Aizen-Myoo: The Esoteric King of Lust, An Iconological Study

ROGER GOEPPER

THE ESOTERIC KING OF LUIC AN ICONOLOGICAL STUDY

ARTIBUS ASIAE MUSEUM RIETBERG ZURICH SWITZERLAND &-l-y--

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In the rich pantheon of the Japanese Shingon School of Esoteric Buddhism the Kings of Esoteric Knowledge (my@, Sanskrit: vidyZdTjd) OCCUPY an important position, especially the pentade which corresponds to the Five Tathagatas, their Bodhisattvas and the Five Kinds of Knowledge. The god Aizenmy66 (Sanskrit : RZga~Zja)does not belong to this systematized group, but embodies, like other My66, a special concept of esoteric Buddhist speculation. In contrast to early Buddhist thinking condemning all emotions, in T a n t r i c texts t h e Passions, even those ofan erotic character, are identical with Enlightenment, expressed by the famous dictum "bonno soku bodai. " The present study gives an analysis of Aizen's basic form based on the text of the Yugikyo, explaining all iconographic details according to Japanese commentaries to the Stitra and other speculative works; i t describes the variants in the Mikky6 pantheon and treats the Indian and Tibetan parallels. After analyzing the different

ARTIBUS ASIAE SUPPLEMENTUM XXXIX

ROGER GOEPPER

THE ESOTERIC KING OF LUST AN ICONOLOGICAL STUDY

MCMXCIII

ARTIBUS ASIAE . MUSEUM RIETBERG ZURICH SWITZERLAND

Fig. I Sculpture ofAizen-my66. Coloured wood, height 31.8 cm. Commissioned in I247 by the priest Eison, executed by the Buddha Master (busshi)Zen'en. Saidai-ji, Nara.

This book is respectfully dedicated to Reverend K6no Seik6, abbot of the Daian-ji in Nara, who over many years helped the author in his Mikky6 studies on several occasions.

This publication was generously supported by the Forderverein japanisch-deutsche Kulturbeziehungen e.V., Cologne.

0 Roger Goepper and ARTIBUS ASIAE, 1993 Typography and layout: Hugo Weihe Printed in Germany by Druckerei Konstanz G m b H ISBN 3-907070-51-8

PREFACE

w

hen an uninitiated Westerner such as the present author sets out to write a book on a Japanese Esoteric Buddhist theme, it might seem to be a preposterous undertaking. Necessarily it must appear as an "in-look" from outside into a highly sophisticated world, instead of a well-founded outlook from inside. Still, after the period when Western authors have roamed mainly in the field of Zen, it seems necessary to focus the study on an aspect of Buddhism that has exercised hardly less influence on the character and development of Japanese culture and, especially, on religious art. Several institutions and individual scholars in Europe and America have recognised this necessity, and serious research into the Esoteric Schools of Shingon and Tendai is growing, in spite of the special and enormous obstacles raised by the vast and often cryptic literature, and by the rich iconography. The present author experienced the hardships in presenting this kind of Buddhist culture to an unprepared public when he organised the exhibition "Shingon, Die Kunst des Geheimen Buddhismus in Japan" in the Museum of East Asian Art in Cologne in 1988. Several years ago, my friend Helmut Brinker provided the initial spark for this iconological study when he asked whether I knew the meaning of the fist formed by one of the six hands of Aizen-my66 in a painting in the Rietberg Museum. Of course, I did not know. Checking the available handbooks I found that there were several meanings and possible interpretations grounded in different layers of religious speculation. As a consequence I became more and more involved in a study of this fascinating deity. The more I searched the more complicated the matter became and the material collected from many sources grew beyond my expectations. Seeing no end even after several years I decided to stop at a point when the details and facts became too minute and too specialised to be of interest to the Western reader. I therefore concentrated on information that seemed necessary for an understanding of a deity that had so many aspects in quite different layers of Japanese culture. I have reluctantly omitted, however, the role of Aizen-my66 in folk religion, for instance as a patron of textile dyers or his obvious connection with certain feminine occupations within the bourgeois society of the Edo period. Chapters on the stylistic development of Aizen's figure in painting and sculpture which had originally been planned, were also omitted since they would have fallen into a completely different field of research. The study, therefore, is purely iconological and historical. In collecting the material I received substantial help from many persons and institutions in Japan. First I would like to thank Reverend K6no Seik6, abbot of the Daian-ji in Nara and president of the Japanese German Society in Nara, who gave advise on many occasions, furnished the author with material otherwise difficult to obtain, and who accompanied him to the K6yasan to study paintings and sculptures in the original. The book is therefore respectfully dedicated to him. Thanks are also due to the reverends Nakada Yorikazu (Junna) and Kaku Dainin for the opening of the rich resources kept by the Daigo-ji and the liberal disposal of copies of texts. In a similar way Mr. Manabe Shunsh6, assistant director at the Kanazawa Bunko at Yokohama, provided access to the sources of his institution on several occasions. Colleagues in Japanese museums have helped with the collecting of texts and photographs, especially Mr. Nishikawa Ky6tar6, Director General of the Tokyo National Research Institute of Cultural Properties, and, last but not least, Mr. Sakata Munehiko of the Nara National Museum.

The manuscript of this book has been read and corrected by the late Professor Alexander Soper and by Dr. Thomas Lawton of the Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, Washington, D.C. To them and also to Dr. Hugo Weihe, Zurich, who prepared the text for publication, the author owes his sincere thanks. Journeys to Japan during the last years were mainly sponsored by the Orientstiftung zur Forderung der Ostasiatischen Kunst, Cologne, founded by Professor Hans W . Siegel. Considerable funds for the printing of this book were granted by the Forderverein japanisch-deutscher Kulturbeziehungen e.V., Cologne. To all these institutions and persons the author owes his gratitude. For unavoidable shortcomings in connection with such a difficult theme the author alone bears full responsibility. Cologne, in the summer of 1993

Roger Goepper

CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION CHAPTER I

Translation of Yagi.kyC. Chapter Five: Airan.wang. The King of Lust . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . I3

CHAPTER I1

The Basic Form of Aizen-my66 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18

CHAPTER I11

Iconographic Variants of Aizen-my66 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40 I . Goshiryb-Aizen-z6 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40 2.

Tenkyu-Aizen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43

3. Aizen with Two Heads . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46 4. Aizen with Four Arms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53

5 . Aizen with Four Heads and Four Legs . . . . . . . . . . . . .

53

6. Aizen as Takki-raja . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56 7. Aizen as By6d6-6 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56 CHAPTER IV

Indian and Tibetan Deities Parallel to Aizen . . . . . . . . . . .

58 I . Takki-raja . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58 2.

CHAPTER V

Raga and Kama . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 62

The Mandaras of Aizen-my66 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65 I.

Mandara with Thirty-Seven Deities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65

2.

Mandara with Seventeen Deities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66

3 . Enchin's Aizen Mandara . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71

4 . Shiki-mandara . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77 CHAPTER V1

Dogmatic Background . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79

CHAPTER V11

Historical and Sociological Background . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87

CHAPTER V111

Heterodox Speculations and the Tachikawa Sect . . . . . . . .

102

CHAPTER IX

Symbolic Forms (sammaya-gy;) of Aizen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

114 I . The Five-Pronged Vajra (goko-sho) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 114 2.

The Vajra in Human Form (ningyo-sho) . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115 3 The Arrow . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 118 4 . The Lion Crown and the Hook with Five Prongs . . . . . 119 CHAPTER X

The Seed Syllables (shuji) of Aizen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

120

I.

Hum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

120

2.

Hhum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

120

3 . Hoh . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

123

4 . Hrih . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 124 5 . Trah . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 124

CHAPTER XI

6 . Jjah . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

124

The Mantras (shingon) of Aizen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

125

I.

O m Maharaga Vajrosnisa Vajrasattva jjah hum vam hoh . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

2.

CHAPTER XI1

125

Hhum Takki hum jah . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127

3 . H u m siddhi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

128

The Ritual of Aizen-my66 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

130

Gross Magic . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

132

I. 2.

The Large Ritual for Aizen-my66 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . I35 3 Nyoh6-Aizen-h6 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . I44 4 . The Fire Ceremony (goma-h5) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

151

ABBREVIATIONS BIBLIOGRAPHY

A . Primary Sources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 162 B . Japanese Literature . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 163 C . Literature in Western Laguages . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 165

GLOSSARY

INTRODUCTION

T

he deity treated in this book belongs to the iconographic group of Kings of Esoteric Knowledge (Jap.: myz, Skr.: vidydrdja) within the large pantheon of the late phase of Buddhism. Originally the members of this group were conceived as embodiments of magical spells (mdntrd, d h d r a ~vidyd, ~ , Jap.: myo), but soon they were regarded as representations of Magical or Esoteric Knowledge, a meaning that was also covered by the term vidyd or nzyE1 In the Esoteric Schools of Buddhism they functioned as transubstantiations (keshin) of certain Buddhas who took on a wrathful appearance in order to force reluctant human beings to enter the Way to Salvation. During the seventh or eighth century A.D. these gods must already have been codified into a group of five, corresponding to the so-called Five Tathagatas (gochi-nyordi) forming the nucleus of theological speculations and also of different Mandalas as the pictorial concretisations of such ideas. In the reflections of East Asian Mikky6 iconographic pentads of deities in three layers were systematized as the Embodiments in Three Circles (sdnrin-shin), according to which the five Buddhas acted as Embodiments of the Circle of the Own (or: Essential) Nature (jishfiin-shin); the five Bodhisattvas emanated by them as the Embodiments of the Circle of the Correct Religion (sh~borinshin); and the Vidyarajas as the Embodiments of the Circle of the Mandate to Teach (kyorj3in-shin). As such they represented the active aspect of religion. Aizen-my66 whom we are treating here does not belong to that systematized pentad, but like other Kings of Esoteric Knowledge, as for instance Kujaku, Taigensui or Ucchusma, embodies a special idea of Mikky6 speculation that could only be materialized in the wrathful appearance of a My66. In addition, Aizen is not one of those more or less ancient deities taken over from the Indian pantheon, Buddhist or Hindu, into the vast crowd of East Asian Mikky6 divinities. Some remote relatives like Eakki-raja or Kama may have stood godfathers at his birth, but on the whole he seems to be one of those strange creations that grew not so much out of an immediate mystic experience of some meditating priest, but was the outcome and materialisation of more or less intellectual religious speculation, one of his sisters in this regard being the goddess Prajiiaparamita. The absence of a direct Indian counterpart or predecessor to Aizen, as also the highly additive character of his iconographic details, point in this direction, as we will see later. The translation of the name of Aizen-my66 which we use in the title of this book and also throughout the text is a slightly incorrect, but practical simplification. Instead of the "Esoteric King of Lust" the name should read correctly "King of Esoteric Knowledge [called] Tinted by Love (or: Lust)". The speculative background of this designation will become clear during our investigations. The form of our deity as also his ritual and creed rest on one basic text which made its appearance in China during the eighth century A.D. A complete and annotated translation was recently ~ . ~title of this text in undertaken by Pol Vanden Broucke in a dissertation at Ghent ~ n i v e r s i tThe Japanese pronunciation is KongFbu-r8kdRzl-issai-yuga-yz~gi k y (mostly ~ cited in the abbreviated form: Yugi-kyo) and may be translated as "Sutra of all Yogas and Yogis of the Pavilion with the VajraSee P. Przyluski, "Les Vidyaraja, Contribution a l'etude de la rnagle dans les sectes rnahiyanistes," BEFEO 23, 1923,301-18. Pol Vanden Broucke, Y/tglhyi. De ichriftuur van alle Yoga's en Yogz's van het pavilpen met z'ajlra-top ( T . XVIII no. 867, 253-69), d~ssertationat R~jksuniversiteitGent, 1989-90.

Top."3 The question whether the text is a translation of a lost Indian original or whether it was fabricated as an apocryphal Sutra (gigyfi) in China during the eighth century cannot yet be answered with certainty. For both suppositions positive, but also negative, reasons can be given. Some indications have led the present author to believe that the text was composed in China, making it look like one of the many translations from an original Indian manuscript The authorship or translatorship of the Siitra is also not yet ascribable to any person without any doubt. Chinese and Japanese commentators give the names of Vajrabodhi (Kongochi, 671-741) or of Amoghavajra (Fuku, 705-74), both being prolific translators of esoteric texts from Sanskrit into Chinese, as the persons responsible, both attributions not being completely convincing. The text was transferred six times to Japan between 806 and 866. From this fact we may guess that the Yugi-kyfi must have been popular among esoteric Buddhist circles in Tang China of that period. In Japanese Mikkyii the book was soon counted among the Five Basic Esoteric Texts (gobu no hiky?). It is the one and only early Chinese Siitra citing the name of our King of Lust and describing his iconographic details, later texts always basing their treatment of Aizen on the contents of the Yugi-kyd. It is a puzzling fact that our deity appears with two different names in the book. In the second c h a p t e r 9 e is cited by the title "The Efficient and Firm Mind of Zen'ai, the Unsurpassable VajraKing of all Tathagatas" and his name in the form Zen'ai is quoted again in connection with a Sanskrit Mantra that since has become one of the most common Magic Formulas for the King of Lust: Onz i2lahdrdga VdjTojgTja Vajrasattua jjab h@ zlanz hob.' Chapter five of the Yugi-ky? titled "King of Lust" (Aizen-ii)6 treats the deity under his usual name Aizen, provides a detailed iconographic description, and depicts the ceremonial context into which the god is set. Japanese commentators on the Yugi-kyfi have been irritated by the two designations and tried to explain them by sophisticated speculations. The priest D6kyii (1200-36) in his Henku-shc7 clearly states that according to "a certain tradition this is one figure with two names. Zen has the meaning of 'male', because that which 'tints' (or: 'affects') the woman is the man. Ai is female, since she who 'loves' the man is the woman." The sentence is quoted several times in later texts down to the nineteenth century.8 The male Zen'ai is regarded as embodiment of Concentration (jd, samddhi) and the female Aizen as that of Wisdom (e,prajKd), thereby personalizing two of the basic antithetical concepts of Mikkyii speculation. Of course such speculations should not mislead one to regard Aizenmy66 as a goddess,9 he definitely is a male god. The Kamakura Period priest Raiyu (1226-1304)'~ elaborates this concept of two opposed ideas, lastly being amalgamated into a higher transcendental identity, and says that the male Zen'ai, corresponding to ~ i s d o m , "also embodies Enlightenment (bodai), whereas the female Aizen, standing for Concentration, symbolizes the Defilements (bonnd, kleia) as the essential forces binding

' 6

8

I0

"

The information on the Siitra given here are mainly based on Vanden Broucke's study. 7 18,255, 3 - 256, I; Vanden Broucke 1989-90,46-5~ See the chapter on Mantras. T 18,256, 2 - 257, 2; Vanden Broucke 1989-90,63-92. 7-78, 698,3. O n D6ky6 see MDJ 1650-51, .ZIJ 518. For instance by Ryiiyu (1773-1850) in his Htzi-41 jiyiki,SZS 9, 427, I. I. Astley-Kristensen, "The Rlshuky6," Buddhica Britannira, Series Continua 111, T r ~ n g1991, 189-90. In his Shinzakrt-zakki-~rzondfi-~ht, SZS 37,352, I. Here the identifications with Wisdom and Concentration are constructed in the opposite way.

the human being into its worldly existence. Consequently Aizen as representative of life and death in this material existence is the Common Body (bonshin) of the human being, and Zen'ai embodying Enlightenment and Nirvana corresponds to the transcendental Buddha Body (busshin). But according to the central Mikky6 idea of "becoming Buddha in this present body" (sokushin j6butsu) the two are identical and "not two" (funi). Raiyu also stresses the active My66 aspect of the King of Lust by stating that his two versions are set into motion during the ritual in the central and important mystic phase called "Entering [of the Deity] into the Ego [of the Practitioner] and Entering of the Ego [into the Deity]" (nyzlga-ga'ny12) which we shall treat extensively in connection with Aizen's ritual. According to Raiyu12Aizen is the so-called Main Deity (honzon) entering into the person of the practitioner (nyztga), whereas Zen'ai corresponds to the Practitioner (gyoTjd) who identifies himself with the deity (ga'nyzl). W e here are in the middle of the central concept underlying the figure of Aizen-my66: the identity (by&, sammaya) of seemingly opposite ideas culminating in the famous dictum "The Defilements, they are Enlightenment" (Bonno soku bodai). The Shingon follower actually may use and activate the worldly Defilements to overcome and transcend them. T . Tomari in his study on Aizen13 quotes a sentence from the Byakuhokku-sho by Ry6zen (1258-1341) saying that the separation from being tinted (by lust) is identical with lust ( ~ i ' d soku i aizen) which explains the so-called Secret Name (mitsugo) of our god, namely Ri'ai Kong6, "Vajra of the Separation from Lust".14 According to the Mikky6 idea of the interrelation of the different layers within the esoteric pantheon, Aizen also should not be regarded as an isolated single deity, but as a manifestation (hen) or transformation (keshin) of another figure of the pantheon situated as the so-called Fundamental Aspect (honji) in a "higher" position. Mostly Vajrasattva (Kongosatta) who impersonates the Mind of Enlightenment (bodaishin, bodhicitta) is named as the honji of Aizen who actually holds in the main pair of his six hands Vajrasattva's emblems, Vajra and Bell.15 But according to a "secret tradition" (hiden) even Maha-Vairocana (Dainichi) is claimed as the Fundamental Aspect, since this transcendental Buddha occupying the central seat in the two basic Mikky6 Mandaras is regarded as concentration or contraction (setsu) of the many deities contained in the Mandaras. As we shall see later in this study, Aizen also functions in a similar way as pole of condensation for a group of deities, again in correspondance to his basic concept of Identity (byodo)).But other deities, Buddhas and Bodhisattvas are also regarded as honji of Aizen, like Butsugen and Kinrin, Kong6-6 and Kong6-ai, and even the Buddha Amitabha, since the four figures surrounding him in the Mandara all are representatives of the Ritual of Subduing in Love (keiai-h5) in which our Aizen usually acts as Main Deity (honzon).16 In our present iconological study on the King of Lust we shall not only analyze him iconographically and describe his variants and Mandaras, but we shall also search into the dogmatic background of Buddhist ideas which have taken material form in the figure of the deity. In addition we shall place him into the historical and social context that led to the spread of his cult in the Heian and Kamakura Periods since a divinity like Aizen cannot be understood merely from his religious I2 I'

I'

l'

16

SZS 37,352,I. Aizen-?uyii kg, in: ~ZlikkyiGakuhi41, 1916, 23. 72 7, 97, 1. See f.1. the Bjakuhi-shi by Ch6en (1226-86), T Z 10,1048, I ff. Ib1ci.

basis. The social implications decidedly add to his special characteristics and his efficacy. As a special side-effect we shall have to take into account the fusion of Aizen with heterodox tendencies within Shingon history during the Kamakura Period and his position in the so-called Tachikawa Sect. A comparatively large portion of this study will be devoted to a description and analysis of the ritual and the ceremonies directed toward the Esoteric King of Lust. This aspect should never be neglected while studying figures of the later Buddhist pantheon17 since the figures as such and also their iconographic details can often only be understood from their function within the ritual. Texts which we use as iconographic handbooks are mostly conceived as instructions for the correct and effective performance of ceremonies. Basically the concrete icon produced by the hands of an artist is only a shadow image (ya8) without essential reality, the real image being created in the mind of the As we will see in the analysis of the rite, the practitioner during mystic procedures in the ritua1.1~ deity residing in his transcendental paradise is called down during the ritual into the presence of the priest until the mystic unity between deity, icon and priest is reached. But at the beginning of our study we must translate and analyze the text of chapter five of the Yzlgi-hyFon which the iconography and the ritual of Aizen-my66 are based.

I8

A good example has been set by St. Beyer, The Cult of TaG Magic and Ritual in Tibet, Berkeley-Los Angeles-London, 1973, For this aspect of the Icon see R. Goepper, "Some thoughts on the icon in Esoreric Buddhism of East Asia," Stuciia Sino-2Vlonjiolica, ,Vliincbener Ostasiatiscbe Sti~dien2 j, 1980, 24j- j4.

CHAPTER I Translation of the Yz~gi-ky6,Chapter Five: Airan-wang, The King of Lust' t

that time Vajrapani again addressed the Buddha and said: "World Honoured One, in addition I will now explain the King of Lust (Airan-wang, Aizen-G), the siddhis of the different rites which all the Tathiigatas together have attained, and the rite of gaze-h~); that is the rites of Appeasing (sokztsai, Szntika), of painting the icon (hzta~iany-fd, i k aSubduing ), {keiai, t~as'Fka~a~za), of Attracting ( k y a d a ~ aand ) of Increasing ( s ~ y a k u , p a ~ ~ ! ~ of Subjugating (g~bztkzt,abhi~arztha)."~

Then the Bhapavat Vairocana (Bianzhao, HenshG) spoke to Vajrapani and said: "I have already preached at the places of all the Tathiigatas, and I have already completed my studies. So now you should, for the sake of good men and women in this World of Ending Religion (mltnfa-shi,v~appc-se),widely preach for their blessing and joy."

Then Vajrapani sang this Gatha: In the light half of the month (S~lkZdpdk~a, bydkugats~~) under the reign of the lunar mansion Pusya (k~shzlkzt)~ You should take a pure and white, fine cloth And paint the Ragavajra (Airan Jingang, Aizen K o n g ~ ) . ~ The colour of his body is like the rays of the sun; H e resides in a blazing circle And his three eyes gaze in fierce rage. In the hair-dress of his head he wears a lion crown, O n which again is placed a hook with five points. His sharply standing hair gives him a wrathful appearance. Garlands of flowers in five colours hang down [from his head dress] And heavenly bands cover his ears. In his left hand he holds a golden bell, And in his right hand a vajra-staff with five prongs. His demeanour is like that of [Vajralsattva. In his next left hand there is a vajra-bow, And in his right he holds a vajra-arrow, As if he were aiming at the brightness of all the stars, And would thereby be able to accomplish the Rite of Great Attraction (damn-fd, daizen-h$). In his lower left hand he holds "that",

'

T 18. 2 5 6 , ~- 257,2; Vanden Broucke 1989-90, 63-92. W e shall give in this chapter some of the names and terms in their Chinese and Japanese transcription and mill keep the footnotes to a minimum since Vanden Broucke has commented on the text extensively. Detailed explanations will be given in the analysis in the next chapter. The Chinese text of the I'ttgi-kyi transcribes the terms for the basic forms of ritual after their Sanskrit designations. The identfication of kjod~tjaremains problematic. See Vanden Broucke, 69-71. Corresponding roughly to the zodiacal sign ofcancer. From here on the details of Aizen's description are fully analyzed i n the next chapter.

And in his [lower] right a lotus in the attitude of striking. The sum of all bad spiritual [factors] Will rapidly be extinguished, without any doubt. By binding all the garlands of flowers And winding them together his body is decorated. He is sitting in the posture of tightly bound crossed legs, And he rests on a lotus of red colour. Underneath this lotus there is a precious vase Which towards both sides ejects jewels. After having made this icon one should set it up in the west, And the practitioner (xingnn, gyo'ju) should take his place opposite to it, facing west.' He forms the Seal of Great Karma (daikatsama-in)G And intones the Basic Vidya (kompon-mnS3).' At the same time he manifests as the Symbolic Form (summuyu)' The Secret Word of the Heart in One ~ ~ l l a b l e . " Then he is able to perform [the rite], and he is able to cut off and destroy The multitude of all bad spiritual factors. H e also performs the thirty-seven Deeds (kutsztmu, karma) of the Sphere of the Absolute (kongckui, vuj~adb~ta);'~ And by the Vidya of Original Action (bongo'-in)" H e immediately accomplishes the hundred thousand affairs. All the malignant influences (sarva-dz~stu) And all the wicked demons (grzba) Are right away extinguished; and at no time or place Will they be born again, not even for one single moment. Furthermore, taking the designation (rzdmurz) of "that", H e places it in the mouth of the lion, Whereby he increases the wrathfulness for the Subjugation Which he must complete within one single night. He recites the Great Original Vidya (duikovzpon-my$) And forms the Samaya Seal.'' Also, for Attraction (or: Loving Subjugation) (kjudqu) H e takes the pistils of a red lotus flower The west is the heavenly direction associated with the rite of Loving Subduing ( ~ ~ ~ ~ f i k a kriai) r a n a , in which Aizen usually acts as Main Deity (hunzon). See the chapter on ritual. For this Mudri several explanat~onsare given. Vanden Broucke, 78-79. This is the Mantra taught in chapter two for Zen'ai: O
And performs Homa one hundred and eight times. If this is done under [the reign ofl one single star constellation, it corresponds to Subduing (keiai). Furthermore, to get a firm hold of "that" H e takes incense of white sandalwood and carves [an image of] Vajra-Ragariija (Kong6-Aizen-6) Taking [the width of] five fingers as its measure," And he ties it for a long time to his body and hides it there. Then all kinds of living beings And all the kings of warriors (k;atviya) Will be subdued like slaves. If one permanently forms the Karma Seal And intones the Great Original Vidyii, One will augment all kinds of luck And one will be firm like a Vajra. If the seven planets (yo, gvu'dhu) exert bad influences ) destiny, action and birth, O n the constellations (shakz~,n u k p t ~ uof Then one should paint the form and name of "that" And place it into the lion's mouth. One should intone mentally one thousand and eight times [the Vidya], And they will be extinguished and never again reborn. Up to [deities like] Indra and Brahma, The Gods of Fire, Water and Wind, and also Yama, All the evil [influences] of such highest order Will immediately flee into boundless quarters [of the world]. All irritations of bad character [Endangering] the multitude of Bhiksus of pure conduct, The poisonous and wicked dragons, difficult to control, Niiriiyana and ISvara (i.e. V i s ~ uand ~ i v a ) , The Four Heavenly Kings, protecting the world, They all will immediately be subdued and will lose their lives. Again, I will preach Ragariija's Heart Vidya in One Syllable: 2 0. Tukki hEr(z jjab (or: HhGr(2 Takki h i m jjab).14 Furthermore, I teach the Basic Seal:" The two hands form the Vajra Bond (kongg-baku), [In which] both middle fingers are vertical and joined, The forefingers are bent like a hook, The two little fingers and both thumbs Are vertical like five peaks. This is called the Karma Mudrii (kutsumu-inkei), I3

' "

O n the specially effective magic image in this size see the chapter on Iconographic Variants. For the name Takki see the chapter on Indian and Tibetan parallels; for the Mantra as such see the corresponding chapter. In his description of the M u d r i the author uses the esoteric and cryptic designations of the different fingers whlch me have omitted here. The Mudra probably corresponds to the one illustrated in AJDJ, Appendix p. 43, no. 67.

O r also Samaya. If one forms it only once And recites the Basic Mantra (kowqon-sbingon), One is able to extinguish countless sins And produce countless [forms oi] luck. By the Szntika rites, etc. All four necessities are immediately fulfilled And in the Three Worlds and the Three Spheres There is nothing that could exceed [these results]. And this is called the Vajra King (Kongo-6) Which is among the highest things the utmost name. The Meditation of Vajrasattva Is the Mother of all the Buddhas. of the Fivefold Seals Again, I want to teach the Yoga (xiurzgying,SE) of the S'intika rite: Both middle fingers are drawn inwards towards the palm of the hand and crossed, The thumbs are bent and joined, The little fingers united like a needle, Both middle fingers then stand up vertically and are pinched together And the two forefingers are bent down vertically, This is called the Seal of Quelling Calamities (jakuJui-irz).16 If both forefingers pinch the middle fingers And the tips of all four fingers are on the same level, It is the Great Seal Of the P a u ~ t t k u - n u d r d . ~ ~ If the two forefingers are like the leaf of a lotus, The seal is called kyudayu ( ? ) . I 8 If the two forefingers pinch the middle fingers At their upper link, and then are contracted into a triangle, Then in abbicz~uka[magic] This is used as a Secret Seal (mit~u'in).'~ If the two forefingers are bent like a hook And if you invoke by chanting, Then the Vajra Hook (waj~ZnkuJa) Will at all times perform its acts." [Hereby] the preaching of the Five Secret Seals of Daran Jingang-ding (Daizen Kong6-ch6) is completed.

16

Ibid. p. 46, no. 115. Ibid. p. 41, no. 34. Noc to be found in ,\ID]. Perhaps it corresponds to [he Mudrap. 48, no. 139. '"bzd. p. 41, no. 33. 20 Ibid. p . 41, no. 40. I-

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Fig. 2 The Mudras used in Aizen rituals according to the Yagi-kyf(after MDJ, Annex). I. Basic Seal (ge-kongf-in). 2 . Seal for Quelling Calamities (jakasai-in). 3. Seal for Augmenting Rites (z~yakzl-in). 4. Seal for Subduing Rites (keiai-in). 5. Seal for Terrible Rites (gfbaka-in). 6. Seal for Rites of Attraction (kFchf-in).

CHAPTER I1 The Basic Form of Aizen-my66

A

mong the complex figures in the rich pantheon of Esoteric Buddhism some seem to be the outcome of theological speculation, much more than of direct mystic visions or experiences. Details of such figures like colour, number of hands and emblems, can be, and often are, explained according to the systems developed over a number of centuries, and later codified into elaborate texts of ritual and of descriptive iconography. This is also the case with Aizen-my66 (figs. 3-5). W e have just given a translation of Chapter Five of the Yugi-kyo, which seems to be the earliest extant text dealing with our King of Lust, and which, at the same time, provides us with all the iconographical details still to be found in the art of Japanese Esoteric Buddhism down to the present. W e will now again take u p this description and combine it with interpretations and commentaries' on the Yagi-kyoand in other iconographical texts.' As result of an analysis of such texts we will arrive at an explanation of the basic meaning of the whole figure and of all its relevant details. Since the descriptive paragraph of the Yagi-kyo follows the usual structure of Buddhist sz~lhanatexts, we will quote it line by line and add the commentary. The description begins with the specification of colour as one of the major features for the characterization of any being in the pantheon: "The colour of his bo~lyis like the rays ofthe sun." Now, the rays of the sun (nikki) could be either golden yellow or red, but nearly all commentaries agree on red, and practically all painted or sculptured images of Aizen show him with a brilliant red complexion. The Kakuzen-sho quotes a certain Kanzbzltszl-sa?~znzai-ky~in which Aizen's complexion is given as shining golden like that of the sun disk. But this identification seems to be a rare exception. As in most systems of religious symbolism, so also in Buddhism, red primarily expresses emotion or excitement; it is the tint of blood which rushes into the veins and gives the face a hue of joy and , ~ corresponds happiness. In the pentadic system of conceptions characteristic of Buddhist ~ i k k y 6red to the Buddha Ratnaketu (Hoshu), to the east, to the element fire and its symbolic form, the triangle, and also to the "exciting of the spirit" (hosshin) among the five stages leading to Enlightenment. In other contexts red symbolizes the Buddha Amitiibha (Amida) who is Lord of the Western Paradise, and together with the Bodhisattva Avalokiteivara acts as the embodiment of the central Buddhist virtue of Compassion ( k a r y z ~ )Among .~ the Four Kinds of Ritual, red may stand in certain cases for

'

h

For instance the texts published in SZS 5. The Kakt~zen-shr;and the Asaba-shnas two of the main handbooks quote many earlier sources which are difficult to trace. Tz5,248. This text can hardly be identical with T no. 643, since it dates from the early fifth century! In this connection cf. AlDJ 590-91. S.". goshiki, and AlDJ 1047,S.". ihakl~shiki. For Amida within the system of the Kongikai i2land~wacf. B. Hemmi, Bclt~uzinokeiihiki. Tokyo 1970,282.

Fig. 3 Sculpture ofdizen-my66. Coloured wood, height of figure 26.2 cm. Executed in 1256 by the Buddha Master (btlsshi) Kaij6. Nara National Museum.

Terrible Subjugation (gobuku, abhic~ruka),' but generally it is connected with the rites of Loving Subduing (keiai, z d ~ k u r u ~ina )which ~ our Aizen usually functions as the Main Deity (horizon). A quotation from the Kakuzen-sho adds a colourful illustration: "Just as with a mother who is overwhelmed by compassion for her only child, so blood is flowing out of all pores in the skin [of Aizen] and tints his body red." An interesting varying opinion is attributed to the famous monk Ichij6 (884-947)'' who is supposed to have said: "Aizen-6 is actually of white colour. But since he has compassion for the living beings and, since his spirit of compassion breaks through the structure of his bones so that tears of compassion flow through his whole body, his skin is tinted and he becomes red."" And a certain monk Shtimy6 meant that Aizen surpasses all Buddhas in respect to compassion so that his blood and flesh become visible outside, and this is the colour of Subduing (keiui).12 O n the other hand, the Bq'akuhokku-sho adds the following note on Aizen's colour: "The red-coloured blood is changed into white milk and [in this way] returns to its original c ~ l o u r . " W ' ~ e might remember in this context that already in the Vedic religion of ancient India the red colour symbolized strong emotion and was therefore characteristic of the ferocious god Rudra." A more philosophical explanation, quite in keeping with the usual way of Shingon speculation, is given by the Kohitsu-shdju-shri, 5: "Because Dainichi of the Taiz6[kai] is present in the objects of desire of all living beings, he has a red lotus as his seat. And because Aizen is present in the very essence of emotional love, he is seated on a red lotus inside a [red] sun disk which both represent the defilement by passions of the element ~ i r e . " " "He resides in U blazing circle." in painted Japanese images is drawn right around the The "blazing circle" (chishcng-lun, ~hij8-rin)'~ whole figure of Aizen, embracing the upper part of the lotus seat, the halo behind his body and also the one behind his head, neither of which is mentioned in the Yzdgi-kq'o description. This large circle corresponds to the disk into which deities are usually projected mentally during mystic meditation and which is called Moon Disk (gachirin)." The commentaries give two different interpretations for this item. Usually it is conceived as the burning disk of the sun (ni6-hirin)," but the Asaba-shri quotes a source19 according to which the sun disk should be used only in Terrible Rites (chribuku) whereas in -

illDJ 1047, S.V.~habt~sh/bz. K . T a k a ~i\lzkkji-jisfi-ta/kri, , seconded. Kyoto 1969, 828. VZ j, 248. 10 H e was the s ~ x t habbot of the Daigo-11; cf. D e ~ t fKi i v o b ~ZSZS , 33, 3 jo-j~;ll1DJ 88, 2; ,\lJ 26. " TZj,:48. " TZj,:48. I' TZ 7, 9 6 3 . ' R . Oldenberg, Die Rrlig/on des Vrda, repr. Darmstadt 1977, 357. SZS 18,392, I. 16 The term L-hisherlgmust have taken on a very specialized meaning at a comparatively early time. 111 7, j I j , no. 19385,G gives a quotation from Han Feiz~where it has to be translated as "extremely prosperous" (hdgeshikil sdknn-r~aboto). But here the character [.hi is used in its primary sense. Icf. 90-91. I8 Kdkil~etl-ihi,TZ j, 248, 3. 'VZ 9,300, I .

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Fig. 4 Aizen-my66 in his basic form. After a drawing in the possession of Jitsunin (1097-1169). Kukztzen-sho, TZ 5 , pl. 277.

Subduing Rites (keiai) it should be interpreted as moon (pchirin). The text also explicitly declares the circle as the seat (za) of Aizen so that it should not be thought of as standing vertically behind the figure as it is usually represented in paintings, but as a horizontal element functioning as the transcendental basis of the whole iconographic arrangement. Essentially we face here the same phenomenon as in Japanese Mandalas where the figures sit in front of circles when they are actually meant to sit on top of them. The Any;-giZ0 states that the circle generally signifies the sun, but that in Mandaras of olden times it sometimes has to be identified with the moon, because of the close connection of Aizen-my66 with Ai-bosatsu (or Ai-kong6-bosatsu) who figures among the deities encircling the transcendental Vairocana in the Rishu-e of the Kongokai ~ a n d a r a . "The residing of Aizen in his sun disk symbolizes the Knowledge (chitai) of the Original Enlightenment (honkaku) present in all living beings in a latent state." "And his three eyes gaze in fierce rage." In Buddhist iconography three eyes belong, so to say, to the "standard equipment" of fierce and protective deities. The supernatural third eye usually sits vertically in the middle of the forehead. The Kakuzen-sho compares this arrangement appropriately with the three drop-like circles of the siddham Character "I" .23 The three eyes are alternately interpreted as symbolizing the Three Virtues (~antoku)'~ of the Absolute Body (hosshin) together with Transcendental Wisdom (bannya) and Liberation (gedatsu), or the Three Families (sambu),26or the Three Kinds of as the Three Kinds of Siddhi (sampon-~hitsuji),~~ Truth or Dogma ( s a n t a ~ )but , ~ ~such interpretatitions surely have to be regarded as second-hand theological speculations which are so common in Mikky6 iconography. ~ ~ a priest of the Ninna-ji who declared the central eye as that of the The ~ y a k u h o - s h oquotes Buddha (butsugen), the left one as that of Wisdom (egen) and the right one as that of Teaching or of Religion (hogen). The expression of Aizen's eyes is defined as fierce (inu, which is equivalent to the more common funnu, Skr.: krodba). Buddhist iconography teaches four kinds of eyes ( s b i ~ h i - g e n )I.: ~Vajra ~ eyes (kongo-gen), 2. Shining eyes (komyo-gen), 3. Fierce eyes funnu-gen) and 4. Compassionate eyes (jibi-gen). Now, all the commentaries explicitly mellow Aizen's expression into an essentially graceful mildness. Using his angry eyes Aizen directs his merciful regard onto the living beings.?' His seemingly wrathful look is in reality the apex of his compassion by which he is helping striving 20

Tz 5, 257, 3. T h ~ Bodhisartva s sirs in the western region, i.e. above, the central Vajrasatrva (who may be ~dentlfiedw ~ r hVa~rocana)in the RZJ~ZLe. Cf. R.Sawa, Ornuro-ban RjCbz~Mandara Sonsi- hi, Ky6t0 1972,161-63, no. 81. 22 Takai 1969,828. TZ 5, 212, I. '"akai 1969,829; N 484, I; S 64. " MDJ 831, 2-3. 26 The Buddha, Lotus and Vajra Family of the Konggkar. N 486,3. TZ 5, 2 5 1 ~ N ; 481; S 76-77. 21

28

TZ 10,1029, I.

l9

AiDJ 936-7 They should be used also by the practitioner when performing the Four Kinds of Rites. There exlsr different des~gnat~ons. Takai 1969,829.

j0

Fig. 5 Shrine with wooden figure of Aizen-my66. Height of figure 59.6 cm. Walls of the shrine painted with figures of an Emma-ten Mandara. Nambokuch6 Period, 14th century. Private collection, Tbky6.

mankind to overcome all hindrances and difficulties on its way to final salvation. In this interpretation we meet one of the basic concepts of Esoteric Buddhism: the interchangeability of opposites which underlies also the most general meaning of our deity: All defilements (honng), like the lust of love, are lastly identical with Enlightenment (60dai).j1The Bj~akuhokku-sh8j2illustrates this idea by a nice metaphor. After stating that the anger of Aizen is not born out of hate, but of love, it adds: I t is as with a wife who, when her husband becomes inflamed by love for another woman, has thoughts of hate which are lastly born out of her feeling of love. The other traits of anger in Aizen's face, like his open mouth with the protruding fang-like teeth, which are not mentioned by the Yugi-kyn, surely have to be seen in the same light as his wrathful eyes. "ln the hair-dress oj'his head he ulears a lion crouln." The lion head is not meant to be part of Aizen's body, but is defined as a special ornament, as a crown (shishi-kan) placed on the coiffure (shukei) of the deity. In Mikkyo speculation the lion (shishi, Skr.: s i ~ h astands ) for fearlessness (ruui) and for sovereignty ( j i ~ a i ) .H~e' symbolizes the strong and firm Mind of Enlightenment (bodai-shin).j4 As animals dare not pass the place where the lion as their king lives, so the human being striving for Enlightenment cannot pass the firmly determined bodai-shin without being affected by it. In this connection the mystic Liberation Name (gedatsu-??zyG)of Aizen is given as "He whom nobody can pass" ( M ~ n o k a s h a ) . ~ ' But the lion also possesses the force to subjugate (g6buku) all defilements (honn~)which are the main obstacles on the way to liberation. Therefore the lion may, lastly, also stand for Nirvana. Since he is king of all the animals he is an appropriate symbol of Terrible Rites of Subjugation (ch6b~ku).'~ The Kakuzen-sho quotes the following statement of a certain master (shi): "In their mind all animals strive to be subject to the lion. In respect to this deity (Aizen) all living beings exert themselves to fulfil1 all his wishes. Therefore he wears a lion crown [as symbol of his sovereignty] ."" O n the other hand the BjtakuhF-shF states that the lion crown symbolizes Aizen's "ferocious jlodhiiittal' (y?~r)z6-bodai-shin)by which he freely (jizai) saves the human beings." Already the text of the Yl~gi-ky5repeatedly states that a pictorial representation or the written name of the thing or person to be affected by the rite of Aizen should be placed into the mouth of the lion in the crown.j9 Direct contact with the animal of Subjugation (chGbuku) seems to guarantee the strongest magical efficacy.

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Cf. infra, chapter on Dogmatic Speculation. 7Z7,99, I. Kdkiizerr-ihf, TZ j , 2 51, I. " Takai 1969, 829. " Kakuzen-ih, TZ j , 251. I. '"inha-.rho, TZ 3, joo, I. " "

37

TZj,2jI.I.

" T Z 10,1048, 3. This will be treated In the chapter on Ritual

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O t h e r Mikkyo deities also wear the lion crown, among them Butsugen-Butsumo (Budd h a l o c a n ~ )who , ~ ~ is like our Aizen closely linked with Kongosatta (Vajrasattva), or all the thirtyseven figures of her Mandara. The meaning given in this context is that the lion signifies the appeasing force (sokusai) of the Buddha who issued a lion from each point of his five fingers and thereby calmed the attacking drunken elephant.41 W e might remember in this connection that Aizen in some rare cases is called "Mother of all the B ~ d d h a s " . ~This ' perhaps hints at some latent connection between these two deities, Butsugen and Aizen. Also MafijuSri, the Bodhisattva of Wisdom, can be equipped with a lion crown.43 Anyhow, MafijuSri has a close relationship to the royal animal which acts as his vehicle or seat (za, Skr.: v ~ h a n a )But . the lion also figures in the designation of certain variations of A ~ a l o k i t e S v a r aA. ~basic ~ connection, of course, also exists with the lion throne (shishi-za, si??zhdSana)of the historical Buddha ~iikyamuni,the common idea being that of sovereignty over all living beings in this world.45 "On ulhich again is placed a hook ulith Jive points. " The sharply pointed hook of metal is an old Indian emblem. Originally it was the instrument a r i k ~ i aused by the mahout, the elephant driver, to tame and guide his animal, but it could also function as weapon.46 Already in the reliefs of Safici it appears in a simple form, combined with a spear-like point, as an emblem or weapon.47 In Mikky6 representations it is shown in several variants: joined either with a Vajra of one, three or five prongs, or with a trident (triiila). It functions as emblem (sammajta) of several figures of the pantheon, and it is then represented standing upright on a lotus flower as its pedestal.48 T h e hook with five points (goko-kg) which here stands on the lion crown of Aizen is also the sarumaya of KongGk6-bosatsu in the lower and eastern quarter of the central field in the KongGkai i ~ a n d a r aand , ~ ~also of his female counterpart Kong6k6-nyo in the Taiz8kai ~ l a n d a r a . ~In' Lamaist ~ ' like our Aizen, holds iconography the arikuia is an essential emblem of the goddess ~ u r u k u l l a , who, bow and arrow, has red colour, and is regarded as the spouse of Kamadeva, the God of Love, who in his turn is so closely related to Aizen. The connection of Kurukulla to Aizen has already been mentioned. Again we are confronted with the fact that small and seemingly unimportant, and even hardly visible details in the iconography of Mikky6 may contain far-reaching implications.

'O

" 4z J4

"

47

t8

"'awa 'O

'I

illDJ 933, 1-2. The main figure in the Buddhalocani Mandala in the collection of the Shinagawa-dera, T6ky6, wears a l ~ o ncrown nearly identical with that of Aizen. Cf. Bl,~utsuKetzkyli 8, 1939, pl. IX. Iconographical texts also mention this feature, f.i. Asnba-shi, 72 9, 7 0 , I TZ 10,1029,3- 1030, I For Instance SZS 34, 63, 2. Hemm1 1970,409. In the form ofsimhanida. Bhattacharyya 1968,127-28. '\IDJ933,1-2; also Hizi-ki, S97 and the commenraries. AIDJ 194-5; IT!] 178. In Sanskrit the elephant driver was called "holder of the hook" (ntiil~ia-glzrbn). Hemm1 1970, fig. 263. ,\.lDJ, 1 0 '.it. ~ 1972,123, no. 34. H e is one of the four Bodhisattvas impersonating b a s ~ cmagical procedures. Cf. illDJ950, s.v. ~b~siii-hoiatsu. Sawa 1972, 32, no. 23. AIDJ 680-81. Griinwedel 1900,152.

The basic use of the hook is to draw something or someone near to oneself, therefore it is a suitable symbol for the rite of Attraction (kgchg, Skr.: dkar:a?za, Tib.: gZtgS-pa),52having as its Germ Syllable (shuji, hi+) "Jab", which we find again as component part in the Mantra of Aizen. The ByakuhG-sh5 quotes the priest Jitsu'un (1105-60)j3 saying: "By the hook with the five-pronged Vajra all enemies and their deeds are drawn into the mouth of the lion in [Aizen's] crown and thereby destroyed."j4 The emblem is here invested with magical meaning. In a more philosophical interpretation the T6ji branch of Shingon declares the hook with five points as symbolic expression of the fact that all living beings should realize the virtuous factors (kudoku) of the Five Kinds of Esoteric Knowledge (gorhi)." The ~ a k i i z e n - s h dcorroborates ~~ this statement and adds, that these Five Kinds of Knowledge existed from the very origin within each and every living being, that they correspond to the Five Buddhas, and that the hook also symbolizes the possession of siddhis resulting from all the five different kinds of rites. The hook finally means, quasi as a result of the previous statement, luck and profit in their highest degree, and externally also the dispersing of Miira's, the Demon's of Evil, army, and internally the subjugation of all Defilements (bonno)). "His hair sharply standing gives him a u'rathfil appearance," Together with the three eyes (sar)zr)zoku)and the mouth with bare fangs (Skr.: d a e ~ t r a the ) hair standing sharply on end (rimo, Skr.: irdhvakeia) belongs to the characteristic features of deities in wrathful mood vunnu, krodha).j7 AS we can see in the figure of Aizen sitting quietly on his lotus throne the flaming red hair is by no means to be deduced from strong movements of the body as in a dancing or aggressive posture in which angry gods and My66 are often represented.'' The erect hair is the sign of the sparkling ecstatic emotion of such deities. They seem charged with electric energy, which may serve in a generalizing sense as a convincing metaphor. The iconographic commentaries in this case add nothing of revealing importance, apart from the statement that the hair stands erect and is pointed like needles.j9 "Garlands ofjz'owers in thejve colours hang doujn jfronz his head-dress]". Garlands of real flowers (keman, kusur)za-mdld) have been used in India since early times as ornaments in secular and religious buildings where their scent has added to the colourful beauty. But they have also been draped over the shoulders of icons and of holy persons as a sign of devotion.6o In the ritual of Esoteric Buddhism in East Asia the kenzan as votive offerings hanging from pillars and " 'j

54 " '6

'-

,\IDJ j26,1\!J 186 '\IDJ 981 H e was head of the Dalgo-11

TZ 10,10~1,I Asnhn-shi, TZ 9, 300,

TZ j, 251,

2

2

It 1s a general feature In Tantrlc art, also In T ~ b e t a nLamalsm Cf the famous group In the Lecture Hall of the To11 '"abi~zen-shf, TZ j, 251, 2, Tahal 1969, 829 60 /\ID1 457-58

''

beams of halls were made of more durable material like leather, silk or meta1.l;' Many fine specimens have been preserved in temples of the Nara and Kyoto areas. In our case the garlands adorn the head of Aizen-my66. Their five colours are part of the elaborate pentadic system permeating the whole of Shingon speculation. The ~akz~zen-sb8,"for instance, relates them to the Five Families (gobu) into which all deities of the pantheon are grouped, to the Five Great Elements (godai) and also to the implements used in the kekkai ceremony to sanctify a certain area. The five colours appear also in the cord used as a magical boundary on such occasions. Again, 8 ~ the colours in connection with five of the Transcendental Virtues (haramitsu, the ~ ~ a k u h G - s hbrings pdrdmitd) which are so important on the way to final salvation. Also in this case we may observe how sophisticated theological speculation penetrates into a rather secondary feature of iconography and endows it with deeper religious meaning. But the garlands may also express the fact that Aizen is the Lord of all Five Kinds of Yoga (goshu~ 8 f i )and , ~ ~actually his icon is addressed in all the different kinds of rite, as the ~ z ~ g t - kstates.65 y? "And heavenljt bands cover his ears." These heavenly bands (tendai), not to be confounded with the long scarfs (tenne) draped in flowing curves over the shoulders of Bodhisattvas, appear as small whitish bands tied into decorative knots behind the ears of Aizen. The iconographical handbooks66 declare this ornamental feature unanimously as signifying the royal status of Aizen, and they even quote from such Chinese sources as the entirely non-Buddhist Wenxuan to substantiate their statements. "In his left band he holds a golden bell." Like many Tantric deities, Aizen in his main form also is equipped with many arms. Apart from the basic meaning of the multitude of arms symbolizing might and force, in the case of Aizen the three pairs, together with the five-pronged hook on the head and the vase under his lotus seat, are connected with the five basic kinds of Tantric r i t u a ~ . ~ ' The main pair of arms with their hands in front of Aizen's chest, holding bell and Vajra, stand for the Appeasing Rites (sokusai-h8). The second pair grasping bow and arrow aptly symbolizes the Subduing Rites (keiai-ho) over which Aizen presides as Master. The third and upper pair, holding "that" and brandishing a lotus flower, hints at the exorcistic Terrible Rites (go%luku-h8).The hook in the hair dress convincingly points towards the Ritual of Attracting (koi-h;-hG), whereas, lastly, the vase under Aizen's lotus seat, emitting jewels, symbolizes the Rites of Increasing ( z ~ ~ a k u - hO)f. course, these identifications look rather superficial, born out of the speculating mind of some Tantric

61

0. Kurata, Brttsrtgx, ~Vihoizno B i j u t ~ u no. , 16, Tokyo 1967, 52-53; Shingonshii Busanha Shimusho (ed.), Shiizgonshil-hlig~~-z~~set~z/,

Tokyo 1980, 30; R. Goepper (ed.), Sbzngon. Die K ~ ~ ndes s t Grbritilen B I A L ~ ~ in ~ Japan, ~ J ~ ~Cologne ~ I A J 1988, 282-84. TZ 5, 251,2. " TZ 10,1031,2. Takai 1969,829. 6' Vide supra. 66 F.I. the Kabxzeiz-sbi, TZ 5, 251, 2. 6Takai 1969,830. 6z

priest who wanted to underline the universality of Aizen by proving him to be the collective master over all kinds of ritual. ) ~ ~as such, has a The bell in Aizen's main left hand is the emblem of stimulation ( k y ~ g u k uand, central position in nearly all kinds of Shingon ritual, where it is used to awaken the living beings from their sleeplike ignorance and to stimulate the Mind of Enlightenment (boduishin)contained in a latent state within each living being. This is explicitly stated by the ~ s a b n - s h oand ; ~ ~the Kukuzen-.tho7' quotes the Fahd-den, saying, that Aizen with his bell of Wisdom (hunnyu)awakens the three kinds of beings (sunnu) from their long sleep so that they may receive the pleasures of the doctrine in all ten heavenly directions.

"And in his right [hand he holds] U Vujru stuff u~ithfive prongs." The five-pronged Vajra (gobu-sho or goko-sho) is the well-known emblem by which deities or priests are able to quell all calamities ( j a k ~ s u i ) .Its ~ ' meaning in connection with the King of Lust will be treated in the chapter on the Symbolic Form ( s u n ~ r ~ u y a -ofg Aizen. ) O u r My66 is using the Vajra to open u p the spiritual eye for visualisation of the original Five Kinds of Knowledge (honnu-go~hi).~~ According to the B y u k u h ~ - s hthe ~ ~two ~ emblems forming a pair, bell and Vajra, symbolize basic antithetical notions of Shingon speculation which in a coinridentiu oppositoran~are united in transcendental unity. The bell stands for the Tuizfikui,for Principle (ri)and the female; the Vajra on the other hand for the Kongokui, for Wisdom (chi) and the male. The text then concludes: "All living beings attain their shape by unification (wag$ of this Principle with Wisdom." O f course, the Vajra together with the bell is the emblem of Kong6satta (Vajrasattva), and the Byakuhd-sho continues: "Bell and Vajra symbolize that all living beings are originally Vajrasattva. From their very beginning they possess the Buddha Nature (bussho)." The next line of the description in the Yugi-kyo establishes the direct connection or even identity between Aizen and Vajrasattva which also appears in other contexts.

"His demeanour is like that of [Vujru]suttz)u." Commenting on this line the A s ~ b u - s h 8states ~ ~ that just by these two implements, namely Vajra and bell, Aizen corresponds to the usual appearance of Kong6satta. This mystic Bodhisattva of highest order holds the two emblems in his state of highest and immediate realisation (suisho-tonshd) of Vairocana, whereas Aizen carries them as the highest and active ritualistic form (songigyo) of . activities of the two deities are thereby Vairocana in which he is quelling demonic forces ( g f i ~ u )The assigned to different levels of religion, with Kongosatta acting on a more spiritual plane, whereas 68

T o stimulate the d e ~ t yto descend d u r ~ n gthe r ~ t u a into l the sacred area In front o f the prlest, he rlngs h ~ hand s bell ( y e t ) " TZ 9 , 3 0 0 , z , also Takal 1969, 8 3 0 -0 TZ 5 , 2 5 1 > 3 -1 Kakclzen-sbb, T Z j , zj1,3. On forms and symbol~cmeanlng o f the different V a j r a forms see Goepper 1988, 236-j4, also Saunders 1960,184-91 -2 A~aba-,hi,T Z 9 , 3 0 0 , 2 , Taka11969,380 -3 TZ 10,1032, I

-VZ 9,300,2

Aizen intervenes directly in worldly affairs. W e will have to return to the intimate connection between the two deities later on. "In hzs next left hand there is a Vajra boa', and in his right he holds a Vajra arroul." Already in Vedic times the Indian god Brhaspati was equipped with bow and arrow which symbolized his swiftness in the keeping of law and order and the unfailing sureness of his decision^.^^ During the Epic Period of India there emerged the God of Love, Kamadeva, who, in correspondence to his attributes, was called PaiicaSara, "Equipped with Five Arrows". They consisted of certain flowers, had special names and stood for five more or less deranged states of mind which were caused by the god of sensual d e ~ i r e . ' Kama ~ discharged his arrows from a bow made of sugar cane (iksukodanda). The pantheon of early Tantric Buddhism also knew deities who carried these far-reaching weapons as characterizing emblems, but mostly together with other instruments, as for instance the . ~later ~ Esoteric Buddhist schools the goddess Thousand-armed AvalokiteSvara ( S e n j u - K a n n ~ n )In Kurukulla and the protective deity Pratyalidha-Bhairava, and i n Shingon Buddhism the Bodhisattvas Kelikila and Kong6-Ai (the latter being connected with our Aizen-my66) are characterized by bow and arrow.78 That the King of Lust should be equipped with the weapons of the old Indian God of Love is not surprising. The commentators on these lines of the Yugi-kyo turn their attention to figurative explanations. The uniting of arrow and bow before shooting symbolizes the rite of keiai as such.79 Since the two weapons enable one to aim at remote targets, they function as symbols for the swiftness but also for Meditation (jo) and Wisdom (e) which should be united in and force of Aizen's sanL~dhi,~' the effort to acquire the siddhis of Aizen's rituals." W e should remember in this connection that "flower arrows" (kazen) adorn the altar during rites addressed to ~ i z e n . ' ~ "As if he would aim at the brightness of all stars, a n d ujould thereby be able to accovzplish the Rite of Great Attraction." The commentators explain the stars at which Aizen is aiming as an allegory for "all living beings", since the stars govern the fate of these beings and for that reason may be called "essence of all living The stars do not shine by themselves, but receive their light as a reflection of that beings" (shuj~-sei).~' of the great sun (dainichi = Dainichi); in the same way the living beings are enlightened by the grace -)

-6

Oldenberg 1977, 66. About bow and arrow as emblems ~n Buddhlst ~conographycf. Hemm1 1970, 251-52; Saunders 1960,148. The flowers and names of Kama's arrows are listed by Liebert 1976, 210. Cf. also J . Auboyer, "L'arc et la fl+che dans l'lconograph~eancienne de I'Inde," A A

19,1956,173-85. Nakamura 1988,408. -8 K u r ~ ~ k ~1s~sometimes lla regarded as consort of Kama and is then often identified w ~ t hRan, Griinwedel 1968,149. For Pratyalidha-Bhairava cf. Hemm1 1970, 252. Takai 1969,380. R 0 Asaba-sh6, TZ 9, 300, 2. 81 K~zkuzen-sho,TZ j, 251, 3. Rr See the chapter on Ritual. Cf. also Kakuze~z-sh?,TZ j, 265 and Asnbn-,hi, TZ 9, 303. " Takal 1969,380. -L

1900,152;

Bhattacharyya

of Aizen. His shooting at the stars actually means the emission (h$ of light into the blurred minds of all living beings who thereby recognize their Original Buddha Nature (honnz~-busshfi).~~ Apart from these speculations there is a more concrete connection between Aizen-my66 and the belief in the role of stars for the fate of men. This idea is expressed iconographically by the variant of "Aizen Shooting into Heaven" (Tenkyu-Aizen) which will be treated in the next chapter. Anyhow, this special form of our god appears to be a direct illustration of the lines of the Yugi-kyo. +'lnhis louter left hand he holds 'that"' The verbal translation of this line is somehow misleading, since in most representations of Aizen it is not the lower, but the highest left hand which holds "that". It is the arm coming out of the rearmost shoulder of the deity. The hand in question is usually represented as an empty raised fist. The explanation of the symbolic meaning of this hand leads us into the fields of gross magic covered by the veil of deepest secrecy. The fist is supposed to contain "that" which the priest or the master of the ceremony aims at when performing Aizen's rite. The Ohara-ketsil by Ch6en (1016-81)~ says: i'This hand holds the symbol (sartzn~aya)of 'that' which the practitioner (gyoja) aims at [in his rite]. If therefore a certain master paints a representation [of Aizen] he shows among the six arms this hand as an empty one. Later on he can add the sar~znzaydaccording to his wish, and place it into that hand. After his wish has been away and replace i t by a new one according to his [new] fulfilled he can take this sar~~rtzaya intentions." There seem to have existed secred traditions which were handed down only orally and never brought into written form. Possibly the effect of the ceremony was merely visualized by the practitioner and not really represented pictorially.86The ~akuien-.rh$' quotes an anonymous master who wrote: "The hand shows the Seal of the Fist (ken'in) which contains nothing within its hollow. According to the rite performed one can visualize different things within it." But in a more philosophical sense the empty fist may also be conceived as embodiment of the Absolute Sphere of Great Enlightenment (dai-bodal-ho~kai).~~ When, during the Heian Period, a member of the court had the keiai rite performed in order to bewitch somebody of the opposite sex to fall in love with him, he wrote the so-called Great Formula (daiju) on a piece of red paper, using cinnabar as ink, and pressed it onto the inside of Aizen's fist if the figure was painted, or tied it onto the finger in the case of a sculptured image.89 This procedure .~' seems to have been applied also when Go-Sanj6-tenno wanted to inflict harm on ~ o - ~ e i z e iTo increase the effect, salt had to be added to the writing ink.9' T o acquire magical power (siddhi) one had to write one's wish onto the palm of one's own or the image's hand; therefore that hand was also called Siddhi Hand (joju-~hu).~' If the image of Aizen '"akai 1969,380. " The text is also named Shi,vij?-krlst~7-75, no. 2408. O u r quotation is from Asnba-shd. TZ 9, 30r,1, Cf. Takai 1969, 830.

"

8-

''

" I'

"

TZ 5,252,3. Bjakxbo-shi, TZ 10, I035,3. K~tkict'n-sbo,TZ 5, '53, I. Ibid.; see also the chapter on the Historical and Sociological Background lbld. Ibid., TZ 5, 252, 3.

raises his fist without a visible emblem in it, this could also mean that the deity is holding the so. ~ ~ terms leads us into the realm of darkest black magic as we called "human yellow" ( n i n k ~ )This know it from Lamaist Tantric practices. Ninko was the human counterpart to the goko, the "bile of the a , gi-u'ang or gi-hang, the latter being a transliteration of the cow" (Skr.: gorocand or r ~ ~ c a kTib.: Chinese term).94 It corresponds to the bezoar in the old oriental and medieval western medical science and was extracted from the bile of cattle. Indian Buddhist Tantrism has used it during the magical rite of Attraction (dkar~ana)which is so closely related to the keiai ceremony of Ai2e1-1.~~ But the East Asian Buddhist Ritual also knew of a Consecration by the Bile of Cattle (go;-kaji) in connection with the goddess ~ u n t e i . ' ~ The Kakuzen-sho 97 speaks of "human yellow" (ninkg) as corresponding to "that" in Aizen's fist, and defines it as a yellow medicine (koyaku) which is found in the body of a human being and also in that of cattle. If someone is able to obtain it he will reach the highest of all siddhis. The text furthermore states that the Dakinis, the well-known female deities of Tantric initiation, devour the hearts or the ninko of human beings and thereby get hold of the spirit of life (seiki) and attain highest siddhis. If the practitioner manages to eat the ninko he also reaches utmost power.98 The Kakuzen-sho 99 offers two explanations for the meaning of the "human yellow". The secular (seken) explanation states that the subtle force of life (seirei) and the subtle spirit (seishin) of the practitioner are hidden in Aizen's fist in the form of the ninko so that malevolent spirits are unable to get hold of them. According to the transcendental meaning, all living beings are impeded by obstacles (shg) on their way to Enlightenment, and these obstacles are symbolized by the globular form of the ninko. Using the lotus, the emblem of essential pureness, in his raised right hand, Aizen strikes at these obstacles, thereby removing the basic ignorance and leading living beings to the realisation of Buddhahood. A dramatic story about the "human yellow" is given by the Byakuhg-she: "In the first month of 1136 (Hoen 2) there was a ceremony held at the Uji-dono, and the practitioner revered and saw the Great Master's 'Buddha' of Takao. 'That' which the image grasped was red and resembled meat. It hung down from the fist and it was the ninko. The figure was an extremely old ' B ~ d d h a " ' . ' ~ ~ In a more allegorical manner the ninko is explained'o' as a royal heart or mind (kokuo-shin) at which all human beings aim as their highest goal, or it functions as spiritual center (ninsei or shinzg) of the practitioner and is activated during the rite.

j'

" 96

100

I01

Cf. 121 19 922, 54, S.V.goki, "bile yellow of the cow". This was a medicine extracted from the bile of a sick cow, expecially from a type called xmzu ( w h ~ c hhere hardly can really mean a rhinoceros). I t looks like the yolk of an egg, but gets hard when thrown Into water. P.U. Unschuld 1973, 171, calls it "Rinder-Bezoarstein". I t was also used In Tibetan medicine, cf. A. A r ~ s(ed.), Tibetan hfedical Paintiiz~i.Illuit~atio~zi to the Blzle BerjL treatise o,fSangye Gyanmo (16j3-17oj) (London: Serindia Publications, 1992), Text 63, 69; Plates 219, 235. Also Rechung Rinpoche 1973, 74. Medieval and early modern medical science also believed in the healing q u a l ~ t ~ of e sthis orpiment. Cf. Lonicerus, Kreuterbuch 1679, reprint Munich 1962, 748 ff. The corresponding orpiment extracted from the corpses of human b e ~ n g sseems to have been expecially effective. Already B. Laufer recognized t h ~ as s a loan-word from Chinese: Loan words in Tibetan, TP 17,1916, 528 (no. 223). Tsuda, Sa?~zz,arodaja Tantra, Tokyo 1974, 322. AID] 559. TZ 5, 252, I. Kozen's (1121-1203) Gojzkkaiz-~hfi41,also has a whole paragraph on the Diikinis eating the "human yellow", SZS 30,784, TZ 5, 252, 2. TZ 10, 1034, 2. l-z 5, 7-52, 3.

According to an anonymous masterIo2 the invisible "that" in Aizen's fist is explained as the basic Ignorance (mz~nzjo,aziidyd) which, according to Buddhist teaching since earliest times, is the main factor excluding all beings from Buddha's Enlightenment, but which is identified in Esoteric Buddhist speculation with just that Original Enlightenment (honkaku), since all opposites are dissolved into one higher union. Everything we have said up to now about "that" applies to the raised fist which does not seem to contain any material object. ~ ~ ~ "a certain master" as saying that Aizen may hold the character When the ~ a k z t z e n - s h oquotes "A" in his raised fist, the context does not make it clear whether the deity really holds the Siddham character, or whether it should only be visualized or imagined in that place by the practitioner. The character "A" is decribed in this context as "the sign of fate" (nzyGji) and it is said that it incorporates the "human yellow" which we have just dealt with. If the practitioner's doubts have not yet been cut off completely, the colour of this "A" should be red, but if his doubts have already been resolved, then the "A" has to be white. The ~ j a k z t h G - s h Gon ~ ~the ~ other hand explains the "A" in this case as the Seed Syllable (shztji) of the formless and invisible Mind (shin, citta) which is expressed by "that". Another text of the Samb6-in traditionIo5 writes that according to the Kongochi-kztketszt the character "Ah" as the Seed Syllable of Long Life (jan~yo-shaji)should be placed into Aizen's hand holding "that". In some representations the My66 grasps in his raised fist a disk which is usually coloured red.Io6 This seems to be an ancient iconographic tradition since the Asab~z-shd~' states, that there existed an old document which Huiguo had handed over to his pupil Kukai. The Aizen represented on this paper held a disk which looked like a red jewel. The same source quotes the monk Ryush6 (12651314) of the Ninna-ji who is supposed to have said: "If one lets him (Aizen) hold a round object, this is a luck-bringing specimen (figs. 6-i)." The attribution of this variant to an early period may be corroborated by two of the earliest Japanese representations in painted form, the one in the so-called Rishu-ky8-jZhaChi'e-nzandara in the ~ other one the famous hanging Nara National Museum, datable to the early Kamakura ~ e r i o d , "the scroll from the late Heian Period in the Hosomi collection.109 The red form is often explained as representing the solar disk which symbolizes the heart or mind (shin, cittd) of the living beings or the Lotus of the Originally Enlightened Mind (honkakzt-shinren)."O It then corresponds to the essence of all living beings which is, of course, spiritual (tanzashii), and should be seen as incorporation of the Mind of Enlightenment (hoddishin) present in all creatures. Especially the T6ji School of Shingon Buddhism seems to have focused its interest onto this disk as the essential symbol of Aizen.

102 'O'

Quoted TZ 5, TZ j, 252, 2-3.

Io4

TZ 10,1035, I.

Ioi

SZS 34, 661.

106 I07

108 109 I10

252, 2.

TZ 9,301, 2. TZ 5, 252,I-2. Illusrrated Tanabe and Ariga 1990,138, pl, j1 Ihid. 139, pl. 52. TZ 9,301,2.

Fig. 6 Aizen-my66, early variant holding a sun disk. Hanging scroll, colour and kirikane on silk, 121.5x64.5 cm. Late Heian Period, 12th century. M. Hosomi collection, Osaka.

The Asubu-sh6 says that this disk is sometimes, erroneously, explained as a lunar disk, so that Aizen is then to be regarded as sitting on the solar orb, shooting with his arrow at the stars and grasping the moon with his fist, thereby subjugating all the "three luminous beings" (sdnkii). An interesting explanation of the solar disk is offered by a Samb6-in text:"' "While the Great Master [Ktikai] stayed in Tang China an Aizen-my66 measuring five fingers [in height] was made. In the hand holding 'that' there was a sun disk which in reality was meant to represent that which was sought after [in the rite]. When [Ktikai] met Qinglong heshang [Huiguo] in Tang China he received that image according to tradition. When he returned home to Japan he imported Shingon Mikky6. Because in our country the Buddhist Teaching was used for the rescue of peace and the prosperity of the state, this was regarded as the object sought after for excellence and abundance. Therefore in Japan [the emblem held by Aizen] was explained symbolically as a sun disk."

In correspondance to ancient Chinese symbolism the red solar disk could sometimes contain a three-legged black bird thereby accentuating in a syncretistic manner the intended meaning (fig. The Helzku-sh6 by the priest D6ky6 (1200-36) has in chapter "Ah", dated 1233, the following account:I13 "In the second year of Kanki [ I L ~ OI ]saw and revered in the Henchi-in an icon (Raga-gj,ozg) without sun disk [as halo], having only the usual flames [as halo]. As 'that' it was holding a sun disk which contained a crow with three legs. Formerly [the representation oT] this sorz which is contained in the volume of the Great Master [Ktikai] as the basic text was kept as a precious treasure at Uji. It is an icon of sandalwood measuring five inches. Because it was transmitted there [directly] nobody knew of it. This is what everybody says. There is no precious vase, but only a kind of disk below [the figure]. By this ho7zzan the practice of [Aizen] with a sun disk [was started]. According to a prayer by the Great Master at the occasion of his return to Japan this icon was made and set up. Because it was [intended for the benefit of] the country of Japan (Nihonkoku) he let him hold the sun disk. [Essentially] this does not differ from the custom of letting him hold 'that' after which one strives. This is a very important fact."

The Nezu Museum in Tokyo owns a hanging scroll from the Kamakura Period showing Aizen with a sun disk which contains a clearly visible three-legged crow,I14 and a version with our deity holding only a bird without disk in his open palm is owned by the Ninna-ji.I1j But the round object could also be identified quite concretely with the "human yellow" treated above, or i t could be explained in a more speculative manner as symbolizing the transcendental Principle of Suchness (shinnyo-ri). The Japanese King of Lust comes close to the terrible deities of Tibetan Lamaism when he holds in his raised left hand a human head or even a whole human being (fig. q).116 This, a t first sight, disgusting feature again has its mitigating explanations. The head could stand for the "human 111 'IL

113 11.4

IT'

116

SZS 34,121, I. Ibid. T 78, 698,3. B~ographyof'Dokyo in Dantii K5roku. ZSZS 33,436-37; illDJ 1650,3. Tanabe and Ariga 1990,141, pl. 53. TZ 6, special ~llusrrationno. 29, between pages 302-3. Illustrations of both versions in Kukicen-.rho, TZ j, 247, ill. no. 54 (after a piece in the Shakamon-in) and 247, ill. no. 48, stemming from the same temple.

Fig. 7 Aizen holding the sun disk. Drawing from a Risbtl-kyzjzibacbi-e Mandzra. Kamakura Period. Nara National Museum.

Fig. 8 Aizen-my66 holding a sun disk with a three-legged black bird. After Daigo-ji ms. no. 165-29.

yellow", or it could symbolize the Original Ignorance (kompon-rnuvql~)as the source of all evil."' The magic aspect of Aizen is stressed when this head comes to play its role in the keiai ritual: If a man wishes to cast his subjugating spell over a certain woman, the head in Aizen's fist has to be that of a woman, and vice versa. Since most of the existing versions seem to grasp a male head by its hair, one might be tempted to conclude that in the majority of cases women used Aizen's magical powers to bring certain men into their nets."' A text from the Samb6-in tradition1'? elaborates the symbolic meaning of the human head by stating that i t contains six grains (roku-ri) which are identical with the ninno, the "human king" (probably to be explained as meaning ninko). W h e n someone dies, each month one of these grains or kernels emerges out of his head, and only after six months, when all the grains are out, is the person really dead. Therefore within these six months there is still the possibility of reviving the person by a ritual of Fud6 (Acala). Lastly, the object held in Aizen's fist is sometimes explained as a small pouch made of brocade (kintai) which must also be regarded as a magical object. Into this sack one has to insert the "human yellow" onto which the desired outcome of the rite has been written. The pouch is then hung over the hand of Aizen in the case of a sculptured image, or tied to his hand, when the icon is painted.IZ0 But according to the famous priest Ningai (951-1046) the wishes of the master of the altar (tanju) could also be written on a piece of red paper.121T h e sack itself was sewn together using strips of variegated brocade, but the main and middle part had to be red and stood for the lunar disk onto which one had to write the character "A". According to some texts the object in Aizen's fist should not be the same for all occasions, but interchanged according to the ritual performed. The ~ y a k u h F - s hsays ~ ~ that ~ ~ for Appeasing Rites (sokusai) it should be a wheel, for Augmenting (zoyaku) a jewe1,IZ3for Terrible Rites (ch5buku) a onepronged Vajra, for Subduing (keiui) a lotus, for Attracting (k5'-hF) a hookIZ4and for the Prolongation of Life (eriznzei) a piece of armour. Quite different is the set postulated by the ~esson-zakki:12'For keiui a human head, for control over a country a seal with the corresponding name, for luck (fuku) a Wish-Granting Jewel (nyoi-ho), for success in office a piece of paper with the name of the corresponding office, and for long life a ninno (i.e. ninka) (fig. 10). If we look back at the different explanations given for all the seemingly disparate details in connection with "that" in Aizen's upper left fist we can observe that they are lastly to be deduced from only a few basic meanings. This fist actually seems to hold the essential clue for an understanding of Aizen's function within the wide scope of ritualistic means and ends in Shingon Buddhism. W e have treated it here in a more exhaustive manner in order to document the wide range of possibilities within iconographic speculations of the Shingon School. 11118

IZO I21

2'1 IZi 124

IZ'

T z 5, 252, 3. T Z 9, 301, 2. SZS 34, 64, I . T Z 5, 257, I. T Z 7 , 301, 2. 7.7 10,1035, I. Cf. ill. T Z 5, 240, no. 47. Ibid.242, n o 49. TZ 3, 458, 2.

Fig. 9 Aizen-my66 holding a human figure. A variant in the Shakamon-in. After Kaktlzen-shii, TZ 5 , 247.

I.,

4 5

V4.J

5' Fig. 10 Six forms of Aizen-my66, holding different emblems in one of their left hands, used in different kinds of ritual. After a handscroll by Bansei, dated 1292. Daigo-ji ms. no. 163-4.

"And his [corresponding] right [hand brandishes] a lotas in the attitude of striking. The sum of all bad spiritual &ctors] usill rapidly be extinguished without any doubt." As counterpart to the left fist holding "that", his raised right hand has to be explained in correlation to that other hand. It brandishes a lotus which has not yet come to full blossom, but is only half opened and looks more like a bud. Its colour is white, turning into red near the tips of the petals. Red, appearing in several tints all over the icon of Aizen, is the colour of keiai as the basic ritualistic concept underlying our deity. That the red here turns into white - this colour being of the highest rank, because it symbolizes the Buddha Family (butsu-bu)- shows that the lotus as the "lovable flower" (Ra'ai no hana) is transformed into the Lotus of Absolute Purity of the Original ) . ~ idea ' ~ expressed hereby is that the pronouncedly mundane keiai has to Nature ( h o n s h ~ - s h ~ j ~ - r mThe be transcended into the realm of supra-mundane striving for Enlightenment. The attitude of striking means that Aizen is brushing away all obstacles impeding the attainment of "that" which he holds in his other hand.''' The rites of Aizen show certain differences from those of other deities. In spite of the keiai's close relationship to the procedure of negative and terrible Subjugating (gcbzbuka or chGbaka) it contains the connotations of compassion and love. Although it is said that Aizen strikes with his lotus at the Diikinis as demonic forces and also at all other malevolent spirits,128a more philosophic explanation transforms this striking into an act of deepest affection, comparable to that of parents who punish their child out of pure 1 0 v e . I ~In~ this manner Aizen uses his lotus to do away with all impeding attachments.

"By binding all the garlands offlowers and winding them together his body is decorated." The important Buddhist concept of Decoration or Splendid Arrangement (sh~gon,Skr.: vyiha, alapkdra, Tib.: bkod-pa, rgyan-pa) is here connected with the King of ~ u s t . ' ~That ' he is wearing red flowers as jewellery which are, by the way, rendered as golden ornaments in many pictorial representations, is again stressing his relationship to Kiima, the God of Love, who is similarly adorned. Also this trait accentuates the basic connotation of Reiai, that is of Reverence and ~ 0 v e . I ~ '

"He is in the sitting postare of tightly-bound crossed legs." The KaRuzen-~hfi'~~ quotes a commentary stating that Fud6 and other My66 are represented in the half-locked Yoga position ( h a n k a f a - ~ a )but ' ~ ~that Aizen, on the other hand, has both legs locked to the full Yoga posture ( k e k k a f u - ~ a ) which ' ~ ~ is charged with speculative esoteric meaning. The interlacing of the legs again symbolizes keiai by which the erotic conjunction of persons of different sex is aimed at. 126 'l7

128

IZ9 'jO 13' 'j2

133

T Z 5 , 253, I ; Takai 1969, 8 3 0 . Takai, Ibid. T Z 5 , 253, I . TZ 9 , 3 0 2 , I . For sbogon cf. Seckel1957,189ff, Takai 1969,380. TZ 5 , 253, 2. Cf. Saunders 1960,125-26.

Ibid.123-24.

The B3'akz~hG-shG135 gives the following explanation: "Since the Bodhisattvas still remain in the field of action (jago-ji) they sit in hanka-za. NOW,this deity Aizen rests in the Immovable Original Sphere @ado-hon'i) of Vairocana's keiai, therefore he sits in the Seat of the Tathagatas (nyorai-za) [i.e. fully locked] and is [in this respect] not resembling the other deities." "And he rests on a lotz~sOf'red coloar. " The meaning of the red colour and the lotus has already been dealt with. Of course here the red tint is that of Reverence and Love (keiai), and the lotus also is impregnated with the same meaning. Therefore the colour is appropriate for the seat of our deity.136 The A s a b a - s h ~ Igoes ~ ~ on to say that red symbolizes both keiai and chGbaku, i.e. loving and also aggressive subjugation, and that it should be praised as the colour of Final Accomplishment (joja, siddhi) of all living beings. The ~imirrzL~i-.rairnon-~iI~~ presents a play with negative and positive concepts balancing each other in typical Shingon fashion and finding their solution in transcendental identity: The lotus seat is "tinted without being tinted" @azen ni zen) which means the "original purity which is not affected nor tinted. This should be considered and perceived in a deep and mysterious manner." "Underneath this lotas there is a precioas vase ulhich t o u ~ r d sboth sides ejects jewels." The vase as the symbol of plenty is one of the oldest emblems in Buddhist iconography.139The commentaries identify it in our case with the Vase of Good Luck (kembyo, bhadrd-halaia, bhadraghat&) and explain it as an allegory of Augmentation (zGyaka,pausstika), one of the basic liturgical ' the T6ji School of Shingon seems to have added this vase forms in Esoteric ~ u d d h i s m . ' ~Especially to the painted icons of Aizen, whereas it is missing in earlier versions like the one which Kiikai is supposed to have brought back from china.14' In the Ono School the vase is not represented in direct contact with the lotus pedestal, but painted in front of it as a separate element of the iconographic arrangement.142A commentary on the Risha-kyG says that this is to be compared to icons of Marishiten (Miirici) where the sun disk is also placed in front of the figure.14j The T6ji tradition explains this vase as an emblem (sanznzaya) of the Earth Goddess Uiten, Pythivi) and therefore especially appropriate for the seat of this My66. Because the Earth brings forth all the different manifestations of worldly existence, so, in a similar way, this vase ejects the jewels. Figuratively the jewels may also stand for the results which the practitioner brings forth by Aizen's rite. The author of the Kakazen-sho offers his own explanation: The accumulation of luck to be attained by the invocation of this deity can be visualized by the Vase of Plenty and by the profusely spread out jewels in this icon.144 TZ 10,1036,2. 136 'j7

Tz 5, 2 5 3 J . TZ 9, 302, I. SZS 2, 216, 2. Saunders 1960,192-95. TZ 5 , 253, 2; TZ 9, 302, TZ 9,302, I. Cf. SZS 6,212, I. TZ 5, 253,3. TZ 5 , 2 5 3 , ~ .

liX

'" I4O 'jl l'' l''

It4

I.

CHAPTER 111 Iconographic Variants of Aizen-my66

A

part from the basic form of Aizen-my66 as it is described in the Yzlgi-ky8 and which we have just analyzed, there exist several variants which differ more or less from this basic form and which serve different purposes during the ritual. They are described and in many cases illustrated in the handbooks for ritual, especially those of the late Heian and the Kamakura Periods. As representative examples we may quote the voluminous Kakuzen-sbo, written between 1176 and 1213, and a handscroll, dated 1292, in the Daigo-jil which probably is based on the former text. The Daigoji also owns a small undated and anonymous booklet explicitly titled as "Drawings of the different forms of Aizen" ( ~ i z e n - i ~ ~ 3 - z u ) . ~

Already the text of the Yzlgi-Ay8 mentions an icon which is not really a variant in form, but rather only in size. I t is the so-called Aizen of five-finger-widths height (goshiryo-zo) made of sandalwood and worn near the body to enhance the magical effect. The Kakzlzen-sbd and the Bynkzlho-sho4 both declare this variant as a secret speciality of the Ono School and give several explanations regarding which finger should be used for measurement. The height of the icon corresponds to the width of five forefingers placed side by side or of the five fingers of one hand, the first version being usually applied. The practitioner either takes his own left forefinger or that of a woman. But also the nail of the middle finger could serve as basic unit. The different procedures result in differences of the actual height ofgoshiryo figures. I t is also stated that the hands and fingers of Indian persons are larger than those of Japanese and that therefore the icons could sometimes be larger than expected. The average size in Japan was about two son and five or six bu. Such images of small dimensions seem to have been used to avert calamities caused by sun and moon, and unusual celestial apparitions (ternben), but also against disasters on earth.j The "Records on the Continuous Magnificence of Aizen-6" (Aizen-3 Shoryzl-ki) written in the second half of the thirteenth century by an unknown priest of the T6ji tradition and published by Kushida 6 relates several instances when large numbers of images in this small size were made for special occasions. Zoshun (1084-1164)~ even had ten thousand goshiryo Aizen figures carved to achieve a favoured position at court and he actually became father-in-law of the Emperor. The text also records the occasion when ten thousand of such icons were set u p in the Sh6gonz6-in with eighteen priests performing an uninterrupted ritual for a long time. 8 Scored under no. 163-4, No. 165-29. l-z 5, 239, 2-3. 10, 1049, 2.

Cf. At~7tia-kaga7tii, encry of Kace~3rd year (1237), twelfth month, first day. Quoted by Tanabe and Ariga 1990,137 Kushida 1979, 2,819-41. AIDJ 1385. Kushida 2,833.

Fig. 11 Two versions of a Aizen figure five-finger-widths high (Goshiry6Aizen-26). After a handscroll by Bansei, dated 1292. Daigo-ji ms. no. 163-4.

'G-

-

Fig. 12 Bronze image of Aizen-my66 five-finger-widths high (Goshiryb-Aizen-z6), height 6.4 cm, and base plate with the dedicatory inscription. Executed in I297 by Jbin and his son Hideyoshi. Shbmy6ji, Yokohama.

When the noble Saionji Kintsune (1171-1244)~ escaped imprisonment by Emperor Juntoku during an attack on the hated Hojo family in 1221, he promised to make ten thousand images of Aizen in the size of five-finger-widths and he actually fulfilled this vow and installed the icons together with a larger central icon in the inner sanctuary (naijin) of the Jokyiishin-in, built specially for this occasion, and ordered eighteen priests to perform an uninterrupted ritual fudan-kuy~h~) for a long time. Each month, during day and night, the Formula of Aizen was intoned three hundred thousand times, and in all four seasons a seven-day goma was offered. Later on another ten thousand icons of that small size were made and set up in the outer sanctuary (gejin) of the temple. Ceremonies were performed at thirteen altars.'' It is a strange fact that in spite of the occasional mass production of Aizen images in this special small size only very few examples seem to have survived. They may have been of not very durable material and, being rather mechanically made, of not especially high artistic quality. The Zuzo scroll dated 1292 (fig. 11) in the Daigo-ji by Bansei and also the small undated album in the same templen illustrate three different versions of Aizen in the height of five-finger-widths, one corresponding to his usual iconographic form, one holding in his fist a rectangular object which seems to be a book, and one holding a human figure by its hair. Both texts do not give any explanations about these types. The Kakuzen-sho reproduces only the usual version of our deity. At least two sculptures of the Kamakura Period seem to represent this special form of the King of Lust. One is owned by the Kanshin-ji and is actually made of uncoloured sandalwood in exact correspondence to the Yugi-kyG postulation. Only eyes and mouth are tinted, and the strands of hair are accentuated by lines of kirikane. It is 6.2 cm high and of excellent workmanship, expressing the typical naturalism of Kamakura Period sculpture, enhanced by inset eyes made of pieces of rock crystal (gyokzlgdn). In 1360 the image was moved from the Imperial Palace to the Kanshin-ji, therefore it must be of an earlier date. The hexagonal shrine housing the image is probably of the same period.12 The other sculpture is the famous bronze image in the Shomyo-ji of Yokohama, dated 1297 and made by Sakon-no-nytid6 Join and his son To-no-Uemon-no-j6 Hideyoshi, who were both active as metal workers in the Kamakura area as well as at the Shomy6-ji and the Gokuraku-ji. The small icon, composed of about thirty pieces, is cast of bronze with gold and silver plating and inlay, and has a dedicatory inscription on its base plate. The figure is 6.4 cm high. The lacquered shrine has four Bodhisattvas painted on its back wall and doors which transform the whole arrangement into an Aizen Mandara (fig. 12).13 2.

Tenkyii-Aizen

Another form of our deity seems to illustrate the line in the Yagi-kyG which states that he holds bow and arrow "as if he were aiming at the brightness of all the stars". This is the so-called TenkytiKawade Shobo: Nihon Rekfshi Datjiten, Tokyo 1968, 5, 5. 'O

" I2

Ibid. 836. Daigo-ji nos. 163-4 and 165-29. Reproduced in T. Mae and G. Nagajima: Koji-junvei, Saikokn 2, Kanshin-ji, Kyoto 1981,pi. 45-46; Tanabe and Ariga 1990,147,pi.

59. Often reproduced, f.i. Tanabe and Ariga 1990,146, pl. 58.

Fig. I3

Aizen Shooting at the Stars (Tenkyii-Aizen). Besson-zakki, TZ 3, 462, fig. 185.

,. Wooden sculpture ofAizen shoot in^ Period, 12th century.Jind6-ji near Nara.

the Stars (Tenkyii-Aizen).Late Heian

Aizen or the "Aizen with the Heavenly Bow" (de l'arc c61este),14 or, translated more freely, "Aizen Aiming at the Stars". The Kakuzen-sho actually calls this version "icon shooting at heaven" (shaten-zF). In this variant he is represented with his bow shooting more or less vertically into the space of heaven. I t seems to be an early version of Aizen since it is attributed to the priest Enchin (814-91), who is reported to have brought back this form of the deity from China.15 But E'un (798-869), another early pilgrim to China, also is mentioned for his close connection with ~ e n k ~ i i - ~ i z eHne. ' ~ may be represented in front of a sun disk in the usual way, but also seated in front of a halo of soaring flames and holding a red sack in his fist, this latter form being identified with the famous honzon of Go-Sanjo-tenno made by Seizon.17 H e also may be shown holding a human head by its hair as an icon '~ the A~aba-shOrejects this version of the My66 as most suitable for grim chdukzt rites (fig. I ~ ) .Again, ~northodox.A ' ~ drawing of Aizen aiming at the stars, with one head and seated on a five-headed lion, called Daishin'y6-gy6z6, is revealed as a fake no longer in use.20 Some relatively early sculptures correspond to this variant, as for instance a wooden image in the Kong6bu-ji of the late Heian ~ e r i o d ; made ~' of hinoki wood and 49.5 cm high, and another one in the Jind6-ji near Nara (fig. I ~ ) . ~ ~

3. Aizen with Two Heads The version which symbolizes the notions underlying our deity most clearly is the Aizen with Two Heads (Ryozu-Aizen-6). Combining in his person two antithetic figures, he stands for the transcendental unity of opposites, especially of the male and female principles. H e therefore is the most suitable icon for rituals of Unification by Subduing (keiai-wag$. In this form Aizen-my66 does not appear in the text of the Yztgi-kyF and also not in the basic handbooks for ritual (giki). This version seems to have been transmitted mainly orally from master to pupil and only codified in later compilations. The two-headed Aizen must therefore be regarded as a later speculative form. Still, in some instances he is connected with the two variants by which the deity is mentioned and treated in the Yztgi-kj6, that is as Zen'ai-6 in chapter 2 , and as Aizen-6 in chapter 5 , the latter having been analyzed above.23 Zen'ai in this case represents the male aspect, experiencing attraction (zen) for women, and is regarded as an outflow of Dainichi-nyorai, whereas Aizen stands for the female aspect, for women love (ai) men, and is identifiable with Kongosatta (Vajrasattva). The two aspects are represented only by the two heads, the left face of Aizen being red with an angry expression of the My66, the right face of white colour and exhibiting the benign features of a Bodhisattva. The white body and the two emblems in the hands of the two-armed icon are those of Kongosatta, that is Vajra and bell, but there exist also four-armed versions. His head is emitting five'+ " I6 I-

18

'"z 20

" 22

HG16. F.i. K/nil/zm-shd, TZ 5, 239 and fig. 280. Daigo-ji no. 163-4. Daigo-ji no. 163-4. Bessut2-znkkt, TZ 3,462, fig. 185.

g,301, I.

TZ 12, bets~ishino. 35, after p , 1130. Private collection. Illustrated Tanabe and Ariga 1990, 144, pl. 56. Illustrated M a ~ n ~ cShimbunsha hi (ed.):Jl/yd Bl/ninzni 3, Chikukl/ 111, Tokyo 1973, no. 545 Cf. Vanden Broucke 1989-90,43-6 and 63-9,

Fig. 15 Aizen with Two Heads (Rybzu-Aizen), both faces with benign expression, but one head white, the other red. After a handscroll by Bansei, dated 1292. Daigo-ji ms. no. 163-4.

Fig. 16 Aizen with Two Heads (Ry6zu-Aizen), one head with benign, the other with fierce expression. Shoson-zuzii, TZ 3,695, fig. 19.

coloured light and he sits on a red lotus flower in front of a luminous moon disk (gdrbirin). H e may be surrounded in a mandara-like arrangement by seventeen or thirteen deities. In this form the twoheaded Aizen is described and illustrated for instance in the iconographic handscroll by Bansei of 1292 in the Daigo-ji (fig. 15).'~A text of the Samb6-in School adds the following information: "He [Ry6zu-Aizen] is the mother who is able to give birth (nosh;) to all Buddhas. Because [Kongolsatta represents the ability to give birth he is called Mother, not because he has a feminine a p p e a r a n ~ e . " ~ ~ The appropriate Germ Syllable (shzlji) for this variant is the double Hhiim and the Symbolic Form (sammaya-gy6) mostly the Vajra in Human Form (ningyc~-sbo).~~ The Kakuzen-.rho speculates that the Germ Syllables Hoh and H u m should represent the two aspects of the deity, and their Symbolic Forms should be half of a ningyo-sho for each of them, which, when joined together, form a complete Vajra in Human Form standing for the Five Kinds of Esoteric Knowledge (gorhi). This Vajra is then transformed during the visualization into the two-headed icon.27 A second variant of the Ry6zu-Aizen combines our My66 with Fud6 (Acala). This version which also is not cited in the older handbooks on ritual seems to have been created during the late Heian Period. Here the body and right head are those of Aizen and coloured red, whereas the left face is the blue one of Fud6-my66, or vice versa (fig. 16). The icon has eight arms, six like the usual form of Aizen, and one additional pair, the hands of which hold the emblems of Fud6, sword and noose. The Kanazawa Bunko in Yokohama keeps two small booklets of the Kamakura Period dedicated to this form of Aizen. One, written in 1297 by a priest called Enkei, is titled "Record on the Rite for King Aizen with Two Heads and Eight Arms'' (~yfia-happi-~izen-~-ki)~~ and provides the following information: "In the visualization I produce in front of my person a Land of Precious Stone (ryzlri-ji) in which there is a sea of water perfumed by the eight virtues. In this sea there grows a lotus pedestal with jade and a fire altar on top. In its center there is a precious flat stone [with flames] on which stands a precious vase with a sun disk on top. This again contains a lotus flower on which is seated the two-headed and eight-armed Aizen-6. His left face is that of Fud6, which is black and angry vannu) with open eyes and turned to the left. The right face is that of Aizen, being red, also angry and with three eyes.. . In the fourth pair of arms the left hand, being black like that of Fud6, he holds the noose (kenjakzl,pAa). The right hand, like Fudo's, brandishes a sword (ken, khaqiga) with flames".

The second booklet in the Kanazawa Bunko with a similar title2' explains the two heads on one body as symbolizing the Non-duality of Principle and Knowledge (rirbi-fzlni), the rest of its contents being of a highly magical character with invocations of this deity for black sorcery, for love magic, prolongation of life and for providential childbirth. The combination of Aizen and Fud6 is sometimes also called "King of Esoteric Knowledge [Helping in Case of] Calamities," Yakujin-my66 (fig. 17).j0Legend declares this icon to be a creation of Kfikai for Emperor Saga, which seems impossible since the figure does not appear in such import24

" 26

Daigo-ji 163-4. Also Kakuznz-shi, TZ j, pl. 281. SZS 34, 63, 2.

Cf. infra the corresponding chapters. TZ j, 254, 3. Inv. no. 292. " Inv. no. 307 (97)-I. R40tu-happt-Aizm-o-ki, by Vajra-Kham-A (Kenna), no date j0 iL1DJ 2179,2, also TZ 12, betsushl no. 36, after p. 1130. 27

Fig. I7 Yakujin-myb6, iconographic variant combining Aizen and Fud6. After TZ 12, betsasbi no. 36, after p. 1130.

ant and comprehensive compilations as the Kakuzetz-sb6 or the Bessotz-zakki. The version reproduced in TZ 12 has the attitude of a Tenkyii-Aizen and the lotus pedestal is placed on the back of a lion. The Aizen-myw-giki, written in 1156 by Kakuei and preserved as manuscript in the ~ a i ~ o - j i , ~ ' for the gaining of high official rank the invocation of a two-headed Aizen, one face being angry and red, the other benign and yellow. Among his emblems the Vajra in Human Form is quoted. The Mandara described by this text also gives an unusual version of the central Aizen.j2 Although it might be a coincidence, it is a fact worth mentioning that the S d b a n a - m d l ~in a Sadhana dedicated to Usnisavijayii lists a Acala-Takki-raja as a figure in the entourage of this deity.j3 To deduce from this quotation the existence of a similar version of the deity as combination of Acala and Takki-raja in the Indian Buddhist pantheon must remain a tempting speculation. Painted Japanese icons of this type of Aizen seem to be extremely rare. One is owned by the Kongobu-ji and kept in the Koyasan Reihokan (fig. 1 8 ) . This ~ ~ hanging scroll of the Kamakura Period has a ~Mandara-likestructure with the large main deity (bonzon) in the center and two smaller Bodhisattvas flanking an erect Vajra above. In the lower right corner a white elephant carries a boy shooting with bow and arrow at a demon-like figure above him. Corresponding in the left corner another boy on a lion aims at a fox-like animal running away in the center. Since Ry6zu-Aizen himself is "shooting at the stars" the combination of the three archers perhaps may be interpreted as destroying the so-called Three Foxes (satzko), which symbolize evil influences and are not necessarily represented by three foxes, but by a bird for heavenly calamities, a human figure for such of the human world and, lastly, a fox for noxious forces of the earth.j5 A similar painting, differing only in some iconographic details, exists in Japan, the present ownership being unknown to the author.36 Of course the two-headed Aizen plays a major role in the speculations of the heterodox Tachikawa Sect.j7 Yiikai in his Catalogue of Books of the Sacred Tachikawa R e l ~ g i o n(Tdcbikaz~ta-sb~ky6mokuroku) of 1374 cites three titles of handbooks for rituals combining Fudo and Aizen, probably referring to the two-headed form of our deity.'8 In the highly erotic speculations of this school centered around ritualistic sexual intercourse, which leads to a Union of the Two Drops (niteki-z~*ag~) and the bodily and spiritual experience of transcendental identification with the Absolute, the Fud6 part of the two-headed deity acts as man, the Aizen part as woman. The Kakugetz-sbo, written by Rend6 after oral traditions received from Kakukai (1142-1223), quite explicitly draws the comparison between the human love act and the twoheaded figure: "When two human beings, man and woman, go to bed wearing their clothes and cover themselves with these clothes, they appear like one body with two heads. This is the deepest mystery of wearing clothes. When one unites the [two parts ofj a Vajra in Human Form (ningyc-sho) to result

" 'l

j3

I' j6

-

Daigo-ji no. rjg-54. Cf. the chapter on the Mandaras. B. Bhattacharya (ed.), Si7dhunan2nlZ, vol. 11, Baroda 1968, p. 418, line 6. About Takki-raja see infra. Reproduced in rhe catalogue Art of KOyasan, Treasures ofthe hIediec,a/ and :\lodern Periods, Museum Keihdkan 1986, no. author would like t o rhank Rev. Koei Yarnaguchi for rhe possibiliry ro study and photograph this rare painting. Cf. Sh. Murayama 1990.365-66. Rijksrnuseurn voor Volkenkunde, Leiden: The E n ~ h ~\ Vl q qfTe6. Leiden 1980, cat. no. 12. Cf. infra. For the tale-headed form in the Tachikana Sect see Moriyama 1965, 137;hlanabe 1980,129. Moriyarna 1965, 583-87.

10. The

in one Five-Pronged Vajra (goko-sho)this figure is meant.. . This secret exists only in oral transmission."j9

But there are also more philosophical explanations, for instance in the Byakuh6-she: "This two-headed figure comes forth from the Spiritual Sea (shinkai)of Vairocana, because it floats on the water of Great Knowledge about the Great Compassion which is identical with the . . The two heads also originally existing character "Vam" as the Fruit of Buddhahood (bf~tsuka). symbolize Meditation and Wisdom (jo-e), the one body their non-dual appearance.. . The one body is the Unity of Loving Kindness and Anger (ji-shin)."lo

The Tendai tradition of Mikky6 seems to have rejected this special form of Aizen-my66, stating that it is transmitted mainly in spurious texts of the T6ji School of Shingon which should not be f~llowed.~'

4. Aizen with Four Arms The main handbooks on ritual also describe and illustrate a version of Aizen with four instead of the usual six arms (fig. 19).~'H e is called Vajra-King, Kong6-6, but distinguished explicitly from , ~being ~ a member of Ashukuthe Bodhisattva bearing the same name in the Kong~kai~ a n d a r ahe nyorai's (Aksobhya's) entourage. H e is regarded as transformation of Aizen-6 himself or of Aibosatsu, the latter being explained as identical with T a k k i - ~Two . ~ ~ different ritualistic traditions seem to exist for this deity, one based directly on the Yugi-kyo, the other on the KorzgGkai M a n d a ~ a . Kong6-6 is represented like a Bodhisattva, seated on a lotus throne in front of a moon disk (gachirin) with white complexion and a smiling face. H e is wearing the high crown typical for the Five Tathagatas. His main pair of hands in front of his chest holds the usual emblems of Kongosatta, Vajra and bell, the other two, a bow and arrow.

5. Aizen with Four Heads and Four Legs The ~akuzen-sho"15 and the Daigo-ji h a n d ~ c r o l (fig. l ~ ~ 20) both describe a rather complex icon of Aizen, which, according to some unidentifiable tradition, is supposed to have been brought from Tang China by the famous Tendai priest Enchin (Chish6-daishi, 814-91), which again seems highly improbable because of the early date of Enchin's activity. N o icon in sculptured or painted form has survived to our knowledge. W e therefore have t o rely solely on the ZuzG examples. Also no connection with special rituals is quoted. This Aizen is equipped with four heads, two flanking the large central one, and one smaller head above. Each face has five eyes, one of them placed high into the forehead. His hair stands on end and j'

Quoted by Moriyarna 196j, 141.

40

Tz 10.1037,2.

Sokzc~l,irz-ryr?in-s/3o;TZS 21, 253-29. " For instance Kokuzen-shii, T Z j, 2 4 8 , and ~ " R. Sawa 1972,121, no. 8 4' See below. TZ 5,257, I and pi. 288. 46 Daigo-ji 163-4 41

"

250,

also pi. 284; Daigo-ji nos. 163-4 and 165-29.

Fig. 19 Aizen-my66 with One Head and Four Arms. Kakuzen-sh6, TZ 5 , pl. 284.

Fig. 20 Aizen with Four Heads and Four Legs. After a handscroll by Bansei, dated 1292. Daigo-ji ms. no. 163-4.

Fig. 21 Aizen with Two Arms, in the variant as Takki-raja . Kakuzen-sho, TZ 5 , pl. 286.

Fig. 22 Aizen as By6d6-6. After a handscroll by Bansei, dated 1292. Daigo-ji ms. no. 163-4.

he wears a crown. The colour of his body is white with a tinge of blue. His two main hands hold bow and arrow in an attitude comparable to Tenkyii-Aizen, the other two form the usual fist and brandish a lotus flower. Instead of forming a fist the second right hand may also hang down loosely in a kind of va~ada-mud~z. The two left legs should be bent into the half-locked position, whereas the two right ones should hang down in front of the lotus. The god is seated on a white lotus flower in front of a sun disk, and the whole arrangement rests on the back of a grotesque lion with four heads, treading with each of his paws onto a coiled snake. O u t of the mouths of the lion heads Wish-Granting Jewels (nyoi-hgju) are seen raining down, in parallelism to the jewels emitted from the vase of Aizen's regular form.

6. Aizen as Takki-raja A comparatively simple form of our deity, sitting on a lotus flower in front of a sun disk, is holding an arrow horizontally with his only two hands so that the point of the arrow aims to the left. s e ~ ~corresponds to the Sanskrit name Takki-raja, this This version is called Taki-6 in ~ a ~ a n e which Indian deity being treated in the next chapter (fig. 21). When dealing with the Indian and Tibetan deities parallel to Aizen-my66 we will have the opportunity to analyze the strange designation "Takki". Here we would only like to mention that one of the most common Mantras for our deity from India to Tibet and Japan is: "Om Takki hiim jah". Takki-raja may be identified with By6d6-6 (cf. no. 7) since Takki is interpreted as synonymous with byOd0. But this version is also declared as identical with Kong6-6 and even with G6zanze-my66 (Trailokyavijaya). The iconographical details of the Japanese Taki-6 correspond in not one single instance with those of his Indian or Tibetan counterpart, only the names being identical.

7. Aizen as By6d6-6 It might be a surprise to see the Esoteric King of Lust even identified with the God of Death (Emma-ten). But in this function Aizen is treated in the important ritualistic and iconographic texts (fig. 22),48where it is stated that Aizen-6 is identical with Emma-ten (Yama) into whom Vairocana has transformed himself. In another visualisation Gozanze (Trailokyavijaya) changes into Kongosatta (Vajrasattva) or Kong6ju (Vajrapiini), who, in his turn, is transformed into Byodo-6, who, in fact, is Emma-ten. By6d6-6, the name corresponding to a Sanskrit Samaya-raja, "King of Identity", was according to tradition visualized for the first time in 922 by the priest Kangii ( 8 8 4 - 9 7 ~ )in~ ~the Hannya-ji, a story which again has to be accepted with caution because of the early date. In this connection it is stated that "this king destroys all calamities caused by death". The connection between the God of Death and the King of Lust may be established by the statement "that Emma-ten regulates the destinies of men and is therefore also called 'King who grasps the hearts' (Akushin-6)". His ritual was transmitted mainly in the Ono-School of Shingon-Mikky6. " 48

"

Kakuzen-shi, T Z 5,256 and pl. 286; Daigo-ji nos. 163-4 and 165-29. Kakuzen-shi, T Z 5,248 and pl. 283; Byakuhi-shi, T Z 10,1048; Daigo-ji nos. 163-4 and 165-29, etc. Biography o f Kangu in Denti Kiroku, ZSZS 33, 264-65.

By6d6-6 is represented to the viewer in a slightly diagonal position, seated on the back of a reclining water buffalo, just like the Buddhist King of Hell (Yama). His demeanour is benign, similar to that of a Bodhisattva, his body coloured red. In his right hand he holds a staff (danda, Skr.: danda) crowned by a human head, also similar to some Indian Yama versions. The other hand is stretched out, palm upward, or holds a red lump of flesh, explained as "human king" (ninnii) and perhaps identifiable with the Human Yellow (ninkc) which we have treated above. The deity may also be identified with Takki-raja, his usual Mantra being "Om Takki hum jah jah", which is explicitly called By6d6-6-shingon, hereby establishing an additional connection between the deities. A secret tradition quoted by the Byakzlh&sho states that there are two forms of Emma-ten, the peaceful appearance of which is called B y 6 d 6 - ~ . ~ '

CHAPTER IV Indian and Tibetan Deities Parallel to Aizen-my66

w

hereas the deities of the Japanese Mikky6 pantheon usually have their roots or counterparts in India, no direct prototype for Aizen-my66 as we have described him above is traceable either in the homeland of Buddhism or in Tibet. H e enters the stage for the first time in his basic text, the Yugi-kyo, the dating of which is under question.' The important position which Aizen occupies in Japanese Mikky6 speculation is by no means shared by the gods of the Indian or Tibetan pantheon, even when they have a certain affinity to him. W e therefore probably have to regard the complex figure of Aizen as we meet him in Japanese Shingon as a creation taking place in Tang China, either by an immigrant Indian priest or some highly educated Chinese monk.

A certain hidden connection must exist between the Indian deity called Takki-raja and the Japanese King of Lust, the connecting link being demonstrated by the Mantra "Om Takki hum jjah", which is uttered during the rituals for some deities over the wide geographical area extending from India through Tibet to China and Japan. Whereas the gods invoked by this Mantra have hardly anything in common formally, they are tied together in prayer by this strange formula, the meaning of which is rather obscure. The explanations common u p to this date connect the enigmatic name Takki with a certain country or population in Northern India. Coins with the inscription "Trakata janapada" (Country of Trakata) which were discovered by archaeologists might give the original Sanskrit name for that state or country which in Prakrit could have changed to " ~ a k k a " . 'A "Takka-deSa", corresponding to a region in northern Panjab, is mentioned in the RZjata~ariginZ of about 1148-49. Already in 1871 Alexander Cunningham devoted a chapter to the ethnology of ancient India in which he places the Takka region or people to the north-east of Gujarat near the border to K a ~ h m i rG. ~. Tucci in his discussion of the god Takki-raja calls him a naiud~ika,a local deity, of Takki, which he locates in the region near S i a l k ~ t . ~ Linguistic rules let such identifications appear absolutely possible, the change from a dental "T" in combination with an "R" in Sanskrit to a "T" with palatal pronunciation in Prakrit being quite common. But the circumstances under which this Takki-raja is represented in the Indian Buddhist pantheon justify some doubts in regard to such geographic speculations. In all known cases the Mantra only contains the name "Takki" without the qualification as "raja". The question then arises why the name of some rather unimportant country or population should take such a relatively prominent position in the ritual of Esoteric Buddhism. W e therefore prefer to offer another ex-

Cf. the discussion by Vanden Broucke 1989-90, p. V11 ff. Oral information given to the author by Prof. B.N, hlukherjee, Calcutta, and Prof. Biswanath Banerjee, Santiniketan M.A. Stein 1979, I , LOT. Archaeological Survej of India, Reports, vol. 11, Sirnla 1871, 6-11. Tucci 1949, 2,616.

planation that, in its turn, presents some linguistic difficulties concerning the palatal " T " , ~but, on the other hand, adds some interesting meaning to the enigmatic name. In addition it seems to have also come to the mind of at least one medieval Japanese priest. This hypothetical explanation is based on the Sanskrit verbal root sthag- which has the meaning of "to cover, to hide, to conceal"' and changes into thak- in ~ a l i . 'The difficulty lies in the step to a palatalisation of the "T" in Prakrit which seems impossible to some linguistics, although in some cases this step seems to have been taken. At least the Japanese priest K6zen (1121-1203) in his Gojikkan-sh$must have directed his speculations in this direction when dealing with Taki-6 (Takki-raja), whom he identifies with Aizen or rather with his two-headed version Zen'ai. H e then goes on with etymological considerations, giving several equivalents to the Chinese character zo (to hide, to conceal, to hoard, etc.) among which he also quotes our takki, the other Sanskrit equivalents being koSa, garbha and pitaka. All of these Sanskrit terms have as one of their basic meanings "to contain, cover or hide". If we accept these speculations we would arrive at the fascinating name of "Hidden or Concealed King" for Takki-raja, which would be perfectly in harmony with his essential function and position in Esoteric Buddhist thinking. Perhaps this explanation may be corroborated by a Mantra which is quoted by another Mikkyo text dealing with Aizen, according to which the Mantra "Om Vajra-guhya" (Vajra-Secret) should be repeated one thousand times in the ritual for Kong6-6, who actually is Aizen." Other explanations connect the term takki with function and force of the Vajra during the Aizen ritual," or with an exclamation during the rite in order to call the deity down into presence.12 The deduction from the name of some aborigines for takki leads D. Snellgrove to the meaning "wild", so that Takki-raja would have to be translated as "Savage in^".'^ M.-Th. de Mallmann speculated in the same way in giving as meaning for Takki "grippe-sou, pingre" and "ladre".14 The original meaning of takki may perhaps remain "hidden" forever, since it may be the name for our deity in some unknown local language or dialect in Northern India. After playing with such etymological speculations we would now like to focus our attention on Takki-raja himself. Compared with the Japanese Aizen-my66 the position of Takki-raja within the Buddhist pantheon of India seems at first glance disappointing. Whereas Aizen has a decisive individual character in Mikkyo thinking, the Takki-raja makes his appearance only as member of a group of deities. H e is one of the Protectors of the Heavenly Directions, presiding over the south-eastern region, called Agni in Sanskrit.15In nearly all iconographical details he differs from the Japanese Aizen: H e is blue, has three heads and six arms; four of the six hands hold a blue staff, a sword, a jewel and a lotus

I0 I1 12 I3

I4 I'

vanden Broucke 1989-90,87-90. Monier-Williams 1261. Chtlders 502; Pali Text Soczetj Dirtiondry 307. SZS 31, 923. Biography of Kozen tn Denti Kirobn, ZSZS 33,494. Anrjci-denju-kilo, SZS 34, 350, I. Hatta 1985,48, no. 286. Yoshida 1970, 25, no. 20. Snellgrove 1987, 142. Snellgrove explains yabbijjah in the Mantra as "savage-born", but tn fact the two words should not be , drawing connections to ~aivaism. combined into one. He also quotes Tabbara as an epithet for ~ i v athereby De Mallmann 1975,366. Among the JClni-ten of Japanese Mikkyo, fulfilling the same function, it is still really Agni (Katen, the God of Fire) who protects the south-eastern quarter. Goepper 1988,180-85, nos. 42-3.

flower.16A similar description is given by the Guhyasamdja-tantrd" where he is explicitly also called vi&rdja, this term correponding to the Japanese niy66, "King of Esoteric ~ n o w l e d ~ e " . ' ~ Three texts of the Sddhanamdld list our god as a member of the four protectors of the intermediate heavenly directions, the others being Niladanda, Mahabala and Acala.19 The four are also part of the Ten Wrathful Gods (daja-krodhdb) in charge of protecting the four cardinal and the four intermediate heavenly directions, together with zenith and nadir (figs. 23-26).20 In analogy t o an example in the Indian Sddhanamdld we find the four protectors of the intermediate directions listed in the U~ni!avijayd-dhdrani (Usbinisha-S@-kyg) translated into Chinese by Faxian between 973-85.21 Whereas Takki and Niladanda are here rendered phonetically, the names of the other two gods are translated as Budong (Fudo, Acala) and Dali (Dairiki, Mahabala). The gods also appear in other texts translated by Faxian, for instance in the important AiahdjdlaMahdtantra (Yuga-kyO, T 890) in a complicated Mandala with Vairocana in the center where they protect the four c o r n e r ~ . ~ ~ T a k k i - ris, a japart a of this quotation, mentioned several times in the Yugak y ~ as , also his antra.^^ The text describes a visualization of the deity,24according to which the practitioner should, after first meditating on Fud6, visualize the character "Hum", which is transformed into Great Knowledge (daichi), and again is changed into the figure of Takki-krodhavidyaraja having the colour of a blue cloud and equipped with three heads and six arms, each face showing three eyes. H e is wearing a crown (hgkan) decorated with a Buddha figure. His frontal face is smiling, the left one is angry and yellow, the right one white with protruding teeth. Two of his hands are joined in the so-called Takki-mudrd, the two other right hands holding Vajra and arrow, the left ones the PrajEdpdramitd-szltra in form of a book, and a bow. The god emits red light and is seated on a lotus flower, one of his legs hanging down in front. Below the deity, frightened demons pay their adoration by performing the AEjali-mudrd. At least two of his emblems, bow and arrow, can be connected with the Japanese Aizen. The special Takki-mudrd is described elsewhere in the Yuga-kyij:25Both hands form the so-called Vajra Fist (uajra-mu!?i, k o ~ ~ ~ - k ethe n )fists , ~ ~being placed back to back, the two small fingers hooked together like a chain whereas the two middle fingers stand vertically erect in the expression of Subduing in black magic (ggbuku). Another text translated by Faxian is explicitly dedicated to the Ten Wrathful Gods, the JzZ-funnumyah--kyO(T 18, no. 891), including Takki-raja who is described practically in the same words as in the preceding text. Perhaps we may see here the missing link between the Indian and the Sino-Japanese versions of the King of Lust, developed further in the speculations of some unknown priest in Tang China. 16 I' I8

"O 'S

Bhattacharyya 1968, 254, quoting the Ni!panna-YogZvaIT, GOS ed. no. 53, Baroda 1967, 71.

Ibid. 156. 26, 137, no. 67, Sidhana for Siddhaikavira-Maiijughosa; GOS 41, 415-18, no.

211, Sidhana for Usnisavijaya; Ibid. 419-20, no. the same goddess. In this context Takki-raja is illustrated by Lokesh Chandra 1987, I , 121, no. 185; I , 125, no. 201; also I , 155, no. 321. T V , 409, I (Tno. 978) T 18, 561, 2. 161d.571, I; j72,j. Ibid. 566, 3. 212, for

20 21

22

23 I4 2'

26

Ibid. 575, I. Saunders 1960,102-7 and P~CIOTILZI Index no. 114,

Fig. 23 Takki-raja from a group of ten Krodha Deities. Pantheon of the Mongolian Kanjur. After Lokesh Chandra, Buddhist Iconography, I , 125, no. 201.

Fig. 24 Takki-riija from a group of ten Krodha Deities. Pantheon of the Mongolian Kanjur. After Lokesh Chandra, Buddhist Iconography, I , 121, no. 185.

Fig. 25 Takki-raja as single deity (ekavira). From agroup of four protective deities. Pantheon of the Mongolian Kanjur. After Lokesh Chandra, Buddhist Iconography, I, 155, no. 321.

Fig. 26 Takki-riiia. From a Tibetan album with ZOO deities. ~ f ; e S.F: r ~ l d e n b u r"Sbornik ~, isobrazenij joo burchanow po albomu Asiatskago Muzeja." Bibliotheca Buddhica V, Sankt Petersburg 1903.

In Tibet Takki-raja is integrated also into the entourage of the protective wrathful god Mahakala, for instance together with Ksetrapala, Jinamitra and Taksad-Mahakala forming a group of four Yaksas accompanying a central six-armed N a t h a - M a h ~ k i i l aHere . ~ ~ at least the god has the red colour But he may also of Aizen but is only two-armed, holding the noose and forming the Tafyani-tfu~df*d. be represented in yellow colour and brandishing a trident. J a l goddess i~~ Cunda, who moved In a Kalacakra-ma~daladescribed by the ~ i ~ p a n n a - ~ o g Z zthe already at an early date, possibly in the second century A . D . , from the Indian into the Buddhist pantheon, is mentioned as consort of our Takki-raja. All these quotations from Tantric literature outside Japan document the rather heterogeneous nature of Takki-raja, which differs so sharply from the well-organized conception of Aizen-my66 in Japan. 2.

RZga and K5ma

Whereas it was possible in the case of Takki-raja to trace a certain connection to the Japanese Aizen by the Mantra "Om Takki hum jjah", some other Indian deities with the element Rdga or the related Kdma as a component in their names are difficult to link directly with the Mikky6 pantheon. They belong to quite different layers in the hierarchy of deities and, in some cases, seem to have the term Rdgd only as a qualifying characterization in their names, without really embodying the key notion of "Lust" or "Loving Emotion". In a Sadhana addressed to Dharmadhatu-Vagiivara, a special form of the Bodhisattva ~ a i i j u i r i , ' ~ we find him characterized as Maharaga and as Maharaga-vajra. He is filled with the sentiment of amour (iyngdra), which might have provoked his designation as "Vajra of Great Lust" and, in addition, among the emblems in his eight hands there appear bow and arrow, Vajra and bell, parallel to Aizen, and the book Prajn"dpZravzitd, which we have also come across in a certain version of Takkiraja. A simpler version of MaBjuSri with one head and only two arms is also named Vajraraga without any obvious connection to Aizen or Takki-raja (fig. 27).?OHe is a member of the sixteen Bodhisattvas in the L7ajradhZtz-ma?z&aIaand impersonates the notion of freedom from perceiver (grdhaka) and the perceived object (grdhj~a)." The Tibetan Buddhist pantheon contains the deity 'Dod-rgyal dmar-po (Skr.: Rakta-Kamaraja or ~ a g a r a j a )who , ~ ~has no formal connection whatsoever with the Japanese Aizen, but who is invoked again by the well-known Mantra "Om Takki-raja hum phat". Lastly, we would like to mention two groups of deities embodying typical Buddhist faults, one of them being Lust. They act as protective deities and are in one case directly linked with the wellknown group ofthe Pafica-raksa, the Five Protectoresses. z7

'"05

30

''

Lokesh Chandra 1987, I , 112, no, 150.Nebesky-Wojkowitz 1956,39,40,43 ed., p. 89; quoted by Bhattacharyya 1968,222. Cf. also P. Niyogi, "Cunda-a Popular Buddhist Goddess," East and Wat,N.S.

27,1977,1-4. SPdhanas nos. 62 and 63, S&z%ananzdid~, 128-129; cf. also Bhartacharyya 1968,104 and De Mallrnann 1975,255 Bhattacharyya 1968,102-3. Wayrnan 1971,360. Lokesh Chandra 1987, I , 208, no. 521

Fig. 27 Rad Karna-rajaor Takki-raja. From the Narthang Pantheon. After Lokesh Chandra, Buddhzst Iconogmphy, I , 208, no. 521.

In female form this group is enumerated in four Siidhanas, one directed to the goddess ~ a i r a t r n ~two a , ~to~ the saviouress Tara3%nd one to Krya-~ratisara,?5who functions as the central figure of the ~aiica-raksa.l6 W e here find a Raga-vajrii or Riiga-vajri or Raga-vajrika, standing for Lust, grouped together with Moha-vajra for Stupidity, Dvesa-vajrii for Hatred, Miitsarya-vajra for Jealousy, and kya-vajrii for Envy. The deities preside over organs and parts of the human body, Riiga-vajrii being in charge of the stomach (vuktru).Among the PaAca-raksii she is joined with Mahiimantriinusiirini. A male and wrathful counterpart to this group is found among the wall paintings in Tsaparang, Western Tibet, where a series of Yamantakas is arranged around a central Vajra-Bhairava, one of them called 'Dod-chags g~in-rje-gfed,which would correspond to a Sanskrit ~ i i g a - ~ a r n i i n t a k a . ? ~ If, after this survey of non-Japanese deities parallel to Aizen-my66, we now draw some conclusions, we must admit that we could not find and will probably be unable to find in the future, direct prototypes to our deity outside East Asia. The notion of Lust (rdgu) which will be treated in greater detail in the chapter on the dogmatic background, apparently gained form in different ways in the Esoteric Buddhist pantheon, sometimes expressing its negative, but sometimes also its positive aspects, quite in keeping with common Tantric speculations. This perhaps may support our conviction that the figure of Aizen was not born on Indian soil, but created during the Tang Period in China.

S2dhatzarrl2lZ 2,450, no. 225. Ibid. I , 198, no. 97 and I , 224-36, no. 110. " Ibld. 2, 405-13. j6 Bhattacharyya 1968, 302-6; De Mallrnann 1975, 289-9s " Tucci, Indo-Tibetica 111, 2,90 and pl. XXXIII.

'' j3

CHAPTER V The Mandaras of Aizen-my66

M

andaras with the King of Lust as the central figure exist in several variations. It is a strange fact that the Yzlgi-kyJ as basic text for this deity does not contain a description of a Mandara dedicated directly to Aizen.' Even Toganoo in his classic study of Mandaras is not very informative in the case of Aizen.' H e only describes the main types briefly without going into a deeper analysis of their meaning or symbolic implications. H e also states that there seems to be no early text known on which the Aizen Mandaras could be based. In any case, three main types were developed in Japanese Mikky6 which we would like to describe. I.

Mandara with Thirty-Seven Deities

This Mandara is the one which, according to MDJ, is deduced from the original text of the Yagik y ~ f o which r we could find no evidence in the Sutra i t ~ e l fStrangely .~ enough the MDJ continues that this type does not appear in the iconographic handbooks (zazg), where we also could not find it, but that it is only realized during mental visualization (hansG). Its structure, as sketched out by MDJ, is quite close to the JJjin-e, the central field of the Japanese KongGhai Mandava, but also to a Vajradhiitu Mandala and to one for Vajrasattva according to the Ni~pannayogdvali,representing the Indian tradition of Tiintric B ~ d d h i s mInstead .~ of Dainichi (Mahiivairocana), Aizen here occupies the central position, surrounded in the cardinal directions by the Four Tathagatas (shibzltszl),which are flanked in this first circle of the entourage by the Four Piiramitas (Haramitta), placed in the corners. The central field is surrounded in the next circle by the Sixteen Great Bodhisattvas UCiroku-Daibosatsu) in groups of four, the corners of this circle being occupied by the Four Inner Deities of Offering (Naikuy6-bosatsu). In the outermost circle the "doors" are guarded by the so-called Four Gathering Deities (Shish6-bosatsu) and in the corners we find the Outer Deities of Offering (Ge-kuy6-bosatsu). These groups of divinities will be treated while describing the Mandara with Seventeen Deities. Character and placement of all of these groups agree very well with early variants of the Vajradhiitu Mandala originated in India and later expanded and developed into the much more complicated Japanese KongGkai M a n d a ~ a Since . Aizen-my66 is regarded as a special manifestation of Dainichi, who is the main deity of the KongJkai Mandara, his position in the center of the Mandara with thirtyseven figures has a certain speculative foundation.

'

'

IMDJ 4 states that the Aizen Mandara with thirty-seven deities, which we will treat presently, is based on the Yzgi-kji, but there is no proof for this supposition. Mandara no kenkjzz 1927 (reprint as vol. IV of Toganoo Zenshi, Koyasan 1982), 386-87. The only Mandara with thirty-seven figures described by the Yzlgi-kqi is one for Bursugen (Buddhalocani), 7 18, 263, I; Vanden Broucke 1989-90,133-34 and 279-82. B. Bhartacharyya, "Nispannayogavali of Mahipandita Abhayakaragupta," GO3 CIX, Baroda 1949, M a d a l a s no. 3 and 19.

2.

Mandara with Seventeen Deities

This Mandara (fig. 28) is based on the notion that Aizen may be identified with Kongosatta ( ~ a j r a s a t t v a )and , ~ Kongosatta again with Kong66-bosatsu (Vajrariija) whose ritual rests on the text of the KongG-bosutsu-giki, translated during the second half of the eighth century by Amoghavajra (705-74) in This text contains the description of a Mandara of Kong66 with seventeen divinities, which seems to have been transformed into a Aizen Mandara by just exchanging the central figure. But there is also a close similarity, if not even to a certain extent an identity, with the Rishu-e, the Assembly of the Guiding Principle, in the upper right corner of the KongGkai Mandu~u. There again Kongosatta has the central position, so that the transfer to Aizen must have posed no great difficulties. Anyhow, the number "seventeen" is impregnated with deep ritualistic meaning. It is composed of the number "one", forming the spiritual center from which the whole setting is derived and which carries the basic meaning, and of "four times four". Two times "four" stands for the cardinal and the intermediate cosmic directions, which is doubled in two concentric circles of different numinous quality and value. Therefore the number "seventeen" is imbued with cosmological and speculative symbolism of a high degree and could be used as a pattern for different Mandalas with a mystic character. The Aizen Mandara with this number of figures is quoted and described in several important ritualistic texts on our deity and there also exist painted formulations of a comparatively early date, like the one of the Zuishin-in in Kyoto of the thirteenth century.7 Because of its close affinities to the Rishu-e we will apply explanations given for this field of the KongGkui Mundura also for the Aizen version. The center of the Mandara is occupied by Aizen-my66 in his basic form as we have analyzed it in detail above. In the inner circle (nai-in) surrounding him directly he is accompanied by four Vajrabodhisattvas (shi-Kong6-bosatsu) embodying the fundamental human emotions. Below, that is in front, and therefore to the east of him, sits Yoku-kong6 (Igii-vajra), the personification of Desire, to his right (left to the viewer) in the south Soku-kong6 (Kelikila-vajra), standing for Touch, above to the west is Ai-kong6 (Riiga-vajra), symbolizing Lust, and to his left (right to the viewer) corresponding to the north, we meet Man-kongo (Mana-vajra), impersonating Pride. The Small Desires (shoyoku) symbolized by these four figures have to be transformed during the ritual into means to acquire the true Mind of Enlightenment (bodaishin); they, therefore, stand for the famous Mikky6 dictum which is also expressed by Aizen himself: "The Defilements, they are Enlightenment" (bonno sokzl bodui?. In correspondance to these four Vajras, expanding their symbolic meaning, we find in the corners of this inner circle the Four Vajra Ladies (shi-Kongojo-bosatsu). Each Lady is situated to the right (left of the viewer) of her companion, her name being identical with his, apart of their characterisation as female (jo, vujrinz?.Again we are confronted with the Mikkyo idea of a pair of opposites, together forming a higher transcendental unity. The following group of four figures, placed into the corners of the outer circle (ge-in) of the Mandara, differs from the one in the Rishzl-e of the Kong~huiAlunduru. Whereas in the latter we meet

an^.^

' '

AlDJ4. 7 20, 570-75, no. 1132. The Mandara 1s described p. 573,~-3. Treated In Btjztju Kenkjl17,1gj3, 209-10; also Tanabe and Ariga 1990,219, pl. 85.

Fig. 28 Aizen Mandara with Seventeen Deities. Hanging scroll, colour on silk, 1 2 1 . 8 ~ 9 1cm. . ~ Kamakura Period. Nezu Museum, T6ky6.

here the so-called Inner Offering Deities (nai-shi-kuy6-b0satsu),~the Aizen Mandara applies the Outer Offering Deities (ge-shi-kuy6-bosatsu): At the lower left corner we find Kong6-ke-bosatsu (Vajra-puspii) standing for the offering of flowers to the central deity. To the upper left is Kong6-k6 (Vajra-dhupii) as the incense burnt for Aizen. At the upper right sits Kong6-to (Vajra-iilokii) representing the lamps lit during the ceremony. And at the lower right we have Kong6-zu(k6) (Vajra-gandha) symbolizing the unguent by which the body is ~ e r f u m e dBoth . ~ groups, the Inner and the Outer Offering Deities, express the idea of veneration of the central deity by offering the precious materials usually dedicated during the ritual. But they also stand for the grace which the central god confers on those who adore him. In some cases, for instance in the Mandara of the early Kamakura Period kept by the Zuishin-in of Kyoto, the corners of the outer circle are occupied instead by four divinities representing the Four Seasons (shi-ki-bosatsu). The last group of four deities is placed in the middle of the sides of the outer circle corresponding to the four portals leading into the Mandara. As in many other Mandaras, gods in this situation function as Guardians of the Gates, protecting the Mandara as a whole. In our case they are the socalled Four Gathering Deities (shi-sh6-bosatsu, samgraha-bodhisattva),'O represented sometimes by the Four Vidyas (shi-nzyg), magic syllables which we will meet in the discussion of Aizen's Mantras. They symbolize the different steps of the magico-mystic act of forcing the deity down from his transcendental abode into the presence of the practitioner, but in a more esoteric explication, applied in our case, they also represent the different phases of guiding the believer from delusion to Enlightenment. "They are an expression of the compassion which gathers those sentient beings which are to be transformed, and does not abandon them."" These divinities belong to the ancient stock of Tiintric goddesses, applied in corresponding places on several Indian Mandalas treated by the ~ i ~ p a n n a ~ ~ o ~ ~ u a l i . ' ~ In Aizen's Mandara we have at the bottom gate Kong6-k6-bosatsu (VajriinkuSa), representing the goad or hook by which the deity is attracted into the presence of the priest, or, in philosophical interpretation, by which sentient beings are drawn into the realm of religion. The corresponding Seed Syllable (shzlji, b+) is "Jah". To the left is Kong6-saku (Vajra-paia), the rope or noose pulling in (in'nyzl) the deity or the believer, represented by the Syllable "Hum". At the top is seated Kong6-sa (Vajra-sphota), meaning the chain which arrests the invoked divinity or "secures beings with the Vows of Great Compassion, crushing their heretical views and [causing them] to abide in the Highest Awakening in the firm, infinite and irreversible Great palace."13The corresponding Syllable is "Vam".

10

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Kongd-kike (Vajra-lisi, "Joy"), Kong6-man (V.-mili, "Garland"), Kongd-ka (V.-giti, "Song") and Kong6-bu (V.-nrtH, "Dance"). Cf. Snodgrass 1988, 2 , 623-26. For this group see Snodgrass 1988, 2, 626-29; also Astley-Kr~stensen1991,93. Snodgrass 1988, 2, 629-33. H e calls them Bodhisattvas of Attraction. See also Astley-Kristensen 1991, 95 and 120-21. Astley-Kristensen 1991,95. Bhattacharyya 1949, 40 (Hevajra Mandala), 51 (Yamiri M,), 54 (PaficaraksH M,), 56 (Vajradhitu M,), 61 (Dharmadhitu-VHgiivara M,) and 69 (Durgatipariiodhana M,). Snodgrass 2, 632.

Fig. 29 Shuji-mandara for Aizen, using the seventeen syllables of his Large Basic Mantra (dui-kor/pon-shingon): Orrz ~ I U ~ Z Y Z V~ uUj r o ~ ? zVuj~usuttvu ~u jab hz@zvunz hoh. Byukahokkasho, TZ 7,116.

Fig. 31 AizenMandara with Seed Syllables. Supposedly brought from China by Kukai and transmitted to his pupil Shinga. After Besson-zukki, TZ 3 , 4 6 5 , ~ .

.

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fi 4 i4(

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Fig. 30 Two versions of a Mandara with Seed Syllables for Aizen, using the seventeen syllables of the Mantra: O p hlah~sukha Vujrasattva jab h i p va?n hob suratas tvup. Byukz~hokka-S&,TZ 7,115.

Lastly, we see to the right Kong6-rei (Vajra-ghantii) embodying the bell used by the priest in his ritual. Symbolically it stands for the sound of joyous bliss arising through the presence of the god or of the sentient being having attained irreversible Enlightenment, the Mantra being "Hoh". There are still other meanings implied by the Gathering Deities, as for instance the human senses, but to treat them here would lead us too far astray. Whether it is just a coincidence or the result of careful calculation is difficult to decide, but luckily for the priestly speculators the Basic Mantra (kovzpon-shingon) of Aizen consists of exactly seventeen syllables: Onz AIahdrdga Vajro~pQaVajrasattz~ajjah hfinz zlanz hob. Its syllables could therefore without difficulties be used to represent the seventeen deities of his Mandara. W e actually find a Mandara of Seed Syllables (shuji-nzdndard) with the characters of this Mantra, supposedly devised by the priest Gen'un (1112-SO), in the Byakahokka-sh8 (fig. 29).14 Starting with a central "Om" for Aizen himself, the syllables are arranged in two circles in exactly the same places as the figures in human form in the usual Dai-Mandara. In the same sequence the characters appear for the Visualization of the Circle of Syllables (jirin-kan) in the Byakaho-sh8.I' More often, though, than Aizen's own Basic Mantra, the one of the Five Mysteries (Go-Himitsu) was applied, which also consisted of exactly seventeen syllables and which occasionally functioned as a special Mantra for ~ i z e n . I' t~runs as follows: 09 Alahzsakhn Vajrdsattz~jab hEnmara h 4 samtas tzlam (or: sarata studTa)17and may be freely translated as: "I a m Vajrasattva, I resolve to give Great Bliss to all." W i t h an arrangement of the syllables in a manner similar to the former example, we find this Mantra as Aizen's Shuji-mandara, for instance, in the Byakuhokka-sh5 (fig. 30),18where it is declared to be the Jogan-ji tradition and suitable for the Nyoh6-Aizen Ritual, but also in the Byakah~-sh5,'~ where it is even called a secret tradition of the Great Master Kukai. The ~esson-zakki20brings another highly interesting variant of a Shuji-mandara in three circles for Aizen, combined with the explanation that it had been brought from China by Ktikai and delivered to his pupil Shinga (801-79) (fig. 31). Such relatively unconvincing attributions were surely given to invest the Mandala with special religious weight. In this case we find in the center a Double "Hhum" as an especially effective Seed Syllable, surrounded in the main directions by the four characters of " ~ a h i i s u k h a " All . ~ ~four corners of the second circle are occupied by the syllable "Hoh", whereas the corners of the outermost circle all have the simple "Hum", the "doors" in the center of each of the four sides being taken again by a Double "Hhum". W e here have a systematized arrangement of some of the most powerful Seed Syllables to gain an especially effective Mandala. The sum of all characters together is again seventeen.

" '7 I' I6

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I8

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l0 21

7,116,2. T Z 10,1032; see the illustration in the chapter on Ritual. see the chapter on Manrras. I t is quoted as Aizen's Manrra by the Bqnk)*h?-shf, T Z Krisrensen 1991, roo and 11j. TZ 7,115, 3 and 116,2. 72 10,1037, 3. T Z 3,465, 2. Erroneously spelt "Mahisuga".

10, 1047, 3.

O n the Mantra see Hatra 1985, 109, no. 785 and Astley-

3. Enchin's Aizen Mandara The most common type of Aizen's Mandara is also traditionally combined with an early date. Its transmission from China to Japan is traced back to the famous Tendai monk Enchin (814-91). During the subsequent history of Tendai Buddhism in Japan this Mandara developed into one of the important icons of the scho01.'~ The earliest version known today is the one in the Mary and Jackson Burke Collection, New York, which has been treated repeatedly by T . Yanagisawa (fig. It has the appearance of an iconographical sketch (zuz8) drawn in ink lines on paper with occasional remarks on the colours to be used in a fully executed icon. It bears an inscription with a date corresponding to A.D. 1107 From the short text added we can also gather that the drawing is a copy after a version in the possession of the priest Ryoyu, who, in his turn, had inherited it from his teacher Choen (1016-81). Although the sketch was produced during the Fujiwara Period, i t has the flavour of an earlier style of Buddhist painting, traceable back well into the Heian Period, or even to China, as Miss Yanagisawa has convincingly suggested. The same type of Aizen Mandara also appears in one of the most important iconographic handbooks, namely the Shoson-zuzo by Shinkaku (1117-80) (fig. 33),24compiled five or six decades after the Burke version; as well as in the ~ a k u z e n - s h ~written ,'~ between 1176 and 121); and the Asabasho,16 compiled by Shochd between 1242 and 1281. The popularity of the Mandara during the flourishing of Aizen's cult is hereby well attested. The arrangement with its nine figures follows the common structure of a Mandara with center, four figures in the cardinal points and four more in the intermediate directions. In this case, it is striking that the rendering of the nine figures is not uniform: Some are placed within halo-like circles ("moon disks", gachirin), two have leaf-like mandorlas, and three are encircled by flames. The distribution of these elements does not follow a strict geometrical pattern generally applied for Mandaras; especially the topmost register is not homogeneous, not only in regard to the background treatment, but also in respect to size and position on the plane. Whereas the figures in the middle and to the left are shown strictly frontal, the two-headed one to the right seems to be slightly turned away from the frontal position. The Mandara in the Burke Collection occupies a nearly square plane, whereas the one in the Kakuzen-sho has been pronouncedly elongated vertically. The two symbols on the left and right side have gained considerably in size, so that the whole composition looks a little out of balance. The fundamentally additive character of the whole composition can hardly be overlooked. But we shall return to the structure of the Mandara, after we have analyzed its nine protagonists. In doing this, we will not follow the strictly clockwise sequence in which T . Yanagisawa and other authors have treated the eight figures of the outer circle. Instead we will group them into pairs

22

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26

The priest Kogei (977-1049), a Tendai specialist on ritual, seems to have transmitted this Mandala type. Cf. T Z 5, 256, 3-257, I. His biography in Dent5 Kcroku, ZSZS 33, 263-64. Mandala of Ragarija, cat. no. 19 in: J.M. Rosenfield and E. ten Grotenhuis (ed.).Journey ofthe ThreeJewels, New York 1979; Aizen Mandara, cat, no. 90, ZnigaiNzhon 7zo rhih5, I. Bukkyo-kaiga, Tokyo 1980,152, T Z 3,694. Biography of Shinkaku in DentfK5roi,v, ZSZS 33.288. T Z 5, pl. 287, after p. 258. TZ 9,302.

Fig. 32 Enchin's Aizen Mandara. Hanging scroll, ink on paper, 5 8 . 4 53.4 ~ cm. Heian period, dated 1107The Mary and Jackson Burke Collection, New York. Photograph by Otto Nelson.

Fig. 33 Aizen Mandara. Shoson-ztlzii, TZ 3,694, fig. 18.

in which two figures sit in spacially opposed, but, in terms of their meaning, corresponding places on the Mandara plane. First, however, we have to speak about the deity occupying the center. The largest "moon disk" in the middle of the Mandara is filled by the main deity (honzon) which is, of course, Aizen in his basic iconographic form with one head showing three eyes and with six arms. Nearly all details correspond to those given in our extensive analysis of Aizen's main type. The only differences are that the honzon of the Burke Mandara grasps with his rearmost left hand, which is supposed to "hold that", a male human head by its hair, and that the vase emitting jewels is missing under the lotus seat. Both characteristics have been treated above and seem to be early traits in Aizen's iconography. The male head could point to the fact that the Mandara was intended to be used in keiai rites in favour of women wishing to subdue some unwilling male partner. A distinct formal relatedness exists between the two Bodhisattvas occupying the lower and the upper position of the central vertical axis of the Mandara. In addition, they are both placed on "moon disks" and have smaller halos behind their heads. The Bodhisattva directly beneath Aizen is, of course, meant to be sitting in front of him and occupying the eastern quarter of space. Not only the inscription, but also the lotus flower held by his left hand in front of his chest identify him as Kannon (Avalokiteivara). His "brother" above Aizen lifts his two hands in a vitarka-like Mudra, holding in his right hand the stalk of a lotus on which a small Stiipa is placed. This emblem and the tiny ink characters make it clear that this is Miroku-bosatsu (Maitreya). The Kannon in front and the Miroku behind add a special character to the main deity between them. Avalokiteivara is, so to say, the arch-representative of the important Buddhist virtue of Compassion (hi, karund), and Maitreya in his turn stands for Benevolence (ji, maitrt?. When treating the religio-philosophical meaning of rdgd or Passion (Lust), we shall observe how Mahiiyiina thinkers identified the negative notion of Passion, regarded as source of all suffering, with benign Compassion, thereby equipping the concept of riiga with a thoroughly positive meaning. The two Bodhisattvas brought into closest relationship with Aizen within the structure of his Mandara are more or less visual expressions of this identification. Since Aizen is a ferocious My66, his combination with the two Bodhisattvas into a vertical triad could be interpreted as a visualisation of the Tantric idea of jihi-funnu, of "benevolent and compassionate ferocity," which the Chinese and Japanese coined to translate the Sanskrit hdldbala and the Tibetan sEing-rje khros-pa. The next-important pair are the two emblems on both sides of Aizen in his Mandara. Both of them are placed in front of leaf-like flaming mandorlas and stand on lotus pedestals. To the left, or south, we see an erect sword, having a hilt in form of a Vajra, and encircled by a snake-like dragon. This emblem symbolizes the Naga king Kulika (Kurikara-ryu6) who is supposed to manifest himself to the practitioner during prayers and rites addressed to the mighty My66 Fud6 (Acala ~ i d ~ i i r i i j a ) . ~ ' Kulika acts as transformation (keshin) of Fud6 and as his Symbolic Form (samnzaya-gyg). Two Sutras in the canon of Esoteric Buddhist texts are addressed to him.28 The corresponding right side, or the north, is occupied by a floating banner, crowned by a WishGranting Jewel (nyoi-hgju, cintdnzani). This emblem is called Precious Banner (hod$ and serves as Symbolic Form (sammaya-gy8) of several Bodhisattvas in the rich pantheon of Esoteric B u d d h i ~ m . ' ~

'' 28

SeelbfDJ 359-10; i\fJ 152. T 21, nos. 1206 and 1207. Cf. AlDJ 1647-48, where the names of the Bodhisattvas are quoted.

In Mikky6 it is also a symbol for the Mind of Great Enlightenment (dai-bodaishin). In the configuration of this Mandara it expresses a different meaning. The accent is here on the jewel crowning the banner, and the whole ensemble stands for Good Luck $ ~ k u ) .The ~ ~ commentary by some unidentifiable priest3' quoted by the Kakuzen-sh5 combines the meaning of the two emblems into a pair. Whereas the two Bodhisattvas at the bottom and the top give a clue to the basic character of Aizen, these two emblems express the effects obtained by performing his rites, namely Knowledge (chi), represented by Fud6's sword, and Good Luck (fuku), symbolized by the jewel on the banner. Two more figures also obviously belonging together are the two My66 (Vidyaraja) in the lower corners of the Mandara. They both are about the same size, they are seated on rocks in abstract forms, and they are surrounded by halos of flames. In the left corner, i.e. in the south-east, we have Daiitoku (Yamantaka) in a comparatively simple appearance of this usually complex deity. The bull on which he generally sits is missing here. H e has only three heads instead of the usual six, only two legs instead of six, and four arms, two hands of which form a kind of Vajra-Hiimkara-mudra in front of the chest, the other hands holding the sword and the noose as two of his main emblems. Yamiintaka personifies, as his Sanskrit name implies, the victory over death or mortality.32 The matching My66 in the right corner, i.e. in the north-east, is Fud6 (Acala-vidyiiriija) who is represented in his usual form as a sturdy youth with one head and two arms, holding in his right hand the Sword of Knowledge, and in his left the Noose. The special feature here is that above Fud6 in his flaming halo there appear three small figures: Buddha Sakyamuni in the center, Vajrapani on the left, and MafijuSri on the right side. This variant of Fud6 is called Trisamaya-raja, "King of the Three Symbols". I t is described in a text on ceremonies in connection with Fud6 which was and the name Trisamaya-Fud6 appears in the translated into Chinese by the famous Am~ghavajra,~' titles of two more texts translated by Amoghavajra and dealing with Fud6's cult.j4 The Kakuzen-sh5, illustrating this form of Fud6,jg refers in its text to the two last-named books, abbreviating their titles as Chiri-kyo, and then quotes a commentary from the Ohara-sh5 to the effect that Sakyamuni is identical with Fud6, that MafijuSri symbolizes his sword,36and Vajrapani his noose. There is also a n i Fud6 stand for the quotation from an oral transmission (kuden), according to which ~ i i k ~ a m uand Buddha Family (Butsu-bu), MafijuSri for that of the Lotus (Renge-bu), and Vajrapani for the Vajra Family (Kongo-hu). Following this explanation the three small figures would actually represent the Three Symbols (trisanzaya) from which Fud6 received his special name. In this Mandala both My66, Yamiintaka and Acala, clearly fulfil a protecting function The last pair of figures occupies the upper corners of the Mandara. Neither in their form, nor in their iconographic value within the pantheon do they match as a genuine couple. At the upper left, corrsponding to the south-west, we see a bodhisattva-like twelve-armed deity, exhibiting Vairocana's Mudra, the Fist of Wisdom (chiken-in, jEZna-mugi), and carrying the two main emblems of Vajrasattva, namely bell and Vajra which both also belong to Aizen-my66. These symbols, together with other characteristics, identify the deity as Daish6-kong6 who appears, for instance, in the Yugi'O

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Kukuzen-shi, T Z j, 200-1. He 1s quoted by the pseudonym Kitayama (or: Hokuzan) I n s h ~"Hermit , of the Northern Mountain" "He who brings an end to Yama (the God of Death)". T 21, no. 1199. The very long title is usually abbreviated to Fling-y-qziin-ki. 21, nos. 1200 and 1201, both also bearing long titles. TZ g, 181. Like Fud6's sword Maiijuiri srands for transcendental w ~ s d o m .

kyo, the basic text of our Aizen.j7 H e is explained either as special form of Vairocana, whose MudrZ he is forming, or of Vajrasattva (Kongosatta), whose main emblems he is holding, or even of Aizen with whom most of his hand-symbols show no correspondence. As single deity he is reproduced in the Shoson-zuzo.38 In the upper right corner, i.e.the north-west, we find the Two-Headed Aizen (Ry6zu-Aizen), whom we have treated in detail above. His left face is ferocious, his right has a benign expression. In the right hand he grasps one end of his scarf, in the left he brandishes the Vajra. The ~ s a b a - s h ~ ~ ~ postulates for this corner of the Mandara the God of Fire (Katen, Agni), and states this as a secret tradition of the temple Toji, whereas it should in reality be Aizen. In contrast to the two lower corners which fulfil a functional aspect, namely that of protection, these upper corners transfer us into a highly spiritual climate. Their purpose seems to be a demonstration of the deep religious qualities of Aizen. The left figure is focused on the concept from which Aizen should be deduced, namely from the highest possible spiritual factor, the mystic Buddha Vairocana or his manifestation as Vajrasattva, the latter as Bodhisattva being closer to our human world. And the right figure, the Two-Headed Aizen himself, displays visually the different aspects of character contained within his personality. If we summarize all the facts gathered from our analysis of Aizen's Mandara, we may define this icon as a visual synopsis of many ideas which we have already treated in extenso earlier in our study. The structural order of the Mandara, as we have analyzed it here, gives a convincing clue to the meaning of both the general structure and the constituent parts. Still, there is another possibility to describe the Aizen Mandara. where this second key is applied to explain the Mandara structure, acribes it to The ~akuzen-~hfi,~' a Hermit of the Northern Mountains (Kitayama Inshi) whom we were unable to identify. In this explanatory system the central figure of Aizen and the two pairs of figures placed at the cardinal points at the bottom, the top, the left and the right, are interpreted in the same manner that we have done above. But in addition also the figures in the corners are grouped diagonally into pairs with Aizen in the middle. The Dainichi in the upper left corner corresponds to the Fud6 at the lower right. Their relationship is explained as that of Lord and Companion (shuhan) in full accordance with the rules of Mikky6 iconography, after which Fud6 is regarded as Messenger (shisha) of Dainichi, the ferocious Fud6 incorporating the active aspect of the essentially inactive absolute Buddha Vairocana. The Two-Headed Aizen in the upper right corner has his counterpart in the Daiitoku at the lower left. After the explanation offered by the Kakuzen-sh~the two deities embody the two theoretically opposed emotions of Attachment (di, ~ d pand ) Hatred (zo, dz~e!a), which are, according t o Mikky6 speculation, only two aspects of one and the same emotion enticing the human being to strive after salvation. But the two aspects are also symbolized within the single figure of Aizen by his red complexion (for ai) on the one side, and by his ferocious expression (for z$ on the other. Thus both the formal characteristics of the Aizen Mandara, with their inconsistencies and the speculative explanations of its arrangement and its details, disclose the highly didactic quality of this

jR

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T 18. 2 5 5 , ~and 257, 3 O n this delty see AlDJ 1472, AlJ 465 Tz 3, 22 TZ9,2j7.I Tz5, 257. I.

Fig. 34 Shiki-mandara to cover the altar during agoma ceremony for Aizen-my66. After Kakuzen-sh?, TZ 5 , pl. 295.

sort of Esoteric Buddhist icon, which is also corroborated by its additive character, grouping together iconographic figures and symbols of heterogeneous provenance. This sort of Mandara, therefore, seems to have its roots in intellectual religious speculation and not in visions born of mystic experience. The M i k k y ~Duijiten quotes a fourth type of Aizen Mandara that was used by the Yamabushi of the Shugendo form of religion. Since that type of Aizen Mandara does not belong to the Mikky6 tradition in its strict sense we have omitted its description here.

Although it is not an icon as are the Mandaras which we have treated above, the Mandara to Cover (the Altar, shiki-nzand~ru),~~ which may be counted among the implements used during the ritual, follows in its layout the cosmological structure of a real Mandara and defines the altar as a sacred area. During Consecration Ceremonies (kanjo) or Fire Offerings (goma) it is placed as a cover over the wooden main altar (daidun). It consists of a square piece of cloth, dyed in the symbolic colour red in the case of Aizen-my66. The structure of its decoration follows the general layout of the Mandara with a center and surrounding areas or fields. The Shiki-Mandara for Aizen reproduced in the Kukuzen-sho (fig. 34)42has a central lotus pedestal seen strictly from above, surrounded by eight lotus petals, the ends of which form three-pronged Vajras in the cardinal directions, and in the intermediate directions banners standing on horizontal Vajras. The surrounding field contains twenty-four white moon disks kurhirin), each with a small lotus pedestal turned inward towards the center of the Mandala. Neither the text of the ~ukuzen-sh$' nor Manabe in his book informs us which twenty-four deities should be visualized on these lotus seats during the ritual. The outer area contains four portals with lotus decoration at the sides, flaming jewels in the corners and scrolls in the form of clouds as space-fillers in between. The invention of the design, which is not described in detail, is ascribed to KGkai and the priest Jitsunin (1138-68)44 is quoted as saying that it was not based on an original form, but that one should ask the painter to execute it accordingly.

j1

42

AIDJ 912,r-3

43

TZ 5, pl. 294, after p. 264. See also Manabe 1980,201 TZ 5 , 261, 2.

j4

,$[DJ 1005.I .

CHAPTER V1 Dogmatic Background

A

fter analyzing the different forms of Aizen-my66 iconographically and tracing the parallel forms in India and Tibet, we should now try to establish the speculative and dogmatic notions that have been expressed in figurative form by the deity called Aizen. The best starting point for this purpose is an analysis of the Sanskrit term rdga since the translator-monks working in China have subsumed several Indian notions under the Chinese character ai.' The noun rdga as the main constituting element in the Indian name of our King of Lust is derived from the Sanskrit verbal root r a j or r a e j which has the basic meaning of "dyeing" or "colouring", mainly in regard to tints of red, as the participle rakta, "red", demonstrates. From this central notion of "the act of colouring or dying" for r e , a number of meanings have been deduced which eventually lead to the idea underlying our deity. From "colour", "tint", "red colour" or "redness", we arrive through abstraction at "inflammation", "any feeling or passion", "love", "vehement desire", "beauty", "harmony", "a musical note or mode" (the well-known Ragas of traditional Indian m ~ s i c )In. ~Pali we have exactly the same etymological deve1opment.j Therefore the central concept of rdga in our context may be defined as "sensual excitement manifesting itself physically as blushing or reddening of the complexion", or, as the HdGgirin puts it "en general toutes les poussees sentimentales de l'ordre a f f e ~ t i f . "In~ this connection we may remember the fact that the dominating colour of Aizen's icon, not only of his body, but of other details also, is a brilliant and sensuous red. The non-Indian translators of Buddhist texts surely had their difficulties in rendering the Sanskrit rdgd in their own tongue, since in their languages the etymological span of the term was not valid. There is, for instance, no Tibetan word covering all meanings of rdga. Therefore the translator had to render its meaning of "colouring" or "dyeing" by tshos (verb: tshos-rgyag-pa), and of "sensual affection" by 'dod-chags.j The etymological connection, as a consequence, was of course lost. Similarly, the Sino-Japanese ai does not cover the full range of notions contained in the Sanskrit rdgd. In addition, the translator-monks in China had already taken ai as equivalent for several Indian terms with the basic meaning of "love" and T o balance this disadvantage they invented the character-combination airan Uap.: aizen), "tinted by emotion", which covers both shades of meaning, that of "being coloured" and that of "affection". To our knowledge this is a purely .~ the characterBuddhist term which is not used in other contexts in Chinese l i t e r a t ~ r eWhen combination was coined has not yet been established. At least at the very beginning of the fifth 8 century A.D. Kumiirajiva uses airan in his translation of the Zhidu-lan (Prajedpdramitd-Sdstrds). I

"G

See NG 11-14 where a condensed account on the concept of a i and of its development is given. Monier-Williams 872. Childers 397; Pali Text Societj Dicriozarj $67-8. 11.

Das 1036 and 690-91. An excellent and detailed analysis of the concept at in Buddhism from early times down to Mikkyo, and also of the Indian concept of "love", can be found in H. Nakamura (ed.), "Ai," B2~kkjOShisO,vol. I, Kyoto 1975. Morohashi 10947. 222; C i j ~ u 623, n 2. "bt'i.

After these etymological preliminaries let us now trace the development of the concept rdga through the main stages of Buddhist dogmatic thinking. In Pali Hinayana literature rdga is synonymous with lobha, and, together with dosa, "hatred", and moha, "stupidity", constitutes the so-called "three fires" (aggi) of passion or the better known "three poisons" ( v i ~ aTib.: , dug, Jap.: doku) or the "three roots of impurity" (akldala-mula) which act as constituting factors of Ignorance (avidyd, munzyg) as the source of all sufferi~lg.~ In this function rdga belongs to the very foundation stones of early Buddhist ethics and ontology. As utterly negative notions the "three poisons" have been personified at an early stage into the daughters of the evil spirit Miira (Miiradhitii), who function as tempting forces trying to divert the Buddha's attention from his great aim, the Awakening (bodhi) from being bound to suffering in this worldly existence." The concept of rdga has here for the first time been given a human appearance, long before the creation of Aizen-my@. Again, rdga appears in the series of the "ten bonds" or "attachments" (sanzyojana) of the human being to his existence in the world of Samsiira. Under the compound designation kazardgd, "desirous passion", it is also one of the five lesser bonds (oranzbhdgiya-samyojana)." Most consequential, however, was the inclusion of rdga into the different groups of Defilements (kleia, Pali: kilesa, Tib.: Con-nzons, Jap.: bonng) as the basic negative factors of being as such.12 The different forms of craving for existence or of lust for life comprise "all that which is an obstacle to nibb2na. Therefore the giving up of r2ga is one of the steps towards attaining the desired goal of emancipation (vimutti)."13An inscription of the second or third century A.D. found at Niigiirjunikonda defines the Buddha as "one Some sources place who has conquered attachment, ill-will and delusion" (jita-rdga-dosa-nzoha).14 rdga at the head of the Six or Basic Defilements (;ad-kleidh, mula-klejdh) in the Realm of Desire (kdma-dhdtz~),'~ others as the first of the ten kilesa, who are then called "Hosts of ~ i i r a " . ' ~ Arguments about ragd played a certain role during the second Buddhist Council held in 250 or 218 A.D. at Pii~aliputra" where Mahiideva posed the question whether or not an Arhat is subject to temptation. To this the Theravadins answered that the equanimity (samathu) acquired by the Arhats leads to concentration of thought and eradication of attachment (rdgd-virdgd-reto-vimzltti)and that they therefore are forever free from attachment, hatred and delusion (vztdrdgo-vztadoso-v~tanzoho). On the other hand, according to the Sarviistiviidins, the average human being (puthz~jjana)cannot completely eradicate from his mind attachment (rdga) and hatred, whether gross or subtle.18 Vasubandhu's Abhidharnzakoia as the Szlmma Theologica of earlier Buddhism in the fifth century A.D. registers Desire (rdga) as one of the basic Defilements (kleia) obstructing the mind on its way to Enlightenment. Human thinking is defiled by Desire by being associated with it (rdga-sapprayukta) "da 10

" I1 l' I' I'

16

l'

18

651; S 69; Dharmasa~vaha67, no. 139. Pali Text Socfetj Dirrzonarj 567; P . Eichenbaum Karetzky, "Mira, Buddhist Deity of Death and Desire," East and Weit, N . S . 32, 1982, 84. ATydnatiloka1953, 199-200. HG 121-133; Burnouf 192j, 2,443-98, Pali Text Society Dirtionarj 567, 2. Epigvaphia Indira X X , quoted by D u t t 1978,116. Dhavnzasaftgraha14, no, 67. Childers 203. Later the number of klesa is even ~ncreasedto 84,000 as antidotes to the 84,000 dharmas, cf. Lessing-Wayman 1968, 57, Information on the Council by Lamotte 1988,292-99. Dutt 1978, 22,166.

or being suppressed (upahata) by it. But even when Desire is not directly active (samuddraran) in the Mind, its traces remain there in a latent state and oppress it. Only after the believer has also discarded the last traces of Desire is his Mind liberated.19 Together with Hatred (dve~a)and Stupidity (moha) Desire forms the group of three Fetters (bandhana). It rests and grows in agreeable sensationsZ0and has a fourfold character, namely desire for colours, for figures, for contacts and for honours, and it must be overcome by fixing one's attention on the flow of respiration (dndpdnasmyta) and by meditations on horrible visions (asubhd), that is on the progressing state of decomposition of a human body.21 While, therefore, in the teachings of early Hinayiina Buddhism rdga has without any exception an utterly negative meaning, a considerable change of valuation takes place with the formation of Mahiiyiina schools during the first centuries of our Christian era. This change has its roots in the basic Mahiiyiina concept of a transcendental roinridentia oppositorum according to which all mutually opposed notions are dissolved into the higher unity of the Absolute. This new transposition of values applies to several essential topics of Buddhist thinking, for instance to the pairs of Samsiira and Nirvana, of worldliness and Buddhahood, and of ignorance and wisdom. Under such aspects even the Defilements (klefa, boring) can be imbued with positive meaning. If they only are sublimated or, according to Buddhist terminology, "purified" from their evil character, they may by used as means to ultimate deliverance. The passions then imply Enlightenment (bodhi) or are even identical with it. In the Ratnakz@a-szitra(DaihfihakkyG, T 3 1 0 ) translated ~~~ into Chinese during the early years of the Tang Dynasty by the monk Bodhiruci, it is said: "The Buddhas know that all factors of being (dharza, hg), including the Defilements (klefa, bonng), are also factors of Buddhahood and, as such, are liberated. O u t of the Defilements there may arise false connotations, but their substantial nature is free (vzvikta,jiri)." Elsewhere in the same text it is explicitly stated: "The nature of the Defilements, in fact is the nature of Enlightenment." This sentence, then, was developed into a key notion in connection with Aizen-my66, our King of Lust. That comparable tendencies towards a dissolution of antithetical concepts may linger also in other mystic forms of religion is shown by a quotation from writings by the Christian patriarch Maximus Confessor (580-662): "Desire in itself is a beneficent force. I t enables rational beings to crave upward after the truly good, and it provides the unrational beings with the instinct for that ~ sentence could have been taken from an Esoteric Buddhist which is fit for their d ~ r a t i o n . " 'This text. The sentence quoted above, that the Defilements are identical with Enlightenment (bonno soku bodai), is treated and taken up by the Chinese priest Zhiyi (538-97) in his famous and influential book Moho-zhiguan (Maka-shikan, T 1 9 1 1 ) ~from ~ where it became one of the central concepts of Esoteric Buddhism in East Asia. But before we turn to this subject we would like to trace the idea in the speculations of Buddhist Tiintrism outside the Far East.

" L. de La Vallie Poussin, "L'Abhidharmako'sa de Vasubandhu," new ed., lWilanges rhinois et bozddhiq~~es X V I , Brussels 1971,111,90-

91. Ibid. V, 87. " Ibid. VI, 148. ff. 22 T 11, 309, quoted by HG 126-27. 23 H.U. von Balthasar, Kosnzische Liturgic. Das Weltbild hfaximw' des Bekenners, Einsiedeln 1961, 198. '-46, 1-2. Cf. also Oda 1 6 3 9 , and ~ 1 0 8 0 , ~ - 3 ;S 298 and 406.

The Indian Vajrayiinist masters, whose dates often are so difficult to ascertain, seem to have regarded rdgd in a similar manner as the theologians of Mahii~iina.The latter's balanced view, neither accentuating the concept of Passion in a predominantly negative way, nor providing it with an exclusively positive meaning as in later stages of Tiintrism, is still mirrored in the text of the Samputikd: "Neither Attachment (raga) nor Detachment (uirdga), nor any intermediate stage is perceived. "I5 But, on the other hand, one of the basic texts of Tiintric Buddhism, the Guhyasamdja-tantra, ascribes a definitely positive value to the concept of rdga: "DO not, oh Kulaputras, give this a bad name, a hateful name. For what reason? O h Kulaputras, the conduct of Attachment (raga-caryd) is the same as the conduct of the Bodhisattva (bodhisattua-caryd) which is the best conduct (agracarYd).'326 Soon the originally negative sensual Attachment is identified in the speculations of Vajrayiina masters with the main virtue of the Bodhisattva, with Compassion (karzl?zd,k@). The Praj6opdyau i n i ~ c a ~ a - s i d d states: h i ~ ~ "Compassion is of the nature of Affection (rdga), as it removes sufferings (rak'jati) which spring u p from numberless causes." Rdga can now even be called one of the Expedient Means (upaya) in the process of liberation, and is then the emotional counterpart to Transcendental Wisdom (PrajZd). The shifting of value is here in its fullest sway. The group of the five main Defilements (klefa), including r e , is now brought into context with the all-pervading pentadic system of late Buddhist thinking. The Defilements correspond to the different iconographic families into which the Tiintric pantheon is divided. Not only are they one of the subdivisions of the usual complex system, according to which the respective moral tinting of the character of a person belonging to one of the groups of the pentad is defined, but they even form groups of their own and lend their name for qualifying designations. So the ~uhyasavzdja-tantd8introduces the following five families (kula): (I) that of hatred (dvesa), (2) that of delusion (vzoha), (3) that of attachment (rdga), (4) that of the wish-granting jewel (cintd~ndni)and (5) that of convention (sanznzaya). Apart from the three basic Defilements we are here confronted with two more concepts (samnzaya and cintdnzani) taken from completely different contexts which seems to indicate that the pentadic grouping has not yet reached its definite systematisation. The different families are deduced from the Five Tathiigatas who act as chiefs (kuleia) and as fathers, whereas their mystic consorts, the so-called Prajiiiis, function as mothers. In the case of the Family of Attachment (rdga-kula)" the lord and progenitor is Amitiibha, the Buddha of the Western Region, his consort being Piindarii. Both figures are characterized by the red colour of passion. Their spiritual son or emanation is LokeSvara, the "Lord of the World", one of the many forms of the most popular Bodhisattva Avalokiteivara. H e is the deity personifying the central Buddhist virtue of compassion (karund) in the most paradigmatic manner, which makes him especially fit for the Rdga Family. W e have already learnt about the identification of rdgd and karund earlier.

" Dasgupta 1974, 122. 26

GOS ed., X X I V and 37. Dasgupta 1974,122. 28 GOS e d . , j; c f . also Bhattcharyya 1968,32. '"or t h e following c f . Bhattacharyya 1968,147-52 and Bhattacharyya 1964,130,140-42. 27

One of the prominent figures in the Family of Attachment is the goddess Kurukulla who confers success if invoked by the Tantric rite of v a i ~ k a r a ~or a ,Bewitching, which corresponds to the Japanese keiai. And keiai is the main ritual in which Aizen-my66 plays a dominant role, so that we may draw some line of relationship between him and the exotic deity Kurukulla. The relation is deepened if we take into account that Kurukulla displays the sentiment of deep passionate love (Syrigdrd) which is an outcome of rdga. In addition to such similarities of symbolic expression the goddess shoots with bow She is even represented as seated or and arrow in an attitude comparable to that of Tenky~-Aizen.30 dancing on the Indian god Kama-deva, the ancient God of Love, and his consort, and she is counted in Tibet as member of the triad of the Three Major Red Protectors (dnzar-chen skor-gsum) together . ~ ~ all of this into account, with Ganapati (GaneSa) and Kamaraja (or Riigaraja, ' D ~ d - r g y a l )Taking Kurukulla could actually figure as female counterpart to the Far Eastern King of Lust. The concept of sensuous affection as driving force within the Tantric endeavour for liberation seems to have taken shape in several different iconographic forms which express the same basic meaning. It appears as a logical consequence of this development when we find the idea of rdgd playing a dominant role in the speculations and the ritual practice of Tantrism of the Left Hand (~Gma-cdra), that is, its erotic deviations. Rdga here comes to mean "intense and transcendental bliss arising out of the sexo-yogic practice, which is the means or expedient (updya) for attaining the Bodhicitta or the Sahaja, which is of the nature of Great Bliss ( m a h d s ~ k h a ) . " Since '~ man is caught in the circle of worldly existence by sensuous attachment, he should transform this emotion into a means to his liberation. Of course, sexual intercourse per se is of no avail, even if performed in a formalized ritualistic manner. The real mahdrdga-sukha can only be arrived at, after the Tantric adept has attained "perfect knowledge about the immutable nature of the objects."33 If we take such Tiintric texts as the Capdamahdrosana-tantm literally, the left-handed schools of Vajrayana must have developed detailed sexual practices as part of their ritual, justifying them by quotations such as: "By following lust, merit is obtained; from aversion demerit accrues."34The Tiintric practitioner who has been awakened to the state of mature mastership stands high above the limitations of the average human being. Of him the Cittaviiuddhi-prakarana says: "The mystics, pure of mind, dally with lovely girls, infatuated with the poisonous flame of passion, that they may be set free from desire." (verse 31) "The mystic duly dwells on the manifold merits of his divinity, he delights in thoughts of passion, and by the enjoyment ofpassion is set free." (rajyate ?@a-rittena,re-bhogena nzucyate) (verse 35)j5

j0

"

j3

" ji

P. Pal. Nepaf. Where the God~are Yonng, New York 1975, cat. no. 48. Tsepak R i g z i n 1986, 322. Dasgupta 1974,122, Ibid. 123. Candatt~ah2ro~ana-tantra 6,183; George 1974,77. Dasgupta 1974,124; W.Th. de Bary, The Bzlddhi~tTraditzon in India. Chinn andj'zpan, New York 1972,119.

The Great Bliss ( m a h d ~ ~ ~ kdairaku) ha, as result of the fulfilment of rdga or emotion "through the ~ plays a " an ~ important ~ role in methodical and well-controlled union of the PrajAii and the ~ ~ i ialso the Esoteric Buddhism of East Asia, there being based on the influential Rishu-kyo. W e will have to deal with this development below. Apart from Mahiiraga in his different forms, whom we have treated above, Indian Tantrism has condensed the idea of emotional love also into other iconographical figures. The Ca?~damahdro~anat a n t ~ a , ~for ' instance, invokes a Lust Vajra Girl (Ragavajri) as the companion to the male Red Immovable (Raktacala), situated in the north-west and west respectively, indicating hereby, as also by their red colour, their relationship with the afore-mentioned deities of the Rdga Family. The same text connects the five Vajris, of which Ragavajri is one, and their colours not only with the cardinal and intermediate directions of cosmic space, but also with the Indian castes. In full accordance with her basic symbolic meaning, Ragavajri and her red colour are related to the dancers (nataka).38 After this short excursion into the fields of Indian Buddhist Tiintrism we return t o the development that the concept of Lust took in East Asian schools of Buddhist Esoterism. W e have already quoted the Moho zhiguan by Zhiyi (538-97), according to which the Defilements (boring) are regarded as essentially identical with Enlightenment (bodai). But within the complex architecture of his Tiantai (Tendai) teaching Zhiyi also retains more traditional views about Lust. In connection with the Four Noble Truths within the so-called Storehouse Teaching (zangjiao, zgkyo) Zhiyi says that the errors of view and thought should be eliminated by the practitioner in five stages, of which three are qualified as stations of lust, namely as lust of form (se-ai) and lust of existence ( y ~ u - a i )Lust . ~ ~(ai) is here still regarded lust of desire (~IL-ai), as a definitely negative factor to be overcome by the practitioner during his spiritual development. A late Japanese Mikky6 source4' quotes an earlier commentary on the Yugi-kyo by the famous Tendai priest Annen (841-915) in which he states that all hindrances on our way to Enlightenment are created by ourselves and are, in fact, original delusions of view (hon'u kenwaku). "The original and universal circulation [of Samslra] springs from ignorance (munzyi, at,idyd).One of the concrete principles of our school is [the teaching] that the hindrances created by ourselves depend on our personal views and are therefore anger (shin). The remaining originally existing hindrances, on the other hand, are affection (ton, Skr.: rdga or lobha) and stupidity (chi) since the spirit of love towards oneself (aiga-shin) is born together with the person's body. All of these three hindrances are forces (or forms, tai) of creativity (nishi) and are qualified as 'without beginning and without first instance'."

In the context of early Mikky6 speculation in China the term "ai" appears over and over again, and in several character combinations in the Daibutcho-kyo, a text translated c. 705 in Canton, far removed ~ ~ ' times the from the center of Esoteric Buddhist activities in the Tang capital, C h a n g ' a ~ Three character combination "aizen" is used, expressedly meaning "tinted by love or lust" as may be seen z6

ii

Dasgupta 1974,124, George 1974, 60 ff. Ibid. 63.

'9 Hurvitz, , " C h ~ h -(538-5971, I

An Introduction to the Life and Ideas of a Chinese Buddhist Monk," i216'nges cbinois et bouddbiques

12, 1960-62, 251.

40 41

The An-rjri deny.-kiji by Zuih6 (1695-17681, SZS 14,149,2. Full title Da~butcb~-n~ora~-mitsu'inshr~sbi-r~igi-sb~b~satsu-nzi~ng~i-shur~~bigon-kj~, Skr.: ~ziralig'znza-s12tra(not to be confounded with the S/~arigatt~a-satt~adbi-sz~rra, 7 no. 642, translated by Lamotte), T 19, no. 945,

from the context. Here the term does not yet seem to be codified into a fixed notion, but applied in its specialized meaning. One case is especially illuminating for the speculative context of "ai" in its still negative meaning. The Buddha instructs Ananda saying: "Ananda, all living beings are at their real origin truly pure. By their false views (vzcken) there arise false habits (vz?shu). They again separate themselves into inner and outer differentiations (naibun, gebun). Ananda, the inner differentiations, they are the different internal [conditions] of the living beings. By all of the tintings through lust (aizen) there originate false feelings (mcjj'o).These feelings accumulate, they do not come to rest and are capable of creating fluidities of lust (aisui). If, therefore, living beings remember delicate food, fluidity flows from their mouth. If they remember people of the past, either close to them or hated, their eyes are filled with tears. If you, affected by desire (ton), strive for riches, and lust ascends in your mind, then you will be glossy by spittle all over. If your heart is directed towards the performance of the obscene act of the two sexual organs of man and woman, then by themselves fluid secretions begin to flow. Ananda, although for all [the different kinds ofl lust (ai) there are different outflows, they are essentially bound together by the same [reason]. Their moisture does not bring ascension but downfall. This is meant by inner differences."42

Apart from this quite vivid description the Daibutcho-kyo abounds in speculations on Lust in many contexts. The step from this still somehow biased, dogmatic view of Lust towards its integration into the theological exegesis of Aizen-my66 is expressed by the Shingon priest Gah6 (1240-1317) in his Dadohiketsl~-sho,~~ which contains also other important statements about the topmost secretness of Aizen's Gah6 says: "Affection (ton) is the basic Defilement (bonni) unto which all three Poisons can be reduced. It is the one and only delusion (irhiu~aku).There are two kinds of thought (nen), one good and one bad. The embodiment of both these thoughts is only the one Defilement of affective Attachment (tonyohu), and this Affection is Lust (ai). The one who affects you with this Lust is called Aizen-6. Summarizing this according to its original meaning, it will be Kong6satta (Vajrasattva); but if you condense it into the embodiment of the three poisons it will be Aizen-6."

The figure of Aizen plays an important role in the exegetical speculations of Japanese Mikky6 priests on the famous Rishu-kyo (Naya-szitra?),a book belonging to the large Prajii5paramitii group of texts and exhibiting a definite Tantric flavour. It was probably written during the seventh century A . D . ~ 'Chapter seventeen of this Sutra, containing the speculative culmination of the whole text, concentrates on the idea of Great Bliss (dairaku-hmon, mahd~ukha)as one of the basic notions of Tiintric Buddhism. The aspects of this Great Bliss are incorporated by this chapter of the Rishu-kyo into five bodhisattva-like figures, the so-called Five Mysteries, G O - ~ i m i t s u . ~ ~ They are: Desire (yoku, is!&) holding an arrow, Sensation (soku, kelikila) with a three-pronged Vajra, Lust (ai, rdga) with a Makara-banner, and Pride (man, mdna) forming the gesture of the vajrafist (kongo-ken, vajra-mu!ii). As central figure we have the seated Kongosatta (Vajrasattva), 42

7 19, 143, 2.

43

SzS 23, 218, 2.

'6

For Instance in chapter 5 and in the postscript to chapter 7. See Sh. Toganoo's thorough study: Rishu-kji no kenkji, Koyasan 1970. Also Y. Hatta, Htnzitiu-kjiten, Riihu-kji, T6ky6 1982, and I. Astley-Kristensen, "The Rishukyo: The Sino-Japanese Tantric Prajiiiipiiramita in 150 verses (Amoghavajra's versions)," Buddhica Britannica, Series Continua 111, London 1991. See AIDJ 628, 2 - 629, 3.

" "

incorporating the Mind of Enlightenment (bodai-shin, bodhi-citta) into which the other four aspects of Great Bliss are dissolved. The five figures symbolize the basic idea of the Rishu-kyG and at the same time of all Tiintrism, namely BonnG soku bodai, "The Defilements are identical with Enlightenment", or in other words, In'yoku soku ze d5, "Sexual passion is the Way [to liberation] In their explanatory texts on this section of the Rishu-ky8, Japanese Mikky6 priests have related the Go-Himitsu and Aizen-my66 to speculations on the KongGkai Mandara, the Mandala of the Vajra Sphere. The basic and central field of this complex configuration consists of thirty-seven deities with the absolute Buddha Dainichi-nyorai (Mahii-Vairocana-tathiigata) as the middle figure. The other eight fields around this one in the center repeat the arrangement of the so-called J8jin-e, the Congregation of Completed Corporality, with varying figures and symbols or in a more or less contracted form. Among them the field in the upper right corner is the Rishu-e, the Congregation of with only seventeen deities.49 the Guiding In a progessive system of condensation the exegetical texts on the Rzshu-kyG draw these seventeen deities still more together into the Five Himitsu, and these again, in their turn, into the one fierce deity Aizen-my66. A text by the famous priest Raiyu (1226-1304) explicitly states: "The thirty-seven deities are contracted (ryaku) into the seventeen divinities, and they again into the Five Mysteries. The Go-Himitsu in their turn are condensed (S&) into the one and single god Aizen.">' Several texts on ritual also base the succession of steps in the ceremonies either on the thirty-seven or on the seventeen deities.>' An iconographical scroll dated 1228 and kept as National Treasure in the Daigo-jiS2 contains drawings of twenty-five Mandaras for the different chapters of the Rishu-kyG. The last drawing is an impressive picture of the ferocious Aizen-my66, followed by a short postscript with the date. Apparently, Aizen is here functioning as the last and most secret condensation of all the different ideas which have gained visible form in the many deities of the other Mandaras in this scroll. In a similar manner our god appears as the title illustration for a printed Japanese version of the Rishuk1.3'0,dated as late as 1 7 7 0 . ~ ~ It should perhaps be noted in this context, that Aizen is the Master of the Family (bushu) during the Goma ceremony of burning offerings addressed to the Go-Himitsu according to the Kakuzens h ~An . ~explanation, ~ characteristic of Shingon speculations, for this process of proceeding condensation is offered by the learned priest Gah6 (1240-1317): "In secret Stitras the Go-Himitsu are not taught, but instead only the single deity Aizen-6. If therefore the one body of Kongosatta (Vajrasattva) figures as the great fact (daiji) of the GoHimitsu, [in realityj the great fact of Aizen-6 is meant. This Aizen is the essence (shari, farim, the relic); the ~hal'iin its turn is the Precious Jewel (&?a), and this Jewel is corresponding to the Defilement of Affection (ton).This Defilement, lastly, is identical with Aizen-6.""

" 48 49 j0

" " j3

i4

"

Toganoo 1970, legend to pl. 2. W e are using the translation for "Rishu" coined bp Astley-Kristensen in his study on the RiThu-kT6. For an analysis ofthis field see Sawa 1972,161-66. Shin;okutakki-mondg-rho,SZS 37.162. For these groups of deities see chapter V on Mandalas. Rirbu-kyd jz2mbi-e mandara, TZ 5,797. Toganoo 1970, pi. 2. T Z 5, 165, I. SZS2~,220,1.

CHAPTER V11 Historical and Sociological Background

I

will probably never be possible to pinpoint the exact date when the Buddhist deity Aizen-my66 emerged as a clearly defined figure out of the stream of theological thinking, or even to determine whether this happened in India, Central Asia or, more likely, in China. Even the date of the earliest text dealing with his ritual and describing his iconographic details, the Yagi-kyG, is under debate. The translation of this Siitra, whose Sanskrit original has not been transmitted, into the Chinese language is usually attributed to the priest Vajrabodhi (Kongochi, 671-741), but several Japanese authorities have convincingly doubted this attribution.' The text is not named in the Tang catalogues of Buddhist scriptures compiled by Amoghavajra (Fuku, 705-74) and Yuanzhao (second half of eighth century).' This fact may lead us to the conclusion that the Sutra had not as yet been translated. Some characteristics of the Yagi-kyG, for instance the astrological speculations with a highly Chinese flavour and the warning not to hand down the text to ordinary people without the necessary esoteric knowledge, as well as some stylistic features, have led Kazuo Osabe to the conclusion that the Yugi-kyG must have been translated, or even composed directly in Chinese, after the model of older esoteric texts late in the Tang Period, and then attributed for the sake of prestige .~ the question of authorship and dating has been examined to the great name of ~ a j r a b o d h iLately thoroughly by P. Vanden Broucke in his t r a n ~ l a t i o n . ~ In any case, the text and, together with it, the notion of Aizen must have existed around the turn of the ninth century, since Kiikai on his return from China to Japan in 805 brought with him, among the many scrolls of esoteric texts, a copy of the Yugi-ky5.j To the best of our knowledge, no early Chinese sculpture or painting depicting Airan has been found. Among the many Tang bronzes of Buddhist deities our god does not appear, and he is not present among the cache of esoteric marble sculptures unearthed on the premises of the former Anguo-si in the Tang capital, Chang'an, nor does he seem to be represented in the paintings in and from the Dunhuang caves. In this connection we should remember that just as the art and the temples of the Mi Zong, the Esoteric School, with its close association to Tang court circles, was especially strongly exposed to the persecution of the year 845.6Airan with his erotic implications could have been one of the main targets of Confucian attacks against the "corrupt" foreign religion, although there seems to be no direct textual proof for this supposition. Taking into account the meagre historical evidence, the present author tends to believe that the notion and figure of Aizen-my66, as we see him transmitted in the Esoteric Buddhist Schools of Japan, were formed most probably by Chinese priests during the later part of the eighth century. In all probability these priests stylized and systematized the concepts of a popular God of Love from the t

For instance Omura 1918, 520-21. The Tobu-darani-mokz, T 18, no. 901, and theJigen-vokz, T jj, no. 2157, Osabe, T&i-mikkyi-shi, 1971, 240-42. Vanden Broucke 1989-90. Sh8rarai-ti~okuvoku, KZ I , 82. K. Ch'en, "The economic background of rhe Hui-ch'ang suppression of Buddhism," HJAS 19, 19j6, 67-~oj;D. Twitchett (ed.), The Cambridge Hirtor) of China 3, 2, London etc.1979, 666-69.

lower strata of the Buddhist religion such as Ragaraja, Takki-raja or 'Dod-rgyal drnar-po, whom we have treated above, into the complex and highly speculative figure of Aizen. As we have seen, no direct brother or counterpart on equal terms exists either in the Indian, or in the Tibetan Buddhist pantheon. As the basic text on which to base his ritual, the Yugi-kyo, which also has no counterpart in the Tibetan canon of Buddhist texts, could have been f a b r i ~ a t e dIf. ~this is the case, it must have happened when the Swiddhi-sitm was already available in the Chinese language, since we can observe similar traits in both texts. Under the religious circumstances existing at that time in Tang China, the concept of Aizen-my66 lent itself very well as a symbol for the idea of mystic identification expressed also in the speculations on the Kopzg5kai and the Taiz8kai Mandaras.' If we now turn to a sketchy history of our deity in Japanese Buddhism, Kiikai as the patriarch of the Shingon School has to be our point of departure. W e have already referred to the fact that Kiikai had a copy of the Yugi-kyo in his baggage when he returned from China in 805. Even a legend has twined around the transmission of the text by K6b6-daishi which is found, for instance, in the ~akuzen-sho: "During the days when K6b6-daishi stayed in Tang China, he received the transmission of Aizen6. When he returned to our country, he carried him [his image?] on his back and broke it, so that he was unable to cross the blue sea. H e then addressed him with sincere words, relying on his magical response, and immediately he obtained him back. This shows that he had an occult connection (ki'en)with the deity."

The ~esson-zakkiIomentions a Aizen-6 Shuji-Mandara, a Mandara with Germ Syllables, in three zones, containing seventeen deities represented by their shuji, which was supposedly introduced from China by Kukai. Its structure differs from the better known Aizen Mandaras." The Byakuhokku-sho12 quotes a theory by the priest Shinzen (804-91),13 the second abbot of the Kong6bu-ji, according to which the field of the Rishu-e in the Kong8kai Mandara should be regarded as a Mandara of Aizen, which, in turn, is based on a Mandara supposedly brought back by Kiikai, a theory which must remain pure speculation and cannot be substantiated by remaining examples. In the works attributed to Kukai the Yugi-kyo is mentioned several times, especially in his S h h i wr2ok1~roku,'~ written in 806, shortly after his return to Japan. In one instance he quotes a sentence from the Yugi-kyo, which, strangely enough, does not appear in the Chinese original of the text.15 Among K6b6-daishi's Collected Works there is one text, usually cited by the abridged title Yugi-kyogygbo-ki which is an exegesis of the eighth chapter of the siitra.16 But Aizen-my66's name appears neither in the original text of the Sutra nor in Kukai's commentary. The central deity (horizon) is instead the twelve-armed Daish6-kong6. This Yugi-kyo gyobbo-ki is already tabulated in the earliest list of K6b6daishi's works, drawn up by Saisen (1025-1115) during the period when Aizen's cult began to flourish Just the absence of this important Sfitra in the Tibetan canon may be a clue for its Chinese o r i g ~ n Osabe 1971,242.

"z I0

" I2 I3

'' " I6

5, 255, 2. T Z 3, 465, 2. Cf. the chapter on the Mandalas, above, T Z 7 , 9 6 , I. AIDJ 1289-90. KZ I , 82. Kakushi~-ge-goma-rjakkl,KZ 4, 805. KZ 2, 587-604. Full title: lisai-njorai Dazshi-kongi saisho-ihinjitsu-san~n~aja-bun shidai-kannen.

in ~ a ~ a nStill, . ' ~the possibility cannot be excluded that the GY&-ki is a later fabrication, attributed to the great master for obvious reasons. To our knowledge, there is not one instance in the major and genuine texts written by K6b6daishi where Aizen-my66 is directly named. The later lists of Kiikai's literary productions, starting with the one by Kakuban (109 (-1143) compiled only about three hundred years after K6kai.s death,18 contain the title of an Aizen-zaho in one scroll. The text, which apparently dealt with the ritual of our god, does not seem to have survived, and there are strong reasons to doubt its authenticity. As we will presently see, the cult of Aizen as honzon of his own ritual emerged only later during the Heian Period, at just that time when some priests drew up lists of texts which they presented as genuine productions of the great patriarch. Anyhow, Kukai surely was familiar with the figure of Aizen since he knew the Yzlgi-ky6, but it is highly improbable that he exercised special rites for the King of Lust. Other early Japanese Mikky6 pilgrims to China also are known to have brought the Yzgi-kyG text or even paintings with representations of Aizen back to their home country, as for instance E'un (798-869)19 (fig. 3j), who had studied at the famous Qinglong-si of Chang'an, and Shiiei (809-84)" (fig. 36) of the Zenrin-ji, who is reckoned as the last of the early Eight Masters to go to Tang China (nitto-hakke). Among the early Tendai patriarchs, neither Saich6 (767-822)" nor Ennin (794-864)'j seems to have brought icons of our deity back to Japan; only Enchin (814-91)'~ mentions him two or three times, especially in the Tenkyii-Aizen variant, which we have characterized above as an early form of the King of ~ u s t . ' ~ The credit of focussing a special speculative interest on the Yugi-ky~and, in consequence, on Aizen must probably be given to the Tendai priest Annen (841-91 since it is from his brush that we have the first more extensive commentaries on the Sutra in ~ a ~ a n . " At about the same time other Mikky6 priests also must at least have been familiar with Aizen. The Shingon master Yakushin (827-5106),~~who had close ties to Emperor Uda and was active at the T6ji and the T6dai-ji, preached that Aizen-my66 changes into the figure of Emma-ten, the God of Death and the King of Wells, to ward off the dangers of dying. It is recorded that Yakushin was asked by the maid of honour (shcji), Fujiwara Yoshiko, whether one of the six walls of the newly erected Hall for Burnt Offerings (Goma-do) in the Enj6-ji of Heian should not be decorated with an AizenmandamZ9Perhaps we are here confronted with the first instances of a growing belief in such deities as the King of Lust within the circles of the Heian court. "

Kfbf-dairhz-gjosasho-moki~rok~, KZ j, 537 Biography of Saisen in Dent8 Kfvoku, ZSZS 33, 292. Kfsu-g~aseicuk~sho-~riokuv~ki~, KZ j, 548. Biography in Dentd K~voiu,ZSZS 33, 306-11. I' MDJ 144-4 j. MD] 8 51- 52. ZI Tanabe and Ariga 1990, 135. 22 MD] 758-j9. l3 121DJ 16j-66. l4 MDJ 163-6j. Tanabe and Ariga 1980,13j. 26 hlDJ 51-jz. 27 Osabe 1971,242. MD] 2178-79. " Tanabe and Ariga 1990,136, quoting Becson-ukki. Biography of Yakushin in Dent8 K ~ v o ~ZSZS E , 33,253-5 18

j.

Fig. 35 Aizen with the stars of Ursa Major. Version brought from China by E'un (798-869). Kakuzen-shd, TZ 5 , pl. 281.

Fig. 36 Aizen holding a round object. Version supposedly brought from Tang China by Shaei (809-84). After handscroll by Bansei, dated 1292. Daigo-ji ms. no. 163-4.

After Kukai and his direct disciples, with their rather loose connection to Aizen, it took more than one century until the cult of the deity grew deeper roots in the field of Shingon ceremonial. An important role in this development was played by the priest Ningai (951 or 955-1046), the famous Rain-making Monk (ame-s6jQ) who promoted the Shingon ritual within the imperial family, especially by using magic practices.jOEvidently for him and the society in which he was active, the focus of interest for our King of Lust lay in magic. But another driving force towards the growing popularity of Mikky6 in the early eleventh century was the introduction of Nembutsu ideas into Shingon speculation whereby the school later was enabled to attract wider circles of followers, apart from court and nobility. Ningai founded the Mandara-ji in Ono below the Higashiyama of Heian-ky6, a temple which was later renamed Zuishin-in and developed into a center of the new Ono School (Ono-ryu) as a counterpart to Kanch6's (916-98) Hirosawa School of saga,jl situated at the other side of the capital. While there were hardly any differences of religious speculation between the two schools, the main contrasts were in their modes of tradition: the Hirosawa School stressing the importance of written handbooks for ritual (giki), the new Ono School relying more on oral transmission (kziden, kziketsu) directly from person to person with a certain mystical character. Ningai acted as the religious teacher and personal priest (goji-so) of the Ex-Emperor Shirakawa during the latter's Insei (i.e. government in retirement, 1086-1129), and also of the politically important noble Fujiwara Tadazane (1078-1162). Eschatological reasons, among others, probably led Ningai to his promotion of Aizen's rites since he performed them, at least nominally, for the benefit of all living beings suffering under the depressing atmosphere of the last world period (mappi?)during which the Buddhist religion was expected to degenerate or even to become extinct. That Ningai and his two noble pupils, Shirakawa and Tadazane, reached such a respectable degree of old age was attributed partly to the effectiveness of their belief in the rites of Aizen-my66.j2 Anyhow, Ningai is the author of one of the basic handbooks on the ritual of this deity, the Aizen-5 daishidai, Great Sequence of Aizen-6's Ritual, and he also wrote an Aizen-8-she, an Aizen-h8 and a Raga-hihO, Secret Rites of Raga, which all seem to have been lost.33A later work on the tradition of the Anj6-ji School, a sub-sect of the Ono branch, states: "Ningai treated Aizen secretly, and did not let other people see him [his icon?] ."j4 During the next few generations Aizen's ritual seems to have been especially favoured by the Ono School, which quickly grew into a major force within Shingon Buddhism. Already Ningai's foremost pupil, the priest Seizon (1012-74),35 won his fame by an incident which is recorded in many sources of Shingon history and which, by no means, found unanimous approval even among his own disciples. Seizon had used Aizen's ritual in a dubious manner as black magic for political ends. When the seventy-first Emperor of Japan, Go-Sanj6 (born 1034, reigned 1069-72, died 1073), still held only the rank of Eastern Prince (Higashi-no-miya), he was annoyed that his elder brother Goj0

j4

?'

For Ningai see MDJ 1768-69; SZS 39,346 ff. His biography in Dentd Kd-ioku,ZSZS 33,367-69. Kancho's biography in Dentri Kdroku, ZSZS 33, 268-69. This is the opinion of the Atzen-ishdryc-ki, written in 1498, quoted by Kushida 1979, 2, 823. The AIDJ 1769, 2 gives a list of N ~ n g a i ' sworks with more than one hundred titles, including those on Aizen quoted above. The present author has been unable to locate hem. An-rjz2 u'enjzl-kijri, SZS 35,92, I. O n him see iZ1DJ 1332. Biography Dentd Kd~oku,ZSZS 33,380-81. The following story as it- is told here is a pasticcio of information spread over several sources like the Asnba-sbd, T Z 9, 299, the Byakubd-5/35,T Z 10,I O j 3 , the Sambd-in-q~Tfzen-s?~.brikuketsu, SZS 14, 121, and the Yatuku-ketsumyuku-shu, SZS 39,349.

Reizei had occupied the throne as seventieth Emperor for twenty-two years, without any signs of weakness or old age, thereby leaving no prospects for the ambitious prince, himself already aged thirty-five years old, to succeed him in the near future. Seizon had won the position of a "personal priest" (ki'e-so, "refuge-monk", or jisg) to the prince, and had already proved himself an able and successful magician. In 1065 he had enacted a "rain-making ceremony" (shou-gy8-ho) in which his teacher Ningai already had demonstrated his skills. During the third day of Seizon's ceremony heavy rain began to fall. Four years later, one day in 1069, the Eastern Prince, before attending a ceremony, was combing his hair in front of a mirror when he suddenly was struck by "signs of old age approaching": Some grey hair dropped from his comb. The prince exclaimed: "I am already getting white hair and GoReizei is still occupying the throne. I will never be able to have the original desire of my early youth [to ascend the throne] fulfilled!" When his personal priest Seizon was informed about this incident he "penetrated into the deeper meaning" of the prince's exclamation, that is, he grasped the hidden hint that something should be done. H e consoled the Higashi-no-miya, returned to his quarters and "made with all respect an image of Aizen-6 measuring three shdku in height". One sourcej6 says that Seizon used sandalwood for this purpose, and that he made an icon in the size of three son and five bu which would correspond to the "height of five fingers-widths" (goshiryg) mentioned above as especially effective in Aizen's ritual. According to other sources Seizon took the Aizen sculpture of the Round Hall (end6) of the Hossh6-ji as the honzon of his rite, but that account seems to have confused the details with an incident that took place in Shirakawa's time, which we will treat below. Seizon then wrote Aizen's formula with red ink on a piece of paper of reddish colour like a prunus blossom, inserted the charm into a small silken bag which he then hung over the icon's left hand forming the gesture of "holding that". All of these details agrees perfectly well with the description of Aizen's ritual in other texts. For seven days Seizon performed the terrible ch5buku rites in front of the image. From some vague descriptions we may guess that the priest enacted an imitation of Aizen's own appearance. H e wielded a lotus in his right hand, as if striking at his left which was supposed to hold "that", namely Emperor Go-Reizei's health and disposition. After seven days the white teeth of the lion head in the crown of Aizen's image suddenly were tinted red in the colour of blood. Seizon took this as a sign that the ch6buku spell cast on the Emperor was having its desired effect. And actually Go-Reizei soon suffered from ulcers (ygso) and passed away later that same year, thus allowing his ambitious younger brother to ascend the throne as seventy-first Emperor under the name Go-Sanj6. Apparently this misuse of Aizen's rite aroused criticism even among Seizon's own pupils. It is recorded that Hanjun remarked: "This surely was no loyal behaviour! "j7 During his short reign Go-Sanj6 showered favours on his personal priest, and commanded Seizon to introduce the obviously successful ritual of Aizen at the great temple T6ji in the capital Heian. According to popular belief, the effect achieved by such improper means could not last very long and, in fact, Go-Sanj6 ended his short, though successful, imperial career only three years later; he died the next year, 1073, followed only a few months later by his "personal priest." Their early death was ascribed to after-effects of the ominous ch&uku rite.

Although Hanjun ( I O ~ ~ - I I I ~reportedly )~' criticized his master Seizon, under whom he had studied sucessfully at the Mandara-ji of Ono, because of Seizon's misuse of Aizen's rite, Hanjun himself practised it on different occasions. Together with his fellow-student Gihan (1023-88)j9 Hanjun was praised as Seizon's "double jade disk" (s~heki),and he quickly rose to a position of favour near the Emperor Shirakawa, who also must have had a predilection for Aizen's mysterious ritual.40 After he had ascended the throne in 1073, Shirakawa Tenno had the temple Hossho-ji erected; the Main Hall together with the Lecture Hall and another one for Amida were consecrated in 1077.~'In addition he had a nine-storied Pagoda, a Yakushi Hall and one for the Rite of Circumambulation (Jogyo-do) built and consecrated in 1083, the same year in which the priest Shoshin performed for the first time a Goma Ceremony addressed to Aizen in the octagonal hall dedicated to our King of Lust. The same priest, Shoshin (1005-85),~~ some years before, in 1077, had already performed the Aizen ritual on the seventh day of each month for the duration of one year in the Kita-no-in of his temple, Ninna-ji. Inside the Round Hall (Endo) of the Hossho-ji, which was in fact octagonal, Shirakawa Tenno had an icon of Aizen placed as the main sacred object (horizon). It is furthermore reported that during the construction of the temple the Emperor buried some precious jewel in the base of the altar, on top of which the above-mentioned icon of Aizen was installed. In this temple, which soon earned the nickname "Shirakawa no tera", the Aizen rituals were reserved exclusively for the Emperor himself, not even high-ranking nobles were allowed to have them executed there. The appearance of this image, which no longer exists, must have come close to drawings preserved in Zuzo sketches kept by the Daigo-ji and the ~ i n n a - j i . 4 3 Also during Shirakawa's reign, in 1075, Seizon's two favorite pupils, Hanjun and Gihan, became trapped in a case of personal rivalry over an imperially ordered rain-making ceremony, Hanjun performing his part in the park Shinzen-en of the Imperial Palace, Gihan performing his in the Daigo-ji. Apparently Gihan won Shirakawa's approval, since Hanjun secretly returned to the sacred mountain Nachi in Kumano, where he vowed to inaugurate an Aizen ceremony of one thousand days (issen-nichi Aizen-8 ku). But already during the next year Shirakawa Tenno, who seems not to have enjoyed good health at that time, changed his mind about the relative value of the two priests and called Hanjun back to court where he had to perform the Aizen ceremony. The Emperor ascribed it to the effectiveness of these rites that he recovered ¶uickly from his illness. "He showed mercy toward Hanjun and loaded him with more and more benefactions, even ranking him beside his

noble^."^^

j8

O n Hanjun see MDJ 1829-30. Biography in Denti Kirokz~.ZSZS 33,488-89. 3"iography in Dentri K i ~ o k zZSZS ~ , 33,389-90. O ' O n the formation of rites for single deities (besson-bri?, especially for Aizen, and the role of Shirakawa Tenno and the princely priests ( h i d i n n 8 in this connection see the excellent article by Mrs. N. Kurimoto. "Shi1h6 kara miru Insei-ki no seish~n-sekai,"Kanaruria Bunko Kenkji ~86,1gg1,3,12-30. Much of the following text is based on this article. 'I For archaeological research on the area of the former Hosshb-11 see Report Papers on the Excavation at Sites Dating from the H e ~ a n Period, "The Site of the Hosshb-ji," BakkjF Geijatsu 115, 1977, 86-92. B~lographyof Shoshin in Dent8 Kf~oku,ZSZS 33,279-82. Tanabe and Arlga 1990,136, iMDJ1829-30.

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Four years later, in 1080, Hanjun again performed the iVyohg-Aizen-hg at the Emperor's command, and repeated it again in 1109 in the Southern Palace of Toba (Toba-nangii). Among the works written by Hanjun, a Njoh5-Aizen-shidai in one volume is mentioned. The Emperor and his priest must have shared their interest in the King of Lust down to the last minute of Hanjun's life. When Hanjun was about to die, Shirakawa asked through an Imperial messenger: "The fact that Aizen holds that in his hand surely has a deep esoteric meaning. Please, inform Us for the sake of later generations! Please, inform Us without any restrictions!" Hanjun replied to the messenger: "The very secret is that he holds the character 'A'. But the utmost mystery is that his fist corresponds to the mind." After uttering this puzzling revelation the priest entered Nirvana. Possibly he meant that the fist symbolizes the practitioner's mind, which encloses the secret intentions aimed at by the rite, and which, in their turn, are expressed by the character "A".4i The facts stated in religious and historical literature of the middle and later Heian Period, together with private diaries (nikki) of contemporary nobles, clearly demonstrate, as Mrs. Kurimoto has shown, that the official rites of the state performed to protect this state and the social layer of mighty noble families governing it, slowly changed their character. Especially under the government of Shirakawa, and still more during the period of his lnsei at the Ninna-ji in the capital, there developed a new type of secret rituals, not so much for the welfare of the state and for its protection, but for the individual well-being of the Emperor or Ex-Emperor himself. Held in the atmosphere of the Imperial household these rituals acquired a certain luxurious character. They became larger, were extended over several days, and the number of altars used was increased. Another result was the birth of Ceremonies for Special Single Deities (besson-h~),as for instance for Aizen-my66. Shirakawa Tenn6 and some of his sons who had become Priestly Princes (h5shinn~)played an especially important and decisive role in this development. The Shingon sources reveal that the Emperor had the rites for the King of Lust performed altogether twelve times during a period of forty-nine years. But already Sh6shin-h6shinn6, fourth son of Emperor Sanj6, whom we have mentioned above and who had close religious contacts also with the Emperors Reizen, Go-Suzaku and Go-Sanj6, and whom Shirakawa had promoted to the second princely rank, had enacted Aizen's ritual on several occasion^.^^ After Sh6shin had passed away in 1085 the sons of Shirakawa Tenn6, who had, one after the other, achieved the rank of hgshinno, were responsible for the further development of the Ninna-ji into a courtly center of Shingon Mikky6. Shirakawa's third son became a Buddhist monk at the age of ten and, under the name Kakugy6," was made administrator (jimu) of the Ninna-ji and promoted to the rank of hgshinno in 1099. Thereafter he inaugurated several secret esoteric rites, for instance nearly every year after 1100A.D. there was one Aizen ritual, as well as ceremonies at five altars (godan-h5) and rites for the magically effective Alahd-MZyz2ri-sitra (Kujaku-ky8-h$. As a sign of the close connection with his father we may take the fact that Kakugy6 was promoted to the second princely rank in 1102, but his early death at the age of thirty ended his short career in 1105. Kakugy6 was followed at the Ninna-ji by the fourth son of Shirakawa, named Kakuh6 (109111S3)," who was promoted by the influential priest Kanjo, who was to play an important role in the 4'

'6 "

''

An-rji-denjil-kjjc, SZS 35, 93. K u r ~ m o t o1991, sq. Biography In Dento Kiroklt, ZSZS 33, 287 lbid. 313-14.

further development of the Ninna-ji, and by Hanjun. The latter introduced the prince into several secret rituals as well as into the Aizen ceremonies." The prince enacted those rituals and ceremonies , thereafter several times on other occasions. for his father in 1110 at the Toba-in of the ~ a l a c eand also is Shirakawa's fifth son, who had been initiated by Kanjo and was named ~h6kei-h6shinn6,~' known to have performed an Aizen ritual in 1129. The priest Kanjo (1057-1125)~" who had such close connections with the Imperial family, not only was a key figure in the spread of the rites of the King of Lust among the members of the palace but was also responsible for the popularization of other Mikky6 ceremonies, especially of the one addressed to the star constellation Ursa Major (dai-hokuto-h$, which also was enriched and enlarged by adding six smaller altars for the different stars of the constellation to the large main altar (daidan) and the one for the fire ceremony (goma-dan).Just the increase of the numbers of altars was one of the characteristics of the development of Esoteric Rites for single deities (besson-ho) during the Insei Period. I t is a symptom of the strong astrological tendencies at the court during Shirakawa's time that Kanjo performed an elaborate and expensive ritual for the stars of Ursa Major at a special Hokuto-Mandara Hall of the Hossh6-ji in the seventh month of 1109.~'But it seems that after the death of Kanjo the astrological trend was again overshadowed by the belief in Aizen-my66, which was fervently propagated by the Priestly Prince Kakuh6 after 1123. The originally more private character of such esoteric ceremonies performed for individual members of the court, especially for Ex-Emperor Shirakawa himself, again achieved a public character by being performed under such pompous circumstances at large temples like the Hossho-ji. The influence of the dominating personality of Kanjo, who was nicknamed "Regent of Religion" (h0 no kampaku), can hardly be overrated. After exerting strong influence on the religious tendencies of Shirakawa and his sons at the Ninna-ji, Kanjo also spread his activities to the T6ji in 1107 and became Personal Priest of the succeeding emperor Toba in the last month of the same year. During the period of his lnsei, Ex-Emperor Toba also had the Aizen ceremonies performed on at least three occasions. In 1123 they were executed for his long life and health, in the fifth month of 1124 he paid his adoration ( k z ~ yto ~ ) paintings of one hundred icons of Aizen, a ceremony which seems to have been repeated in the third month of the next year? Even twenty-one years later Ex-Emperor Toba had an Aizen rite executed in memory of the Priestly Prince Kakuh6, who, in his turn, had played such an eminent role in the development of the Aizen creed. This documents the growing popularity of the belief in Aizen's efficaciousness in court circles. This was paralleled by a similar development of the belief in Emma-ten, the King of Death and of the Hells, who could be identified with the King of Lust when the latter appeared in the iconographic version of By6d6-6. But in spite of the apparent predilection for Aizen within the later Heian nobility there exist only very few sculptured images of that period and still fewer painted icons.54

'"fiu-ziihi, T 78, 280. 'O Derjro Kboku, ZSZS 33, 296. " Ibid. 292. " O n the star-cult In Mikky6 cf. K. Yamaguch~(ed.), The 12th Exhibition of The Grand Treaiurj of Kijaian. =The ~ZIandalaand The Stars>>, Museum Reihokan, Keyasan 1991. j3 Tanabe and Ariga 1990, according to entries in contemporary diar~es(nikki). Cf. the list by Tanabe and Ariga.

"

Also during the next century members of the Imperial family enacted the Aizen ritual. D6b6h6shinn6 (1166-1214),~~son of Emperor Go-Shirakawa, had the ritual performed at the Daish6-in in 1207 as a memorial service in honour of Shirakawa Tenn6. According to the Shingon-shi NempyG the ceremonies for Aizen were performed thirty-one times during the period of one hundred and twenty years between 1080 and 1200, mostly by some H6shinn6 in connection with the Ninna-ji or by priests of the Daigo-ji. Only on three occasions are priests of other temples mentioned as main practitioners. The NempyG, of course, only lists important and more or less official rituals, so that in reality many more Aizen rites may have been executed, although the necessary pomp and the expenses involved must have limited such ceremonies mainly to the circles of wealthy and influential families, that is, to nobility and court. The more popular belief in the King of Lust with followers among common people was a later development. If we glance at the historical literature about the different branches of the Shingon School, we can observe clearly that during the later part of the Heian Period, in the twelfth century, ceremonies with a definite magical flavour, such as the Nyoh6-Aizen-h6, the Nyoh6-Sonsh6-h6 and the Ninn6ky6-h6, were in favour, especially in the Ono School and, at the same time, had a strong foothold within the Imperial family. They, and especially the rites for Aizen, were carried out mostly under the auspices of members of nobility in larger Shingon temples, but also in the private chapels (jibutsu-dG) of aristocratic families. During the formative period of Mikky6 in the early years of Heian as the new capital, the Yugikj@,as the basic text for the belief in Aizen, ranked beside the Dainichi-ky8 (Mahd-Vairocana-sitra), the Konggcho-ky8 (Vajrafekhara-sitra) and the Soshitsuji-ky~(Swiddhi-sitra), as one of the fundamental texts for esoteric rituals. As we have hinted, the ceremonies for single deities of the rich pantheon (issombo, besson-bG) emerged out of the larger context of such voluminous Siitras only step by step. The T6mitsu with its different sub-branches especially stressed the importance of our King of Lust on the basis of the Yz~gi-kyo. The growth of esoteric ritualism during the Heian Period was paralleled by a spreading popularity of Aizen-my66, his rites being enacted, as we have seen, mainly by the Ono School with its close connections to court circles. But they were also taken over by the Hirosawa School. Because of the strict esoteric character of such ceremonies comparatively little information found its way into written tradition, the main facts being transmitted orally from master to pupil and kept strictly secret within clerical circles. In the wake of the general social instability and unrest near the end of the Heian Period, in which antagonizing groups of Mikky6 Schools and temples played such a negative role, the Aizen ceremony, together with other rites of magical character, like those for rain-making, for Kujakumy66, for Fud6, the Ursa Major (Hokuto) and for the Ninn6-ky6, experienced a Golden Age. An interesting feature in this context is the commingling of Aizen's ritual with elements of the Nembutsu belief.^^ The Priestly Prince Shdshin (1005-85), whom we have mentioned above, had close personal ties to a priest named Raigi about whom not much is known. When the priest felt death approaching, the prince tried to persuade him that he should without interruption recite the name of Buddha Amida. But just the moment before Raigi was about to enter Nirvana, Sh6shin let him join his hands to form the esoteric hand-gesture of kongo-gassho and intone the prayer "Namu

" 56

Dento Kgruku, ZSZS 33, 319, The follow~ngafter Kushida 1979, 2 , 827

Aizen-myo6" instead of the usual "Namu Amida-butsu". A priest named Kank6, one of the many pupils of Ningai, also became absorbed in the Aizen belief and brought it into context with the idea of the Buddha Land in Nine Steps (kubon hutsuto) situated in the western region and, of course, identifiable with Amida's Pure Land U6do). The traditional dictum "Dainichi is identical with Aizen-6" (Dainichi sokzl Aizen-$ was transposed into the phrasing "Amida is identical with Aizen-6" (Anzida soku Aizen-g). Another text says: "Mita (Amida) and Aizen are only one Buddha and one form. This is expressed by the present Mudra of the Five-Pronged Vajra (goko-in)."57Anyhow, this development was quite in keeping with the general syncretistic tendency of Shingon speculation which favoured such identifications. The seeds for the mixing of Mikkyo ideas with the popular Nembutsu belief had already been sown by ~ u k f i , ~the ' second abbot of the Kongobu-ji on Mount Koya, between 891 and 916. The resulting syncretism had then been fostered by Ningai (951-1046) and Saisen (1025-III~),and reached its culmination in the activities of the so-called Nembutsu-hijiri, the "Saints Practicing the Invocation of Buddha (Amitiibha)", even on the sacred Mount Koya, the stronghold of Shingon Buddhism. A positive outcome of this syncretism was that simpler-minded followers of Mikkyo also could find some sort of comfort in the complex esoteric speculations which otherwise would have been hardly comprehensible to them. Although the political center had moved to the Kant6 area, far away from the old capital Heian, during the following Kamakura Period (1185-1333) the courtly tradition of Aizen rituals in the environment of the Imperial family continued without interruption, as far as we can gather from the lists in the Shingon-shzi NempyG. The eighth son of Emperor Go-Shirakawa, the Priestly Prince D6b6 (1166-121~),~~ enacted the ritual for the King of Lust in the two decades between 1190 and 1211 no less than nine times, on three occasions twice in a single year, once for the easy delivery of Shumeimon'in, the Empress of Go-Toba-tenno. Prince Dojo ( 1 1 ~ 6 - 1 2 ~ ~second ) , ~ 0 son of Go-Toba, performed Aizen rituals six times within seven 1214 and 1221, three times alone in 1214, and twice in 1217 because of inauspicious signs years between in the skies, even using ten altars for the ceremony in the Ninna-ji. When Ex-Emperor Kameyama fell seriously ill in 1305, three Goma ceremonies were executed for his recovery in the fourth month, one Aizen-goma by the priest ~ ~ o h e none , ~Fud6-goma ' by Yugen and another one addressed to the Healing Buddha Yakushi (Bhaisajyaguru) by Gonke. In the eighth month Ryohen enacted another Aizen-goma, the priest zenjo6' executed a ritual for long life (emmeih6), and a last rite for Aizen was performed during the ninth month by Gonke in the palace. Still, all these efforts proved unavailing, since Kameyama died the same year. Near the end of the Kamakura Period the Priestly Prince Kansh6 (1289-1346) continued the tradition and executed three Aizen ceremonies between 1312 and 1316. I t was not only the Imperial court that believed in the efficacy of our King of Lust; the Military Government (Bakufu) of Kamakura also turned to the deity in cases of emergency, as for instance in 1223, when the priest Jog6 tried to avert heavenly calamities by prayers to Aizen. And in the ancient "

Dad-hiketiu-iho, SZS 23, 278, I AID] 2 1 3 2 , ~ . '"enti K@oki(, ZSZS 33,319. h0 61

62

Ibid.jzo. Ibid. 323. Ibld.312, 324.

capital Heian high-ranking courtiers seem to have used the efficacy of Aizen's ritual for political ends, as a story about Saionji Kintsune ( I I ~ I - 1 2 4 4 )in~ ~the Aizen-8 ~ h o r 3 , i - demonstrates. k~~ When, during the turmoil of the Ch6kyu Period (1219-22), Go-Toba Tenn6 wanted to imprison Kintsune because he favoured the ascension of Juntoku, Kintsune, after escaping, vowed to have ten thousand Aizen images at the size of five-finger-widths (goshiry~)made, which he actually did after the fall of the H6j6 family and gained favour under the new emperor Go-Horikawa. H e even added another ten thousand images and had an uninterrupted adoration ceremony @den-kuyGbG) performed. A certain new impetus was added to the belief in Aizen-my66 by the famous priest Eison (120190),65founder of the Shingon-Ritsu School with headquarters at the Saidai-ji in Nara. A famous story, later overgrown by legends, is connected with Eison when he was eighty years of age. When the Mongol army for the second time threatened to invade Japan by sea and had already landed in Kyiishii in 1281, priests of the Shingon School received Imperial orders to perform averting i,~~ ceremonies to save the country and the empire. In his personal notes, the ~ a n s h i n - ~ a k u s h o - kEison records his own involvement in sober and plain language: "On the first day of the intercalary seventh month [in the fourth year of the K6an era, i.e. 12811 more than five hundred sixty priests of the two capitals, the northern and the southern, gathered in front of the Jewel [the icon of Hachiman-bosatsu in the Hachiman-gu at Otoko-yams] and in complete harmony performed the services. At that occasion [I] Eison uttered the Commandments (kai). After the Commandments had been uttered I was obliged to promulgate the following statement: 'Pursuing an Imperial request, received from the Imperial House in Nara (Heijo no ~t~iyo), here in the Hachiman-gu, we bring forth the Subduing (go%uku)of the foreign enemies; that is, that the Daibosatsu (Hachiman) may create a wind from the east and blow away the warships to their home country, without doing harm to the people aboard, but destroying and burning their ships.' "Not long after [uttering this prayer] a Great Storm (daqi) began to blow with the noise of rolling thunder coming up; and they were driven away to the west. This happened with the consent of the deity. In the early hours of the night of the third day [of the month] the last ceremonies (kechigan)of [reading] the Dharani came to an end. At the fourth day the Reading by Turning the Pages (tendoku) of the Saishio-kyo in one hundred parts, of the N i n n i - k y ~in one in one part was respectfully hundred parts, and the Dai-Hannya-kjo (~llahd-P~aj~dpd~artzitd-sit~a) ended. In the evening we received an order from the Ex-Emperor (in) that from the next day on we should perform tendoku of the whole Buddhist Canon (issai-kyg).In the fourth hour on the evening of the fifth day the vow [to read] the Canon was uttered, and on the noon of the seventh day the ceremony came to an end. On the eighth day all monks returned and dispersed. I myself went back to the J6ju-ji. "On the ninth day a messenger from the official Masayasu of the Mimbu" arrived and announced: 'The warships from the foreign country have disappeared. The Great Storm of one single day has completely destroyed them'."

Although Eison himself does not mention Aizen-my66 as the deity invoked at this occasion, other . ~ ~ sources explicitly state that the priest addressed his ritual especially to the King of ~ u s t The 63

Kawade Shobo, Nzhon Reklihi Daljiten, Tokyo 1968, 5, 5. 6"Quoted by Kushida 1979, 2, 836. See also below, chapter on Ritual. 6 5 Ibid. 417-18. h6 Facsimile reprint by the Saidai-ji, Nara 1991,beiiatiu 55 and 166-67. h7 Department of State in charge of census, taxes, postal stations etc. 68 Cf. M.W, de Visser, Ancient Buddhlim in Japan, Leiden 1935,2, 516-17.

official ceremonies (vzishuh~)in 1281 at the Hachiman-g& on Otokoyama consisted of Fire Offerings at Seven Altars (shichidan-goma), mainly invoking fierce My66s like Aizen, Taigensui and the Five Vidyiirajas (godai-myGG),with Eison acting as the main practitioner at Aizen's altar. Legend later took hold of this historically important occasion and embellished its details. Eison is ~ ~ his personal icon (gojiron) said to have taken the arrow with a turnip head ( k a b u ~ a y a )from representing Aizen, the famous sculpture executed in 1247 by the Buddha Master (bz~sshi)Zen'en and still kept as Secret Buddha (hibutsu) by the Saidai-ji," and to have shot it in the direction of the Mongol ships, thereby causing the destructive typhoon. The legend concludes that therefore the famous icon is lacking its arrow as emblem, when, in fact, the deity still holds an arrow in its right hand. Anyhow, the importance attributed to this sculpture by the temple down to the present makes it plausible that this earliest icon known to have been commissioned and dedicated by Eison might have played an important role in the famous ceremonial event. The legend had its after-effects down to the Edo Period, even in the popular Kabuki theater. In 1754 the famous Aizen sculpture of the Saidai-ji, Eison's personal icon, was brought from Nara to the in the small temple capital Edo and shown in a so-called Curtain-Opening Ceremony (degai~hg)~' Eke-in. At that time the Kabuki actor Ichikawa Danjur6 I1 was seriously ill, even facing death, and had retired from acting at the Nakamura-za. Here he had performed the leading role in the short play "The Arrow-Head'' (Ya no ne) for the first time in 1729 and, subsequently, for more than one hundred showings. After recovering from his illness he once again enacted the "Arrow-Head" for half a year in 1754. The theme of the play has no direct connection to the legend of Eison and the arrow of his Aizen sculpture,72but surely the actor remembered the averting power of Aizen's emblem, since the Saidai-ji owns a large votive painting (ema) with a dedicatory inscription from the Nakamura-za theater, dated Hereki 4 (1754) and showing Danjur6 I1 sharpening the head of a large arrow on a brick-like het stone.^? Here we have a fine example for the transfer of an early Aizen legend from its ecclesiastic atmosphere into the lower stratum of folk belief. During the Kamakura Period the belief in Aizen and his rituals was also fostered in local centers of Mikky6 far away from the metropolitan area. In close proximity to Kamakura as seat of the Bakufu, the Sh6my6-ji, in Kanazawa-machi near the port of Yokohama, developed into an important center of the Shingon-ritsu subsect founded by Eison. Its first abbot was My6sh6-b6 Shinkai, who had close contacts with the local feudal family Nagai, which, in turn, was on good terms with the Bakufu of Kamakura. An intimate pupil of Shinkai was the priest Myonin-b6 Ken'a (or Kenna), who became the second abbot of the Sh6my6-ji. The members of the Nagai family were famous as scholars and Ken'a became a close friend of Nagai Sadahide, whose father's library was the nucleus of the Kanazawa Bunko. To this day the Kanazawa Library is a treasure house for studies on Mikky6, owning many texts on Aizen-my66 and his ritual, partly preserved as manuscripts from the brush of Ken'a h i m ~ e l f . 'The ~ Sh6my6-ji also owns the famous small bronze figure of Aizen, dated 1297, 6n" 70 71

"

'

''

arrow producing a humming sound when shot. Often reproduced, iateiy by Tanabe and Ariga 1990, pl. 54. During such occasions the curtains or doors of the shrine housing a secret image (hibutstl)were opened for a certain period in order to allow worship by the believers. N 974, 2 and 171, z. O n the contents of the play see A.C. Scott, The Kabtlki Tbeatse ofJapan, London 1955, 91; A.S. and G.M. Halford, The Kabuki Handbook, Kutland-Tokyo 1956,352-53. The enia is reproduced in colour on the front cover of T. Kawada. Emu, Nihon no Bijtlt~tl,no. 92, T6ky6 1974. The story about the eiizu is reported in BukkjiGezj~itsu62,1966, 137-38. The author would like to thank Mr. Sh. Manabe who gave him the opportunirp to study and copy the texts on Aizen in the librarp.

which has been treated above in connection with "Icons Five-Finger-Widths High" (go-shiry6 AizenzO). In the early years of the fourteenth century Ken'a, as the second abbot of the Shomyb-ji, performed rituals for Aizen, for instance in the Kakuon-ji of ~ a m a k u r aBut . ~ ~other priests in the Kamakura area also focused their interest on the King of Lust. Kyoko wrote commentaries on an earlier Aizen-8 kuketsu-sh8 in 1279 and performed a ritual in the metropolitan Ninna-ji in 1 ~ 0 ~ . ~ ~ The more opulent ceremonies for the King of Lust, like the Nyoho-Aizen-ho, seem to have degenerated during the later part of the Kamakura Period. Only the priest Koga (died 1387), the twenty-first abbot of the Anjo-ji, tried to revive that ceremony again at his temple and performed it several times. However a text of his own Anjo-ji School explicitly states: "By itself [this ceremony] degraded and again its performance was stopped."77 The period of the Ashikaga Shoguns (1336-1573) is generally regarded as the Golden Age of Zen Buddhism in Japan, bringing new impetus to arts and literature, and opening new doors for religious thinking. I t is therefore surprising to find that especially under the earlier Shoguns of this family a certain predilection for Aizen ceremonies prevailed. According to the Shingon-shfl Nempyii, Ashikaga Takauji (1305-58) already had the ritual performed six times within only four years between 1347 and 1350, sometimes even in his mansion. His successor as second Shogun, Yoshiakira, had it performed once in 1358. Ashikaga Yoshimitsu eiren repeated Eison's ritual for Aizen in the Hachiman-gii on Mount Otokoyama in 1373 and, as late as 1412, three times in his mansion. Also Yoshimochi (13861428), the fourth Ashikaga regent, famous for his connections to Zen circles and as an artist in ink 5)" Aizen rituals on paintings of the Zen style, had the Shingon priest Manzei ( 1 ~ ~ 8 - 1 ~ ~ perform several occasions, and his son Yoshinori, as the sixth Shogun in this line, continued the tradition. But apart from these activities by the Shoguns, the Imperial court also had Aizen ceremonies performed, often by some Hoshinno, partly in temples of the palace and partly in the large and famous Shingon centers like Ninna-ji, Toji or Sambo-in, although the number of such occasions diminished in the later years of this period from the second half of the fifteenth century on. During the Momoyama Period (1582-1603) with its political and social instability, official Aizen rites seem to have been performed merely twice in the Seiryo-den of the palace, and only following the consolidation of the Tokugawa regime after 1626 can we observe a new increase of occasions for the performance of ceremonies for our King of Lust, although rarely by Hoshinno of the Imperial family, but more often in the Toji or on Mount Koya. The fervour for esoteric rituals of this kind had definitely evaporated in the ruling class of Japan, which had been responsible for the flowering of the Aizen belief in the medieval past. Still, in drawing this rather sketchy survey of the history of the Aizen creed in Japan from its very beginning down to modern times, we should always keep in mind that our information has been drawn mainly from official sources and therefore only reflects activities within more or less official social circles. A detailed study of personal diaries (nikki) and other private texts would surely change the results of our survey. I t would bring into focus the popular belief and the simpler rituals of our deity in lower levels of Japanese society, an aspect that had to be neglected in this study.

-' -6 77

-8

For Ken'a and the Shomy6-jl cf Kush~da1979,249 Ihzd 579 and 583 SZS 34>455>2 Denti KOioku, ZSZS 33,485-86

CHAPTER V111 Heterodox Speculations and the Tachikawa Sect

B

ased on the notion that the Defilements are identical with Enlightenment (BonnG soku bodai), certain heterodox ideas were connected with the figure of Aizen-my66. They must have existed already in the most important, but now-lost handbook on his ritual, traditionally ascribed to Ningai (951-1046),' the Daishidai-kuketsu, which was circulated in the Ono School of Shingon. The Himitsugiki-suimon-kit remarks that this book has many bad topics ( h i ) and that another orally transmitted text about the Five Ranks inside the W o m b (tainai go-i) concerned with Aizen's ritual is also wrong and should not be used. Similar condemnations of heterodox books can also be found in a text of the Tendai School of Esoteric ~ u d d h i s m : ? "Among the books about this (Aizen's) rite which are kept in the T6ji there are many faked works (gisho). But later people were unable to distinguish between correct and wrong, and kept them as secret objects or secret compositions. About such things I was informed quite often."

Heterodox speculations and practices must have appeared quite naturally in connection with a deity of such multilayered character as Aizen with his erotic and also grossly magical connotations. The invention of a special Vajra as ceremonial instrument used in his rites seems to have been stimulated by erotic speculations from the very beginning. This Vajra in Human Form (ningyg-sho), which we will treat in the chapter on Aizen's Symbolic Forms (sammaya-gyg), symbolized, when the two elements were joined together into a Five-Pronged Vajra, two human beings, one male and one female, engaged in loving embrace, their sexual organs being united (nikon ky~e).The evident meaning was then transformed and explained as symbolizing Buddha's Great Act (dai-butsuji) and as the unification (zuagG) of Meditation and Wisdom (jG-e), of Principle and Knowledge (ri-chi), of Heaven and Earth and of the two basic Mikky6 Mandaras, the KongGkai and the T a i z ~ k a i . ~ The A s a b a - s h ~illustrates ~ the biased attitude towards this strange implement in a story about a certain S6g6-ajari, who secretly used a Vajra in Human Form and, when asked by someone who had discovered it, answered angrily: "Complete monkey-stuff (sarukoto)! I know nothing about it", and hid the Vajra. Whether the author of the Asaba-sh8 really knew about the erotic implications of the implement, is difficult to say, since he had no connections to heterodox circles. Anyhow, he completed his text in 1275. in a period when the Tachikawa School flourished and in which several of its important texts were compiled. Another fact favouring erotic speculations was the Meditation on the Hidden Parts of a Horse (Meonzg-sammaji) in which Dainichi-nyorai was immersed when promulgating the second chapter of the Yugi-kyo, which has Aizen's variant Zen'ai as the central figure."he hidden pudendum of the AlDJ 1768-69. SZSz, 229. TZS 21,356, I. "orlyama 1965,137f. Tz9,303,2-3. T 18,255,3. Vanden Broucke's translation, 43 and 46-48,

'

horse (meon-zG or 0mme-z6)~seems to be the Esoteric Buddhist formulation for one of the Thirty-Two Signs of Perfection (Iak~a?za)characterizing the figure of a Buddha, which is usually defined as "having the pudendum hidden in a covering" (koh-ga?ntitasti-Suhyat~).8 According to an explanation offered by the Shingon priest Raiyu (1226-1304),~ one visualizes during this Samadhi the character "Hoh" on the heart of Dainichi, which is then transformed into an arrow,'' this again being changed into the figure of Aizen-my66 himself. The Kakugen-sh6, composed by H6ky6 (Rend6)" after oral transmissions from the priests Kakukai (1142-1223) and Yugen, is one of the important sources in regard to heterodox tendencies in Japanese Mikky6. Among its topics there is a longer paragraph concerning the Aleon-zo-sammaji which shows the character of such heterodox speculations:12 "When in this world a man unites with a woman he does not experience the perception of the woman, and she not his. Therefore they do not recognize the bad or good [side] of their joy. But if man and woman recognize each other before [reaching] the Buddha Sphere, then surely Meditation and Wisdom (j8-e) are united into one figure. This is pointed out to the human beings. Kong6satta and Aizen-6 are changing their shape into one single Vajra with Five Prongs and demonstrate thereby the doctrine of Non-Duality of Meditation and Wisdom. During the mundane unification of man and woman the human beings do not understand this [deep meaning]. But the transcendental unity of Meditation and Wisdom is not even understood by a Bodhisattva who has left complete enlightenment (togak~)far behind. Therefore this fact is called 'hidden in darkness and deeply mysterious' (jz?'on-pshin). "Furthermore Kong6satta corresponds to all living creatures among the common people in the Six Ways of Existence, and Aizen-6 also in the same way. About women it is said that their inner mind (naishin)is like that of a [demon-like] Yaksa. Men and deities correspond [in this respect] to women. "Men and women, floating in the circle of life and death and immersed into the ways of desire, But if one takes them all together and are not yet separated by a hair's breadth from error (z~~aku). identifies them with the Buddha, then this [procedure] corresponds to the Shingon [doctrine]. And who was [formerly] called man, is then Kongosatta, and the woman is Aizen-6. The Five Great Elements constituting man and woman and also the Mind which is without beginning bound to birth and death, they together form the Six Great [Elements] and correspond without any hindrance to the Identity ofall Identities (bj8d8-by88). "If you reflect on this principle then i t appears like the non-duality of wave and water, and there is no boundary anymore between man and woman. But also the Defilements (bonno) and Enlightenment (bodai) are essentially one. After the enlightening perception that all factors of existence (ho, dhar~iza)are from the very beginning not originated, the Mind of the Ten Stages of the Development of Mind (j/?~-shin)'~ is condensed [into one], the Mundane and the Sacred are not dual, but are one and the same character and form the Homogeneous Nature of the Vajra

(konKo-isshi).

-

"Therefore the Seal of the Five-Pronged Vajra in Human Form (~zi~zg)~?-goko-sho) represents the union of two human beings who are CO-emergentin two figures (niiyjc-kush8-jin).Since average

Nakamura 1988,138,3; i \ l l ~2151, 3; ,\!l 670. Kasawara, Dhiii.mu-.ru?,igr'rbu, 53-54; hf.E. Burnouf, Le Lotu~de k r Boivte L02, Paris 1925.2 , 572, One of the early sources seems to be the l\luhi?i:~rtrpurti,2 58. "~~oted by ,\lDJ 2151. 10 One of Aizen's Symbolic Forms (sn~iz~~lajn-gyi); see the corresponding chapter below. " O n ~ o k y see o ,\ID/ 1995, 2. IZ SZS 36, 342, I - 343, 2. Cf. also Moriyama 1965,137 ff, I3 O n this notion developed by Kfikai see Y.S. Hakeda, Ktikni, ~ZIdjorKJork.i,New York-London 1972, 67-75. S

human beings emit during such union sounds of joy, one intones [during the ritual] the five kinds Such is the visualization of the sphere of man of sound of the Lion's Cry (shishi-ku, sirnhan~d~).I4 and woman which means that also a deluded mind can immediately enter Buddhahood. Although the union of man and woman is hereby stated as a fact this does not imply that [this union] should be performed readily. "The figure with one body and two heads symbolizes the doctrine of unification into one single form. This doctrine is a preaching which is of dark deepness and of cryptic mysticism. The meon-zc-saininaji quoted by the Yqi-kq6 has this meaning and corresponds to the demand that one should recognize one's mind in its absolute reality (nqojitsu rhi jishin)." This also means that one should realize the insight into all actions in one's own body; and this is the realization of complete Enlightenment (sairzhodai)as Self-Realization (jishf).But the term meon-zo may also be differently explained by some people. That certainly Dainichi has entered and is united with Fud6 and Aizen, this is not something to be taught at the road-side since it is an important and secret matter of the uncommon doctrines of our [Shingon] School. "When the stallion follows the mare on the spring lawn and copulates with her, he acts unconsciously in accordance with the intentions of the mare. Thereby the fulfilment of the personal mind of the ego (gajin) is symbolized. When the mind is in action the mebrum virile is drawn back into the body whereby one suspends the stimulation of the Mind of Enlightenment (bodaishin) to become Buddha. Again this is the realization of complete Enlightenment (sambodai) as Self-Realization ( j i s h ~ )When . the mind is stimulated for the very first time it remains in suspension. The Pure Land of Highest Bliss (gohzlraku-jdo) is that of incarnate Buddhas (kehutszl) in their shadow-image form (j0zb);I6 it is not an abode for eternity which one could enter intentionally. "The rneon-z6-saininaji of Aizen-6 is called in a secular way also Samidhi of the Lotus Flower (rnzge-.ran.zrilai).Still, in the sequence of our tradition (JOS~F-shidai) it is [used as] metaphor for the retraction of the male organ into the body of the stallion during spring, symbolizing the presence of the Mind of Enlightenment (hodaishin) within one's own mind. But when you lead your own personal mind of the ego (gashin) back onto the pedestal of the Eight-Petalled Lotus Flower, this and means the recognition of your own mind in its absolute then is also called ~zran-zo-sarn~zaji reality (iljojitsu rhi jishin). Aizen corresponds directly to this recognition of your own mind in its absoluteness. The question as to what Enlightenment (hadai) actually is, is answered by the Dainiihi-hjo that it is Buddha's recognition of his own mind in its absolute reality. And this t a . ' ~ stands for the Mind of Enlightenment recognition is represented by ~ u ~ e n - ~ o n g o s a t 'Satta' (hodaishin). This 'Satta' is of two kinds, one of the First Level (shaji),18and another one before the Levels (jizcn)." The 'Satta' of the First Level has no place in our Shingon School. But the Kongosatta before the Levels corresponds to the mind which discerns in one single thought the which means the recognition of ego of life and death within the Six Ways of Existence (rokzld~), one's own mind in its absoluteness. Therefore Dainichi, when he accomplishes his aim in the Highest Sphere (johai),manifests himself in the form of the Original and Fundamental Ignorance

I'

The llon's cry symbolizes the promulgarion of the Law by the Buddha. Cf. Nakamura 1988, 544, 1. The term is also used in the second chapter of the Yug~kj6,1'18,255, 3 ; Vanden Broucke's translation, 43 and 48. One of the central notions of the Dnzizii.hl-k~i,T 18, I , 3 . See also R. Tajlma, Ij'txde 2'rur /e ~~lnh2z~u~rciizl1~u~S17t~d iDuinii.hlkji), Paris

193613. I6

I-

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O n this term see Goepper. "Some tl~oughtson the icon in Esoteric Buddhism of East Asia,'' Studin Siric~-~\.fo?zgc~l~ra, Miinchener Ostasiatische Studien 25,1980, 247 if. In the Esoteric Shingon pantheon this figure is a concentration of the two Bodhisattvas Fugen (Samantabhadra) and Kongosatta (Vajrasattva). AlDJ 1914,I . Of the Ten Bodhisattva Levels (hhii7~i). I.e. before entering the Bodhisattva career.

(koti2pot2-i~zli~~).~~ What we call Aizen-6, is the manifestation of the inner realization of 'Satta' which also may be enacted in the ritualistic practice (jisg)." W e have quoted this paragraph of the Kakugen-sh8 in full in order to demonstrate how an obviously erotic symbolism can be mellowed by highly dogmatic speculations. Kushida2' traces this doctrine of the meon-z6-sanznzaji back to the priest Jaku'en (Dairishu-b6, died 1065) of the Samb6-in, who handed it down to Genkaku (or Gonkaku, 1056-II~I), but Kushida also states that no certain proof for such an early date could be found.22 In a fully developed state we find erotic and even grossly sexual speculations and practices in the heterodox so-called Tachikawa Sect of Shingon ~ u d d h i s mThe . ~ ~role played by our King of Lust in this aberration of Shingon tradition is easily recognizable from lists of texts produced by the Tachikawa Sect, the name of Aizen-my66 appearing in several titles, often together with ~ u d 6 . ~ " Typical among them are formulations like "Sutra on the Unification of Fud6 and Aizen into O n e Body" (Fud6-Aizen ittai-ZLU~G-kyG), "Ritual of Fud6 and Aizen in Female Form" (FudG-Aizen ongyG h6), "Secret Acts of Aizen-6" (Aizen-6 hitsuji) or "The Five Secrets of Aizen-6" (Aizen-G go-himitsu). According to tradition this Tachikawa Sect was founded late in the Heian Period by the priest Ninkan (died I I I ~ )but , ~ developed ~ into its flourishing form about two centuries later through the activity of K6shin Monkan ( 1 2 7 8 - 1 ~ ~ 7 ) . ~ ~ The name Tachikawa is usually deduced from a place in the province of Izu to which Ninkan was exiled because of an alleged participation in plans for a conspiracy. O n the other hand he is said to have developed his heretical ideas under the influence of a master of the Yin-Yang doctrine during his stay in Tachikawa, Musashi province. The ideas of the Tachikawa Sect may essentially be characterized as a mixture of crude popular religious beliefs with notions of Esoteric Buddhism. Most of the Tachikawa texts were lost or , ~ ~ since some of their ideas were deduced from such intentionally burnt during later p e r ~ e c u t i o n s but orthodox works as the Rishu-kyG (T 243, vol. 8), the Yugi-ky6 (T 867, vol. 18) which is the basic text for our Aizen, and the HGkyGin-ky3 (T 1022, vol. 20), we are able to gain some impression about their contents. As we will presently see, the refutations of Tachikawa ideas by orthodox Shingon priests also allow us a glimpse into their basic notions. O n e of the central concepts was that of Unity of Opposites in all its possible variations: Unity of the two basic Shingon notions of Principle (ri) and Knowledge (chi), of the two main Mandaras, the TaizGkai and the Kong6kai, of the two Germ Syllables (shuji, b+) "A" and "Hiim", but especially the As rhe primary condirion of exisrence. CL Soorhill-Hodous 379. K u s h ~ d a1979, 383. For the two prlesrs see l\.ID] 1046, I and 463-4. O n this sect see G . M~zuhara, J a k j i - T n i . h i k a ~ ~ n -no ~ j ike~kj17, KyOro 1923 (2nd ed., Kyoro 1968); S. Moriyama, Tnchikazizl-pkji t o .iorio shnknireki hnikai izo keizk~/>, Tokyo 1965;Sh. Manabe, l\I/kkji M O fi>kei, Tokyo 1980; also rhe shorr ~nrroducrionby Sh. Manabe, "Die harer~scheTach~kawa-Schuleim Esorer~schenBuddhismus Japans," in: R. Goepper (ed.), shin got^. Die Kxt~stdes Geheitne~ B ~ d d h i . i ~ i~ ~ /Japan, /s Koln 1988, 28-30. The lisrs glven by Mor~yama196j, 582-92, provide nor less than sixteen such r~rles,but mosr of rhese books musr be regarded as losr. I ~ I D J1770-71. I\IDJ 513-14 Since rhe late sixr~essome imporranr rexrs by Tachikawa aurhors have been published afrer h ~ t h e r r ounknown manuscripts or rare edlrions by rhe Tachikawa-ryil Shokyo R u ~ s a nFor . insrance rhe Su?~ge?c-rne~j~~ composed by Seigen (1162-1231) In 1977, afrer a ms. dared 1318; rhe Sa~kni-isshi71-ki by a cerraln D a ~ r y udared , 1317,afrer a prinred verslon of 1823, published 197j, erc. The evaluarion ofrhese texrs will surely enrich our knowledge of heterodox specularions.

Non-Duality (funi, advaita) of male and female as represented by their respective sexual organs, which symbolized the philosophical pairs of notions in Shingon speculation. During contemplation on the syllable "A" combined with inhalation and exhalation, one had to visualize ejaculation and conception of the sexual fluids of man and woman, and also practice copulation. The figures of two human beings engaged in sexual embrace decorated the so-called Mandara to be Spread Out (shikimanda~a)over the altar during the ritual.18 From the texts condemning the doctrines and practices of the Tachikawa Sect we would like to give some lengthier quotations in order to demonstrate the basic trends. For this purpose we use the HGkyG-sh8 (Notes on the Precious Mirror) by the priest Sh6gon-b6 Yiikai (1345-1416).~~ Answering a question about the mixup of correct and heterodox teachings during the latest period Yiikai says: "It is difficult to discern between 'correct' and 'false'. There was a pupil of the Gon-s6j6 of the Samb6-in3' who was called Ninkan-ajari and was exiled to Izu after committing an offence. There he taught common women, simple folk and unclean persons who ate meat, what he called 'Shingon', and thereby tried to bring his followers to salvation. In Tachikawa in the country of Musashi there lived a Yin-Yang master who also studied Shingon together with Ninkan and introduced into his teachings the Yin-Yang methods and called it Tachikawa-ryu of the Shingon School. This was the beginning of heterodoxy. "His [Ninkan's] books, written sentences and words were coarse. They were kept in two scrolls in the Segan-b6 of the H6gen-ji (Toyohara-dera) where people still can see them if they want to. The principle of his school may be defined by the sentence: 'The Yin-Yang way of men and women is the secret technique to become Buddha. The method to reach Buddhahood consists only in this.' Simple-minded people cannot judge [such doctrines] and stick to these very secret methods. How could they be able to recognize the reality of true visions?"

The later expansion of the Tachikawa Sect, the activities of the priest Monkan and also the reactions of the orthodox monks of the Kongobu-ji on Mount K6ya are vividly described by the H8kY8-sh~:'I "This Tachikawa School later spread into the country of Etchii, and two generations of priests ~ ~ introduced ) , ~ ~ it to K6yasan. as teacher and pupil, namely Kakumy6 and Kaku'in ( I O ~ ~ - I Ieven At that time the Mudras, Mantras and books were widely disseminated, this fact being called 'Oral Transmission of Teaching and Great Ceremonies' (kj~cso-daiji-kudm).They are numerous down to our own time, and the stupid people executing such doctrines regarded them as superior but it ways of thought. In fact these were no [real] rituals (jisc) and religious speculations (kjfis~),'~ was just like taking a [simple] stone for jade. And people were unable to distinguish between good and stupid and to find out whose texts they were. Also it was pretended that such texts and rituals were combined with the names of famous masters (mritoku) of the Ono and the Hirosawa connected with Schools. Even among the transmissions of lines of masters and pupils (kr~.hiril)akzl) famous names there exist many heterodox theories." 28 "2

'O

'I

j2

Reproduced by Mizuhara 1968, berween pages 130-31. 2456, vol. 77. The rexr is also reproduced by Mor~yama1965, 572-81. See .\lDJ 1397, I. The rexr has been fully translated by P. Vanden Broucke, HikjITihG. 'The Co?t~pe?~diutn o,fthe Pracioxs Alirror' oftbe 2\fonkY/?kui, Ghenr Narional Unversiry, Ghenr 1992. O n Y u k a ~cf. ,IfDJ 2192-13. This is Sh6kaku (1057-1129), .\IDJ 1119-20. Moriyama 1965, 57j ff. 'IfDJ 212,3. Kaku'in founded [he Kakush6-in on Mount Koya. Kakumy6 could not be ~ d e n r ~ f i e d .

T h e text goes o n t o list several "great rituals" (daiji) which were often performed, b u t without any real success, as for instance a "rite t o fly about freely" (higyo-jizai-h8) or "to cross into heaven" (totendaiji). ) ~the ~ Even in the K a n t 6 region many books attributed t o t h e princely succession line ( G o - r j ~ of Samb6-in were circulated. "Also in Hirosawa they inserted clippings of the Rishzl-kj~i[into their faked works] and master and pupil sat together and used their brushes without leisure [to fabricate such texts]. Even if they did not belong directly to the lines of descendants (kechimjakzl) of Tachikawa [such priests] wrongly introduced famous names of great masters, such as Shiikaku [ I O ~ ~ - I Iof ~ the ~ ] Jogan-ji ~' and others, and many books were written by stupid people." Yiikai then gives a list of several such spurious texts. I n reply t o t h e question whether t h e many books circulating under the authorship of Monkan-b6 K6shin ( 1 2 7 % - 1 ~ 5 are ~ ) ~genuine ~ or spurious the H f i k y ~ - s hstates:j7 ~ "The books transmitted under his name are well known. Also the followers of the orthodox tradition all are familiar with them. Sometimes he [Kiishin] exhibits a high and proud state of mind and sometimes he promulgates heterodox views. The reason for this is that he wrongly uses the words of Buddhas, Bodhisattvas, patriarchs and great masters, and incorporates them into his books." Yukai then draws the line of transmission down t o Koshin, calling it a branch-tradition (matsz~rjzZ) starting w i t h Kenjin ( 1 1 ~ 2 - 1 2 6 ~from ) ~ ~ t h e H6on-in of the Daigo-ji. After h i m there follow in t h e succession Jitsujin ( 1 2 0 6 - 7 7 ) , ~ ~Kakuga (1243-92),40 K e n j u n (1258-1308)~~' D6jun (died 1 3 2 1 ) , ~a ~ certain ~ y u y o and , ~ lastly ~ Koshin, who became t h e central figure of the Tachikawa Sect d u r i n g t h e fourteenth century. Yiikai then continues: "Whereas Ryiiyo received the tradition in a correct manner from Diijun and later died in the Nan-Hokke-ji of Yamato, Koshin did not receive baptism (shahjd) from Dojun, but was an estranged pupil (sodrshi)and had not been given correct teaching. Still, Go-Daigo-Tenno planned to reverse [the values of the two priests Ryiiyo and Koshin], and he decided that during the period of his reign [Kiishin] should act as his personal prayer-priest (go-hiti)so that consequently K6shin gained power over the emperor's belief. Although originally he had been a Vinaya-priest (ritsu-sd) he became sdjd, he studied the sacred teaching [of Mikkyo] and then wrote thousands of texts and performed more than thirty Great Ceremonies (daiji).H e declared [his works] as creations out of the Daigo tradition and often borrowed famous names and facts and included them [in his own j3

The rwo modes by which Shlngon Buddhism manifests itself. ' ~ u c c e s s ~ ol ~nn e so f p r ~ n c e sas abbots of important Shingon remples exisred ar rhe Ninna-ji and rhe Samb6-in of the Daigo-li. Cf. AIDJ 649, 3, s.v. "go-?)g". JIDJ 1119-20. '6 'IlD] j13-14. K6shln.s b~ography1s contained in the Zokll-Deriti-kiruku I I , ZSZS 33, qj6-60. O n the hisrorical sertlng see also Sh. Toganoo, H ~ ~ i ~ l t ~ u - j i t ~ k kTugu~~ou ) i - ~ h i ,Zeri~hiI , reprint Wakayama 1982, 308-31. jMoriyama 1965, 576. j8 IllDJ 476. ILID] 987-88. 40 ,lID]zrj. IllDJ 472. 4L 'IIDJ 1658. Nor ro be misraken for the priesr bear~ngthe same name, who l ~ v e d1653-1711, ,\.[DJ 22j2.

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texts]. People who saw them and did not know, regarded them as the apex of the [Shingon] School, which by no means corresponded to reality. "He also performed the Dakini Ritual (dukini-h?) for magic purposes and had good results. He often wrote in analogy to the collected works of the Great Master [Kiikai] and executed corresponding Mudras, Mantras and oral instructions (huketsu). "By the power of Go-Daigo-Tenno he was made administrator (7~14) of the Toji, he performed the [Imperial] Go-shichinichi Rite and all the imperial princes (monseki) who headed the temples in the capital Kyoto feared his power and kept their mouths shut."

The unjustified privileged position of Koshin at the Imperial Court caused jealousy and antagonism among the priesthood in the orthodox temples in and near the capital, especially on Mount K6ya as the seat of pure Shingon tradition. W e are in the fortunate position that the H~kj'&shFhas preserved the text of the report (sGn~on)which the congregation of monks in the Kongobu-ji dispatched to the Emperor in the fifth month of the second year in the Kemmu Era (1335), protesting against the position and activity of Koshin, from which we would like to quote some passages:44 "We, the congregation of priests of the Kongobu-ji, are full of fear and fright, and respectfully state: W e request to receive a special Imperial Decision to stop the obscene and unreasonable appointment of Monkan-hosshi as abbot (chija) of the temple Toji. It should be taken into consideration that in the Chinese [Tang] city of Chang'an there exists a monastery (Xurun) in the left ward, called Da Xingshan-si (Dai-Kozen-ji) by emperor Wen Di of the Sui Dynasty. In our own dynasty we have [as a parallel] the spirited building in the Eastern Capital of Heian, named by vow of Kammu-Tenno (reigned 737-806) 'Temple for the Protection of the Country by the Kings of Religion' (Ky66-gokoku-ji, i.e. the Toji), which has an Indian Pavilion (bonhuhzt) for the Siitras translated by Fukii-sanzo (Amoghavajra). Under three Emperors Initiation into the Five Kinds of Knowledge (gochi-kunji) was there conferred and it was regarded as the sacred place for ) ~ ~Kob6-daishi. There the Blessing by the Three the Transmission of the Lamp (denti no ~ i i j iafter Mysteries (surnri2itsu-k~ji)~~ was conferred to one hundred imperial princes and the esoteric art of protecting the state (chingo-hokka no hijutszt) was practiced in succession. An official document of the second day in the twelfth month of the fourteenth year of Konin (823) says: 'The Toji was founded just after the capital was moved [to Heian] in order to protect the state and it was erected at the place of the Kashihara Palace of the former Emperor. This temple is the absolute peak of our reign.' Also the Great Master [Kiikai] said: 'The Toji is the most appropriate place for the Esoteric Religion.. . If it is not respected, the dynasty will have serious calamities and the state will be in disorder.' "We [the Kongobu-ji monks] are convinced that the peace or dangers during this our reign will depend on the flourishing or decrease of this temple.. . Now there is this bhiksu by the name of Monkan who originally was a Vinaya monk at the Hojo-ji of Harima, a dependant temple (~2atszlji)of the Saidai-ji [in Nara]. H e studied the art of calculation (sand?)47 and loved prognostication and oracles (bokzlzei). H e preferred magic rites (jujutsu) and conjurations (shztgen). His mind was torn by lust (tonyohu) and his thoughts were filled with pride. After he had entered the capital he visited the court and acquired the position of a holy man who had grasped and realized the essence of religion. H e even was called 'Saintly Administrator of the Toji' (Tcji daigonshin no hijiri). . . In addition he was promoted to the rank of First Abbot (ichi-chcju) without having the proper qualification and without being able to explain the proper sequence of rituals " 4'

46

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Moriyama 1965,577-79. The text is also contained in Koshin's biography in the Zoku-De~itii-k*ukr/,ZSZS 33,457-59. That is, of correct orthodox tradition. o n e of the most important initiation ceremonies in Shingon, )1IDJ 837, 3. For astrolog~calpurposes.

(~hidui).Formerly there was a demonic jackal ( j a ~ a nwhich ) ~ ~ wore heavenly cloths, sat opposite ~ a u i i k and a~~ preached the Law. Now we have Monkan offering to the Diikinis and conjuring dragons while he is reporting things to the throne. Although he was only qualified in minor worldly arts he strove for permission to perform the highest rituals. [. . . ] "An official document of the Ch6wa Era (834-48) states: 'Mikky6 is the [right] way [in the Toji]; one should not permit monks of other schools to enter and stay.' Now from Jitsu'un-s6zu ( 1 r o ~ - 6 0 )down ~ ~ to Yakushu [first half of the fourteenth centuryI5' since ninety generations the abbots (chcju) of the T6ji all were esoteric priests of high standards. From the Ch6wa to the Kemmu Era (1334-36) for more than five hundred years there never was a priest from another school.. . If one now looks a t Monkan's behavior it is not a t all correct. As a Vinaya man he breaks the precepts of morality (kui, fdu) without feeling shame. He entered Shingon, but offended the u ~ ~following u), the correct way and not renouncing the worldly sphere... He loves vows ( s u ~ ~ z N ~not warrior-like courage and hoards weapons. How could he reach the rank of a First Teacher (ichiajuri)? Demons are changing and destroying the Buddhist religion!. . . Therefore we request from afar immediately to remove Monkan from the positions of ichi-chju of the T6ji and of president (ZUZZI) of that temple." Although the Emperor did not immediately suspend K6shin from his position as First Abbot of the T6ji after this protest, his confidence in the priest seems t o have been shaken. K6shin reacted by performing a Ninn6-ky6 Ceremony for peace in t h e country (tenkd taihei) in the eleventh month of the same year, 1335, at the Lecture Hall (kFddo) of the Toji and at the beginning of the next year he enacted the sumptuous go-shichinichi n~ishuhdo.Anyhow, at that time the Emperor had to give u p his plans for a restoration of imperial power comparable to that of t h e K e m m u Era (1334-36). H e first took his retreat to the Hieizan and then to a detached palace in Yoshino where he died in 1339. After that K6shin made the Daigo-ji t h e basis for his policy and turned his favours t o t h e Southern Dynasty. After Emperor Go-Murakami had returned t o Kyoto in 1351 he again appointed K6shin as First Abbot of the T6ji. T h e priest could even visit the Yoshino Palace triumphantly in a precious palanquin. Dreaming of a restitution of the Southern Dynasty he died in 1357 at the 0j6-in. W h e t h e r K6shin really was a key figure of t h e Tachikawa Sect or whether personal intrigues and slander deliberately placed h i m in that position is difficult to decide w i t h certainty. T h e letter of protest by the Kongobu-ji priesthood does not mention any connection t o the Tachikawa Sect while describing his activities. In any case, the history of this heterodox school is still full of questions and problems that have t o be solved by future research. K6shin's doctrine most severely attacked by the orthodox priesthood was the famous dictum, 'The uniting of the two sexual organs of man and woman is Buddha's great act of the objects of the five senses' (ddnjo-nikon kl'oe gojin jF daib~~tsuji) taken from the text of the ~ i s h u s h d k u - k ~ d owhere , ' ~ it is quoted as a secret meaning. T h e sentence could be taken symbolically without really being p u t into practice, but i t also could be explained in a slightly less shocking way as correspondence of the two minds of man and woman during their uniting, and even as non-duality of Meditation and Wisdom (jo-e).j3 In Skr.: iygZ/ii. During the night he eats human flesh, Nakamura 1988, 1374. '"~esl~nation of Taishaku-ren (Indra) during his sojourn on earth. Nakamura 1988,239 'O

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i\.IDJ 981, I . ,\ID] 2177, 3. T 19, 612, 2; cf, also ,tlDJ 1715, I. hfizuhara 1968, 57.

Taken literally the sentence could be interpreted as an exposition of the central Mikky6 idea that the Defilements essentially are identical with Enlightenment (Bonno soku bodat). Speculations in this direction appear already in the fflraligdn~a-san~Zdhi-sitra (Dai-ButchF-shuryOgon-kj'o),translated in 705 by the Indian priest Paramiti ( ? ) in Canton,54 but in this text they are still regarded as negative teachings which should be avoided. Some quotations may demonstrate this: "If you examine your own mind and by breaking the moral precept secretly execute [acts according to] your desires (torzjokzt),then with your mouth you perhaps love to say that eyes, ears, nose and tongue are identical with the Pure Land (jcdo), and that the two sexual organs (nikon) of man and woman are the true place of Bodhi and Nirvana. But these are actually filthy words of ignorant human beings.""

People drinking wine, eating meat and widely performing obscene defilements are heavily condemnedi6 and it is clearly stated: "If one seeks the wonderful fruit of Buddhahood in an obscene body (inshin), even if one should attain wonderful enlightenments, there still are obscene roots and the original obscene circles (inrin) will remain and one will return to the Three Roads [of mundane existence] without escape.""

Also the Tachikawa concept of the two drops (nzteki) of white male semen and red feminine blood as demonstrated by the interesting passage probably has its roots in the ~flrali~ar/-za-sa~rz~dhi-sitra, about fluidities produced in the human body by different desires, which we have quoted above in the chapter on the dogmatic background.j8 But of course the idea of two drops or fluidities appears already in the Indian Tantric tradition where they are also called 'white' (iukra, Tib.: khu ba) for the male component, and 'red' (rakta, Tib.: khrag) for the female, actually meaning the fluidities of semen and menstrual blood. In secret Tantric language the male semen is called Mind of Enlightenment (bodhicitta), Aksobhya, Frankincense (sthlaka) or Sun (rmirta?zda),while the female blood has the code-words Self-Originated (svajar~zbhu), Camphor (karpitla) or Moon (candra, r ~ ~ g a l ~ n c h a nThe a ) .S~a~n ~ v a r o d a a - t a 11, t 23-26 specifies: "There are two veins in the middle of the yoni [the female organ] and likewise to the left and the right. One should know that semen (iukru) is on the left and the menstrual fluid (rukta) on the right. The union of both (?nilanu),[that is] oneness (ekatzu), is dhumzadh~tzt[the sphere ofdhurr12as] by its nature (sva,dbhdZ'atuh).Kur?nun is obtained by means of the seed, which is made to move to and fro by winds. It is certain that it [the seed] faces the aperture of the j'oni, that is 'the origin of n'hamzas' (dhur~2oduju). . . A man of good intellect should discern the right moment, at the time when the placing of the seed occurs."

Similar speculations occur also in text of ~ a i v a i t eTantrism in India where ~ i v is a symbolized as semen (bindn, 'drop') and his Sakti or Female Energy as ovum (rakta, 'red blood') which "unite

'Vno. 945, vol. 19.

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T 19, 150, I . '"bid. 149, I . j7 Ibid. 131, 3. " lbli/. 143, 2. Cf. Snellgrove, Hezjajra Tautra, London 1959, 1, 25; Tsuda, Sa~~zz~uroda)a-Tatztra, TokyO 1974, 75 and 241. For general information see also Sh. Kawasaki, i\.likkji ni okeru '~zi',in: H . Nakamura (ed.), "Ai," Bukkji SSisii I , K)'oto 1975,172-7 j.

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together t o produce the principle of I-ness or egoism."60 "The philosophical implication seems t o be that pure abstract thought cannot realize its own nature unless i t comes back to itself through its own activity, -,61 this interpretation being transferable also to Buddhist Esoterism. As Kushida has shown in his important book on the origin of Shingon ~ u d d h i s m , " the idea of the "union of the two drops, the red and the white" (shahubyaku-niteki-t~iag~), has played an important role not only in speculations of t h e Tachikawa Sect, b u t has also infiltrated into more orthodox traditions of Shingon, for instance into doctrines promulgated by such an important scholarly priest as Dohan (11,8-12~2),~~and into teachings of the Tsubosaka-ryii, one of the thirty-six sub-sects of ~ 6 m i t s to u ~which ~ such prominent monks as Eison, Raiyu and Ytikai belonged, the latter opposing strongly the heterodox tendencies in his ~ G k ~ ( r - s h G . ~ ~ Kushida quotes a certain ~ n i l o - k n d e r 2in~ ~ which the Buddha Nature (bnssho) is equated with the "fleshy body [originated by the] union of the two red and white drops of father and mother." The text also states: "My personal bodily figure is created by the union of red and white of father and mother." T h e two drops originate from the two Seed Syllables (shnji, b*) "Vam" and "Ah", and even the generation of t h e Buddha Siikyamuni by his parents Suddhodana and Mayii is directly explained by this I-?rocess.67 I n a lengthy q u o t a t i o n Kushida describes t h e meditative process connected w i t h such speculations: 68 "First you should visualize the character 'A' in front of your own person which should then get into contact with your body. Since the figure of yourself is that of Ai-bosatsu you should visualize that Bodhisattva in front of yourself and then lead him into your own body. Such are the Skilful of [our] doctrine and it corresponds to the Buddha-Body of the Naturally Means (hiben, ztpz~~a) no bzlsshin). And that person is the female mother of the Taizijkai]. Gathered Form (~~otai-hinen The white lotus flower of women has eight petals and is turned downward. What enters through the openings (pores, k$ of that personal lotus flower is the Kon[gi]kai, corresponding to the male father. The basis of man's eight petals which are turned upward is the One-Pronged Vajra (tokkosho). The Rishztshakzt says: 'The union of the two organs (nikoil-k~ie)is represented by a FivePronged Vajra &do-sbo) on a white Lotus, and this again corresponds to the five members ( g o ~ a i ) ~ ~ of the living beings [i.e.: the whole body]'. Anyhow, the Five-Pronged and the One-Pronged Vajra have the same meaning." Whether sexually tinted rituals were actually performed in connection with such speculations by followers of the Tachikawa Sect during the Kamakura Period is difficult t o ascertain. T h e protests against t h e sect and the proscription by the government make it a t least probable that people indulged in such practices. But that the grossly sexual speculations could also be interpreted in a

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66 668

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Sh. Bh. Dasgupra, A I ?I i ~ t r o d i l ~ tto i u T~ ~~ n t r Bz~dijhz~i11, z~ Berkeley and London 1974, 100. 1LzJ. 116. R. Kushida, Shz~zgon~\.likkji stirit.ci~-ketriIZO keiikji;, Tokyo 1979. )\ID] 1666. Kushida 381. See .L[DJ 599-600, s.v. Koshirna-ryCi which is ~denticaiwith the Tsubosaka-ryu. See above. Kushida 379. 162~1.374. IbiJ. 379. A 371, I.

philosophical way and thereby lose at least to some degree their offensiveness to orthodox followers of Mikky6 is evident from some of the texts quoted above. One more example may document this:70 "The pulse of the bodily figure corresponds to this Secret Seal (~t~itszd'in) and only to this. When These opening your mouth the Seed Syllable 'A' is produced, when closing it, the Syllable 'Hum'. two syllables symbolize the two male and female organs (nikon). If you expand their meaning 'A' is the mountain. Since the two also stand for the Mandaras of the Two the sea and 'Hum' Departments (rjgbu-~t~andara), the Taizo and the Konggkai, 'A' means the entering into the Taizgkai which is female; and the 'Hum' symbolizes the stepping out of the Kongckai a~hichis male. Therefore 'A' is regarded as Meditation (jc),and 'Hum' as Compassion (hi). The Friendliness and Compassion (jihi) of the Buddhist religion and also its Meditation and 7rVisdom (j&) are nothing else than the male and female of 'A' and 'Hum'. If one transfers this to exhalation and inhalation of the breath, then according to the Visualization of the Character 'A' (A-ji k a r ~ ) , ~ ' exhalation and inhalation are directly identical with the two fluidities (niszdi) of man and woman and stand for the mysterious unification into non-duality (funi-meigg) in which the Great Act of the Buddha (dui-butszlji) is completed. But the two fluidities of man and woman are surely different from the Two Truths of Red and White (shdk~b~aku-?zitai)."~~

As we could already deduce from the existence of several heterodox texts containing the name of Aizen-my66 in their title, this deity has played an important role in speculations and rites of the Tachikawa Sect and similar tendencies directed against the pure orthodox tradition of Shingon. The god was anyhow invested with two aspects already in his basic text, the Yagi-hyo, where he appears in chapter 2 under the designation Zen'ai and in chapter 5 as Aizen. These two aspects could easily be declared as representing the deity in one case as male, and in the other as female. In our Introduction we have already touched on this subject of a male Zen'ai and a female Aizen, and we have quoted the two Kamakura priests D6ky6 (1200-36) and Raiyu (1226-1304) as witnesses for such speculations. The Aizen with one body, but two heads (ryozu-Aizen) demonstrated in a still more staightforward way the idea of union of two opposites, whether in the bluntly mundane meaning of man and woman, or according to more speculative philosophical explanations, as we have shown in the chapter on the iconographic variants of Aizen. In the formulation with one white and one red head the god stood for the unity of a male Kongosatta (Vajrasattva) with a female Aizen, and in the variant with one blue and one red head he represented the concentration of a wrathful male Fud6 (Acala) with a benign female Aizen, the latter being also called "King of Esoteric Knowledge [Helping in Case oi] Calamities" (Yakujin-my66). But apart from the condensation into one single figure the configuration of the two My66 Fud6 and Aizen appears quite often in icons of the Shingon School. As a pair they adorn amulets and they are painted as protectors on the inner side of doors ofJapanese Relic Stiipas (~hari-t8).'~ The Five-Pronged Vajra in Human Form (ningyg-gokosho), which will be treated in detail in the chapter on Aizen's Symbolic Forms (sanznaya-gy6) and which was called Figure with One Body and Two Heads (zsshin-fy&u-z~),surely was one of the main ritual implements used in Aizen's ceremonies -0 -1

-2

71

From a cerrainJashC-iknl-shi7~hakii,quoted by Manabe 1989.232. The most common technique of visualization in Shingon Mikkyd. The last character tai here has radical no. I49 instead of 85, 70 that it has the meaning of 'truth' instead of the usual 'drop'. This deliberate change, occurring also in other insrances, should probably mellow the erotic implications of the term. Several examples are reproduced for instance in the exhibition catalogue of the Nara National hfuseum: Shari-den, Nara 1984, nos. 5 , 9, 10,12,18,19,21 and 23, and in S. Kawada, Buriuihan to k j _ i ozn ihtgon, Nibon no Bijidtsu, no. 280, Tokyo 1989.

with an erotic touch, similar connotations being valid for one of Aizen's Seed Syllables, the double 'Hh~m'.'~ As we have stated above, heterodox ideas which were prevalent in the Tachikawa Sect also entered the more orthodox schools of Shingon, especially the so-called Miwa School,75one of the thirty-six divisions of the T6mitsu and a branch of the Samb6-in-ryu which originated in the Daigo-ji. It is named after the Miwa region in Yamato where the founder of the school, Rend6-b6 ~ d k y 6 , was '~ active around 1270 in the temple Yakushi-in. His books, which contained not only heterodox speculations with an erotic touch but also traces of Rydbu-Shinto, were severely criticized by Yiikai in his HCkj'C-sbC, as we have seen above. Whereas Hdky6's Kakzlgen-shF, from which we have quoted passages above, still exists, another work with the revealing title "Notes on the One Drop" (Itteki-shF), which contained Tachikawa notions, seems to be lost. In an orally transmitted text noted down by one of his followers with the title "Consecration of the Single Mind" (Isshin-kanjg) he seems to have stressed the theory of the Red and White Drops (sbakzlbjaku-niteki), which was one of the central ideas of the Tachikawa Sect.77 Heterodox speculations of a quite different kind, lacking the erotic and sexual implications but integrating rituals of Aizen-mydo, were developed during the second half of the thirteenth century at .'~ in the Inner the Ise Shrine, one of the most important centers of the Shintd ~ e l i ~ i o nWhereas Shrine (naikz?) the traditional mirror was kept as the main sacred object (vzish~tdi),the Outer Shrine (gekzi) also seems to have housed a mirror and, apart from that, an Aizen-Mandara. During the Kamakura Period a special consecration ceremony, called Ise-kanj6, was developed which had to a high degree the character of a Shingon rite. Mudras of the Mandaras of the Two Spheres were used, but instead of a Buddhist Mantra a Japanese Waka had to be intoned three times. During the visualizations the eight-petalled lotus played a role in the Inner Shrine, and a Pagoda of the Five Circles (gortn-tF) in the Outer. This pagoda changed into two snakes which again were transformed into the figure of Raga (Aizen-myd6). In this case we are confronted with an interesting syncretism, combining traditional Shintd elements with practices of popular religion (snakes) and Mikkyd influences (pagoda, Mandaras, Raga and consecration). Possibly there existed connections to the Miwa-ryii of the Samb6-in. This short and preliminary sketch of heterodox speculations and practices in connection with our deity Aizen-my66 has demonstrated the complexity of problems which still have to be studied. Undiscovered material most probably still rests in the archives of temples and other institutions, which sometimes are not very keen to give access to texts that must appear offensive to traditional Buddhist thinking. Future research will probably enrich our knowledge about such fascinating aspects of Japanese religion.

-'Cf the corresponding chapter beloa -' )\!DJ 2129-30 -6

1995, 2 -- WJ -8

On the M~wa-rpfiand H6kp6 see Kushidd 1979,375 if Kushidd 1979, 307 ff , Kushida, Zoku-Si3~izgrin-rnlhk)rise1tzts~-harez izn klizkju, Tokyo 1979, TIIff

CHAPTER IX Symbolic Forms (sammaya-gyG)of Aizen

A

ccording to Mikky6 speculation each deity exists in three different forms of reality, which, as we will see later when describing the ritual, lay an important role during meditative visualizations. These aspects of existence are (I) the so-called Seed Syllable (shuji, bea) as the first tonal concretization of the deity, the phonetic germ out of which the numinous being emerges, (2) the Symbolic Form (sanznzaja-g) as the aspect of the deity in the mental domain, and ( 3 ) the Figure in Human Form (songy8), corresponding to the icon as it is described in all details by the iconographic and ceremonial texts. The collective term for all three aspects is shu-san-zon.' Following this sequence the practitioner evokes the deity during his mystic visualization, which forms an essential part of the ceremony. Among the different possibilities of visualizations2 the so-called Method of Transformation (tenjo-h8) applies these different steps of realization to call down the invoked deity from its transcendental sphere into the presence of the practitioner and into the sacred area (d8jC). The three modes of existence are, of course, identical with the so-called Three Mysteries (sd?amitsu, t ~ i g u h j ' a )that , ~ of the spoken word (ku,Z J ~ Cthat ) , of the mind (shin, citta), and that of body (shin, kdq'a), which are enacted by the priest during his ritual in the form of Mantras (shingon), of Visualizations (j8, dhjdna or kan, uipaf'j'and), and of Mudras (in) as the Three Kinds of Activity (san,g~).~ Since we have already reversed this traditional sequence in our book by treating the King of Lust first in his human form, we will nonr analyze his symbolic mode of appearance and, at the end, his Mantras and Seed Syllables. I.

The Five-Pronged Vajra (goko-sho)

The Five-Pronged Vajra (goko-sho,pagca-sEcika-zlaj~a) is the most common instrument used by Tantric priests from India over the Asian continent to Japan and Indonesia. Shingon texts mention it ,~ also to Kongosatta (Vajrasattva) whose close first as the Symbolic Form of A i ~ e n - m y o 6 referring ~ connection to Aizen we have noted and who has this Vajra as his emblem. The ~ i s h & k u k e t s usays that it has to be applied together with "Hum" as Aizen's main Seed Syllable, but also with the shuji "Hol;~".The syllable "Hum" anyhow symbolizes the Vajra Family (kong8-bu) among the Five Families of Mikkyo deities, which again may be figuratively represented by the five ends of the implement. The five prongs on each end of the Vajra correspond to the Five Kinds of Esoteric Knowledge (Kochi), incorporated by the Five Tathagatas, but also to the five kinds of magic achievements (siddhi)

'

AIDJ 1083,2.

'

They are described by T. Yarnasak~,i\.likkjc-mrir6-bo, Ky6to 1974, 214-34, cf. also Goepper 1983,11-13; Goepper 1988,45 ff. Cf. rhe different enrrles beginning wirh iait/it/itsu in illDJ 837-80, )IfDJ 788, I. Cf. also AIDJ 66,3. SZS 2 8 , 3 6 4 , ~also ; Bjnhuhc-shc, TZ 10,1028, I.

6

realized by Aizen's ritual. The Bj'ak~ho-sh8~ quotes Dohan as saying that in keiai the Five-Pronged Vajra, with its total of ten ends, incorporates the unification (u'agO) of the Five Kinds of Knowledge of both Groups, the KongOkai and the Taiz8kai Mandaras, but also the Ten Spheres of the Absolute (hokkai) and the ten modes of Suchness or Reality (shinnyo, t a t h a t ~ ) . The ~akuzen-sh? states that Hannya-ji-s6j6 Kangen (853-92~)~ already used this Vajra in Aizen's ceremony, which, because of the early date, seems rather improbable. For keiai rituals the priest should visualize the Five-Pronged Vajra on top of a lotus pedestal, but for Averting Terrible Rites (ch&ukzl-h;) a so-called Fierce Vajra (nusho,j~nnzl-kongo-sho)must be applied. This form, rare in Japan, originated in Tang China and found its way to Korea during the Koryo Period (918-1392).'~It is characterized by sharp flame-like ends. There are also bells with handles ending in five "fierce" prongs. 2.

The Vajra in Human Form (ningyo-sho)

The most interesting Symbolic Form of Aizen-my66 is without any doubt the so-called Vajra in Human Form (ningjo-sho)." It consists of two identical, but antithetical parts, each with three prongs (sanko) at one, and two prongs at the other end, the middle prong missing on this latter side (fig. 37). Therefore the implement is also called Separate Five-Pronged Vajra (uari-goko-sho) or Two-sided Five-Pronged Vajra (nihg-goko-sho). W e are here confronted with the very unusual fact that an emblem with abstract form is deliberately changed, in order that it may suit figurative symbolic speculations. Usually the development takes place in the opposite direction. The two parts of the Vajra are meant to resemble two human beings: The three prongs at the one end standing for the head flanked by two raised arms, the two prongs at the other end corresponding to the legs.12When the two parts are joined together at the two pronged ends, they form a traditional Five-Pronged Vajra (goko-sho). This emblem could easily be imbued with strong erotic or even sexual connotations, in fact it was most probably created to fulfil this function. To neutralize such disturbing ideas orthodox Shingon texts invented a way of writing the term ningyo-sho using different characters with the same pronunciation, so that the scandalous term suddenly meant Five-Pronged Vajra of Humanistic Conduct (ningy~-goko-sho).13 Apart from bronze, which was mainly used for the manufacture of the emblem, different kinds of hardwood could also be applied, cherry wood being regarded as especially auspicious .I4 The Vajra in Human Form was, of course, the most appropriate ceremonial object to be used in the Ritual of Loving Subduing (keiai-h8, z~aiFkarana),the aim of which was to bring a certain person, T Z 10,1028, I. TZ 5 , 2 2 9 , ~ . "LIDJ 391-92. 10 A Korean example of t h ~ rype s IS reproduced in: Nara National Museum (M. Ishida ed.), iLlikkji-hisid, Tokyo 1974, no. 269 I' O n this emblem see R . Gonda, Shzizgr~n-~Llikk) hiijiri brizraiz, Tokyo 1931, I , 37-38; 2, pl. 64-65; Nara Nar~onalMuseum (M. Ishida ed.), 1\Ilkkj)ii-h6,g~/,TOky6 1974, n o 272; D. Kadoya, Shingrin-shi? h n g ~rusersu, Tokyo 1980, loo; Goepper 1988, 48-249 and car. no. 66. Also iLIDJ 1770; Moriyama 1965, 137 ff. 12 Explicitly explained In rhls way f.1. by a texr of the Samb6-in r r a d ~ r ~ oSZS n , 34, 62, 2. " Kaki/teiz-shi, T Z 5, 253, 3. '"aki/teiz-shri, T Z 5, 253, 3; Brssrin-mkki, T Z 3, 465, I; H2shf-krikrtsu, SZS 28, 392.

generally of the opposite sex, under the influence and control of the practitioner performing the rite or the person who commissioned its performance. When united, the two parts of the ningjo-sho resembled quite vividly two human beings engaged in making love. The emblem then was called Figure with One Body and Two Heads (isshin-rjt&uzo)" and the handbooks for ritual brought it into connection with the figure of Aizen with Two ) ' ~ we have treated above. This kind of Vajra seems to have been applied Heads ( ~ y o z u - ~ i z e nwhich especially in Aizen ritual. It expressed the idea of the Union of the Two Roots (nikon-kokai), that is, of the sexual organs, this idea being forwarded already by the Rishu-shaku. The Kakugen-sho, written around 1270 by the priest Rendo, offers a vivid description of the application of the ningj'o-sho and its connotations:17 "Therefore the Seal of the Five-Pronged Vajra in Human Form resembles the union of two people in common production (gz/sho-jin).'8Because common people during such copulation cry out of joy, [the practitioner] also utters the Five Lion Cries.I7 In this way you visualize the [worldly] sphere of man and woman, which means that even a deluded mind may immediately enter Buddhahood. When we speak about the union of man and woman this does not mean that you should execute this affair gladly. The figure with one body and two heads symbolizes the doctrine of the union into one single figure, which is contained in hidden and deeply mysterious texts. The Meditation on the Hidden Membrum of the Horse (meo~zz8-~uw~w~uji),'O promulgated by the Yi~gikj'" has this meaning and postulates that you should recognize your own mind as it is in its transcendental reality. And this again signifies that you should realize the comprehension of all your bodily actions."

Of course the heterodox Tachikawa Sect readily integrated the Vajra in Human Form into its mystic and drastically erotic speculations, and declared it to signify the Fusion of the Red and White this being one of their cardinal axioms, as we have shown earlier. The Drops (shakubjtaku-niteki-uzgo), man or the male part of the Vajra was identified with Kongosatta (Vajrasattva), the woman or female part of the emblem with A i ~ e n . ~ ' Apart from such grossly heterodox speculations the ningyo-sho was also explained in a more philosophical manner as symbol for the transcendental union (usago) of opposite concepts, such as Meditation (jO) and Wisdom (e), Principle (ri) and Transcendental Knowledge (chi), Heaven and Earth. But it could also represent the Two Divisions (ry8bzl) condensed into the graphic symbols of the two basic Mandaras of Shingon ~ u d d h i s m . ~ ~ The ~esson-zakkiz3brings our emblem into correspondence with the double "Hhiim", and sees in it the most secret meaning of Aizen-my66. Tendai traditionz4 calls it the Staff of the Five Kinds of Transcendental Knowledge (grochi-sho)or the holy figure with one body and two heads (isshin-rjauson), originated from a combination of the two Seed Syllables "Hoh" and ''Hum" but, at the same Moriyama 1965. 137. Bjakirh6-sh<, T Z I O . I O ~ ~ , I - 2 . I.CZS 36. 342-3. The text has been quoted already above, but should be repeated here to show clearly the symbolic meaning of the ~mplement. l8 The context suggests the meaning which we haye given here to the difficult term gi~shb,Skr.: .r'zhqa. "'or ~ h ~ ~ h cf. f - l"i k iM, ~ I. 20 T h ~ Samidhi s has been treated extensively in chapter VIII. 21 Mor~yama1965,137 ff. -- Kakiiiiikitru, quoted by hloriyama. 7.7 3,459, 2. Snkiishiiz-rqzi2i1-.ihr/,T.CZ 21, 359, 1. "

16

3 ,

''

Fig. 37 Vajra in HumanForm (ningyc-sho).KamakuraPeriod, 13th-14thcentury, Shiga, Eizan Bunko.

time, warning that this has been taught by spurious secret texts and should therefore be disregarded and rejected. Anyhow, the ceremonies in which the ningj8F-sho was used were regarded as extremely secret. The B3.'aknhF-shFz5attributes their creation to former famous Japanese priests (Nihon-sentoku). I t also describes several visualizations in which the Vajra in H u m a n Form is applied. I t quotes the Kong8SaishF-Zen'ai-F-jFkjl~-nenja-giki, according to which the secret rite had to be performed in monas) Symbolic Form (i.e. the ningjo-sho) was transformed teries. During mental visualization ( k a n s ~ the s u ~ ~had one body and two heads. There follows a description of into the figure of ~ i z e n - b o ~ a t who the deity and the admonition to the practitioner, that he should face west and intone the appropriate Mantra. Another instruction for a secret visualization reads: "On a moon disk (gachirin)imagine the two characters "Hhum" and "Hoh" ["Hhum" to the right, and "Hoh" to the left], the colour of both being red, somehow resembling a pear. They emit light and illuminate each other mutually. Each of them is transformed into [one part ofl a nirzgj5-sho. These two Vajras unite at their [central] globular parts and become one Vajra of the Five Kinds of Transcendental Knowledge (gnchi-sho) which [lies] horizontally on a moon disk. This Vajra then turns ( ~ i r z )into the [figure of] Aizen-bosatsu with two heads and one body."

3. The Arrow One of the Symbolic Forms of Aizen-my66 which has an evident inner connection with the basic conception of the deity is the arrow (sen, j'a). I t appears together with the bow and has been treated above in the description of the basic form of Aizen. ~ ~ that the arrow as sammaj~a-gj0of Aizen has been transferred to him from The K a k u z e n - s h ~states , ~ ~that Aizen with his Arrow of Great Ai-bosatsu, who has his place in the Kong~kai~ l a n d a v a and Pity (daihi-sen) is shooting at all the deluded minds in order to open them u p for Enlightenment. ~~ the arrow as the most suitable saniniaya for Rites of Loving Subduing The ~ i s h 0 - k u k e t s uregards (keiai-h$, probably because of its ancient connection with the Indian God of Love. I t also attributes to this symbol the meaning of quick and immediate magic success (siddhi) because it easily reaches a distant, but desired aim. That the arrow was also a most effective symbol in Ceremonies to Avert Evil (i-hobuku-h$)was demonstrated by Eison when he used the arrow of his personal icon of the King of Lust to drive away the threatening Mongol army in 1281, as we have described above. ~~ the arrow with the thought of the practitioner about the Mind of The B j , a k u h ~ - s h ocompares Enlightenment (bodai-shin) to be realized by him. I t also quotes the priest D6han (1178-1252),~' saying that the arrow as sammaja represents the aim onto which the practitioner directs his thoughts. Attaching the arrow to the string of the bow symbolizes the intention to reach one's aim which is essentially love (ai) in its widest Buddhist connotations. The text even goes so far as to identify the

"

72 10,1037,I-2 Perhaps a confusion wlth AI-bosarsu 2T Z 5, 229, 2, a s i m ~ l astatement r IS to be found in the Bj'zkz~h6-1hJ, T Z 10,1oz7,3 rX Thls 1s a shortened name for AI-kong6-bosatsu, Sawa 1972,163. no 81 SZS 28,366, I ,o T Z 10,1027,3 1 0 2 8 , I " .\lDJ 1666,1-3 26

practitioner's body with Aizen's arrow, proceeding in its figurative interpretation from the back of the weapon to its two-pointed forked front: The feathers fixed to the arrow's end correspond to shoulders and arms, the shaft to the neck, and the double and U-formed arrow-head to the two legs of the practitioner. The ~esson-zakki3'refers to a secret explanation of the famous priest Ningai (951-1046), who brought the two arrows often used as sammaya in Aizen's ritual into correspondence to the Seed Syllable "Hoh" as the cry of joy during keiai.

4. The Lion Crown and the Hook with Five Prongs In rare cases also the lion crown worn by Aizen, and even the hook with five prongs on top of his head-dress function as Symbolic Forms of the deity.33Both of them have already been treated while describing the main form of Aizen. N o special explanation is given for the hook, and in connection with the lion crown the Kakuzen-sh6 only states that it symbolizes Great Enlightenment (mahdbodhi).

CHAPTER X The Seed Syllables (shzdjz)of Aizen

A

s we have stated above, the first step of realization of a Mikky6 deity is the phonetic condensation into a so-called Seed Syllable (shzlji, b*), from which the Symbolic Form and the actual appearance in Human Form are developed. As in the case of the Symbols, in this tonal field we also come across some different possibilities. I.

Hiim

The most common shuji for Aizen-my66 is the syllable "Hiim", which is usually combined with the Five-Pronged Vajra (goko-sho) as the s a r n n ~ a ~ a - ~but ~ i i the , ' short form, "Hum", also may be used.' Since "Hiim" is regarded as the Seed Syllable of the Vajra Family (kongir-bu) of esoteric deities, to which Aizen also belongs, it is the most suitable tonal form of expression for our god. In Shingon speculation "Hum" symbolizes the Cause (in, hetu), in opposition to the Result (ka,phala), of any action or development, especially in regard to the way of human beings toward salvation. This Cause is identified with the Mind of Enlightenment (bodai-shitz, bodhicitta), which acts as the motivating factor towards redemption. Since the heavenly direction East is that of bodai-shin, the character "Hum" also represents the deities in the Eastern Circle of the Kongiikai Alandara and, apart from that, all the other embodiments of bodai-shin. Now, all of the deities accompanying the honzon of the Eastern Circle, the Buddha Aksobhya (Ashuku-nyorai), are amalgamated into the one god Aizenmy66, which fact again makes the character "Hum" his most appropriate Seed Syllable. But "Hiim" is also quite often applied as phonetic expression of a general fierce character. How deeply Aizen is connected with this Seed Syllable is documented by the fact that in the Byakuho-shii the long paragraphs dealing with our deity are titled "Miscellanea on the Rite of the Hum-King" (Un-&h8 z~shE). The short "Hum" sometimes stands for the Ritual of Loving Subduing (keini-h~),whereas the long "Hum" is used for Terrible Rites (ch5bbuku-ho?,Aizen functioning as bonzon in both of them.

The Seed Syllable which expresses the many-sided character of Aizen-my66 in the most appropriate way, is the combination of two "Hum" into one single graphem "Hhum," which is actually pronounced as two "Hums" during the ceremony. This queer-looking combination is used together with the Five-Pronged Vajra as Aizen's Symbolic Form, or, in the more heterodox rites, with the Vajra in Human Form (ningy-sho) which we have treated b e f ~ r e . ~

Tomari I, 26; Hatta 1985, 233, nos. 1882-3. Hatta 228, no, 1836.

TZ 10,1025-57. For the double ''HhOm" cf. Tomari I, 26; Bjakuhc-she, TZ 10,1026,z;Besson-zakki, TZ 3,459,3.

Fig. 38 The Double Seed-Syllable "Hhtim", representing the tonal formofAizen-my66(Shuji-Aizen-my&$. Hanging scroll,ink, colour ~ cm. Kamakura Period. Sh6my6-ji, and kirikane on silk, 8 3 . 7 39.4 Yokohama.

Several mystic explanations are offered for the double "Hhum": I t represents the union of Meditation (j8, dhydna) and Wisdom (e,prajEd) as the two antithetical forces of existence, which underlie the two basic Shingon Mandaras, the KongFkai and the T a i z d a i . I t also stands for the identity *ini) of the equally important pair of concepts, namely Principle (ri) and Transcendental Knowledge (chi), which again are incorporated by the two Mandaras. It represents the return of the human mind from the many kinds of worldly knowledge to the basic Five Types of Esoteric Knowledge @hi) which form cardinal points within Shingon speculation. The syllable was supposed to have the special magical force of leading down ( s h w u ) the god into the presence of the practitioner and, in a wider sense, the power of Attracting (k8chF, Zkdr~a?2a),which the adept wished to acquire by his ceremony. The priest D6han (1178-1252)~ explained the double " H h u m " as the Seed Syllable of the contraction of the Five Mysteries (Go-Himitsu) treated at the end of the Rishzl-kyo into the one and only Aizen-6. H e divides this mystic process into two stages: During the first stage (shodan) the thirtyseven deities of the central field of the KongFkai n/ldndard, of the so-called JCshin-e, are condensed into the seventeen figures of the Rishzl-e, occupying the upper right corner of the Mandala, 6 and in the second and final stage (shudan) these seventeen sacred beings are further concentrated into the GoHimitsu. The process culminates lastly in the unification of the Five Mysteries into our King of Lust. D6han concludes that this is the reason why Aizen-my66 is represented at the end of the Mandara which Zenrin7 is supposed to have imported from China. Regrettably, this Mandara has not been preserved. O f course, the double " H h u m " is the most appropriate tonal symbol in the heterodox rites of a more erotic character, in which Aizen acts as the main deity (horizon). Like the aforementioned Vajra in H u m a n Form (ningyo-sho) it also symbolizes sexual union of man and woman, figuratively expressed by the "union of the red and white drops". The Kakuzen-shF quotes Hannya-s6j6 Kangen (853-925) as saying that by the character " H h u m " one should visualize the doubling of man and woman. One of the main aims of the Rite of Loving Subduing (keiai-h3) is just such sexual union. A more sublime meaning of keiai is offered by an interesting passage in the ~yakzlhokku-.rho,8 After stating, in accordance with ancient Chinese beliefs, that each human being is possessed by two kinds of soul, the bun and thepo, the text goes on to say that at the time of death the bun soul leaves the body together with breath, but that during the act of love it is again united with thepo for new life. This should be regarded as the highest aim of keiai, symbolized by the double character "Hhum". T h e ~ a k u z e n - s h o 9and the ~ i s h 8 - k u k e t s u 'also ~ propose that the two single elements of the combined character may serve different purposes, the upper " H u m " removing outer hindrances caused by influences of the worldly Defilements (bonno), the lower one extinguishing the inner hindrances forming a barrier that prevents the acquisition of true Knowledge (chi). Sometimes the Seed Syllable " H h u m " may also be conceived as a combination of the character "Ham", being the shzlji of Fud6-my66 and placed above, and the syllable " H u m " for Aizen below. The Symbolic Form in this case is a sword with handle in the shape of a Five-Pronged Vajra. The 6

8

I0

Quoted by TZ 10,1026,2. Sawa 1972,161,no. G. Zenrin-s6zu is Ki~kai'sp~ipilShinshe (787-871), founder of the Zenrin-ji. AIDJ 1372,1-2, TZ 7,98, I. TZ 5,229, I and 236,3. SZS 28, 365, z.

handle stands for Raga (Aizen), and the blade for Fudo's sword, thereby uniting these two important Kings of Esoteric Knowledge (myoo), who act as honzons in the keiai and the chobuku rites respectively.I1 But "Hhum" could also be explained as contraction of the two syllables "Hoh" and "Hum", represented by a queer Chinese character combination. The Tendai text Sokzlshin-ryiin-sho of 1368 states1' that this character combination consisting of "Hoh" and "Hum" should be transformed during the visualization into the Vajra in Human Form (ningyo-sho), and then changed into the deity with one body and two heads (i.e. Ry6zu-Aizen). This is transmitted in Secret Notes (hitsuki) which should by all means be regarded as wrong. One should neither believe in them nor use them. That the double "Hhiim" could function as an icon in its own right is demonstrated by a hanging scroll owned by the Sh6my6-ji and datable to the fourteenth century (fig. 38).13 Like the icon in human form, the character written with a flat and broad brush in black ink is placed in a shining sun disk on top of a lotus pedestal which, in its turn, rests on a vase emitting jewels. The character is supposed to have been written by Emperor Kameyama (1249-I~OS),but this seems rather improbable.

3. Hoh Whereas most Shingon schools used "Hum" as the main Seed Syllable in Aizen's ritual, the Ono School preferred the character "Hoh", especially for Rites of Loving Subduing (keiai-ho).14 The accompanying Symbolic Form was usually the arrow (sen), one of the emblems held by Aizen. This combination is reported as a secret tradition in the Ono School, especially by the priest Genkaku (1056-1121); Ry6sh6 also used it for a ritual in 1128.'~ Basically "Hoh" was regarded as an exclamation of joy (kanki), especially after obtaining success in a keiai rite. In a wider sense "Hoh" expressed the happiness about self-achieved Dharma (jijuho-raku). The ~isho-kuketsu16states that "Hoh" and arrow represent Ai-bosatsu within the Go-Himitsu group, and that the other three figures accompanying the central Kongosatta are at the same time contained within this Seed Syllable. But "Hoh" may even symbolize Kongosatta himself.17 The Tendai text ~ o k u s h i n - r ~ ~ i n offers - s h ~ basically ~~ the same explanations for "Hoh" but brings the syllable into context with heterodox teachings and the Vajra in Human Form.

I' I2 l3

I4

" I6 I-

18

T Z 10,1026,2. TSZ 21,359, I. Kanazawa Bunko hlerhrn-z?~roku,Yokohama 1981, colour pl. 14;Goepper 1988,140-41, no. 3 0 Tomar1 I , 26-27; T Z 10,1026, 3. Kakuzen-shi, T Z j , 229, I. For Genkaku see AIDJ 463-64; for Ry6sh6 (ca. 1120)hiDJ 2 2 8 0 , 2 Quoted by to mar^. T Z j, 229, I. TSZ 21,359, I

4. Hrih In some rare instances "Hrih", the Seed Syllable of the Lotus Family (renge-bzl) and, in a narrower sense, of the Buddha Amitiibha (Amida-nyorai),19 functions as the tonal symbol of Aizen, combined either with a white lotus or Aizen's lion crown as the ~ammaya-gy8.~~ Gods and human beings all love the white lotus flower which represents the primordial Pureness of the Essential Nature (jisho-shoj~,suabhdva-hddhi) of all living creatures. The white colour of the lotus may receive some tinting by other colours, but is not affected by dirt. Whereas red as the colour usually representing Aizen-my66 expresses loving emotion created by union, the whiteness of the socalled Lotus of Principle (riren) symbolizes the unpolluted pureness of the basic nature. And the sublime Loving Compassion (jihi) of Aizen, which has transcended the worldly passions, is based on that pure Principle of the Essential Nature (jisho-ri).

The ~ado-hiketszl-sh8~' presents the character "Trah" as the shuji for Aizen-my66 and combines it with the Wish Granting Jewel (nyoi-hGju, i.intdma?zi)as Symbolic Form. Both originally belong to Kong6-6-bosatsu, who is identified with our Aizen. Therefore shuji and sammaya also are transferable.

6. Jjah Lastly, Tomari in his article on our deityz2quotes the character "Jjah" as Seed Syllable for Aizen, bringing it together with the hook (goko-kg) on top of Aizen's lion crown, investing the doubling of the syllable again with esoteric meaning.

" O n the general meaning of "Hrih" see Hatta 1985, 242, no. 1955. 20 21

22

TZ 10,1026, 2; Tomari I, 27. SZS 23, 267, 2. Cf. also Hatta 1985, 242, no. 1955. Tomari I , 27.

CHAPTER XI The Mantras (shingon) of Aizen ike the Seed Syllables consisting of one sound only, the Mantras (shingon), which usually are composed of more than one word, are regarded in Esoteric Buddhism as the contraction of the extensive teaching of a whole Siitra into one sentence and also the tonal condensation of the spiritual essence incorporated by a certain deity. By uttering the Mantra the deity may be brought into the presence of the practitioner. "The Mantras with the name of the deity reach the deity of the invisible world as soon as they are uttered and, when repeatedly uttered, they are able to attract the deity in a visible form."' To balance this more magical effect of the Mantras, Japanese Mikky6 bestows upon them a more philosophical meaning. Kiikai himself states: "A mantra is suprarational; It eliminates ignorance when meditated upon and recited. A single word contains a thousand truths; One can realize Suchness here and now. Walk on and on until perfect quiescence is reached; Go on and on until the primordial Source is penetrated."2

In the Shingon School the Mantras, which were also called Formula, or Spell (ju), or Knowledge (my;, vidYd),jor by the Sanskrit term dhdrani, were regarded as the words preached by the Transcendental Body (hosshin) of the Tathiigata,4 but also of other deities. Because such teaching reflects absolute reality, the Mantras are called True Words (shingon).' The Yz~gi-kyGas the basic text on which the belief and the ritual of Aizen-my66 rest, contains a large number of Mantras used for different phases of the ceremony, but three of them have developed into the main Spells of the King of Lust. In later texts on ritual their designations differ and they also have slight variations in their actual formulation by which they are adapted to their use for different aims. I.

O m Mahiiriiga Vajrosnisa Vajrasattva jjah hum vam hoh

This antra^ is taught in the second chapter of the Yugi-kyG where it is characterized by the long and complicated name "Heart Mantra of the Firm King Tinted by Love, Signifying the Highest Vajra King of All Tathagatas" (Issai-nyorai KongG-Saish8-3giri kengu Zen'ai-3 shin-shingon). In Shingon texts it is usually called Great Basic Mantra (dai-kompon-myG), but in one case also Mudra and Mantra B. Bhattacharyya, An Introdttction to Buddhist Esoterism, Varanasi 1964,7. I , 561; quoted after Hakeda 1962,79. The so-called Kings of Esoteric Knowledge ( m ~ o F )our , Aizen being one of them, were originally regarded as impersonations of such magic spells. "UDJ 1261-62; 407. Indispensable for the study ofMantras in JapaneseMikky6 is the dictionary by Y. Hatta, Shingon Jiten, Tdky6 1985. ~ a t t 1985, a 107, no. 770; Sh. Takubo, Shingon-Darani-zi no kaisetsu, Tokyo 1967, 69-70 It appears in most texrs dealing with Aizen, f.1. TZ j,17, j; 3,4j7, I - 460, 3; TZ 10, 1047,j, etc. T 18, 255, 3 - 256, I.

KZ

of Binding the Area and Protecting the Person (kdkai-gaihin-iTnrnY~),8 which is definitely narrowing its meaning. To demonstrate the context into which the Mantra is set, we would like t o cite a lengthier quotation from the ~ z l ~ i - k ~ ~ : ~ "The Kongdkai-nyorai (Dainichi) teaches to Vajrapiini the formula called Heart Mantra of the Firm King Tinted by Love, Signifying the Highest Vajra-King of all Tathagatas, most honoured among all Yogas, unsurpassable, which immediately supplies Siddhi, and which is also able to produce in all seeing persons thoughts on their father, mother, wife and children. The deeds which one has to enact can all be realized. All the other Mantras which one has obtained, like those of the Family of the Buddha Summit (hutihi, hzlddhojn~a),of all the Tathagatas, of the Lotus Family (renge-h),The Vajra and the Karma ~amily," all the Mantras which he has obtained, he can bring to perfection. "If the Practitioner of the Mantras recites this one in a sequence 300,000 times, all the Masters of the Mantras and the Kings of the Kongokai Daimandara gather together and reach perfection within one moment of time. Immediately [the practitioner] attains the Rank of the Great Vajra and arrives at the stage of the Bodhisattva Samantabhadra (Fugen). The Formula uttered by the World-Honoured One is: Om i2lahZ~ZgaI:djTojnZja Vajrasattw jjdb h i m t q hob. "Then the World-Honoured One intoned the following Gatha: The Two hands in Vajra Fist (kongo-ken) Should be crossed and bound together at the inside. The two middle fingers stand vertical like a needle And are united to represent Tinting (zen). This is called the Basic Mudra (kow~pon-in). By having obtained this Mantra And by the force of this Secret Mudra (mitsu-in) You should 'seal' your mind, heart, forehead, throat and cranium, Then you have the Body of Vajra Summit (Kongiihi-shin). The dirt of all of your sins, If you barely have bound this Mudra, will disappear. Increasing (ziyaku), In the case of Appeasing (sokz~sai), Subjugating (uikei)and Terrible Bewitching Qibuku), Everything that you love will follow [your intentions]. If you have barely intoned this Mantra, Everything will be obtained accordingly. Should there be poison or mutual hate, If you have barely bound [the Mudra] and intoned [the Mantra], they will stop. If you consecrate food seven times, The Nectar of Immortality kanro, arrzrta)will rain down on your Ego."

As with all Mantras, a reliable translation of Aizen's main Shingon poses difficulties. After the opening Seed Syllable "Om", Aizen's Sanskrit name is cited: Mahiiraga, Great Lust, followed by the term Vajrosnisa, which corresponds to the Japanese Kongo-cho, "Summit (or: Top) of the Vajra". This term may characterize the special Virtue of the Wisdom (ibitokzl) of the Tathiigata," which is 8

10 'I

TZ 3,458, I. 7 18.255, j - 256, I; for a translation in Dutch see Vanden Broucke 1989-90,4j-44. This means: the d e i t ~ e of s all Families o i t h e esoteric pantheon. AIDJ 705, 2-3.

regarded as indestructible as the Vajra (kong~)and as the highest and unsurpassable (chG, ujnTja) notion. In our context it might be used to invest Aizen with the most transcendental quality a deity can obtain. The name of the Bodhisattva Vajrasattva is probably added because Aizen is regarded as the socalled Homogeneous Body (tfiu-shin)'' of this most mystic deity, and because the love which he represents transcends the impure worldly lust and is transformed into an emotion which is identical with the Mikkyo concept of Universal Union (bY5dg).I3The Mantra is concluded by the four Seed Syllables representing the so-called Four Bodhisattvas of Gathering Together (shi-sh5, catuhsa~tzg~aba), which symbolize the attracting and bringing into presence the invoked god, calling him down from his transcendental abode. W e will meet these syllables again when describing Aizen's ritual.The elements of this Mantra, written in the Siddham Script, may also be used in the mystic Visualization of the Circle of Syllables (jiran-kan), which will be treated below in the context of the Nyoh6-Aizen ritual. The characters are arranged in concentric circles on a moon disk (gachirin) and visualized in a circular clockwise movement, starting in the center (fig. 39).14 The Byahuho-sho15calls this a Mandara and says: "The Mandara of Aizen's Great Formula (daiju) should during its intonation (nenju), while you are visualizing, be returned onto the body of the honzon. But it is also visualized as a circle in your own mind." 2.

Hhum Takki hum jah

This Mantra, appearing in chapter 7 of the ~ z d g i - k ~ nhas , ' ~ several variants: O F Takki hum jah,17 or: H u m Takki hum jah,18 etc. (fig. 40, see page 143). It is called either Small Formula or Spell (shoju) or Mantra of Five Syllables (goji-shingon), but, strangely enough, also Heart Mantra in One Syllable (ii-hiji-shirt~znz~~),~~ and even Heart (Mantra) in one Syllable of Unity (sammaya-ii-hiji-shin)" by the same text. The BpakuhG-shg quotes it as the Small Spell (shoju) of Aizen's variant as By6d6-6, which is declared as another name for Kongosatta (~ajrasattva)." The main and central component of this Mantra is the enigmatic name Takki, which is, so to say, the connecting link between the Indo-Tibetan and the East Asian forms of our deity in the Esoteric Buddhist pantheon. W e have discussed some possible interpretations above.

12

'' " Ii

16

I'

18 I9

20 21

One of the Four Bodies of a Buddha; the one in human form in which he appears as teacher in this world. MD] 1671-72. Takubo 1967,69-70. For instance In the Bjnkt~hi-shi,T Z 1 0 , 1 0 3 2 , 2 . T Z 10,1040,2. T 18, 257, 3; Vanden Broucke 1989-90, 99. In this form it is also quoted by the Kakuzen-shf, T Z 5; the Bessnn-zakki, T Z 3,457, I; and the Zuzt-shn, TZ 3, I 7, 3. Cf. also Hatta 1985, 243, no. 1965, and also 48-49, nos. 286-91. Hzshi-kuketsil, SZS 28, 38 j, 2. Bjltk~hi-shi,T Z 10,1048, I. T Z 3,463. 2. .1 Z 3, 467, 2. T Z 10,1048, I.

3. Hum siddhi This short but apparently effective Mantra is also taken from the Yugi-kyg(chapter 7)" where it is called O n e Syllable Heart [Mantra], Yoga of the Unsurpassable Mind (ichiji-shin daishoshin-sG6), a name that is shortened in other texts into Heart Mantra in One Syllable ( i ~ h i j i - s h i r n f n ~or~ simply )~~ Spell in One Syllable (ichiji-ju). The Yz~gi-kyGgivesthe following advice in regard to this Mantra: "If you always intone this Mantra, you obtain Loving Subduing (uikei) and Terrible Subjugation (goduku) of all gods and men. You let the seeing among men be happy and you will be able to realize all wishes of your heart, which surely will be fulfilled. Quickly you realize the Siddhi of the body of Kongosatta (Vajrasattva), and in this present life and world you will obtain the Vajra Spirit (kongo-shin) of the Equality of all Dharmas (issui-h8-by~di)."

In fact, just this Mantra with its key-word "Success" (siddhi) is intoned by the practitioner during his ceremony at such crucial moments when the effectiveness of the ritual must be accentuated, as we will see when treating Aizen's rites below. Occasionally other Mantras also are quoted in connection with the King of Lust, as for instance the one applied for the Go-Himitsu, the Five Mysteries: Op Mahdsukha Vajrasattua jab h m vap hob suratas tuam (or: surata ~ v d h d ) which , ~ ~ contains the notion of Great Bliss (mahdszkha) that easily could be connected with the Esoteric King of Lust.

22

j'

'4

.118,257,3. For Instance In Kakxzen-.rho, TZ j, 236, 2; also TZ 3,458, 2 and 463, 2 Quoted by the Bjakilhf-shd, TZ I O , I O ~ ~ , ~ .

Fig. 39 The Great Basic Mantra (dai-kompon-shingon) of Aizen arranged in circular form for Visualization of the Circle of Syllables (jirin-km). From Byakz~hC-shC, TZ 10,1032.

CHAPTER XI1 The Ritual of Aizen-my66

T

he characteristic numinous quality impersonated by the deities of the Esoteric Buddhist pantheon is activated and realized during their specific rituals. Therefore the special nature of any Mikky6 deity can only be understood by analyzing the ceremonial setting of the stage on which this deity becomes active.' The wide ritualistic aspect (jisg)' of Mikky6 as counterpart to religious speculation (kyGsF)' is by no means of uniform character, but has several spiritual layers from gross magic to highly mystic procedures, in which the actual performance has hardly any religious value in itself, but is invested with symbolic and even philosophic qualities. While treating the emblems held in the hands of Aizen's basic form we noted that, in principle, the King of Lust could act as Main Deity (honzon) in each and every one of the different kinds of ritual codified already in India into four, five or six basic forms,4 but that according to his special character he was mainly invoked for Loving Subduing (keiui) and Terrible Subjugation (ch~buku).Even Subduing could be differentiated into two basic forms in accordance with the aims to be achieved, one called mundane (seken-keidi) when striving after love between the sexes or after sovereignty, the other one named transcendental (bodui-keiai)when Enlightenment was the aim. An interesting list of ten different kinds of the efficacy (reiken) achieved by prayers or rites addressed to the King of Lust is given by the "Records on the Continuous Magnificence of Aizen-6" (Aizen-G Sh0TyZ1-ki), composed in the second half of the thirteenth century by an unknown priest of the T6ji tradition and published by Kushida5 The author illustrates these kinds by giving examples from history and telling lively stories. (I) Prolongation of Life (jumya-chaen). The priest Ningai's (951-1046) biblical age of ninety-five is attributed to his belief in our deity and the rituals performed for him. Also Genkaku (1080-1156) of the Rish6-in, who highly revered an Aizen icon in the Chizoku-in on Mount K6ya allegedly made by Kukai and who reached seventy-six years in excellent health, is given as an example among others. (2) Prevention of Illness (by6kun-joy). Here the effects of successful rain-making ceremonies (shozlgy~-ho)by different priests are recorded, probably because the undisturbed growth of crops guaranteed the well-being of the population. Such rains, which caused the plants to flourish and made people of high and low social standing happy, were even called Aizen Rain (Aizen-ame), or Rain Caused by the Great Ceremony (daih5-ame),or Rain of Joy and Happiness (kanki-ame).6

Among the numerous Japanese publications on Mikkyo ritual we would like to cite Sh. Toganoo's classic, Hinzitszl j i s t no k e n k j i , Kyoto 1935, reprinted as vol. 2 of Toganoo Zenshu, Koyasan 1982. Other encyclopedic publications are by K. Takai, hfikky?rnjisi taikez, Kydto I9j3 (2nd ed. 1969); R. Ueda, Shingon nzzkkjfjisd gazsetsu, vol. I (Shido-bu), Tokyo 1961; vol. 2 (Shnson-hb, KarGi-bu I), Tokyo 1989; vol. 3 (Shnson-hi, KanjJ-bu z), Tokyo 1990. Short descriptions of Shingon ritual also In Goepper 1983, 9 ff.; Goepper 1988,45-50; T. Yarnasaki 1988,165-91. AIDJ 957,'-2. MDJ 3 0 0 , ~ . Stated for instance by the Hzshi-kukeisu, SZS 28,362. Kushida 1979,2,819-4' "bid. 831.

'

(3) Special Success in Prosperity and Official Rank (eikan-shzlsh~).The story of the priest Zoshun (1084-1164) from Ono describes him as someone who strongly believed in Aizen and had ten thousand images in the size of five-finger-widths (goshiryo-zF) made, and who promptly became father-in-law of the Emperor. (4) Fulfilment of Luck and Religious Merit (fztkzttokzt-emman). By the application of Augmenting Rites (zQ'akzt-hF) the luck and success reached by some high officials for themselves and their offspring is stated. ( 5 ) Extreme Deepening of Subduing in Love (keiai-shinshin). Among others the success of Fujiwara Nariko, who became wife of Emperor Toba and was promoted to the high rank of Bifukumon'in in 1149,~is qualified as the outcome of her prayer to Aizen. (6) Fulfilment of all Achievements (shitsztji-emman). The author records the rise of another noble lady, Fujiwara Tatsuko, within the courtly hierarchy to become the wife of Emperor Juntoku and reach the rank of To-Ichijo'in in 1222,~and relates it to Aizen rites performed by the priest Jichin. (7) Crushing Hated Enemies (saifzlkzt-onteki). Among other stories from the sphere of state politics, one about the sixty-first Emperor Shujaku (reigned 931-46) is told. During the revolt of Taira Masakado and Fujiwara Sumitomo in 939 the Emperor had the portrait of Kiikai brought from the temple into the Seiryo-den of the Imperial Palace, erected a "secret altar" (mitsztdan) in front of it and ordered the priest Seik6 to perform an Aizen ceremony with the result that the uprising was crushed. (8) Extinction of Misfortunes (shGjo-sainan). The author gives a variant of the story about Kukai's return from China. During Kukai's stay on the continent, Hachiman-daibosatsu9 in the disguise of a monk of red colour and surrounded by a sun-disk appeared in front of the priest and promised to protect him. Kiikai immediately had the portrait of this apparition painted and always kept i t with him. At the time of Kukai's return to Japan, Hachiman showed himself again and revealed his identity with Aizen. Ktikai then made an image of him in the size of five-finger-widths (goshiryG-z6) which he also carried constantly with him. During the dangers of storms and waves at sea the deity appeared once more and quelled all hindrances "so that the Teaching of the Three Jewels could be propagated in our country (Japan).'"' (9) Bringing Forth the Mind of Enlightenment (hotszl-bodaishin). The author leaves the field of more magical effects of the belief in Aizen and shows how several persons progressed on their way to Enlightenment by performing rites in honour of the King of Lust, sometimes having miraculous side-effects, as in the case of a certain Joj6-ajari, who went into seclusion for one thousand days in the T6ji and performed Aizen-goma. When the number of days was fulfilled he became tired of this world, kept strict austerities and enacted deep visualizations. Over several years he never became ill or distressed. Then he turned his attention on Buddha Amitabha, performed the correct intonation of his name (shonen), sat in the right manner and formed secret Mudras. At the end, the priest's appearance became like that of a cloudy haze in the presence of a viewing and joyous crowd of people. (10)Rebirth in the Pure Land (8jG-jodo). This effect of prayers to Aizen must be seen in context with the growing syncretism of Mikkyo and the popular belief in Amida, which we have touched on

I0

T . Asai,Jokan Zzlkai, Tokyo 1985,53. Ibid. 55. The honorific designation o f Hachiman as Daibosatsu was started in Enreki 2 (783); Heibonsha, Shinto' Daijten, Kyoto 1971,3,159. Kushida 2 , 837.

briefly in the chapter on History. The author gives several examples of priests who successfully combined esoteric practices with the devotion to Amida." To demonstrate the effectiveness of our god in the different layers of religious activity in Japanese Mikky6 and to get an idea of the active part played by a deity which apparently not only impersonates a speculative notion, we will describe the different forms of rites addressed to Aizenmy%. I.

Gross Magic

In the handbooks on ritual we often come across descriptions of ceremonies directed to the King of Lust which are quite different from the highly religious character of the usual large rites (daiho) with their elaborate and complicated scheme of ceremonial steps. These other rites are imbued with a highly magical flavour, many of them even appearing as gross magic of a rather dubious kind, which does not at all agree with the esoteric speculations pervading the larger ceremonies. The question whether such magical rites reflect an earlier stage of the belief in Aizen-my66 or have been taken over from popular forms of religion into the Mikky6 context will probably never be answered. At least Indian and Tibetan Buddhist Tantrism is to a high degree saturated with magic ideas and practices in all of its layers. Anyhow, as we have seen in our historical survey, the orthodox rituals for Aizen could also be used for noxious and negative effects during the Heian Period. The story of the priest Seizon and Go-Sanj6 Tenn6 is a famous example. But often the magical procedures are simpler and more direct than the rituals on a higher religious level. For some examples we present a lengthy quotation from the Byakuhokku-sh8, written during the first half of the fourteenth century by Ry6zen and his pupil Ry6son:12 "In bygone years, when the Sadaijin was filled with grief,13 they [the practitioners] performed the Yoga (sob-) [for Aizen] by using the pins of a coffin. This was done to revive a dead person.14 "If a wife wishes to be loved by her husband, she should take a piece of clothing which he has worn, dye it with red colour and bind it around the face of the deity (Aizen). She should intone the spell H12m siddhi" and perform consecration (kaji) three hundred thousand times. Thereby she will obtain his loving thoughts. "If you desire long life you should take rock calamus (sekirh~bu)'~ and cut it into the length of your middle finger, using two stems. On one you should write your own name and insert it into your trousers near the hips for a long time without letting anyone know about it. Onto the second stem you should write the name [of the person who is meant by the rite] and then swallow it, facing west. O r you should let a wild horse tread on the calamus. It by no means should get dry, therefore you should rinse it with dew, write the name on it and thereafter intone the Mantra H i ~ z siddhi three hundred thousand times.

"

l b ~ d389-40. . TZ 7,113, I . Similar rites are described in detail in the B)akzlhi-shi, TZ 10,1051, 2-3, but also in many other texts. " The context does not make it clear which Sadaijin is meant. " The story appears in nearly identical words in the Byakzlhf-shi, 7210,1052, I . " Taken from the Yugi-kjo, T 18, 257,3. 16 Probably arorzls graminezls, which was also used in Western medicine. Cf. A. Lonicerus, Kreuterbzlrh, Frankfurt 1679, 536: "Die Apotecker beyssen (beizen) diesen Kalmus wie den Ingber ein 1 wird zur Erwarmung des kalten Magens, Meerung des natiirl~chen Saamens, und Reitzung zun Ehelichen Wercken gebraucht." A certain superficial connection to heterodox practices of Aizen cannot be overlooked! 12

"To overcome a person, cut rock calamus into the length of your middle finger and write unto it: 'I overcome the person with that and that name. E a k k i him jab.' At the end of this spell you should add the Sentence of Wrath vunnu-ku) and perform consecration (kaji) thirty seven times. Then bury [the calamus] in the middle of a road, so that people tread on it. If you bury it at a cross road, you will have [more] advantage. "If you are thinking of somebody and want him to love you, write the name of that person on a calamus stem, take it into your mouth and intone the Great Formula (daiju, of Aizen). Facing west you must perform consecration one hundred and eight times and swallow [part oi] it every day during a period of seven days. After that you will obtain love. "If you perform this for the sake of someone else, put the calamus into the venerable mouth of the deity [Aizen] and perform kaji three hundred thousand times. You should let that person swallow it, then he will obtain love. "If you want to get a male or female child, you should write the family name of the father onto rock calamus. In case of a male child intone the Great Formula and perform consecration one jab and carry out thousand times. For a female child you must intone the formula Him takki h ~ m kaji one thousand times. After you have performed the consecration in this way for seven days, you should swallow [the calamus] . If you let the mother swallow it, she will beget a child. "If you want to destroy an enemy, take rock calamus, use wine as grinding water [for the ink] and take as brush a piece of peach wood from a branch growing towards the east. Write the name of that person onto [the calamus], wrap it into a blue garment and let a wild horse tread on it. After seven days he will be destroyed. After his destruction you should protect the area (kekkai)" [occupied by] your own person, using the Mudra and Mantra of MafijuSri of the Eight Syllables ( ~ a c h i j i - ~ o n j u )[.. .' .] ~ "If you want to kill somebody who hates you, cut rock calamus into the length of your middle finger and write onto it the name of that hated person. Then you should stamp on it with your foot, in case of a woman using only your left foot, in case of a man tread on it with your right one. At the time of sunset face the sun and intone the formula Onz siddhi, executing consecration one hundred and eight times. W i t h a One-Pronged Vajra you must beat [the calamus] into pieces, thereby you will destroy him. Also, if you place that person's name into a precious vase under the seat of the practitioner and intone the formula Him siddhi, performing kaji three hundred thousand times, then you will destroy him in the same way. "If you wish to obtain the affection of the king of the state or of some great minister, cut rock calamus into the length of your middle finger, write the name of that king or minister onto it and insert it into the mouth of the deity.19 Recite the formula Him takki and execute consecration three hundred thousand times, then you will receive their affection. "To pacify a bad person you should write his name onto the bark of an oak tree (kihada, Pterocarpus flavus) and let the practitioner stamp on it with his left foot. Intone the spell H i m siddhi and perform kaji three hundred thousand times. After that he will be pacified." T h e Kakzlgen-sho, w r i t t e n around 1270 by H6ky6, which w e have cited in connection w i t h heterodox speculations, even describes a n Aizen ritual t o call back t h e soul of a deceased person ( h a n k ~ n - h G )T. ~h ~e name of t h e dead person had t o be written d o w n and t h e paper inserted i n t o Aizen's hand holding "that". T o draw back (kGcbG) t h e soul t h e practitioner had t o form t h e Mudra of t h e Five-Pronged Vajra (goko-in) and add t h e name of t h e deceased before loudly crying o u t "svZhZ" (hail), a magical word which often occcurs a t t h e end of a Mantra. O n e had t o visualize that t h e Five-

'' 18

"

O n Binding the Area (kekkai) see Goepper 1978,41-58, O n Hachiji-Monju see iZIDJ 1807, 2 - 1808, I. The eight syllables of his Mantra are: O m Hh vi ra hiim kha ca rah Perhaps the mouth of the lion head in Aizen's crown is meant. SZS 36, 341.

Pronged Vajra actually is the figure of the dead person. But one also could imagine the soul of that person as contained in the hand holding "that" so that all demons and malevolent spirits cannot get hold of it. During the visualization the deity, the practitioner and the deceased should be condensed into one and the same figure. The examples of magic rituals in texts on Aizen could easily be multiplied. One more quotation may show how the icon of Aizen could be directly involved in the magic process. The Byakuhokkushgzl says: "For Loving Subduing (keiai) you should write onto red paper the Great Formula (dazju): 'Kongosatta - Mr. xx (name) and Mrs. yy (name) keiai-ghataya jah hum vam hoh', and insert it into the mouth of the lion (in Aizen's crown). The Great Formula is consecrated by the Mudra of the Five-Pronged Vajra; this is called Consecration of the Main Deity (horizon-kaji). For Terrible Subjugation (g?bzku) take the name written personally by that man and place it into the lion's mouth. Should you not be able to obtain his personally written name, you must take salt and mix it with vinegar water in the grinding stone for ink. The executing priest (sbzsbi) should then write the name and insert it into the lion's mouth so that he can chew it. As salt and vinegar change the original taste, so the malicious spirit of that hated person [against whom the rite is directed] shall be changed. For the Consecration of the Main Deity the Vajra should be of the fierce type ( f i * n ~ h oOne ) . ~ ~should recite the Formula of Five Syllables (goji-vLy~)23 five times and, using the thumb, let it be chewed three times. In one single night the hated person will be destroyed. But also the practitioner can take it into his mouth." A booklet in the collection of the Daigo-ji, dated 1156 (Kyuju 3) by a priest named ~ a k u e i and '~ bearing the title Aizen-mnyz giki,25is full of straightforward magic. Even Aizen himself appears in this text as a demonic and frightful deity, his description in some respects differing from the usual formulations: "On a plain white cloth you should paint the figure of Aizen-6, resting in a sun disk, with three eyes looking angrily at Devas, Maras and heretics (gedg). O n the crane [of his head] he is wearing a lion [crown], on top of which is placed a five-pronged hook. Human skulls (dokuro) form his chains of jewellery (yordku) and a tiger skin serves as his skirt. Flames surround his figure. In his left hand he is holding a five-pronged bell, in his right a Vajra in Human Form (nirzgy8-sho).. . " In this book the practitioner is requested to drink a concoction of rock calamus, not to eat it. Ceremonies for Aizen may serve to make the king, his wife and children, the people of the royal court, as well as all saintly beings and all living creatures happy. But the ritual may also be used to gain riches and to help average people of this world during this Ending Period of the world (rlzafipg)), this last sentence documenting the importance of ceremonies to our King of Lust during the uncertain and chaotic situation in the late Heian Period. According to this text Aizen may be invoked to cure diseases, to drive away bad dreams and even to provide high official rank, especially if his two-headed variant is addressed.

Z1

,, -l ' 'l

72 7 , 99. This type has flame-like prongs. That is: Om (or: Hum)takki hum jah. Daigo-ji, no. 159-54. This the outer title on the cover. Inside the text is called: B~~tiumo Aizen-i~aishi-ihingon- hi,

2 . The

Large Ritual for Aizen-my66

As we have shown in the chapter on history, the so-called Large Ritual (daiho) for Aizen-my66 as single deity developed during the Heian Period and was in many instances applied by members of the Imperial court and wealthy noble families during the Fujiwara and the following Kamakura Period. Theoretically Aizen could be invoked by all Five Kinds of Ritual (goshzl-h$), but according to the basic nature of the deity he was called upon mainly in rites of Loving Subjugation (keiai-ho, uajikarana) to win the affection of a certain person, or to attain other favourable results, or in Terrible and Noxious Rites (chobzlkzl- or gtibzlkzl-ho, abhicdrZlka) to harm some other living being. The Shingon-shi Nernpyo lists many instances of Large Aizen Ceremonies (Aizen-myz-daiho) executed for an easy child-delivery of the Empress, for the recovery of an ailing Emperor or for his coming of age. W e have also touched the important role which Priestly Princes (hoshinnG) played in the development of Aizen's ritual. The scheme of Large Rituals in Esoteric Buddhism was essentially based on that of early Tiintric Indian rites which, in their turn, imitated the procedures of receiving and treating an important royal guest. The scheme was enlarged and elaborated in Esoteric Buddhism so that in the end a large ritual could be composed of up to one hundred and more steps of religious activities and last for many days. The ~szt-zoshi,'~ written early in the thirteenth century by the priest Seigen, enumerates more than seventy steps for the Aizen ceremony, which also appear in an identical or very similar manner in other handbooks on Shingon ritual.27 The following survey is based on the short data in the Uszl-zGshi, filled out and extended by information from other sources where other rites are more fully described. The data, as far as they have a general character, have been incorporated into the description of the Aizen ceremony. The text begins with the statement that the sequence of acts before the arrival of the priests in front of the "Buddha" (the icon) inside the hall should be "as usual". This means that the priests had to prepare themselves in their quarters.28 There they enter into the meditation on the mystic Bodhisattva Kong6satta (Vajrasattva), who functions as embodiment of all mystic qualities. The priests form the Mudra of Meditation (jo-in), visualizing at the bottom of their heart a moon disk (gachirin) with the germ syllable "Ah". This they transform in their imagination into the FivePronged Vajra as the Symbolic Form (sanznzaya-gyG) of Vajrasattva, which is lastly converted into the figure of Vajrasattva himself as he is described by the iconographic rules. In mystic unification the practitioner identifies himself mentally with the deity. The adepts then perform bodily purification by washing, rinsing their mouth and putting on clean clothes. The priests gather and march through the courtyard until they arrive in front of the door of the temple hall. Here they pause and enter the meditation on the King of Esoteric Knowledge (r/zy88)Munosh6 (Aparajita), the "Invincible One",29who is a special embodiment (kejin) of the Buddha ~iikyamuni,symbolizing his sovereign power over all evil. Intoning the syllable "Hum" the practitioner three times pretends to open the door. After entering the hall the priests 26 27

28

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7 78, 641,3 - 642, 2. Also Kokyaku itlikkji,Jisi-bzl 2, 292-95 and 392-404, For instance in the MS of a A i m - 3 - h i by the prlest Nlngen, dated 1199, in the Daigo-ji (no. 159-24), and a similar one by Kenshin (1192-1263) (Daigo-ji, no. 159-25-2). The examples could easily be multipl~ed.Cf. also T a k a ~1969,827-34, and Ueda 1989,181-97, The following steps are taken over from descriptions of the Juhachi-d6 and the Kongika~rituals, Takai 1969,128 ff, and 232 if. itIDJ 2142-3. For the different tradition in Indian Buddhist iconography cf. De Mallmann 1975, 102.

deliberately look to the left and the right, visualizing with their right eye a sun disk with the character "Ma", with their left eye a moon disk with the character "t", expelling with the magical syllable "Mat'' all evil influences from the interior of the hall. After these preparatory acts, which have not been described by the Usu-zoshi since they should be performed "as usual", the text begins its sequence of ceremonial acts in the Aizen-G-ho: I. General Adoration in Front of the Altar (danzen furai). The priest identifies himself with Kongosatta who steps onto a lotus flower, and he prostrates himself, intoning the Mantra: O?z sarvatathdgata-~Zda-vandana~n karorni, "Om, I venerate the feet of all Tathagata~."~' 2. Taking the Seat and General Adoration (chakuza furai). The priests sit down on their seats, either in the fully locked or the easier half-locked position (kekkafu-za or hanka-za).jl They form the Mudra of Fudo's Sword, since this deity acts as messenger of the Buddha. They mentally perform general adoration (furai) to the deities to whom the ritual is addressed. 3. Unguent (zuko). The practitioner offers unguent, taking it up with five fingers which symbolize the Five Elements (godai). H e imagines: "These Five Elements are my own body." Thereby he not only purifies all material elements but also his own person, together with the implements of the ritual into which the elements are condensed. 4. Visualization of the Three Mysteries (sarnnzitsu-kan). The practitioner intones three or nine times the magically extremely forceful syllable "Hum" and imagines moon disks in the palms of his hands, on his tongue and in his heart. O n these parts of his body blue lotus flowers are formed onto which the character "Hum" is projected. This is transformed into a Five-Pronged Vajra. Hereby all defilements of the Three Mysteries, that is of body, speech and mind, are eliminated. 5 . Purification of the Three Kinds of Activity (j8-sango). The Three Activities as outcome of the Three Mysteries are purified by five times repeating the famous Sanskrit Mantra: "Oy svabhdZiaSuddhd sarva-dharzdb, svabhdva-fuddho 'ham", "By their nature pure are all factors of existence (dhar~za),by nature pure am also I.")' Hereby the so-called five spots (gosho) of the practitioner's body are purified, namely his forehead, both shoulders, his heart and his throat. These bodily spots are identified with the Five Mystical Tathagatas (gochi-nyorai), who are thought to be present in the practitioner's person. 6. The Three Families (sarnbu). By performing Mudras and intoning Mantras the practitioner calls down the deities of the Three Families, the Buddha, the Lotus and the Vajra Families of the esoteric pantheon, so that they may assist in purifying the Three Kinds of Activities in the person of the practitioner. 7. Putting on Armour ( b i b ) . By forming the Mudra of the Vajra Armour and Helmet (kongohatch&-in), sometimes also called Internally Bound Mudra of the Three-Pronged Vajra (naibakusanko-in), the practitioner symbolically protects his body, imagining in his mind: "I put on the Armour of Great Compassion of the Tathagatas and protect myself from bad influences and defilements. I dedicate my person to the purification of human society and mobilize myself for that purpose."

j0

" j2

Hatta 1985, 202, no. 1644. For the sitting positions cf. Saunders 1960,122-27. Hatta 1985, 225, no. 1808.

8. Consecration by Perfumed Water (kaji-kaui). T O intensify the process of purification the practitioner holds the rosary (nenju) in one hand, the other one holding the sprinkling stick (sanj8),j3 and hits lightly the bowl containing perfumed water which was collected during the second half of the night. While dipping the stick into the water he visualizes the character "Ram", symbolizing the element Fire, at the bottom of the bowl. H e stirs the water, imagining the water character "Vam" which emits milk. After stirring again he sprinkles water with his stick towards the ten heavenly directions, towards the cultic implements and towards his own person. The water, of course, stands for purity, its scent pervades all cosmic regions. 9. Consecration of the Offerings (kaji-kurlzotsu). This is done by Mudras and Mantras invoking either Gozanze (Trailokyavijaya), then using the formula "Kili-kili", or Fudo, both being most forceful Kings of Esoteric Knowledge (my86)). 10. Visualization of the Character "Ram" (ran-ji-kan). By visualizing the Fire Syllable "Ram" the priest cremates all effects of his Karma, thereby cleansing even the deeds of his past. 11. Visualization of the Buddhas (kambutsu). Purified and protected, the practitioner now enters the Visualization of the Buddhas whom he sees floating in the empty cosmic space. The Mantra for this stage is: Kham Vajradhdto, which is composed of an invocation of the Sphere of the Absolute (kong~kai,vajradhdtu) and the Germ Syllable of Empty Space "Kham". By this act all merits acquired are gathered together to obtain religious success (siddhi). 12. Setting up the Vajra (kongo-ki). Since the host of Buddhas and deities, including the honzon Aizen-my66, are self-contained in meditation, the practitioner now has to awaken them from their trance and to activate them for the ritual. The emblem of the Vajra, which is symbolically set up, is used to excite (kyogdku) the Buddhas and deities in their transcendental spheres, and to direct their attention towards the ceremony. The Mantra is: 0~2vajrottijtha him, "Vajra, stand up!"j4 and the accompanying Mudra portrays the pointed end of a Vajra. 13. General Veneration (furai). By long Sanskrit Mantras the deities invoked by the ritual are venerated. 14. Exposition (hyohyaku). 15. Distribution of the Deities (jimbun) or Descent of the Deities (kooroshi). By reading texts like the Hannya-shingyo the protective deities in the outer regions of the Mandara and native Japanese gods are motivated to protect the proceedings of the ritual. 16. Prayer (kigan). 17. Fivefold Repentance (gokai). Hereby the priests clear their minds from all sinful obstacles and from the clinging to egotism. The preliminary acts of purification and preparation have now come to an end, and the priests enter the phase of yogic practices of the "actual" ritual (.rho-gy~h~). 18. Bringing Forth Enlightenment (hotsu-bodai). The practitioner arouses his orginally existing Mind of Enlightenment (bodaishin, bodhicitta), which is in a state of sleeping at the bottom of his personality, and brings it into activity. W i t h both hands he performs the Vajra Praying Gesture (kongo-gassho),placing both hands together with outstretched, but interlacing fingers near their tips. Seven times he repeats the Mantra: Om bodhicittam utpddaydmi, "I bring forth the Mind of Enlightenment."j5 j3

''

j4

For this instrument cf. Shingonshfi Busanha Shumujo (ed.), Shingonshr2-h~gr~-zuset~u, T6ky6 1980, 51-52 ~ a t t 1985,183, a no. 1497. Hatta 1985, 93, no. 622.

19. Identification (sammaya). The practitioner keeps his hands in the kongo-gassho gesture and He utters the Mantra: O,n sammaya-sattuam, "[I have] the nature of Identity [with the Buddha] combines his utterance with the notion: "I am of the same family as the Buddha. I will by all means fulfil1 the vows which the Buddha has expressed, and I am therefore identical with Kongosatta (Vajrasattva)." The term sammaya has many meanings in Esoteric Buddhism, in this context the idea of "identity" of the practitioner with Buddhahood, as impersonated by the mystic figure of Vajrasattva, is accentuated. 2 0 . Invocation (kanj5). Now for the first time in the ritual Kong6-Aizen-daimyoo, to whom the whole ceremony is directed, is addressed directly and personally, together with the thirty-seven deities of the Rishu-e in the Kongokai Mandara, or with the four Bodhisattvas accompanying Kongosatta in the famous group of the Five Mysteries (Go-Himitsu). 21. Putting Forth the Vow (hotsugan). The special vow to Aizen, the thirty-seven deities of the Rishu-e and to all other protective deities is uttered. 22. The Five Great Vows (go-daigan). By uttering the five fundamental vows of Mikky6 the practitioner pledges to adhere strictly to the way of spiritual development and of compassion as set forth by the Buddha. H e vows (I) to redeem all living beings, (2) to gather together all kinds of luck and knowledge, (3) to study all teachings, (4) to serve all the Tathagatas (Nyorai), and (5) to realize Highest Enlightenment (bodai). 23. General Adoration @L-kuy6). 24. Blessing the Three Forces (sanriki-kaji). The practitioner imagines: "By the force of my own virtues (kutoku), by the force of the Tathagata's blessings (kaji), and by the force of the Absolute Sphere (hokkai) I remain in all-embracing veneration (fiu-kuy8)."Hereby he combines the fruit of his own striving with that bestowed by all the Buddhas and with the miraculous force of the incomprehensible Absolute, as manifest in the Six Great Elements (rokudai). 25. Visualization of the Four Immeasurables (shi-nzuryo-kan). These Immeasurables (mury6, apramd?zdni)are the four well-known states of Buddha's mind which are already to be found in early Pali texts and which since then have belonged to the basic stock of ideas in Buddhist psychology. They may be represented and therefore visualized by four of the most common Bodhisattvas of the ) Monju pantheon: Kindness (shi, maitri) by Fugen (Samantabhadra); Compassion (hi, k a r u ~ d by (Mafijuiri); Joy (ki,priti) by Kannon (AvalokiteSvara); and Equanimity (sha, upeksd) by Miroku (Maitreya). The practitioner now imagines that all living creatures possess the Nature of the Tathagata-garbha (nyoraizo-sh6),which is identical with the Universal Mind of Great Enlightenment (fugen-daibodaishin). 26. Great Vajra Wheel (dai-kongfiin). This is the first of several acts for the sanctification and protection of the area where the meditative rites are performed. To lead all living beings into this area the practitioner performs the Great Vajra Wheel by mentally setting up on the foundation of his heart the four plugs (shi-ketsu) at the corners, hereby identifying his own mind with the mandara-like altar of the ceremony. The Bodhisattva Vajra Wheel (Kongorin, Vajracakra) acts as representative. 27. Binding the Earth (jikechi). This and the following step (28) separate the area used during the ritual from its secular surroundings and sanctify it.j7

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Hatta 1385,196,no. 1601has the better reading of the Mantra: samajaJ tz,'zm, "You are identical [with the deity]." O n these stages of kikai see Goepper 1978, 50.

28. Binding the Four Heavenly Directions (shiho-kechi).Here a protective magical fence around all four sides of the area is erected, which will be enlarged and intensified later in the steps 36 to 39. Version B of the Usu-z8shi adds to this step some other acts which are missing in the other versions. 28a. Vajra Eye (kongo-gen). Similar to the step when entering the hall in the beginning of the rite, the priests look intensively to the left and the right and purify the sacred area, visualizing the Seed Hereby the Syllable "Mat" ( M a i t ) and pronouncing the Mantra: O? uajra-dy!gi ma!, "Vajra eye of wisdom (chigen) is opened for all living beings and they are filled with unlimited light. 28b. Summoning the Offences (shaai). All offences executed since time immemorial are called into presence. 2 8 ~Crushing . the Offences (saizai). They are extinguished by invoking the ancient Bodhisattva and protector of the Buddhist faith, Vajrapani (Shikkongo), and by forming a Mudra which resembles the One-Pronged Vajra (tokko-sho). 28d. Disposing the Hindrances of Action (gosh8jo). All barriers built up by former karmic acts are annihilated by the Mudra symbolizing the Sword of Great Wisdom (daikeidg-in). 28e. Perfecting Enlightenment (jg-bodai). Having purified his own person and all living beings from impure and disturbing factors, the practitioner utters the Commandment of the Mind of Enlightenment (bodaishin-kai) for himself and all other creatures, thereby fulfilling the postulate to gain merit not only for his own person (jiri) but also for the other beings (rita). 29. Visualization of the Sacred Place (dgjo-kan). In this important ceremonial step the practitioner lays down the transcendental setting in which the invoked deity resides. For the first time Aizenmy66 as honzon of the whole ritual comes into focus. The practitioner has to visualize: "On the altar there is the character 'Ah' which changes into a precious towered pavilion (h& vokuku) with five peaks and eight pillars symbolizing the Five Kinds of Esoteric Knowledge (gochi) of the Kongckui Munduru and the eight leaves of the central lotus of the Tuiz?kui iLlunduvu respectively. The pavilion therefore expresses the idea of the Non-Duality of the Two Departments (vyibu-funi). Inside the pavil~onshould be imagined a wonderful altar, placed on it the character 'Hrih' which changes into a lotus flower of red colour. O n the lotus there is the which changes character 'A' which turns into a flaming sun disk containing the character 'Hum' into a Five-Pronged Vajra. This Vajra is then to be transformed into the figure of Kong6-Aizenmy66, his appearance being as usual."

The god is then described in close accordance to the text of the Yugi-kyg, and the practitioner consecrates the seven spots (shichisho)of his body. 30. Great Treasury of Empty Space (daikokizo). The structure of the pavilion is enriched and embellished mentally by ritual implements, jewels and other offerings. 31. Small Vajra Wheel (shg-kongorin). The embellishment is intensified by special Mudras and Mantras. 32. Sending the Royal Carriage (so-sharo). To bring down Aizen from his abode in the transcendental pavilion the practitioner symbolically sends a chariot. 33. Invitation into the Chariot (sh8-sharo).The god is invited to take his seat in the chariot and to descend.

j8

Hatra 1985,138, no. 1050.

34. Invitation (shGj5). Aizen, who has descended, is invited to enter the sacred area of the ceremony. Quite appropriately this step is also called "Great Attracting" (dai-kGsh6). 45. The Four Spells (shivzy~)). The practitioner now intones the four most ~ o w e r f u Seeds l Syllables representing four situations of the god's entrance into the sacred area.j9 "Jah" means the coming to the dGjG; "Hum" represents the arrival at the head of the practitioner; "Vam" expresses the unification of the deity with the person of the practitioner; "Hoh" is the exclamation of joy about the arrival and the unification. 36. Clapping the Hands (hakujg). This also signifies the joy of the priest about the presence of the deity in the sacred area. 37. Binding the Area (kekkai). By Mudriis and Mantras a magical protection is set up for the holy assembly of Aizen and his entourage now residing in the area of the ritual. Symbolitally four plugs (ketsu) are planted into the corners of the altar between which a fence to avert evil influences is drawn.40 38. Net in Empty Space (koki-m$). By symbolically spanning a net above and below the altar the area is also sealed off against negative forces from these directions. 39. Court of Fire (ka'in). Lastly a circle of flames, as it is seen in several Mandalas in Tibet, is set up around the whole arrangement as an additional securing factor. 40. Great Symbol or Convention (dai-sammaya). This step serves as summary of the different acts of Binding the Area. 41. Foot Washing Ceremony (aka). T Ooffer the guest water to wash his feet (argba) after his arrival was an essential element of respect and politeness shown to the guest in ancient India. It is here indicated by sprinkling some water. 42. Flower Seat (keza). Also in correspondence to the Indian ceremonial reception of an important person, the priest offers a seat to Aizen-my66. Since he is a deity, it has to be the seat of transcendence: a lotus flower, which, according to an oral tradition, should have six petals. 43. Ringing the Bell (shinrei). To express his joy about Aizen's presence, the practitioner rings his hand bell, at the same time offering the sacrifice of sound to the deity. The special Mudras and Mantras of the honzon and his retinue are applied. 44. Principal Offering (riku). Together with the following step this offering is executed with incense powder, flower garlands, etc. 45. Concrete Offering (jikz~).The ritual implements are dedicated to the deity, as also a single flower which symbolizes the whole Sphere of the Absolute (hokkai). 46. Hymn (san). The Usu-z5shi requests to intone first the famous Hymn of the Four Kinds of Knowledge (shichi-san), followed by that of Ai-bosatsu: Vajra-rZga mahd~aukhya v a j r a - u d ~ a uasamkara mZra-kdma mabd-vajra vajra-cdpa namo 'stu te.41The Mantra names some of the emblems which are typical for both deities, Ai-bosatsu and Aizen, namely arrow (vdna), bow (cdpa) and Vajra, and it also contains key notions in connection with Aizen (kdma, rdgd, m a b d - ~ u k b a ) . ~ ~ 47. General Offering vu-kuyG). 48. Blessing of the Three Forces (sanriki-kaji).

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42

Hatta 1985,44, no. 234, On the kekkai ceremony In general see Goepper 1978,41-58. The Mantra appears in the I'qi-kyi, T 18,255, 3 - 256, I; Vanden Broucke 1989-90,44; Hatta 1985,159, no, 1257 Cf Yoshida 1970,77.

49. Prayer (kigan). 50. Veneration of the Buddha (raibutsu). By Buddha, in this case Kong6-Ai-bosatsu, is meant the specific deity whose Mantra is intoned: Namo Vajra-Rdga-bodhisattva mahd~attua. 51. Entering [of the Deity] into the Ego and Entering of the Ego [into the Deity] (nyiga-ga'nyi). This is also one of the most important steps of the whole ritual. It is the complete identification of the practitioner with Aizen-my66, who is now present in the sacred area. The priest joins his hands into the Mudra of Meditation (j5-in) and visualizes: "The Three Mysteries of the Main Deity (horizon) and my own Three Mysteries are absolutely identical (byid8-byidC), they are not two and are without any difference. On top of my heart I visualize the Seed Syllable and the Symbolic Form (sunnuyu-gyo) of the bonzon, who thereafter appears in his usual form."

The priest joins his hands to the Ai-bosatsu-sammaya-in and pronounces the corresponding Mantra, inserting his own name and the name of the deity at the appropriate places: 0~2Vajrardga [own name] rdgaya [name of the deity] TO this he adds the Mudras and Mantras of the remaining sixteen deities of the Rishu-e in the KongGkai Mandara which form the retinue of Aizen. 52. Consecration of the Main Deity (horizon-kaji). Again the priest reaches one of the most important steps of the whole ritual in which the figure of Aizen-my66 is brought into focus and in which his different Mantras are intoned. The Usu-z5shi, Version B, in this case goes into details, describing the Mudras and quoting the Mantras at full length. First, the Basic Seal (kompon-in) of Aizen is "bound": Both hands form the Vajra-Fist (kong5-ken);they are crossed at their inner sides and placed together. The two middle fingers stand erect like needles. If they then are combined, this means "Being Tinted" (zen, perhaps standing for Zen'ai). The practitioner "seals" his heart, forehead, throat and the crown of his head. The Mantra uttered is the so-called Great Formula (daiju) taken from the Yugi-ky8: OF mahdrdga uajro;nT;a vajrasattua jab ham uam hob. 44 After this the priest forms the Outer Five-Pronged Vajra Mudra (ge-goko-in), which is also called Action Seal (katsuma-in), and pronounces the Mantra in Five Syllables (goji-shingon): Him takki hzlm jab,45containing the ancient and enigmatic name of Aizen. The next Mudra is that of the Inner FivePronged Vajra (nai-goko-in), combined with the short but effective Mantra: Ham ~ i d d h iby , ~which ~ the magical effect of the ritual is secured. There now follows an unusual set of acts which seem to aim at the effects produced by the Five Kinds of Yoga (goshu-sG8), that is, the five different kinds of ritual. The Mantras consist of an accumulation of magically effective Seed Syllables and of one of the five syllables of the Mantra H i m takki h& jah. The set begins with the Mudra for Appeasing Yoga (sokusai-sZ-in) and the Mantra: Om hivz h@ siddhi svdhd, followed by the one for Augmenting Yoga (z8yaku-s~-in)and the Shingon: 0~2 (a ham siddhi svdhd. The third is the Mudra for Subduing Yoga (keiai-sZ-in) and the spell: Om ki h&n siddhi sudhd. The fourth place is taken by the Mudra of the Terrible Subjugating Yoga (ggbuku-SH-in), which is clearly accentuated as Secret Seal (mitsu-kei) and the Mantra: Om ham h m siddhi svdhd. The series in concluded by the Mudra of Attracting Yoga (k5ch8-sfi-in) and the Shingon: Om jjah him 43 "

"

"

Without including the names of the priest and the d e ~ t ythe Mantra it quoted by Hatta 1985,159, no. 1258. This Mantra is quoted as that ofzen'ai in the I'ugi-kp, T 18, 255, 3 - 256, I; Vanden Broucke 1989-90,44; Hatta 1985,107, no. 770. Strangely the I'~~gi-kj~calls the Mantra "Shingon o f o n e Syllable" (~cbiji-~hingon) and begins it with the double "Hhum", T 18,257, I; Vanden Broucke 1989-90~66and 87-90; Hatta 1985,49, no. 290 (here beginning with "Om"). According to the Yqi-kp6 this is the One Syllable Mantra of Vajrasattva, T 18, 257,3; Vanden Broucke 1989-90, 99.

siddhi ~udhd.AS alternative to the complicated procedure of performing the five steps in an uninterrupted sequence, the Usu-zoshi allows a simplified version of intoning only the short Mantra Him siddhi with each of the Mudras. The introduction of this Yoga set into the ceremonial sequence is called "correct tradition" (shoryu) of Shinzen and Hanjun, two of the Heian Period promoters of Aizen's ritual. 53. Correct Recitation (S&-nenju). This, in fact, is part of the preceding step, namely the recitation of the Large Formula (daeu) or the one in Five Syllables. 54. Consecration of the Main Deity (honzon-kaji). The Usu-zahi characterizes this step "as before". It therefore is more or less a repetition of step no. 52. 55. Visualization of the Circle of Syllables (jirin-kan). The Siddham characters of the Formula in Five Syllables Him takki h& jab are arranged in this visualization like a Mandala on a disk, the first "Hum" occupying the center, the other four syllables placed in a clockwise sequence, beginning at the bottom, in the four main directions around the circle (figs. 40-42). The syllables are imbued with special meaning. "Hum": Inaccessibility of Cause and Effect (ingo-fukatoku); "Ta": Inaccessibility of Conceit (ky~man-fukatoku);"Ki": Inaccessibility of Karmic Action (sagg-fukatoku); "Hum": Inaccessibility of Final Meaning (Skr.: n i t a t h a ) (?yogi-fukatoku); "Jah": Inaccessibility of Change (sembenf ~ k a t o k u ) . ~The ' visualization transposes certain basic notions of Buddhism into a state of transcendence so that they are incomprehensible for the average human mind. 56. Consecration of the Main Deity (honzon-kaji). Down to the Five Yoga Mudras the acts of no. 52 are repeated, followed by Mudriis and Mantras taken from the Ninth Chapter of the Yugi-ky5 and addressed to the female deity Kong6-Kichij6 (~ajra-Sri).48 The Mantra with the long name Kong6Kichij6-j6kyu-issai my6 is accompanied by a Mudra called Shishikan-in, "Seal of the Lion Crown", hereby establishing a certain connection to one of the characteristics of Aizen. The Mantra enumerates the Sanskrit names of star constellations and reads: 0~2vajrafri m a h ~ f rZdityafri i somafri arigz~aka f r i budhaf~ibyhaspatif~ifukraf~ifZnifcarafcetefrimahdsdmayesi.~ sudhd.49 The next Mudra and Mantra are supposed to destroy all bad influences caused by the lunar mansions (shuku, nak~atra)and planets (yo, graha) just named. In this context we may remember Aizen's attitude of "shooting at the stars". The Shingon reads: Om sarvatra-samaya-Srtye s v ~ h d . ~ ~ Another Mudra follows, accompanied by a Mantra which nearly exclusively consists of seemingly meaningless syllables: O?Ea! !a tu ;i ti !i ti u! tu tu uajrasattua j a h hi? va? hoh hrib hah h i p phat hi^.^' This ceremonial step is then concluded by the Mudra and Mantra for the female deity Butsugen (Buddhalocana), which should be executed "as usual", as the Usu-zoshi says. 57. Diffuse Recitation (san-nenju). Strictly speaking, this should be a recitation with still distracted and not yet completely concentrated mind, which seems slightly out of place at this culminating stage of the ceremony. The Usu-zoshi only enumerates deities to whom the recitation should be addressed without going into further details. It postulates three different kinds, naming

" 48

" j0 j1

A drawing of the Circle with Syllables, including the meaning of each syllable, appears in a manuscript titled Aizen-i-hi in the Daigo-ji (booklet with the no. 159-8) by a priest named J6ju and dated 1298. J6ju quotes an earlier performance of the ritual by Ken'ichi in 1216. About this goddess see MDJ 671-72. Yqi-kyi, T 1 8 , 2 6 3 ~ 3Vanden ; Broucke 1989-90,137; Hatta 1985,165, no. 1317. I'qi-kyi, ibid.;Van den Broucke, 137; Hatta 1985,213, no. 1709. Several minor variants In reading are listed. W e follow Hatta 1985, 49, no. 292. Cf. also Yz*gi-k1i, T 18, 264, I; Vanden Broucke, 138.

Fig. 40 Visualization of the Circle of Syllables (jirin-kan), using Aizen's Mantra "Hum taki hiim jjah". Besson-zakki, TZ 3,465,3.

Fig. 41 Another form of Aizen's jirin-kan. From an undated album titled Aizen-igy6-zu (Variants of Aizen). Daigo-ji ms. 165-29.

Fig. 42 Visualization of the Circle of Syllables (jirin-Ran). After an album by Kenna dated 1298. Kanazawa Bunko, ms. no. 290.

Butsugen, Dainichi and the honzon, but also G6zanze and Kongo-Kichijo and the heavenly constellations. The repetition of Mantras is requested three hundred, one hundred and thirty seven tlmes. 58. Later Offering (go-kuyo)).It corresponds in principle to the earlier offering of nos. 44-45. From here on there follow concluding steps of the ceremony in a certain parallelism to the opening phases. 59. Later Bell (gorei). Again the practitioner rings his hand bell. 60. Hymn (san). The honzon is praised again before his dismissal. 61. General Offering (fa-kuy~),corresponding to no. 47. 62. Three Forces (sanriki), corresponding to no. 48. 63. Prayer (kigan), like no. 49. 64. Veneration of the Buddha (r'zibutsu), here as in no. 50 meaning Aizen. 65. Transfer of Merits (eko). In full accordance with the general Buddhist spirit of altruism the religious merits acquired by the priest during his ritual are transferred also to other living beings in order that they may share the results. 66. Transfer of Merits with Intense Mind (shishin-ek~).This means an intensification of the translation of merits (Skr.: parin&). 67. Dissolving the Area (gekai). The sanctification of the altar and the area where the ritual has been performed is again dissolved, its boundaries are removed and the place is imbued with its original secular ~haracter.~' 68. Dismissal (hakken). The Main Deity Aizen-my66 and his retinue are symbolically dismissed and urged to return to their transcendental abode. 69. The Three Families (sambu). The Three Families of the esoteric pantheon called down in step no. 6 of the ritual, are also again dismissed. 70. Taking Off the Armour (hiko). Although the character "hi" means "to put on" it has to be interpreted here by its opposite. The practitioner removes the protection that warded off all disturbing influences. 71. Veneration of the Buddha (raibutsu). For the last time the priests offer their adoration to the deities. 72. Leaving the Hall (shutsud~).Similar to the manner in which they previously entered, the priests now leave the hall of the temple and return to their quarters.

A special variant of Aizen's ritual was the so-called ~ ~ o h i i - A i z e n - h iwhich, i , ~ ~ according to a quotation in the Kdkuzen-sho, was already introduced by Kiikai or even created by NZgZrjuna (Ryiim6) and thereafter transmitted from master to pupil.54In fact it was most probably performed for the first time in Japan by Hanjun or Gihan in the year 1080 for Shirakawa Tenn6 in the Rokuj6 Palace. The incident is narrated by the ~esson-~akki:'~ " Cf. Goepper 1978,~4-55. "

See illDJ 1745 for a general description. Also Tomarl, "Aizen-myoci-k6," hlikkyf Gakztho 46,181-13. A good analysis of the ritual 1s to be found in R. Ueda, Shi~~gotz 1Llikk~6 jisf-gaisetsu 3 (Shoson-ho, Kanj6-bu), Kyoto 1990, 239-47. " TZ 5, 267, 3 . 7 2 3, 465, 1-2. Here the main practitioner is Gihan. The similar version in Kakuze?2-~hd,TZ 5, 260, 2, has Hanjun as the main priest.

"

"In his twenty-fifth year Shirakawa addressed Gihan, saying: 'This year is especially filled with danger. If we are able to get through it, we will remain on this earth. What kind of rite is there for the prolongation of life?' To this the abbot answered: 'Your Majesty should now have the Rite for the Perfection of Siddhis (shitsgji-jckjg-h:) performed.' As the Emperor asked which one this would be, the abbot replied: 'It is that of Aizen-6.' And the Emperor remarked: 'This will be an important event.' Thereafter the ritual was executed."

The term Nyoho-Aizen-h5 could be verbally translated as "Aizen Ritual in Accordance with the Rules". A text of the early thirteenth century titled Henkzl-she actually gives this interpretation: "For all rituals there exists the Nyoh; [version], but in the rules for their execution (gypgi) there is [in fact] no difference at all. Only the preparation of the sacred area (dgjo-r>@i) accords to [special] rules (n>oho),therefore it is called ~ y o b o . " ~ ~ In contrast to this simple and quite convincing explanation most texts give a more complicated priestly interpretation of the term, which should be read correctly as Nyoi-hGju-Aizen-ho, "Aizen Ritual Using the Wish-Granting Jewel". Two different explanations are given for this interpretation: (I) The name is derived from the fact that the priest remains in the Samadhi of the WishGranting Jewel (nyoi-hcj-ju-sammai)while performing the rite; (2) Such a jewel functions as the main sacred object on the altar, as will be shown later. As we have seen, the Kakuzen-sh; states, that the ritual originated in the school of Gihan (1023-88) and was then transmitted to Hanjun (1038-III~), who passed it on to Sh6kaku (1057-1123) from the Sambo-in. Kanjin (1084-1153) delivered it to Genkai (1094-1157)~ and Prince Shukaku (1150-1202) to Shoken (1138-96), who in his turn spread it in the Hirozawa School. After Hanjun the rite was mainly executed in the palaces of female members of the Imperial family, especially for easy delivery and other important occasions. A handscroll of I427 with a text kept in the Daigo-ji and titled Yanagihara Sent; Nyoho-Aizen-ho-ryakki compiled in 1371, about which we will have to speak later, gives at its end an interesting list of executions of this ritual. It begins with Hanjun's performance of 1080, with nine priests attending. In 1265 Sh6ki (1204-67)" executed it in the Takakura Palace of Nij6 for easy childbirth of the Empress, accompanied by eight priests at two altars. The rite was repeated for the same purpose at the same place two years later in , " had been initiated earlier by Shoki, enacted the Nyoho1267. The priest Shoshin ( 1 2 ~ ~ - 8 ~ )who Aizen ceremony at the Imperial Palace in 1283. He, by the way, also performed an Aizen-goma in the following year. In 1314 a priest named Shinchii-s6j6 helped at the delivery of a high-ranking Imperial concubine, and twelve years later, during the fourth month of 1326, Ky6kan enacted the ritual in the palace precincts for the childbirth of the Empress, repeating the ceremony in the twelfth month of the same year. In the Ono School this rite was regarded as especially secret, and it was mostly used for the ) therefore purpose of Subduing (keiai-h$, although it was not regarded as a Great Ritual ( d a i h ~and had only a reduced set of altars. For the Nyoho-Aizen-ho the Great Altar (daidan) (fig. 43) had to be covered with a shiki-mandara, into the middle of which a pagoda of the tahG-to type was placed. No figure of a deity was used since the pagoda acted as the main object of veneration ( h o n ~ o n )The . ~ ~sacred substance inside the pagoda

was either a jewel, from which possibly the name for the ceremony was derived, or some relic (sbari). The cloth of the shiki-mandara had to be dyed red in Aizen's symbolic colour. The objects necessary for the performance of the rite were placed on the altar in the usual sequence. ).~~ The pagoda in the middle of the altar was also called Pagoda of Seven Jewels ( s h i p p ~ - t 8 ) The geometric forms of which it is composed, were invested with deep symbolic The square at the bottom stood for Dainchi in the Taiz~kaiMandara, the circle or globe above it for Dainichi in the Kongokai Alandara. The triangular roof was interpreted as manifestation of Fudo, the half-moon atop of it as that of Gozanze, and the crowning jewel as Aizen himself, since the deity could hold a jewellike emblem, corresponding to "that" in the text of the Yugi-kyg. Again, the form of this jewel is composed of a half-moon and a triangle, therefore it could be interpreted as symbol for the non-duality (funi, i.e. identity) of Fud6 and Gozanze, impersonated by Aizen-my66. But in Shingon speculation the pagoda is also the Symbolic Form (samnzaya-gyo) of Dainichi and thereby stands for the Shingon dictum: "The main object of veneration (honzon, that is Aizen) is identical with Dainichi (honzon soku Dainichi)." In some rare cases instead of the jewel or the 6 ) , ~ of ~ sandalwood, relic a small image of Aizen Five-Finger-Widths High ~ o s h i r y ~ - ~ i z e n - zmade could be placed inside the pagoda.63 Above the altar had to hang an umbrella-like canopy which was decorated with eight banners at its corners;64 a ninth banner was fixed to the center of the canopy. Either all of them were red, or only the one in the middle, the others being dyed in eight different hues: white, red, black, smokecoloured, red in a different shade, water-coloured (blue), yellow and flesh-coloured. The canopy itself was blue like the sky. Into the corners of the altar one had to stick four so-called "flower arrows" (kasen), the arrow being one of the emblems in Aizen's hands and also one of his Symbolic Forms (sanzmaya-g>fi).The Kakuzensho quotes a tradition of the Hirosawa School: "The flower-arrows have to be set up in a sequence at the four sides [of the altar], but nobody should be allowed to watch the procedure. The master (ajari) may also use self-made arrows. After the end of the ritual one has to take them away and hide them. Even the assistants of the priest (shgji)should not observe this."

The arrows could be made of gilt bronze or cherry wood painted with red cinnabar, but with black ends. Instead of sticking them into the corners of the altar, one could also place them there in a horizontal position on sword-like feathers of a male bird (fig. 44).6S Several texts provide us with detailed descriptions of the sequence followed during the Nyoh6Aizen ritual. One of them was written during the rather chaotic years of the Nambokuch6 Period when two different lines of rival Emperors ruled Japan and feudal families were fighting for power, in the end leading to the victory of the Ashikaga family, which had favoured the northern line of Emperors residing in Kyoto. The document preserved as a handscroll manuscript in the ~ a i g o - j i ~ ~ and not previously published, bears the title Yanagihara Sent8 Nyoho-Aizen-h8-ryakki, "Short Record 60 61

62

'4

T Z 5, 261, I; also fig. 293, p. 262. The AIDJ quotes a Hithi-mondf. See the chapter on iconographic variants T Z j,t61,1. Illustration in TZ 5, 263, fig. 294. T Z 5, 266, I . No. 158-19.

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Fig. 44 Altar with arrows placed horizontally on feathers. Kakazen-shF. TZ 5,266.

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Fig. 43 Altar with pagoda, shiki-mandzraand canopy used in the Nyoh6-Aizen Ritual. After NyohF-Aizen-F-kiroku, dated 1353. Daigo-ji ms. no. 140-51.

- 0

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of the Nyohb-Airen Ritual in the Palace of the Retired Emperor at ~ a n a g i h a r a . " ~It' is dated 1371 (Oan 4) by the priest Gempb (1333-98),68 the actual handwritten copy of the scroll being done in 1427. The first lines of the text inform us that the ceremony was performed in the Palace of the Retired Tenno (sento) Go-Kbgon (1337-74), who reigned as Northern Emperor from 1352 until 1371, the year in which the ritual was executed, probably shortly after his abdication. Under his reign the Ashikaga Shoguns Takauji and Yoshiakira launched heavy attacks against the Southern Emperors of Yoshino. ' ~ Kanshu-ji, seventh son of the former Emperor GoThe main priest was Kan'in ( 1 ~ 0 ~ - ~ 6of) the Fushimi and at that time stiil introduced as Priestly Prince without Special Rank (n~ubon-h6shinn6).~~ Bbshun is named as Grand Master of Religion (dai-hosshi)and Eikai (or Yokai) as Grand Master of the Ceremony (dai-gyoshi), eight other priests constituting the chorus around the master, among them the famous Gempb (1333-98),~' who had received the Kongokai Initiation from Kan'in and was to be one of the prolific authors of texts on ritual during the Nambokuchb Period. Additional priests are introduced as assistants. The duration of the ritual was fixed for ten days. The actual ceremony was started on the fifteenth day of the twelfth month of 1371, but the preparations had began three months earlier on the eleventh day of the ninth month. The text gives us very detailed information on materials necessary for the rite, listing ghee, honey, famous incense, clove (chgji) and benzoin (ansoku). In agreement with similar lists in other texts five precious substances also were required: gold, silver, crystal, coral and mother-of-pearl, together with five additional kinds of incense, five medical substances, among them ginseng, and five kinds of crops. Following this we are informed about the implements necessary for the ceremony. A pagoda of the shippo-taho type had to be set into the center of the main altar, over which was hung an umbrellalike canopy, six shaku square and the colour of the sky. The canopy had at its corners and in the center nine streamers of red colour, the one in the middle being one jo eight shaku long, the outer ones only eight shakz~.Differences from earlier Aizen rituals are stated. The main altar was covered with a shikinzandara, six shaku square, made of red silk and painted. Whereas a shiki-nzandara used by Shoki in a ceremony of the Bun'ei Era in 1265 was decorated with an ink design only, the present one was executed in colours. The text declares explicitly that these three elements, pagoda, canopy, and Mandara, had been newly made for this occasion, whereas an icon of Gozanze, in the respectable jt7vok.u size set up at the Goma altar for the chcbuku rite, and a Mandara of the Seventeen Deities (jishichi-son nzandura) hung behind the Goma altar of the keiui rite were old objects. The main altar (daidan) to the right had two side tables. O n it stood four stands for candles and a plate for the ritual implements (raiban). The amount of rice and oil used as offerings is also quoted. To the left stood two Goma altars, the middle one for keiai, the left one for ch~bukufire offerings. Each of them had the same equipment as the daidan with additional implements for Goma. All altars were covered with cloths dyed red by cinnabar dust. There is additional information about the offering

70 71

The Chfinagon Hino Tadamitsu, ancestor of the Hino branch of the Fujiwara family, established a mansion in this part of Kyoto which is to this day called Yanagihara-cho. In 1371 emperor Go-Kogon chose the place for the palace of his retirement (senri)where he ended his life in 1374. The twelfth Ashikaga Shogun Yoshiharu erected a pavilion there in 1521 and moved into it from the Sanjo Palace. T . Yoshida, Dainibotz Jimel J i t e (3rd ed.), Tokyo 1975, 2 , 19. ;IfDJ 484.1-2. r L f D J 378-79. Only two years later he was promoted to the second rank, in memory of this ritual. AlDJ 484,'-2.

materials, containing for instance the interesting fact that the medical substances (yuku) used during the Chobuku-Goma had to be mixed with iron powder (tetsumatsu), thereby differing from the Ono tradition. A longer section of the text deals with the robes the priests had, to wear during the ritual. At the main altar the practitioner and his assistants had to be clad in clean blue robes, the officiants at the altar for Chobuku-Goma wore red. Also in this case we have references to other possibilities and earlier performances, thereby bringing the present ritual into a historical context. In regard to the main icon (horizon) used, the text refers to the performance of the secret Aizen ritual in 1326 by the priest Kyokan in favour of the retired Go-Daigo-tenno in which a sacred icon (reih~)from the treasury (h&3 of Toba-tenno was taken. But since this icon, which still existed in the treasury, was no longer regarded as a public object, an icon from the Ninna-ji (monseki) had to be employed for the present ceremony. This icon, probably of the five-finger-width size (go-shiry8-zF), was clad in red silk and placed by the Great Master of the ceremony into the pagoda on the main altar. The text then devotes lengthier paragraphs to a detailed description of the different activities of the priests, beginning with their departure from the capital in a procession to the palace of the retired Emperor, the sento in Yanagihara, on the fifteenth day of the twelfth month, 1371. It is to be regretted that there is no information about the actual religious contents of the different steps of the rite, like visualizations, etc. W e therefore omit a description of these more external activities. The text ends with the list of earlier Nyoh6-Aizen rituals which we have cited above. A booklet with a quite different character is owned by the Kanazawa bunk^.^^ It was written in 1298 by Kenna (Ken'a), the second abbot of the Shomyo-ji in Yokohama. The text bears the title Nyoho-Aizen-F-sh8 and offers a lot of information about details of the ceremony, about implements to be used and about the possible aims of the ritual. Kenna also quotes earlier performances of the Nyoho-Aizen ceremony, for instance by Ryoga (ca. 1110) of the O n ~ - D a i j o - i n , ' who ~ had been introduced into the Aizen belief by the famous priest Hanjun, and another occasion, enacted by Chikai (i.e. Kozen, 1120-1203)'~ in 1157 and again in 1158. The latter used a red Seed Syllable "A" as symbol for the famous dictum bonno soku bodai, "The Defilements are identical with Enlightenment", and an arrow as the Symbolic Form (surnmayu-gyg of Aizen during a keiai ceremony. Kenna also offers descriptions of the sequence of ceremonial acts, but apart from that explains the symbolic meaning of emblems used in the ritual and of characteristics in Aizen's formal appearance, which we have treated earlier. An essential element of the Nyoho-Aizen-h8 was a special kind of meditative procedure called "Visualization One Ell in Front" (zen-itchg-kan or only itchi-km). The Hish8-kuketsu traces its origin back to Zennen-risshi (died 908), which seems too early to be probable.75 Different versions of this mystic technique are transmitted by the Kukuzen-sho and the Hishokuket~u.'~ It may take the place of the ritualistic step of nyzlgu-gu'nyi in the Large Rituals ( d ~ i h n ) . ~ ~ Also here a common feature of the differing versions is the mystic unification of the practitioner with No. 290. " " 7 '

76

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AIDJ 2275, I. AIDJ 518, 2. SZS 28,378,2, quoting the Gempi-shf by Jitsuun. T Z 5, z65,1-3; SZS 28, 3 7 8 , ~ 380, 2. Cf. also Usu-zoihi. KI'hl, Jis6-bu 2,403-4, and Kakrqetz-sh& SZS 36, 341,1-2, See the corresponding chapter above.

the invoked deity or some human person visualized at a distance of one ell (chg, Skr.: vitasti, i.e. about 48-50 cm) i n front of t h e priest performing the rite.78 According to the Kakz~zen-sh6and the Hishi?-kuketsu the following different possibilities exist for the Visualization O n e Ell i n Front: "First you should visualize in front of your own person the character 'A'. Then you imagine inside a circle the character 'Hoh' which transforms itself into Kong6-Ai-bosatsu, His body has the colour of cinnabar dust (shwha) and emits red light. With both hands he holds an arrow.79 After you have visualized him clearly, you should intone the Mantra of the Four Syllables ( s h i ~ z ~ ?bind ) , ~ " the [correct] Mudra and lead him into your own person. Jab h* z q hob. Then you consecrate (kaji) the four spots (shisho) [of your bodyI8' with the Mantra O?E z~ajra~aga ati:!osz~Z m@ hob and remain in the Mudra of the Knowledge of Wonderful Perception (~zy&anzatsu-chzI.

ZE)."~'

T h e Mantra is probably a corrupt version of the following: O m vajra ragiidhitistha sara m a m hoh, . ~ ? text may which appears in a text translated already during the Tang Period by ~ m o ~ h a v a j r aThis be one of the earliest sources for the zen-itch%-karz technique since i t says that the practitioner should imagine his own person as that of Kong6-Aizen-bosatsu [sic!] "one ell in front". "Clearly discriminating you should visualize your own person as identical with Kong6-Aibosatsu, without any difference in demeanour, colour or features. Then you imagine another person at a distance of one ell in front of yourself. Under his body there is the character 'Hrih' that changes into a lotus flower. Your own body enters through an aperture (pore, RC) in that flower into the body of that other person and thereby changes its shape and limbs, even wearing the same clothes. Clearly discriminating from top to bottom you should visualize their appearance as nondual. The accompanying spell (jzr) is: O?n z~ajrar@a-vZgZ>a- your own name - hob - name of that other person."84 2.

T o this t h e Hisho-kuketsu adds some explanatory notes, saying t h a t this technique is used especially with keiai rites, either after or without the rzyiga-ga1ny'3stage, and that it corresponds to an oral tradition of the Henchi-in. T h e other person imagined in the rite should be the one whom one loves or on whom one's thoughts are fixed. T h e technique may also be applied in t h e sense of uniting t h e two sexual organs (rzikon-kyge) transforming t h e Five Worldly Dusts (gojin)85 into the Great Activity of Buddha (dai-dzrtszLji).86 Further, the same text declares that t h e lotus quoted is the sexual organ of the woman, into which the practitioner e n t e n g 7I t also quotes a doctrine of Ningai, written down by his pupil Seizon, that the lotus of the woman with t h e character "Hrih" has eight petals and is turned downward. T h e woman is regarded as mother of the Taizgkai, whereas the practitioner, who enters into the opening (pore) of O n cbzT see h1J 632, s.v. bW6. This manner of holding the emblem corresponds rather to Eakki-6, as we have seen above (chapter on iconographic variants). 80 They are cited below. 81 hIDJ 951, I. They are: heart, forehead, throat, cranium ofrhe head. 82 One of the Five Kinds of Esoteric Knowledge Qochi), Skr.:pratjavek!and-jria'na. Ddir~ku-Kongosdtta-sh~~~~~-j~ky~~-g~ki, T no. 1119.The Mantra is quoted 7 19, 513, z. 84 The Mantra corresponds to the one used in step no. jI of the Large Ritual (nyiga-ga'nyz7). " X 370,1-2. The so-calledpaa-tannzdtra'pi. 86 his passage is close to the heterodox speculations treated above. 87 The Byakuhi-shi also explicitly declares the pore in the lotus as "door of birth" (shOvzon) and as "door of exit and entrance" (shutsunyti-mon),TZ 10,1054, 2-3. "

the lotus, acts as father of the KorzgGkai. His male eight-petalled lotus is turned upward. Here the Rishu-kyii comes to our mind, according to which the union of the two organs transforms the Five Kinds of Dust into Buddha's Affair. The Mudra applied is that of the Union of the Red and the White, symbolizing the non-duality of the Two Divisions (nibu, the Kongg- and the Taizgkai). The Kakz~zerz-.rhocontinues: "The master said: 'As that other person in the distance of one ell you should imagine By6d6-6 (King of Equality, being another name for ~mma-ten)."Together with him you form one single shape. This is the first [step] of Subduing and Prolonging Life (keiai-enjzl). You may perform this at the time of returning to life (kaimei). It is an extremely secret matter. Or, if you execute it for yourself, then you should visualize one ell in front of you the Great Master (daishi), and at the end of the Mantra you should add the recitation of the master's precious name. That other person could also be the king of the country.. . Then you unite in a mysterious manner the honzon, the practitioner @@a) and the inaugurator of the ceremony (seju, dcinapati)." 3. "The Kong&5-ki says: 'Then you should imagine in the distance of one ell in front of yourself an eight-petalled lotus flower and on it the character 'Ah' which emits strong brilliance like a white rock-crystal. When forming the Mudra of Binding the Vajra (kongo-bakzl-in) you should let the index finger89 stick out, as if plucking something. Thereby you take that character ['Ah'] and place it into the Hall of the Mind (shinden)'." 4. "The Sho-Bzltcho-ki says: 'On top of a moon disk you should visualize the character 'Hoh', which is changed into the body of Kongosatta (Vajrasattva). His colour is like that of red cinnabar dust. In his right hand he holds a Vajra in front of his heart, in his left a bell. Then you 'bind' the Mudra of Entering (nyi-in) and thereby lead him into your own body. After you have discriminated this clearly, you should visualize on his base (?) the character 'Hrih' which changes into a white lotus. The body of that own [Kongolsatta then enters from the lotus [into your own person] and permeates all of your limbs. This is as if you were putting on a dress'."

4. The Fire Ceremony (goma-h6) The Combined Practices of the Fire Ritual (goma-kegyg) form the fourth and last set of the socalled Combined Practices in Four Steps (~hido-kegyg),~~ but the Fire Ceremony is, apart from that, also an integral part of any large ritual dedicated to a deity of ~ i k k ~ 6In. its ~ ' classic codified form it is just as complicated a ceremonial set of different acts as the Large Ritual which we have described above. There exist slight variations in regard to the single steps, adapting them to the different aims of the rite. Theoretically the Goma for Aizen may be performed for all four or five kinds of esoteric ritual, but according to Aizen's basic character Goma for Loving Subduing (keiai) and Terrible Subjugation (chgbbuku) are most common (figs. 45-47). From the several texts describing Aizen's Goma, we therefore have selected one of keiai for our analysis. It was written by the priest Sh6ken Cf. the chapter on iconographic variants. The connection with the King of Death may be caused by the fact that the rite here aims at prolongation of life and resurrection. "Wind finger" @hi). 'O See Ueda 1986. " O n the fire ritual in general see the voluminous study by F. Staal (ed.), Agni, The Vedzc Ritual oj'the Five Altar. Berkeley 1983. It contains a concise paper by M. Strickmann, Homa 172 East Asia, vol. 2,418-55, with rich bibliography. Lately two books on thegonia ritual in the Esoter~cBuddhism ofJapan have appeared, but their contents could not be integrated into our study: R.K. Payne, The Tatltric Ritual oflapan. Feedzng the Gods: The Shingo71Five Ritual. ~ a t a - ~ i t a Series, ka vol. 365, Delhi 1991; and M. Saso, Homa Rites and ~2landala~Ileditatfonzn Tendai Buddhism, Sata-pitaka Series, vol. 362, Delhi 1991.

Fig. 45 Two varieties of Goma altars for the keiai ceremony. After Besson-zakki, TZ 3 , 3 0 1 and 303.

Fig. 46 Altar for the keiai ceremony in form of an eight-petalled lotus. After the NyohF-Aizen-C-kiroku, dated 1353. Daigo-ji ms. no. 140-51.

I

Fig. 47 Triangular altar for the chiibuku ceremony. After the Nyohg-Aizen-8-kiroku, dated 1353. Daigo-ji ms. no. 140-51.

( 1 1 ~ 8 - ~ 6of) ~the ~ Kakudii-in within the Daigo-ji, belonging to the Chu'in subsection of the Ono branch of Shingon. The title is "Sequence of the Goma Offering for Loving Subduing Addressed in the Nyoh6 Style to Aizen" (Aiyoho-Aizen keiai goma-ku s h i ~ i a i ) . ~ ~ The ritual begins with an Entry into the Goma (nyzi-goma) in which the rosary is hung over the wrist of the left hand where it remains without being really used. After a First Consecration of Dainichi (sen Dainicbi-baji) and another one of the Lord of the Family (bnshu, i.e. Giizanze) there follows a Consecration of the Main Deity (honzon-kaji), who is, of course, Aizen. This is done by ~ ~ intoning Aizen's Small forming the Inner Mudra of the Five-Pronged Vajra ( n a i - g ~ k o - i n )and Formula (sh6ju): H#? Takki hi? jab. The switch for the ritual is now symbolically turned on. By the next step, the Visualization of the Threefold Identity (sanzby0d6-kan), the mystic setting is defined: "You should visualize (kansg): The Mind of the Tathiigata is the Absolute Reality (jissG), and this Absolute is identical with the Fire of Wisdom (chiku).The oven (ro) is the body of the Tathiigata, and the fire in it the Fire of Wisdom of the Dharmakiiya (hasshin). The opening of the oven is the exalted mouth of the Tathiigata. The fire is Transcendental Wisdom (chie) inside the body of the practitioner. Therefore the mouth of the Tathiigata's body, the opening of the oven and the mouth of the practitioner's body correspond to each other in Threefold Identity." The last step of this introductory phase is the Consecration of the Mustard Seeds (kaishi-kaji).'> The practitioner places the incense burner ( k a ~ h a ) 'onto ~ the left corner of the altar, then takes the container of the mustard seeds from the side table to his left and puts it on the place where the incense burner stood. Holding a One-Pronged Vajra (tokko-sho) he recites seven times the Formula of ,~~ consecrating. After this he throws mustard seeds into the four the Fire Sphere ( k a k a i - j ~ )thereby main and the four intermediate heavenly directions, beginning in the northeast, and towards heaven and earth, hereby driving away all evil influences and disturbing factors everywhere in space. a. First Act (dan)of Katen ( ~ ~ n i ) 9 ~ After this introduction the first Act of the performance is dedicated to Katen, the ancient Indian God of Fire, Agni, who originally was the main deity of the whole Fire Ceremony. Incense pills (ganko) and unguent (zuk6) are offered before the wooden sticks are lit and sanctified by sprinkling water on them (shajo). Katen is invited (kanjfi) by the practitioner to descend from his Mandara Assembly99 into the oven and to unite with the Katen, who has been created mediatively by the

" See AIDJ 1137-38. "

Pubilshed by K. Itakura's T6bd Suppansha, 1982, ed. by R . Soeda of the H6ju-in on Mount K6ya. The same publisher and editor also printed a similar text on the Ch6buku Goma. The author would like to thank abbot Seikd Kdno of the Daian-j~for providing copies of these editions. Of course there exist many more texts, printed or in manuscript form, on the Fire Rltual, like a ms. by Raiyu (1226-1304), dated 1281, in the Daigo-JI (Daigo-ji no. 1j9-11, containing two sketches ofaltars at the end: "Personal Notes on Aizen's Goma" (Aism-goma-~hik-i). 94 See AIDJ 583,3 - 584, I , s.v. goko-in. " Mustard seeds function as protective and averting substance in Tintric ceremonies from India to Japan. n"' k a ~ h asee Goepper 1988,276-77, nos. 84-8 j. " This iong Mantra 1s quoted by Hatta 198j, 69, no. 421. I t is a special spell of Fudd-my6d. 98 O n Katen as one of the Twelve Deities Uiini-ten) see AIDJ 375-76, 2; also Goepper 1988, 179-8 j. " Probably the lower left corner in the J6shin-e of the KongGkai i2landava. Sawa 1972,126, no. 40.

practitioner as a reflection, a so-called shadow image (yKzG),lOOof the actual god. The priest performs several invocations (keibyaku) and visualizations (kannen) and offers ghee (soyu),'O1 "milk wood" ( n y z i m ~ k u )which ' ~ ~ still has sap, rice (hanshoku), garlands of flowers (keman)Io3and different kinds of incense to the god, and addresses him with prayers (kipn), before he again sends him back (hakken) to his transcendental abode.

b. Second Act (dan)of t h e Lord of t h e Family (bushu) In a quite similar way in this second group of ceremonial steps, the Lord of the Family of Deities to which Aizen belongs is called down into the oven and into the presence of the practitioner. In this, a ) , '"Victor ~~ of the Three Worlds". as in many other cases, this Lord is G6zanze ( T r a i l ~ k ~ a v i j a ~ the

c. T h i r d Act (dan)of t h e M a i n Deity (honzon)Aizen. Only after having addressed the God of Fire as appropriate partner in the fire ceremony and the Lord of the Family, Gozanze, the practitioner now directly turns to Aizen-my66 as the honzon of the whole extensive ritual. Therefore we will describe this Act in greater detail. It starts with a First Purification by Sprinkling (sen-shajg)."j The practitioner sprinkles sanctified water three times in clockwise sequence onto all implements and offerings, hereby purifying them for the use in the rite. By the following Karma Consecration (katmma-kaji)106 in clockwise and anticlockwise sequence he consecrates all offerings with the Mantra Om udjra-karma kham.Io7and then symbolically purifies the opening of the oven by the Consecration of Rinsing the Mouth (sGku-kaji), uttering the formula OF uarada-tjajra &am'o8and sprinkling water three times. Now the oven itself is consecrated (YO-kaji)by three times using a Three-Pronged Vajra and intoning G6zanze's spell kili-kili (in Japanese pronunciation: kiri-kiri), after which the practitioner arranges six sticks of fire wood (takigi zuo tsumu) from left to right in one row in the oven in a position pointing away from his person. H e then lights them by inserting a torch into the oven (tainzatszl uto sashiirerzl) and stimulates the flames with a fan (@i wo totte hi ulo aogu). H e visualizes the Seed Syllable "Ham"1o9on his fan, which he changes into the W i n d Circle uttering the Mantra Om bhuh juala hfi?n,'I'

I00

101

102

1°' Io4 1°'

106 Io7 108 Io9

I10 111

On jdzd see Goepper, "Some Thoughts on the Icon in Esoteric Buddhism of East Asia," Studid Szno-Mongolzca. Aliinrhenev 0.itaszdtisi-he Studirn 2j, 247-49. On roqi see MDJ 1419, 2-3. It is not, as in India. heated fluid butter, but a mixture of oil and honey. Cf. ilIDJ 1712-13. Kerilan, AIDJ 457-58; Goepper 1988,282-84. On Gozanze see iZlDJ 506-8; Goepper 1988,112. Cf. AIDJ 1058-59. Cf. AIDJ ~ 4 3 , 3 . Hatta 1985,122 only has OF z~ajvg-kdrr,cdh a y . Hatta 1985,184, no. 1504. On "Him" as Seed Syllable of Fudd see MD] 25 j, I, s.v. Kdn; Hatta 198j, 227, no. 1830. This is the half-circle as geometric symbol of Wind as one of the Five Elements (jioddi);MDJ 1894,1-2, s.v.ju~in-dan. Hatta 1985,96, no. 643 Its meaning is that the element Earth (bhzi)should shine (jz~dla).

Again he performs three times a Purification by Sprinkling (shajG) of water onto the wooden sticks in the oven, pronouncing kili-kili, and then he consecrates the fire wood in the oven (ro no tdkigi ulo kaji-suru) with his Three-Pronged Vajra and the formula kili-kili. This is followed by the important step of Invitation of the Main Deity (kanjo hon~on),"~ in which the practitioner first visualizes the own body of the god (sen-jishin-kan) erf forming the Meditation Mudra of Amitabha (Mida-jGin) and imagining: "On a Moon Disk (gachirin) in my heart there is the Syllable 'Hoh' which turns into a Vajra Arrow (kongo-sen)."? This again is transformed into Kong6Aizen-my66, the colour of his body being like the shining sun. He is enthroned on a flaming disk, has three eyes and a terrible appearance. On the coiffure of his head he wears a lion crown and his hair stands on end, his whole appearance being wrathful. The Seventeen Bodhisattvas, beginning with 1 s h 6 - k o n ~ 6 , "surround ~ him on all sides." The Own Consecration (ji-kaji)"5 follows, in which the priest first forms the Mudra of the FivePronged Vajra to the Inside (nai-goko-in) and then the Mudra of the Pagoda of the Five Families (gobutfi-in),"6 and intones now for the first time in this act Aizen's own Small Formula Op G k k i h i p jab uaSTkarana jab, ending with the Sanskrit term for the special kind of ritual actually performed, keiai). All the following Mantras from here on will have this that is Loving Subduing (uaS~ka~ana, same ending. After this Aizen is directly invited into the oven (rochi ni honzon ulo kanjo-shi agar%).The priest forms with both hands the Mudra of Holding a Flower (jika-in), intones three times the Mantra of Aizen and so invites him to take his seat on the fire wood inside the oven. For the Visualization in the Oven (rochzl-kan) the practitioner forms Amitabha's Meditation Mudra (Mita-jfiin) and imagines: "This flower which I now put into the oven will become a precious lotus seat (renge-dai). On this seat there is the Syllable 'Hoh', which is transformed into a Vajra Arrow (kong6-sen), which again is turned into Kong6-Aizen-my66." The visualization continues and ends in the same way as described above in the Invitation of the Honzon (kanjo-honzon) with a description of the god and his Mandala. Only after these preparations is Aizen directly called down into the oven from his transcendental abode in the Mandara (nzandarajo no honzon ujo rochi ni kanjo-shi agaru), by again repeating his Short Formula combined with the straightforward request to come (ehyehi) and the four syllables of Attraction and Entering: HzZ?n Takki h-jab uaiikarana ehyehi jab hz~?nua?z hob jab. The priest again forms Amitabha's Meditation Mudra and imagines (kannen): "I invite the honzon enthroned in his original place in the Mandara to unite mystically (myfie) with the honzon inside the oven so that they may become one single figure and not two." Again the actual deity is brought into identity with his mystically produced shadow image (y&G). An Invocation (keibyaku) follows: "I wish that the honzon Descends and comes to his seat. I12

"4

"' "6

O n the term kanji see AlDJ 402-4. The arrow as samrt~aqa-gqiofAizen has been treated above. That is: Yoku-kong6-bosatsu (Ista-vajra), AlDJ 2218, 2-3. AIDJ 907, I , explains this as consecration of the practitioner's own body which is hereby identified with that of the honzon. his isMudra could not be identified. Perhaps we have here a m i s p r ~ n tfor gobuti-izjin, MDJ 635, 3, although it makes no sense in this connection.

With sympathy (aibin)may he consent to receive These wonderful offerings of Goma."

Again a threefold symbolic Rinsing of the Mouth (sgkzl) is performed by sprinkling water and imagining that hereby the mouth of Aizen is purified. The priest repeats the Mantra: Om z~uvuduz~ajvudham, and utters another Invocation (keibyuku): "Earnestly imploring I offer with reverence, Rinsing the mouth with perfumed water. I wish that the honzon Consents to receive this Goma And to protect and assist the pupils, And that the Siddhis are fulfilled."

The priest three times offers unguent (zukg) and again utters Aizen's Small Spell: H@ B a k k i hz@z jab uuS~kuvunujub . In the next Meditative Imagination (kunnen) the practitioner thinks: "From the exalted mouth of the honzon [this unguent] enters the base of his Heart Lotus and the wonderful implements of offering. From outside of the heart it pervades everything in the body, and from the pores of his hair there flows an immeasurable sea of clouds of powdered unguent. Veneration is offered to all Buddhas, Bodhisattvas, Pratyekabuddhas, hamanas and all the worldly deities."

Joining both hands in the Vajra Adoration Gesture (kongg-ga~sho)"~ the priest utters another Invocation (keibyuku): "I now present with reverence These wonderful offerings of unguent, Wishing that the honzon Will consent to receive this Goma. May he protect the pupils And may Siddhi be completely fulfilled."

The practitioner then offers ghee (soyzl) three times with the large and the small spoon (shuku) combined with a similar visualization and invocation as in the case of unguent, but now imagining that an immeasurable sea of ghee is flowing forth. '~~ After ghee the priest sacrifices one hundred and eight sticks of "milk wood" ( n y l m o k ~ ) .Taking three sticks at a time he dips their ends into the ghee and places them for threefold combustion into the oven. Since he does this thirty-six times, altogether 108 sticks are used. The cord by which the sticks were bound together is thrown into the oven. H e imagines: From innumerable sticks a sea of clouds flows forth, etc. To feed the god, three spoons of boiled rice (hunshiki) are offered next, then the five kinds of cereals (gokoku),"9 garlands of flowers (kemun), incense pills (gunk~)'zOand mixed incense (sankg),12' always combined with similar visualizations as before. 11-

On t h ~ M s u d r i see AIDJ 669, Saunders 1960,76-79,224-25 Wood that 1s not yet completely dry, but still contalns some sap

'I9

'IfDJ8 54- j j AIDJ 2 j j, 3 illDJ 787, 2

IZO I''

All of these substances are then mixed (konton-ku) by pouring them from one container into another in a complicated procedure and in the end distributing them into several bowls. After once more presenting ghee there follows a General Veneration by Mudras and Mantras @Lk u y ~inzmyg), , during which, to the so-called Yoga Formula (sa-ku, i.e.: uaSTkarana jab), an additional formula (kaku) is added, and a jewel-like shape with both index fingers (nito-bogy$ is imitated. After once more inserting twenty-one sticks of "milk wood" in groups of six into the oven, are presented combined with the usual meditative thoughts, the seeds of medical plants (yakzl~hzl)'~~ by seven times placing their container on the spot where the incense stove (&asha)used to stand. The substances for offering are consecrated ( k a j i - m o t ~ u ) by ' ~ ~dyeing powdered rice red and forming it into pills in the shape of pieces used in the Go game. Their container is also placed where the incense stove used to stand, and the substance is consecrated with the three-pronged and the fivepronged Vajra, and by repeating Fudo's Formula in One Syllable (icbiji-ju, that is the Seed Syllable "Ham") twenty-one times, included in the Mantra HE?z namah sanzanta-vajrdnd?~hdm uai~kara?a jab. IZ4 The priest then takes the rosary (nenju) into his left hand and repeats Aizen's formula (bonzon-mjg) one hundred and eight times: Hzlp Takki bi?z jab uaSTkara?a jab, and enters Meditative Vision (kannen), his hands resting in Amitabha's Meditation Mudra: "I visualize that the consecrated objects enter from the horizon's mouth into the basis of the Heart Lotus and completely fill the whole body where they are transformed into innumerable Lotus Arrows (renge-sen). From all pores of the hair these innumerable Lot~isArrows flow into a sea of clouds and fill empty space. I venerate all Buddhas and Bodhisattvas everywhere in the Sphere of the Absolute (hokkai, dhamvzadh~tu).[The arrows] aim at the far-removed Mind of Enlightenment (bodaishin) of all Praqekabuddhas and and let them acquire this Mind of Enlightenment. They also aim at the mutually hateful minds of all the living beings of the Five Places (gosho)"' and the Four Kinds of Birth ( s h i s h ~and ) ~ ~they ~ bring forth the Mind of Unified Harmony (usago-shin).Then they turn round and aim at the Five Places of that person [of the priest or of Aizen?] and convert him so that the Mind of Loving Subduing (keiai-shin)may arise."

rama an as

The practitioner utters another Invocation (keibjaku), his hands joined to the Vajra Adoration Gesture (kongo-gassbg): "I now present with reverence A wonderful offering of objects of dedication I wish that the honzon Consents to accept this Goma, And that he protects the pupils, And that the Siddhis will be perfected."

A General Veneration of the Three Forces VzlkuyO-sanriki), keeping the hands in the same Mudra, follows,127after which the priest intones a prayer (kigan). He puts the Three-Pronged Vajra down, moves the beads of the rosary and says: 12'

IL4 12'

126 12;

illDJ 2178, I , 'IfDJ235, 1-2. Not in Hatta 1985. Perhaps the five living beings to be constantly served: father, mother, teacher, religious director, the sick. S 126, 2 The four kinds of birth are: viviparous, oviparous, moisture or water born, and metamorphic birth. S 178, 2. See above, no. 24 of the Large Ritual.

"Earnestly imploring I dedicate These wonderful Goma offering. I wish that the honzon In his sympathy consents to accept it, And to protect the pupils, And that Siddhi will be completely fulfilled." The practitioner takes the Three-Pronged Vajra, rinses his mouth three times, imagining that he is purifying the mouth of the honzon, and utters the Mantra Om uavada-z~ajvadhanz. H e recites a corresponding Invocation (keibyakzt), his hands in the Vajra Adoration Gesture, the text being the same as at the former rinsing. The Act of the Main Deity now comes to its end, and the priest sends the honzon back (hakken)IZ8 by intoning his Formula and by venerating at the northeastern side of the altar. Forming Amitabha's Meditation Mudra he visualizes that Aizen arrives again at his original place in the Flower Mandara, which becomes his seat in form of a precious lotus flower. T h e actual farewell is enacted by "binding" Aizen's Mudra and intoning his Mantra, which contains the outright demand: "Go away! G o away!" (gaccha-gaccha), while the priest three times snaps with his right index finger:IZ9Onz Takki him jab gaccha gaccha mztb. H i s hands again in Amitabha's Meditation Mudra, the practitioner visualizes (kannen) that the god returns from inside the oven back to his original seat in the Mandara and, changing the position of his hands into the Vajra Adoration Gesture, he invokes Aizen: "I beg that the honzon returns to his original seat." Herewith the third Act of the Goma Ritual, addressed directly to Aizen-my66, has come to its end.

d. Fourth Act (dan)of All Deities (shoson) In the Invitation of the Main Deity of the preceding Act the entourage of Aizen has already been brought briefly to the reader's attention. This fourth Act is dedicated completely to the seventeen deities of the Rishzt-e, the upper right field in the Konggkai Mandava,'" with the only difference that the central Kong6satta (Vajrasattva) is here replaced by Ai-bosatsu, called Vajra-Raga in the accompanying Sanskrit antra.'^' In the main field of the KongGkai Mandava, the Joshin-e, this Bodhisattva belongs to the four Bodhisattvas accompanying the Buddha Aksobhya (Ashuku-nyorai) and is placed to his right in the southern position. In the description of our Goma ceremony he actually occupies the seat which should be taken by Aizen himself, but since one of his names is anyhow Kong6-Aizen, we perhaps may regard him as a special form of our King of Lust. In his representation in the Joshin-e he holds a single arrow with both hands horizontally in front of his chest in the way Takki-6 is represented.13' During the fourth Act of Aizen's Goma ritual all of the sixteen deities surrounding the central figure of the Rishzt-e, beginning with Ish6-kong6 (Ista-vajra), are called down in a sequence and in a 128

illDJ 1818-19. ""napping the fingers is an ancient and effective magic act. 'O Reproduced in Sawa 1972,161-66. I" AlDJ 655, 2 - 656, I. Ii2 See above, the different forms of Aizen.

manner comparable to the first three Acts. The invocations, visualizations and offerings are virtually identical so that we can omit their description. In the step of Mixing the Offerings (konton-kg), however, the offerings are first dedicated to Dainichi (Vairocana) with the Mantra Om uajradhdtzt clam, then to Aizen-my66 with his Mantra H i p Takki h ~ ? zjab, and only in the third place to Aibosatsu with the Mantra H i p Vajra-rdgzya hob. This might be a hint at the idea that Dainichi and Aizen function as higher transcendental incarnations of Ai-kong6, or, in consequence of this, that all three of them are manifestations of the same numinous quality on different levels of existence. In any case, when Ai-kong6 is dismissed back to his transcendental abode at the and of the Act, the practitioner utters Aizen's Large Formula: O?z Mahdrdgd Vajro~nqaVajrasattva jab, which seems to point in the same direction. e. Fifth Act (dan)of all Gods of the W o r l d (seten) In a way similar to the previous four Acts, in this fifth one the different groups of protective deities are called down into the oven of the ceremony so that they may protect the ritual from negative influences and insure its effectiveness. First, Fud6-my66 (Acala-vidyiiraja) as a central figure in all Fire Ceremonies is brought down, followed by the group of the Twelve Gods (jini-ten) as the protective deities par ex~el1ence.I~~ After them the Seven Planets (shichi-p, sapta-graha), the Twenty-eight Lunar Mansions (shztkzt, naksatra)134 and other star constellations influencing life and destiny of the practitioner and the patron of the ceremony (sejzt, ddnapati), are invoked. They also are visualized and receive their different offerings before being sent back to their heavenly abodes. After this the long and complicated Goma Ritual is concluded.

'j3

'j4

Cf. the study by T . Hamada, "Juni-ten gaz6 no kenkyc," in: Bukkji Geijutsu 44,1960, 24-44; 49,1962,17-34; 71,1969, 63-77; 73, 1969,81-loo; Goepper 1988,176-85. O n the star cult see the different articles in Kobijutsu 35, December 1971; also the catalogue of The 12th Exhibition of the Grand Treasury of Koyasan, "The Mandala and The Stars", Museum Reihokan, Koyasan 1991.

ABBREVIATIONS

AA BEFEO GOS HJA S HG KYM KZ M

M DJ MJ

N S SZS T TP TZ TZS ZSZS

Arts Asiutiques Bulletin d'gcole Frunpise d'Extrtme Orient Gaekwad's Oriental Series Huruard Journul of Asiatic Studies Hiibii Girin Kokuyuku Mikkyii Kiibii Duishi Zenshzt Morohashi: Dai Kunulu Jiten Mikkyii Daijiten, by Nishimura MikkyG Jiten, by Sawa Nakamura, H.: Bukkjliigo Duijiten Soothill-Hodous: Dictiondry of Chinese Buddhist Term Shingonshi Zenshzt Tuishii-shinshi Duizgkyii (Tuisho Cunon of Buddhist Texts) T'oung Puo Tuishii-shinshz; Duizgkyii, Zuzii (Picture Section) Tendaishi Zer~shzt Zoku-Shingonshzi Zenshzi

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GLOSSARY OF CHINESE AND JAPANESE

A-ji-kan E%@ ai aibin SF& aiga-shin B Aizen-igyd-zu g % Aizen-myod-giki EJa E Aien-o gohimitsu R 35 @ Aizen-6 hitsuji X EJ Aizen-8 Sharyu-ki 2 ?@E @ 52 aizui aka Akushin-o 3 ame-S@ Anguo-si A n - j i - 383% ansoku %,g. besson-ha B!/@% Bihkumon'in l@ E bokuzei B bonna soku bodai E1lgEp bonshin f i g Bdshun B@ busshin {B&# butsugen {BBE byakugatsu Q 8 byado F?$ Byoda-6 T%$£ by~kan-joyu E&B, Ek & chakuza$rai B@ chingo-kokka no hijutsu chciji TT-3. Dado-kuden hi-hokuto-ha A Jb 4g dai-kompon-my8 A@$E!j hi-kongarin A & $& hi-sammaya @ fj13 hihi-sen A E$@ daikatsuma-in A@EP daikokuza A @ 2 $!& dairaku A% Dairyu A% Daishin'yd-gydzd A i t \ Daizen Kongdchd A & EU g dzizen-ha dakini-ha %&E$& dan E@

,

danjo-nikon-kydegojin jo daibutsz?ji

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danzen$rai @ 3B @ degaichd Iflr m@ dentanodq'o #fB23jf$3j dq.0'-kan B%@ d$a-ryori Sf%H@ doku dokuro egen BE! Eikai (or: Ydkai) S@$ eikan-shush8 @%B eka emmei-ha Enjd-ji Pf Enkei flB fi-kuya Sf2B fidan-kuya-ha T&i2B% Fuda-Aizen ittai-waga-ky8 T@ !I - $U &@ Fudd-Aizen ongyo-ho @J g g Fujiwara Nariko @E@3 Fujiwara Tatsuko Fujiwara Yoshiko @B &F fikutoku-emman Pf $$j fini-meiga 1B& finnu-gen %?%BR finnu-konga-sho & M4 8 firai BJ@ fizennizen FRfi$@ gachirin 8 E$& ganka A@ ga~6-ha B&& ge-shi-kuyo-bosatsu %H f% B g @ gekai gikya @$$g go-daigarz 5 A B@ Go-Hirnitsu E%\ go-kit0 @ f , @ go-kuya $&l% B go-shichinichi mishuho $&%Ef @B% gobu no hikya Z@&@ gobu-sho gabuku R# gochi-nyorai 5@ $1 gochi-sbo Z godan-ha 5@%

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goji-so @#Bor B#* gojison @g@ gokai Z'/@ goko +B goko-ko Z&$Q goko-sho 5&@ gokoku 5% goma ME goma-ho g@% goma-kegyo fi gorei gorin-to 5&% Goshirya-Aizen-zo 5 Ti)B g f& goshq'o %@R gylija f i % hakken BB hakuja B!&$ hankon-ho EBE hanshoku && higya-jizui-ha %, fi $ & hika 762 EQ ho no kampaku E D M Q hdgen E@ Hogen-ji Hoh-Hnm fi$ hon 'u kenwaku &RE% bongo-in E(I honsho-shdjd-ren &f$ honzon &Q honzon-kaji &@an hoshinna %R3 hosshin &g, hotsu-bodai %g@ hotsu-boahishin B%$? hotsugan %&!El hyahyaku 3 Q ichiji-shin ahishdshin-$06 A $1 inrin g$@ inshin g& in joku soku ze d6 g %BP $233 Ise-kanja issen-nichi-Aizen-6-ku -IF. E1 gZ{# isshin-kanjci E isshin-ryozu-zo -B F6 @ f& issombo --@B Itteki-shb -@p jagi %B jakusai-in @X EP j i - a $ hnR jibutsu-da Rl%B

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jihi-gen B 8!JE jijuho-raku $ 9E $$$ jikecbi S&$ jiku 31% jimbun #@fi jinsei ,h.#@ jiri H jirin-kan 2 jishdrin-shin Q 'B&& jzsho-shojo $'B.@# jisa @$I, #B jo-bodai E%$? jo-sang6 B Jbgy6-d6 7# f? g Jaja ju U ! jugd-ji $E%% jujutsu @ !aj jumya-choen t $ i E 8 jumyo-shuji @$i@#3kahinohana EJgZrfE ka'in kk kaburaya @g kaimei @I$? kaishi-kaji 33 kaji-kosui ha R 7fc kaji-kumotsu l% Kakuei Kakumy6 B R kambutsu E{% k a n j ~ B% kanki $&g kanki-ame kannen kansa g%, kasha k& katsuma-kaji @ p$i # kazen E R kechigan &$R kechinzyaku E keiai ?&g keiai-shinshin ?&g 8R keibyaku @$Q kekkai-goshin-immyo 3'3% & EP Ba kembyd RftEi ken'in $ZED Kenna keshin 4L;B kern E@ ki'e-so R$??@

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ki'en @$g kigan ifif@ kintai kishuku kacha $$G koku-ma B2ft kokua-shin £/L\ kompon-my6 $3 kamya-gen %g!E kongrj-baku & HU konga-gen &&4!JDE kango-isshd &@g konga-katchu-in &MU EQ R ETJ konga-ki &

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nai-shi-kuya-bosatsu R H4% 33 g @E Nembutsu-hijiri

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t@@&A niha-goko-sho 12j 5E@ nikki El E@ nikon-kyae Z$E ningya-goko-sho A @ Z E & , (=8ZE@ ningyo-sho A @ & ninka A R ninsei A@

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nyuga-ga izyu A & 23,A nyumoku R* aja-jado omme-za BR$$& raiban JB& raibutsu g{@ ran-ji-kan R 9 R reiho BR reiken !l@% Ri'ai Kong6

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riku @1% rima $U% ro-kaji B2nB rochu-kan H 9R roku-ri h!@ ryaku B8 Ryozu-Aizen-6

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Ryazzd-happi-Aizen-a-ki @ 11 sazj&ku-onteki @ saisha-tonsha @E@$$ saiuti B% sambu 58 sammaya-go' E sammitsu E@ sammitsu-kan Z @ sampon-shitsuji 3 % % san B san-nenju %%$B sando $$B Sangai-isshin-ki Z R Sangen-menju g Z

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sanja B$$ sanko sanriki-kaji 3n' g sanrin-shin 3@jB sarukoto B B Seigen

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sekishabu G B S sen-jishin-kan % R 9R seten @X shabyo :&E shaja $g$$ shakubyaku-nitai 8 Q 1% shakubyaku-niteki-wag8 8 Q I$$ $U shari-tci $g shaten-z8 W X# shi-ketsu shi-ki-bosatsu DT shi-mu96-kan E l %S%

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shi-sha-bosatsu p9 @ sbichi-y~ -L@ shichidan-goma -kB 3@ shido-keg8 UEBafi shiho-kechi El 2 shiki-mandara 95 Shinchu B,%, shinnyo-ri B ?fin@ shinrei E% shinzo shisha @$if shishi-kan B$? 5% shishi-ku shishin-eka E I GJ&J~ shishti-gen p9 @BR shitsuji-emman % Pf sha B sho-kongorin /J\ & B4 sho-nenju iE&ZB sha-sharo %@E& shobsrin-shin Z B shcigon g@ sh~j~ she-sainan B shomon &P7 shoson B@ shou-~a-ha @S shouti G% shu-san-zon 5@ shugen B& shuhan & # shuji B? shujz-mandara @F g shuj6-sei ?$t 9B shuku @ Shumeimon'in {@W P7 E shusha shutsudo &g shutsunyti-mon & A 87 so-sharo sodeshi

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soyu Tachikawa-ryu 21115% tainaigo-z B fi E $3 Taki-o @$R3 tendoku tenjo-ha g@?,% Tenkyu-Aizen X G g tetsu?natsu $& 3 Taji daigonshin no hijiri R ~ A @ J B % toru-shin 3 R B toten-daqi BXkg Tsubosaka-ryu E PE% wag8 Re zuari-goko-sho 5 Bf i Yanone % D @ yakan B? Yakujin-my00 E%$ EiB E Yanagihara Sento Nyoh6-Aizen-ha-vakki

@PR!UJ~~U%@%%%~~? Y ~ k a (or: i Eikai) yaraku yoso $g$& yotai-honen no busshin yozo' yu 'on-genshin @B3 Zen'ai an-ztchtl-kan E-zo zokyo' $l&@ zoyaku %B zuko zuzo

$' 2 %2$B9

Aizen-Mandaras, the dogmatic background of the notion of "love" or "lust" is explained and a historical and sociological survey of the belief in Aizen in East Asia is given, followed by an explanation of Aizen's function in heterodox speculations, especially of the Tachikawasect. After chapters on Aizen's Symbolic Form (sumri.zuyu-gy6), his Seed Syllables (shz~ji)and Mantras (shincpon), a long section describes the different rituals connected with the deity. ARTIBUS ASIAE Supplementum XXXIX, 1993 ISBN 3-907070--s1-8 172pp., 6 colour plates, 41 black & white illustrations, 24x32 cm, cloth bound

ARTIBUS ASIAE MUSEUM RIETBERG ZURICH GABLERSTRASSE 15 CH-8002 ZURICH SWITZERLAND