore of circumambient Ocean - in a very real sense the world's end that Alexander had made up his 77

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Eastern Horizons and the Cloud in the West (276-196)

Though the wars of the Successors were at last over, the regimes that ensued could not be said, by any stretch of the imagination,

to have ushered in a new era of peace. The

Ptolemies' praise-singers might extol their masters' godlike virtues, but not/ as Virgil with Augustus, for having put an end to a half-century of debilitating conflict. What a diplomat might euphemistically term 'the adjustment of frontiers' kept these ambitious new dynasts and their {mostly hired) armies very busy indeed. Ptolemy II, sole king after his {ather's death in 283, cut loose from the policy o{ limited empire he had inherited and not only pushed north in Syria, but picked up cities and islands (Samos,Miletus, Halicamassus) in the eastern Aegean and most of what is now the Turkish Riviera (Caria, Lycia, Cilicia) at the expense o{ the Seleucid Antiochus I. If he was merely establishing (as has been suggested) an outer defensive perimeter for Egypt, together with

controllable

sources of essential imports, he had a decidedly aggressiveway of going about it. How far this was due to his vigorous sisterwife, Arsino0, still game after disastrous marriages to Lysimachus (p. +q) and her half-brother, Ptolemy Keraunos (p. so), remains an open question: in any case, by z7o, alter adopting the heir to the throne. she was dead and divinized. 79

ur elqnort altlrl peq selcuoC 're11 ueapruouarr{J eql se (a1ec 'sapruotuuq3 rar;e) u/v\ou>l -olpE uErurqlV ]lo^rt IprJUlo s1r aql paqcunel 'lrodclns crrrualold r{ll,l\ '€1rBdSpue suaq}y ,so9z ^pea oqtr ur 'ueq6 'ctes selv\ uorlrscld srq '(,ecaar3 'o slelle1 eql/ sE 'uoseer poo8 qfrn 'urvrou4) seuleuJe(I pup srJler1) se qcns strurod raqlo le pur eraql suosrrre8 pauretr Iprcnrc -ureru pup 'qtuuocorcv Jo >[cor lear8 aq] e{II salrs de1 plaq er{ elrrry\ tng 'drqsprolra^o srq pa}ueser 'elredg puE suaq}V ueql ssJI ou 'san8eal upa€qrv pue usrlole17 r\au er{J 'arnces lsuel le 'pa8uageqcun 'paureuralJoaeJ:) tou tr Io ]ser er{l Jazrollrroqlne olcel ap pue aurr8ar ueruopeoew srq '6€z ur r{lcap srq Ir}un r"ro 1viou ruoJJ 'Jarler elqEreprsuoJ 1Ie} e^pq lsnur lnq ,^aorros pessardxa seleuo1 'ppaq pora^as srq qlra paluesard uaq6 'palelrdecap urr{} pue dolloor E urorl urrq lu rl,err{l ueLuo^r plo uE elrl s ^q snor?suocun pe{"out su,vr.snqrrK4 'lzlz 11e11 so8ry ur Surrq8g laerls Suunp pue 'eruopecew parenbuocar dp -puer1seleuoS 'demu serlraq allq6 'e1nr pruo8r}uv trrorJ 1r ater -eqq ol asauuodole4 eql uo Surqcreru Jo a>lelsrrueql aperu oq ueql lng '(relndod tou sr^r sneerrd ur uosrrre8 ueruopacel4l aql) sueqlv dq pesropua se.ry\ puu u/r'\orcaql peurrelc aq :lq8rr sp^\ aq q8noqr se pa{ool }I }sJU tV '{reru rorsee ue elord plnclzrteu()rq} pruo8rluy eqr parn8g snqnd4 'SLr, ut urnlueleuag lE srrpurog eql Aq peqserqJ 'erour e)Lro lno turq e^orp puB eruopef,pw ur pereeddear (ureldec d,reuacretuperrr{ E 'lca;1a ur 'se d1e11qlnos pue dprrg ur deme ueeq ppq oqrrr) sn-ndg;o snqnd4 slsorlreu plo srq oturs 'ellqrt e roJ ruaiqord e aq tll paseacseteuoD 'ftlSLz) relEl o-lvUro JEal(e lnq lursy pue adorng uea..vrlaqaurl-3urprrr.4] 'seleuo3 snuo8rluv qtl^\ tced uors Ieuorlrperl aq] uo paseq -sar38e-uou e epeur puq aq 'gLz u1'surpuop prcnelas dpleu,r.un pup lsEA nou srq relo lorluor dae4 ot passerd-prrg sen snqco -r1uy 'suorsJnour cula3 r{serJ pus s8ursrrdn dq palcerlsrq :ICV

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Athens under siege, and, more surprisingly, scoring a decisive victory over Ptolemy at sea off Cos. With the blockade of Piraeus thus unbroken, the Athenians were starved into surrender ll z6r). The city lost the right to elect its own magistrates and passedunder the control of Macedonian officials. Yet despite his record of tough dealing, Gonatas was by no means unpopular among the Greek educated classes. His Stoic training left its mark on him. His court at Pella included the astronomer-poet Aratus of Soli and Hieronymus of Cardia, the soldier, scholar, and diplomat who had serwed Gonatas' father and grandfather and now in his old age composed a major history of the wars of the Successorsthat would appear (not surprisingly) to have favored Antigonus One-Eye as much as Ptolemy I's memoirs did their author. It was not long, either lz+s ld, before the usual propertied moderates - a group whose history made it more than clear that with them indeed nothing succeeded like success- began o{fering Gonatas honorific sacrifices, undeterred by his sardonic take on deification {p. 6o). He was now, at last, the acknowledged master of Greece. What is more, even after his death, Antigonid power was, if anything, consolidated. When Gonatas' son Demetrius II was killed fighting the Dardanians (zz9l, leavrr'g an heir (the {uture Philip V) only nine years old, the boy's guardian (Demetrius'

cousin Antigonus

Doson)

stepped in as monarch pro tem and handed over power to Philip without any trouble after an eight-year reign. It is not always appreciated, given the nature of the Hellenistic dynasties, just how remarkable an achievement this was. As Sheila Agar remarks, and the genealogical tables amply confirm, '[By] the time two generations had passed,all the rulers of the Successorkingdoms were related to one another," in this much

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in order to wed Berenice, Antiochus had first to get rid of his existing wife, Laodice, on whom he had already sired at least five children, three of them sons. Remarriage in the circumstances was a sure recipe for dynastic disaster, especially since Berenice prornptly bore him a son/ too. To complicate matters, in 246 both Ptolemy and Antiochus died (the latter allegedly poisoned by Laodice). In Alexandria, Arsino€'s son succeeded without trouble as Ptolemy III Euergetes.In Antioch, the two queen mothers went at it. Laodice claimed that Antiochus had named their son Seleucus as heir on his deathbed. Berenice argued that Laodice's repudiation disqualified all her offspring from the succession. She also, with good reason/ sent an urgent appeal to her brother, the new king in Egfpt. Ptolemy marched on Antioch (to a rapturous welcome by the mob, he afterward claimed) and occupied it, but too late: both Berenice and her son had aheady been assassinatedby Laodice's agents. As a result, the Third Syrian (or 'Laodicean') War got under way and dragged on until z4r, during which time Ptolemy III and Laodice's son (now enthroned as Seleucus II Kallinikos| campaigned a good deal, but mostly not against each other. Seleucus was busy in Asia Minor. Ptolemy meanwhile secured Antioch's port of Seleucia-in-Pieria (his one undisputed achievement during this war) and put out a barrage of propaganda claiming to have made a kind of triumphal progress through the Seleucid empire without needing to strike a blow. Whatever the truth behind these inflated claims (he is unlikely to have got farther than Babylon, if so far), the gains were mostly transient and due largely to the fact that Seleucus

83

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EasternHoizons and the Cloud in the West III received the frantic appeal from his sister - the Syrian Berenice - in Antioch. His bride, again famously, dedicated a lock of her hair for his safe retum. The lock mysteriously vanished, Conon the astronomer claimed it had been elevated to the heavens as the Coma Berenices, and Callimachus wrote a famous poern about it, which Catullus in due course transiated.' This inextricable blend of sex, myth, literature, and power politics offers valuable clues in understanding the nature o{ court society as it evolved during the third century. * In mainland Greecc, the uneasy tension between local autonomy and Macedonian overlordship continued, further complicated by the Ptolemies' hostility to Antigonid expansion in the Aegean, which led to their supporting, with

cash sub-

ventions and, on occasion, naval backup, afry state with

a

record of anti-Macedonian activity. This meant, first and foremost, the new Aetolian and Achaean federations. The Aetolians now controlled most of central Greece; the Achaeans, under their powerful general Aratus of Sicyon, had in 243 captured the great hilltop {ortress of Acrocorinth in the northern Peloponnese.(That same year, the Achaeans named Ptolemy III their honorary commander in chief, presumably in acknowledgrnent of the r75 talents he had earlier given them.) Antigonus Gonatas' control over Greece was substantially weakened as a result. Though Gonatas made peace with Aratus rn z4r, after his death two years later his son and heir, Dernetrius I1, spent most of his decade-1<-rng reign fighting the Achaeans and Aetolians. A new and highly disruptive factor in thescr interstate relationships was the unlooked-for resurgence of Sparta under two ambitious and ideaiistic kings, Agis IV lz++-rl and Cleomenes 85

98 aleryurq eql rnoqv 'e3EIdlsrg aql ur snlBls rorrre.&\urorl duEur os pegrlunbslp peq leql tqep Io ueprnq Surlddrrc oql Jo prr 8ur1]a8 puv 'rcrcurorl aql Jo uoddns aql roJ $otoy4) s8urploq radord Surprrrord 'V3g3o oql Suuolser luearrr srqa 'uea8ey eql ur eIoJ lueururop s,elredg relorer rueql qlra pue 'lrorowoql /sselc rorrre.rvrplo eq1 ,s1enbg, peIIE)-os eql lcuq 3uuc1 ol selw adoq ,sauaruoel3 'reaalol dceruardns lecrlrlod pue drelrptu ueruouraepacel padorlsep p€q (rL€) erfcnel le lealap 3ur1e -IIFunr{ s,e1red5ero}aq tllrwaz s1r 1e arurSgr}uelcus eq} 'sarro18 lsud ezrlelrler pue elrler ol tdtuelle ue (esrrdrns ou asneo plnoqs ,rvroudq leqt Surqleuos) puu ]srlrla qloq sB^r tcEJ ur urre 'Surpeelsnu se-1v\ 'slolaq - lueuresrqcueJJue eql Jo Iurluec rraqa uele ro - Suraarl Lcua8raue eql /slqep 1o 1yo3urtrrrru, puu setrelse 'uollnlo^eJ IEIJOSIeJIp?r serrt 3ur1e Jo ]uotulollEeJ al{l Jo >lIeI -co^pE eralr\ saueuroelS puE srSy teqrvr l€ql pecur^uor eruucaq (reloqes urapoLu euo ueql arou 'dlqesnoxe ssal 'pue) aurl aqtr le dueu ter{} }cEJaql lnoqe cruorr dldaap Surqlaruos sr ereqJ 'rueql Surnlos ol teJeau leap poo8 E aruuc surre srr.Ir{lr1v\3uo1ervroput s,rossacaperd srq uo uJ>lelper{ oql* - sauetuoJ[J ra]e1sread,v\atE pue 'paurerua.r sualqord eql lnfl 'repro uoqs ur pelncexa pue /pauuapuoc 'perr] sezrrsr8y 'dlrnbrlue lnoq8norg] sreu,/v\opuel sreoclSncl Jo pruuared o,/v\l esoql 'pue1 ;o uorlnqrrtsrpal aq1 pue uorlul -Iacuec rqap jo {IEt slr{ qlr^\ perets dlq8noroqr peq sr8y uroqlvr 'dlrrourur dqrpazn eq] pue s€pruoel dq dnoerelunoc E ot p;ll 'sroqda eql Surteururrlc pu€ {salerlsr8eru Ir^rc pe}rela s,elredg srq Surlrxe) spoqteru InJeoroJsr11 'aurr8er sepluoe'I 3ur1-rvro11ay ue8rncdl plo aqr arolser tll lno 1as sr8y'spueq ro^ro;-rele otur salulse yo uorldrosqe luanbasuoc eqtrpu€ '1qappeerdsaprrw'oter -qtrrq uezrlrc peqsrururrp v 'lV8g3a) ruerSord Sururerl dretrlru IBuorlrpurtreqt jo lueluuopuEqe eq] qlr^\ peaet'lT<,2-S€z) g Ai)V

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EastetnHorizonsand the Cloud in the West there was little that could be done. Enrolling carefully picked non-Spartans from the frontier towns was possible but carried considerable risks. It is not hard to imagine how this program could be misinterpreted by outsiders; on the other hand, the few (perhaps not more than a hundred, including a number of powerful women) who had profited by Sparta's agrarian troubles to become wealthy property-owners saw exactly how they would inevitably be weakened, and very possibly expropriated, by its implementation- Hence the ruthless elimination of Agis. Also, since both he and Cleomenes were forced to carry out draconian and frequently illegal measures to get anything done at all, the opposition always could, and did, play on the ubiquitous fear, endemic among the Greek upper classes,of agrarian revolution. From zz9 on, Cleomenes realized their worst fears. Primed by military success against Megalopolis (Messenia's wheat fields looked temptingly within reach again), he did away with the current ephors and abolished their office. Instead of the traditional Council of Elders lgerousial, he installed a'paternal legislator' lpatronomos), whose evocation o{ Orwell's Big Brother may not be wholly coincidental. Some eighty of the big property-owners were exiled and their estates split up into four thousand klaroi (a fair indication of their size). Exiles were recalled, new citizens enrolled. A Stoic philosopher, Sphaerus, was given the job of reactivating the ag6gA, Before 227 was out, Cleomenes had made himself sole ruler of Sparta by - as Polybius put it 12.47.3)- turning his legitimate kingship into a tyranny. To Aratus and the Achaean League, Macedonia began to seem a far less threatening enemy than this dangerous autocrat only a few miles to the south of them. Quiet diplomatic discussions were initiated with Antigonus 87

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EasternHorizonsand the Cloud in the West Sparta: the first foreign conqueror to do so in the city's history. The ephorate was restored, but the kingship, for the time being, remained in abeyance. Antigonus treated the Spartans courteousiy but lost no time in establishing firm Macedonian control once more over all Greece (with the exception of the Aetolians). He hacl already {zz4) reconstituted the old Hellenic league including the Macedonian, Thessaiian, Boeotian, Achaean, and Epirot federations - as a united 'League of Leagues' under Macedonian control. He had also imposed garrisons on Acrocorinth and elsewhere. Nctw he appointed a de facto governor of the Pelopclnnese:Sparta's Lycurgan dreams were over forever. At this point, news of yet another barbarian incursion brought him and his troops back posthaste to Macedonia. Victorious on the battlefield, Antigonus - a hereditary consumptive - suffered a fatal hemorrhage but survived long enough to arrange a smooth succession {or the young Philip V. Thus within two or three years, young and untried monarchs had taken over in all three major dynasties. Seleucus II had died in zz6 after a fall from his horse; he was succeeded by his son SeleucusIII Soter. Soter was soon (zz3) murdered (like Perdic-cas) by one of his own officers, while on carnpaign ag,ainst Attalus of Pergamon. Seleucus' cousin Achaeus, governor of Asia Minor, promptly drove Attalus back to Pergamon/ recovering most of the lost Seleucid territories in the process,and had Seleucus' young brother proclaimed king as Antiochus III. Ptolemy III, as we have seen, \ /as, like Antigonus Doson, dead by the summer of zzt. The young Ptolemy IV Philopator had a reputation as a debauchee and womanizer, in sharp contrast with both Philip and Antiochus, who soon proved themselves men of great energy, vision, and determination. (Yet Ptolemy was far from ineffectual: in zt7, at Raphia, he 89

oo aq1 ot enp alBrr.{}JrqSunIuJ E dq pe}Eqrecexa sE^\ r/surrelc snrqdlocl 'srqa 'uorlelndodap se.l,rllnseJ aqt 'sasec auros uI 'elrl >leeJ) arnleal aldels E eruoceq pEI{ soeqc lurnllnarr8e Jo 'sarlrunruuoc qcns 'uo lcrguoc uersauuodoled arll urorJ IBcoI uo IIol InJreeJ e >loo1 1e 'Surlepq pacroJua pue >Icolse^rl Jo 8ur-reapurruuoc eql 'Surlsa,ueq pue Surlueld 1o uotldnrsry er{} '{arnletu ot sreed 3uo1 >1oorqtlr{^\ 'sa,rr1opue seurl Supnlcur) duadord Jo uorlcnrlsep eqt 'sasec qcns uI 'sarruJelelrr dq ralo lq8noy dyep8ar sel'r ]eq} drolrrrat ddncco o] q8noua (>1cn1un esoql roJ 'sr leql 'ldecxe - erBJrB-1!\ Iunlce ro uorldrrcsuot pecJo1 urorJ uEqt sreploqlleuls pelIEJ to lilrp uEqrn er{1 pue srolcal -Ioc xel lua8rxa urorJ arour peteJtns Sutpreq pue arnllncrr8u 'ureql proJJe aruelsrsqns Iesrelrun-rpeu 'sarlrf, Jr{r JpISlnO plnoo ar{ sE retosur salreuetreur ro1 pardo seueruoal3 uala lnq lerlrlrru uezrlrc pdol neql uo papuedep IIIIs oqzrt 'sauauroel3 su qcns sJaInI IEcoI pauolqsEJ-ploUEI{IelEcsIepl'.v\IEJ B uo peIlq 'sarreuacJeurJo' le{Jetrt lueu(oldura 'esJnoc 'slseudp 1o ledog dpeals E pelparc ercJteh\ Surpuaun 'uaas eleq er* se 'd11e -crurouocg 'elerurlsa o1 preq sr ureql ur peAIoAuI dlaletparuun lou esoq] ]o sa^rl aqt uodn slua^e osaql IIE Jo lcedurr lcarrp aI{J +

'auro6 :perou8r dla8rel peq plro-^ {eor) aqt ouoqtrq leql rarwod e l'q apeu acl ot se.l,r* pe8payu.ou>lcuosle aq slql pue - lcedun Surqcear-reJlsoru eq1 rel 'plrom Surleeds->1aar3 arll Jo drotsrq aql uI paqsrele^\ E sE lueruoru sn{l eas or (r'€'r) due u1 ('drorcrn'erqrrd4 e ltlu snrc1d1o4'asuc lq8rr dlarns se.ra. 'snonSrqrue uE sulr\ dle1eur11n etqdug tr"t{l os 'sartuaiol4 eg} ;r roJ ueql acuapuadepur ro; 3ur1q3g padoldrue re]leq eq plno./v\ daqt peprcap dyruanbasqns oqrvr 'suerldd8E puesnoqt l.]uarrtl 'lcrlluoc relluorJ peurErt pue pellorue eq 'enrl sr lI 'os op oI uerrl.g aql ]o punoJ reqloue lad ur snrlcolluv pareeJap(lpunos :ICV

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EasternHofizons and the Cloud in the West increasing preference for luxury over the responsibilities of marriage and procreation. Though one catches a whiff here of our old friend moral economics {p. 6S), the social phenomenon is not unfarniliar and may well have been encouraged by the ever-increasing use of slaves. Why waste money raising children to run your estate when the job can be done just as well, and far cheaper (they thought), by servile labor? As so often with our evidence, it applies here primarily to the upper classes, the moneyed conservatives who supported oligarchic government in Creek cities and formed the backbone of the colonialist minority busy reaping the fruits of empire abroad. The wars of the Successorsproduced a vast number of slaves (one obvious source of quick profits), and thus not only did the gap between rich and poor steadily widen, but the attitude of haves to have-nots hardened at the same time. If a slave was no more, in Aristotle's notorious formulation (EN rr6rb, 4), than an 'animated tool,' then he - or/ worse/ she - could in theory be handled like a tool: worked to the maximum and trashed when worn out/ without those considerations applicable to a normal human being. Relatively humane treatment during the early Hellenistic period worsened considerably after Roman intervention: it is only then that we find those eschatological fantasies foreseeing eternal hellfire {or the equivalent) for oppressorsin the afterlife. Many of these new slaves, moreover/ were educated and responsible citizens, including Greeks, who, while they had nothing against 'necessary slavery'per se, violently objected to being treated as slaves themselves. There were several highly

significant results. First, the

enormous resentment thus generated created among the governing classesa widespread, almost hysterical, {ear of insurrection. This fear started early. In Macedonian treaties executed by

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r,6 ^Isnoruroue qc5{r\ ,de1pd punoduoc eq} ot paqdde erues aql 'pesn lou lnq uaou{ aJe.rvrsllru uelrrp-JaleM .aur8ua-ureals E pllnq o1 a8payvrou>IJraqt peurquoc rarlau led suotsrd e4rlca;Je a>lurup1noc pue (lepour e pacnpord ,paapur) ra_u.odrrruets qlr1r rrrltupJ aJan srolualur luarcue leql lno pelurod ueeq uego seq 1I '3ur4rr1s sE^{ ecuercs crtsrualleH uo loaJJe aqa .ranod -elcsnur eq otr s3^4.rervr.od .(8raua 1y ]o uorleerc eql spruSar se dlodouour u (salnru ,sda4uop ,uexo ,sasroq) uaprnq Jo slspeq pue sa^Els a,rr3 o1 selvr- suuat esoql alrnb ur 1r lqSnoql rena Io euo ou sdeqred q8noqf - acuanbesuoo eqJ -1azra1 d-re/\etrEJoqel ,acuelsur lecrs(qd lueeur srql trsJg er{} uI .d-rolsrq Buol e seq spuEr{elpr ro} >lrorvrSurpuu uetss lnoqu aSepeplo eq} :pardncco ^IinJ uieql dae>1o1 se,u.,euo aldrurs u ,uor1n1osaqJ .leeryl lueu -uured e pue e?uo se papre8eJ snql eJa^A.saAuIS le lertruassa 'alqelJlpard spd\ uropaeryrreql sloleq 3ur11esueSaq eq uar{^/rIIe a^oqe - sarlrlrlce /seuouroel3 }e rrrJel?cqqnd eql 'dqcruue Iurcos 'o srosJnJeJdsB uaas aq ol euroc ppq sarnseeu dcua8raura s/uolos ,dep dg .crleuroldurds sr rarwod ,selelcosl .rood pue qcrr ur osoq] Jo ued eql uo apntrllB 10 Suruap.ruqaqa uaeatraq uorleluortuoc rulrrursslp lou B alloser ot petuaujaldtur puq 'Iesurq aq seJnseaur asoqt dlasrcard uo peceld olel eqtr sI trrlr{ pasrrfuns e^eqp[noM lEr{M .aro}aq sarrn}uac aarr{l uolos raruroJal uerueqlv aql ol JerlrrupJun ueaq a^eq plno^\ (furod ]sEI eq] ldacxe) araq SurqroN .pauorgse;-p1o dl8urzvurv pue uuuer8e dproqqnrs qloq surerual epnlrllp eq] /uortrpzrueqrn alldsocl 'sarcrlod ,fueuorlnlorraJ/ qrns luaualdtur ol seApIS yo Suraarl eql Jo ,(]radord Jeqlo pue puBI uorlecsguoc ro uorl ]o -nqrJlsrper aql 'uor1ela3uEc lqap pe^Io^ur lErll ]uerua^our duB Surssarddns ur eluradooJ ol sraqureru Bu'rnbar esnelc reln8ar e uaag elurl o] suraas luqrrl. pugf f,pvaqv ervr ,an8eal cruellaH aqt to sarlrc rllr^\ re8arsag aql snrJlauaq puu rapuexelv qloq :ICIr' SIISIN:IAlAH

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EasternHofizons and the Cloud in the West reduced the energy needed to shift a given mass. The reason should now be clear. Any device that left the servile labor force with spare energy was seen as a direct stimulus to revolution. It is hardly surprising, then, that utopias of the period either presuppose the continued existence of slaves to do the physical work or else develop fantasies in which harvests appear unaided, kitchens do their own cooking, dishes wash themselves up, rivers run wine or gravy, fish are self-baked, and ready-roasted birds fly onto one's plate. As Aristotle clearly saw (Po1.rz53b, 33 f{.), and as these fantasies so vividly imply, nothing but automation (which itself, of course/ meant exploiting new sources of energy) would ever do away with slavery, and the Industrial Revolution was to prove him absolutely right. Slaves remained indispensable. Even the slave revolts in Sicily and Italy (most notably that led by Spartacus in 7o nct), which - long before America - dreamed o{ finding somewhere to establish an alternative society/ still assumed the existence of slaves to serve the newly emancipated. We thus need to consider the large and ever-increasing servile population of the Hellenistic world not only (asis usually done) in terms of domestic or agrarian labor, but as virtually

the sole

source of energy. In this it has obvious parallels with oil today and, indeed/ as an essential commodity attracted precisely the same kind of mercantile entrepreneurism and backstairs political collusion. As in the case of oil, there was a great deal of money to be made from the slave-trade by the unscrupulous. Any human being rich or poor, high- or lowborn, of whatever nation, if seized in war or by pirates could be legitimately deprived of freedom, turned into a mere commodity. Piracy, indeed, with the greater or Iesser connivance and cooperation of govemments, had a major share in the slave-trade. Like the oil-cartels, that trade, in avery

93

l6 'palcrrlsar ,(1snor'rerd) Surduedruocou alcle]r^eul aql qlv!\ 3uo1e 'dlsnorras ua>IEr eq uorlu?npa puE qllEe1v\01 ssaccE rolEerD o1 ue8eq s8uqaal s,eJrlv\srq ro; uorlsreprsuoc redord s/pueqsnq 'sa8ueqa E uo suorlepualuruooer ueero8eqld4 pue orreluo11 'uauro11 esoql Jo lno IIea plp - xopered reqlouu - a3re1pue dq 'elqe>Ielsilrrun sr puarl eql lnq 'erlrpur IIEre^o '8u1upJl a^rsuaJap q8norqr tnd 11rrs Iecol Jreql ur pe^les ptrs 'areq] /sn erarrr srlod e Jo ueur Sunod aq] 1al suorldrrcsur se pue eJeH 'rrrrou eql Sulrrroceq r*ou ser"r Surpuoq aullncseru uetlt reqtrer FrIrtu€J :(rapueuery Jo sdeld eql ur parorrrlu rrlri

se) e8errreur o1 Suipeal uorssed lenxasoraleq dq sasselc raddn aql Suouru dlserapad pazrleluro] Jo lueueceldsrp 3ur'r'ror8 aql se.r, (serpure1crtercotsrre plo eql Jo Surua4earvler{r pue) soqla 'sdrqsuollelar srloJo srlod eql yo asdeloc eq] Jo ]Insar ppo aug yo dSoloqcdsd rauur eql uo srsuqdura ^aau arll ;o crleuroldruds s,uosu{ 'octlnouoStV ,snlpot{U sr €epaw qlyll. ]ueruellolur snruollody uI 'tuoql JoJ euop Surlq8g rrerll aABrI ol pred oqzvr 'elqeuoJurocun auEJJq I'asstrp61pue osoql ro; 'lue,re1arrr1ou J1 'pera11e1 relau reuroH 1o drqsro'r'r pDryI oqt Jo soqtracroreq aqt -JEeu aq] aIIqM 'slcaJ]e lecrxoprred pu€ uaaseroJun a1uos pEq sdrqsuorleler leuosrad ot ursrlrlcelloc cqqnd ruorJ l]Iqs aq1. ' 'sallodouour

1'lculo t{trr\{

palcrguoc 1r ueqa ^Iuo dcend Surlucrpe;a ;u ,,"t""tq aql ur arelvr 'ueaurrraltpew crlsluelleH eql pacqod sleag asoqt\ 'suelpoqg oql ue^A 'paeu Surpueun pue IPsraAIun e se,v\ d8raua :s1nos puesnoql ue1Jo poolyoqq8tau aql ur aq ol uEur-eAEISsolec er{l Jo 'l 'z'S'fi1oclulls 'elrloru eturrd -relouJnl (pep eqr pefeurrlsa (gSS eq] paureurar sder*p sarpoq uEurnq ur cgJerl er{tr tuor1 apetu aq o1 slgord e8nq aqr lnq ldcgrld ol uaur elorp }eql srolcgJ JeI{}o 'ala,lt ereqJ '8uru.rn} slael{l\ aqr rda4 'esues IEJe}rI 'asJnoo ;o ECV

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EasternHorizonsand the Cloud in the West social stigma/ to courtesans) strengthened the status of respectable married women. Perhaps in reaction, some philosophers started preaching the virtues of celibacy. Female statues, hitherto for the most part more or less decorously draped {though clinging see-through techniques were not unknown), began tcl appear in the nude. The most famclus innovative example is the Aphrodite executed by Praxiteles for the city o{ Cnidos. Whether women at the time regarded this as an advance or not is unknown: it was certainly matched by the disappcarance of ultrarnasculine warrior nudes like the Attic kouroi and the great Riace bronzes, symbols of athleticism, military honor, and the homoerotic ideal. The softer, subtly feminized Hermes by - again - Praxiteles, and datable to the mid-fourth century, heralds a basic shift in sensibility. Pederasty was too ingrained in Hellenic culture to vanish altogether. It simply lost its civic context (along with the philosophers' moral ban on physical consummation) and became one among many potential erotic attractions. This sexual polymorphism session with

is nicely exemplified by the Hellenistic

ob-

the hermaphrodite, a being encountered more

often in art and literature than in real li{e. Si.gnificantly, its representations reflect the change in social emphasis. Early specimens are clearly boys with breasts, whereas later ones are, equally clearly, girls equipped with a penis. Both tlpes were seen as objects of desire for the adult male. The one type of passion that earns public and literary censure in the post-Alexandrian period (apart from the adult passive homosexual, penetrated rather than maf estically penetrating) is lesbiani.sm, an escapefrom all-perwasive male domination that - not surprisingly: Eve breaking loose from Adam - aroused c.onsiderable patriarchal anxiety. Whether both sexes favored 95

96 Iernteu Io dnof euo :suErlolav eqf 1q35 ol sdoorl uEudIII 'reloerour 'r€z Surded ueeq puq II snrJleruecl uos /sElEuoD 'ueanb ecurs 'tluou aql ur suerrdll aqt ol dard dsea gal sudg uorleurssesse etll ralJr Surpna1 Ieurelur Lq pe4ceg req ]o 'sdeltle sB 'lrqro leqJ 'uorssg lualorl o1 auord paureruer 'Punole AElv\Iaqlo eql uBql IaqlPI llqlo 'lsru 1u dlletcreururoc {ear3 eql olur Surrrour sP.fr'| uelto os su 'ruedde o1 ue8eq '(??z) srurdg ruor] strrerls eql ssorcu eruoU 'saruoloc ot (89u) quou eql ur urnurrurrv ruo{ unrsrpurug

rrlerJpv ]o raqunu E 'lseoc lsra eql ol papuelxe d1e11ur lsenb -uor u€urou ueqrvl 's6z luoJJ tng 'trlErJpv ar{} Jo eprs JE} aql uo /suErJBqrPql\au/ asaql arouSr ol lueluoc uaaq e^sr{ 01 surees plro.u >IeerD eq] 'IpJaueBq '1r to ecuaprle ou sr areql ,'lsem eql uI pnolc aql/ se pequtsep IeIEI se.{v\}EI{l!\ Jo }eeJql luJal -3uo1 aqr palerearddr sdo,rua srq JI 'aurog ol dssequra a,rrle8 -rlselur uE tuas 1drue1o14 'lELrlprcntarle dlrroqg 'eruopacew ur >lcnl sFI d-rl o1 auoq >I"€q luo1vrpue suetuog aqt dq ueleeq (lpunos servr '(og 'd) uees aler{ e.nn.su 'snqrrd4 lSurrq8g patp sn-lrdg repuuxelv seulluerrl aqt dq sureldec fusuacraru su Jo '(o€€-t€€) snrtdg ur palrlur r{toq are^t. 'lSLc-ogrl snqrrd4 pue 'rvre1-ur-raqlorq s/]€aJC eql rrpuexalv 'eleq] Jo rapuexaly '1eu€reul ueeq peu8redruec oqr* 's1orrdfl qrocl 'uatu o.lvrlaq1 per{ pre^ruo drn}uac qrrno}-Pru eq} tuor} ^]e}I ur }serelul >laaJ) suorledncco -erd fuerodureluof, JorJrr[ o1 (lSurgacuocsrp ]Eq,/vteruosspuel 'dlrnbrlue yo porred raqlo due ueql orour 'a8e crlsrualleH aql 'searu reglo r(ueur ur s€ xes q'tueql rcy Lvd ot deuotu aql qtvvr seleru sselc-raddn Suorue sezrrs8urql qcns ro; lo>p€u erurrd eql leql d13uor1s1se33nssuosrredutor uroporu lnq lIIa] ]ouuec r'ro1 dzeals ur lsarelur srlsruallaH pe>IJBU aql arvr(SL'd) ell

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Eastern Horizons and the Cloud in the West freebooters battling another. A crushing victory in Acarnania encouraged the Illyrians, under their queen, Teuta, to go for broke. Why should they, too, not become an imperial power? Piratical raids up and down the Greek side of the Adriatic coast were bad enough, but the Illyrians also set about disrupting {and taking as prizes) commercial traffic between the Strait of Otranto and the Corinthian

Gulf, both oi which they now

controlled (zz9). This brought loud complaints to Rome from the merchants of Brundisium and other ports on the east coast of Italy. A Roman ambassador/ sent in to investigate, was killed. Teuta moved in on Epidamnos and captured the key island of Corcyra. She also informed the Romans, saucily, that Illyria - unlike Rome, she implied - was willing to tolerate private as well as governmental piracy. Enough was enough. Both consuls, each with a major task force, were sent to stamp out this nuisance. They did so with more-than-Macedonian professionalism, crushing numerical superiority, and what today would be characterized as a brief to terminate with extreme prejudice. The lllyrians, better at privateering than fighting a large-scale war, collapsed in short order. A peace treaty was signed early in zz8. Both consuls won triumphs. Roman embassies were sent to Athens and Corinth and to both the Achaean and the Aetolian leagues. Rome,s intervention was represented as a service to the Greek states. Pro-Roman gratitude (something the Greeks took a while to leam) was assumed as the quid pro quo. The lesson of this socalled First Illyrian War was double: ffrst, that a Roman legion was not something to tangle with lightly, and second, that when Rome helped you out/ there was always a price to pay. Thus the Senate will have duly noted that neither Demetrius II nor his acting successor/ Antigonus Doson, made any move 97

86 'pa8rlqo dlnp 'acueng:ur uerrroy alecrpere ol ra8ee 'd{lqa 'o}uEJtrO 1rer1s Io eq] punore puu ur eperl-e^els aqt Io stgoJd palcrrlsarun aql pu€ 'sepleppracg'rresro:r uerrdll Ivlrluv Jo Ie^ouer aqt'rtlerrpy sql ]o lorluoc lecrtrerrdo1 ulntral € selvtllasrurq ro1 paluem ,{11eeraq '}se^\ aql tuoJ} leerql aql uo elerluaruoc pue uorsserSSr ler{M 'u8redurec uerlolev tsuru8e 'an8eel uEeEr{cVaql qlr^\ IE"oI srq 'auauJ dn purzrr of dqtq4 pasl^pE a^€q ol prus sr snlrlauracl -rserl e>IeT lE drolcrrr Surqsnrc s/IuqruueH Jo s/vraueq] eurec Lrz aunl uI 'pesnler d$qa 'uorlrperlxe srq palsanber srrerrro1 'uorl aqa 'asrr8 acueurrua ue 1o Surgtauros erueteq aq araqrvr -calord rot unoc s,d{Iqd o} peg sorer{d Io snrJleue6l pue 'rapro uoqs ur acuesrnu eqt or pred rnd (re11ueud11 puoces Jeuq E ur) uorluelJatur relnsuor 'uru8y 'uue8ay aqt o1 trleupv eql ruorJ 'lroddns s,drpq4 qrrrvr serlrarlce lecrlerrd Surtunsar ueeq peq 'luarlr ueqr pue s,uosocl qlrr\ tsrs 'oqn 'soreqd Jo snlllaruaq u1 'Pallruq alrq/dlsra uE l{tl1rt IEep 01 oturl pu5 ptp [aqr'6rr peurgurar eceaJ) pue crlErrpv aql ur uorlte ro] ernslel /suEtuod qlrrrt 'renartoq '8uraq erurl eql rod aql 'd1el1 ur FqruuEH 'uorleu tuapuadepur uE se pruopecew (rseudp Io pue eql prru pruo8rluy aql Jo IIEIU/vropeq] uI 'ralel Arnluec E ]Ieq ueql eJoru a1llr1 'pua pFolv\ 1eql Eruopelery pue euro6 uaa&\laq drqsuorl -e1ar dseaun up roJ las se..via8ets eql 'suorlelcadxe ueurog Jo tuerlo pare8rlqo eql ueql rel{ler qtJeuoru luapuadapul uE JIos -rrrrq pa.&\oqsuoos 'lrf zzzl euoJrlt aql
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EasternHofizons and the Cloud in the West Scerdilaidas, with cool effrontery, appealed to Rome. A tenship investigative team promptly

appeared. Philip, equally

promptly, retreated. A confrontation was not what he wanted at this stage. Nor, it would seem, did the Romans. But when a Roman squadron headed of{ Philip's ef{orts to win a port for Macedonia on the Adriatic, the young king - again on Demetrius' advice - sought and signed a treaty with Hannibal (zr 5 ). This got him little and instantly made him an oblect of prime suspicion in Rome. The Romans were now in ef{ect at war with Macedonia. A fleet appeared off Orikos. Philip, who had been in action along the coast, once more avoided confrontation, ignominiously burning his own rzo-vessel flotilla and retreating over the mountains (z r4). But a year later, after subyugating the interior, he secured his Adriatic port, at Lissos; and the Romans, casting around {or allies by land, picked on the Aetolians, a people as brutal in action as themselves but considerably less well organized. The Aetolians, still grumbling at the terms of the treaty of Naupactus that Philip and the Achaean League had foisted on them in zt7 fthe last treaty, incidentally, that was ever to be signed in Greece without Roman participation), were only too h"ppy to throw in their lot with Rome (the new treaty offered ample gains in both territory and plunder). The fighting that massacres and wholesale enslavement. Philip, known on his accession as 'the darling of the Greeks,'

followed

involved

soon became notorious for savagery in the field as well as for political unreliability. When Aratus died in zr3 (probably of consumption), Philip was rumored to have had him poisoned. With

Sparta and Attalus

I of Pergamon, as well as the

Aetolians, now supporting Rome, there was talk of alliance with barbarians, a resurgence of Panhellenic propaganda, and 99

oor e dq palroddns 'sueruog aql 'raqto aqt uo J{anBue.Iu"eeqcv aql pue suertoeofl aqt ruaqt Suoue) sarIIE srq pue uopacew 'pueq auo aqt uo :acaarC ur seprs pasoddo d1furqs Jo A dIIIr{d o.lv\l 1r'rou aJelv\ alarll lEr{l r3el3 dra'r eprru osIE }I 'a8eque3 qlur q8nor{t dleug erer'r daql plun Lpueq 'd1uo arnsearu drerodrual e selr\ acead srgl 'sueurog aql rod 'ua>lBlsrtu qcnur d-re,rsBrvtaq '}se1srq s€^\ eluoU qtl^{ qsruq srq} teq} (euop e,req deru larw oq se) peur8eurr dqrq4 p 'dgenba lnq /€rerurqc E selv\ IEqruuEH qlpw drqsreutrsd a,\rlcB ue Suruueld uaeq puq dtltqa IEI{i peq e,req lq8nu suEuIoU al{l sapl l.uy 'parotser dla8rel alue onb snlels eql pue relo se.rvr re6 ueruopacew lsrrf aqJ '(Soz) srurdg ur aoruaorld acead uno rraq] patrlto8au 1u pue 'a1qel aruareJuoc oql ol rurq para^neueur 'allleq Io raJlo s,dqlr{d parou8r sueurog aql /acrlou ou >loot suerlo}av egl uaq^/r\]nq 'rem aql 01uI >lcBqsu9rlolav aqtr Surcrol to pspr eq1 qllt\ 'soE ur soutueprdfl }e ecroJ aarc1y pepuul deqa 'uor1ue11e 'serroturel lsol slq IIe urrq Surtrrnlar /su€ruog eqt ro8 srql 'dIIIqd qlut acead eleredes E eperu (gocldlrduord suerlolay eql 'uoddns 'sallasrueql dq uo furuc ltps 'dpssaqa to tno suerlolav ar{l a^oJp dltqa 's}a8ret arurrd eurrceq sarIIE req pue 'raqlg uurJeqJeg rrtau aql sE ueas aq o1 Sururoc se/r eruog :rvrer83ur1aa1 'Eruopocew qllr\ luauaqcordder p pre,/v\ol d1a,r1r ueruog-rluv

-eluel eSpa ol ue8aq uarre an8eal ueeuqcv eql 'lcrlJiuoc eurceu -ralur -fvreusrql ]o ssausselqlnr dpoolq eql te uorslrr^ar lerauaS acv

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EasternHorizonsand the Cloud in the West mixed bag of opportunists that included the Athenians, Attalus I of Pergamon/ and Nabis, the new tyrant of Sparta. The lines were being drawn for a showdown, though whether at the time anyone realized this is more than doubtful. Neither in Eglpt nor in Seleucid Asia, for different reasons, were the Romans at this point actively involved. Alexandria presented no threat. From Raphia rn zr7 for the remainder of his reign, Ptolemy IV had to deal with a debased currency (owing largely to a shortage of silver) and increasingly dangerous native armed rebellions (Upper Egypt was in fact lost to his regime from zo5 to c. 186). When he died in zo4, his heir, Ptolemy V Epiphanes, was only five years old, and there were competitors for the regency. The only danger about a weakened Egypt was the temptation it presented to rivals. Of these the most dangerous, Antiochus III, had been otherwise engaged for most of the time since his accession in a remarkably successful effort to recover the territories won by his great-great-grandfather Seleucus I, the dynasty's founder, including the eastern satrapies: no problems for Rome there. But about the time of Ptolemy fV's death, Antiochus

was back in the west and

aggressively visible. In zozf r, he came down through CoeleSyria; shortly afterward he seized the port of Sidon and thrashed a Ptolemaic arrrry at Panion (zoolry9l. The Romans, freed at last by Scipio Africanus' final victory over Hannib al at Zarna lzozl of their long and costly Carthaginian War, began now to assert their authority in Greek affairs. They wamed Antiochus not to invade Egypt, which at the time he had no intention of doing (for his subsequent activities, see pp. ro5-ro7). They were more concemed, and with reason, to curb the aggressive conduct of Philip V of Macedon. Ever since the peace o{ Phoenice (zo5), Philip had been exerting himself to IOI

zor eqJ 'ruJU pools eq 'pea1su1 'dlnyecur8 tprqns pue acurrd -luarlr radord B e4rl e^erleq o1 palcadxa dlsnor,rqo sezweq ,(puu1 uo ro pas tre rerltra 'euro6 r{ur* SurlSue} paplo^E d11ryarecpuq aq) procer rerlrea s,dIIIqd Io srseq aqr uO .ldd8g 3urqcel1u uorl urEJJor ol pue sepoqg ol uorlesuedruoc ded 01 peJlnbar osl€ 1v\ousE1!\eH 'ruFI peqcsor lunlElurlln lpug s/auo)I ,{ooz raru -uns) sop(qV l! 'dlddns-urur8 ,sueqlv;yo 3ur11ncJo uorluetrur eql qlr^\ dyqerunserd 'sarlrc aurluodsellag eql uo >lcetlp ]no -IIe uE per{cunel uaq} eH 'sueq}V ur IIr}s alan sdozrueueruoU aqt elrq/r druepecy eqt se rEJ sB patrerlauad leqt ucrllv uo prer P selv\lr o1 asuodsar arrrssarSSe s,dIIqcI pue ,lsanbar alqrssodrur up se/r srqJ 'atuoU qlyvt rp^\ uearu plnol\ dldruoc ol ernlrpJ 'euop pur{ aq a8uruep aqt Jo} uoure8re4 Io snIEl}V o1 uorlesuad -tuoc ded ]snul osIE pu€ selels >loal3 3ur{cenu uroJJ lsrsap ol spm eH 'aJnlnJ eql roJ uretrtrede Surlles puu ecaorD ur pesn ueaq peq spoqleu d-roldruerad qcns erurl tsrg eql :rapJo ue Jo ruro] aqt ur druqa 01 runterurlln uE enssr ol pepaacord pue (drpq4 r{ll1t\ JEr ]p uaq}} sueqtrv ur uIaql leur uorssrru ueurou v 'aruou ol esec rraq] >lool uoure8re4 pup sapoqU '>lceqlasl-rerodual p ueql arour ou pe,r.ordsrql lnq 'turq uo leoJep Surqsnrc E pelcrltur uorurSre4 pue ,urnrluezdg 'solr{J 'sepoqu 'snorJolou atuecaq sar} Jo ser^Eu paurquoc orlJ -rcoJtresrH 'ape.J JJo faag uerpoqg u leeq pue {slassal perpunr{ o1!\l uEr{} erolu o} leau srq 3ur1e.u.ssnqr) soureS ]E esEq IE^uu cruurelotrd ar{} ralo >Iool eH 'uouru8re4 ;o d,rolrrrel aql pa8ener pue eruol papp^ur aH 'atnoJ urer8 ue5 {celfl aq} peprer aH 'd-razrelsolur uorlelndod s,puelsr eql Suqlas (q qsuc erotu posrer pue sosur{I pernldec d{tqa '1lmq se^r }eeg aqt puu ,ur aurrc tool eql 'uea8ay aql JO spuelsr eql IIE deuotu uorlcalord ro; ul\op e>leqspue 'repunld 'prer o1 'snqcreaecrq ,alurrd uerlotrav uE perrq eq 'arnlua,t sn{} punJ oJ .}eeIJ p;rarvr.od e dn plrnq ACV

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EasternHorizonsand the Cloud in the West envoy, Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, broke off negotiations. Rome and Macedonia were once rnore at war. Why Rome should have intervened at this point remains a ptzzle. Philip represented no serious threat to Roman interests, and indeed the vote for war .vas reached only with some difficulty. It was, after all, no more than a year or two since Zarta. Scholars who see the Romans of this period as hell-bent on military expansion and the kudos that went with itl have no difficulty in attributing the decision to simple aggression. Yet Rome's dealings with the Greek world hitherto had been casual and reluctant/ at worst a case(aswas said about T. E. Lawrence) of backing into the limelight, and of accepting the role of adult arbiter between a number of childlike squabbling city-states. {There were loud complaints about Philip's Aegean depredations.) Face-saving, too/ may have been involved; once that ultimatum had been delivered, neither side was ready to stand down. Besides, in the last resort Philip was undoubtedly a potential menace. His atrocities were notorious, and he had, after all, earlier signed that treaty with Hannibal. Whatever their motives, the Romans at least showed themselves to be deft propagandists. Acutely conscious of having been seen earlier as mere barbarians, hand in glove with Aetolian freebooters - a view that produced a powerful recrudescence of Panhellenism - they now presented themselves as protectors of the Greeks against Philip, the Macedonian (that is, non-Greekl Barbarian Other. States that had suffered from Philip's attacks hastened to offer their services to Rome. The Achaean League defected from him. The Aetolians also threw in their lot with Rome, as the likcly winner, and got small thanks for it (they afterward grumbled that 'the Fetters of Creece'were merely changing hands).The consul of r98, Titus r03

lot

'aseqd Ieug slr uodn parelue /\{ou urnrredurr uetuog pue dqcreuoru crtsruallaH uea^qaq trcrguoc pcrSoloapr aql 'pueq 'ure8e etuo 'relru >Ieer) lua to lno patcalar ala.ivr srepJo aql -puadapur uE ol srapro Surnssr ue8aq eruo6 'acuepguoc ralear8 uele qlrrr pue 'uru8e acuo 'sruop8ur>1crlsrualleH aql Suorue rarrrod ]o aru€luq redord aql sE uaas selvr 'ttqlJ aql ssoJce urory 'trqrvr paualeeJql rourw prsv pup eudS-a1ao3 uI serlllrlcu 'paleu 'qlr^\ lluep eq ol pourerueJ llrls reqlouu lnq ,snqcorluv -Iu4Io uaeq snql puq 'lurodzvr.erls/auroU utol; 'acuusrnu auo /qluuotorcv pur 'srcpq3 'seulatuaq ,'eceer) Jo sJellafl eql, ur suosrrre8 daa4 ol 'dtp{d a4q 'paplcap oruo6 'uropearJ Jo {IEl dpueq aqr IIE alrdsep luql lcEJ eqt srlvt sE - snqcorluv tE paure dpualc sulv\tet{l eloru e 'rout141ersv Io sar}rc eql pepnlcut daql 's/rsl luenue rraql dq peurerro8 'alnqrrl uor; lduaxa 'peuos -rrre8un 'luepuadapur eq ot quoJacueq are^\ letll sar]rc eq] 'asneldde snourlep '961 11eSurrsq 1o seure3 u€Ituqtsl eql lE o1 ,'s1aar3 eq] Jo trropeerl/ oql peurelcord - ,,s>1aar) aql JoJ eruog Jo uorlrugepar eql palalduroc, oq,vt ueur aql - snuru -IweIJ'uorlrsoddo lerJoleues elgeraplsuoc lsure8y'dlruruepur 1ue1e1-ooo'rv f,yd pue aceal) alpncula ol pacroJ suuvrdr1rq4 'lonuoc ur dlalaldurot eurod tJel 'durre uurrrog e dq secrol 1r pue {aeJD larro dro}crzrlsJg aql selvr 'xuuleqd uuruopacew eql dq e8ruqc 'pelrurrerd suor8el aqt l1 '(/6r eun{} dlesseqa ur (,speeg InJsseccnsdpea ue elrdsag ,s8oq aql,) aeleqdacsoud3 re ellleq o1 dil.{a lq8norq dleug 'rorlss s/eceaJD se euro1 ;o a8uurr eql ocuer1ue o1 pau8rsap sJalneueru crlBuroldrp Jo salras e rarlv'snurunuelg snrlturn} !ICI/

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Dynastic Troubles, Artistic and Scientific Achievements (t g 6- r r 6)

The Romans' adroit new mixture, in dealing with the Greek states, of libertarian propaganda and unbeatable military power was proving singularly effective. In no time at all, Rome had become the de facto appellate court for Greek interstate quarrels and civic complaints. There were predictable side-ef{ects.It soon became clear that Rome did not tolerate ambivalence in her yes-men, and as a result, ambitious toadies sensed profit in turning informers. The Aetolians were not the only ones whose main aim from now on was to be on the winning side and to paint their enemies as anti-Roman. The Achaean statesman and historian Polybius was later (fiBl7l deported to Italy on the word of a fellow-Achaean, Callicrates, ostensibly for his overindependent attitude, though in fact Callicrates'prime motive was to get rid of a political rival. Among the monarchies, both the Ptolemies and the Attalids were quick to recognize force majeure and to trim their diplomatic sails accordingly. On the other hand, Antiochus III, the king who was bent, and hitherto with striking success, on restoring past Seleucid glories, seems to have been confident that, in the last resort, despite Cynoscephalae, he could hold his own against Rome,s legions. After consolidating his position in Coele-Syria, he began raiding the Ptolemaic coastal cities from Caria to Cilicia. ro5

90r sElvr1I 'asErql ur urrelc srq SuruopuuqE roJ urnlar ur rourw 'snurururelg qSnorql ErsV ur puel{ aarJ u snt{corluv pereJlo 'eleuag ua,rg'esaerD ut'os aqt €6r Jo uorsrlur ue Sur.raprsuoc 'snsaqdg le eq 01 peJoruru se,t\ qcreuour prcnales aql pue snqcortuv qtr^t IIInl^sE puno] pEI{ I€qruuEH :alqepu€lslepun sr uorlrsoddo at{J 'ecaer3 ruort u/lterptllyvr ecJoJ uor}edncco '(snu Jo IIsi aql ur ueruou oql puE pellpreJ ser\ snurururellt6r

-ecrrtv ordrc5 ]o ler{t Surpnlcur} uorlrsoddo Suorls lsure8y 'dlrunlroddo ]uarualuoc lsorlrea aql 'puu 'ace1 ure8e urrq pelsnr] Sur,req lso1 re rulq etrEururrlap1nolvr ']dd8il ralau euroU tpqt pernsua fuolcll epue8edord lrurus srrlJ lealD ,aar1,Sur4eellu JO]papueturrdar su/lr eH 'l.els pue ']aB o1 plor se.l'reH 'Pepaetcns lluretrel

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Dynastic Troubles,Artistic and ScientificAchievements Europe that mattered. Antiochus accepted an invitation

refused. He then, fatally, by the Aetolians (who had acquired

Demetrias as a base) to come over and support them. In four years, the Creeks had become decidedly disenchanted with the realities of Roman patronage. Antiochus arrived with few ships and men and only half a dozen elephants (r9z). The Aetolians' disorganized bloodymindedness was making them increasingly unpopular. potential supporters backed off. Though Antiochus took Chalcis, he was routed by the Rornans at Thermopylae and ignominiously driven back to Asia Minor. In an unprecedented move, the legions iollowed him: the first time a Roman army had set foot in Asia. Rhodes, Pergamon, and even Philip of Macedon (who thus worked o{f his war indemnity} hastened to support Rome and eliminate their rival, at sea as well as on land. At Magnesia-by-Sipylos, early in r89, Antiochus, like so many of his predecessors,staked everything on a major engagement and lost it. Once again, a successful cavalry charge overreached itself, this time with stampeding elephants adding to the chaos. The Roman slaughter of fugitives was horrendous and their campaign highly profitable: Antiochus was slapped with an indemnity of r5,ooo talents, the highest ever yet recorded (3,ooo to be paid at once), a sum that revolutionized Rome's public economy. At the Peaceof Apamea (r88), he lost his holdings in Thrace and Asia Minor. A year later, while raiding a temple in Elam for desperately needed cash to meet his obligations, he was killed. In effect, the Romans had executed him. Rhodes and Pergamon were rewarded (Eumenes Ii had knocked out Antiochus'

left wing at Magnesia) but remained in favor only as long as their support for Rome was total and unquestioning. r07

80r paIrEJ uorssrur rrteruoldrp ,snrrlaureq qSnoqa '(tgr) qeqeq srq uo atrBrlo8au ot - areqtr relndod dral puu ewog ur a8ulsoq e dlraurroJ - snrJleuracl uos ra8uno( srq lues 'sauaurnX ol JeAo rueql urnl ol pasnlar pue sploq8uorls uercenl1.snqcorluv perdncco peq oq^\ 'd{Ha 'Jelleur Jaqtou€ sen ?ruopecew 'parrala;d aruo6 leqrvrdytcexa :alqels dlqe -uoseeJ luarrlorrr aql ro; lnq 'luarvr sem etur8el er{J 'Jo}auoprld /uos rraqt rol lua8er arueceq - retq8nup 11 dura1o1.1eJnlnJ ar{l 'aprvrsr11'Suruosrod sJourru /snq?orluv - er1udoe13 Jo lensn eql ara/v\ ereql pue 'lq8ra-dluolv\t dluo serw eq :pery 3un1 Sunod aqt 'o/rgr ur 'E1IaCeql ur slua8Jnsur lnfl lsBI erll Jo uorssarddns aql rrrBssrued o1v\}raqlouv 'rapro arolsar o1 unSaq puE soqeqJ peJnl -decar peq sdoorr srq 'Sgr dg 'rdd8g raddn w uo{Iaqor roluru eqr qllrv\ pardncao d1p1 uaaq per{ A duralol4 'u8rar $oqs srq;o 'urelqord ou pelueseJd sn{} ts senuelold ar.IJ lsour rot trurod 'd1pupl uo pe>Iool lou ere.fr dlrroqlne ueurog 01 salrluuratle Iprlualod 'uorlleqeJ ot apnlard reolc e sp uaas arervr'ranod lecrlqod euolE lal 'lq8qaurrl aql Surlrnoc D[alualp er{1 Jo su8rs duu areq/v\ 'aruo6 tre uorcrdsns qlyv\ papre8er dlecrleurolne sp-lr\ Inlsse?cns pue relndod dlqelou eureroq ro lroddns alelsretrur palcerlle oqlr* 'uoruo6-ord t7 uata 'tapval >lear3 duy 'tpsar lecrxopered ouo peg plrolv\ >lear) eql ur Surlaal ueruog-rluu truelsrsracl'arour Surqtou pur suorsnllr :tuql lsnl pa,rord eq o] are.&r- a8uuqoxa uB qcns alrecuoc 11rs rqSru sauaurng ro dryq4 sv - lor8oyosr) spnba uaeataq Suqeep ;o suorsnllr >IOarCf,we 'stval. dluarwl txau aqtrSurrng 'lsee >learC eqt uI rervrod Jo acueleq eql Io suorlou ueurou 1ca1p (11er1 -uessa lou p1p scrlqod uersauuodolad asneceqdpo rncl '(ggr) e1red5 Ieuortrperl Surdorlsap qlIA dprt'E 1oB an8ual uEaEr{cV aql 'satets >IeaJO eql pue aurog uaa.rvrlaquorlenba elqeuol -uro3un aqt ur aIDII dJa^ perellu snqrorluv Jo leloruar aql ACV

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Dynastic Troubles,Artistic and ScientificAchievements (Flamininus forced Philip to withdraw:

the shaky treaty of

friendship, amicitia, between Rome and Macedon remained in place), Demetrius himself came home in high favor all round (t83). This seems to have thoroughly alarmed the heir to the throne, his elder half-brother, Perseus, who accused him of being a would-be usurper backed by Rome and produced documents (almost certainly forged) to back up his charges. Philip hesitated, then executed Demetrius for treason (r8o) and died himself

the following

year - o{ remorse, Livy

speculated

( 4 o . 5r . 9 - r o ) . Perseus was thus an object of suspicion in Rome frclm the start, and not only as his brother's putative murderer. The Senate reluctantly confirmed him and renewed the treaty of {riendship, probably calculating that this was a hothead who could safely be left to hang himself. His subsequent actions may well have convinced them they were right. Perseus married Laodice, daughter o{ Antiochus III's son and heir, Seleucus IV. His own hal{-sister married Prusias II, king of Bithynia. Rumors began to circulate oI a 'royal coalition.' He got the support of Rhodes. He won quick popularity

at home by

strengthening Macedonia's northern frontiers against tribal incursions, by amnestying exiles, and by writing of{ fiscal and other debts. This at once got him a reputation as a dangerous radical. He also went out of his way to cultivate Delphi. His influence and popularity among the Greeks grew fast. A Roman commission sent to investigate his activities (rZ:) was refused a hearing and concluded, wrongly, that he was ready to go to war. In t7z, Eumenes, faced with the threat of a MacedonianSeleucid entente, went to Rome with a lurid list oi charges against Perseus. He had made approaches to Carthage. He was ro9

pue /secroJesue1epcruualold eq] pereltprs '(69r) errdg-e1ao3 'snasre4 qtrru. 1o dervr dq rddSg uo pepuecsep snq"orluv Sunod Suquap sen eruo6 eIIr{&\ ('a8uuqc crlseudp sq} purqeq relorq aql Sureq yo patcadsns dyaprz'rse.rv\seuerun:I) 'AI snqcorluv oqrvr 'raqtorq ra8unod slq dq pepeeccns se euorLl] eql {ool

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Dynastic Troubles,Artistic and ScientificAchievements threatened Alexandria. Ptolemy VI wanted to negotiate. The Alexandrian mob had other ideas and acclaimed his young brother (the future, famously potbellied Ptolemy VIII) and sister-wife, Cleopatra, as ioint rulers. Antiochus left them to fight it out over the winter (all three reconciled) but was back in 168. His fleet had meanwhile

captured C1prus, where his

troops were going on a rampage of looting and destruction. How much he was betting on his early popularity in Rome (where he had spent time as a youthful and much-courted hostage) is uncertain. If he expected special treatment, he was in for a rude awakening. Whether it was these events that stirred the Romans into faster action against Macedonia or not is uncertain. The fact remains that the consul of 168, Aemilius

Paullus, marched

north in Greece with the immediate aim of confronting Perseus. Their armies met at Pydna in Pieria on the Thermaic Gulf. Paullus/ a seasoned battle commander, said afterward that the massed advance of the Macedonian phalanx was the most terrifying sight he had ever witnessed. But its advance was bogged down by difficult terrain, legionary maniples infiltrated its ranks from the flank, Roman cavalry and elephants added to the confusion, and once again, as at Cynoscephalae, the battle ended in a Roman bloodbath: 2o,ooo Macedonians were killed. Pydna marked the end of Macedonia as an independent kingdom: the first of the Hellenistic monarchies to be abolished. The country was split into four minor republican cantons. In Epirus, Paullus turned his legionaries loose to rape and pillage and collected no fewer than r5o,ooo prisoners to be sold off as slaves. Perseus, the last Antigonid king, adorned Paullus' triumph in Rome and starved himself to death several years III

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Dynastic Troubles,Artistic and ScientificAchievements Creek east and setting up a dangerously powerful rival - was not something Rome had any intention of tolerating. Drastic measures were called for. The Roman ambassador Popillius Laenas met Antiochus in Eleusis, a suburb of Alexandria, with the Senate,s ultimatum: evacuate Egypt and Cyprus or face war. Antiochus asked for time to debate the issue. Popillius, response was to draw a circle in the dust with his stick around the Seleucid king and to demand an answer before Antiochus stepped out of the circle. Antiochus - no fool, for all his bravado, and with both Cynoscephalae and Pydna fresh in mind to temper any show of proud independence he might be tempted to put on for public consumption - bowed to the inevitable and withdrew. peace with Rome, he informed the Senate, was preferable to any victory in Egypt.To temper his humiliation, and to send a signal of strength to his Greek allies, on his return home he held games that for sheer lavishness outdid even Aemilius paullus, triumph. As Ptolemy II had proved long before, expensive displays made good propaganda. One remarkable phenom.non lrro.iated with Rome,s penetration of Greece and the Greek cities of Asia Minor was the wholesale removal, by generals and others, of high-quality Creek works of art. There had been sporadic looting earlier (for instance, from Syracuse in zrz), but the large-scale trend seems to have been started by Flamininus in r94. In rg7, Marcus Fulvius Nobilior brought back 285 bronze and z3o marble statues from Ambracia. After Pydna, Aemilius paullus collected enough artwork to ftll 25o carts in his triumph. The scale of these depredations dwarfs even the Nazis, similar activities in Europe during World War II. They were still II3

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profitable retreat into

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neo-classicism. Some of the private manifestations of this breakout from tradition - the obsession with sex and violence, the peculiar interest in the geriatric flotsam of a ruthlessly laissez-faire society - we have already glanced at (see p. 75).Those with the money to pay for such art, in a world lacking any kind of insurance or social safety net beyond haphazard charity, doubtless found their collections a half-comforting, half-admonitory reminder of the fate they themselves had, by fair means or foul, somehow contrived to avoid. This was escape rather than escapism, though escapism too flourished: the fantasized world of New Comedy lp. zrl, the ubiquitous theatrical masks (persona merging with personality), the literary utopias of Euhemerus or Iamblichus, the sanitized pastoralism of Theocritus, the charming Tanagra figurines. Public sculpture and architecture, however much it might profess to emulate the classical tradition in technique and subject matter, embodied some profoundly unclassical features. It was marked, as we have seen, by gigantism: bigger IT7

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Dynastic Troubles,Artistic and ScientificAchievements as usual. Treaties, alliances, local wars, dynastic marriages, bureaucratic papyrasserie, public shows and benefactions, honorific decrees- all went on unabated. Ordinary people, absorbed in their day-to-day activities, have scant time for, and even less interest in, the eruptions of history, which they tend to regard as, at best, an unmitigated nuisance and more often as sheerly calamitous. The Roman Senate had simply become a new player in Greek interstate relations - albeit a powerful and unpredictable player that could, if so minded, change the rules of the game whenever it wanted to. But with increasing power, the Roman penchant for requisitions, confiscations, and, where deemed necessary, the destruction of cities and the mass sale of their inhabitants as slaves - mainly to ensure that campaign finances stayed in the black - became increasingly noticeable. Such concerns were for the most part limited to their own immediate sphere of interest. Ironically, the Romans' lack of concern regarding the Seleucid eastern provinces led them to ignore, or certainly to underrate, the steady rise of an increasingly power{ul nation that would not only prove the Seleucid dynasty's nemesis, but also in the long run present a serious challenge to Rome itself: Parthia. It was par{y to deal with the Parthian threat that Antiochus IV (after stamping out, Roman style, a |ewish insurrection) le{t for the East. He got no farther than Media, where he fell sick and died, though not before rescinding his tough-line policy on the |ews and restoring their freedom of worship. He left an under-age son, Antiochus V, and a regency: exactly the kind of weak regime that Rome favored. This is probably why, when Seleucus IV's son Demetrius, then a hostage in Rome - handsome, vigorous, intelligent, and arguably the legitimate heir to the Syrian throne - pleaded his case before the Senate, he was turned down flat. r23

lzt rraql '4uerqs sarrolrJrel rreql sV 'Jeqlour euo pa>I"Elle stur -rurelc dpruel 'sradrnsn aq-plnofi\ SupqBU lou uerl t 'lsewqvT JepuExaIV 'lolsodurr puoces e pue 'dlrrrrldec uurque4 Jo apmap e dq papr,rrp elarvr u8rar asol{1vr}o salleq o/vrl eql 'n snrrlatueq 'auo Surpnlcur| sre1ru d-rnluac eql luarsuerl 'o uorssectns e .&\ES 'arur8al prcnales aql ]o asdeloc arerurlln ar{} ro} Jo lsar aqa alqrsuodsar (urqrru.1 ralJu) rorcry ro(etu puocas aqt :drqrqels -ur crlseudp Suqerrds pup cruorqc;o porrad e ur poreqsn uorl -efunsn sr11'8urq arueraq puu '(dtrrelndod yurlrur srq padorlsap perl alru Jrtprrotne pue strqeq fueltlt-rsasoqr*) snlrteurecl palll>l puu peleelep o/r Sr ur 'etrdg 01 truarr srpg 'rdd8g pue uotue8ra4 dq 'alqnorl a>Ieruol 'patourord - rolsodurr ur dlurelrec lsotulp 'se1eg rapuuxelv auo AI snqcorluv Jo uos prelsrq pesoddns B o1 lroddns ale8 'raltod prtnelas Surrolsar yo su8rs peaoqs eq uer{,lr 'pue snrrlarueg pa}srul raleu sueruoU aq} }ng 'uaasaro;peq 'uorlJp alrlnqrJlal ou {ool aq se 'aurog 'perp Jlasurq sepnl qclqrv\ ur 'uorllaqar eql paqsnrc e11 'parou8r aq (a8ursoq e se sread srq Surrnp larvr dcqod u8ra -roJ ueruou dn pazrs Sunuq) Surururvrsrqa '(sneeqecceyqsepn{ qlrr* dleart E ep?ru p€q r9r ut auro6) s,vralaql qtrIr\ ssatu ol lou pelrrP/v\osle sE1r'\ aH 'lJnpuoJ ^fOI)EJSTIPS lnoqB ]ea^ec ueuJou 'dluuolllpuoc - snrJlaurecl pezruSocer eleuas Iensn eql qlrrrt aqa 'dlqeroaul pauodal snrraqrl 'acurrd-tuerlt Ieapr aqt a>IrI peleqaq 'turq peurruqc snrrleuraq 'etre8rlsarruro1 lno snqccuJD snrreqrJ lues aleues aql 'pelncaxa are-ff\sralroddns naqt puB 'snqeorluy 'sersdl '3ur>1aureceq snrrlaueg pue 'palerode,re 'sersdl 'lua8ar srg puu snqcorluv Sunod ro1 uoddns 'eluoc -Io-1v\ snoJnlder e pa,rracar eH 't{3or}uv ro] }q3rur1s aPBlu puE 'dyqeqorddre,r 'puu osnrql.lo4 yo {suorled cruordrc5 lnperwod srq eouelruuo? eqr qll^{} adeesasrq pazrue8ro snrr}erue6l 'pelunep 3urqto51 'Je1vrIrar? ueeru plnorvr 'patcelqo se.&rlr 'uJnlar srH iIC'\r' JIl,SINATT!IH

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Dynastic Troubles,Artistic and ScientificAchievements titles grew more grandiloquent and their royal consorts more ruthlessly ambitious (most notably Cleopatra Thea, daughter of Ptolemy VI and wi{e in turn to Balas, Demetrius II, and Antiochus VII). 'Decadence' is not a popular term these days when discussing Hellenistic history, but if ever dynasties showed symptoms o{ decadence, the Seleucids and Ptolemies from abclut r 5o onward have to be prime candidates. It might seem, at first sight, that the Ptolemies were in an even more parlous state than their rivals. Antiochus IV had rnade it all too clear that Egypt's much-touted natural defenses could be breached in short order by a well-planned attack from Syria. The odd ruling triad of Ptolemy VI Philometor, his sisterwife, Cleop arra II, and his young brother, the future Ptolemy VIII, was hardly an advertisement for family harmony or unity of purpose. Their father might temporarily have quelled the major nationalist insurgency in Upper Egypt, but the native priests, the fellahin, and above all the trained Egyptian infantry, the machimoi, had tasted blood and achieved a marked degree of success: they would not be quiet for long. However, against these {actors other even more powerful considerations militated. Popilius Laenas' treatment of Antiochus had shown that Rome would not tolerate an Egyptian takeover by the Seleucids. More vital still was the fabulous wealth that the Ptolemies controlled. The Seleucids had never been able to match it, and their resources were now being gutted, in addition, by the reparations they were compelled to pay to Rome. Even a lack of native silver and a consequently debased currency made no difference to the Ptolemies' ability to hire all the mercenaries they needed at preferential rates. As a result, they could afford to wear out by persistence any rebellion

they failed to eradicate in short order with 125

9zr lp Surllrlv\un su.t\ lnq r1ons sE lsacur lsureS€ Surqlou ppr{ oq,lr - uocsdq4 'ra1;o srqa'a8errreur ur EaqJ urludoa13 rerq8nep s1q urrq pareuo puu auard3 ol {cuq rurq luas dldurrs rolauro1rqd 'errrlctputrrun d1asr6 'roleuolrqd l'q parntdec sp..tr. Jlesurq aq pue 'lsJU aql u€q] ocseg re88rq uale uE sert snrdd3 8ur -rnldrc treldurallu puooes s,uocsdq4 'aleues eql uroJ' (asuadxe u.lvlo srq 1e sdoorl >IoaJD drral of fq8rr aqf 'srasrrrpr 'sdrqs alg) rroddns ue>Io1 1oB ^\ou eq /tlnsal e se sdeqrad 'plJo.ry\ crlsrualleH eql o1 srraq se suErrBqJsq llralseM eql Jo ecuE -ldacae '1sr1ea1ep p 'crlsrlear e :eruo6 o1 ucreuard3 Surqleenbaq se/r eq 'ssalppqe pe1p aq JI terll perureleord (SSr ) ueql uocsdq4 'pallel '(S/9Sr) pateurssessprurq en.eq ot paul lduatte aqa sread IeJeAes raltv roleurolrr{d 'suorleurqcuur s,uocsdq.l ;o '{ r 9r ) auoq slopesseqrue srq lues puu roleuollr{d r{ip{ eruerlle slr palacuec dldurrs eteues eql 'palreJ puEISr aql ranbuoc ol ldruaDe srq uaq1{ 'srudd3 o] rrrrelc srq luerrraldrur o1 lou esrnoc Jo q8noqt - asropue ot ateuas eql papensred 'urrq uo pacro; ueeq peq uorlrlred leqt Sururelduroc 'uocsdq4 'ucreuard3 lo8 luaredde -rreq se uocsdq.l /3ur>l se peurnleJ roleuroFqd :uor1r1.rrd ro; ueld e uo pear8e sreuorssruuroc Jreql '(€9r) uorleqrcuocer r(U paldo (larau 'passardrurun 'suuruo6 aqa 'dqiedurds paleadxa pue 'rood pe(e1d 'aruog 1ol servrdlseudp ar{t JoJ }ueurerrnbar lertuosso auo eql 'q13uar1sSuruqeq,,vuano iICV

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Dynastic Troubles,Artistic and ScientificAchievements this point to risk nullifying the condition of his bequest to Rome - refused in short order. Philometor then put in his own son as governor of Cyprus. Till Philometor's death ln r45 - predictably, on campaign in Coele-Syria - Physcon was e{fectively stalemated, and Philometor himself, pariy by bestowing lavish gifts on those whose goodwill he sought (he built Athens a library) and partly by regaining Rome's support through maintaining partition, consolidated his authority. But on his death, Physcon made up for lost time. Cleopatra proclaimed her adolescent son by Philometor king, as Ptolemy VII. Physcon paid the mob to riot for his retum. Cleopatra's support shrank. An amnesty was declared. Physcon came back, married his brother's sister-wife, and (taking a hint from his ancestor Keraunos, p. 5o) had the new heir assassinated during the wedding celebrations. There was now no viable claimant to the throne but Physcon himself. He duly became king as Ptolemy VIII Euergetes II and had himself consecrated as pharaoh in Memphis (r44), mainly to get the support of the powerful priesthood. Alexandrian wits lost no time in revising Euergetes ('Benefactor') as Kakergetes ('Malefactor'), and with good reason. Like Physcon revealed a powerful distaste for fews and untrustworthy intellectuals: his purges of the |ewish comHitler,

munity, and o{ Alexandrian scholars and artists generally, by executions and exiling were so thorough that the city's rich cultural heritage was virtually

wiped out for a full century.

Philosophers, mathematicians, doctors, philologists, the refugees - again, like those from Hitler's Germany - created what one witnesss termed a 'cultural renaissance' in the Greek cities outside Egypt. Physcon's prime motive may have been security (Cleopatra's palace guard had fewish officers, and her main r27

8zr asor{l/t 'uocsdq4 srq paqcleru a^Er[ o] sureos asues leure]ed '3uu1 uocsdq4 dq uos p1o-reed-e,r1a^41 .rvroureg rurulcoJd ol qoru aql to8 - Joleruolrrl4 dq uos raq Jo atEJ eql Surraprsuoc 'dlqser - 1 erledoel3 'uerpllqc rreql pue eIrM aql ertudoalf, qrpn srudd3 01 pelt uocsdq4 puu 'aceled aql ot erg tes (ecue,rru -uoc s,Jatsrg aqr urrudoal3 qtr.fr dlquqord) qoru uerrpuexelv alrlulo^ aql 'ssaupepueq-q81qs,uocsdq4 1o sruad tq8ra raqy 'uorsnlcuoc errrEsar{l 01 eurec uprartro pue duoluv qtoq 'ralu1 d-rnluac V 'eraqr paleerf, oq plnoc rarvrod tBar8 (ra,r e 'palroder daql 'sralnr dqtro.r,r qlr11 'd1rpge1 'qlpaan s,lddSE 'roqe1 duaqc tuepunqu pue Jo atrou 'acepd eqt o} errpupxelv {ool uorssrruruoc aqt }o sraquaur aqa 'saqor ueurl eldure srq ur Surlppe/r puu ]o sleaJts aqr q8norqr Surlualws '1ooy uo rurq Surduedruoccu 3un1 asaqo aql uo patrsrs -ur ordreg 'aprsdenb aql tE uocsdq4 dq pauoclalA 'Jorluqeq sil{ ruoJt passan8 eq UEO6Elotr ur uorssrururoo ucruo1 E Jo p€eq eql }e poarrre ar{ uaq.& - peaq Jeln}rl s}r Jo lsrel }E Jo - erur8ar eql ]o epeur snup11lurev ordreg trEtI [ ,'eJrA\ aqt ertedoel3, se (ru) enedoal3 aceru s,uolsdq4 pue ,'ralsrg aql urledoal3, se suorlducsur ur ol paJJaler.fv\ousr '(1) erfrdoal3 'rvroprrvrs/Joleur -olli{d 'e13uu1snonlsecur srqr d;rre1e ot sdeqre4 'ra}srs s/ear{J enudoel3

(raqrrny uela sretluur esnluoc or) pue er1edoa13

raqtrou? :rolauolrr{d dq rarq8nep raq parrJeru pue pecnpes 'rc1v1 tea(. e 'uaql aq '(i?t) ertedoay3 uo uos B peJrs Surzrepl 'Surtuocaq par.uearpperl srossacons Jo s,Jepuuxelv 11e ]Eq.,vrJo dpored e}Eurlln aql selvr eH 'rurq-.t\ fuazresrq d;sr1rs 01 qlleervr q8noua pue 'dseluel aerueurole8aw pue ssaupl\arqs lecrlqod yo arnlxrur Sunurele ue 'pur1 due 'uorlecqrlur8 lensuas Jo puDI drarre pue Jo slururlsal I€roru ou rarvrodroJ salrladdr a8nq puq drualof4 sIt{I 'snorts?srp sE,/r IIDI -relo eql 1nq '(dlruntuuoc lenl)ellelur aqt ruorJ eruec uoddns !IDV

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Dynastic Ttoubles,Artistic and ScientificAchievements moral instincts, abducted the boy, dismembered him,

and

sent the pieces back to his mother, reportedly on her birthday. The mob raged but could do nothing. By r3o, Physcon was back, based on Memphis: cultivating the priests had paid off. Civil war broke out, and Physcon, like Antiochus before him, besiegedAlexandria. Cleopatra II, whose daughter Cleopatra Thea had meanwhile married the Seleucid Dernetrius II, appealed to her son-in-law for help. Demetrius tried but was trounced at the frontier by Physcon's rnercenaries and retreated to Syria, soon to be followed by Cleopatra II with the royal treasure (rz7). In Syria, he faced rebellion {rom a pretender, Zabrnas, thoughtfully

pro-

vided to the rebels by Physcon ftzglal. Defeated, he sought re{uge with his on-again, off-again wi{e, Cleopatra Thea, who not only shut the door in his face, but seems to have been responsible for his subsequent murder in Tyre ft2615). By now it should come as no surprise that by o4 @nd probably much sooner), Cleopatra the Sister had taken the treasure of Egypt back to Alexandria and - parricide and incest notwithstanding was officially

reconciled not only with her potbellied and

murderous brother-husband, but also with Cleopatra the Wife. Cleopatra Thea, meanwhile, took her sixteen-year-old son, Antiochus Crypos ('Hooknose'), as her co-regent (rz5) and successor,with the title of Antiochus VIII Philometor. Physcon promptly provided him with a bride: Cleopatra III's daughter Cleopatra Tryphaena. Antiochus got rid of Physcon's pretender, Zabinas (who had outlived his usefulness but showed signs of popularity), and remained properly wary of his own mother, who had earlier promoted his elder brother, Seleucus V, to the kingship ftz6l5l, only to kill him when he showed signs of independence. In rzr/o, Cleopatra Thea decided it was time to r29

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Sword over Pen: Rome's Final Solution (rr5-jo)

As colonial rulers, the Romans neither bothered much with benefactions nor showed any real interest in democracy. The citizens they were most comfortable dealing with were those who, as they saw it, most resembled their own optimates, the wealthy

senatorial class, the upholders of order and class privilege. It followed that many cities, such as Athens, that had long supported Rome as an ally against the detested Macedonians now began to look around hopefully for a more congenial patron. The grim lesson of Pydna, that nothing

brought out Roman fury like a direct military

challenge to

Roman imperium, had either escaped their notice or was overridden by the courage of despair and hatred. As we shall see, the evidence for hatred is startling; the patron, when found, scored some impressive successes;but the final upshot was, inevitably, to bring about Rome's complete absorption of the region that, to begin with, she had dealt with so carefully at arm's length. Cities that broke away from dlrrastic control (and an increasing number did) simply wanted to be left alone to maintain some kind

of social stability

and have their

inhabitants

lead reasonably undisturbed lives. If that meant becoming Rome's enthusiastic clients, so be it. Meanwhile, Seleucids and I3I

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SwordoverPen:Rome'sFinal Solution to marry Alexander in Cyprus, raised an army and took it to Syria, where she duly snagged as a husband Antiochus IX Cyzicenus, son of Antiochus VII and Cleopatra Thea, who at the time was challenging his cousin and half-brother, Antiochus VIII Grypos ('Hooknose'), for the Seleucid throne. Grypos was, of course (see p. rz9l, married to Cleopatra fV,s sister Tryphaena, and this gave an extra twist of nastiness to the conflict. When Grypos captured Cleopatra fV (rrz), Tryphaena had the wretched woman's hands hacked off as she clung to an altar in sanctuary. This did not stop her mother, the Wife, from backing Grypos. When Antiochus IX retaliated by seizing Tryphaena (r r r ), he burned her alive as an offering to her deceasedsister. This did not stop her brother Lathyros, who had loved his ex-wife, from backing Cyzicenus. By ro8 Grypos held most of Syria, with Cyzicenus restricted to some coastal cities. In ro7 the Wife drove out Lathyros with accusations of attempted matricide. Alexander returned and assumed the crown. Lathyros took over Cyprus. Cyrenaica was held by a bastard son of Physcon's, Ptolemy Apion. By rc3lz the Wife decided she had had enough of Alexander, too, and he fled from Alexandria. However, he soon (ror) retumed - allegedly in pursuit of a reconciliation with his mother - and did what she had feared Lathyros would do: that is, he murdered her. This, combined with

his marriage to Cleopatra Berenice,

daughter of his brother Lathyros and Lathyros' sister-wife, Cleopatra fV, left Ptolemy X Alexander I as titular monarch of Egypt until 88, with Lathyros on Cyprus and Ptolemy Apion in Cyrene. (In roo, a Roman law on piracy appealed to all three as Iegitimate monarchs in good standing.) When Apion died in 96, he did what his iather, Physcon, had once threatened to do: he bequeathed Cyrenaica to Rome. In 9o, yet another revolt broke

r33

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Sword overPen:Rome'sFinal Solution was captured by the Parthians. This left Philip Epiphanes in Antioch and Antiochus XII Dionysus holding Damascus. Antiochus XII was defeated and killed by the Arabs. Antiochus X Eusebes finished off Philip but got little benefit from his victory: between 9o and 88 the Arabs claimed his life, too. In 83 the citizens of Antioch, weary of this fratricidal killing spree and the anarchy it bred, offered the throne to Tigranes of Armenia, who accepted it. A recent boclk' makes a spirited counterattack against well-established notions of Seleucid decadence. Sensibly, its authors avoid carrying the story - and their argument - beyond the death of Antiochus VII. * While the Ptolemies and Seleucids, amid widespread secessions and revolts, pursued their self-destructive internal rivalries, the Creek cities of Asia Minor were getting a taste of the laissezfaire methods of Roman private enterprise. This appalling and largely uncontrolled regime of graft and exploitation - the ne plus ultra of the Successors' attitude to 'spear-won territory' had engendered a violent, if seemingly helpless, groundswell of furious resentment, already responsible for two major Sicilian slave revolts. No one (including the rebellious slaves) was against slavery as such, but a dangerously large number of educated victims

of warfare and piracy felt they had been

wrongly

consigned to the servile category. The time was ripe for a savior (a local miracle worker had surfaced briefly in the slave revolt of r3zl, and in due course one appeared whose formidable talents were matched only by his sheer improbability. Mithradates VI Eupator Dionysus (to give him his full eventual title), a semihellenized, Achaemenid-related monarch, was king of Pontus in Anatolia, on the southern shores of the Black

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Sword ovet Pen:Rome's Final Solution Mithradates in fact had a lot going for him: a large fleet and army/ protective terrain, useful allies, Roman preoccupation the Social War, the advantage of surprise - no one

with

expected another Hellenistic princeling to try conclusions with the legions - and, above all, the hatred of Rome fomented throughout Asia Minor by the uncontrolled depredations of the tax-farmers and business tycoons. By painting the Romans as the new Barbarian Other, Mithradates could appeal both to the Creeks, for whom he portrayed himself as the Hellenist with a mission to rid Asia of materialist invaders, and to the Asiatics, who saw him as the descendant of Achaemenid kings such as Cyrus the Great and Darius. Portents circulated about his birth, as did inflamnatory

oracles predicting dire retribution against

Rome for all her fiscal and commercial exploitation. When his armies swept across Anatolia to the Aegean {49/SA), to begin with they carried all before them" Aquillius, captured in Mytilene,

was reportedly executed by having molten

goid

poured down his throat. The message was unmistakable and reinforced by an event that sent shock-waves across the Mediterranean. At some point in the summer of gg, Mithradates sent out secret orders to every town in the province of Asia, calling for the coordinated slaughter, on the same night, of every Roman and Italian - man/ woman, and child - there resident. No fewer than eighty thousand tax-farmers/ moneylenders, and other entrepreneurs, together with their families, are said to have perished. The effectiveness and secrecy of this pogrom were matched only by the unanimous enthusiasm - and frequent savagery - with which it was carried out. If, as has often been suggested, Mithradates was trying to bind the Asiatic Greeks to him in a kind of collective blood guilt, he found more than willing

r37

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Swordovet Pen:Rome'sFinal Solution rebel, Sulla knew well that his future depended entirely on his military successes,and he was not disposed to be conciliatory. Attica's remaining woods (including the trees of the Academy and the Lyceum) were felled whole