AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS Yves Cougar, O.P.
traditional date of the beginning
is h eri 1054, the Papa...
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AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS Yves Cougar, O.P.
traditional date of the beginning
is h eri 1054, the Papal Legate placed on the altar of
of the Oriental Schism
Santa Sophia the Bull of Excommunication of Michael Cerularius, the Patriarch of Constantinople. In this book, Fr,
Congar shows that the seeds of
formal break were sown turies before
when the creation of BySecond Rome, the Crown-
ing of Charlemagne as Roman Emperor, and the knife-thrust of Islam divided
East and West politically. Further, in the course of the centuries,
West had developed each
intellectual milieu: divergent
ways of thinking, a
vastly different un-
derstanding of the nature of The Church and an ever growing distrust and disdain.
Crusades further aggravated the wounded feelings of the East, so that there 1
a comgrew up an "Estrangement* plex of suspicion, distrust and separa-
tism between the
parts of Christen-
Estrangement that Fr.
essence of the Schism.
toward the desired
finds the first
by Pope John XXIII in the EcuCouncil he has announced
must be taken
continued on backfldp
3 1148 00458293?
2 3 193
Congar After nine hundred years
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS
BY THE SAME AUTHOR
Our Lady and
in the Church,
Study of the Problem of Reunion, 1939
Church 1957 1957
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS THE BACKGROUND OF THE SCHISM BETWEEN THE EASTERN AND WESTERN CHURCHES
FORDHAM UNIVERSITY NEW YORK
A Neuf cents
ans apres, originally published as part
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are official declarations that a book or
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and Imprimatur agree with the contents
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FORDHAM UNIVERSITY PRESS Library
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
THE CENTURIES-OLD ESTRANGEMENT OF THE EASTERN AND WESTERN CHURCHES
CONTRIBUTING TO THE ES-
CULTURAL FACTORS CONTRIBUTING TO THE ES-
FACTORS CONTRIBUTING TO THE
V. CONCLUSION: THE LESSONS OF HISTORY
January 25, 1959, His Holiness Pope John XXIII,
in the opening
the world his intention of convoking an Ecumenical
Council which would be "an invitation to the separated
seemed to us
for the reconciliation
to assist in
to find unity." it
would be an
of Eastern and Western
available in an English translation
the masterly study of Father lished in 1954.
Yves Congar, O.P.,
We were fortunate
in receiving the enthusias-
approval of Father Congar for the project and he has been kind enough to supplement his original text with con-
material and to bring
up to date the already abundant bibliography and copious notes of the first edition. The year 1954 marked the ninth centenary of the excom-
munication pronounced by the legates of the Holy See against Michael Cerularius, Patriarch of Constantinople, a date
which for long has been accepted as that of the break Rome and Byzantium. As a result of his long and
of the relations of East and West from
the earliest days of Christianity,
and exposes with luminous
Father Congar has seen,
which have tended, long before 1054, to bring about an estrangement between the Oriental and the Western Churches. Even after that memtural,
orable date, he shows us the
numerous occasions when a
lack of mutual understanding, resulting from deeply-rooted psychological prejudices, closed men's minds and, unfortunately,
caused serious breaches of charity.
disdain lasting that each
unaware of the
other. It is
in the acceptance of this estrangement that Father
Congar was Separation growing in
finds the real Oriental Schism.
the minds and hearts of men before
of History. reconciliation
took place in the pages
under the guidance of the Holy to take place,
will surely begin
under the warming rays of Divine Charity and men will learn to understand, to respect and to love one another, each for what they
collaboration of the staff
ersity Press and that
of Fordham Univ-
of the Russian Center of Fordham
University, the original work,
and suggestive in the conciseness of
in French its
thought, has been
carefully translated into English.
qui nobiscum sunt
noliscum non sunt,
junctifide, pace divisi.
Bernard of Clairvaux Considerations,
Figures in the text refer to notes
beginning on page pi.
THE CENTURIES-OLD ESTRANGEMENT OF THE EASTERN AND WESTERN CHURCHES
The year 1054 of the Church. an
indeed a memorable date in the history However, this date is more a symbolic than is
historical one, such as are the dates
or July 14, 1789, from which we are accustomed to date "the beginning of the Reformation," or "the beginning of the French Revolution," respectively.
The following pages
will once again illustrate the thesis, rather generally acccepted 1
that July, 1054, cannot
marking the These pages do not as
beginning of the "Oriental Schism." pretend to bring any new information to the historian familiar with the events called to mind:
he will more
be inclined to correct and complete what
sketch revealing the limitations of the non-specialist.
number of facts and
marshalled here for the purpose of suggesting to theologians and churchmen some thoughts on the nature of the "Oriental schism."
our rough outline
can with justification be placed within quotation marks. Not that the words do not express something very real: historically, canonically
and theologically, the Oriental schism, It can be defined according to the
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS canonical and doctrinal criteria of the Catholic Church, criteria
which, needless to
criteria are simple:
may be summed up as the union of Rome on the basis of a recognition
with the Apostolic See of its primacy as coining from Christ and the Apostles. In the light of these, we can determine quite accurately when
and where schism has occurred. The separation may likewise be attributed to any one of the local churches with the exception of the Church of
while being also a local church which
something else too: as she has an belongs to the union of the Universal Church, autonomous and decisive value. Legitimate authority can a local church,
wrongly: yet one
not separate oneself from
always on the side of those
a dispute concerns a church or an ensemble of chur-
ches and not merely an individual or individuals, is
an historical situation which involves the complex
2 collective rather than individual responsibility, the
problem becomes far more complicated. We would speak of the schism of Photius, the schism of Cerularius, and many others without the use of quotation marks; not so with the
The latter cannot be put in the same it former: the with presents an original problem category with elements and values involving other considerations, the "Oriental schism."
most important of which we
shall try to suggest in the
borne out by the fact that the break-up had begun before Photius and Cerularius, that it was not completed after the latter's time and was not concluded all at once,
this is so, is
or even in a consistent manner, in the various Eastern
a declaration of war to which a
date can be assigned, or as a state of hostility inaugurated a single
porary but complete and satisfactory reconciliations be a fiction to which the facts do not correspond. often been said before, there
even though followed by tem-
would As has
were numerous breaches between
Constantinople or another portion of the East, Cerularius and even before Photius him-
before Michael 3
According to Marxist dictum, quantity, carried to a certain degree, modifies the category and becomes qualself.
cannot consider 217 years of separation in 506 years of history without realizing that this does not mean normal union simply interrupted by accidents. On the other ity.
hand, the instances of union are so numerous between the year 1054 and the Council of Florence, that
correct to speak of total separation merely punctuated
some happy union
existed4 even after the rejection
the Eastern churches
best chronological reference
of the Council of
a date which,
absolutely necessary to indicate a beginning,
would be the
for the true beginning
the schism; 5 moreover, union was not rejected at once and 6 immediately everywhere. This time, however, the instances of union were sufficiently exceptional to warrant speaking of them as fortuitous happenings. The fact remains that this
"Oriental schism" which began before Cerularius, was not completed with him and, in a sense, never has been totally carried through.
There were many differences and many inconsistencies existing from place to place. Very often, local churches broke the union with other churches, or even with
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS however, they maintained union among themselves and with Rome, while they either remained in communion
with, or broke
among one communion is an
various churches that had different
old ecclesiological principle, sanctioned
canon of the
Ecumenical Council (Nicaea, Can. 7
from having always been
the "Oriental schism" cannot be dealt
viewpoint with as a homogeneous, and
say so, monolithic,
An essential fact emerges from all this:
the "Oriental schism"
extends over a long period of history; in
coextensive with the very history of the Church, at least since the Fourth Century and even before.
and according to these dimensions that the "Oriental schism" must be interpreted, not only when recounting its history, but even tion
attempting to give a theological interpretatheological analysis of the notion of schism
can be considered to have been made and rather well; but a
must be undertaken, namely, the theological
further task interpretation
tions such as
of the great facts of history, of concrete situathe one under discussion the "Oriental schism"
which the Roman Catholic Church, and Church separated from Rome, find themselves
in relation to each other
relation to the unity to
promoted. If nothing
were involved, the It
the analysis of the notion of schism
of schism and the unity But when one passes from the sin of
suffice to define the sin
schism personally and formally committed, to Christian
THE ESTRANGEMENT munities in a state of schism, the thing becomes rather complicated. In this connection, Monsignor Journet has a
aftd extremely interesting study,
the plane of a theological ever, presentation of typical cases or typical circumstances. Would it not be desirable to
effort to a theological interpretation
reality implied by the words "Oriental schism ?"
in the theology
of schism per
away is absolutely in the wrong, here the wrongs are not on one side, as Humbert of Romans remarked long ago. 9 The aim of these pages is to suggest to theologians a few
elements of an interpretation of the historical reality of the "Oriental schism." Briefly, the "schism" appears to us as
by which each
the acceptance of a situation
behaves and judges without taking notice one of
part of Christen-
geographical remoteness, provin-
of contact, a or
12 The by the German word "Entfremdung."
word "estrangement" expresses all this quite admirThe Oriental schism came about by a progressive
estrangement: this is the conclusion to which the following analysis seems to lead us.
For several reasons treatment in
restricted the extent
by omitting developments which more thorough elaboration of
to questions; secondly,
that the present account
does not pretend to be exhaustive; third, and principally, to indicate the tentative, quasi-hypothetical character of our remarks:
what we have
really in the
thus consciously accept the risk of being
reproached for schematization,
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS and the various aspects, causes, or manifestations of the global continuous fact of this estrangement, and likewise give unequal development to the different respective sections which
sometimes limit to simple notations, even when they deal with quite important points. shall begin by examining the outward the historical framework, and then
proceed to the core of the question by examining, in order, the political, the cultural,
POLITICAL FACTORS CONTRIBUTING
TO THE ESTRANGEMENT
THE LEGACY OF THE NEW ROME CREATED BY CONSTANAND THE BURDEN OF A CHURCH OF THE EMPIRE.
division of the
had already been the Tetrarchy of Diocletian in 292. However, the split that is here under study, the seed of which was indisputably planted by Conperhaps inevitable for there
on the Church
understand the cause and the
of Constantine, of creating
capital in Byzantium.
not to be found merely in the fact of a new capital in Byzantium, in the early years of the Fourth Century, but in the vast complex of ideas and practices which linked
of the Empire with the essential realities of the Church: an identification of the center of the Church the essential
with the center of the Empire, a joining of the highest ecclesiastical reality of the Church to the highest civil reality
of the Empire, which united the whole life of the Church to the Emperor and to his authority. It was a concept of a
Church within the framework of the Empire, to become as it were, the Church of the Empire, much more than a mere
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS of the two powers, or, as they would say a "symphony." 1 Such is the Christian interpreta-
in the East,
according to which the best men of the Church, espeto line up the facts. Such has been, cially the popes, try tion,
the Christian ideal.
and he has transmitted
turies to the Christian
But Constantine achieved through
world, something else and more.
very extensive elements
matters as well as in civil
of the pagan system
of Sovereign in religious The separation of powers it
of the Middle Ages, especially in the West, through the action of the papacy. The intentions of Constantine are not in question: the Oriental Church canonized characteristic
him; there can be absolutely no doubt about his religious But it still is the old pagan sincerity and his Christian faith. system which became Christian only in the person of the Emperor, and which was transferred in large part to the shores of the Bosphorus.
to be rewritten in the light of
of Am. Gasquet needs
new knowledge about Byzan-
have only recently acquired. 2 But the of Gasquet's thesis remain solid and are corro-
tium which indeed general lines
borated by the studies of others. 3
quasi-sacerdotal role of the
theological concept of a universal church.
role in the matter
Emperor had a sovereign Not that he celebrated the word of God as do priests al-
mysteries and preached the
though the Byzantine
Basileis often delivered veritable ser-
intervened in dogmatic questions 4 : his situation to be compared to that of Elizabeth of England
according to the syth of the
5 episcopal character.
XXXDC Articles, had a
but the person quasi-sacerdotal, almost
The charge of
the Emperor, his sov-
and was therefore bounds of
exercised in matters of religion
was, in effect, the
power of the
of confining itself to the temporal order, this power existed and was exercised in the domain of the Church. It is well known that the Emperor appointed the State.
of Constantinople, created or modified the ecclesdistricts and the episcopal Sees, convoked Councils,
supervised the proceedings of their deliberations,
in our opinion the essential point.
organization of the Ecumenical the Empire") exercised his
of Imperial law
Thus, for the
and for the regulation of her life, the Emperor 7 Seen in authority conjointly with the bishops.
this perspective, there
was the danger
that the juridical attri-
butes of the Church, the aspect of authority and coercion that she bears as a society would, in an Established Church, make these attributes practically Imperial, and not Apostolic. It
could perhaps be debated whether such an interpretation
of the famous declaration of Constantine, "Bishop from with8 out," should be accepted; however, we should be inclined to
do so for what there
meaning in the episode of the words. meaning the Patriarch Nil wrote in an act of 1380: "The
rather than for the
authority of the Basileus regulates things,
while the Church
experienced in the things within,
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS the things of the soul (of the rog)" 9 he was giving a theo-
of the situation created by Constantine. But hesitate over the ecclesiological implications of both
Constantine's invention and the Patriarch's formula. In Divided
have advanced the idea that the Byzantine ecclesiology had, through Constantine, an entirely mystical idea of the Church, and refused to develop its juridical aspects. 10 Christendom,
volves a whole complex of thought. Moreover, as V. Lossky has rightly remarked, we must not forget "the stupendous
wealth of canonical tradition of the Orthodox Church," 11 aside
from the properly
so, a certain incapability
"exterior" are themselves
of the Church
the "visible" and
12 cularly felt in the Slavophile systematization
in the sequence of events that
the papacy and the
shall try to retrace.
cannot refrain from mentioning the This writer has placed the question of
framework of the
problems posed by the need for unity unity for the Empire, to begin with, then and above all, unity for the Church. The Empire, before Diocletian, was more or less a federation of cities and provinces. Diocletian organized it
unity: the cult of the
great administrative domains, and
provoking a unity.
promoted poEmperor which the Christian very serious persecution, was same perspective of a the actions of Constan-
policy of unity for the Empire that tine may be fitted, along with the legislation that
from the "Edict of Milan." Thenceforth, and thanks
in the Church, the unity
Empire was sought within the Christian framework, taking account of the delays permitted and the circumspection observed in regard to
entire evolution, thinks Jalland, continued to present a grave
problem for the Church. In an Empire that was provincial, the Church had existed as something of a federation more exactly, a fraternity or a
local churches; such a
semi-clandestine regime adapted itself rather well to the uation.
in a unified Empire, especially a unified
Empire had become Christian in the person of the Emperor, the Church, from then on part of the ecumenical life of the Em-
necessary to eleborate her ecumenical organiza-
and her theory of ecumenical authority. A great many happenings of the Fourth and Fifth Centuries become clear, tion
in the light
question: "Will the ecumenical authority in the Church be the Apostolic institution and tradition, or will it be the dogma
of the Emperor?" The persistent theme of the Popes' opposition to the Basileus and the Patriarch of Constantinople was their refusal
power on the the Empire derived from some po-
to accept the idea that any exercise of juridical part
of the Church in
or imperial statute. They insisted, in these cases, that flowed from an Apostolic law, one properly ecclesiastical,
of supreme authority in the Universal the divine prerogative of Rome to exer-
particularly in the case
Church, which cise.
from the Empire, could more independently assert the right to regulate the canonical life of the Universal Church
In this respect, ii
the events which were
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS independent of Conhave their ecclesiological stantinople and the Basileus were to and canonical repercussions. Among these events were: the
to render the
conversion of the barbarian kings and peoples upon the
depended in the
in Constantinople, as
(a fact that
was resented end of
clearly noticeable at the
the Sixth Century); the emergence of Pepin the Short
Charlemagne; the Donatio Constantini, to which we will refer later on; and the establishment of the Normans in the southern part of Italy to the direct injury of Constantinople, a step which provided the context for the affair of Michael Cerularius.
often represented so
occasions for a struggle
competition wherein the point at issue sometimes had jurithe Bulgars), but was fundadico-political aspects (Illyricum, mentally an ecclesiological concept. Rome followed the logic of a Universal Church centered round its primacy. In this, she obeyed her profound vocation, based on the institution .of
Our Lord and on
the presence of the Apostles Peter and
was likewise favored by various factors that were both political and natural: the Roman genius, the ideological
and sentimental heritage of Imperial Rome, and the fact, which Baumstark 15 stresses, that in a West occupied by the barbarians
unique She had complete freedom to realize, did not erect against her the barriers of
source of civilization. in the peoples
a secular culture
a Christianity that already
of a unified Church, which was Latin and, Roman. These and other data which reveal the
existence, a life finally,
of the West, provided the
POLITICAL FACTORS ecclesiology
of the Universal Church with every chance
take hold in that part of Christianity. This ecclesiology, however, ran the grave risk of being seriously tinged with
Latinism and juridicism. In the East, on the contrary, Christianity developed from the beginning in various regional and very ancient cultures. dominated There, according to the extent that
Constantinople extent varied according to political destinies),
the idea of a
Church of Empire, ecumenical
in that sense,
prevailed, with the ecclesiological risks pointed out
of the authority of the Ecumenical Pa-
(authority de facto stronger than authority de jure], even in the times, (more numerous than is often thought)
authority displayed an independence towards the
framework of the Imperial Moreover, while the existence of local churches, with own liturgical language and their autonomy, had from
Basileus, "took place within the
the beginning oriented people's minds towards the idea of a
communion or fraternity of churches, the aggressive contact with Islam made Byzantium consolidate herself as a nation confronting other national powers, and the Byzantine Church thus became a national Greek Church. 17 The idea of an organization of the Church
a universal plane, with an
appropriate hierarchical court of appeal, had not the least
chance of finding favor in Eastern thought. Baumstark notes
with subtlety 1 8 that the West approaches ecclesiastical reality in an analytical way; to begin with, the whole is posited, then the particular communions are conceived of as parts of this whole.
In the East what
envisaged are the local chur-
prays for the unity ofjiie
ches, then the exigencies
In the West, one
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS Ecclesia tua sancta catholica,
are et regere digneris toto orbe terrarum, una
"ne respicias peccata mea, sed fidem one prays "for the prosperity of the holy Churches of God/' 19 In the West, die first and
tuo papa nostro...";
Ecclesiae tuae..."); in the East,
concrete given fact local diversity.
the total unity, in the East,
In the West, separation
kind of amputation which mutilates the body; in the East, unity is regarded more as an ideal, as a family as a scandal, a
reunion can be a reunion in which
things can, at one
time or another, prevent one or the other member from taking part. In fact, among the Eastern Churches it is impossible not to be struck
a certain lack of any uneasiness
or discomfort in the midst of multiple and often, rather long interruptions of
others, the ecclesiological acqui-
of the West (an ecclesiology of the universal Church
and a hierarchical court of appeal, likewise universal and apostolic in origin) have remained foreign to the East. On the other hand, the ecclesiological significance of the local
Church, centered on the mystery and the sacrament, which has unceasingly inspired Eastern thought, has played a smaller part in this half of Christendom.
concept of the
Roman Empire and
The position taken by Constantinople in regard to Rome was largely fostered by the powerful Roman ideology that had been transferred to Constantinople, the 'New Rome.' The politico-religious thought of the Emperors and the people
was to be
the canonico-theological thought
of the Patriarchs and clergy was to be The idea of Constantinople as the
New Rome was not of Constantine himself, but it devolved from his action, and the transference of all the rdgis of ancient Rome to Byzantium. The theme has been treated in many publicathat
Along with the immense
of Rome, there
was in Byzantium the consciousness of continuing the Roman Empire; this, too, has often been emphasized by the com22 23 It was inevitable, mentators; (P(DfjLa.loq Byzantine).
and ideological framework of a Church of Empire, that the idea of Constantinople as New Rome should entail ecclesiological and canonical consequences, the especially in the actual
very ones that are generally and quite simply classed under the heading "ambition of the Patriarchs of Constantinople."
will return to this later in our
been a transfer of Empire, it was reasoned, there had conse24 quently also been a transfer of ecclesiological primacy. Needless to say, affected to ignore,
regarded with coolness, or rather
the idea of Constantinople as a
Rome. 25 Likewise, from the Eighth Century onward, in order to hold back the spread of this idea, Rome made use of the famous Donatio
one of the most harmful pieces
of forgery known to history (and not merely to the history of Rome). 26 It was a weapon, moreover, which betrayed the very cause of Rome, since by argument ad hominem, the Donatio in seeking to check an Emperor, presents the dignity of Peter and his successors and the privileges attached to that
of an Emperor position as emanating from the political power 27 institution. and not from the Apostolic Byzantium retained all
the logic of her positions 15
retorting with her
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS
argument from the Tenth Century onward, and by relying v upon the Donatio to affirm that Constantine had transferred
the rd^iq to Constantinople, including that
of making decisions in ecclesiastical affairs. 28 The transfer of the ideology of Rome to Byzantium constituted for the East and for a Church of Empire a principle all
was reinforced by what
the "unitarian" ideal or idea.
According to this
government and the terrestrial order of things imitate celestial government and the celestial order of things; idea, terrestrial
therefore, there can
be on earth but one order, one truth,
of which the custodian is the image justice, one power, and representative of God; to one God in Heaven, one sole one
monarch corresponds on
of these ideas have been
right at least.
Aristotle (whether in
the original text which ends the Metaphysics or in the "plato nizing" text found in
passing through Philo Ju-
to Eusebius of Caesarea, the thinker
expressed the idea most theologically
Empire of Constantine. Despite his weakness in theology, the influence of Eusebius cannot be exaggerly to the Christian
is in the image of the Heavenly of Heaven. It embraces in a and of the Kingdom, politeia unique order, under the authority of the Emperor, all the aspects of life. By right, it covers the whole world and
thus the Byzantine Basikis affirmed their right to the obedience of the barbarian and pagan kings themselves, beyond
the frontiers of the Empire.
This "unitarian" ideology reigned in Byzantium. 31 Indeed, a thesis could be developed on the idea of sovereignty which resulted
prevailed in the West, at least
POLITICAL FACTORS the Eighth Century onward,
Emperor (from Charlemagne
to the profit
Gregory VII), then rather
of the Pope not without claims asserted on the of the temporal monarchs. A great many things in the part history of Christianity may be explained if one keeps this to the profit
"unitarian idea" in mind. able.
instances are almost
interest ourselves in these
from the viewpoint of the estrangement, which we will try to understand in its origin and development. It might not go beyond the
vailed the idea of a transfer
to a "unitarian" order; but this transfer
perial than ecclesiastical.
Byzantium there preof the universal sovereignty of
facts to state that
idea that the unity of the King-
should be reflected in the Church, in
the visible was not applied Church were concerned, but it remained as far as
in the order
was more im-
of prayer and sacraments. 32
Besides, considering the total Christian world, there
not merely one "unitarian" order but two: therefore, one too many. For opposing the Byzantine Basileus there arose an-
And, opposing the Emperor and finally confronting any monarch claiming to be the sovereign head of the Christian world, the pope raised a higher claim, pro-
gressively expressed in occasional assertions
in the Eighth to Eleventh
in the Thirteenth
theology by the Vatican Council.
Rome But many
under barbarian rulers: treason oj the ideal episodes in the history of
have completely betrayed the Byzantine 17
ideal just defined,
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS
generally blame both sides in this betrayal;
been said that the Basikis lacked a feeling of solidarity with the West which they abandoned to its destiny save for a few 33 They also attempts such as the grandiose one of Justinian. lacked an historical sense, if we may use a modern expression;
they did not accept the West for what it was, and were too prone to assume an attitude of contempt. But it is evident that the
at fault regarding the
idea transferred to Constantinople and the "unitarian" ideal
in the Empire.
begin with, the West
was captured. Thus, barbarian Rome could be considered as no longer a part of the Empire, and as no longer expressing the Roman idea, which continued only in Constantinople. Better
the domination of the barbsgigns and
West and Rome
to the barbar-
Ozanam expressed in his famous declarThe Romans allied themselves with the enemies of
ians" in the sense that ation. 34
for example, happened in the Eleventh Cent-
ury with the Normans. In
to the Byzantine idea
while rendering momentary
and to the legitimacy of the
35 the West completed its unique claims of Constantinople, an betrayal by creating Emperor supposedly Roman, but in
Germanic and barbarian: Pope John XIII was to go as to write in 967, that there was "an Emperor of the
36 Scqgks" and "an Emperor of the Romans"! Here the estrangement is between two worlds simultane-
Byzantine world which
the legitimate continuation of
Apostolic and Papal Rome. The two worlds do not accept each other. Rome does not accept Constantinople, Con18
POLITICAL FACTORS stantinople does not accept the that this least as
has betrayed "the
considered in Byzantium, which
in the sense
THE DIVISION OF THE EAST AND WEST CAUSED BY THE SPREAD OF ISLAM Let us
consider the famous thesis of Henri Pirenne 37
In his wonted sweeping the combines manner, theory explanation of spiritual factors with an' examination of economic factors. From a comin his
mercial point of view, says Pirenne, the Carolingian epoch lags
comparison with the Merovingian epoch.
happened, essentially, was the conquest by Islam of the Mediterranean shores and the islands of Crete, Sicily and Malta, and the consequent interruption of
Instead of being a
Roman-Byzantine sea, a unifying agent between the two parts of the Christian world, the Mediterranean had become a Mohammedan dofree exchange.
main. Apart from the economic consequences that have been adduced, and the retreat of the West within a closed domain, this decisive
event brought about
great happenings: a
breach betweenJEast.aiid.West, and, within the West, a dis-
placement of the economic and cultural life of the Sputh towards the North, from the Italic and Provencal regions, that
with the Greek world, toward the
Thus, although the "idea of
way Rome" had
for Charlemagne. existed until the
Seventh Century despite barbarian invasions, maintaining the 19
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS
empire, it was Islam which marked the end of the an-
unity and continuity of the
provoked the split cient world and the beginning ojthe Middle Ages. There is certainly some truth in this thesis of Pirenne,
and some Byzantine scholars have adopted
or suggested In recent years, however, it has analogous drawn some very strong criticism and not only its deductions and explanations, but its economic facts themselves have it
been seriously questioned. 39 Navigation and commerce continued, as well as relations with the East; in Rome, the ser-
of Oriental Popes that mark the last twenty years of the Seventh Century extended to the middle of the Eighth Ceninto play, and tury. Moreover, many other factors came
the causes of the alienation already at
med, the barbarian invasions in particular,
seem to have been
minimized by Pirenne.
portant consequences in the East free
expansion had imIt
comnuimcation^pf Eastern .Christians, other than those
of Byzantium, and eventually of Antioch, with Rome. 40 It brought about a consolidation of Byzantium, both political
of Constantinople quite naturally tried to regroup under their authority the remnants of Christendom spared by the conquest 41 Byzantium beecclesiastical; the patriarchs
the hope of the populations subdued by that conquest, and every armed victory of Byzantium was to the advantage of her Patriarch, and so, the national character of the Greek
Church became In any case,
the causes of that estrangement
measure caused the "Oriental schism." 20
so great a
THE CORONATION OF CHARLEMAGNE: A REPUDIATION OF THE EAST. For a long time the coronation of Charlemagne has been
by Orthodox writers or controversialists among the Orthodox as one of the most decisive causes, if not thfL& cited
of the separation. find this stated, for example, in a Rusof the end of the Sixteenth polemic Century which
made known 42
father of Panslavism"
echoed in more than one page of modern writers, though in a style less violent and bombastic. 43 The importance of the coronation of Charlemagne Krijanich,
more than one
Latin writer of medieval times,
to say nothing of the views
of Joachim of Flora who, even 44 Here let us so, is narrow and unjust towards the Greeks. honorable mention to the remarkable report drawn give up
by Humbert of Romans for the Council of Union in 1274. Very realistically, Humbert places first among the three causes
of discord between the Greeks and the
Latins, the dispute
over the empire and the various political questions that may be attached to it. 45 Modern historians, no doubt more enlightened as to the ins and outs of the question, nevertheless
recognize the decisive importance of the coronation of Char46
have already mentioned in regard to Constantine: the legitimacy of the succession of Constantinople to Rome as the seat of Empire and "ins
the unity of the Empire.
since the fall
of the Empire
of the West, the Emperor of Byzantium held a protective of the West a rather theoright over the Christian regions retical
guardianship which he in
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS existed nonetheless ces themselves. 47
and was recognized by the barbarian prinThese barbarian princes were also avid
of Byzantine tides, which assimilated them to the hierarchy of the Empire at least as avid as Bonaparte was in later
crowned by the Pope and to espouse an AusArchduchess. But Byzantium was careful not to be-
centuries to be trian
stow upon them a
which would have
on the Imperial monarchy. 48 As regards Byzantium therefore, the coronation on Christmas day of the year 800 was
a veritable betrayal; a
day Catholic historian has gone so far as to write: "The conferment of the Imperial
marks on the part of the Pope, the intention of breaking with the Empire of the East." 49 Already in the years following
when the papal
by Pepin, the popes
no longer dated their acta in accordance with the reign of the Emperor of Constantinople; after the year 800 they dated them from the reign of Charlemagne. From then on, a
Church of Empire was sarily a rival as
be constituted in the West, neces-
to that at Byzantium.
Instead of appearing
pope, exposed to many acts of violence, time onward, be regarded by Constan-
an adversary. In addition, the Latin world, sharing the same "unitarian" ideology with the East, would suffer from the eleventh-century breach consequences of aptinople as
parently fearful dimensions in the direction of estrangement.
then the authors of juridico-political theories, declared that there could be but one Emperor, as there was but one Orbis, and that Emperor canonical authorities,
must be Roman. The fore
of Constantinople was there-
the true Emperor, since he
in schism. 50
himself incapable of ensuring his function as defender of the (Roman) Church; therefore the Empire had been transferred to the Germans. Some people even declared that
he no longer had the authority, that he had no imperium, no authority existed outside the Church. 51 Still others
were more conciliatory and pointed out that for the sake of peace, two Emperors could be allowed. 52 Actually, in the practical steps taken in the transactions to bring about and in the treatises such as that of Humunion, theological bert of
well as in the pontifical bulls, the Basileus 53 In these details can be sensed Emperor. of the question and the depth of feel-
ing of estrangement which the coronation of Charlemagne fostered.
THE CRUSADES WIDEN THE BREACH BETWEEN EAST Fleury,
the schism from stantinople
AND WEST. views are often
the Crusades. 54
by "the Franks"
an almost irremediable
men of substance
In fact, the capture of
during the Fourth Crusade, created situation.
in the East
to then, there had been
the schism capable
55 of being remedied and they were working toward union. There would still be men of this stamp afterwards, but they would have to work in much more difficult conditions
and the darkening of the atmosphere would in great part be due to the Crusades. The facts are known. They have been studied very pre-
their relation to the anti-Latin controversy cisely in
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS of Latins in Byzantium. 56 From the first Crusade on though this was undertaken to aid Byzantium and doubtless as a result of its appeals the Latins were re-
The Emguard of Bohemund at-
garded as people to fend off and to be avoided. peror Alexis Comnenus had the rear tacked even before he reached Constantinople.
casion, the Norman warrior responded by an act of clemency and had the Greek prisoners released. The acts of hostility
the part of the Byzantines continued during the Second
and the Third Crusade, going even to the extent of poisonings.
Then came the Fourth Crusade, of which Venice was the There was the double capture of Constantinople, the burning of an entire section of the town in the midst of which the Crusaders had found a mosque, there was pillage,
the installation of a Latin
Emperor and of
and the distribution of Byzantine Latin nobles. In short, there was
a Latin patriarch
territories as fiefs all
the hatefulness of an
armed occupation. And there was no Semeias to raise his voice and say: "Do not wage war upon your brothers !" 57 However, Innocent
saved the honor of the papacy and of the Before the enterprise, he condemned it,
tian Byzantines; after the capture
against the Chris-
of the city
at the insti-
gation of the Venetians, he accepted the event and saw in it
a means, providentially allowed
by God perhaps,
union and to group the Christian forces against the Turks* But he emphatically disavowed the outrages establish
committed against the Byzantines. 58 Unfortunately and against the interests of Venice all
pursued an imperialistic policy which, in
the territories of the Near East where she had estab-
of trade of her dominion, caused Latinism of the narrowest kind to reign and ruined for a long time
lished the centers
the chances of union. 59
natural result of the
the Latins were
able to assert
which saw the development of ecclesiastical power, of canon law, and of Scholastic philosophy, the lack of an historical sense and of curiosity towards is
clear that at
other worlds gave Western
which comprised its deprived the Latins of the
versity in the matter
canonical tradition, and even of doctrine.
had likewise hardly shown an
True, the East
of tolerance in
specting legitimate differences; the controversy of the epoch
of Photius, and more especially of Cerularius, was largely based upon a condemnation of Latin usages differing from Byzantine practice, as contrary to true Christianity. With the Fourth Crusade, we enter in a period when the Latins in their turn displayed a similar exclusiveness. This was the
epoch in which Innocent III compelled, as much as he could, the Bulgarian and Greek clergy to complete their ordination by. the anointing with their rite. 62
not a part of
same epoch the apocrisiaries of Pope Synod of Nicaea-Nymphaeum in 1233,
which could have been a reunion
and unconditioned agreement with the Latin viewpoint on the two unsettled questions of the Filioque and azymes. 63
Innocent IV desired the Greeks to speak
of Purgatory "in conformity with the traditions and authority of the Holy Fathers." 64 These examples might
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS be multiplied. 65 It is evident of the Crusades, with little differences, the Latins
that, in the spiritual
atmosphere or toleration of
of the time considered
to be the tradition, their formulas to be those of the very Apostles,
and of the Church Fathers;
their deeds, they frequently
a tradition, of a rite
clear as well, that
denied the existence and
and of an Eastern Church. The
actual measures of subordination of the Greeks to the Latins
such as one finds formulated by Innocent
rather lamentably recall the situation created
native officials are allowed
or Innocent IV,
jurisdiction but are
of the dominating power. Thus the contact between the East and the West, resumed on the
of the Crusades, turned into a
and very grave cause of estrangement. Today the memory of the Crusades still remains in the Greek mind as the mem66 ory of Latin aggression. The Greeks began to think, "Better the turban than the tiara! Anything rather than Rome." This feeling in the
their behavior; "If there
the Christian cause, long before that
himself with the Turks,)
was the betrayal by the Orthodox
in the Fifteenth Century." 67
one, even though
Their responsibility should be understood.
another capture of Constantinople, that in 1453. This too, in a way, intensified and hardened the schism by ring
bringing about the decadence of science and letters in Byzantium, by causing a kind of contraction and withdrawal into a national Church.
This was a withdrawal which oc-
curred everywhere in the Near East as the result of the conquest of the Turkish regime that followed. The schism was
POLITICAL FACTORS intensified,
the isolation in
which the Orthodox
by the policy pursued by the Turks, who willingly treated with the Orthodox hieritself,
archy as the heads of national communities, while discrim68 inating against the Latins.
CONTACTS BETWEEN EAST AND WEST: MUTUAL ACCUSATIONS OF PRIDE AND ARROGANCE. The
yet ended, for contacts between Greeks (Orientals) and Latins did not cease after 1453. There were, of course, politi-
human and commercial
contacts with the Easterners as Christians.
and therefore a
give a complete the acts of true
Christian fraternity, cooperation, sympathy and patience as well as the benefactions which the Latins brought constantly to the
in hospital, school and charitable
kinds, as well as in scientific
and other endeavors. 69
not our theme.
as all this
was, moreover, and actual
which may be cited as convicting the Easterners lack of gratitude, there is another very serious factor:
the separated Easterners, or shall we say the Orthodox, reproach the Latins and more precisely, Roman Catholics exercised towards Orthodoxy a le70 unchecked and proselytism. They speak of the pride velling of the Latins and of the Popes and their taste for domination
for having ceaselessly
and power. 71 The Orthodox reproach the Catholics for what they call their proselytism a vague word which lends itelf to the expression
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS In
these reproaches, there
which would not stand up before
an approximation of truth a serenely objective
ination; there are many exaggerations and also quite a few candid alibis for a serious examination of conscience. But we
are not trying to justify ourselves at are
trying to accuse others.
matter what the circum-
become aware of the
are brought against us, to know that they exist. accused of using methods of force and, instead of considering that are
of approaching them as second-rate Christians who must be won, or rather conquered, so that we may bring to them riches of which they do not have the equivalent. It is this condescension of ours, this "coloni-
should be respected,
zation psychology," this barely veiled desire for power, with
which we light
of these views
the other hand,
rightly or wrongly,
Christians have regarded the presence
they have had with the West and Latins, ever since the separation.
Thus, the end result of the
distrust, secretly fed
the part of a complex
the unreasoned violence of
Now, there is no complex more especially when it is grafted on an
an instinct of self-preservation.
powerful than distrust, de corps and serves to justify the feeling of being different. esprit This invalidates the clearest and soundest explanations, rendering every effort toward reconciliation ineffective, since this
standard the least sign of weakness, the lightest causes of
annoyance, are seized upon as a justification for all the cherished motives for remaining apart and continuing the war* 72 28
CULTURAL FACTORS CONTRIBUTING TO THE ESTRANGEMENT
THE DIFFERENCE OF LANGUAGE "*
ural factor, for
the importance of language as a cult-
has long, since
which has been studied so thoroughly more to be said on the matter. 1
a classic question
Yet, the question of language is important to us here, and from three points of view. language is, to begin with, an instrument of communication. Where there is no under-
contact becomes impossible.
tinople, the use
of Latin was
Thus, in Constan-
restricted to administrative
2 In the West, thanks to the monks who juridical formulae. came from the Neapolitan region and Sicily, there were al-
understood Greek, and
this language of prime importance for the sources of tra3 But dition was studied by numerous scholarly churchmen.
a fact that the Christian
to the according to a line that practically corresponded
were amazingly and the lacking in curiosity regarding the Latin Fathers, latter were scarcely better informed as to the Greeks. Such
obstacle to the true unity that lives
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS the exchange of ideas and by the awareness thus acquired, of the existence of ways other than one's own for approaching,
other ways, equally legitimate, Mysteries; and also in worship and pressing one's faith
of the Church.
Holy of ex-
of organizing the
exacted by linguistic provincial-
ism was bound to be, sooner or later, a certain provincialism in thought, perspective and judgment, a certain narrow separatism in the theological short, it
to bring about a serious lessening
of communion and of the likelihood,
not of the
symbol of culture and it plays a great part in the esteem civilizations have 'for each other. We will
highly critical way in which Latins and Greeks mutually viewed each other. But, merely from the viewpoint of language itself, although the Latins were anlater return to the
noyed by what they considered an excess of subtlety in Greek, the Greeks themselves if
a certain condescension,
not a kind of contempt, for the Latin language. 4 But language is not merely the symbol of ideas which would
of themselves: language
before the thought
also shapes ideas.
expressed, to the very formation of the
mechanics of thought, and to the formation of that kind of inner mirror wherein our perceptions are "refracted"; it really constitutes the climate It is
a fact well
"the mind." 5
to translators that for a great
words and phrases which conviction, there
most expressive of profound
exact equivalent in another language.
how do we
any other language the German Gemut, the English worship, the French translate
CULTURAL FACTORS the Russian sobornost
for union, are likewise well aware that
between the Orthodox and our-
with questions of language and that this was so in the past as it often still is today. There are the wellknown instances of prosopon, hypostasis substantia. There selves are linked
instances, equally decisive; the fact that the
Greeks and the Russians have
by the word
the fact that the
generally expressed "infal-
the fact that the
faction" practically does not exist in Greek;
the other hand, after having translated juerdvoia tentia,
the Latins have often joined poenitentia with poena and
developed their thought in the direction of the idea of acts of penance and satisfaction. 9 These are but a few instances
of many expressions that could be mentioned; while their translation is quite clear, the difficulty of achieving an exact understanding of them
do with the conditions
of union, hence of
again to estrangement
This language difficulty has
even with the
Their consequences lead once
of thought and mutual
VARYING DEVELOPMENT OF EASTERN AND WESTERN CULTURAL IDEALS. The ally
Latins considered the Greeks inordinately subtle; actu-
the Greeks' quibbling and they often complained about
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS their perfidy. 10
was the Greeks, they
Greeks, for their part, accused
the Latins of barbarism and lack of culture.
West been overrun by the
of Antiquity without a
Whereas the West, after being overrun by the barand resuming life with them, was in great part igno-
rantwith Church erate
has often been noted that just as
culture perpetuated those
the barbarians since the beginning
Constantinople perpetuated the break. 13
who had in-
culture being preserved
by monks in small was often illit-
there always existed in
Byzantium a 14
a corps of literate imperial functionaries. great advantages from this, not the least
Byzantium derived of which was, no
doubt, the one pointed out by Fleury (not without a hint of gallicanism): in Byzantium the laity were more or less
with ecclesiastical matcapable of preoccupying themselves for the there it was ters; clergy to modify certain impossible points in traditional ecclesiastical discipline, as was done in the West. Besides, and in a way as a consequence, the East
experienced neither the exaggerated increase of ecclesiastical power, nor the bitter secular criticism and anticlericalism
which followed and tury,
with Arnold of
beginning in Western
However, the question includes other aspects which are not as positive but have their bearing on the process of the gradual estrangement which we are analyzing. Without overlooking the counter-argument of "caesaropapism," of which we have already spoken and which so many Catholic writers stress, let
us note at this point a very important fact
CULTURAL FACTORS has been particularly studied
East and the
16 by Baumstark.
In both the
had encountered some en-
tirely different historical presuppositions: in the East there
a millenary culture; in the
West, there were barbarians
and a recent culture stemming entirely from Rome. In both, West and East, there had been an invasion of new people, but under very different conditions: in the West, the Germans entered the Church, bringing with them a new vitality; in
the East the Arabs, professing another
brought nothing into the Church but rather impelled the Greek world to withdraw into itself with its national Church. Hence, faith,
in the West, with youth and a free field, Christianity figured hesitate to plunge into new as such Scholasticism, a phenomenon of, and a undertakings., result of youth. The West even recognized the possibility as a
mounting force and did not
of creating a new law, based simultaneously on Rome and on the Germanic world. In the East, with its ancient culture,
then on figured traditionalism. It
was held in check by Islam, and from a force of the past, thus strengthening its
easy to determine
conditions of the development of civilization in the East and
less easy, especially
in this limited
space, to characterize adequately the content
of those cul-
Restricting ourselves to the viewpoint of the Church,
will be content here to say a rite
few words on the to take
up again one day
and study more thoroughly and to point up the differences between East and West which occurred in theological method.
shall recall a
shall suggest a
few moments when 33
major differences, feeling of profound differ-
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS
shall even oppositeness, was particularly marked. caused in the long finally note the deplorable solidification run by so many differences, and at least in the East by
the deep consciousness of these differences.
a section to each of these.
DIFFERENCE OF UNDERSTANDING OF "RITE" Considered in ing
more than an
would be noth-
no matter what
tent; a certain conviction, considered as existing in itself
universally valid which could be transferred indifferently from
group to another, from one
would involve no more than
of another language, the other hand,
"rite" to another.
can understand the notion of "rite" in
much wider and
deeper sense. In that case, "rite" encompasses the totality of forms and symbols by which a community gives complete expression to, and lives its Christian a
then not merely a collection of liturgical rubrics
but includes the theology
well as the whole
organization of the ecclesiastical and religious it is
Fundamentally then, perceived and felt in a particular itself its
manner of of a people.
life itself, collectively
way and which
communal manner of
for a long time the people
and the clergy maintained
of profound spiritual liberty in regard to rite. It has been shown how, even in the second half of the Sixth Century and beyond into the beginnings of the Thirteenth, one passed a kind
from the East
vice versa, celebrating
the mass with the people of any particular place, in their
CULTURAL FACTORS 18 language and according to their rubrics.
to the baptistery, the acolyte asked: 'In
"In the Sixth
what language does
he confess our Lord Jesus Christ?' According to the answer, he recited the creed in Greek or in Latin." 19 Surely this
of things can be considered a wholesome
was, however, spoiled after the Fourth Crusade as a result of Latin domination in the Orient, and the wholly Latinizing policy of Innocent III and Innocent IV. It
O. Rousseau, the Council of Florence fully recognized the existence of the Oriental rite and at the same time laid down the principle of an air-tight partition According to
between the Greek and the Latin
of the usage of the word ritus leads to the followconclusion which, far from going counter to the findings ing mentioned above, only serves to sharpen them. Before modthat a study
a concrete ritual, a
brating the liturgy, the concrete expression of one's faith.
The Council of the
abstract reality, a thing
and one begins to speak
Florence with precisely this meaning uses
change came about by the very reason of
by reason of
the Latinization, the creation
of the Uniate Church, the reaction of the Orthodox and the methodical arrangement they made of their differences in the course of ten centuries of controversy, and finally in the
Today we have
Nineteenth Century. itual liberty
the variation in the
with respected in other fields,
manner of 35
celebrating the liturgy
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS formerly treated. Tke question of rite has become identified with the very question of Church.
the other hand, the East makes
or no distinction
In Greece, the same word, dogma, Westerners are inured designates the one and the other.
of truths which,
conceive of faith as a
studied the* relation of
Easterners see a
the two: the ritual symbol
Therefore, different expressions should think, to different faiths.
he has changed
known fact that in the list of grievances made by against the Latins,
faith in action.
of someone It
a very well-
kinds of minor variations of rite and
custom have been mingled with points that are properly dogmatic, although a distinguish these
such as Photius
an important fact, in the East the Church is felt to be less an object of conviction of faith and the resulting choice, than as an actual community of peoples of which, as a Christian,
follows that although in the West the word taken in the narrow sense, it is understood in a
all this it
broader arid deeper sense in the East. 22 type of piety that is cally tions,
This brings about a very simple and yet very deep, not analyti-
developed in logical deductions and practical applicabut continually vitalized in the services of the Church,
of piety in which the meanings of the rite, the and the Church are united in a single living attitude. a type
some weaknesses; 36
CULTURAL FACTORS in
points to the needs
of the modern world
through the ages; but it seems still more certain that such a type of piety lends itself to an exaggerated "absolute interpretation" of rite, identified with what may be held to be most absolute. In our opinion, only the reestablishment of
unity and ty
could restore to Christians the liber-
a kind that apparently reigned in the first six or eight
In the present state of separation, there
aggerated tendency to "absolutize" things important, but just there
involvements; in the East, there
rate, it is in the light
not absolute: in the West
the organization, with
administrative and juridical
or even prejudice to other influences perhaps less sublime so conscious, that the Orthodox peoples severely criticise
every attempt at reuniting them by giving to a Catholicism imbued with Latin spirit the mere aspect of an Oriental rite.
Let us reread these lines by Father George Florovski: "There is a fatal mistake here: rite either remains merely 'ritual', incapable of bringing about reunion, the rite itself changing, becoming transformed or even degenerating into rubricism,
and losing meaning; or else it is accepted in its the bounds of Western or reality, in which event,
consciousness must inevitably be broken.
in the other, reunion
In the one
does not possess any of the 'Oriental rite/ What is involved is not 'rite* but the living reality of a non- Roman
there can be
except the Orthodox. A rebuttal of such an assertion would require some distinctions. In a few words we can say that if "Orthodox" here rite
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS only Apostolic Christianity according to its Oriental tradition, the assertion may be accepted. This disposes of signifies
the subject a
cursorily, since it neglects the possibility
which could be
realized within the
Catholic Church, and in which Apostolic
Oriental form, and according to
could co-exist with an Apostolic Christianity of Occidental tradition and form, under the primacy of the cathedra Petri.
The Uniate Churches
in the intention
often in reality, anticipations, preparations for this: a kind
of promise, somewhat
the presence of Benjamin with
Judah a was of the Tribes, promise However, in fact and historically, the
during the schism of the reunion to come. 25
and of a persevering effort of Rome to organize them, has been felt by the separated Eastern Christians as a veritable betrayal, as a lack of respect towards existence of Uniate Churches
or a congenital in-
the East, as a refusal to take seriously ability to take seriously
their reasons for
not aligning them-
selves with a Latinized Catholicism: in short, to take seriously
the reasons for estrangement that the present study
tempting to analyze.
In our opinion,
quite certain that
sentimental complexes, irrational rather than rational,
are intermixed with
would be wrong not
into serious consideration
Uniatism appears to the Orthodox as being, by its profound 26 presuppositions, the very caricature and contradiction of unity.
SCHOLASTICISM IN THE WEST AND THE DIFFERENCE OF THEOLOGICAL METHOD. Theological method and major differences in doctrinal conWilmart, ceptions are other factors to be considered.
CULTURAL FACTORS a profound student of ancient texts, has written that a Christian
of the Fourth or
Century would have
wildered by the forms of piety current in the Eleventh Century than would his counterpart of the Eleventh Century in the forms
great break occurred in
from the one
to the other century. 27
of the Twelfth.
the transition period
This change took place only in the West where, sometime between the end of the Eleventh and the end of the Twelfth
Century, everything was somehow transformed. This profound alteration of view did not take place in the East where, in
are respects, Christian matters
today what they
and what they were in the West before the end of the Eleventh Century. This is a statement that becomes
clearer the better serious, for
one knows the
concerns precisely the
indeed very the schism
been without a true remedy seems impossible that this be a purely exterior
asserted itself in a
up to now. It and fortuitous coincidence. Perhaps, it is much more likely that we have come to the very core of our subject. However, with the idea of returning elsewhere to it some day, we will not now treat this immense and fascinating subject as a whole, but merely from the theological point of view and to begin with, from the actual state of theology, without however, supplying detailed and elaborated proofs. In the period between the end of the Eleventh Century
and the end of the Twelfth, a decisive turning-point was reached in the West. It was a time characterized by .several transitions.
There was first, the transition from a predominantand exemplarist outlook to a naturalistic one,
interest in existence.
This was a transition from a uni-
verse of exemplary causality, in
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS thought or of act receive their truth from the transcendent
model which material causality in
things imitate, to a universe
which the mind
seeks for the truth in things
in their empirical formulations.
to dialectic," 28 or, as
"from symbol with greater precision, from a synthetic perception to say an inclination for analysis and "questions." Here we have a
the beginning of Scholasticism, to which so
have devoted their sential point.
of synthetic perception in to the whole, and an ana-
between the two worlds
quest of the relation of the parts lytical attitude.
of Catholics that the Slavophile religious philosophy aimed its criticism of Catholicism, in the Nineteenth Cenattitude
and the habit of synthesis became ingrained, to an academic milieu where continual questioning and redition reigned
was the norm, and
East followed the road of tradition, and
one of the principal differences among the various peoples of the Orthodox faith is in fact that they are not trained, as are the Latins,
logians, inured to Scholasticism,
have often been baffled at
seeing the Greeks refuse to yield to their compelling argu-
ments from reason, but instead taking refuge in the realm of Patristic texts and conciliar canons, as Humbert of Ro-
mans very changed as
32 pertinently remarked.
since the period
times had greatly
the Greeks treated the Latins
the so-called barbarians
had created a
of developments which have made the mothis remained foreign to the East which
own, 33 and was
neither the Reformation or the i6th-i8th-century rationalism.
In other words, the East remained foreign to the three in-
shaped modern Catholicism. Therefore, the West has evolved towards a type of analytical knowledge fluences
which, in sum,
things, to see
needs to define the exact shape
them independently of one
have been studying, or rather at a slightly time, the first half of the Thirteenth Century, a new
period that later
kind of theological teaching and study appeared and established itself in the West. Until this time, the dominant type of teaching or study had been of a contemplative or monastic nature, linked with the liturgical life of the abbeys
type of teaching and study, of an academic and rational nature which was soon to take the place of the former. Here the significant
of Abailard leaving the cloister of Notre-Dame Mont Ste. Genevieve, where our great schools arose.
In the East,
the other hand, the teaching and study
of theology, and even of philosophy, kept its religious status. It was only in the neo-Orthodox school of which Fr. Serge
Bulgakov was the most accomplished representative, that saa separate philosophy nor a piential knowledge was neither pure mystique, nor a "scientific" theology, but all three combined. 34 It was not only among the Slavophiles that the idea of an integral and living knowledge was proposed, within the epistemological structure in which love and moral uprightness
be a general
of the Byzantine philosophy 41
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS self.
for the "rational/* the "Euclidean," as sidering
not contempt, Dostoevsky says, con-
"extrinsic" or "worldly" (the
not be entirely fortunate or of posivnesnost'), which may tive value. It is possible that half a century of the Marxist in one bound to the regime will bring Russian Orthodoxy seven centuries of point which we have reached through analysis
road in the continuity and
of course, cover the
be brought a little closer to us. perhaps Orthodoxy will thus For the moment, it is in a climate of living knowledge and in general feel the need to define negation. Just as the Latins Rome, which has the calling and charism to especially
so the Orientals feel the need not to define:
be it they hold in common The example of the Assumption of the Virgin noted, even the
37 this respect. significant in
a fact that
decided in the
points of doctrine have not been
Orthodox East and
that various positions were,
occasionally upheld there,
even the Catholic position. Jugie felt that he could deduce from this that reunion should be easy since, in the state of doctrinal uncertainty in
which they find themselves, the Or-
thodox churches could admit the in our Church, definitions
definitions already accepted
not treating the Orientals predogmatic ? For the point is not exactly cisely as if they were Latins that they do not have definitions; the point is rather that they do not need them,
do not want them
means of union that which precisely straightaway employ constititutes one of the obstacles to union. We must all the as a
take into account the ethos of the Oriental Churches,
Anglicans, to so
say, recalling the similar case
much, representing cannot be defined and which, on a re-
ligious plane, are analogous to culture
famous remark, culture
cording to a
if it is
true that, ac-
what remains when
have forgotten everything else. This indeterminate state of things is, however, valuable from the viewpoint of reunion, and Jugie's idea involves a
should pay careful attention. malleable and retains possibilities
Orthodoxy has kept itself which might crystallize into
favorable position towards
reunion, a position which, however, force its
In studying Eastern thought in
ramifications, or at
least its expressions
important to union as the sub-
of Purgatory or the Roman primacy, 39 we personally have been amazed to note that there is a broad and deep domain of ideas wherein the East and the West cherish a
In the apparently vast us, but not in the East,
has happened that theologians and Churchmen of the East have sometimes expressed themselves in a manner wideit
ly divergent from, if not totally
in a thoroughly Catholic sense, or very position, and again, close to it. This has happened especially in moments that
were favorable to reunion, or has come from men who were favorably disposed toward reunion. Catholic apologists are fond of quoting and using these favorable texts, and they are right to do so. Yet
no longer follow them
once again, 43
their secret design
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS
were to abolish any and all differences between the Eastern and the Western tradition, to the advantage of Latin Catholicism.
we would like to stress which we will return in our con-
the other hand,
a very important point to
the "estrangement," has
clusion to this study: the schism,
not been brought to completion.
(The question of the Filioque
the other hand,
ever, faithful to
what we hold
to push to the limit the dif-
ferences which, explained intelligently, could
smooth the path a case in point.)
movement toward of the wound when-
to be the truth,
of thought and then on the level of formulae, an acceptable view which tends towards reunion. Understandably, we cannot risk the choice of deepening
the estrangement instead of achieving a rapprochement
profound unity on the basis of the famous pronouncement of St. Cyprian: "licet, salvo jure communionis, diversum sena
and the West, and yet everything
to the East
elsewhere suggested that, loosely speaking, a great these differences
may be due
followed in the East, the West,
of thought one followed in
to the platonic line
of course, any technical or
But we trust no dependence on either Plato or us to insert at this point a chapter on comparaone expects Aristotle. 41
THE SOLIDIFICATION OF DIVERGENT WAYS OF THINKING These cultural and religious differences are very important; consequently, even where the fundamental positions are iden44
different because differently
interpreted, construed, expressed
have given so
our book, Divided Christendom. ing criticism raised
and experienced. That
space to these elements in
which we have
taken into account, has not shaken our actual convictions
confirmed since by so many facts, and which are likewise the convictions of some excellent experts and friends of the East.
would become aware
we wish they might and enter into a sympathetic patient consideration of the of the East and, since we must face it, the spirit of spirit
of these factors and
Orthodoxy. This is the main reason why we have welcomed a number of works on the Slavophile movement into our French collection, Unam sanctam. It it is
not a question of abolishing these differences, but not elevate them to an absolute. imperative that we do is
have seen in the matter of
Moreover, the danger presents itself in different ways in the East and in the West.
merely imaginary. slightly
the Catholic side, there
the danger of reconciling
a Latinism in fact with a catholicity of intention;
the danger of practically identifying part of the Christian tradition with that tradition as a whole, and this in matter
of piety and theological thought. Christian tradition," and mean by
say "a part of the
its schoalone but a period of or medieval or baroque period, or its period of lastic It is administrative centralization, or similar instances.
a natural tendency to mistake "accepted" ideas
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS
the part of the Orientals, or more precisely the Orthothe clanger lies in identifying true Christianity with
Orthodox Church, not only dogmatically but with its national and Eastern forms as such. The conscience of Christhe
be identified with the conscience of the East
to tianity tends itself,
East, as such,
and blessed holy, profound, talking to an
tude of one
44 by God. Many
has a fixed point of reference for
insipid, superficial, exterior, interior, living.
and which could be explained
becomes, by definition, pure,
profound, For a great many peoples of the Near East, the Church not only the Orthodox, but also the Nestorian or Monophysite
has represented a national refuge; it is in the have preserved their national pecularities
the various invaders and conquerors to subject.
The consequences have been
they have been
of Christianity boundaries. As the late lamented
national characteristics and the hemming-iii
within national and ethnical
"Just as the
rock-like insensibility,' so the
be accused of 'rock-like incuriosity.'"
Catholics have been
this has played a smaller part, and the
In Russia, where
has been closely and almost inextricably linked to the national
the continuity has been so strong that even the
Bolshevik regime has not succeeded in breaking it. Besides, the Slavophiles of the Nineteenth Century systematized with
remarkable profundity the sentiment of identification between and true Christianity. Slavoa whole people the Russians
CULTURAL FACTORS benefitted
the contributions of
and Idealism, of the German idea of a
which the Slavophiles transposed into a highly spiritual theology of the Church wherein the people themselves the
Orthodox Russian people holiness.
seems clear to
of truth and
us, at least, that the Slavophiles
have erected into absolutes the Eastern and national elements, at least as they are conceived by them and highly idealized.
to a great extent well founded. 47
Every reader of Dostoevsky knows that in
has been carried to the point of an idolatry
48 It was towards Christianity" and of "the Russian God." the end of the Nineteenth Century and following the new
ways opened by the ferences and religious
peculiarities were sytematized. Prince Eugene Troubetskoy seems to have been the first to do it with scope and penetration. 49 Aside from a whole literature
on "the Russian
creasing and crystallizing the consciousness of being quite different from the Westerners, and in many respects has
even widened the breach. It
clear that such
of one day reuniting the separated communities into one communion. Assuredly, the accentuation of cultural peculiarities has been tural elements
both the cause and the
perspicacity the Israel, its
analyzed with great theological in which it was the fatal cause of schism.
chosen to be the people of God, was not noted for
in pure faith in the
called to unite themselves (eccle-
in the pure grace of Jesus
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS Christ, in short, they
to adhere to a supra-
human, supra-rational, supra-cultural plan. The divisions resulted from the fact that elements of a cultural and human order were brought into religion, such
temperament, Scholasticism, and
view, the schisms are linked together one might say that the schism of the
as in a
Sixteenth Century there not been the schism had have occurred would not
of the Eleventh Century, and that the latter in turn would not have occurred had there not been the first breach, the
one by which the Christian Church left the human poverty of the people of God for the human wealth of nations.
indeed, could be said
to visualize, as
work of lic
unification being carried out within a truly
in Divided Christendom, the
with an amplitude that would admit
the possiblility of contributions from all peoples and all cultures. At least the problem has been stated in all its force.
ECCLESIOLOGICAL FACTORS CONTRIBUTING TO THE ESTRANGEMENT
THE CONCEPT OF
selves ever since the
worlds, a duality, have asserted themtime of Constantine if not from the as Pope St. Simplicius was to trace the development of this du-
very beginnings: "uterque orbis," to write. 1
ality in this state
of mutual ignorance and estrangement, the
acceptance of which really constitutes the schism, we would have to rewrite the whole history of the two churches. Here
can only stake out the terrain, indicating significant landmarks rather than give a complete documentation. In the I
year of 342 "the first great manifestation of antagonism between the two halves of Christiantiy" 2 took place during the Council of Sardica
that the Council
was purely Western in composition, as it has sometimes been said, but it remained on the periphery of the two worlds, within the area of Western obedience: at the Council,
Latin was spoken, the acts were
but their Greek translator significantly enough, transformed or toned down the implications of the canon which cited
Not only were
of the Westerners being saner but two groups of church leaders and two ways of conceiving
sitions in opposition
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS the canonical regime of
or of Church union were op-
posing each other.
and the quarrel aroused by Arianism gave both the East and the West the opportunity to note that they did not have the same preoccupations, the same way of
There began to be held two
as at Sardica: so, for instance, in 359,
the Council of
Rimini and that of Seleucia Trachea were held simultaneously.
As we have seen from the number of periods during
which Constantinople and Rome broke off communion between the years 323 and 787, or between 337 and 843, it is clear that a
kind of "separateness" had become a kind of
in the atmosphere
rupture that the
complicated and interminable episodes of the schism of Antioch took place 5 in spite of the noble attempt of St. Basil to find a unanimity under the aegis at the
matter of orthodoxy, or in matters concerning as Cavallera thinks, a or, personal qualities misunderstanding as to the way of conceiving ecclesiastical discipline ? In any strictness in
long interruptions of communion ensued, often only partial and not always continuing, since a given see some-
times remained in
in schism with each other.
of two churches
discordant councils were held at Constantinople and at in 382. It was in this rather unfavorable
"Constantinople, the second
Rome," acquired by the Coun-
of Constantinople in 381. In short, the East and the West were separated. 6 Even if we do not stress the indications, cil
ECCLESIOLOGICAL FACTORS with Cavallera, of a marked anti-Western trend on the part of the Eastern Church in this case the Syrians there remains the fact that the "relations between the
Church of the East
and the Church of the West, during the last third of the Fourth Century, had already crystallized as strained. On the part of the one and the other, there were misunderstandings, disagreements and lack of sympathy despite a sincere desire 7 for concord."
East and the
in regard to the 5th-century heresies: Pelagianism
questions of grace,
Christological difficulties, Nestorianism,
and Monophysitism. Before and especially after the Council of Chalcedon, the East was prone to react in the Alexandrian way, that
show itself more favorable West always wanted to save,
to say, to
toward Monophysitism; the if one may so express it, the portion of the Nestorian truth consecrated by Chalcedon. The resistance to the condemnations of the Three Chapters desired by Justinian (Theo-
and Illyricum. 9 The different ways of approaching the unique mystery of Christ in the East and the West the one putting a more lively value on unified Africa,
the acts of his humanity, the other celestial
to the midst
a line of descent sensible
bound to have correspondences or consequences and
In the Orient there developed a rather sumptuous liturgy, imbued with the Holy Mysteries and the It was a church essentially idea of "Heaven on Earth." ecclesiology.
sacramental, a church of prayer with exigencies of especially
at the edification
attention to the
sober liturgy which was
of the individual and
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS needs. 10
This was a church
the sytem of militant action and the
of Peter and that of
At a time when Rome was more and more finding and accepting a co-existence with the Western, that
the barbarian powers, Constantinople was becoming more and more Oriental. Dvornik has noted some significant indications
fact, particularly in
observing which churches
the councils of the
were represented and Ninth Centuries. 11 at
Seventh, Eighth in Greek Illyricum, language but obedience, was conspicuously absent
have already pointed out that, after Herof the concentration and ren-
aclius (610-641), in the course
ovation undergone by the Byzantine Empire in consequence there took place a more complete Helperil, and nationalization of the Church under the rule
of the Arab lenization
of the Patriarch of Constantinople, whose influence creased, 12
Following the Iconoclast
in the mid-Eighth
Century, the quarrel was intensified and the politico-religious
The Emperors used Iconoclasm
of controlling the Church,
(The Ecloge of the Emperor Leo III in 776 opens with a declaration in which he applies to himself the text of John XXI,is and following). 13 This occurred at the
Prankish protection was of-
fered to the papacy and brought to
the material basis of
independence of the Basileus. Through all this, the disaffection and estrangement of the two orbis became tragically complete. However, the iconophiles who had found its
Rome from Pope Gregory
triumphed thanks to his support, submitted to an Occidental
ECCLESIOLOGICAL FACTORS Council the Canons of the Seventh Ecumenical Council the last
which East and West held
of the year
new protector of the papacy, Charlethis chance for ruined unanimity (The Libri Carolini magne, and the Council of Frankfurt in 790 and 794). It is true 787. Unfortunately, the
that the Acts
of the Seventh Council had been transmitted
Charlemagne in a poor version and that the Pope had delayed approving them by reason of the caesaropapism
which was mingled in them. Charlemagne was also guilty of having deepened the mutual distrust. For it was likewise the period
when he imposed
empire and went so
upon the churches
far as to refuse the per Filium in
the Libri Carolini, thus giving for a long time credence in the Greek mind to the idea that the Latins allow two princi-
of the Holy Ghost and that the formula of several Eastern Fathers, a formula which the Council of Florence was
to recognize as possibly equivalent in meaning to the Filioque,
Thus, Khomiakov and the
period the "moral fratricide" and
the beginning of the rupture 14
Yet Pope Adrian
defended the Seventh
Ecumenical Council against the Libri Carolini as well as the procession of the Holy Ghost "a Patre per Filium"; Pope
Leo HI, confronting the envoys of Charlemagne, held the position which was to be that of many Orientals: legitimacy of the doctrine, illegitimacy of the addition of the Filioque.
then caused to be engraved and placed before the tomb of St. Peter two silver placques bearing the text of the Creed, the one in Latin, the other in Greek, without the Filioque. 15
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS
THE LOGIC OF EVENTS CAUSES THE DEVELOPMENT OF CONSTANTINOPLE AS AN AUTONOMOUS PATRIARCHATE Throughout an entire history of which we have recalled but which is, as a whole, the history of just a few episodes, of Constantinople gradual estrangement, the Metropolitans increased their influence and developed
what many West-
pretensions or ambitions.
is regarded as the most decisive tory often retraced since it and causes of the schism itself. 16 chapter in the preparation
Certain Orthodox historians, for their part, admit that the
ambitions of the Patriarchs of Constantinople were partially 17 The schism had, indeed, begun for the schism. responsible
from the moment
that there could
be constituted a Patri-
archate of Constantinople in a national Church, coextensive
of the Emperor.
enough, HergenrSther commences his authoritative work, Photius, sein Leben, seine Schriften und das griechische Schisma
with the founding of Constantinople. It seems hardly debatable that thenceforth an implacable logic drove the Church of Constantinople towards an autonomy independent of any other ecclesiastical metropolis, and towards (1867-69),
playing a dominant role in the Eastern portion of Chrisother cities argued at one time or another tianity. Moreover, that they
had been, or
were, imperial residences, in order
to claim an independence: so, for example, eia
Milan and Aquilnot Ravenna, Aries, Treves, or
of the time of Charlemagne? 18 This pretension of Constantinople
in the events but in the canonical texts.
inscribed not only
The sequence of
ECCLESIOLOGICAL FACTORS the latter
not go into
be excused all,
the Council of
Constantinople in 381: That the Bishop of Constantinople holds primacy of rank fiela is
Bishop of Rome, because Constantinople
new Rome. 19
Then we have
the famous canon 28 of the Council
Chalcedon in 451: Following in zing the
things the decrees of the
Fathers and recogni-
the 150 bishops beloved of God, the said canon
having been read, we also, being of the same mind, decree and accord equally the same prerogative (rrsgt raw nQeapefov) to the Holy Church of Constantinople, the new Rome. It was with justice indeed that the Fathers had granted to Old Rome the prerogatives it enjoyed because that city is the place where the Emperor reigns.
Moved by the same considerations, the 150 bishops have new Rome, which now has the honor of being the
decided that seat
pire and of the Senate and enjoys, on the civilian plane, privileges equalling those of the ancient imperial Rome, shall have the same privileges in the ecclesiastical order,
and be second only to Rome." 20
Leo's reaction was
the 28th Canon: "In irritum mittimus et per
B. Petri apostoli, generali prorsus
Thus the Pope reacted against the
principle that assimilated
the ecclesiastical order to the political one. 22
Wuyts shown (see Note 20 supra), he especially reacted in the name of the ancient tradition establishing the ecclesiastical order of itself on the canonical plane (Canon 6 of Nicaea). His Holiness Pope Pius XII noted that the 28th Canon of has well
Chalcedon did not fundamentally go counter to the Roman that St. Leo rejected primacy, and that it was for other reasons The reaction of the Pope had its effect, since the Slavic it. Nomocanon in the Ninth Century expressly omits our Canon 55
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS because of
however, no or to the
Leo's refusal to
in truth, rather debatable
to this reaction
of the Church, with the Apostle herself flourishing and strong, beginning Peter. 24 The Metropolitan of Constantinople to whom Rome
vision of the Apostolic regime
of Patriarch, 25 of "Ecumenical Patriarch,
for a long time avoided even giving the tide later refusing to recognize the title
ued to increase and affirm the primacy of his rank as well as his prestige, independence, and real influence over all churches of the Byzantine Empire. 27
tinued after the Council of Chalcedon, such as Novella 131 of Justinian
18, 545) ,
or the Second Quinisext Council
One might say that the idea of the Patriarch (6p2). of Constantinople ranking immediately after the Bishop of ancient Rome was fixed in the consciousness of the East. of Trullo
for her part, accepted this idea only reluctantly
and without giving to
the exact meaning
had in By-
while holding out against the pretensions of the Patriarch, unceasingly pursued the struggle zantium.
of the Emperor, setting Apostolic principles
against the politico-religious principle in the conception
of the Church.
and a lack of preciseness in wording and even by the use of formulae that were themselves debatable, the Apostolic principle and the correlative theory of regrettable bluntness,
the distinction of powers as Pope Gelasius defined them,
animated the crises
which, until the
attitude in the course fatal date
of the numerous her in opposition
painful points are familiar: as always, they brought about a truly irreconciliable opposition when political interests
or questions of influence became entangled with
gious questions (as in usages
liturgy), canonical matters
of the fourth marriage of Emperor Leo VI the Wise, [886-912]), or points of dogma such as Iconoclasm affair (as in the
This was particularly the
or the various imperial heresies.
of Illyricum, a latent irritation ever the Fourth Century, which became acute in the Eighth
case for the question since
Century during the Iconoclast dispute, when Constantinople annexed what remained of the province, and later, when the Bulgarian difficulty added fuel to the conflict between
Rome. 30 Thus, Constantinople had accomplished
her aim of making her ecclesiastical domain coincide with the political and cultural
domain of the Empire. The
to be carried through to
ultimate conclusion, that
to the claim of an independent and therefore sovereign author-
and to the point of the estrangement of two worlds* two orbis. But since the schism was realized in the minds
men before it entered into events and formal we must now, before describing the final episode
and hearts of declarations,
separation, trace the
a secular opposition
to the canonico-theological concept of the organization and
administration of ecclesiastical
THEORIES OF THE CHURCH FOUNDED NOT ON DOGMA BUT ON CANONICAL TRADITION.
clearly specified at
the dogmatic level.
level the is
an idea of the Church
communication of the 57
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS catechism and baptism, then of sanctifying grace through the other sacraments, supremely the Eucharist; this idea is the
both the East and the West.
This identity of belief
extends to the sacramental and hierarchical structure of the
Church, to the respective positions of the priesthood and the 31 faithful in regard to the sources of sanctification. Briefly, the mystery of the
fundamentally the same in both
the East and the West.
right to see, as
the conceptual differences of the cause of the breach
ecclesiologies as the
Doubtless, the author professes a "neo-
orthodox" theology of the Church, a theology which some would call "modernist," or shall we say precisely, Slavophile,
and perhaps he unduly
concept back to the Tenth
Let us study the question
our hypothesis, based on the study of the
ment of results
especially in the
we hope some day
developWest, a study the
to present elsewhere.
of the mystery of the Church, both in the West East, may be summed up as a point of view on the constitution and administration of the Church, a "polity" theology
and in the
of the Church,
called in the Sixteenth
This point of view
expressed in the
Now, although the mystery of the fundamentally the same in the East and the West,
different canonical traditions
and in the West; very soon, and with ever greater 33 force, they were in opposition to each other and clashing. The clash was all the more irremediable since, in both the in the East
East and the West, the canonical determinations involved a certain theological interpretation
as to the
ECCLESIOLOGICAL FACTORS and
they took on dogmatic value.
so in the West, this
where the principal and
finally received a
of ecclesiology and
formal dogmatic definition.
Such, in a few words,
ment of the Eastern Catholic position;
We will first of
unfold in this section.
the primacy and infallibility of
This was especially
present the develop-
then that of the
must be remembered
two developments were concomitant and pro-
duced that progressive alienation, that decisive estrangement, the acceptance of which,
with some qualification
will be given in our last chapter
represents the very
The East: misunderstanding of how
Primacy. a fact that the East recognized the primacy
Bishop of Rome. Doubtless not entirely with the meaning and to the degree that we are led to believe by certain Catholic writings, but
much more widely
are willing to
than the Orthodox today
These present-day members of the
faith are apparently held back
and consequences of the primacy as developed by the Roman Church and by their refusal even to admit what is historically and categorically tion not to admit the modalities
of the two
whole volume. exist34
impossible to give a full account
even a summary would require a
refer the reader to those studies that
will here merely give the
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS
good number of facts proposed as proof demonstrate no more than This the Orthodox of today would not -refuse to admit. or the laws is particularly true of the "appeals to Rome," were often not The the Basileis. handed down by appeals
addressed to the Pope alone; for instance, Origen did not
submit his orthodoxy to Fabian alone, but to other bishops as well; St. John Chrysostom addressed himself to Milan and Aquileia as well as to
Emperor Leo VI sub-
mitted the question of his fourth marriage to the other Patriarchs as well as to the Pope. Again, the appeals sometimes
presupposed nothing sedes,
other than the position of the prima
of which there never was any question. the other hand,
affirming her primacy
throughout the centuries without this causing the East to break off communion or denounce an abuse. Let us admit the debatable point, 35 that the very forceful texts 398),
Siricius, (3 84-
of Pope Innocent I (401-417), of Pope Zosimus (417and of Pope Boniface (418-422) are aimed directly at
the East. 36
remains that Pope Julius I (337-352) voided a Council held in the East, and that Athanasius sub-
judgment; there remain the universal and
Leo (440-46i) 37 and of there remains the famous Formula of Hormisdas unconditional claims of
which the bishops of the at the
East, perhaps unwillingly, subscribed the schism of Acacius; 38 and there remain the
Gregory the Great which the Patriarch John IV ("The Faster") and Cyriacus admitted, although the Pope reprimanded them strongly. (See note 26, supra). In affirmations
the impressive mass of writings and facts assembled
to demonstrate that the East recognized the
ECCLESIOLOGICAL FACTORS a great
number of them which concern
the Fourth and Fifth
Centuries, in particular the Great Councils of the period,
seem to be conclusive. 39 The testimonies continued Seventh Century: that of
Theodore of Studion
famous, and that of his contemporary, St. Nicephorus, Patriarch of Constantinople, deserves to be no less so. 40 They is
even continued to a certain degree after the schism, if indeed the texts cited by our authors will bear the sense attributed to them. 41
must be confessed that the consciousness of
Roman primacy was not expressed in the East at period when that primacy became classically fixed in the
dition, at least
not with a
clarity that alone
could have avoided
In the great councils held in the East, there
been a formula on the universal primacy by divine right. Many of the Eastern Fathers who are rightly acknowledged to be the greatest and most representative and are, moreover, so
by the Universal Church, do not offer us any more evidence of the primacy. Their writings show that they considered
recognized the primacy of the Apostle Peter, that they regarded the See of Rome as the prima sedes playing a major part in the Catholic
are recalling, for
John Chrysostom and of St. who addressed himself to Rome in the midst of the ple, the writings
of the schism of Antioch
but they provide us with universal primacy
The same can be
Gregory of Nyssa, St. 44 St. John Damascene.
St. John Chrysdo not find texts in
the East as strong as those in the West; the rescripts of Theo-
dore and of Valentinian
and Valentinian 61
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS West. as
other texts, See,
and canonical court of is
merely portrayed first
recognized as having the right as
but not to regulate the
of discipline in the
of the churches or to
the most important point
intervening to preserve the purity
number of documents Rome
ognized the primacy of
and to our mind
although the East recdid not imply by this
Rome, herself what Rome did, so that, even within the exactly in agreement, there existed the question on which they were it
beginning of a very serious estrangement bearing upon the decisive element of the ecclesiastical constitution and the rule
of communion. Batiffol has I
believe that the East
primacy. The East what the West saw
had a very poor conception of the
did not see in in
to say, a continuation
primacy of St. Peter. The Bishop of Rome was more than the successor of Peter on his cathedra, he was Peter perpetuated, invested with Peter's responsibility
John Chrysostom. of the Bishop of
grandeur, but in these writings
East has never understood
an authority of singular
not considered so by divine right. regrettable thac so fundamental an issue was not settled by full
In the writings of the great Eastern Fathers,
this perpetuity. St. Basil
and by an ecumenical council, during the centuries when still
Despite this difference in the content of ideas, despite the opposite positions taken the Romans with their thesis of
supreme apostolic power attached to Peter, the Greeks with their leanings towards an Imperial Church regulated by the canonical systems
subordinate to the Basileus
modus vivendi was established.
ECCLESIOLOGICAL FACTORS that
of L. Brehier; 46
has proven popular and the idea has
been taken up by several Catholic
Batiffol has proposed the very enlightening idea of three zones in which the papal potestas was exercised: (i) a zone around the city of Rome, immediately subject to Rome, (2)
the zone of the
outside of Italy, and
universal extension but concretely representing the East where
only intervened, but with authority,
whole communion and
judge in causae the most brilliant epoch of the
Leo (440-461) to which the subsequent epochs added very little, that was the state of things; St. Leo wanted to avoid the possibility of Constantinople's isolating herself that
and becoming a completely autonomous center in the East, 48 but he allowed the Eastern churches to administer themselves
and intervened only in affairs which placed Catholic unity in question. 49 While struggling for the principle of the Kirchenfilhrung that should
be apostolic and deriving from Peter
of being politico-local, Rome finally came to accept many things on the part of the Emperor and of the Patriarch of Constantinople. 50 Dvornik has shown, principally on the basis of the Council of 86 1, that Photius had admitted the instead
ministrative and canonical autonomy of the local churches under the rule of the Universal Church, assured by a cano-
primacy of Rome. This was exercised in the appeals to Rome and the judgment by the Pope and his legates of the canonical debates of the East. 51 It was a regime of this of the primacy, that type, with a more precise recognition nical
52 himself approved for the Bulgarians. find a certain duality in the exercise of the pri-
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS There were, moreover, frequent interventions, as the exercise of the role of arbiter which involved a
macy: well as
and proper power of jurisdiction. The Christian optimism of Brehier in the study cited above makes him consider true
the continuation of such a modus vivendi or even reestablishment quite possible and almost easily
Perhaps this results from not seeing quite clearly enough that beneath the duality of the regime there was in reality an views. The develambiguity of canonical and ecclesiological opment of the consciousness of the primacy in Rome and in
the West, with the even stronger affirmation that
and the dogcaused this ambiguity to be tragically revealed, matic definition pronounced since then in the Catholic Church,
henceforth impossible to be overlooked.
examining the ideas that prevailed in
and in the West
us try to grasp the point of view of the East. Once more we must go back to the Council
have already seen was the
of the estrangement on the plane of the Church as such. Sardica was an attempt by the West to canonize the regulatory role
of Rome. Now,
would be inexact
no way accepted
in the East,
to believe that
it still is
did not play the same part there, as in the West,
canons were for a long time confounded with those of Nicaea, indeed were still so confounded until the time of its
this despite 56
authorities considered certain
regulated appeals to
begun in 419 between The cause of the estrangement
to apply to the
were hardly ever applied in the West
and others gave them no such
conceiving things. did not feel quite the same
and a certain
Now, as the
did about the Church.
In the East there was an empirical feeling attached to the
community, much more than an idea bearing upon the 57 There was also a taste for freedom and (universal) Church.
of individualism or particularism which called for and which should fit into a collegial or synodal
free discussion 58
the East was eventually to crystallize
canonical tradition along the lines of administrative
local churches (as expressed
of Nicaea and
of Ephesus) with only very grave matters to be brought before a council. Rome, on the other hand, was to tend more and more to intervene in the life of the churches, 8
certainly for their welfare, to
matter to be discussed, the
and was soon to
had judged was no longer a but to be carried out. The case of she
great councils, of Chalcedon and of Ephesus,
example. At Ephesus the East, that is, Cyril and his followers, had passed judgment already before the arrival of the legates.
was already considered judged by the
Nestorius being already
the legates arrived in Ephesus,
condemned and deposed, they
attention to the fact that the Council
to carry out the decisions already
adhere to the faith of the
cedon, especially if we compare
with the opposite tendency, was the slight var-
noted previously with regard to Sardica, iation
found between the two following texts. that of the Papal legates to the Council, and the
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS second that of Pope Leo
communicating the judgment to
the Bishops of Gaul: For these reasons, Leo, the most holy and most blessed Archbishop
of the great and older Rome, through us and through this holy synod here assembled, and in union with the thrice-blessed Peter the apostle
worthy of all praise and is theVone and support of the CathChurch and the foundation of the true faith, deprived Dioscois
For these reasons the holy and most blessed Pope Leo, head of the universal Church, through us his legates, with the agreement of this
holy synod, It
endowed with the dignity of
the same text, and yet there
the Apostle Peter... 61 is
between the Greek version and the Latin
According to the law followed in the West and in ecclesiastical life, from the end of the Fourth Century onward, the Decretals
to say, the papal epistles replying authori-
on more and more impor-
have already noted this date in conjunction with the Council of Constantinople (381), then with the reply
and with a whole
successors, as the crucial
one when the East and the West
a canonical institution corresponding to the
the council of the Pope, whose judgments, once given, be-
come imperative: the avvodog od. The institution began to
Council of Chalcedon.
function after the Council of
officially receive its 62
name of synod
Between 381 and 451,
Constantinople extended its jurisdiction over the two "dioceses" of Asia Minor; Canons 9 and 17 of Chalcedon laid down the procedure for appeals to the Patriarchal See.
manent synod became an ecclesiastical and this at the very time when Rome,
of empire; for her part, was aftribunal
firming her right of universal judgment.
of a properly so-called Oriental canonical
opposition of an Eastern tendency towards Monophysitism was particularly felt and, in the West, a sharper affirmation
of the dual nature of Christ; 63
the canons of the Quinisext
Council (the Second Council of Trullo) of 692, At this council, canons were enacted which were not only based on the right of local churches to self-determination but in the very
canons which in reality dated
64 only from the Fourth and Fifth Century. Pope Sergius refused his signature. In the subsequent quarrels between
the East and
at the time
of Photius and of Cerularius
and even today, a great portion of the grievance customs, and discipline that the Easterners were
to put before
Rome, would have
their source in the canons
Second Council of Trullo, which had assumed the force of law in the East but had not been recognized by of
Rome. 65 When, the fourth
for example, the quarrel broke out in 905 over
m arriage of Emperor Leo VI, which was to be another
stage in the alienation of the
was in the name
that the Pa-
of Constantinople was to resist a decision taken by
in the name
of her own
however, in matters of law, liturgy and customs dates from 6 692. 7 This is also the date of the Monothelite dispute, the
Arab conquest, the growth of the Church in the Germanic lands, where the devotion to St. Peter was to flourish. 67
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS
the Universal Church.
conscious of her
valid in themselves, anywhere promulgate definitive decrees, in the world. Without doubt, testimonies to this could be
found from the time
Pope Victor (189-199); but of the primacy. It is
at present writing a history
in her various contacts
has always held
with the East,
debatable that the East, except for a
never willingly and unreservedly admitted that something decided in the East by a synodal tribunal and according to Eastern tradition, should be considered as not decided and therefore subject to a decision
and without appeal. The cause of the Easterners opposing the Council of Sardica was doubtless bad from a doctrinal point of view; but are we straining the
meaning of the motives advanced
the rejudging protestation against
a council in the East?
a cause already
the same time the Eastern
of Eusebius were reproaching
for having supported
Council of Tyre where he had been judged and deposed. 69 But Rome maintained her position, and that brilliantly, as for instance at the Council of Ephesus
and actions of the There
lack of the
not be more unambiguous. 70 explicit
in the affair of Photius
the clash between the
where the behavior
"already-judged" and the Byz-
antine intention to follow the Eastern synodal procedure.
the popes of the Fifth Century addressed
themselves to the bishops of the East, they did not do so in the same tone and manner they adopted when addressing themselves to the bishops of Italy or even, more generally,
of the West.
the West, the popes spoke in the tone of the decretals; the East was treated as an assocto the bishops
of the papal
a certain abolition different zones.
above on the three zones
The development was
of demarcation between these
The papacy tended
govern all the churches her were within they metropolitan competence and, from the liturgical point of view as well as from the canonical as
from the dogmatic as well, to bring them She succeeded in the West except,
in line with herself. 73
of course, in the countries affected by the Reformation land being the particularly interesting case the East.
We may movement
but never in
note the principal stages of the centralizing in its beginnings: Nicholas I and the False De-
cretals 74 take us to the
epoch of Photius, to Gregory VII 75 powerful reform, and to the epoch of Cerularius.
Photius and Cerularius: differences become formal opposition
history of the events has been remarkably well re-
created (or reestablished)
works of Grumel and Jugie, of the latter) ially
scholars; there are the
Amann and Dvornik
on the Patriarch
has not been studied in the perspective of ecclesiological and canonical ideas, although this point of view is of prime importance.
Throughout the history of the estrangement we 69
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS have the feeling that each clearly stating
took up a
theology of the Church,
of her unity, of her regime, and of the conditions of her union.
acted in the concious-
of her primacy understood as plenitude potestatis; she wished to impose upon Constantinople her point of view
of an authority regulating everything in the Church, directly and definitively. 77 whether represented Constantinople, on the other hand,
Emperor or by Photius, or by other Eastern Patriarchs, acted as if power were exercised in the Church by the Pent-
as if that power archy of the Patriarchs and by the Councils; were less a personal authority than a tradition preserved by
the churches, 78
and in the
munion between cularly
of ideas 79
by the Councils, by the fact of com-
exercise being controlled
the great sees
by the sending of synodal letters. This opposition was obvious at the Council that opened on October 5,
wanted only to execute a sentence already handed down by Rome, whereas the Byzantines wanted the Council to take up the question from the beginning, with 86p.
an investigative hearing of the accused: this is evident in the reticence of the Eastern bishops and the suggestions or demands of the wily Emperor.
The human estrangement had reached of Photius,
seriously increased the psychological tension
and misunderstanding by transforming simple strenuous polemic. 81
after the reestablish-
oppositions by ment of union, both
of which Jugie speaks.
sank deeper into that "state of
Byzantium and unfavorable to Rome. At the end of the Tenth Century, the popes succeeded
each other rapidly and were caught up in political and family intrigue, and this in the midst of anarchy and civil war.
Between 896 and 1049, there was a succession of 43 popes, not one of whom has left a memory of a significant attempt at reconciliation
with the East.
In Byzantium, during the same time, the ecclesiology of the Patriarchs found definite 82 and expression entirely to the benefit of Constantinople,
was a strengthening of the intention
to establish total
83 that the Historians admit
had virtually independence. split occurred before Cerularius or from the beginning of the Eleventh Century, the time of Sergius II. No longer was
Rome from the East; when
sent his synodal letter to
Pope Leo DC,
Peter of Antioch
a matter for
In 1025, the Patriarch Eustathius ex-
pressed to John XIX the desire that Constantinople might be independent and sovereign "in suo orbe." 84 Thus, Jugie has been able to write of the separation that took place in 1054: "Instead of speaking
the presence of the
a definitive schism,
exact to say that at this date
abortive attempt at
by Cerularius was still the decisive one. Likewise decisive was the part played by the Roman legate, combative, stiff-necked Cardinal Humbert, whose bull of part played
excommunication is a monument of unbelievable lack of under86
certainly too ruthless at a
events were to prove, happened to be crucial,
dissociate her cause
that of her impetuous legate, since the Pope had been dead for several months when Cardinal Humbert placed the
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS
of Santa Sophia. might indeed even question the canonical validity of the 87 But Cerularius very decidedly wanted the rupgesture.
of excommunication on the
complete independence for Constantinople, that end not only against the Pope
and he worked towards
but against the Emperor Constantine Monomacus, whose anti-Norman policy in Southern Italy called for an entente
with the Pope. 88 Cerularius wanted anything but an entente with the Pope and did everything to make the breach a lasting one, if we discount a few of his overtures that to put the imponderables
and give him the apcan even attribute to him
pearance of being justified. the ambition to supplant both the Pope and the Emperor. 89 By his violent polemic he poisoned the atmosphere. Wrapped
in his Byzantine tradition just as
tradition, Cerularius accused the Latins
the points of custom or discipline in
not agree with
which they did
have to recognize here once more something so, other than a vulgar quarrel or an act of personal ambition.
The "Oriental schism" can no more be explained by the ambition of Cerularius than the Reformation can be explained by Martin Luther's efforts to shake off the yoke of his religious vows. There were ing each other.
ecclesiological systems confront-
legates declared to Cerularius, as
had formerly done at the Council of 869, that they had come "not to learn and discuss but to teach and convey their decisions to the Greeks-" 91
Humbert was the man of the Gre-
gorian reform, and in ecclesiology he held the most rigid
views on pontifical power, as was presently to be seen in the famous Dictatus it Papae, a kind of syllabus originating,
ECCLES1OLOGICAL FACTORS has recently been suggested, as a document responding to the conditions of union expressed against the theory
the Greeks, directed
of the Pentarchy and
setting forth the basic
on which Rome would agree
to resume union with
not merely a polemical
of the papacy, Paolo
that frenetic adversary
proposed by 93 but Sarpi,
rather an explanation admitted that the
by many Byzantine scholars Gregorian reform movement contributed by its wilways and by its ecclesiological tendencies to the breach. 94 At any rate, in the Twelfth and
Thirteenth Centuries, Byzantium was to ism, the centralization,
which the necessary and grandiose reform of Gre-
95 gory VII was, so to say, the preface. have reached the culminating point: the schism has
Our thesis on the progressive estrangement has date of 1054 which, though far from being the the reached occurred.
date of a total alienation,
one of the
a fatal one, since
greatest misfortunes that
seems to mark
have ever befallen Chris-
And now, what
can be done, what can
CONCLUSION THE LESSONS OF HISTORY
given us for action,
the past; history provides us with experiences of the past can therefore ask which can prepare us for the future.
the balance sheet of history "Oriental schism?" What
the actual substance of the
that will contribute to bringing
to an end?
LIES PRIMARILY IN THE ACCEPTANCE OF THE ESTRANGEMENT
THE "SCHISM" From
the earliest centuries, manifold "differences" between
practically everything evolved in such
that soon an estrangement
which was hardened by mistrust and mutual ignorance. This development was gradual and simultaneous on almost every point of difference.
periods, political questions dominated, at others
But from the
beginning to the end, the estrangement affected the whole situation, so that the different aspects that we have discerned
and treated process as
must be reconstituted
as life itself.
At times we have mentioned
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS azymes, at others the Filioque;
spoken of There were and
barbarism, and finally of papal monarchy. still are many points of opposition, but in the long run there
was an opposition, the opposition of an East and a West. The separation became more marked by the fact that each of the two portions of Christendom withdrew behind the barrier of its own tradition and always judged the other from the point of view of that tradition.
Following the breach^f as an absolute; 3054* each side set up its particular tradition oppositions became fixed, with the result that every step taken towards union, only resulted in a greater separation. 1 Moreover, it must be recalled that the following century and a half was a period of great change in the West. In studying over a period of years our differences and the dialogue
with our Orthodox
when we examined more
the theological points that are the stumbling blocks,
forms in the West parEleventh Century, in which the
that they crystallized in their present ticularly
from the end of
2 estrangement became a complete separation.
Many of these
points have since been the subject of dogmatic definitions in
West which only
not merely a juridical
dogmatic a reality
touching the conscience of the Church, implying a maturing of that consciousness and determining its content in a way
which has profound tion
a dogmatic defini-
of a portion of Chrisestrangement is created which may
tei^dom, an occasion for
never be adjusted.
a significant example
the case of the Armenians who,
force of circumstances,
remained outside the Christological debates of the Fifth Century and the Council of Chalcedon, and thus became Mono76
THE LESSONS OF HISTORY 3
Theological thought was amazingly active in the from the Eleventh Century onward, but it was almost
exclusively Latin, especially since Scholasticism soon entirely
and Scholasticism was an exclusively Western phenomenon. In fact, so thoroughly Western was it and this is one of the remarkable constants of its history that several dominated
attempts to introduce into Scholasticism the Greek point of view provoked a crisis. 4 In any case, the ecclesiological difference that out,
regard to the
Church, was strongly accentuated. the
as his predecessor
as completely binding in themselves, just Nicholas I, the legates of Hadrian II in
Leo IX had done,
In the very documents
calculated to reestablish union, Innocent III speaks
ways of organizing the
in IO54. 5
Later on, at the time of
Movement, the author of
law (wholly based on the canons of
in fact, his preferences inclined, in opposition to the
was growing in the Latin Church, which rested on the inalterable decision of authority. 6 The elimination of Conciliarism
on the very eve of the Council of Florence, then later, that of Gallicanism and Episcopalism, not to mention the tightening Counter Reformation, inevitably further sharpening of the difference in the way
that took place during the resulted in
of conceiving the
Quite frequently in
of the Church. 7 this
have made the point have
that the estrangement has created further suspicion.
even encountered the evil and vicious offspring of
picion which has generated the violent anti-Latinism that, more than once has cried: "Death rather than Rome ! Rather the
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS 8 turban of Islam than the mitre of Rome."
on the other
looks for and finds a basis of agreement, or,
hand, tends to push differences into formal oppositions and thus soon set
and opposition fundamentally does not want
not only does not seek or see the means, it does not even believe in the possibility of union and in fact does it
not even want that learning that a that
Reform Council was
would no doubt accord
that, in despite
Luther, in his time, finally to
the chalice to the laity, declared
of the Council, he would
under only one
be opened and
and would anathematize those
follow the Council. 10
Certain complaints, only too would often repeated by the Orthodox down the centuries, indicate
complex of distrust and disdain which erects a mental barrier and thus blocks the path to unity. On the other hand, we
have a quite remarkable example of what hearts really filled with the spirit of unity can accomplish in the interpretation
be found in the admirable
Peter, Patriarch of Antioch, wrote to Cerularius shortly after
the events of July 1054;
again to be found in the responses
by Theophylactus, Archbishop of Bulgaof Constantinople who had spoken him of the shortcomings of the Latins. 11 3 5 years later,
ria, in a letter to a cleric
recounted," writes Tournier, "that
to Nicholas de Flue to
when Im Grund
him of the grave
of the Confederates and to ask for
Nicholas took his rope girdle, tied a knot in out saying, "Will you untie this knot?' Ira did
thus/ said Nicholas 'that 78
THE LESSONS OF HISTORY difficulties
of mankind/ But when
Nicholas replied, 'You
as easy as that,
would not be able to untie
we both pulled on
his interlocutor protested,
knot in the rope
each end, and that
their difficulties/" 12 try to untangle
in quoting this allegorical tale, as well as in the
exposition that precedes present
equal partners in a conflict in
perhaps have seemed to
which each has committed
wrongs obviously of the same degree of seriousness. And certainly all the wrongs have not been on one side: Humbert of Romans quite frankly admitted that in his admirable memoir for the Council of Lyons in 1274 which we have already cited. call
likewise even posed the question:
the Greeks schismatics rather than the Latins ?" 14
do we And he
because they are in rebellion against the Head." Both the question and the answer are of sufficient replied as follows: "It
importance as to deserve a pause for detailed discussion. Recently, an Anglican posed fundamentally the same pro15 but for lack of a solid blem, not quite seriously, however,
and being a victim of the vague nominalism so widespread in England, perhaps he did not know how to ecclesiology
can only reply if one has (i) an organic idea of the Church; and (2) an ecclesiology of the Universal Church. reply to
The total Church is a unit and as such, has her own structure. The Church is not composed uniquely of local churches identical in worth, although the Church is this. Nor is each local
church merely a
individual faithful, identically situated in regard to the apostolic faith.
sunt Ecclesia," says St. Cyprian, "plebs sacer-
doti adunata et pastori suo grex adhaerens." 16 ("These
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS
up the Church: a people united to its priesthood and a flock at one with its shepherd.") In the Church there are simultaneously multitude and hierarchy, cells and a principle
of unity: in
the Church is organism. In the Acts of the Apostles likewise, defined as the faithful who joined themselves to the Apostles
and submitted to
were not twelve
17 their ride.
the Apostles themselves
"The Twelve"; they formed
a body, a college; they were organically united. The conthe Eleven were gregation were "those with the Twelve"; "those with Peter." 1 ^ Within the Church, there structure; all parts
some being of speech,
are the living stones
the foundation stones. Or, to change the figure
members of the Church
members of a
some being shepherds, and all belong to the house of God, of which some are stewards. 19 But among the foundation one apostle is the rock upon which the edifice is built (Matthew 16.18); and among the shepherds, one has received
the universal charge of the flock stewards, there
was one upon
keys which the others subsequently obtained with him.
comparison of Matthew 16.16-19, with Matthew, 18. 15-18, which is often made in the controversies between the Ortho-
point very appropriate. There are two texts, the only two of the Gospels in which the word is
spoken by Jesus, and ecclesiology must honor both One of the texts applies to the jurisdiction of the bishops
in each local ecdesia, the other applies to the jurisdiction
Peter in the ecdesia universalis. It
should be understood that
to prove in a
these brief remarks
lines a diesis
which a large
THE LESSONS OF HISTORY volume would illustrate
what we have
of the Church
In the preceding pages
interested in local churches
and the immediate experience acquired through
scarcely suffice to establish, as to clarify
attention to the jurisdictional
as a society centered, as it
the mystical and sacramental aspects of ecclesiastical
reasons why the East has only poorly succeeded in realizing an ecclesiology of the Universal Church. But the Universal Church exists and, under God, possesses her structure as a
Church Universal. instituted
If we say under
But we do not mean
expressing ourselves in this way, that history, circumstances,
canonical determinations and other causes,
guidance, have contributed greatly to the development of and to the modalities, of themselves conpontifical authority ial
tingent and variable, for
This fact was
recognized more widely and more generously by the ancients, popes as well as theologians, than is customary today by Catholic apologetics, harried as it is by controversy. 20 All this shows sufficiently well that, in the separation
brought about by a long and general estrangement, the faults are not equal, even though they are shared. In a quarrel
between a father and a
son, the responsibilities are never equal.
may have its faults, but it can never be fundamentfault; we may rightly have reasons against it, but we
Authority ally at
are never right to go against
for this reason that
and by law. in all objec-
the Greeks rather than the Latins should be called
In the Oriental schism, which at this point 81
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS
may two is
write without the quotation marks, there are not merely drifted apart; there portions of Christianity which have
an ensemble of local churches which separated themselves
from the Apostolic See of Peter. This means thaF^Jhey are the primacy, separated from the Center which exercises, with the role of moderator of the Universal Church, of guide in
have never concealed, either from our Orthodox friends or
while not repre-
senting an "absorption" in the odious sense of the word, can
only be, from the point of view of ecclesiology, a reunion with the Apostolic See. This may be said in a few words, but these words are decisive, for ecclesiologically speaking, they qualify the whole historical process which in broad lines. Still
necessary if our account the point of
the themes at once.
has been that of
should also have
each stage the profound reality of what remains to both portions
and the valiant
expended communion. All through this long history and continuing after 1054, there have been the realities of a shared Christian life and Church, 21 friendly acts, 22 con-
side to maintain
pro-Rome party in Constantinople, a pro-Oriental Rome. 24 To collect and evaluate all these matters
require a separate study.
the ones which have prevailed in the course of history. Since no effort has succeeded in uniting the two parts of the 1054, Christian
world in an enduring form and 82
THE LESSONS OF HISTORY with the
of the Church, so
fact that the living tissue
torn apart at that time,
THE TASKS THAT LIE AHEAD FOR THE ACHIEVEMENT OF UNION: PREPARATORY STUDIES, UNDERSTANDING
AND MUTUAL CHARITY. Much work side,
has already been accomplished.
has ever resigned itself fully to
the separation. 25 Explanations have been exchanged, and
may be noted. This progress example, we compare the discussions on
rather remarkable progress
Filioque at different periods
synod of Nicaea-Nymphaeum in 1234, would cede a point, but maintained its position the
Florence, in 1438-1439,
neither party to the letter.
forward and penetrating, it was limited by imperfect exegetical and patristic resources. Compare these two also with conferences
the same question held during the Nineteenth centuries,
progress has been
will be seen that great
in the documentation
and comprequestion was
hension of each other's point of view; yet, this for a long time presented as the decisive and insurmountable reason for the separation. 27 the point
where more than one Orthodox theologian has of the Filioque would not
declared that the doctrinal question
be an obstacle to the reestablishment of union. 28 the is
more commonly held view
fundamentally, there but one decisive point of difference: the question of the
and, of course,
of the Pope, which but involves
the question of the infallibility
intimately connected with the primacy special difficulties.
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS Thus, to some extent the
has been cleared.
clearing-up be done, and on these an insurmountable very points which today seem to present can hope for much in this respect from hisobstacle?
should not more of
of pacification and would add: and of union
BatifFol sees "a great virtue
concord" emerging from them;
in the truth.
As we have
has been done; the attempts
reunion have multiplied in the course of the centuries, 31 limited "successes" reunion has not and despite some at
Much work has
been done, but the estrangement
must therefore learn a lesson from these past
failures for the future.
the singular, to give
should use the
greater weight: the failure to achieve
begin with, there is the fact that all the negotiations, and indeed all the relations of any kind between the Greeks
and the papacy, were for centuries closely linked with politics. On the one hand, the Emperor seemed to hold the key to everything: the Latins believed that with him the won. But, the Emperor needed the Pope who
Church was was
power, to combat the Normans and to hold off the
Especially after the
papacy successively considered two means of regaining the Greek Church through the Basileus without, however, neglecting the means of discussion and persuasion: military conquest
and diplomatic 32 tions.
whole estrangement. reason for this was, that apart from these diplomatic
perhaps, a heightened distrust and the
were thus arranged, some unions But oftentimes, nothing of this survived, except reconciliations
THE LESSONS OF HISTORY and on
East continued to lead
without worrying any more
continued to exist without caring was understood and loved by the East/' 33
The Council of Florence,
which the Orthodox marked a considerable of learned theologians
in regard to
seem to us to be excessively advance.
"the vast world of the
about Rome, and
whether or not
unjust, to the participation
from the West and the East, it was, in fact, a great theological debate. Then came the fall of Constantinople, after which the problem caused by the political power of Constantinople was lessened. In modern times, the end of Czarism and the constitution
of independent countries in Central and Balkan
Europe, and along the Baltic after World War i have often been hailed as a promise that the political problem had, at long
34 finally eliminated.
and has appeared in other forms: the dividing line, cutting the world into an Eastern World and a Western World, has, for a vast extent of Eastern lands, become an "East-West curtain," which places Greece and Constantinople politically on the side of the West; but even this does it
not make things any a political
The period of
background may be considered
bargaining against finished,
period of the estrangement has not yet come to an end. may well ask the crucial question: has each side as
yet done everything that needs to be done, in order to understand and to love, everything to make itself understood and
The advances made to the East from the Catholic side in modern times, seem to be dominated by the sincere desire to Eastern churches in their own rites. The documents respect the promising the East respect and enjoining the Latins to this respect, have been extremely numerous, especially in the 35 The papacy seems to have considered the past century.
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS
problem of reunion
and reciprocal recognition; the recognition by the papacy of the rights and canonical practices of the Orientals, their recognition of the as that
primacy of the Roman See. On the part of Rome, would seem that everything could be summed up as foL
and your disciyou should not come back to
seems to us that these conditions are
pline; us. 36 It
no reason why
are taken with full seriousness
but only if they their
nor the primacy can be reduced to a purely canonical and external question. are with realities, extremely profound dealing varying though
they be in importance, and coming to us from ent paths. things as
But on both
and the West
amounts to recognizing the
must be acceptance of
of the East
as the East,
borne by Rome, and which, under God's Provi-
which, providentially, are especially also recognizing the full diversity
of an Eastern and
Church under the
of the duality
On the part of the East, towards what
need of an openmindedness
development of the theological theory of the Church, and in the fact of the primacy: not necessarily the primacy in all the modalities it has been
irreversible in the
on by history, or even in its present-day form, portion of these elements are of relative and histo-
for a great
but a papacy in that minimal form compatible with a local ecclesiastical autonomy such as Photius acrical order;
knowledged under Nicholas
and the Bulgarians under Inno86
THE LESSONS OF HISTORY cent
and which Innocent IV
West and Rome,
the right it is.
"We must not let with their
temperament, and its history, and known, accepted and loved for what
has to be
their accepting in truth the existence its
the part of the
found the Greeks ready
This presupposes the successful completion of
to be able to write with A. d'Avril,
the Orientals believe that they are tolerated,
Church loves them
an annoying necessity; no, the Catholic
what they are, and she would not want them to be otherwise." 38 This, of course, for themselves, for
entirely true if
does not imply the renunciation of any eleof their legitimate tradition; but there is only one way
"Let the Orthodox realize that the return
to realize this, namely, that it
true, is for us to believe in
other desire in our hearts.
and the means
and to have no
Orientals are never fooled as
to our feelings for them; they appreciate every sign of real 39
if such signs
shuts all the other doors,
the scientific studies that have been
for several decades in the Catholic
Church under the
very powerful encouragement of the papacy, through the Assumptionist Fathers or the Pontifical are
of inestimable value. Necessary of
naries to a better understanding
nonetheless, merely preliminaries.
interest in the
they are as prelimi-
things, these studies are,
the rather general
evidenced by Father Danielou and the
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS French collection, Sources Chretiennes, must be counted also must hope that, thanks on the level of
the living tissue esteem for the Christian East will enter into
of Latin Catholicism.
aration for a reunion. failure
the indispensable prep-
doubt, one of the causes of the
of past advances and
was the lack of psycho-
and decreed. If the historical process merely be discussed of the schism was a gradual and general estrangement, anjj in substance
consists in the acceptance
of a situation of
the reunion, which should be the curejrf non-rapport, then the schism, can only be the result of a resumption of contacts full
of esteem and sympathy
for charity. Adopting the expression of a German author we have cited before, we can say that there will be no "Wie-
without long, patient, dervereinigung" (reunion)
and loving "Wiederbegegnung" (renewal of contact). The actual means are not hard to imagine: what the heart desires, the mind will invent. Before arguing on the points of diverbefore seeking union by way of canonical gency, and especially or diplomatic dealings, a psychological and spiritual reconciliation
must be sought and
of confidence, and of
This can only be done by converting sympathy, aroused.
into actual fact to the highest degree, and, if
mutual emphasizing the needs be, by recreating "mutual
of the two churches40
have borrowed the phrase from an Anglican writer, just as we have borit.
rowed the word "estrangement" from the English, thus proving that we can learn from those with whom we often disagree. 88
THE LESSONS OF HISTORY
The Churches of
the East and the
West have an
between them that goes much deeper than their estrangement. The Orthodox are well aware of it, and some of them, not the least eminent in their Church, have told us that in their
ecumenical conferences they felt they were also speaking for the Catholic Church. The differences will tend to grow in the same measure that they are not respected; similarly, if
they are recognized for what they are, the profound affinities between the Churches will assert themselves and the chance for reunion will be strengthened.
the same time, the seri-
ous reasons which contribute towards
of the disputed questions will be freed from the burden of the distrust which prevents them sideration or interpretation
In any case,
no matter how
cacious the visible results, one worthwhile consequence will at least
attained: the spirit
be able to claim a place in our hearts. repeat: dogmatically and canonically, the main factor in the Oriental schism is the refusal to submit to the primacy of the Roman See; actually and historically, the schism is the
of a gradual and is
the estrangement; rather the schism
acceptance of the estrangement. The sin of schism is already committed in the heart when we behave as though we were
not an integral part of the whole with others, alter membra (Rom. 12.5). In this organic whole which
Church, each local church not only realizes the mystical nature of the whole, mainly through the sacramental life, but
of that whole, according to the plan assemble all mankind into one Church
itself also a part
and to represent, in the
of that Church, the
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS riches
the East and the West are, is
body, of which
the visible head of the body, for the purpose
accept each other really means that each accept the other according to the role that each is to play in the total organism; it means that each one accepts
the other as
as a unity.
vocation and function that
the same body, according to the is
assigned to each part.
Depending upon the dogmatic and canonical reality of non-submission to, or acceptance of, the Head, the schism is
had begun long
abolished at a single blow.
of the estrangement, according before the year 1054; but there exist, here
has not been completed so long as
not share the
of estrangement. We contribute to the schism, even today, whenever we assume the attitudes of, pstrangem en t or when we accept the results of many centuries of alienation:
every time we commit, even today, acts analogous to those, positive or negative, which in the past made evident a lack of union. On the other hand, we contribute
towards ending the schism and actually end it, to the extent that it exists in us, by every act or attitude of ours
and weakens that estrai^gement. Every time we recognize the existence of the East, and the East recognizes the existence of Rome and the West, to that extent, the wound
has been healed.
NOTES TO CHAPTER ONE
Indeed, this idea
clearly stated in the second part
of the very re-
tripartitum by Humbert of Romans, especially in chapters the text is quoted in Brown, ii and 12; Appendix ad fasdcuhm rerum expectandarum et fugiendarum II (London 1690). Of the many modern
who have expressed the idea, we list only a few: A. Michel, "Bestand eine Trennung der griechischen und romischen Kirche schon
Zeitschrift f. Kirchengesch.
42 (1922) i-n; A. Baumstark,
"Grundgegensatze morgenlandischen tums," (typewritten ms, Rheine 1932);
Apercu historiaue et doctrinal (Paris 1941) (see for example p. i, and 229233); E. Amann, Histoire de FEglise (Fliche et Martin, 7, Paris 1940) 139;
G. Every, The Byzantine Patriarchate 451-1204 (London 1947) see especC. A. Bouman, "Scheiding en hereniging in het perspectie ially p. I53f; der Historic," Het
R. Mayne, "East and 1955) 134-148; c
Oosten en Hereniging,
in 1054", Cambridge Hist. Journal 2 (1953-
where the author
Holtzmann, B. Leib, E. Herman, G. Ostrogorsky, Prince D. Obolensky, A. Michel. 2.
In the sense as specified
also Vraie et 3.
"Culpabilite et responsabilite col-
Mar. 1950, 259-284; April 1950, 387-407;
fausse rejbrme dans I'Eglise (Paris 1950) 579-596".
The Churches Separated from Rome (London 1907)
no, lists between the years 323 and 787 five great interruptions of communion between Constantinople and Rome, representing a total of 203 between the years 337 and 843, years. Jugie Le schisme byz. 9, counts 217 years of interruption divided into seven schisms. 4.
For a certain number of
165 and 168-69
Fourth Twelfth Century), 186, 191 (At orthodoxa Crusade); Jugie, op. cit. 234f; A. Palmieri, Theologia dogmatica (in the
Athos, after the
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS H. Rees, The Catholic Church and 85 Prolegomena (Florence 1913) the Relations between East and West from Reunion. Study of
Council of Florence (Westminster 1940); S. Runciand the Eastern Churches The Extern Schism. Study of the Papacy 1955), cites a great many Xllth Centuries
the Schism of
del such cases; Francis Dolger, in Relazioni
di Congress* internazionale
92 (until the Twelfth Scienze Storiche, III Storia del Medioevo (Florence 1955) a Benedictine Monastery founded by Amalfitans on Century there was with Monte CasMount ^Athos); 112 (relations with southern Italy and even s ino,
Adels zum russischen Fiirstenhause im XL Beziehungen des sachsischen A.Brackmann (Weimar 1931) 184-206 (marriages). Festschrift, Jahrhundert," It
that this criterion
edition of the Liturgy
1940; brought out in 1941 cf.
of the Byzantine saints should be invoked during the prothesis
John Chrysostom (Grottaferrata
the Congregation for the Oriental Church);
A. Raes, S.J.,"La premiere edition romaine de la liturgie de S. Jean en staroslave," Orientalia christ. period. 7 (1941) 518-26
Chrysostome esp. 6.
The union was not
the union agreed upon
at once: it is
Florence was upheld in Jerusalem, and per-
until 1534; the Archbishopric of Sinai remained Catholic haps at Antioch, until the Eighteenth Century. Cf. C. Korolevsky in Stoudion 17 (Feb. n. 2. As for instances of communion 1929) and in Irfaikon (Nov. 1929) 646 in sacris. These were numcommunicatio the to are we referring
erous until the Eighteenth Century and did not really cease to occur until after
the middle of the Nineteenth Century.
of the archives of the
would produce an ample
refer the reader to
but a few of
the publications: A. Battandier, Le cardinal J. B. Pitra (Paris 1893) 374 Pitra justifies the numerous cases to which he 377 and esp. 435-38.
the fact that, according to him,
canonical act of the
Oriental Churches had denounced the union of Florence; but he con-
could no longer happen in view of the many acts of hostilthe Catholic Church. Dom Pitra contributed to a stiffening towards ity siders that this
NOTES of the
attitude in these matters
Pontifical de Pie IX,
(Paris 1952) 479-8o.
R. Aubert, Le
seen soon after the rejection,
by the East, of the union concluded at 105). Numerous facts the Fif-
Florence (Palmieri, op. at. concerning teenth- to Eighteenth Centuries can be found in Echos Orient, 1934 and 1935 (esp. 1935, 350-367, on the Jesuit Missions to Naxos in the
years 1627-1643); "L'Unite de 1'Eglise," Sept. 75f; Irenikon 1926, i8t
1936; Stoudion 3 (1928) 1930, 270, no. i; and 1936, 561 (Russia of the
Fourteenth and Fifteenth Century). 7. Cf.
Tlie Uniate Eastern Churches
(London 1923) 190;
Every, The Byz. Patr. 154. The case of Russia merits a special study. After the schism of Cerularius, the Metropolitan Hilarion (1051-1072)
George, John I, John II, Ephraim I and Nicholas I in communion with Rome. As to the remained (1096-1106) fidelity of the Kievan monks in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries, see J. Mart-
ynov, Acta SS, Octobris
when he opined
D. Papebroch was no doubt too generous the Russian Metropolitans were Catholic until
1520, but in criticizing his opinion, V. right 8.
Acta SS. Octobris XI,
Since our article "Schism," Dictionnaire de thlologie catholiaue
coL 1286-1312 (1938), there has appeared VoL II of the great work by Ch. Journet, UEglise du Verbe income (Paris 1951), which contains an extremely thorough elaboration of the Thomist theology of schism. 9. C)p.
uation in the 11.
part 2, 14 (Brown, 218).
188, referring to the sit-
half of the Eleventh Century.
7, n. 51.
de Vries, Der
christliche Osten in Geschichte und Gegenwart "Eine langsame, immer weiter fortschreitende (Wurzburg 1951) 72 Entfremdung fiihrte schliesslich zum Bruch zwischen Ost und West";
Ostrogorsky, Geschichte des Byzantinischen Staates (2nd ed.
266; DSlger, Byzanz und die europaische Staatenwelt (Ettal 1953) 288.
NOTES TO CHAPTER
Cf. A. Karatschow, "Die Entstehung der kaiserlichen Synodalgewalt
kirchliclie Rezeption," Kirche und Kostnos
Christentum, Studienheft is
(Orthodoxes und Evangelisches
2) (Witten 1950) 137-152.
The same sub-
same heading in the same collection, 153-168 ideal point of view and constitutes a critique of
treated under the
the Catholic thesis as well as
of the Orthodox view.
of ideas, logic in the sequence
In seeking a certain
evidently risk presenting
that are really unlike, as being intrinsically similar.
"The Relations between Church and
Seminarium Kondakovianum 4 (1931) 122-134
Byzantium," Russian, with German
summary), there never was any caesaropapism in Byzantium. The has been a history of the emancipation of the history of Constantinople Church from the control of the State; in this history, two periods can be discerned:
a survival of
paganism, in which the Emperor
a state of things accepted in the West even played a part in the Church, as well as in the East; next, from the Seventh Century onthe by popes,
ward, the birth in both the East and the West, of a
between the spiritual and the tempoideology, setting forth the distinction from the State. The iconoclast conof the Church the ral, independence responded to the reaction of the Emperor to this tendency; it was formulated, for example, by the Epanagoge of 879-886. This point of flict
view seems to be more or supra
3); L. Brehier,
antin, 444, 46if.
of Byzantinists such
the other hand,
Chr. Baur, "Die Anfange des
kathol Kirchenrecht 3
in effect, Constans set himself beginning of caesaropapism in Constans: decided whether communof autonomous as formulae, dogmatic judge up
ion should be maintained or not, and had himself recognized even by the the laws. a bishops (Synod of The Oak) as holding sovereign position beyond
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS 2.
fautorite imperiale en matiere religieuse
F. Kattenbusch, Lehrbuch der vergleichenden
dignity); L. Brehier
survivances du culte imperial romain.
(Excursus on the
A profos des
Gedankenwelt der Byzantiner," Zeifschr. O. Treitinger, quoted infra, n. 6; f. Kirchengeschichte 56 (1937) 1-42; H. Berkhof, De Kerk en de Keizer (Amsterdam 1936; German translation esp. 36f; Dolger,
Zollikon-Ziirich 1947).; Dvornik, "Emperors, Popes and General
6 (1951) 4-23, emphasizes the normal characcils, Dumbarton Oaks Papers, the of ter of this role emperor which the popes themselves have, on Also Dvornik,
the whole, recognized.
Anastasius I," Byzant. Zeitschr. 44 (1951) criticized
and Emperor view has been
das politische oder petrinische
Prinzip der IGrchenfiihrang," in Das Konzil von
und Gegenwart, A. Grillmeier-H. Bacht (Wiirzburg 1953) 557-62. Michel and 54o that the Hellenistic formulas shows here and on p. 524
of kings did not have the same meaning and did
not play the same part in Byzantium as in Rome (the West). The debate has not been settled. Cf. K. M. Setton, The Christian Attitude towards the Emperor in the Fourth Century, especially as shown in Addresses to the
2 (1948) 120
1941); a -work criticized
of the powers or domains, while of the one to the other. F. Dolger,
limited himself to showing the duality St.
affirms the subordination die europ. Staatenw.
142 n. 2;
Ullmann, The Growth
Middle Ages (London 1955) 33, n. 4; c
of the Introduction, 3i
cit. 56 (sermons) 221-64 (well-known result of the imwhich provoked conflicts with the papacy); Brehier, Le UtvoL de FHumanitt II (Paris 1949) 43 2f.
4. Gasquet, op.
5. The Basileus was not a mere layman, but a consecrated person having a quasi-sacerdotal dignity in the Church (entry into the sanctuary, the
rime of his coronation,
function in the care of souls.
of Ancyra was to say that the Emperor Manuel
bishop like other bish-
are very numerous: besides those given in our Jalons pour une
power to celebrate mass, was above other bishops The references to the text and to the studies made
ops, except for the in the care
and a quasi-episcopal
In the Fifteenth Century even, Macarius
Am. Gasquet, de *pontifex' des
1953) 299, n. 360 and 340, n. 78, see
empereurs chretiens des
siecles," Bull. Soc. des Antiquaires de
France (1926) 222f; F. Cavallera, "La doctrine si&cle," Bull, de Litter. eccUs. (1937) 67f.
dans 1'Eglise byzantine,"
H9f. 167$ R. Janin, "L'empereur
Rev. th&ol, 77 (1955) 49-6o.
themselves often gave such tides to the emperors, and the sovereigns of the
in this matter those
und Kirche vor
Eine Untersuchung der Kirche
1931); K. Voigt, "Leo der Grosse und die 'Unfehlbarkeit* des ostromischen Kaisers," in Zeitschr. f. Kirchengesch. 47 (1928) 11-17.
rather hard to translate in
("Ecumenical Council," "Ecumenical Patriarch"): quet, op. it
do not believe
by "Imperial" or "of the Empire,"
speak of the "Reichskirche,"
Byzantine usages for example, Gas~
are mistaken in translating
in the sense that
which we speak further on, according to which the vocation of the Empire was to express and realize upon the
forget the "unitarian" ideal of
earth the unique reign of fiivri,
the inhabited earth, under the authority of the Emperor, the
of God. Cf. Treitinger, Die
im hofischen Zeremoniell (Jena 1938) 164-66. In "of Empire," see R. Devreesse, "Le cinthe sense of "Ecumenical" idee nach ihrer Gestaltung
quieme concile et rcecumenicite byzantine,"
also at times translate the
word by "pa-
example: the direction of the Patriarchical School fell to the "Ecumenical Professor," but no doubt in the sense of principal or triarchical" for
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS 493.
As may be
seen, the expression
rather vague, connoting
when comwithout great precision an idea of universality; consequently, n. 26) lending itself bined in the tide "ecumenical patriarch" (c Ch. IV of submission to to expressing the idea of a supreme dignity exclusive the primacy of the pope. Cf. the very This point seems to us well treated in Gasquet, nyf. et droit cano"Droit romain subde indications given by J. Gaudemet, c casiecles," Actes du Congres de Droit IV e et nique en Occident aux ? 2<52: "Constituting themnoniaue... April 1947 (Paris 195) 254-67* 7.
the auxiliaries of Christianity, the Christian Emperors rendered as civil law. Hence, the Church herself did not have law
canon binding to formulate her law. She simply indicated the measure she wished and cites relevant examples and solicited it from the Emperor..." The author Edicts of the Theodosian Ecclesiastical The K. W. refers the reader to
Boyd, Code (1905) 264; he specifies his thought by challenging the too systematic ecthesis of Hinschius, according to which, from Constantine onward, clesiastical law was ifso facto and totally state law, jus publicum.
*AU' vpetQ pev
ra>v siaco rfjs 'ExxArjalas, ey
IV 24. The
in the study cited n. 3 supra (sep. prtg. p. 12), who character of the situation, sees in it a corrective gloss at reducing the
r&v SXTOG vno
stresses the normal
of Eusebius, aimed
of Aposde to that of Bishop.
The Journal of Roman Studies Seston, H. Baynes) 37 (i94?) 127-31, does not Mtetpret (Papers presented to N. but in the sense of ol euros, that is, in the it in the sense of rd earrog,
sense of propagator
of the Gospels to the pagans:
"Eveque du dehors," Re me critique 68 de
(Fliche et Martin, 3) 63
Rev. thtol 77 ed.
K. Aland and
and Brehier, and again Janin, Nouv.
and very recendy J. Straub, Studia Patristica L. Cross (T. U. 64), (Berlin 1957)- This seems to us
does to V. Laurent in his review of Seston's article in
the Rev. des
byz. 6 (1948) 115-16.
(1955) 50, n. I
as in E.
Histoire (1909), 362-64; J. Palanque,
concerns the exterior
Church: her defense, her organization, her material means, her
policy and also the exercise 48,
Cf. Gasquet, op.
E. Miklosich and J. Muller, Acta et diplomata graced medii aevi sacra
etprofana, 6 vols (Vienna 1860-1890) II 9, cited
6 (1948) 114; and
L'accord de 1380-82,"
by Laurent, Rev.
et. byz. matiere ecclesiastigue:
A contemporary Orthodox writer advances the same idea: A. Schme-
25 (1953/4) 35-53,
11. Essai sur la thtologie mystique de I'Eglise d' Orient
be useful compared with Palmier!, Theologia dogm. orthod. I 757f. Note that the strongest formulas on the power of the Emperor in reli-
gious matters are to be found
the great Canonists Balsamon and
See our prefatory note in the posthumous volume of A. Gratieux,
slavophile a la veille de la Revolution'. Dimitri
T. G. Jalland, The Church and (Feb.
1945) 56-57, Dvornik
the role of the
Papacy (London 1944). In Black-
Rev. des Sc. phil
in a "caesaropapist" light (194?) 282-87.
way of presenting See our review in
supra, no. 3.
Of course we cannot here expound or even summarize this entire the estrangement which fosters the "Oriental history; as we have said, 14.
schism" in spite
co-extensive with the history of the Church herself.
However, mention here a few of the events
which Jalland sees as so many occasions or episodes of the ecclesiological conflict between the Church of Empire and papal Rome: (a) the 6th Canon of Nicaea (21 if.); (b) the summoning of the Eusebians to Rome to present their accusations against Athanasius, the pope Julius, Eusebius of Nicomedia was by way of substituting the that aware being
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS law for the apostolic tradition (213-18); (c) the so categorical that the confessional testimony of the Council of Sardica, adversaries of Rome denied the authenticity of its Canons or at least of
dogma of the Emperor
the final clause; yet, says Jalland,
of the address to Pope
from men having the the Church, that
when we examine
to think that this appeal issued
an ecumenical organ was needed by and that disjoined from her, one
into subjection to the Imperial power (219-23); between Constantius, and autocratic Emperor, and
Pope Liberius, a of two conceptions of the source of in the Church, in as much as the "fall" of Liberius repdogmatic truth a resented momentary defeat of the apostolic tradition by the dogma of Caesar (224); (e) the rescript of Gratian and the edict of Theodosius, struggle which represented
with Sardica, but of short-lived success (246-49); document dating back to Pope Damasus, in which is formu-
both of them in (f) the
lated with great clarity the point
of view of Rome, according to the Damasus by Timothy t>f
tradition (255-57); (g) the appeal to apostolic
in which Damasus replied (258); or (h) in view of Berytus and the terms
the caesaroapism of Theodosius, the promulgation
the "First Decretal," a juridical instrument adapted to the situation cato nonically established at Sardica according
universal arbiter of the
which the Roman See
of the Church within the framework of the
Empire (265-72); or again, from the same Siricius the claim, II, of a primacy of the Church of Rome which, in
body of the Church,
head in relation to the members (273-77) Leo, the affair of the 28th Canon of Chal-
and yet again (i), under St. cedon; or (j) the protestation of Felix III against the pretention of
stantinople, the city of the Emperor, to be the See of the "ecumenical
in the face patriarch"; and,
of the Henoticon, the dogmatic decree of the
Emperor, the resistance of the same Felix III and the deposition by bjm of Acacius of Constantinople; and Gelasius I carrying this affair one step further; then (k) the theology
of the Studite monks,
Constantinople of the Roman position, turning towards Rome in order to free themselves of the imperial tutelage; and finally, (1) there partisans at
the action of Nicholas
the contemporary and in
of Photius, loudly claiming
for the Bishop
prerogative of the ecumenical authority for example, the right to convoke the Synods; c Gasquet, op. tit. 149, 181-82). Thus the pope* gradually came to regain the prerogatives involving a role of direction or supreme arbitration in the Church; the privilege of sending the Pallium (Gasquet, op. at. i8s), and to give the Councils their legitimacy and value (Wolf, [cited supra, n. i]i62).
8-1 1, i8
Churches and the Church
Universal (Westminster 1944), has likewise insisted
fact that in the
were organized quite early, having their respeclanguages and that these churches were sometimes within
East national churches tive liturgical
Empire, sometimes outside
la the West, before the conversion of the peoples to Christianity, had imposed her order, language and often her worship. This fact
to be found in Bardy, cited injra> ch, IV, n. i.
of evidence of the idea of a Church of
the Grand Duke of Moscovy, upon having had the diptychs pire: in 1393, of the Basileus abolished, declared: "We have a Church, name the bearing
longer have an Emperor"; to which the Patriarch of Constant"It is impossible to have the Church withinople, Antonius IV, replied: out having the Emperor." (Miklosich and Miiller, Acta et diplomata... II 191;)
byz. II 431; and
"A propos de 'Moscou
(1948, 3/4) 24, n. 7.
Baumstark, "Gnmdgegensatze..." 18.
for It is
compare with this the Orthodox accounts, Zankov, Die Orthodoxe Kirche des Ostens in okume-
such as those of nischer Sicht
(Zurich 1946) in
Light of Orthodox Ecclesiology," 'OeoAoyta 22
See also C. Swiedinski, La conception sodologiaue (Athens 1951) 242-54. de Yoecumenidtt dans la pensle religieuse russe contemporaine, (Paris 1938). from the point of view of the diversity which appears even in
the apostolic times,
recall the conclusions
of J. Olson, "L'eveque dans
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS les
Sanctam, 21 (Paris 1951)
on a Paul-
a Johannine tradition (stressing the existence of local
munities, each one with
Universal Church) flourishing (stressing the existence of a
bishop) flourishing in the East.
Notice, however, the phrase, "Preserve the Plenitude (TO
thy Church" in the prater that precedes the final benediction in the liturg} of St.
John Ctr^sostom. stresses this fact in his
20. S. L.
Church (London 1953). 21. In
the works concerning the
See particularly Dolger,
Empire and the Byzantine Church. in der Gedankenwelt der Byzantiner,"
56 (1937) 1-42 (a wealth of bibliographical inHammer, "The Concept of the New or Second Rome
Zeitschr. f. Kirchengesch.
Middle Ages," Speculum 19 (1944) 50-62 (the idea of "Second Rome" was applied, even in the West, to towns where the Imperial
court sojourned; Aix-la-Chapelle, Treves, Milan, Reims, Tournai, Pavia,
even Bordeaux). See also the numerous studies devoted to the theme of "Moscow, Third Rome," particularly M. Schraeder, Moskau, das
H. Rahner, Vom
(Innsbruck 1949); de Taube,
propos de Moscou, 'Troisifcme 17-24, taking account of a Rus-
by N. Tchaev, "'Moscou, troisi&ne Rome* dans la pratique du gouvernement russe du xvi c sifccle," Istoriceskie Zapiski,
Study of the relations of
K. Medlin, Moscow and East Rome, a PoChurch and State
des Romains. See point of view in De la grandeur et de la decadence the publications of J. B. Bury. particularly,
23. Cf. Dolger, art. cit. (supra, n. 21) jf.; he shows that the Byzantines even claimed a monopoly on the tide of "Romans."
this idea of the transfer of the primacy first apmonophysite John Philoponus in the Sixth Century, but not linked with the Donatio Constantini (31, n. 54), which later on was
pears in the
used to bolster
(36, n. 64).
25. Dolger, 13.
numbers n, 12 14 and 16. Text in Karl Mirbt, Quellen zur und des romischen Katholizismus (Tubingen 1934)
Geschichte des Papsttums n. 228.
29. E. Peterson,
Problem (Leipzig 1935),
reprinted in Theologische Traktate (Munich 1951) 49-147. lazioni del Congresso internazionale di tichita
(Florence 1955) "La Monarchic
See also Re-
Storiche, II Storia
A. Heuss, "Ursprung
und Idee" 201-13; A. Aymard, L' Institution monarchique, 215-34. 30. Eusebius in Laus Constantini (Ed. Heifcel,
E. 1902). On this political theology of Eusebius and Constantine, < Schwartz, Constantin und die christliche Kirche 2nd ed. (Leipzig 1913); Kirche in den Sdiriften Konstantins d. Grossen," J. M. Pfattische, "Die Histor.-Polit. Blatter,
(754-70; F. E. Cranz,
of Caesarea," Harvard Theol. Rev. 45 (1952) 47-66 and Bjzanz (bibliogr.); Dolger, Antike und Christentum, 3 (1932) 128-31, an overall n. and The Growth... u. europ. Staatenwelt, 141; Ullmann, 4, 17, polity in Eusebius
history of Constantinople
the viewpoint of the unitary
of the Empire and the Byzantine paor for the benefit of the papacy is found in EL Jantere, Die ro-
idea, either for the benefit
mische Weltreichsidee und die Entstehung der weltlichen Macht des Papstes
For the rather considerable influence of Eusebius in
of practical ecclesiology in Greek thought, see orienting the themes "Die Primatworte Mt. 16, 18-19 in der altkirchlichen Exe-
gese," Neutestl Abhdlg.
4 (Miinster 1952) 45-47-
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS
31. Cf. Gasquet,
Les survivances du
culte imperial remain,
Le monde byz. art.
n. 21, supra.
Here we find a point in ecclesiology which has already been touched upon and which seems important to us. In the East rather than in the West, the translation of the visible and terrestrial expression has been 32.
accomplished by the Christian
the plane of the
there has reigned, so
Church and the
us, a dialectic
and corruption. A Church life manifesting itself through grace in human which should have the form of a unique visible society is an ideal of the sin
Catholic Church, if
not carried to extremes,
of St. Robert Bellarmine (De Eccle. Militante III, of eschatology and the corresponding dialectic.
33. L. Genicot,
de faite du
as in c. 2),
the famous pages
which lack a sense
moyen age (Tournai-Paris 1951),
wrote to the Emperor Leo
quern omnia Nos viam ingredimur
versus Occidcns principi apostolorum fructus fidei profert
regna Occidentis tamquam Deum in terra colunt. in extremas Occidentis regiones versus illos qui sanctum baptisma efHagitant. Qua de causa nos ad viam, Dei benignitate, accingimus..." Cf. E. Caspar, "Gregor
52 (i933) 29-89;
in Chalkedon II 539. (n. 3, supra.)
Innumerable events support this statement. Thus, for example, Capet, even at that late date, made efforts to find a bride of im-
A. A. Vasiliev, Dumbarton Oaks Pa-
6 (1951) 226-251. The Basileis jealously reserved for themselves the of Emperor: the "Barbarian" princes were only Qfjyeg* On the
which something other than semantics
30, 158, n. 3
(Nicephorus Phocas); Brehier,
byz. II 348-52.
Histoire de I'figlise
be seen in Brehier,
(Fliche et cit.
H. Pirenne, Mohammed and Charlemagne (New York
38. See s
General criticism: aside from reviews
H. Laurent, "Les travaux de M. H. Pirenne,"
165, n. i):
7 (i932) 495-509; M. Bloch, "La derniere oeuvre d'Henri Pirenne," Annales 10 (1938) 325-30; L. Lambrecht, "Les theses de Henri Pirenne," 14 (1939)
D. C. Dennett,
(1948) 165-90; Genicot, op. at. 2s; H. Aubin, "Die Frage nach der Scheide zwischen Altertum und Mittelalter," Histor. Zeitschr.
173 (1951) 245-63;
Henri Pirenne's Theses on the Consequences of the Islamic Expansion," Classica et Mediaevalia 13 europ. Staatenwelt,
(Copenhagen 1952) 87-130; Dolger, Byz. n.
Charlemagne," in Rev.
212 (1943) 232-38.
based on the other factors have been given by Genicot,
la civilisation occidentale:
L. Van der Essen
(Louvain 1947) 81-93.
Gaule," Miscellanea hisCriticism of this theory
on the grounds of the economic data brought forward have been expressed
E. Sable, "L*importation des
dentale au haut
moyen age (DC
orientaux en Europe occi-
Rev. beige de PMologie et
14 (1935) 8nf. and I26i; F. L. Ganshof, "Notes sur les ports de Provence du VIII e au DC e siecle." Annales, Economies, socittes, civili-
2 (1947) i43-6o; R. Dochard,
Normands: ce qu'on vendait
de Charlemagne et
vendait dans le bassin
40. Cf. Jugie, Leschisme byz. 234, n. 2;
IV, n. 12. Another
consequence of the Mohammedan conquest was that, by suppressing the Churches of Africa, it destroyed a Christianity which, while being
Western and to
had and maintained a
Cf. F. Heiler, Altkirchliche
Thus disappeared the
ascendancy in the West. cies,"
Autonomie und papstlicher Zentralissole resistance to a total
Islam favored the constitution of two "prima-
the one functioning in the Christian East, the other in the West,
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS Le monde
42. Cf. P.-G. Scolardi,
de funitl des chretiens et pere du panslavistne (Paris 1947). Krijanich, messager
very well worth reading.
43. For example, the \vritingsofNicolasJakovlevicDanilevskij (f 1885): cited in B. Schultze,
und Papsttum (Vienna 1950)
44. Tractates super Quatuor Evangelia
106, note 280.
ed. cited supra, ch. tripartitum, pars 3, c. 18;
from our usual authors,
Special Reference to the Addition oj the Filioque to the Creed
well explained in G. B. The Schism between the Oriental and Western Churches, with
The Eastern Churches and
europ. Staatemvelt, 286f.
Papacy (London 1929) 310;
the problems of civil and
from the duality of emperors,
Zweikaiserproblem im friihen Mittelalter (Berlin 1947); P. Koschaker, rop a et
und das Romische Recht (Munich 1947); A.
net Decretisti e Primi Decretalisti
West where Roman
history of the epoch of Clovis well illustrates
and religion were overwhelmed by the Arian barbarians, Clovis aimed there
coming Catholic in the at
becoming a protector who would "henceforth render useless appeals the Emperor of Byzantium." de Labriolle, Histoire de rglise (Fliche Martin) 4, 395. Byzantium recognized the victory of Clovis by con-
the tide of consul, a kind of fiction
became stamped with
of the Empire. But Byzantium again the Arianism of the middle of the Sixth Cen-
intervened in Spain against tury.
48. After Charlemagne, the
Emperors of Constantinople were careful of die Romans" (Dolger, art. cit. 10);
Balbus, (820-29) writing to Louis the Pious, thus pens his the glorious King of the Franks and the Lombards, their
so-called Emperor," Jugie,
schisme bfz., 30,
some other in-
Le Roi chretien (Paris 1949) 167. Compare Fustel de coronation of Charlemagne was, on the part of the "The Coulanges: 49. J. de Pange,
Pope, a breach with Constantinople." Histoire des 6, Les transformations. (Paris 1892) 312.
and references in Gierke,
50. See texts trl. F.
Maitland (Cambridge 1900) 126, n. 9
of the Middle
Stato (Milan 1951) 233, 244, 264f.
in the Orbis); 165 (Huguccio: the Emperor of Constan(one sole emperor no longer legitimate), 237 (one sole Emperor, but the Empire
had been handed over to the Germans).
Thus Laurentius Hispanus, Johannes Teutonicus;
225, n. 3.
Thus Ricardus Anglicus, cited by Mochi Onory, op. cit. 267. was usually treated as Emperor by the popes: by Gregory VII,
and by Innocent 53.
the election of
Count Baldwin of
in 1204 in effect pays
Flanders as Latin
the Byzantine Empire. 54. Fleury, Hist, eccksiast.
Cf. Palmieri, article
Ch. 5 and
Theol. dogmat. orthod.
Jugie, Schisme byz.
the Crusades, aside from the general
the works of
the Orientalists and Byzantinists:
rOrient au tnoyen age.
R. Grousset, L. Brehier, L*gli$e et Les Croisades 2nd ed. (Paris 1907). For the history
of the Crusades
whole, from the viewpoint of gradual alienation
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS of the East and the West, and Western
Crusade upon the
Howard, The Schism
between Greeks and
of the Fourth
des Abendlandes zu Kreuzzug im Rahmen der Beziehungen
and the volume cited (Berlin 1898),
Innocent III: la question d' Orient
between the Oriental
(Paris 1907); Palmieri,
of the whole question up to 1913, and has 36-52, gives the bibliography written the definitive history of the controversy. See also A. Frolow,
"La deviation de toire et
de Doctrine," Rev.
various monographs, bridge
vers Constantinople. des
the part played
145 (*954) 168-87; 146
by Venice and Amalfi,
Brown and W.
Miller, in Vol.
Medieval History, chapters 13 and 15 respectively.
The Eastern Schism, the
IV e Croisade
IV of CamRunciman,
and the Eastern Churches during Study of the Papacy
ments, Runciman shows
(Oxford 1955)- Following the docuof 1054 was not really felt on
that the breach
of the Greek world from the Catholic Church of Rome. What caused the final break and irreparable hostility between the two portions of Christendom were oppositions of political either side as a definitive alienation
See also P. Lemerle, "Byzance int.
et la Croisade," Relazioni del
and then the Crusades with
Sden. Stor. Ill Storia del Medioevo 595-620.
57. Cf. 3 Kings, 12.
24 and 2
Besides Luchaire, see
for the facts the review Stoudion (Feb. 1949) 27f. in note; for the ideas, see P. Villey,
Essai sur la formation d'une theorie juridique," age,
228f. (Paris 1942)
C. Korolevski, "Le passage au
oriental," Ire'nikon 6 (1929)
457-87, 4776b. Brehier,
byz. II 458, gives a very rich documentation
of Korolevski (numerous articles in of articles on "Le clerge occidental et 1'apos-
the Latinisation in different studies Stoudion 1922-1929) a series
tolat dans 1'Orient asiatique et grco-slave," Rev. apologfa.,
of E. Michaud, "Etudes sur de theol 3
Eighteenth Centuries and
217-42, 488-504 673-
concerns the Seventeenth and
work of an
Old-Catholic; R. L. Wolff,
"The organization of the Latin Patriarchate of Constantinople," Traditio 6 (1948), 33-6o; E. A. R. Brown, "The Cistercians in the Latin Empire of Constantinople and Greece, 1204-1276," Traditio 14 (1958) 62-120; and finally H. L. Hoffman, "De Benedicti XIV latinisationibus in Const. *
*Etsi pastoralis' et
Ephem. Juris canon. 4 (1948) 9-54.
Even Anselm of Havelberg, a broad-minded man, who spoke Greek, saw a sign of schism in the different way of celebrating the Holy Eu61.
charist in the East (Dial III 12,
thus Gregory VII, Reg. VIII, sacrif.
must be noted that
has generally recognized the legitimacy of
azjmi etfermentati and
Epist. de sacram. Eccl. n. i; Opera, ed. F. S.
Schmitt, II 233, 240; Innocent
H. Tillmann, Papst Innocenz III
(Bonn 1954) 216-17.
documents of Innocent
canon, orient.), Fontes, Ser. Ill, vol.
to the Archbishop of the Bulgarians, Feb. 25, 1204, P. Th.
Haluscynsky, ed.; Acta Innocentii III (Pont. Comm. ad
of August 8,
215.407, Fontes, n. 61, 271;
1353; Fontes n. 109, 341.
1468, Fontes n. 120, 352.
important to note that here reordina-
not involved and that the validity of Greek orders
But reunion or plenary
for the role
of monastic consecration, Letter Super episcoporum of October
n. 52, 258f; Letters
reintegration into the
ceived as entailing the observance of Latin (Roman) practices.
the bull Quia divinae sapientiae of 1215, taken up again in 1257
The Greeks showed an
equal inflexibility. See, for the azymes, of the Holy Spirit, 305. On the
298; for the Procession
B. Palazzo, "Historique d'une dis-
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS cussion sur la Procession
Odo, Cardinal of Tusculum, his legate to Cyprus, 1254: Mansi, XXII, 581-82; and cf. our study on Purgatory in Le mystere 64. Instruction to
et sa celebration
Decretal of Innocent IV, Sub catholicae professione of
1254, will alone furnish us (Potthast,
orandi, 12), (Paris 1951)
with a great number: Mansi, XXIII, 578-82
66. Cf. P.
Marah: The Present State of
Greek Church (London 1956) 24. 67. F. Braudel,
monde m&ditenaneen a Vepoque de
(Paris 1949) 672.
68. Janin, religieuses,"
de Constantinople (1453)
Nouv. Rev. theol 75 (i953) 5H-I9-
Pope Pius XII
recalled these beneficent
Orientales omnes Ecclesias of Dec. 23, 1945, for the anniversary of the
of Brest: AAS, 1946, 45^
will reproduce only a
declarations that are
Catholicism has always been aggressive has never recoiled before any effort to detach
faith entire populations
existence lacks a solid basis. ..." Msgr.
Anthony, Orthodox Archbishop
of Finland, in the Messager
de thloL 5
frankly illustrates the
in. What follows
word of Our Lord on
reproduced in the text rather
Conference of Stockholm in 1925 (Cf. The Stockholm Conference 1925. The Official Report . . ed . by G. K. A.
N. Gloubokovski declared
type has become a kind of disease version
"Proselytism of a purely pharisaical of the new Romanism, and the con-
of the whole universe to the foot of the
the bright vision and the sweet
these visions not
fession; they are
dream of the contemporary papacy.
excepted, not one Christian con-
the obligatory field for Catholic mis-
sionary practice, just as though they formed a purely heathen domain. is Anglicanism with all its ramifications. And as towards Orthodoxy everywhere, here the conduct G
Such among others regards relations
recalls the action of a rich and cunning landlord, who strives much as possible of the goods of his sick and disheartened to get as neighbor into his own hands, availing himself of every opportunity and of
say this with great sorrow, but the facts cry out.
Mohammedan Crescent has been openly preferred to the Cross. And in this direction the whole papal policy has been
the East, the Christian carried
reason, penetrated with Soviet
of course not for the sake of the
Against Orthodox Russia, moreover, there
of Orthodoxy in is
of the unlucky Genoa Conference, some mysterious bond with the atheist Bolsheviks, and by consent of the latter, apostolic expeditions the time
are fitted out, acquiring special purpose since the death
of the Orthodox
Christian martyr, His Holiness the Patriarch Tikhon."
This enumeration of gravamina continues, but
this will suffice to illustrate
by subjectivity and short-sightedness in a reaction of this type. This attitude is a fact and it is quite typical. We hear the same sort of thing in the remarks of St. Zankow: "Dies ist das quite well the part played
traurige Verhaltnis zwischen
Romisch-Katholischen und der
oberungsdrang Die Orth. Kir.
einerseits, harte, stille d.
Ost. in okumen. Sicht. 60; cf.
Orthodoxen: Zaher Erder andern Seite.
26-27 and 54$ in which
presented as always having sought unity by polimeans. All the same, we should take intelligent account of the situa-
and of the
of the time;
frequent reproach; c
Jugie, ThloL dogm.
IV, 407, n. ii 420.
72. See also
schisme de Photius: Histoire et Ifyende,
French edition of Dvornik, Le
19, (Paris 1950) 12-15.
NOTES TO CHAPTER THREE
on the diversity of languages and reof the causes of the schism; Bardy, "La question
schisme byz., 3p
ciprocal ignorance as one
des langues dans T^glise ancienne," Et. de thloL
"Sprache und Schisma,"
Festschrift der Freisinger
zum So. Geburtstag, 37-6*9, which traces the process of the background of the ignorance of the respective lanon estrangement the time of Justinian. The point is not touched from guages upon by Greenslade, Schism in the Early Church. As a preparation for his book Kard. Faulhaber
or as an outgrowth of it, Bardy has written some very suggestive articles summarizing the question, among others, "La latinisation de 1'Eglise d'Occident," Irtnikon 14 (1937) 3-20, 113-30; "Orientalisme, occidentacatholicisme," L'Antiee Molog.
Dolger, Zeitschr.J. Kirchengesch. (1937) 6-7-
Cf. Cardinal E. Tisserant, "Orient et Occident," Rev.
67 (1952) 604-18; see also Michel, "Die griechischen Klostersiedlungen zu Rom bis zur Mitte des n. Jahrhunderts," OstkirchL Studien i (1952) 32-45;
kirchliche Wechselverkehr zwischen
verscharften Schisma des Kerdlarios,"
West und Ost vor
145-73; H. Steinacker,
"Die romische Kirche und die griechischen Sprachkenntnisse des Fruh-
L Inst.j. Oesterr. Geschichtsforschg. 62 (1954) 28-86, a knowledge of Greek in the Fifth and Sixth Cenof decline treating the turies; a recovery in the Seventh and Eighth.
says that the Latins
sence and Person accurately, "because of the limitations of their language in words," quoted by Michel, art. dt. 46. In the discusand its
on the Procession of
the Greeks have often spoken-
of the poverty of the language of the Latins, which made them, they cf. Jugie, Le schisme byz. 216, said, confuse "procession" with "mission";
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS
the response of the Cf.
between the Oriental and Western Churches
Howard, The Schism
Patriarchs to the English non-jurors
The remarks of H. De Man, Au
"The mother- tongue
are very significant:
marxisme (Paris 1929) 237
mother of the
than the language of the mother, it is the veritable spiritual It is not merely the technical means of expressing an intellectual
content of some kind; the content
determined, nay, in great part see the indications given
Sodologie (Paris 1927)
U Annie sociologist^ which pay a good deal things; the special logique,
of J. Guitton on
and the reviews in
of attention to
number of the Journal de Psychologie normale et pathoon language. We should mention here the analyses
et le Catholicisme, fasc.
"Le problfcme de Jesus,"
IX; "Developpement (Paris 1948) de "Difficultes des id6es dans 1'A. T. (Aix 1947) 85$ croire," (Paris 1948) 76
evidently linked with the profound thought of the Eastern infallibility
and with the Holy injra,
being connected with holiness
IV 465^ Gratieux,
Spirit; cf. Jugie,
n. 35) 359.
to perceive the true implications
moreover, so often emphasized by us; it also leads them to say that maintain the "impeccability" of the Pope; cf. Jugie, op. cit. 490(1 cit. II 125, 127, 135; et passim. According to A. von Harnack, do not have an equivalent word for vicarius: "Christus praesens-
34 (1927) 415-446,
questions of vocabulary,
Pusey thought that the Gavin,
Florence, the discussion bore exten-
of Greek and Latin
was a question of vocabulary.
Aspects of Contemporary Greek Orthodox
(Milwaukee 1923) 140 and
pages which deal with
NOTES this question,
we should mention the very enlightening ones of Jugie, k procession du Saint-Esprit," Echos d' Orient n (1908)
See K. Holl, Entlnisiasmus und Bussgewah (Leipzig 1898) 417, n. 2. Schokrios employs for "satisfaction" the Greek word ixavoxotTjai;: 8.
Cf. J. Weisweiler, Busse. Bedeutungsgeschichtliche Beitrage zur Kidtur-
believe tha t
very important point and marks the true difference between East-
ern and Western thought. la
Geistesgeschichte (Halle 1930) 228, 249.
this is a
on Purgatory, Le
Cf. our study
of the Greeks being too
synod of Nicaea-Nymphaeum in 1234 complained of their "cavillationes": Mansi, XXIII, 280 C. Their perfidy was already noted by Cito the
quoted by Jugie, Le schisme byz. 28. Luitprand, Bishop of Cremona, took away this impression from Constantinople in 968; (Jugie, ibid. 158, n. 3.) The reproach was often formulated at the time of the Fourth Cru-
as early as St.
Gregory the Great, normally
ad Mauritium Augustum
gentle, cf. Ep.
Vitalian in 668, cited
77.746; Pope by Pope John VIII, Ep. 108, ad Michaelem, regem Bulgarorum, PL 126.7580; and Pope Leo IX to Cerularius, PL 143.
schisme byz. 31;
748. For reasons justifying this approach, 73.
Duchesne, Churches Separated. .. the discussion of 1136
See also Anselm of Havelberg, during
Michel, cited supra, n.
clearly expressed in the polemic
and of Cerularius
12 (coL 1226).
the constantly repeated reproach
and even in the
of Antioch, 227. Nicholas
schisme byz. 140)
these accusations in his
can only be astonished at seeing the language of a Christian people as if it III:
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS were a barbarous and Scythian idiom. The barbarians and the Scythians live like mindless beasts, they ignore the true God and pray before stones and pieces of wood. ... You qualify Latin as barbarian because you do not But think, now, how ridiculous you become when you it. * call yourself Roman Emperor' while not understanding anything of the PL 119.932. See also Palmieri, op. cit. II 53 and Roman understand
supra, n. 4.
(New York 1956) 340. Brehier, Monde R. Guilland, "La vie scolaire byzantine 42o, 4s6f.;
G. Butt (March 1953) 63-83. Cf.
pour une Thtologie 'LaicaL infra,
"illiterate" in the West, equivalent to
the studies cited in n. 13 and
and the well-known existence
Empire of a body of well-educated laymen employed in the service
the fact that "Greek" sometimes signified "lettered, or
man": E. Goldmann, "Graecus"
C. Fleury, Histoire
ecctisiastique (25 vols.)
17-18, 33-43, 73. Cf.
E. Goller, Die Periodisierung der Kirchengeschichte und die epochale Stellung des Mittelalters zwischen
Altertum und der Neuzeit (Friburg
1919) 23 ; J. de Ghellinck, L'essor de la Litterature latine au Brussels 1946) 12; de. Vries,
Baumstark wrote before the most recent revival of Byzantine studomain of religion and theology, or even art. One could not
dies in the
former times, of the
of the East in
thought and art. The movement fostered by Palamas, which was really an anti- Scholastic reaction but has its own positive substance, surely cannot be called a phenomenon of "immobility" and old age. On the subject
see I? Art saai
NOTES 1 8.
O. Rousseau. "La question
Gay, L' Italic mlridionale art.
Les relations normales
Docum. cathol 19 (1928) 387-404;
VEmpire byzantin, 188.
du xi e
et les Eglises d'Orient,"
20. Rousseau, "rite";
des rites entre Grecs et Latins des
au concile de Florence,'* Irenikon, 22 (1949) 233-69.
spontaneously translates this
de terminologia theologica Concilii Flo-
20 (1939) 257-63,
particularly well expressed
Th. Kraline, "Paysans de Russie- blanche. Essai de psychologic Constndre 8 (1942) 92-119; esp. nof. 22. Since
are not here treating the question per
ourselves with mentioning the profound pages of S. Boulgakov,
As testimony drawn from
thodoxie (Paris 1932) I94f.
Gogol, Meditations sur (Paris
23. Cf. Kattenbusch, Confessionskmde... 118-19; the East tends to
the rite an absolute, the
a juridical interpretation,
by which the
becomes purely a means. "Problematical Aspects of Christian Reunion," (in French in Irenikon Russian), Put\ n. 37, supplement: translated into 24. G. Florovski,
(1934) 601; c 239, note,
irenique," Irtnikon 15 (1938)
and Rev. &. byz. 10 (1953) 157-58. The Orthodox are reUniatism, "the unija," for making the rite a means of obtaining
proaching a reunion which would in the long run be a pure and simple submission
and therefore of not characterized
the Oriental Church, intrinsically
dans la perspective des divi25. "Considerations sur le schisme d' Israel sions chrtiennes," Proche-Orient
supplement these far too
read C. Korolevski,
would be well
"L'Uniatisme," Collection Irenikon (1927), n. 5-6;
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS Lialine, art.
the countless expressions
of Msgr. ChrysoOrthodox reactions, one of the most characteristic stom Papadoupoulos, Orthodox Archbishop of Athens; cf. Hieromonius that
and 54; c
Stoudlon 6 (Feb. 1929)
"L'union de 1'Orient avec Rome.
Orientalia christ. period. 18/1 (1930) 3 lof.
A. Wilmart, Aiiteurs
et textes divots
might be mentioned.
Still other authorities" (Paris 1932) 59-6o, 62, 506.
These words compose the
H. de Lubac
du moyen age Latin
of a chapter in Corpus Mysticutn, traces a history of the point
entire (Paris 1944); the
under examination, which agrees with that of
works of Grabmann, Landgraf, Mandonnet, R. Martin,
29. See the
de Ghellinck, Chenu, and Gilson, of the centers in Saulchoir, Toronto, Ottawa,
Cf. also our article, "Theologie," in
one example: J.-P. Bonnes has edited and studied two sermons bearing the others upon the same subject, one by Geoffrey de Loroux (f 1158), still The former, living in the atby Peter Comestor (fnyS 2-1179 ?).
mosphere of the Church Fathers, considered the texts as a whole. The latter considered them through analysis and posed some questions: quis, i&i,
Geoffroy de Leroux,
des plus grands predicateurs
Geoffrey Babion," Rev. Wntdictine 56
30. See Gratieux,
Sanctam 5 and 6 (Paris 1939);
Russische Denker (Vienna 1950) 85-7
cf. in ra, n. 35.
31. There is a very astute remark in this sense by Ph. de Regis, in his "Confession et direction dans TEglise orientale," Ufeglise et le pfaheur,
Cahiers de la Vie spirituelle
parte scientia rationes,
ed. (Paris 1948) 132-150.
enim apud eos pro magna
sed adhaerent semper quibusdam conciliis, et quibusdam quae
NOTES - CHAPTER THREE tradita sunt eis a praedecessoribus suis, sicut faciunt
ad quos ratio nihil valet." Opus tripart. pars 2, c. n; ed. Brown, 216. It is to be remarked that what Humbert notes is not in contradiction with
above on Byzantine culture:
in the profane
and theology was rather cut off from it, the Patriarchal school being something quite different from a University: cf. Brehier, "Notes sciences,
Thistoire de Penseignement superieur
and (1926) 84-85,
von Konstantinopel im
(1926) 5; J.
Hussey, Church and Learning
1937) 22-23, cited
of his Monde byz. 426f, 492f; Fuchs, "Die hoheren
by C. Toumanoff,
Theol. Studies (194.6) 328.
not having accepted
the knowledge of the Scholastics
as having the status of religious knowledge.
trend of the followers of Palamas.
Byzantine Empire (London
Such, of course, was the
tium there was during the Sixth Century and then in the Eleventh with Michael
something analogous to the Occidental
ment of the Eleventh Century.
K. Pfleger, "Sinn und Sendung des neuorthodoxen Denkens," Osten edd. v. J. Tyciak, G. Wunderle, P. Werhun (Ratisbon
the references given supra no. 30, add: Gratieux, "L'element
de Khomiakov," Bessarione (1910) 358-66; N. von und seine Lehre von der Erkenntnis der
Arseniev, "J. V. Kirejewskij
Wahrheit," Kyrios (1936) 233-44.
und ydoaoyia in Dolger, "Zur Bedeutung von q>Maoq>oQ
a survey reprinted in Byzanz u. d. europ. Staatenw. Byzantinischer Zeit," I93; cf. VI. Valdenberg, "Sur le charactere general de la philosophic
de la Philosophic 3
contrived; the best survey in French
which appeared philosophy in the 2nd supplementary section of Histoire de is
that of B. Tatakis,
Brehier, (Paris 1907) 217.
as Philosophie byzantine la
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS
and many other points,
261-73; reprinted in the Docum.
the subject of Purgatory,
de la mart... 279-336, esp.
Wilbois has been very perceptive
dc rfylise russe (Paris 1907) 217.
our study cited supra, Le mystere
2946 Concerning the primacy,
n. 5. bapt. 3,
deification dans la tradition spirituelle
de 1'Orient," Vie
chs. 42. Divided Christendom,
and IV. Vl. Lossky, Essai sur la theologie the disunion, ac1944) 55 and 172:
de I'Zglise d'Orient (Paris
andoes not arise from differences of mentality or cording to Lossky, source in but all the disagreements have their thropological differences, the Procession of the Holy the one point of dogma, that which concerns Ghost.
Thus J. B. Aufhauser
anatolischen Kirchenspaltung liegt
nach meiner auf Grund langjahriger Aussprachen mit nahostlichen Kirchen-
Studien wie vielfacher personlicher fuhrern gewonnenen Uberzeugung nicht so sehr in theologischen, als volkisch-kulturellen Unterschieden." "Die Theologie der getrennten Kir-
chen und die Frage der Wiederbegegnung," Das Morgenlandische Chrisshould tentum ed. P. Kruger and J. Tyciak, (Paderborn 1940) 79-
of mentality are in a very substantial merely add that the differences reflected in the theological structure itself.
find in the "Great Catechism" of Philarete,
in use in Russia, the following
the Eastern Churches
"A.: In Paradise, which was
which was, and
NOTES of our
parents in innocence; in the East, too, after the Fall,
of the Church of the redeemed, by the promise of the was in the East, in the land of Judah, that Our Lord Jesus
having consummated the work of our
own Church; it was from there that He spread the Church over the Universe. And until today, the Ecumenical Orthodox Catholic
confirmed by the seven Ecumenical Councils, is kept without change in its original purity by the ancient Churches of the East and in those Churches
are in agreement
of Russia." The Doctrine of
ments were made Soloviev,
they came from the West.
(Epist. 4, 4,
1864) 168. Analogous state-
Council of Constantinople in 1054, quoted by
la Me*th. irin.
an aspect of the sobornost' that must be kept in mind. Cf. E. von 'Geisteskirche*
Ostkirche," Zeitschrif. kath.
for the Patriarch Photius, the Latins arriving in
the darkness, since
in sxiarohai (ed.
the Russian Church, Toeing the Primer or Spelling
Book, the Shorter and Longer Catechisms...
deen 1845) 82.
Theol 71 (1949) 347-54-
resumed by D. Stremoukhoff, Vladimir Soloviev et with reference to the CEuvres russes
son ceuvre messianiaue (Paris 1935) 203;
V, 167-69: "Soloviev could therefore say that in the system of the Slaves their stylized Orthodoxy, their 'Orthoreligion has no place, that
doxism* (pravoslavnicanie) is much more faith in the Russian people than Orthodox and Christian faith of that people. He was even to go
because the Russian people confess '"
for the Slavophiles the true religion
*an attribute of the
"God sums up
in Himself a
the peoples begin
already a sign of their decline. Each people,
in order to remain a separate ethnic group, should have
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS And
Prophets and Peoples, Studies in Nineteenth Century
N, Oehmen, "Le
49. See the analysis
Irfaikon, 17 (1945) 2<S-50.
et le travail pour
NOTES TO CHAPTER FOUR
to Acacius, Jan. 9, 476
Symbolorum no. 159;
St. Basil in his Epist.
32.473; in 372 and especially St.
Gregory of Nazianzen, Carmen de vita sua, PG 37.1068, in 382: "In nature, there is only one sun, but there are two Romes, one of which illumines the West, the other the East"; however, ancient Rome, "Unites
a true teaching, which
over the whole and guards the universal and divine harmony." "We say, "if not from the beginnings": there has been from the beginning an East and a West. St. Irenaeus, wanting to express
just, since she presides
the catholicity of the Church, enumerates three churches of the Occident
(Germania, Iberia, Gaul) and three churches of the Orient (East Antioch, etc. Egypt, Libya) and those of the middle world (Rome?); but
he primarily churches,
the apostolic tradition
one sole house.
the same in
Cf. St. Augustine,
Contra Jul. 1.13, P. 44.649A: "ulriusque partis terrarum fides."
e Bardy, "Le sens de 1* unite dans 1'Eglise et les contro verses du IJ Annie is the siecle," theolog. 9 (1948) 169. Very impressive following
of H. Lietzmann: "So
that the synod
which had been
whole Empire, fell asunder from the first, breakeach of which condemned and deposed the leader of
called as representing the
party returned home, the question now being which of them would be able to carry out its will. Schism had become a fact. For the first time in the history of the Church, East and West separated
decision. It was not merely differences in found expression in the present division; there were
from each other by formal church politics that also differences
both in theological thought beneath the ambiguous formany aspects of religious feeling, as between Eastern
A.D. 1054." From Constantine
Woolf (New York
straight line runs
to Julian, trl.
to the final
by Bertram Lee
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS 3.
See Jugie, Le schisme byz. 60.
the subject as a whole, see Cavallera, Le schisme fAtitioclie (IV*Schwartz, "Zur Kirchengeschichte des vierten (Paris
Wissen. j. Neutestamentliches
Devreesse, Le Patriarcat
Cf. the remark of St.
34 (1935) 129-213;
in his Ep.
XIV to Theodosius:
sacra erat inter Orientalcs atque Occidentales interrupta
(Paris 1933) 96f. 505.
not certain that Orientates in this text has the
of the Orient. meaning of applying to the diocese
See Palanque, 5.
the Eastern Fathers
showed towards human
2, supra, 167, background. Bardy, op. cit. relief the depth of the abyss which into throws affair] been made between the Greek Church and the Latin Church.
did the two Churches not speak the same language, but they
did not concern themselves with the same questions. are mystics,
were concerned with the way
of God and,
should achieve the vision
The Westerners, who
on the contrary, concerned with the question jurists, were, man should render his account to God...." Note also remarks of
the same tenor made, beginning with the liturgy,
by Baumstark, "Grund-
See the monumental work, Das Konzil von
und Gegenwart) Grillmeier and Bacht, I, the survey by Ch. Moeller, "Le e et le neochalcedonisme de 451 jusqu'a la fin du VI siecle," II; the article by Hoffmann, iliJ, "Der Kampf der Papste urn Konzil und
Chalkedon, von Leo
Roman liturgy, from the beginning, the stress is rather more of instruction than on the mystical. Baumstark, foe. cit. element on the 10. In the
NOTES - CHAPTEH FOUR "Quomodo incrementum
influxus orientalis in Imperio byzantino
VII- DC dissensionem inter Ecclesiam
verit?" Acta Con. Pragensis pro studiis oriental
(Olomouc 1930) 159-72;
and Ch. Diehl,
See the text and the studies
au point de vue de
n. 3, 532.
made of them
I'Eglise d' Orient
in P. Baron,
Ufcglise latine et le
and the Russian Church... collected and
(London 1917) 343.
See the numerous historical treatments of the question, the
Howard, op. 22-30. were the cause of a cit.
Council of 787
(Lausanne and Vevey 1872)
certain delay in counting the
the Ecumenical Councils;
Dvornik, Les Ugendes
de Constantin et de Mfahode vues de Byzance (Prague 1933) 3o6f. 16. Besides
Brehier, Le schisme oriental du History
The Greek Church;
1054 (Cambridge, 1923);
(Paris, 3rd. ed. 1923) gives
Relations with the
j. Pargoire, LtEglise byzantine
the facts but touches only occasionally
the problems as a whole; Ivanka, "Orient et Occident:
au problme du schisme," Irtnikon 9 (1932) 409-21; Congar, Div. Christendom., 3-14; A. Hamilton Thompson, The Division between East and West (brochure, reprinted in Union of Christendom,
by K. Mackenzie,
London, 1938, 109-32) 45sf. Jugie, Le schisme byz. 232, on Cerularius: "The true cause of the schism was the indomitable determination of the Byzantine Patriarch to maintain his full autonomy vis-a-vis the Roman D. Konzil von Chalkedon. II 491-562. See pontiff"; Michel "Kampf..." also
17. See Palmieri,
infra n. 20;
infra n. 27.
orth. II 139.
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS
See Heiler, Altkirchliche Autonomie ... on Milan,
Jordan, Nouv. Rev.
Translate studii E. Gilson,
et les Lettres (Paris
Council of Constantinople, 381, Canon 3 (Mansi, First Four General Councils . Bright, The Canons of the
As we have already seen and
(Oxford 1892) 106-11. the year 381
Damasus did not
of the Council of
at least the text
implicitly a criticism of
a notable date in the process of estrangement.
n. 35) (cf. infra,
20. Council op.
of Chalcedon, 451, Canon
made of Canon 28
schisme byz. 12,
man, Bishop Gore and the Roman Catholic Claims (London 1905) 86f. Batiffol, Le Siege apostoliaue (Paris 1924) VIII; Jalland, The Life and Times of St. Leo the Great (London 1941) 3O3f.; Schwartz, "Der 6. Nicanische
Kanon auf der Synode von Chalkedon," "Le 28 c canon de Chalce*doine Orient, christ. period. 17 (1951)
265-82; Monachino, "Genesi storica del
di Calcedonia" et "11
rianum 33 (1952) 261-91 and 331-65;
Canon of Chalcedon,
SbBerlin 27 (1930); A. Wuyts, fondement du Primat romain,"
e S. Leone
TL O. Martin,
Background Note, "Das Konzil von Chalkedon,
Gesch. u. Gegenwart II 433-58.
to the Empress Pulcheria (22 est
rerum saecularium, aha divinarum; praeter in fundamento posuit, stabilis erit nulk
May, 452) PL
Cf. Gelasius I to the Bishops of Dardania (ist Feb. 495)
59.71-72. 23. Cf. Jugie, "Le plus ancien recueil canonique slave et la primaute"
Bessarione 34 (1918) 47-55; A. D'Ales,
"Le 28 e canon de Chal-
NOTES - CHAPTER FOUR cedoine dans
de 1'Eglise serbe," Rech.
d'Herbigny, Theologica de Ecdesia II
Sc. relig. 12, (1922)
not drawn up by St. Methodius himself (cf. Echos does not lessen the force of the fact here signalized. 24.
to say, according to the scheme of the three principle Sees,
(Rome, Alexandria, Antioch) linked with the Apostle Peter: history of this theory
to historical fictions,
Western Churches. Even
Der Kampf..., 500-524.
that several times in history
293. That the Nomocanon was
to be regretted
actually linked her best-founded claims
she claimed to be the origin of
Leo's interpretation of
Canon 6 of Nicaea
not entirely invulnerable to discussion. 25. Cardinal
Der Kampf... 518-19. bishop of Constantinople to have adopted
to have been Acacius, thus giving rise to the protestation (Jalland,
of the Imperial
to call Cerularius "Bishop
The Church and
of Pope Felix
Papacy 315; Michel, Der Kampf...
had been given without great significance other than honorary, to Dioscoros of Alexandria (449) by St. Leo. As is well known, when John IV, The Faster, bestowed upon himself this tide in Before him, the
Gregory the Great protested with vehemence Gregory saw in it a title of pride, regarded it as a ambitious and monopolizing title, by means of which the and profane their episcopate was implicitly refused to the other reality of bishops. 586,
Cf. S. Vailhe, **Le titre de Patriarche oecumenique avant St. Gregoire le
Grand," and "S. Gregoire 9
et le titre
de Patriarche oecumenique,"
(1908)65-69 and 161-71. After John The Faster and successor Cyriacus, the title became current in Constantinople, but it
Echos d Orient
was only Michael Cerularius who introduced it into the patriarchal seal, where it afterwards remained; Laurent, "Le titre de patriarche oecume"Recherches de diplomatique et de sila signature patriarcale. nique et hist, da Sud-Est Rev. europten (1946) and "Le byzantines," gillographie
de patriarche oecumenique
propos de deux
de ses sceaux inedits," Miscellanea Giovanni Mercati III 373-386 (Vatican 1946).
the meaning of "oecumenical"
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS cited n. 142, 27. Besides those studies
Herman, "Chalkedon und die Das Konzil von Chal-
des Konstantinopolischen Primats," Ausgestaltung
kedon II 459-90-
Quellen zur Gesch.
Dvornik, "La lutte entre Byzance
C. Kirch, Enchir. Papsttums n. 204;
959J Kirch, op.
a propos de
DC e stecle," Melanges Charles Diehl (Paris 1930) 61-80; Les Ugendes de R. Honig, Beitrage Constantm et de Methode vues de Byzance 248-83; zur Entwicklung
(Gottingen 1954) 3o
references only, less to prove these assertions which give a few than to clarify what we wish will be evident to anyone versed in the texts, 31.
for example, to ecclesiological studies such as those
summarized by Gavin, Some the contemporary Greek theologians so well the Church gathered by on of collection the testimony 2376 Aspects...
A. Douglas, The Relations of
Orthodox (London 1921) App.
Russian Orthodox theologians, of which carius
H5~i35, or again the will
Bishop of Yamburg and Rector of the
Petersburg, "Qu'est-ce qui nous separe des
Fr. transL Rev. intermit, de
188; Serge Boulgakov, speech
Faith and Order, Lausanne,
12 (1904) 175-
at the Ecumenical
12 August 1927, Foi
"Le Corps du Christ vivant," (Paris 1928). 296-303; Florovsky, La Sainte glise umverselle. Confrontation oecumfaiaue (Cahier the'oL de ciels...
TActualitl protestante), (Neuchltel-Paris 1948) 9-57.
Shades of differences
are to be detected here and there, and even some slight emendations.
But on the whole, studies such as these display a profound identity of of the Church. For the position of the dogmatic opinion on the mystery of the people, cf Kattenbusch, Lehrb. priesthood and and the two volumes of our Jalons....
sionskd. I 346f.,
Zankov, Die Orthod. Kirche
this reason, after citing
des Ostens in okumen. Sicht, 52-54.
(The Church, its Composition and InfallibiliAppendix Douglas accord on the mystery of the Church, we now of our evidences as ty...) in his
he groups in Appendix II of the same work, 163-73: "The Oecumenical Church and the Autocephalous Churches'*, as evidences cite those
of our opposition:
at this point
involved are the constitution, the
regime, the policy of the Church. 34.
the collection of texts (accompanied
and very objective status auaestionis) Documents Illustrating Papal Authority A. D. 96-454 (ed. and intr. by Giles, London 1952): the author stops
with the Russian Orthodox historian Bolotov, or with another Anglican historian, one may say that the Petrine and Roman
in order to prevent Constantinople
a closed ecclesiastical autonomy, isolating herself within
up by the Vatican Council: B.
was the one taken
Kidd, The Roman Primacy
(London 1936) 153. In addition, there are the classic surveys by Duchesne, The Churches Separated...', J. Chapman, Studies on the Early Papacy (Lon-
catholicisme des origines a S.
Les difficult^ anglicanes et russes (Paris 1924); Catholicisme et Papautl, 1925) Cathedra Petri. Et. d'hist. anc. de I'Sglise (Paris 1938); S. H. Scott, The Eastern Churches and the Papacy n. 13; Jugie,
supra, ch. I
schisme byz. "Oil se trouve le christianisme integral?"
the decree taken up
sianum Mirbt, n. 191, which in reality
again in the Gela-
Roman synod of
(Damasus) and corresponds to the Council of Constantinople of 381 contains a very strong affirmation of the universal (supra n. 19); it primaof Rome. cy 36. Cf. Mirbt, n. 139, 145-155;
H. Gebhardt, Die Bedeutung Innocenz
Entwicklung der pdpstlichen Gewalt (Leipzig 1901).
Kidd, Jalland (cited supra) and the
erous works on the Primacy of Chalcedon. For Gelasius, cf. various works of Schwartz, Kissling, H. Koch, without forgetting Vol. II of Caspar.
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS
Haacke, Die Glaubensformel Jes Papstes Hormisdas im Acacianischen Schisma (Rome 1929); J- San Martin, "La 'Prima 38. Mirbt, n. 195.
Rev. espanola de Teol
good statement on
canonical prima 40. Cf.
"La primaute de
good number of
however, to be placed in the perspective of a simple
to be found in Bardy, Hist, de TEglise, (Fliche et
See Jugie, Le schisme byz. $j.: a
tin 4) 24if.
of the Fourth to
the primacy at the turn
du pape d'apres 23-42; Jugie, Le schisme byz.
Nicephorus, see Apologeticus
II cites only Simeon of Thessalonica ThloL 145.100. Jugie, dogm. christ. oriental, diss. IV 366f. (f 1429) 57: "De B. Petri Ap. Romanique of number a rather cites authorities; c large
Theol. dogm. orth.
Primatu a theologis byzantinis etiam post schisma consummatum But some of them speak of the assertio...," Angelicum 6 (1929) 47-66. Pontif.
a great difference primacy in a vague and indeterminate way. Besides, the texts by Orientals and the texts subscribed to noted between be may
but not drawn up by them, those of the councils of union, for instance, among others the profession of faith of Uroch III of Serbia addressed to
Pope John XXII,
Thus, even in the documents of union
noted the permanence of what is the cause and actual substance of the schism, the existence of two different canonico-ecclesiological points of view.
The testimony of the
historians should also
ple, in Jugie, op. dt. 402f., those of A. P. Lebedev,
V. V. Bolotov and
N. Suvurov. 42. Cf. Batiffol, "L'Ecclesiologie de S. Basile,"
schisme byz. 62 f. does not quote
any text and with good
Jean Chrysostome (Paris 1941) 116, recognizes
well John's concept of the status of
CHAPTER FOUR Card. N. Marini,
has been written on this subject. et del suoi successors
S. Giovanni Crisostomo
II primate di S. Pietro
Hadzega, Acta II L Conv. Velehradensis (Prague 1912) (but what
the primacy of Peter, while the
pope and the connection
Jugie, "S. Jean
45. Cathedra Petri. Et.
primaute du pape,"
de rglise, (Unam Sanctam 4, Paris and the East do not give the same
content to the concept of primacy, emerges from the (Anglican)
by H. E. Symonds, The Church
schisme byz. 83-84, speak
This idea that
whole question bears on
question has with that of Peter...);
Universal and the See of Rome...
(London Moreover, the question should not be too lighdy dismissed. Some Roman documents accepted in the East expressly argue that the authority
Rome derives from the
the Bishop of
authority of the Apostle
Rome. For example,
the Bishop of
the letter of Pope
Julius to the Eusebians: Athanasius, Apol. 35, and that
See-Formula of Hormisdas;
resides in the
course, not forgetting Sardica.... Occasionally but rarely,
even runs across the idea that Peter himself is incarnated in the Bishop of Rome; Theodore Abu-Qarra (Syria, f 867?) Ignatius of Constantinople, at
Nicaea in 867: 46.
schisme byz. 96-97
the churches of the East
before the schism of the Eleventh Century," The Constructive Quarterly (Dec. 1916)
645-73: French text in Docum. cathol 19 (1928) 387-404.
41-59; special application to the East, 199-214. The account given by Bardy, cited supra n. 29 well illustrates the idea which is a simple statement of facts. The same may be said of the book 47. Cathedra Petri,...
Heiler, cited si4pra n. 18.
48. Batiffol, Siege apostoliaue...,
"Interventions de S.
des ^glises orientales,"
577$ Kidd, Rom. Primacy 152-53.
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS 50. Michel,
"Der Kampf...," Das Konzil von Chalkedon
wider public in several du schisme ou apotre de 1'union?" articles, "Le patriarche Photius, pere La Vie intell (Dec. 1945) 16-38; "East and West: The Photian Schism. The Month. 179 W3) 357-7, have been taken A Restatement of
of Dvornik, outlined for
a whole again in the
tius et la
du pape," Bessarione 35 and 36 (1919
schisme byz., 90-93-
6 (1940) 6-39; (the polemic: of See the for Rome," is not by Photius; the claim Primacy christ. period.
from the Thirteenth Century.
See also Jugie,
cited infra n. 76.
S. Pierre et
and 1920) 121-30 and 16-76; Le et Primatus Romanus," Oriental,
been critizised by Jugie, "L'opuscule contre la primaute romaine attribue a et d'hist. relig., Pull de la Fac. cath. de Theol de Photius," Et. de Critique
Lyon, 2 (Lyon 1948) 43-6o52*
Here are the
"The schism which has
the faithful but was imposed uries
which opens such interestour souls was not wanted by
upon them by the politicians. After centWest and the East had managed
the Churches of the
harmony which had not attained perfection but could endure and be improved. A whole series of usages, traditions, assured between them normal and peaceful relations; on the practices, to establish a regime of mutual
where their interests might be in opposition, the Churches of the East reached had compromises; the autonomy of they and the was not incompatible with disciplinary authority of the dogmatic their congregations between Holy See; and finally, the daily interchanges of the terrain greater portion
could become the best token of their unity. in the
religion, the accord
the question remained
would have become
Cerularius began Unfortunately, the ambitions of the Patriarch Michael to clash with the resistance of the legates sent by Leo IX, and there was
no longer room for anything but the 54. The reply of the Orthodox to
schism." the idea outlined above, that the
primacy had been affirmed and exercised for centuries without causing the East to interrupt communion, is generally that communion was pre-
NOTES cisely interrupted
theory of the primacy.
CHAPTER FOUR I,
in sum, not historically valid, but contains a seed
Cf. Jugie, TheoL dogm....
will try to
take into consideration in the following pages. 55. Cf.
Mostar 1905) 93-95;
Kirchenrecht der tnorgenlandischen Kirche, 2 ed.
the exact position
in regard to this
Dvornik, The Photian Schism, 92.
the debate with Carthage
H. E. Feine,
Kirchliche Rechtsgeschichte I
(Weimar the Pa-
1950) 81, 97f. For the epoch of St. Leo,
The Ch. and
Aside from what has been said above,
n. 19, 20, see the
original and penetrating remarks of Kattenbusch, Lehrb.
Again, a remark of Kattenbusch, 361.
rooted, moreover, in Eastern social history:
humaines dans Tanthropologie orientale," Recherches 1952)
99-n i. account
59. Cf. the
et la liberte"
in the Hist, dc FJiglise (Fliche et
60. Session III (13 Oct. 451): Mansi,
Romae, Leo, per nos et magnae cum ter sanctam una beatissimo et omni laude synodum, per praesentem et senioris
digno beato Petro apostolo qui est petra et crepido cathoh'cae ecclesiae et rectae fidei fundamentum, nudavit eum Dioscorum tarn episcopatus dignitate
sacerdotali ah'enavit ministerio."
Schneemelcher, "Chalkedon, 451-1951," Evangelische Theologie (1951)
241-4562. Cf. Jugie,
schisme byz. 19; Brhier,
byz. II 489-90.
the origins of the permanent synod see a rather unfriendly notice
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS H.
Leclercq, Hist, des candles II/i, 519, n.
92f. For the ulterior development of the institutions: B. Stephanidis, "Die geschichtliche Entwicklung der Synoden des Patriarchats von Kon-
Kirchengesch. 55 (1936) 127-57.
supra, ch. Ill, n. 55.
Jugie, Le schisme byz. 26-27, 45.
65. Pichler, Gesch. d. kirchl.
The Church Universal and
exposition in Symonds,
Photius and Cerularius.
to n. 224,
wherein are quoted a good number of these canons: "Abgrenzung der Kirche des Ostens gegen das Abendland in Recht, Gottesdienst u. Sitte." It
naturally be unfair to say that
has never in any
ognized the legitimate differences of discipline between the East and herself. The pronouncements and the facts in this matter are numerous,
but they do not pertain to our present theme. 66. This important dispute de rglise (Fliche et
67. Cf. P.
went on from 905
this last 7) 116-25, especially
Founder and G. Le Bras, (Paris 1931) 79,
Geschichte des Kirchenrechts II
to 923; c
(Vienna-Munich 1953) 256f. Plochl names
the year 692 as a crucial point in his "Periodisierung." 68. See the' texts
Collectio antiariana Parisina n.
17 and 26,
LXV, 59 and 65: "Verum atque iterum rogabamus, ne firma solidaque concuterent, ne subverterent legem nee jura divina turnos iterum
ne cuncta confunderent atque traditionem Ecclesiae ne quidem in frustrarent..."; "Nee hoc propter bonum quoque justitiae in-
modica parte quirunt,
consulunt, qui leges juraque divina (ac) cete-
decreta dissolvere perconantur, propterea hanc novitatem
horret vetus consuetude Ecclesiae,
Orientales episcopi quidquid forte statuissent, ab episcopis Occidentalibus
quidquid Occidentalium partium episcopi, ab Orientalibus solveretur, etc..." Cf. Greenslade, Schism in the Early Ch. 156. refricaretur,
69. Cf. Jugie,
70. Id., op.
schisme byz. 57-58.
For example, the letter of Gelasius, ad Dardanos, Feb. i, 495 (Jaffe, double text in PL 59, 6i, or Thiel I, 38a A decisive passage, taken 664); 71.
in the Occidental
up again c.
17 C. DC q.
We owe this remark,
Hartmann, Der Primat
canonical collections I
for example, Gratian,
well as those concerning the False Decretals,
des romischen Bischofs bei Pseudo-Isidor (Stuttgart
73. This affair has
our review in Rev.
been traced by Heiler,
des Sc. philos. et thloL 1947, 276f.)
und Pseudo-Isidor (Stuttgart
Rome). Cf. supra n. 54. Concerning the False Decretals, we need not repeat what is today universally admitted, that they were not the acts of Rome but of Prankish clerics, seeking to ensure to the Church her independence in regard to the secular powers. 1936) (not very favorable to
But they contributed
to the increasing
expressing that power.
of papal power and the ideology
Cf. Fleury, Hist,
"Discours" at the
beginning of Vol. XVI, and Haller, op. tit. Hartmann, op. tit. 28, has shown that the Pseudo-Isidore has the popes using the same imperative terms with the Eastern bishops that they employed in their metropolitan or Western competence. the bishops tion
of the whole world
of conformity, not only
of die Pope, with the obligaand usages.
the contribution of the False
important to note that the decisive affirmations
his authority in regard to the councils, are to
documents anterior to the "reception" of the cf.
False Decretals treat
in the faith, but in discipline
the point under consideration, this
Gordillo, Compendium Theol. Orient.
be found in the
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS
exercise of the best accounts of the development of the
of V. Martin,
Papc in the
Cf. Jugie, "Oil se trouve...," 35-6, 2oSf. 76. See. V. Sc. philos. et
un second schisme de Photius?" Rev. de >gie, "Origine
sur 1'addition du Filioque au Symbole,"
and Jean VIII et
(among of Hist,
Dvornik, numerous studies resumed
18 (1939) 369-85, and
in The Photian Schism,
History and Legend (Cambridge 1948.)
Le schisme byz. 141, remarks: "In Rome they seemed to forget the Western the true situation of the Byzantine Church in relation to 77. Jugie,
the canonical plane.
not rare to find
In his letters
Nicholas and his secretary, Anastasius Biblio-
to show the illegalities upon the Decretals of the popes the Byzantine Church totally ignores of which Photius was guilty. Now, sources which are common, this source of the canon law. Even for the
details. divergencies in the
for example, in
the canons of Nicaea and Sardica, some of which had already
ed. 189, has well, if briefly,
noted the difference of canonico-
between the Greeks and the
or less into disuse in the Byzantine Church..." Ostrogorsky, Gesch.
Council of 869-70.
wrote to Nicholas
"The authentic Canons should be kept
Providence has called to govern by all, but principally by those whom have received a share of the those who the and Utter, others; among in all others faithfully observing them." PG primacy should outshine 102.616; cited in Jugie, op. cit. 92-3. At the Synod of St. Sophia in 879880, Photius
decreed that each Church should remain faithful to
her particular customs: "Each see observes certain ancient customs, which have been transmitted by tradition, and one should not enter into dispute
The Roman Church conforms
side, the Church of
NOTES stantinople..." (Jugie, op.
CHAPTER FOUR This formula
not made to imply that each Church is fully autonomous. By this reasonthe canonically debatable circumstances of his ing, too, Photius justified
promotion to the
Dvornik, The Photian Schism 145-50.
80. Cf. Jugie, op.
82. Jugie, op.
the encyclical addressed
867; Jugie, op.
the Oriental Patriarchs
See Michel, "Bestand eine Trennung der griechischen und romi-
schen Kirche schon vor Kerullarios ?" Hist. Jahrb. 42-(ip22) i-ii; bert
und Kerullarios (Paderborn, 1924 and 1933) cit.
170, 221; Ostrogorsky, Gesch.
byz. Staates 267;
Amann, Hist, de two Churches of
126: "The separation of the rglise (Fliche et Martin 7) not yet been consummated in fact as it has been has Rome and Constantinople
But Amann does not admit the rupture which Michel,
in the literature."
for example, ascribes to Sergius
Herman, "Le cause
storiche della se-
Chiesa Greca secondo le piu recenti ricerche," La Scuola parazione della cattolica 12-14; Grumel, "Les preliminaires du schisme de Michel (1940)
romaine avant 1054," Rev.
5-23. 84. Michel, 10-11; Jugie, 168.
Brehier, II 487-
schisme byz. 230.
On Mirbt, n. 269; French translation in Jugie, op. cit. 2o6f. and Cerularius, Michel, Humb. u. Kerull 2 vis. reviewed in
M. Viller, and Byzantion 2 (1926) 615-19, by und Aktenstiicke -sammlungen id'. "Lateinische
321-26 by Jugie;
Hist. Jahrb. 60 (1940) 46-64 (he calls Humbert "Sturmvogel (1053-1054)" der gregorianischen Reform", "der heissbliitige Sturmer").
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS 87. Cf.
"I Legati inviati da
nopoli erano autorizzati a scomunicare Oriental (cf.
8 (1942) 209-18;
Irenikon 1954, 153) that the
which caused the
Cerulario?" patriarca Michele share the opinion of others
mandate of the
Gesch. d. fyz. Staates, 2nd
Leone IX nel 1054 il
was not cesaropapism
89. Laurent, Miscell Mercati III 373-96.
if. Jugie, op. dt 2i2f. 216, 23
91. Cf. Michel,
in following note, 74.
the ecclesiological ideas of Humbert and their connection with
those of the Gregorian reform, des Kardinals I
ihr Einfluss auf
Gregor VII," Studi Gregoriani Humbert and the Ecclesia
1947) 65-92; Ullmann,
Michel, "Die folgenschweren Ideen
111-27; Michel, Die Sentenzen des Kardinals
Humbert, das erste Rechtsbuch der pdpstlichen
Reform (Leipzig 1943).
origin of the Dictates Papae (March 1075): J. Gauss, "Die Dictatus-Thesen Gregors VII als Unionsforderungen, Zeitschr. d.
Savigni-Stiftung, Kanon. Abt.
V. Buffon, Chiesa
29 (1940) 1-115.
di Cristo e
nelle lettere di
Paolo Sarpi (Louvain 1941) 62.
94. This n.
the opinion of Michel, op. dt. 77, n.
and of Every, Introd.
K. Jordan, "Zur papstlichen Finanzgeschichte
received the approbation of Brehier, Rev. historique, 199 (1948).
Archive^ 25 (1933-34) 61-104
Gregor VII," Studi Gregor-
Norden, Das Papsttum und Eyzanz (Berlin 1903)
Nicetas of Nicomedia, in his dispute of 1136 with Anselm of Havelberg,
reproached the Roman Church for wishing to decide everything, alone, by her authority: Anselm of Havelberg, Dialog. Ill 8, PL 188.1219. 96.
At the synod at Nicaea-Nymphaeum in 1234, the
schism has lasted for close to three hundred years." (Cf. Mansi, XXIII, 297, D.)
from the year
NOTES TO CHAPTER FIVE
See for example Jugie, Le schisme byz. 252-53, 258 (Twelfth and Cf. for the Orthodox viewpoint, L. Gafton (in
the Attempts Rumanian), "The Aggravation of the Schism, following
thodoxia (Bucharest) 8
from the nth to the I5th
in the period
differences (and not a comprehensive
As a sampling of such
mention the expression "transsubstantiation" (first employed about 1130); the theology of indulgences (first attested concessions in 1016, then at the Council
of Clermont, 1095) and, in a general way, the
satisfaction (St. Anselm), with conseinsistence aspects of penal cited of understanding Purgatory (c our study quences as to our way of the of the ch. Ill, n. 39); papal power theology development
and the tendency to exercise
in sense ofplenitudo potestatis, the tendency
towards centralization; the restriction of canonizations to the pope,
Cf. Algermissen, Konfesslonskunde... 577.
Such attempts were
of John the Scot, a movement which ended
with the condemnation of 1241.
M.-D. Chenu, "Le
en Occident au XIII e
Melange Aug. Peber Dondaine, "Hugues de Saint-Cher et k condemnation du 1241," Rev. des. Sc. phil. et th&ol. (1947) 170-74, and Rech.
(Louvain 1947) I59f.
Thlol. anc. et med. 19 (1952) 6of.
Mendoza on phil
add, in recent times, the theology
the Eucharist in the Six-
thtol (1950) 401-2.
mysteries of Dom
60 and the "new theology", linked to the current rediscovery of the Orient as to the interpretation of biblical sources. There were, Casel,
fortunate successes or at least, half-successes.
the influence of Denis the Areopagite
(who was not followed
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS oriental themes), there
Bernard and William
Petavius and Scheeben. Thierry), Nicholas of Cusa,
were the Cistercians
214.771: "If the Patriarch invited
we will receive him benevolently and joyfully (to the general Council...) of our Church. as a beloved brother and one of the principal members On other matters, by the authority of the Apostolic See and with the with his advice and the advice of the approbation of the Holy Council, should be enacted." Hofmann, "L'ide*e what enact other brethren, we will du
3 (July 1950)
R. Scholz, "Eine Geschichte und Kirchenverfassung
P. Kehr), 1406," Papsttutn und Kaisertum... (Festg.
(Munich 1926) 595-^1
607, n. 3.
Aubert, Le pontifical. .. 402-26.
Already in 1169-1177, and therefore before the conquest by the Michael Anchialus declared: "Let the Saracen be my
Latins, the Patriarch
Lord in outward
do not become of one mind with the
soul, for I
without enthusiasm: Diehl,
with the second,
in the things
if I do obey have deserted
me, will drive away." Every, Byzantine At the Council of Florence, Dositheus, Bishop of Povhopat dnodavelv,
Cf. Gloubokovski cited supra,
Preferring the turban to the
harwiaai nore ch.
the Greeks defended Constantinople
fEmpire byzanttn 199-209.
are alluding to the distinction established
"Gegensatz" and "Widerspruch." Journet
by Mohler between and contrary.
10. Concilium Tridentinum Diariorum, actorum, epistularum, tractatuum colkctio.
theologians of Wittenberg
find the Byzantine theologians equally ill-disposed.
NOTES - CHAPTER FIVE of them, Zygomalas, gave them the following response at the beginning of the Eighteenth Century: "Etsi Christus ipse de coelo descenderet, dicens Sanctum a Patre et Filio procedere, tamen Graecos id non esse Spiritum
should like to quote here some truly irenic texts; see the one PG I20.796f; Jugie, Sclnsme Byz. 22$, and that of
of Peter of Antioch,
Theophylactus, 12. P.
I26.22if; Jugie, 243.
Tournier, Medecine de
personne 5th. edit.
1941) 21 if.
tripartitum pars 2, c. 14; (Edit.
14. Ibid. 214.
15. The Roman conception of the unity of the Church, he said, be rather well shown by the analogy of a pkte with the letter P which is unbreakable because when broken the fragment with P is the pkte. F. Ckude Kempson, The Church in Modern England
1908) 202, cited in C. Smyth, The Appeal of Rome-,
r J 94^) 9-
See Acts 2.41-2, 47;
with the twelve," Mark 8.45 and
Luke 24.33. The Apostles "those who were with Peter," Mark Luke 8.45 and cp. 5.1-11, and for the sense, Luke, 22.31-2.
Humbert of Romans, op. dt. pars 2, ch. 6f. (Brown, II 21 if.) has, some particularly interesting formulas. The popes have
in this respect,
often joined to the institution
by Our Lord, the mention of "patrum
decreta" (the Councils), and the imperial recognition (Donatio Constantini), etc.
AFTER NINE 21.
Leo XIII remarked
our doctrines by
we may we will
Pius XI: "Eucharistiae sacraquoting some words of
restrict ourselves to
such effect that,
unitatis, mysterium percolamus, pignus causamque praecipuam
amorem studiosamque consuetudinem quotquot Slavi Ex quo Ecclesia discessu conservarunt... ipso a Romana cum vinculum reconciliandae unitatis Alterum licebit...
tandem sperare Orientalibus Slavis in
Virginem ac nobisque
eos ab baereticis pietate continetur,
the third centenary of finally see
singular! studio erga
magnam Dei Matrem
compluribus sejungens, Dei 12 Nov. 1933 for
Sedis 15 (1923) Josaphat: Acta Ap.
surles mots' Eglise,' 'Confession,' et
Irtnikon 23 (1950) 3-3<5-
22. Cf. Brehier,
in his considerable
has given perhaps the
elements stressing the
23. See supra.
had not been
Thirty years before Cerularius, The Church and the
Tillmann, Papst Innocenz III, 2i6f.) and n. 37) while conceiving the union to be more than to the authority of the Roman See, still did not submission a anything, a Uniate Church statute that, in principle, would of idea the utterly reject
Papacy 399; Innocent Innocent IV (cf. infra,
be respectful of the Oriental
undiscussed the points already defined as art.
Rome in the
agreed to leave
97, n. 3.
schisme lyz. passim, has given quite a
25. If the reconstruction
of events attempted by Grumel
towards a reconciliation in the year Rome avecTOrient 1062: "Le premier contact de apres le schisme de Michel
seems to have taken the
Cerulaire," Bull. Litter. eccUsiast. 43
essentially the conversations held
the Old-Catholics at
the Anglicans and the
in the Eighteenth, Nineteenth
the journey of P. Puller in Russia in 1912; the report of commission published in 1932 ; (3) between the Orthodox and
Russic et Chrstiente, n. 3-4.
We hope to indicate elsewhere
the documentation and the results of these exchanges.
the causes of a better comprehension
"no" in the
remarkable Etudes de theologie positive sur
vols. (Paris 1892-1898).
Evidently to be is
decisive matter, if not for Photius himself (Jugie says
article cited supra n. 76,
says "yes" in Rev. des
perhaps even for the
and in Le
schisme byz. 143-46;
byz. 5  218-234), then at least for Cerularius,
of Antioch and Theophylactus (Pal-
mieri, Theol. dogm. orth. II 30-32); again in the attempt at reconciliation
in the year 1062, and, fundamentally, until the Council of Florence (Pal-
which, moreover, the question of the primacy, perhaps slightly camouflaged, seems not to have caused great difficulty. At the synod of Nicaea-Nymphaeum in 1234 and at Lyons, the Greeks
the causes of discord,
of doctrine, and mentions only the
place to ques-
2, c. 18:
regarding the Filioque and the Azymes.
Humbert of Romans
Some of the Orthodox do not blame
the Filioque in itself but only
Creed; thus, for example, A. S. Khomiakov, Russia and the English Church, ed. Birkbeck,
unilateral insertion into the
or Msgr. Gerasino Messara, Greek-Arab Metropolitan of Beyrouth
14 (1911) 48-51. Today, the greater of the Orthodox say that the Filioque is not a heresy or even a
in his letter
dogmatic error but an admissible theological opinion, a "theologoumenon." Thus, in a very positive way, Soloviev; cf. his "Questions" in d'Herbigny tr. A. M. Buchanan (London 1918) 166. Nicetas of Nicodemia; cf. Twelfth the Century,
Vladimir Soloviev, Russian Similarly,
Lee, Les idles d'Anselme de Havelberg sur
dtveloppement des dogmes
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS (Tongerloo 1938) 10 and n. 26; and again, in contemporary times, Bolotov, Florovsky, Boulgakov (cf. Hadzega, "Der heutige orthodoxe Standpunkt in der Filioque-Frage," ThcoL und Glaube 34,  324-330)
consider that the Filioque, correctly understood,
should not be an obstacle to reunion; thus Lossky, Irlnikon (1938) n. 24, Eulogius and Svetlov, Rev. des professors of the
Cassien and several
byz. (1953) 162.
could also bring other testimonies to bear.
(1950) n. 3-4.
In touching lightly
the question, Gavin, Some Aspects... 134-143, does not mention such clear
and positive statements emanating from Greek theologians as the sampling of testimonies we have just given, which come almost entirely from Russian theologians.
Msgr. Elias Meniate, Bishop of Zarissa, La Germ. transL Vienna, (1787) cited by De Maistre, C. Pobedonoscev; Pape, 417; the Procurator of the Holy Synod,
29. Thus, for example, pierre d' achoppement
Prince G. Troubetskoy (cited
Put (1924) 95, n, i; Boulgakov,
these let us
the following text of Leo XIII: "Si pauca excipias, sic cetera consentimus, ut in ipsis catholici nominis vindiciis non raro ex doctrina, ex more, ex ritibus,
quibus Orientales utuntur, testimonia atque argumenta promamus.
20, 1894: Acta 14 (1895) 199; ed. B. Presse, Lettres
30. Cathedra PetrL. 79. Cf.
our preface to Photius by Dvornik, 17-21.
of these would be impressive.
will cite only, besides
Pontificis prirnatu..." Letter Prae-
n. 35., the rapid survey
L'azione dei Papi per funita delta Chiesa 32. Cf. Hergenrother,
in the following note,
of Smit, Roma
(Rome fiber die
e fOriente cristiano,
Trennung der morgenlandi-
und abendlandischen Kirche (Wurzburg 1865) KSpfi Papsttum und Byzanz. Die Trennung der beiden Machte und
Norden, Das ihre
zum Untergang des byzantinischen Reiches (1453) (BerUn 1903). See also Jugie, Le schisme byz. 197, 252; Fliche, "Le probl^me oriental au
NOTES - CHAPTER FIVE second concile ceoimenique de Lyon, Orient,
Vffier, "La question de 1'Union christ. period. 13 (i94?) 475-85 ^ a celui entre Grecs et Latins depuis le concile de Lyon jusqu
de Florence, 1274-1438," Rev. fHist. 18
Melanges de Jerphanion,
17 (1921) 260-305, 5*5-32;
La Maison-Dieu 26
dans I'Europe libre (Paris 1920). L'tiglise libre
collection in A. d'Avril, very interesting but incomplete Documents relatifs aux glises de rOrient considerees dans leur rapports avec 35. See the
the list (Paris 1862); again
of documents, complete
within the indicated limits, with quotations from important passages, "De unitate ecclesiae orientalis et occidental restituenda, in J.
de re Sedis ultimi saeculi (1848-1938) illustrata," Periodica 5. Sedes See also A. Korenec, morali, canonica, liturgica 28 (1939) 209-33. et disciplinae graeco-catholicorum agitur de Calendario (Vienna 1916). Apostolica
For documents on the union of Brest, sometimes unjustly criticized by cf. the Orthodox, for it was based on respect for the rites and customs, Christ, Oriental mit Ruthenen Rom," Hofmann, "Wiedervereinigung der of the attitude of the 125-72. And, for an overall view 3 (1924)
Holy See and
Aubert, Le Saint-Siege
[Chrttientd nouvelle] (Brussels 194?)-
clear in Aubert, op.
Unites 2 (July 1949) 17-27. catholiques et dissidentes,"
the Bulgarians, supra ch. IV, n. 57; for
In the dealings carried out under Innocent IV (who, for his part, sacrificed of the Orient), the Greeks accepted the following condithe Latin
of the papal primacy, oath of obedience of the Greek obedience to the decisions of the pope in so far as they be not contrary
to the canons
of the Councils, the
curia as jurisdiction
the right of the pope to preside over Councils, and to vote first at these; cf. Norden, Das Papsttum... 369. Complete this with Hofmann, "Patriarch
von Nikaia Manuel
an Papst Innozenz IV,"
Oriental, christ. period.
AFTER NINE HUNDRED YEARS
A church dignitary
Msgr. G. Calavassy, declared that the Oriental Churches, while remaining autocephalous, could (i953) 59-70-
as authoritative as
nevertheless find their place in Catholic unity.
Cf. Irtnikon (1955) 173-
an exact fact and express very significantly a true
will here quote these lines that
end the splendid
Thlologie orthodoxe a Afhenes;
the Proces-verbaux du Premier Congres de
29 Nov.-6 Dec. 1936 (Athens 1939) 506: "We have noted with particular joy that in reporting the Erst Congress of Orthodox Theology in Athens, both the official organ of the Vatican and the daily and periodical Catholic press
have commented upon
during the sessions of the Congress. as
excuse for displeasure was given the Catholic
On the contrary,
the divergent points,
they came up for discussion, were handled respectfully and with
and dignity of the articles that appeared in the Catholic incontestably produced an excellent impression in Orthodox circles.
This will perhaps serve on later occasions
important step toward
bringing about a good attitude and a Christian and holy understanding
between the two Churches."
The Relations of
the Anglican Churches... 95.
continued from front flap
The West must
the East for
and the East
must, in turn, come to an understanding
and the West. Only
an atmosphere of love and forgiveness of the past can the most grievous wound the Church has ever suffered, be healed.
THE AUTHOR Yves Congar was born in Sedan in 1904 and after studies at the Institut
Catholique in Paris, became a Dominican in 1925. Since 1931 he has been at Saulchoir, speprofessor of theology cializing in ecclesiology
tor of the collection
each year has participated by preaching
for Christian Unity.
TYPOGRAPHICAL NOTE After M'ne Hundred Years
Aldine Bembo 270, originally designed by Aldus Manutius in Venice for a small tract of Pietro
young humanist poet, later Cardinal and secretary to Pope Leo X. Later forms became the basis for the adaptation of
sulted in Caslon
Jacket design by Johannes Troyer