A Dictionary of Skiri Pawnee
Studies in the Anthropology of North American Indians editors Raymond J. DeMallie Douglas R. Parks
A Dictionary of Skiri Pawnee Douglas R. Parks and Lula Nora Pratt
Published by the University of Nebraska Press Lincoln and London In cooperation with the American Indian Studies Research Institute, Indiana University, Bloomington
© 2008 by the Board of Regents of the University of Nebraska All rights reserved Manufactured in the United States of America ∞ Library of Congress Cataloging-inPublication Data Parks, Douglas R. (Douglas Richard), 1942– A dictionary of Skiri Pawnee / Douglas R. Parks and Lula Nora Pratt. p. cm. — (Studies in the anthropology of North American Indians) Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 978-0-8032-1926-7 (cloth: alk. paper) 1. Pawnee language—Dictionaries—English. 2. English language—Dictionaries—Pawnee. I. Pratt, Lula Nora, 1908–2001. II. Title. PM2137.Z5P37 2008 497'.933—dc22 2008031042
CONTENTS Preface / vii Acknowledgments / ix List of Abbreviations / xii Sound Key / xvii PART ONE Introduction 1. Background and History / 3 2. Sounds and Alphabet / 13 3. Major Sound Changes / 19 4. Grammatical Overview / 29 5. Organization of the Dictionary / 53 PART TWO English to Skiri Pawnee / 63 PART THREE Skiri Pawnee to English / 349 APPENDICES 1. Illustrative Skiri Verb Conjugations / 531 2. Verb Roots with Irregular Dual or Plural Agents / 539 3. Kinship Terminology / 541 References / 547
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Preface The Skiri language was spoken in and around the area of Pawnee County in northcentral Oklahoma. It is the site of the former Pawnee Reservation, where the four Pawnee bands settled after the federal government relocated them from Nebraska to Indian Territory in 1874—76. The town of Pawnee is the county seat and still serves, as it has for over a century, as the locus of Pawnee social, economic, and political life. To the east of the Pawnee city limits is the Pawnee Reserve, a remnant of their reservation, on which are located tribal government buildings, Bureau of Indian Affairs offices, a modern health center, a round house for community events, and a tribal police station, in addition to the abandoned stone buildings that once formed the Pawnee Indian School. When I began my study of Pawnee (both the South Band and Skiri dialects) in 1965, there were perhaps as many as 250 speakers. Today the language is no longer spoken. Many Skiris still remember words, expressions, and basic sentences in their language, but the last truly fluent speaker of it was Lula Nora Pratt, who collaborated with me for more than fifteen years, until she passed away in 2001. This dictionary represents part of the results of our work together. It comprises approximately half of the total lexical entries in my larger Skiri dictionary database, which is a compendium of data collected over a period of four decades and supplemented by historical recordings. I had at first intended the present dictionary as a much simpler and smaller work that would be primarily for use by language learners, especially those taking Skiri language classes, and by individuals who are maintaining such tribal traditions as song and prayer. However, during the developmental stage of the dictionary, I and the project’s technical editor, William Anderson, gradually expanded both the number and complexities of entries so that the dictionary would also serve linguists and other scholars who might want to utilize it as a language reference work. The result is an “intermediate” dictionary–one that has basic lexical and grammatical information on some 5,000 entry headwords that will provide ample data to meet the needs of most users, including students and scholars–pending completion of the fuller Skiri dictionary that will present a thorough reference work with more information in the entries as well as sound recordings. The present dictionary, in addition to being the first published one of a Caddoan language, is the initial volume of a two-volume set that describes the Skiri language. It will be followed by a second volume that describes Skiri grammatical structure and that offers significantly more detailed grammatical information than does the sketch of Pawnee phonology and morphology included in the Introduction to the present volume.
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Acknowledgments
Many Skiri Pawnee speakers contributed to this dictionary and to the larger database from which it is derived. Unfortunately, all are now deceased and will not see this and future products of our collaborations, but the outcomes of their endeavors to preserve a record of their language for posterity–for their descendants as well as for scholars and other interested people–will endure as their legacy. It will be a legacy for which many generations will be forever grateful. Foremost among the contributors to the project of documenting Skiri is Lula Nora Pratt, universally known as Nora, who was an enthusiastic collaborator for over a decade and a half. During that period, which came to an end shortly before her death in 2001, she always gave priority to our work, putting aside other activities whenever I was able to go to Pawnee, usually for two-month periods, and devoting full weekdays to our linguistic work. Without that unwavering dedication to our project, and without her unique knowledge of the Skiri language and traditional culture, the record of Skiri could not have been as rich as it is. It is a pleasure and an honor to acknowledge her as a coauthor of this dictionary. No less important to the success of the project is the legacy of Roaming Scout, a monolingual Skiri priest who collaborated with James R. Murie and George A. Dorsey during the last decade of the nineteenth and first decade of the twentieth centuries. In 1906 Roaming Scout recorded on wax cylinders a large collection of texts that describe all aspects of Skiri life and religion in the nineteenth century. Murie, a mixed blood Skiri whose first language was Skiri and who worked as an assistant to Dorsey, transcribed the texts, and later Dorsey emended them. From 1985 to 1992 Nora and I retranscribed them phonemically and translated them into both literal and free English. Those texts, which provided a wealth of lexical data and examples of usage, have immeasurably enriched this dictionary and the larger database from which it is derived. It is a pleasure to express our indebtedness and gratitude to Roaming Scout and his collaborators for their foresight to record this collection of textual material at the turn of the twentieth century, when knowledge of traditional life in Nebraska was rapidly disappearing after the tribe’s move to Oklahoma in the 1870s. Other Skiri speakers who contributed their knowledge to this dictionary are the late Sam Allen, Gerty Clark, Albin Leading Fox, Harry Mad Bear, Mary Moore, and Henry Roberts. To all of them we wish to express our appreciation.1 1. Biographical data and the specific contributions of each individual are given in the Introduction below.
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
In addition to the preceding speakers who contributed directly to the dictionary, there are many Skiri people who have contributed indirectly. Outstanding among them are Nora’s daughters Roberta Gardipe and Thomasine Neff, and her sons Douglas Tilden and Willard Pratt, all of whom helped provide a comfortable working environment for us and assisted us in other ways too numerous to list. To each of them we wish to express our deep gratitude. Similarly, it is a pleasure to acknowledge the unflagging interest of Charles (Buddy) Lone Chief, a long-time member of the Pawnee Business Council who strongly believes in the importance of Pawnee language documentation and revival. For more than a decade, always with characteristic wit, he has been an active supporter of the project and has assisted us in innumerable ways that are deeply appreciated. Other individuals whom we wish to acknowledge by expressing our appreciation are the following, all of whom are now deceased: Adam Pratt, Virginia Moore, George Roberts, Philip Gover, and Ben Goose. Still others are Tom Evans, the late Zella Little Sun, Joanne Spotted Horse, and Jimm Good Tracks, all of whom have maintained a constant interest in our linguistic studies and offered assistance whenever possible. We also want to thank three former presidents of the Pawnee Business Council who gave their support to the project: Marshall Gover, Robert Chapman, and Elizabeth Black Owl. Individuals whom I wish to acknowledge for their friendship and for making my time in Pawnee pleasant are the late James P. Riemer, D.O., from whom I rented an apartment for six years; and Mary Jo Couri, who has rented me a house for the past ten years that has served as home and sound studio. Mary Jo and her late mother May Beagle are gregarious and hospitable, and are superb cooks and bakers as well, and over the past decade they have made my residence in Pawnee both more comfortable and social. At the American Indian Studies Research Institute, Indiana University, many people have contributed in fundamental ways to the development and publication of this dictionary specifically and to the larger Northern Caddoan language documentation project more generally. A major endeavor was development of the relational dictionary database application, Indiana Dictionary Database (IDD), that facilitated creation of multimedia lexical archives for Arikara and the two Pawnee dialects. The colleagues primarily responsible for developing IDD are Brian Gygi and Wallace (Wally) E. Hooper, assisted at various times by Francis Flavin, Helen Chen, and Travis Myers. Wally and Travis, in fact, have been essential to all technical aspects of the language documentary projects. It is a pleasure to acknowledge with profound gratitude their talent and dedicated work. Another important dimension of the project has been archiving the sound recordings. Jordan Goffin, a former graduate student, diligently arranged the tape collections, ensured that there were the necessary archival copies of each tape, and entered each tape and its contents into an archival database created by Travis and himself. We wish to express our thanks to them. A large component of the Skiri sound recordings is a collection of some 23,000 lexical items digitally recorded from 1996 through 2000. Cutting individual tokens of
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
multiply-recorded items and saving them as sound files is a tedious, time-consuming task that has been accomplished over the past ten years by a sequence of individuals, most of whom are former students. They include Jon Bowman, Nicole Evans, Amber L. Gallup, Rebecca Hill, Tim Howington, Noah Silbert, and Walter Wells. A related endeavor has been digitally remastering all recordings of texts and enhancing their sound quality. Among them are the Roaming Scout texts, recorded on wax cylinders in 1906, and my analog tape recordings of Skiri texts made in the 1960s. Patrick Feaster, a former graduate student in ethnomusicology with exceptional skills in sound enhancement, has taken a special interest in the Roaming Scout recordings and has remastered the collection several times, as newer software enhancement programs have become available. Similarly, Jon Bowman has enhanced the sound quality of the analog recordings. To both individuals we owe a debt of gratitude for their dedication and careful, highly skillful work. Our deepest expression of gratitude has been reserved for last–for William (Bill) Anderson, a linguist who has held the position of lexicographer at AISRI for the past six years. Bill’s passion is the study of languages, particularly to organize and analyze linguistic data in morphology, phonology, and phonetics. Moreover, he is a skilled user of computer technology who utilizes various software programs and does much of his own programming. In his role as database manager and dictionary editor, Bill has worked tirelessly and enthusiastically to make this dictionary an exemplary work in terms of content, accuracy, editorial consistency, and insightfulness. He has assiduously measured the length of vowels in thousands of sound recordings to resolve transcriptional uncertainties, identified and resolved phonological problems, and worked with me to unravel the etymologies of numerous entries. Without his dedication to the project, the dictionary would be less than what it is now. Finally, it is a pleasure to acknowledge enjoyable and profitable discussions of Skiri lexicography with three AISRI colleagues–Raymond J. DeMallie, Paul Kroeber, and John Erickson–and with four graduate students–Indrek Park, Joshua Richards, Logan Sutton, and Bradley Kroupa–who have spent many hours studying Northern Caddoan languages and working on specific Skiri or Arikara projects. We also wish to acknowledge that the material in this dictionary is based largely on work supported by the National Science Foundation (Grant Nos. DBS-9121418, SBR9514516, BCS-9875895, BCS-0215574, and BCS-0421838) and, for work with the Roaming Scout texts, by the National Endowment for the Humanities (Grant No. RE20801-89). Any opinions, findings, and conclusions or recommendations expressed in this material are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the National Science Foundation or the National Endowment for the Humanities.
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ABBREVIATIONS an. Ar. colloq. comb. cp. contemp. dist. du. ex. gen. hist. impf. inan. incl. indef. int. irr. isol. iter. Ki. Nebr. neg. obj. obs. Okla. Pa. pl. refl. SB sg. Sk. sub. subj. Wi.
animate Arikara colloquial(ly) combining form compare contemporary distributive dual exclusive generic(ally) historical(ly) imperfective inanimate inclusive, including indefinite intentive irregular isolation form iterative Kitsai Nebraska negative object obsolete Oklahoma Pawnee (general) plural reflexive South Band Pawnee singular Skiri Pawnee subordinate/dependent subject Wichita
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ABBREVIATIONS
Grammatical Classes
ABS ADJ ADV COLL CONJ CONT DEM INTER INTERJ LOC N N-DEP N-KIN NUM PRON QUAN VD VI VL VP VR VT
(1) (1-a) (1-i) (2) (2-i) (3) (4) (4-i) (u) (wi)
absolutive mode prefix adjective adverb(ial) collective conjunction contingent mode prefix demonstrative interrogative of quantity interjection locative/directional prefix or prefix string noun dependent noun stem inalienably possessed kinship term numeral pronoun quantifier descriptive verb intransitive verb locative verb patientive, or passive, verb reflexive verb transitive verb verb class 1: -a suffixed to dependent forms verb class l-a: -a suffixed to dependent forms, intentive perfective in -asta verb class 1-i: -i suffixed to dependent forms, imperfective in -i verb class 2: -i suffixed to dependent forms verb class 2-i: -i suffixed to dependent forms, imperfective in -i verb class 3: various stem-specific changes in dependent forms verb class 4: no stem change in dependent forms verb class 4-i: no stem change in dependent forms, imperfective in -i verb inflected like descriptive verbs, including -u suffix to dependent forms verb inflected locative verbs -wi suffix to dependent forms
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ABBREVIATIONS
Morphemes in Lexical Derivations 1.A 1/2.A 1.P 1.POSS 1/2.PL
1.DU.IN.A 1.DU.IN.P 1.PL.IN.A 2.A 2.P 2.POSS 3.A 3.P 3.POSS.A 3.POSS.B 3.PL.AN.P 3.PL.COLL.A 3.PL.INAN.P 3.PL.INDV.A ABS ACT AOR ASSR AUG BEN CAUS CLIT COLL COM CONT.1/2.A CONT.3.A DEIC
first person agentive prefix (t-) first and second person agentive prefix first person patientive prefix (ku-) first person possessive prefix first and second person plural agentive prefix; first and second person plural patientive prefix of active and passive verbs (rak-) first person inclusive dual agentive prefix (acir-) first person inclusive dual patientive prefix (aca-) first person inclusive plural agentive prefix (a-) second person agentive prefix (s-) second person patientive prefix (a-) second person possessive prefix third person agentive prefix (Ø-) third person patientive prefix (Ø-) third person inalienable possessive prefix (i-) third person inalienable possessive suffix (-ri®) third person animate plural patientive, or direct object, prefix (ak-) third person collective plural agentive prefix (ir-) third person inanimate plural patientive, or direct object, prefix (raar-) third person individuative plural agentive prefix (raar-) absolutive mode prefix (ra-) activizer suffix (-a®u, -a, -uk) aorist tense prefix (uks-) assertive mode prefix (rii-) augmentative suffix (-kucuu) benefactive/dative, or indirect, object prefix (ut-) causative (-ik, -k, ra®uk, -wuh, etc.) clitic collective prefix comitative prefix contingent mode prefix with first or second person agentive prefixes (i-) contingent mode prefix with third person agentive prefixes (ri-) deictic
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ABBREVIATIONS
DEM DIM DIST DU DUB DUB.1 DUB.2 EMPH.NEG EV EX FEM GEN.LOC GER HAB HORT IMPF IMPF.SUB INCH IND.1/2.A IND.3.A INDF INDV INF.A INF.B INFR INST INT INT.SUB INTER INTR INTS ITER JUSS LOC LOC.ADV NEG.IND.1/2.A NEG.IND.3.A NEG.POSS
demonstrative diminutive suffix (-kis) distributive suffix (-ik, -ruu, -waa, etc.) dual proclitic (si-) dubitative evidential prefix first dubitative prefix (kuur-) second dubitative prefix (kuruur-) emphatic negative proclitic (karii-...i-) evidential (ar-) existential feminine prefix (c-) general locative prefix (taa-) gerundial (absolutive subordinate) mode prefix (ra-) habitual aspect suffix (-uuku®/-uku) hortative proclitic (ki-) imperfective aspect suffix (-:hus/-:hu®) subordinate imperfective aspect suffix (-hus/-hu) inchoative (-aar, -itik) indicative mode prefix with first and second person agentives (ta-) indicative mode prefix with third person agentives (ti-) indefinite proclitic (ku-) individuative infinitive mode prefix, first part (ra-) infinitive mode prefix, second part (ku-) inferential evidential prefix (tiir-) instrumental suffix (-hiri®) intentive aspect suffix (-ta) intentive subordinating suffix (-rit) interrogative proclitic (ka-, takii-, kirikii-, etc.) intransitivizer suffix (-ak) intensive prefix (ruu-...i-) iterative prefix (ka-, raar-/rah-, etc.) jussive prefix (uks-) locative suffix (-hiri®, -kat, -ru, -t; haar+hiri®) locative adverbial base (-haa, -taku) negative indicative mode prefix with first and second person agentives (kaaka-) negative indicative mode prefix with third person agentives (kaaki-) negative possessive proclitic (kaaku-)
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ABBREVIATIONS
NOM OBV P.POSS PERF PHY.BEN PHY.POSS PL PL.3.A PL.BEN PL.INDV.A PL.P.POSS PORT POSS POSS.1/2.A POSS.3.A POT.1/3.A POT.2.A PREV PREV.1/2.A PREV.3.A QUOT REFL SEQ SG SUB.1 SUB.2. SUB.3 SUB.4 SUB.D SUB.L SUBJ.1/2.A SUBJ.3.A TRANS
nominal/absolutive suffix (-u®) obviative/de-focusing/switch-reference prefix (ir-) patientive possessive prefix perfective aspect suffix (-his/-is) physical benefactive physical possession marking plural prefix (ak-, ir-, raak-, raar-/rah-) third person collective (unitary) plural agentive prefix plural benefactive, or indirect object, prefix individuative plural agentive prefix plural patientive possessor portative prefix (ra-, rii-, ruu-) possessive prefix (ir...uur...ri-) possessor prefix with first and second person agentives possessor prefix with third person agentives potential mode prefix with first and third person agentives (kuus-...i-) potential mode prefix with second person agentives (kaas-...i-) preverb (ir-, ut-, uur-) preverb with first and second person agentives (ir-) preverb with third person agentives (a-) quotative evidential prefix (wi-) reflexive-reciprocal proclitic (witi-) sequential/resultative prefix (i-) singular number subordinating suffix of Class 1 verbs subordinating suffix of Class 2 verbs subordinating form of Class 3 verbs subordinating suffix of Class 4 verbs descriptive stem subordinating suffix (-u) locative stem subordinating suffix (-wi) subjunctive mode prefix with first and second person agentives (aa-) subjunctive mode prefix with third person agentives (ii-) transitivizer affix (ut-..., uur-..., -ik, -k, -kii, -u, etc.)
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Skiri Sound Key
Letter
Equivalent Sound
Skiri
English
CONSONANTS
p
as in English spot
piíta
‘man’
t
as in English stop
taátu®
‘plant’
k
as in English skate
kariíku®
‘liver’
c
as in English patch and cents
cíkic
‘itchy’
s
as in English sit
sát
‘walnut’
w
as in English wall
áwi®u®
‘mage’
r
as in Spanish pero ‘but’
rákis
‘wood’
h
as in English hit
hiítu®
‘feather’
®
as in English uh-uh
paátu®
‘blood’
VOWELS
i
as in English pit
pítku
‘two’
ii
as in English weed
piíta
‘man’
u
as in English boot
ut
‘prairie chicken’
uu
as in English rude
uukawikis
‘lance’
a
as in English putt
ásku
‘one’
aa
as in English father
haátu®
‘tongue’
xvii
PART ONE
Introduction
1 Background and History Throughout the late-eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries the Pawnees lived along major tributaries of the Missouri River in central Nebraska and northern Kansas. Historically they were one of the largest and most prominent peoples on the Plains, numbering some ten thousand or more individuals during the period of early contact with Europeans. From the end of the eighteenth century to the present, four divisions, generally designated bands, have been recognized. Northernmost were the Skiris, who spoke one dialect of the Pawnee language and formed a virtually separate tribe. Until the early nineteenth century the Skiris lived along the north bank of the Loup River, at one time in perhaps as many as thirteen villages, but by the early historical period in a single village. To the south of them, generally on the south bank of the Platte River, but ranging as far south as the Republican River in Kansas, lived the Chawis, the Kitkahahkis, and the Pitahawiratas, each of whom usually comprised a single village. The latter three groups, today generally designated the South Band Pawnees, spoke a dialect of the language distinct from that of the Skiris. In the mid 1870s the tribe was relocated to what was then Indian Territory, now the state of Oklahoma, and occupied a reservation that covered primarily what is now Pawnee County. Today most Pawnees still reside there, in or around the town of Pawnee, the county seat. The Pawnee Nation is their official designation as a social and political entity, and tribal offices are located on reserve land adjacent to the eastern boundary of the town. Pawnee is a member of the northern branch of the Caddoan language family that also includes the Arikara, Kitsai, and Wichita languages. The two Pawnee dialects are most closely related to Arikara, which has sometimes been considered a dialect of Pawnee, but it and the Pawnee dialects are, in fact, mutually unintelligible. Skiri and South Band Pawnee speech, in contrast, are mutually intelligible. Today no fluent speakers of either Pawnee dialect remain, although there are still individuals who know some of their heritage language. A Dictionary of Skiri Pawnee, comprising approximately 4,500 entries, presents the basic vocabulary of the language. It has been designed to serve as a resource both for students learning the language and for other users who want to look up words for spelling, pronunciation, meaning, or reference–the information essential to any elementary bilingual reference work. The volume has been developed from a larger Skiri Dictionary Database (SDD), compiled by Parks, that comprises an archive of all known Skiri lexical material. The SDD has approximately ten thousand entries, each 3
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BACKGROUND AND HISTORY
with an array of grammatical and paradigmatic forms, historical citations, lexical cross-referencing and analysis, and glosses with textual and elicited examples, as well as sound recordings and images. Table 1. Variant Names of Pawnee Subdivisions Pawnee Name and
Variant English
English Translation
Contemporary English Name
Historical English Names
Ckíri ‘Wolf’
Skiri
Skidi
Panimahas, Loups, Loup Pawnees, Wolf Pawnees
Cawií®i (no trans.)
Chawi
Chaui, Tsawi
Grand Pawnees
Kítkahaahki ‘Little Earth Lodge Village’
Kitkahahki
Kitkehahki, Kitkahaki
Republican Pawnees
Piitahaawíraata ‘Man Going East’
Pitahawirata
Pitahauirat, Pitahauerat
Tappage Pawnees, Noisy Pawnees
Spellings
Previous Studies of the Pawnee Language The present volume is the first published dictionary of either Pawnee dialect. The only other extant Pawnee dictionary is an unpublished manuscript glossary compiled in the late-nineteenth century by John B. Dunbar (1911), son of John Dunbar, the Presbyterian missionary who, with Samuel Allis, began work among the Pawnees in 1836. For more than a decade, the elder Dunbar lived and proselytized among the South Bands, while Allis resided with the Skiris for a longer period. During their residence with the tribes the two missionaries learned to speak the Pawnee language. Dunbar’s son, John B. Dunbar, born in 1841, may have learned to speak Pawnee as a child, or perhaps later in life studied it when he was a professor of Latin and Greek languages at Washburn College, Topeka, Kansas. The younger Dunbar wrote articles on Pawnee culture and made two notable linguistic contributions. One is a grammatical sketch of Pawnee that appears as an appendix in the second edition of Pawnee Hero Stories and Folk Tales (Grinnell 1893:409—37). The other is an unpublished 136-page handwritten manuscript entitled “Pawnee-English Vocabulary” (Dunbar 1911), a glossary of the South Band dialect, arranged Pawnee-to-English, with occasional citations of specifically Skiri words. Although the actual completion date of the manuscript is unknown, it was transmitted to the Bureau of American Ethnology Archives (now the National Anthropological Archives), Smithsonian Institution, in 1911. In the same archive is a carefully typed copy of the original that was formerly in the possession of George A. Dorsey. Although the younger Dunbar’s orthography for writing Pawnee is best characterized as roughly phonetic, it is
BACKGROUND AND HISTORY
relatively easy to interpret, and consequently both manuscripts are valuable sources of lexical and grammatical data from the late-nineteenth century. In 1902 George A. Dorsey (Curator of Anthropology, Field Columbian Museum) and James R. Murie, a mixed-blood Skiri, began a long-term collaborative study of Pawnee culture that focused on mythology, religion, and social organization, but also included language. Their work together lasted nearly a decade, and one of their many projects during the first decade of the twentieth century was recording on wax cylinders a collection of narratives from Roaming Scout, an elderly monolingual Skiri priest (Parks and DeMallie 1992; DeMallie and Parks 2002).2 Murie subsequently transcribed the Skiri texts and provided putatively literal English translations of them. Later, Dorsey emended a typed copy of the Skiri transcriptions. From 1985 to 1992 Parks and Nora Pratt collaborated to develop a modern, readable edition of Roaming Scout’s narratives–in the process, retranscribing the Skiri text and preparing entirely new translations. Those texts have been a major source of lexical data for this dictionary and the SDD, especially by providing older, specialized vocabulary. In 1910 Murie became a field researcher for the Bureau of American Ethnology, and over a five-year period he recorded in minute detail surviving Pawnee ceremonies. His documentary work included transcriptions and translations of a large collection of doctors’ songs, mostly in the South Band dialect, but including some in Skiri. Beginning in 1914 Murie also began a collaboration with Clark Wissler (American Museum of Natural History) to document Pawnee ceremonialism, building on Murie’s previous work with Dorsey. For this study, too, Murie soundrecorded the songs integral to Skiri religious ceremonies. The culmination of those two projects–that for the Bureau of American Ethnology and that with Wissler– was the two-volume Ceremonies of the Pawnee that includes all the linguistic material recorded by Murie (Parks 1981). This publication has also been an important source for Skiri lexical material. Gene Weltfish, a student of Franz Boas in the late 1920s, was the first professional anthropologist with linguistic training to document Pawnee. From her work with South Band speakers she published an analyzed text with a short grammatical sketch of Pawnee (1936) and a bilingual collection of narratives (1937), both important works that represent the speech of monolingual Pawnees in the early twentieth century. An equally invaluable language resource is her set of phonetic retranscriptions and literal translations of many of the Roaming Scout narratives into the South Band dialect (1929) and her retranscriptions of Pawnee linguistic forms, particularly song lyrics, in Ceremonies of the Pawnee (Parks 1981). Additional Pawnee vocabulary is scattered throughout her other publications (e.g., Weltfish 1965), all of which, but especially the collection of texts, have provided important contributions to this dictionary. 2. The Skiris recognized a dichotomy between priests, who were religious leaders and knew the rituals of village sacred bundles, and doctors, who were healers (Parks 1981:7—18).
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BACKGROUND AND HISTORY
History of the Present Project The SDD comprises material that was recorded in the course of two periods of field work with elderly Skiri speakers. During the first period, 1965—1970, while I was a graduate student, I worked primarily with speakers of South Band Pawnee in order to record the necessary materials to write a grammar of the language (Parks 1972, 1976). However, during those years I also recorded lexical material from six Skiri speakers–two women and four men–and sound-recorded eleven texts from two of the men, both of whom had been blind from childhood, and one of whom was monolingual. During that period, however, I did not transcribe or translate the texts. By 1985, when I began the second phase of my field work, all of the elderly speakers with whom I had worked in the 1960s had passed away. Consequently, during this period I collaborated with the one remaining fluent Skiri Pawnee speaker, Nora Pratt, who had an exceptional knowledge of the language and was a recognized source of cultural knowledge. Nora grew up in a monolingual home, and, throughout most of her adult life, her mother, Lucy Tilden, who was monolingual, lived with her. Since Nora’s husband, Adam Pratt, was also a speaker of Pawnee (South Band dialect), the language was used in the household on a daily basis until Lucy died in 1970 at the age of 103 and Adam passed away in 1984. When Nora and I began what turned out to be a seventeen-year collaboration, the primary purpose of our work was to retranscribe and translate the Roaming Scout texts. We worked on them intermittently until 1992, when we were finally satisfied with the transcriptions and translations. Subsequently, we focused attention on compiling a Skiri dictionary. At first, the goal was to produce a printed reference work, but by the mid 1990s multimedia technology was becoming available and, at the same time, I realized the need for a relational database that could adequately accommodate complex dictionary entries. To that end a team at the American Indian Studies Research Institute (AISRI), Indiana University, created a multimedia dictionary database application (Indiana Dictionary Database, or IDD) designed for the creation of a linguistic archive that would serve as the source of bilingual dictionaries to be delivered in a variety of formats, printed, on compact disks, and on the worldwide web. Once development of IDD was well underway and it was possible to incorporate audio recordings into the database, it became necessary to record systematically all of the lexical material in the SDD in order to preserve a sound record of Skiri paralleling the printed one. The recordings were made on digital tape between 1996 and 2001, and the individual words (or tokens) were saved as sound files for importation into the SDD. In the late 1990s we also compiled an inventory of basic paradigms for 150 verbs. The paradigms include all personal pronominal forms in singular, dual, and plural numbers in each of the thirteen modes in Skiri.
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BACKGROUND AND HISTORY
Skiri Contributors There have been numerous contributors to the Skiri documentary project. Foremost among them is Nora Pratt, with whom I collaborated for four weeks in 1977—78 and from 1985 until her death in 2001. During the earlier, shorter, period she and I transcribed and translated the Skiri texts of Sam Allen and Harry Mad Bear that I had recorded in 1966. Then after 1985 I spent, on average, two months a year, and often more, in Pawnee, where we worked on a daily basis. During the early course of that work I came to appreciate what a truly remarkable knowledge of Skiri language and culture Nora possessed, and how the project would have been impossible without her. Lula Nora Pratt (Ctiisaaru® Karu® ‘She Is Indeed A Princess’, 1908—2001) Lula Nora Pratt was born in Pawnee, Oklahoma.3 Both of her parents came from leading Skiri families. Her father was Ezra Tilden (childhood name Aakawikaahat ‘Jumped Off His Horse At The Pipe Dance’, later Piiraski Riisaaru® ‘Boy Chief’), a direct descendent of Brave Chief (Riisaaru® Raraahikuucu), a nineteenth-century hereditary Skiri chief. Nora’s father would have assumed that position himself, after Ezra’s father, who also took the name Brave Chief, passed away, but Ezra preferred that his brother John Moses accept the position. Nora’s mother was Lucy Washington Tilden (Caktaawiirawicpari®)4, a sister of Lizzie Washington (Cuupiriktaakaa ‘White Star Woman’),5 who in the early twentieth century was a Ghost Dance prophetess, a prominent hand game leader, and owner of one of the two Morning Star bundles (Lesser 1933:263; Parks 1981:35). During Nora’s childhood the Tilden home was a focus of Skiri social activity, where older Skiri doctors and prominent men would come with their families to visit and stay for days at a time. In the 1930s, after the two old Skiri roundhouses were torn down to make way for present Pawnee Lake,6 Nora’s first husband, Linford Smith, built a new round house on Ezra Tilden’s land north of town, on the same land where Nora lived her entire life. This new roundhouse, like the ones it replaced, became the hub of Skiri social and ceremonial life for over two decades, until it burned down in the 1950s. 3. Her baby name was Ctaaraahwiruucu® ‘Rounded Mound Of Corn Woman’, given to her by her aunt Lizzie Washington, who dreamed that before Nora was born she would be a girl and should have this name. 4. Translation unknown. The name, which derives from a tribal sacred bundle, seems to mean ‘Carries Them Behind To Different Points’, suggesting a ritual act performed by the keeper of the bundle or its priest. 5. Also known as Mrs. Washington and, more commonly, Old Lady Washington. 6. During the late—nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, each tribe had a roundhouse–a round wooden structure–for public social and religious events. The first of those two round houses was on Lizzie Washington’s land, the later one on Mrs. Good Eagle’s land.
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BACKGROUND AND HISTORY
Throughout her adult life Nora and her second husband, Adam Pratt (Raraahikucteesaaru ‘Chiefly Brave’), a Kitkahahki, were social leaders always actively involved in tribal community events. Adam, who had a prodigious knowledge of Pawnee songs and a strong voice, was for decades one of the leading Pawnee singers, always taking a leading role at the drum during dances, handgames, and other activities, as well as frequently singing at other tribes’ social events. Nora’s Skiri name, She Is Indeed A Princess, signifies that she has all the personal traits of a female family member (wife or daughter) of a chief: humility, generosity, and a strong sense of social responsibility. And, indeed, Nora was distinguished by all of those traits. While Adam would assist the “menfolk” when they butchered beeves for meals at dances and other social events, Nora would contribute food and cooking utensils for the meals and take a leading role in the cooking, activities that she continued into her early nineties. Throughout her adult life she was active in several Pawnee women’s social organizations–the Pocahontas Club, the American War Mothers (Pawnee Chapter), the Star Club–and always gave support, both personal and financial, to tribal and other community social activities. In short, Nora and Adam, like many of their generation, had a strong, admirable sense of social responsibility and always participated in and supported community events in every way they could. Throughout our collaboration, Nora demonstrated the same traits that governed the rest of her life. By the time we began our project in 1985, she was unquestionably the most knowledgeable speaker of either Pawnee dialect, a member of the last generation that was comfortable with the older form of Pawnee speech and who had a sufficient understanding of nineteenth-century Pawnee culture and thought to be able to effortlessly translate religious and other cultural concepts into comprehensible English. Similarly, she was conscious of semantic changes in vocabulary and would draw attention to words that had older, now obsolete or archaic, meanings in contrast to newer, contemporary ones. When I began my work in 1965, she knew an older form of Pawnee than did many individuals a generation older than she, a knowledge and facility, of course, that were nurtured by her home and social environments and by a fierce pride in being a full-blood Skiri. We worked together daily when I was in Pawnee, starting in the morning and continuing until evening, Nora insisting on persevering even on days when she clearly did not feel well. Our goal to document Skiri speech was profoundly significant for her, and was one to which she dedicated herself until shortly before she passed away. William Samuel Allen (Taawahcaakihari® ‘Young Cedar’, 1874—1966) When I first began my study of Pawnee in 1965, I worked primarily with Dolly Moore, a Pitahawirata. Occasionally at noon she would suggest that we go to her son’s house in Pawnee to visit or have lunch. Wilson Moore (Raraacikstahureesaaru ‘He Holds Chiefly Thoughts’), her son, was married to Virginia Gourd, who at the time was in her thirties and took care of her relative, Sam Allen, who was a
BACKGROUND AND HISTORY
monolingual Skiri then in his nineties. Virginia, who spoke Skiri, was able to communicate and interact with him, but since none of the other family members spoke the language, they were unable to converse or socialize with him. Sam had lost his eyesight during childhood, and consequently, in old age, he was socially isolated, generally whiling away the day sitting in his bedroom. Occasionally, however, an older Pawnee speaker would come to visit, and, when the visitor was a male, the two would generally spend most of their time in Sam’s bedroom telling each other traditional stories, often for hours. During my first summer in Pawnee Sam recorded four long stories, both of which are notable for their attention to minute detail and for stylistic repetition. Again, they represent a Skiri speech and narrative style uninfluenced by English, as spoken by a monolingual elder in the mid-twentieth century who, because of language and physical limitations, was isolated from the changing society about him. Despite those social handicaps, Sam’s texts are valuable contributions to Skiri language preservation and to this dictionary. Harry Mad Bear (formerly Kaakaa® Turaahii ‘Good Crow’, later Ti®aakaciksuuku® ‘He Has (Good) Thoughts For People’, 1894—1972) Also blind since his youth, when he developed glaucoma, Harry Mad Bear was elderly when I met him. He lived alone and generally spent most of each day sitting on the porch of his house across the road from the Pawnee Baptist Church. Despite blindness, he spoke good English and was a very trusting, open individual who enjoyed visitors. Whenever I came to see Harry, he seemed delighted to have the company and evinced interest in the language project. Several times he mentioned that he remembered James Murie doing similar work when he was young. Harry’s grandfather and father, both of whom carried, in sequence, the name Mad Bear (Kuruks Tiicariis), had been prominent Skiri doctors, and so Harry had grown up in a conservative household in which he acquired a large repertoire of traditional narratives. His knowledge of those stories, like Sam Allen’s, was undoubtedly due in part to the social isolation imposed by blindness, but he clearly relished the opportunity to narrate a story, in contrast to Sam, whose recitations were characterized by little affect. Over the course of several visits, Harry recorded a total of nine stories for me, clearly only a few of the ones he knew. He liked to record each one first in Skiri and then retell it in English, and finally he wanted the Skiri version replayed so he could listen to his performance, most of the time expressing approval with a smiling nod: “Yeh, that’s right; I told it real good.” And he did. His collection of narratives, after I later transcribed and translated them, demonstrated that he was not only a fluent first-language speaker of Skiri but an accomplished raconteur whose stories represent an interesting variety of genres, two of which had not been previously documented for Pawnee. His stories have proved invaluable for this project.
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10
BACKGROUND AND HISTORY
Henry Roberts (Riitahkac Tiwiitit ‘Sitting Eagle’, 1888—1976) Henry Roberts was a son of Rush Roberts (Riitahkackarahaaru® ‘Proud Eagle’), a prominent Skiri who in his youth had served with the Pawnee Scouts under Luther North when the Pawnees still lived in Nebraska. When I met Henry in 1965, he was an eighty-two-year-old gentleman, somewhat formal in manner, who had retired from government service in the Southwest nearly two decades earlier and had returned with his wife Rose Denomie (a Chippewa) to live in Pawnee. A graduate of Carlisle Indian School in Pennsylvania, Henry spoke a formal register of English, in addition to being fluent in Skiri. Shortly after I first arrived in Pawnee, he and I spent several mornings recording vocabulary and verb paradigms, but I soon became immersed in work with South Band speakers and could not continue recording Skiri material. Fortunately, we recorded a sufficient corpus of lexical and paradigmatic data to compare his speech with that of other Skiris. Gerty Clark (Cituriku ‘Has The Village Woman’, 1893—1975) Gerty Clark was Nora Pratt's aunt, and thus in the generation that immediately preceded Nora's. She married Tom Clark, a Walapai man, and for most of her adult life the couple lived in Anadarko, rarely returning to Pawnee. When I first met Gerty in October 1973, she and her husband had returned to live in Pawnee and, despite experiencing failing health, she was quite willing to help me develop a beginning Skiri lexical file. We worked together over a period of several weeks; and, despite the difficulty at times of recalling vocabulary as a result of not having spoken the language for decades, she made many lexical contributions, and her speech was informative for its distinctive Skiri characteristics. Albin Leading Fox (Kiwaku® Rahiraskaawarii ‘Fox Roaming The World In The Lead’, 1904—1994) During October 1973 I worked with Albin Leading Fox over a period of several mornings. A knowledgeable Skiri speaker, he, too, contributed vocabulary to the dictionary database. Anna Mary Barker Moore (Ctaawakuriwaa ‘Kind Speech Woman’, 1895—1978) On several mornings in October 1973 I reviewed Skiri lexical items with Mary Moore, who had been married to Colonel Moore (Raruhcakuhkarahaaru ‘His Proud Sun’, Pitahawirata), previously the husband of Dollie Moore. She, too, contributed vocabulary to the project.
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BACKGROUND AND HISTORY
Historical Sources Most historical sources presenting Skiri linguistic material are limited to short vocabularies, usually representing a single semantic domain. The exception is the Roaming Scout text collection, which has been a unique and invaluable resource for the Skiri Dictionary Database and this dictionary. Roaming Scout (Kirikiirisu® Rakaawarii ‘Scout Roaming The World’ 7, ca. 1845— 1914) Roaming Scout was born into a chief’s family in traditional Skiri territory circa 1845, when the semisedentary Skiri lifestyle, which for centuries had alternated between horticulture and hunting, was experiencing gradual, but soon to be profound, changes brought about by the incorporation of the Plains region into the new United States and by an ever-expanding Euro-American population. In 1857, when Roaming Scout was ten, the Pawnee tribe signed the Treaty of Table Creek, whereby they relinquished their freedom to travel throughout their traditional hunting territory and ceded most of their lands. The Skiris now became dependents of the U.S. government: they moved to a small reservation on the Loup River in east-central Nebraska, and were encouraged to settle in agricultural communities in an early attempt to acculturate them. Nevertheless, during the mid-nineteenth century, traditional Skiri culture continued as a viable lifeway. Roaming Scout’s childhood and youth, to judge from his autobiography, were typical of traditional Pawnee life, but as he grew older he lived through the years of upheaval that ultimately resulted in the Skiris’ lifestyle succumbing to that of Euro-Americans. Significantly, the new lifestyle was one to which he never fully adapted. When he was young, Roaming Scout evinced a strong interest in Skiri religion and ritual activity, and in the narratives that he recorded for Dorsey and Murie, religion and ritual are the dominant themes. Religion was, indeed, the paramount force throughout his life and apparently created for him a world in which he insulated himself from the overwhelming alien culture that was progressively engulfing him and his people. By the end of the nineteenth century he was the foremost Skiri religious leader by virtue of his being priest of the Evening Star bundle, the leading Skiri religious shrine. During that fin de siècle period Roaming Scout resolved to collaborate with two anthropologists who wanted to record traditional Skiri life. His intermediary, translator, and companion in both endeavors was Murie, who was presumably a relative and the foremost Pawnee interpreter during that period. Roaming Scout’s first experience was working with Alice C. Fletcher, who in the 1890s began a projected long-term study of Pawnee ceremonialism, beginning with the Hako 7. This name is based on the verb stem kaawarii, which means ‘going around inside, roaming inside (an enclosed space)’, but in personal names has the metaphorical meaning ‘roaming under the vault of the Heavens’, i.e., ‘roaming in the world’.
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BACKGROUND AND HISTORY
(Calumet, or Pipe, Dance), for which Murie was crucial. During her studies she recorded verbatim interviews with Roaming Scout, as translated by Murie, on religious and other topics. Roaming Scout’s second collaboration, which extended for almost a decade, was with Dorsey and Murie. It was a collaboration that Roaming Scout interpreted, as he interpreted every object and event in the world, as divinely motivated by the Heavens. Thus, he believed that their work and what he was recording were divinely inspired, motivating him to tell his collaborators everything that he knew in order to preserve an accurate, authentic record of his people’s past. In many ways his greatest contribution is the seven hours of recorded narration recorded in 1906. Those narratives cover a broad range of topics–an autobiography; a detailed account of the annual round of Skiri life, including discussions of kinship and social relations; a sequence of stories illustrating various ethical concepts; extensive descriptions of Skiri religious and medical beliefs–that provide an intellectual perspective on native culture rarely encountered in the literature on native North America. No less important, though, is the linguistic value of the texts: they document late-nineteenthcentury Skiri speech and narrative style before influence from English, and they comprise a rich source of vocabulary. This dictionary, as well as the Skiri Dictionary Database, have thus been significantly enriched because of Roaming Scout’s perspicacity and desire to create a documentary record of Skiri life. Other Sources Supplementary sources are the following: • • •
the field notes of Alexander Lesser (1929—35) and Gene Weltfish (1929—35), which provide transcriptions of Skiri kinship terms; the ethnobotanical data recorded by Melvin R. Gilmore (1919) in the second decade of the twentieth century, which provide Pawnee plant names; and the manuscript glossary of John B. Dunbar (1911) discussed above.
(For a discussion of other historical word lists, see Parks 2001:81—82.) In addition to the preceding historical resources, the Arikara Dictionary Database (Parks 1999) provided Arikara vocabulary that had not been previously attested in Skiri and that was systematically checked with Nora Pratt for Skiri cognates.
2 Sounds and Alphabet The sound inventory of Skiri Pawnee is one of the smallest among the languages of North America and, in fact, the world. It has nine consonants and three vowels. The vowels occur in two varieties, long and short, so there are actually fifteen phonemes, which are given in tables 2 and 3.
Consonants The consonants of Skiri, arranged by manner and place of articulation, are in table 2. Table 2. Skiri Pawnee Consonants
Stops: voiceless Obstruents
Sonorants
Labial
Alveolar
Velar
Laryngeal
p
t
k
®
Affricate: voiceless
c
Fricatives: voiceless
s
Glide and Tap: voiced
w
h
r
Of the preceding consonants, the three stops (p, t, k) and the affricate (c) are always voiceless and unaspirated. Pronunciation of the stops is the same as it is for their counterparts in English when they follow s in word initial position, as in English spot, stop, and skit. The affricate c is the only consonant that has consistent phonetic variants: one is apico-alveolar [ts], as in the final sound of English hats. It occurs before consonants and in word-final position, as in riictaaru®, pronounced [riitstaaru®], ‘intestines’ and apiic, pronounced [Fpiits], ‘on the other side of water’, respectively. The other variant is lamino-palatal [œ], as in the final sound of English watch, that occurs when c precedes a vowel, as in capaat [œFpaat]. Two consonants are voiceless fricatives (s, h). Most Skiri speakers pronounce s like it is in English, but some speakers pronounce it farther back, sounding more like English [š], written sh, as in ship. The laryngeal h is also like its equivalent in English, but it has a slightly breathier variant that occurs before other consonants, as in kuhku ‘pig’. The two sonorants (w, r) are voiced. Bilabial w is pronounced as it is in English. Apico-alveolar r is usually a tap like its counterpart in Spanish, as in pero ‘but’. 13
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SOUNDS AND ALPHABET
However, in word-initial position many speakers frequently pronounce the sound as a nasal [n] and some speakers even pronounce it occasionally as a lateral [l].
Vowels Skiri vowels are presented in table 3. Table 3. Skiri Pawnee Vowels Front High Low
Central
i, ii
Back u, uu
a, aa
Two high vowels (i, ii) are front and unrounded, while two others (u, uu) are back and rounded. With some speakers the long back vowel uu is pronounced slightly more fronted, but not as front as a central vowel. The mid-low vowels (a, aa) are central, unrounded. Each of the three basic vowels varies in pronunciation between tense and lax variants: • •
•
High front i is lax [] (the vowel of English mitt), as in istu [stu] ‘again’ and pitku [ptku] ‘two’. High back u similarly varies between tense [u] (the vowel of English flute), as in iksu® [ksu®] ‘hand’, and lax [/] (the vowel of English put), as in ti®ukut [ti®uk/t] ‘it dropped’. Mid-low central a varies between lower [a] (the first vowel of English father), as in rahwa [rahwa] ‘captive’ and higher [F] (the vowel of English but), as in aka® [FkF®] ‘your grandmother’.
The vowels that are written doubled (ii, uu, aa) are long in duration and are always tense [ii, uu, aa], as in piita [piitF] ‘man’, uusu® [uusu®] ‘hair’, and aaru® [aaru®] ‘tooth’. Generally, long vowels are distinctly long, and there is no ambiguity in perceiving the difference between a long vowel and its short counterpart. However, frequently when a long vowel precedes the laryngeal h or a syllable-final, or coda, consonant, spectrographic measurements of multiple tokens show that vocalic length varies along a relatively wide temporal spread, where some tokens are in or near the high range for short vowels, while many fall within the high range for long vowels, but most are in the mid range. There are also alternations in vocalic length in pairs of verbal prefixes; for example, the plural prefix raar- is sometimes raar-/raah- and other times rar-/rah-. Similarly, the descriptive stem taakaar ‘be white’ occurs in two forms, -taakaa and -taka, when it is the second element of a noun compound, as in cahikstaakaa ‘white man’ (> cahiks ‘person; human’) in contrast to atikataka ‘navy bean’ (> atik ‘bean’). This alternation occurs frequently, but the difference in vowel length is not predictable. Another example is the dependent noun asaa- ‘horse; dog’,
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SOUNDS AND ALPHABET
which occurs in some compounds as asa-, illustrated by the following nouns: asawiita ‘male horse’, asataakaa ‘white horse’, and asaapahat ‘bay horse’. Stress is not phonemic in Skiri and hence is not marked on words. (Phonetic forms in entries do, however, have accented syllables marked.) There are certain accentual patterns that recur–such as a tendency to give more emphasis to an initial syllable, or to the syllable following it if the vowel of the first syllable is short and that of the second syllable is long; and to similarly accent the antipenultimate or, less frequently, penultimate syllable–but most patterns are ultimately variable.
Skiri Alphabet The phonemic symbols presented in the preceding two tables comprise the Skiri alphabet. Since only two consonant and three vowel phonemes have phonetic variants, the alphabet is essentially phonetic and enables the user to pronounce words correctly with greater confidence. Nevertheless, in the dictionary a phonetic version of both fully formed words and morphemes that are headwords is given in each entry to aid the reader in correct pronunciation. In the Skiri-to-English section of the dictionary, the alphabetical arrangement of Skiri entry heads follows the basic arrangement of English: a, aa, c, h, i, ii, k, p, r, s, t, u, uu, w. Glottal stops (®) occur in only two environments: • •
between vowels, where they keep separate vowels in a sequence distinct (e.g., ri®aat ‘summer’, kaa®ata ‘upland plover’), and in word-final position following a vowel, where, among other functions, they serve primarily to distinguish non-subordinate imperfective verb forms (with a final glottal stop) from subordinate forms (without a glottal stop), as in tiwaktiiku® ‘he is announcing’ and rakuwaktiku ‘for him to be announcing’.
Because glottal stop does not occur in word-initial position and does not differentiate lexical meanings, it is treated as a null element in alphabetization.
Speaker Variation Based on her field studies in the 1930s, Gene Weltfish (1937:v) wrote that the dialectal differences between Skiri and South Band were already beginning to level and were “likely to disappear in the not distant future as there is a tendency on the part of speakers of both dialects to merge differences.” That leveling of differences, however, did not occur as Weltfish forecast, at least not in the speech of those Skiris who contributed to this study from 1965 onward. Every Skiri and South Band speaker with whom I collaborated was conscious of the contrasting phonological and lexical differences between their dialects and, indeed, rarely if ever mixed them. Nearly everyone expressed strong pride in speaking their own dialect. In texts, only one Skiri speaker represented here, Harry Mad Bear, would occasionally use the vowel e, a
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SOUNDS AND ALPHABET
South Band sound, rather than i in certain words–for example, reesaaru® for riisaaru® ‘chief’ and he for hi ‘and’–but he never did that in other contexts, as when recording vocabulary. Not only was the speech of late-twentieth-century Skiri speakers uniform, but their speech does not seem to have differed significantly from that of Roaming Scout, whose recordings document the language a century earlier. The Cluster kt One sound change characterizing Skiri is the assimilation of k to t in the consonant cluster kt, which becomes geminate tt. This sound change is documented in the Roaming Scout texts, where nearly 70 percent of kt clusters are tt. Murie, in contrast, as well as the Skiri speakers with whom Lesser and Weltfish worked in the late 1920s and 1930s, consistently had geminate tt. In the 1960s and 1970s, all of the speakers with whom I collaborated also always had tt, except for Mrs. Pratt, whose speech consistently had kt. There were several lexical items that she pronounced with a geminate tt, but they were clearly exceptions. When she repeated the sound-recorded speech of other Skiri speakers, she was oblivious to the articulation of geminate tt clusters, repeating them consistently as kt, even when I remarked on the difference. Based on all available data, the kt to tt sound change was an innovation in Skiri that, in the late nineteenth century, was apparently in the last stage of flux, as illustrated by Roaming Scout’s retention of kt in a minority of instances. By the early twentieth century, however, the change to tt seems to have become complete, since recorded speech in the 1920s and, later, in the second half of the twentieth century consistently has tt. Why Mrs. Pratt’s speech did not conform to that of other Skiri speakers, including that of Gerty Clark, her aunt, in this one pervasive feature is not clear. One explanation may be that, married to a South Band speaker, she adopted his usage, reinforced by other South Band speakers with whom she socialized. Mitigating that explanation, however, is her totally consistent use of all other features distinguishing Skiri. In this dictionary forms are written with kt rather than tt in conformance with Mrs. Pratt’s usage throughout our collaboration, but users should realize that all other twentieth-century Skiri speakers replaced kt clusters with tt. Other Sound Differences Other systematic phonetic differences between Roaming Scout’s speech and that of twentieth-century speakers are: • •
The older Skiri interrogative form kirikii ‘what’ is generally contracted to kikii in contemporary speech. The contemporary imperfective distributive form of the verb aar ‘to become’ is waahi (waa- DIST + aar ‘do’ + -i IMPF), whereas Roaming Scout frequently pro-
SOUNDS AND ALPHABET
•
•
nounces it as waari. In South Band and Arikara the forms are waahri and waahnu, respectively. The verbal prefix sequence ut- PREV/BEN + uks- AOR/JUSS is realized as icuks in Roaming Scout’s speech (as it is in South Band), whereas contemporary Skiri speakers consistently say ucuks-. The prefixal sequence si- DU + ar- EV, that is, si®ah-, which contemporary Skiri speakers generally contract to siih-, was not contracted by Roaming Scout.
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3 Major Sound Changes The basic meaningful elements, or morphemes, that comprise Skiri words generally have a single basic (or underlying) form. However, when they are combined with other morphemes to form words that are actually spoken, sound changes occur that fuse those morphemes into fully formed words. Often the changes are small, altering a consonant or vowel of a morpheme, but just as frequently the changes can be more extensive, sometimes resulting in contractions that mask the underlying identities of morpheme combinations. The user must be aware of these sound changes in order to understand word formation in Skiri and, more importantly, to create new words from the information provided in dictionary entries. Presented here is a summary of the major Skiri phonological processes that occur when combining morphemes to create new words. There are two types of processes, or sound rules: general rules that apply to all instances of specified sound sequences, no matter what the constituent morphemes are; and restricted rules that apply only to sequences of specified morphemes, which are highly restricted in number
Vowels: Restricted Rules There are five restricted rules that apply to vowel sequences in specific morpheme sequences. Rule 1R. Dominant i. There are seven morpheme combinations in which a final i or ii in the preceding morpheme and the initial u of the following morpheme contract to i or ii. Those combinations are the following: Preceding Prefixes
Following Prefix or Stem-Initial Vowel
Resulting Contraction
rii- ‘assertive mode (ASSR)’
-uks- ‘aorist (AOR)’
riiks-
u . . .] STEM
tii8 ii- > , rii- 2
-uur- ‘preverb (PREV)’
-iir8 -iir> , -aciir- 2
ti- ‘indicative mode (IND.3.A)’ 8 ii- ‘subjunctive mode (SUBJ.3.A)’ , ri- ‘contingent mode (CONT.3.A)’
> 2
-i- ‘sequential (SEQ)’ > 8 -ir- ‘preverb (PREV)’ , acir- ‘inclusive dual agent (INCL.DU.A)’ 2
19
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MAJOR SOUND CHANGES
Thus, the restricted rule: i, ii + u â i, ii Examples: tiihura ‘he is alone’ (< ti- IND + Ø- 3.A + uhurah ‘be alone’ + -Ø PERF) taciihii ‘you and I are good’ (< ta- IND.1/2.A + aciir- 1.DU.IN.A + uur- PREV + hiir ‘be good’ + -Ø PERF) Rule 2R. Dominant a. Although the vowel sequence i + a contracts to ii, in certain morpheme sequences the combination results in a; thus,
i + a â a This rule occurs when any of the following modal prefixes is the first element and one of the a-dominant morphemes is the second element in the contraction: a-Dominant Morphemes
Modal Prefixes tiri-
indicative mode, third person agent
a-
second person patient (2.P)
(IND)
a-
preverb (PREV); third person agt. possessor
contingent mode, third person agent (CONT)
(3.POSS.A) aca- inclusive dual patient (1D.IN.P)
kuus...i- potential mode, third person agent
ar-
evidential proper (EV)
(POT.1) ii-
subjunctive mode, third person agent (SUBJ)
Examples of the preceding combinations are the following (with contracting vowels in boldface): tapiru® ‘he whipped you’ < ti- IND + Ø- 3.A + a- 2.P + piru ‘whip’ + -Ø PERF
kusaakiraawa® ‘you will forget’ < kuus- POT.1/3A + a- 2.P + i- SEQ + kiraawaahc ‘be sick’ + -Ø PERF wiitaruutasitit ‘it would happen’ < wii- ‘now’ + ti- IND + Ø- 3.A + ar- EV + ut- PREV + asitik ‘happen’ + -Ø PERF si®aawa®a ‘they (DU) should have come’ < si- DU + ii- SUBJ + Ø- 3.A + aPREV + wa- DIST + a ‘come’ + -Ø SUB.3 Rule 3R. -his ‘perfective’ Reduction. The suffix -his ‘perfective (PERF)’ reduces to s after verb stems with a final k; thus, Vk] STEM + -his â ks
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MAJOR SOUND CHANGES
An example of this rule is: haks- ‘pass by (PERF)’ < hak ‘pass by’ + -his PERF, as in tihaksta ‘he is going to pass by’ < ti- IND + Ø- 3.A + hak ‘pass by’ + -his PERF + -ta INT Rule 4R. Stem-final Vocalic Reduplication. This rule, which applies to a class of descriptive verbs–approximately half of all descriptives–in their non-subordinate forms is Vi (Vi ) â Vi(Vi )® Vi / C _ C + Ø (+ NON-SUB) tipahaa ®at ‘it is red’ < ti- IND + Ø- 3.A + pahaat ‘be red’ + Ø ‘be’; cf. iriirapahaatu ‘the one that is red’ tihuraahtarari®it ‘the ground is burned off’ < ti- IND + Ø- 3.A + huraar‘ground’ + tararit ‘be burned, scorched’ + -Ø ‘be’; cf. iriiratarariitu ‘where it is scorched’
Vowels: Unrestricted Rules Two or more contiguous vowels, either across a morpheme boundary or within a morpheme, contract, except when either of two conditions occurs: (1) the second of two vowels is long, or (2) two vowels are in word-final position or preceding a final consonant. Vowel contraction takes place when there is a sequence of a short or long vowel followed by a short vowel before one or two consonants. Thus, V, ViVi + V â VV / _ C(C)V (where Vi represents a vowel that is identical to another so-marked vowel in a rule and ViVi represents a long vowel). Rule 5. Same-vowel Contractions. When two identical vowels are contiguous, they contract to an identical long vowel. The first vowel in the sequence may be short or long. Thus, Vi(Vi) + Vi â ViVi Rule 6. Contractions of Any Vowel + u: u-Domination. In a sequence of two vowels, in which the first one may be long or short, and where any vowel in the sequence is u, the vowels contract to a long uu. 5 V, ViVi + u < + u(u) + V 0
â uu / _ C(C)V
22
MAJOR SOUND CHANGES
Examples are: tuuriciisat ‘he is tired’ < ti- IND + Ø- 3.A + Ø- 3.P + uur- PREV + iciisat ‘be tired’ + -Ø PERF; tuuriciisat ‘you are tired’ < ti- IND + Ø- 3.A + a- 2.P + uurPREV + iciisat ‘be tired’ + -Ø PERF ku®uutkaksaa ‘if he could holler for him’ < ku- INDF + ii- SUBJ + Ø- 3.A + utBEN + kaksaa ‘holler, yell’ + -Ø SUB.4 Rule 7. Contractions of i and a. In combinations of i or ii followed by a or a combination of a or aa followed by i, the vowels contract to ii. (The result of contractions of i and a in South Band Pawnee and Arikara is ee.) 6 i(i) + a < - a(a) + i 0
â
ii / _ C(C)V
For example, tiitku® ‘he hears’ < ti- IND + Ø- 3.A + atka®u ‘hear’ + -Ø PERF
Consonants: Restricted Rules There are four commonly occurring restricted rules for consonants. Those rules are the following. Rule 8R. Assibilation of raar-. This rule applies to the final consonant of raar‘plural; iterative’ when followed by a stem-initial t. The r + t sequence results in a contraction to c, as follows: r + t â
c / raar- + t . . .] STEM
Example: tiracakasis ‘they are close together’ < ti- IND + Ø- 3.A+ raar- PL.INDV.A + takasis ‘be together’ + -Ø PERF Rule 9R. Final-s Loss Rule. Certain nouns and suffixes that end in s regularly lose that s when it is in word-final position, but retain it when another morpheme follows the stem in derivation or inflection. The rule is: s â Ø / _ # A noun illustrating final-s loss is the form kuhkus- ‘swine, pig; pork’, which in independent form is always kuhku but is kuhkus in compounds, as in kuhkuska®it ‘salt pork’ and kuhkuskaasu® ‘ham’. A common example of this rule is the aspectual suffix -:hus/-hus ‘imperfective (IMPF)’ that loses its final s when the suffix is word final; for example, tikiikaahu® ‘he is drinking’ (< ti- IND + Ø- 3.A + kiikaa ‘drink’ + -:hus IMPF).
23
MAJOR SOUND CHANGES
Rule 10R. Prefixal Final-r Loss. Two prefixes, ir- ‘preverb (PREV); third person transitive agent plural (PL.3.A); obviative (OBV)’ and acir- ‘first person inclusive dual agent (1D.IN.A)’ lose their final r when they contract with any of the three prefixes, uur- ‘preverb (PREV); patient possessor (P.POSS)’; ut- ‘preverb (PREV); dative/ benefactive (BEN)’; and uks- ‘aorist (AOR); jussive (JUSS)’. When final r of ir- and aciris lost, the resulting final i of the two forms becomes dominant in the resulting contractions with initial u of the preceding three morphemes. Example: tatiiturikataku ‘I am carrying it under my arm’ < ta- IND.1/2.A + t- 1.A + irPREV + ut- PREV + urikatakus ‘carry under one’s arm’ + -Ø PERF Rule 11R. ut- Affrication Rule. Final t of the prefix ut- ‘preverb (PREV); dative/ benefactive (DAT/BEN)’ affricates to c when followed by i- ‘sequential (SEQ)’. For example, kuustuci ®a ‘I will do it’ < kuus . . . i- POT.1/3.A + t- 1.A + ut- PREV + aar ‘do’ + -Ø PERF; cp. tatuuta ‘I did it’ < ta- IND.1/2.A + t- 1.A + ut- PREV + aar ‘do’ + -Ø PERF Thus,
ut- â
uc- / _ i-
In Skiri i- SEQ does not dominate over a following u in -uks AOR; JUSS, as it does in South Band. For example, sucuksa ‘do it!’ < i- CONT.1/2.A + s- 2.A + ut- PREV + i- SEQ + uks- JUSS + aar ‘do’ + -Ø PERF; cp. South Band suciksa ‘do it!’ Rule 12R. Prefixal r-Laryngealization Rule. This rule applies only to sequences of r + r in which the preceding r is the final sound of one of the following two evidential prefixes: tiirar-
‘inferential (INFR)’ ‘evidential (proper) (EV)’
The final r of these prefixes changes to h when it precedes an r-initial morpheme. Thus, r â h / _ r Examples are: ahi®at ‘he went’ < ar- EV + ri- CONT.3.A + Ø- 3.A + at ‘go’ + -Ø PERF tiihakuutit ‘he must have killed it’ < tiir- INF + ra- ABS + Ø- 3.A + kuutik ‘kill’ + -Ø PERF Note that this rule must be applied before the more general Consonantal Degemination Rule below, which reduces r + r sequences to a single r. It also must precede the r-Reduction Rule below, which deletes the r of an h + r sequence.
24
MAJOR SOUND CHANGES
Consonants: Unrestricted Rules The following rules apply generally to consonants when the specified conditions occur. Rule 13. t-Laryngealization Rule. The stop t becomes laryngeal h when it precedes r. The rule can be symbolized thus: t â h / _ r Examples are: tahuuku® ‘I am making it’ < ta- IND.1/2.A + t- 1.A+ ra®uk ‘make’ + -:hus IMPF
pahaaha®uk ‘to redden’ < pahaat ‘be red’ + ra®uk ‘make; CAUS’ Rule 14. Metathesis Rule. When underlying r is followed by h, the two sounds metathesize; hence r + h â hr However, the sequence hr never occurs in spoken (or surface) forms in Skiri (as it does in South Band) because an hr sequence always reduces to h, as in the following rule. Note that the three sequential rules here–t-Laryngealization, Metathesis, and Sonorant Reduction–must be applied in the order given; that is, t-Laryngealization must be applied first and Sonorant Reduction last. An example of this rule is: tuuhii ‘he is good’ < ti- IND + Ø- 3.A + uur- PREV + hiir ‘be good’ + -Ø PERF; to obtain tuuhii, the following Sonorant r-Reduction Rule must be applied. Rule 15. Sonorant Reduction Rule. This rule reduces the cluster hr to h; hence r â Ø / _ h tahahuukat ‘I took it inside’ < ta- IND.1/2.A + t- 1.A + Ø- + rahuukat ‘take inside’ + -Ø PERF Rule 16. h-Loss Rule. Laryngeal h is lost in several environments, one of which is when it is preceded by a consonant. Thus, h â Ø / C _ taturaas ‘I found it’ < ta- IND.1/2.A + t- 1.A + huras ‘find’ + -Ø PERF Loss of h also occurs when it precedes either a single word-final consonant or a twoconsonant cluster. Thus, h â Ø / _ C#, CC
25
MAJOR SOUND CHANGES
ahiht ‘be fat’: taatahit ‘I am fat’ < ta- IND.1/2.A + t- 1.A+ ahiht ‘be fat’ + -Ø PERF; ahitki ‘fat’ < ahiht ‘be fat’ + -kis DIM; ahitkuhku ‘bacon’ < ahiht ‘be fat’ + kuhkus ‘swine’ tiiwacpiitit ‘he finally sat down’ < ti- IND + Ø- 3.A + awahc- ‘finally’ + wiitik ‘sit down’ + -Ø PERF Rule 17. Sibilant Hardening Rule. The sibilant s becomes c when it occurs after any consonant. Thus, s â c / C _ sa ‘be lying’: tihcawaa ‘they are lying (there)’ < ti- IND + ir- 3.PL.A + sa ‘be lying’ + -waa DIST + -Ø PERF sakuriwihc (uur . . .) ‘sun to come out’: tuhcakuriwihcu® ‘the sun is coming out’ < ti- IND + Ø- 1.A + uur- PREV + sakuriwihc + -:hus IMPF Rule 18. Sibilant Loss Rule. When c immediately follows the two-consonant cluster ks, the s of the cluster is dropped. Thus, s â Ø / k _ c sucukcii ‘be energetic!’ < i- CONT.1/2A + s- 2.A + ut- PREV + i- SEQ + uksJUSS + ciir ‘be energetic’ + -Ø (-uk ‘be’) Rule 19. Alveolar Dissimilation Rule. A common underlying sequence across morpheme boundaries is t + t. In such a sequence the preceding t changes to c, as in the following examples: tacta®uut ‘I stole it’ < ta- IND.1/2.A + t- 1.A + ta®uut ‘steal’ + -Ø PERF kiiwa®uctaakaa ‘white sage’ < kiiwa ®ut ‘sage’ + taakaar ‘be white’ The less common underlying sequence t + c metathesizes, resulting in ct, as in: tactat ‘I shot it’ < ta- IND.1/2A + t- 1.A + cak ‘shoot’ + -Ø PERF wiituctactaaka ‘the plant is sprouting’ < wii- ‘now’ + ti- IND + Ø- 3.A + utPREV + tat- ‘stalk; plant’ + caaka ‘be protruding’ + -Ø PERF Rule 20. Consonant Degemination Rule. When two identical consonants come together, one is lost, resulting in a single (short) consonant. This rule applies only after the consonantal changes specified by previous rules. Hence it operates for identical sequences of only two phonemes, r and k. Thus, CiCi â Examples of this rule are the following:
Ci
26
MAJOR SOUND CHANGES
tiraraahu® ‘they are ruined’ < ti- IND + Ø- 3.A + raar- PL.INDV.A + raahur ‘be ruined’ + -Ø PERF tuurarii®i ‘it is a mark’ < ti- IND + Ø- 3.A + uur- PREV + rariir ‘be marked’ + -Ø PERF tuutakaksawaa ‘he called them’ < ti- IND + Ø- 3.A + ut- BEN + ak- 3.P.AN.P + kaksaa- ‘call’ + -waa DIST + -Ø PERF Rule 21. r-Stopping Rule. The sonorant r becomes the voiceless stop t when occurring after an obstruent. Thus, r â t / Obs. _ kiriktaahkaa ‘wear eyeglasses’ < kirik- ‘eye’ + raar- PL + kaa ‘be inside’ sukstiisaapu ‘stake it!’ < i- CONT.1/2.A + s- 2.A + uks- JUSS + riisaapuh + ‘stake, stake down’ + -Ø PERF iraacti® ‘my brother (female speaker)’ < i- 1.POSS.A + raac- ‘brother’ + -rii 1.POSS.B Note that t is not included among the obstruents to which this rule applies since t has already been changed to h when it precedes r (see rule above); that is, the combination t + r changes to hr (which then reduces to h). Rule 22. Labial Glide Loss. Although the details of this process are more complex than presented here, in verb derivation a w in a preceding syllable is generally lost when the following morpheme begins in w. Thus, w â Ø / V _ V + wV(V) . . . awiwii®a (ir . . .) ‘to bend over’: taa®iwii®a® ‘he bent over’ < ti- IND + Ø- 3.A + a- PREV + awiwii®a ‘bend over’ + -Ø PERF katawiwarik ‘swallow’: tatkata®iwarit ‘I swallowed it’ < ta- IND.1/2.A + t- 1.A + katawiwarik ‘swallow’ + -Ø PERF Rule 23. Final r Loss. Word-final r is always dropped. Thus, r â
Ø / _ #
wiitatuutaa ‘I have done it’ < wii- ‘now’ + ta- IND.1/2.A + t- 1.A + ut- PREV + aar + ‘do’ + -Ø PERF; cf. wiitatuutaari® ‘I am doing it’ Rule 24. Variants of c. The phoneme c has two phonetic variants. One is [ts], which occurs before consonants and in word-final position; the other is [œ], which occurs before vowels. Thus,
27
MAJOR SOUND CHANGES
c â
8
[ts] / _ C, #
, [œ] /
_V
> 2
Examples are as follows: capaat [œFpaat] ‘woman’
cpasaasi [tspFsaasi] ‘Osage Woman’
custit [œustt] ‘old woman’
askuc [Fskuts] ‘prairie dog’
ckuraa®u® [tskuraa®u®] ‘female doctor; nurse’
tiki®ic [tiki®its] ‘it’s watery’
4 Grammatical Overview Skiri is polysynthetic in its structure in that words–primarily verbs–are composed of an unusually large number of meaningful elements (morphemes) that generally in other, non-polysynthetic languages are separate, or independent, words. Most of the categories marked on the Skiri verb are grammatical in nature and include mode, aspect, person, tense, possession, benefaction, and other such categories. Also generally incorporated into the verb is the noun patient of a transitive verb or the noun agent of an intransitive one. Thus in Skiri the verb is the most elaborate, as well as prevalent, word class, and verbs translate into English as either a clause or a sentence8. Nouns constitute the only other word class that allows inflection, but in a very limited manner. Generally a freely occurring verb has at least five morphemes comprising it, but often as many as ten or more morphemes. Those morphemes are tightly bound together by a complex set of phonological rules (presented in chapter 3) that change their forms and thereby “disguise” their underlying forms or identities. Languages of this type, in which morphemes fuse or change their forms to one extent or another when coming together in word building, are often designated as fusional.
Nouns In Skiri there are two types of noun stems, independent and dependent. The independent stem is a noun that stands freely, with or without the nominal absolutive suffix -u® (see below). A dependent stem, in contrast, is one that cannot by itself stand independently as a word. To become a free form it must have a suffix, although generally it occurs only in compounds. Examples of dependent nouns (cited as N-DEP herein) are: siis- ‘sharp, pointed object’: siiski ‘awl’ (< siis- + -kis DIM); siistacara® ‘fork’ (< siis- + -raar PL + taraa ‘be side by side’) asaa- ‘horse; dog’: asaaki ‘dog’ (< asaa- + -kis DIM); asiicapaat ‘mare’ (< asaa+ icapaak ‘woman; female’). The independent form of ‘horse’ is aruusa®. 8. As well as being numerous, the grammatical categories of the verb are largely marked by prefixes. Verbs in this dictionary are listed in their stem form, without inflectional affixes. Hence when the user looks up an inflected verb, it is necessary to recognize the prefixes in order to be able to isolate the stem. 29
30
GRAMMATICAL OVERVIEW
Nominal inflection is generally restricted to two categories–case and plurality– but kinship terms are uniquely inflected for inalienable possession (see appendix 2). Derivational affixes are also few in number.
Noun Inflection: Case and Plurality Nouns in Skiri fall into three classes on the basis of their inflectional marking. There are two cases, instrumental (‘with, using’) and locative (‘in, on, at; among’). Plural number is also marked for some nouns. Instrumental case is marked on all nouns–or at least on all those where it is semantically appropriate–by the suffix hiri®. One class of nouns also uses -hiri® to mark locative case, as in iksiri® ‘by hand; on the hand’. These nouns, which are mostly body part terms, mark plural number with the suffix -raar-, which occurs after the noun stem and before -hiri®, as in ikstaariri® ‘with the hands; on the hands’. Other classes of nouns have no special marking for plural, and mark locative case by either -ru or -kat (table 4). Table 4. Skiri Case and Number Suffixes Noun Class
Plural Marking
Case Suffixes
Body Part Terms
-raar- PL
-hiri® INST/LOC
Tribal and Geographical Names
Ø
-ru LOC
Other Nouns
Ø
-kat LOC -hiri® INST
In addition to its productive uses as instrumental and body-part locative, -hiri® also occurs with a small set of noun stems, again primarily body part terms, to derive their independent forms; i.e., the locative form of these nouns is also the independent form, even though independent nouns are usually derived with the nominal absolutive suffix -u® (see below). Examples of locative forms serving also as absolutive forms are askatahciri® ‘sole (of the foot)’ and riitiri® ‘small of the back’. The suffix -ru ‘among, in the country/territory of’ forms the locative of tribal names and at least one state name. Examples are sahiiru ‘in Cheyenne country’ (< sahii ‘Cheyenne’); pasaasiru ‘among the Osages; in Osage territory’ (< pasaasi ‘Osage’); and tiksastu ‘in Texas’ (< English Texas). A variant of -ru is -wiru, which occurs with many names, usually ones ending in the vowel a, as uukaahpaawiru ‘among the Quapa’ (< uukahpaa ‘Quapaw’) and riihitawiru ‘among the Ponca’ (< riihita ‘Ponca’). The locative suffix -kat generally translates as ‘in, on’ but with animate nouns it frequently translates as ‘among’; e.g., akahkat ‘on the dwelling’ (< akar- + -kat); asaakat ‘among the horses’ (< asaa- ‘horse’ + -kat).
31
GRAMMATICAL OVERVIEW
Noun Derivation There are five derivational affixes in Skiri, two of which do not add new semantic content to noun stems, but serve only to form independent nouns. The other three, one a suffix and two prefixes, do add content. These affixes are given in table 5. Table 5. Nominal Derivational Affixes Category
Skiri
Translation
Example
Nominal Absolutive (NOM)
-u®
No translation
iksu® ‘hand’ < iks- ‘hand’ + -u®
Diminutive (DIM)
-kis
‘small N’; no trans.
asaaki ‘dog’ < asaa- ‘dog; horse’ + -kis DIM; riiciki ‘knife’ < riici- ‘knife’ + kis DIM
Augmentative (AUG)
-kusu®
‘large, big’
wiitakusu® ‘large man’ < wiita ‘man’ + kusu® ‘big’
‘covering’
-kuuku®u®
‘covering’
pakskuuku®u® ‘hat; headwear’ < paks- ‘head’ + -kuuku- ‘covering’ + -u® NOM
Feminine (FEM)
c-
‘female’
ckuraa®u® < c- FEM + kuraa- ‘doctor’ + -u® NOM
Verbs The basic component of active verb stems is the root, usually a monosyllabic but sometimes a di- or tri-syllabic morpheme. In Skiri there are approximately one hundred such roots, and consequently the vast majority of active verb stems are derived forms. Stems are formed by the addition of verbal prefixes; by compounding locative, descriptive, or noun stems, and combinations of those elements to verb roots; and by combining preverbs with roots and stems. The root hak ‘to pass, go by’, for example, has hundreds of different stems based on it, and the root at ‘to go’ has even more. Other roots generally have a smaller but nevertheless large number of derived stems. Many active and passive verb stems in Skiri are discontinuous stems, in which the stem base is preceded by a preverb, a monosyllabic morpheme that occurs among the inner prefixes preceding the stem base but is usually not contiguous with it. There are three preverbs in Skiri: ir-/a-, uur- and ut-. Each of them is identical in form to grammatical prefixes that have other functions (see below), but when they occur as parts of stems they do not have any tangible meaning. Example: wiitatiiksa® ‘I have come’ < wii- ‘now’ + ta- IND.1/2.A + t- 1.A + ir- PREV + uks- AOR + a ‘come’ + -Ø PERF
32
GRAMMATICAL OVERVIEW
The stem in the preceding form is a (ir-...) ‘to come’, and in it the preverb ir- (which has contracted with the aorist prefix uks-) has no independent meaning that relates to the activity of coming. Similarly, the root a has no independent meaning of ‘come’. In the following example the stem is the discontinuous form hiir (uur . . .) ‘be good; be good-looking’ and, as with a in the preceding example, the stem base hiir has no independent meaning. tuuricaahiksii ‘he is a good-looking person’ < ti- IND + Ø- 3.A + uur- PREV+ icaahiks- ‘person’ + hiir- ‘be good; be good-looking’ + -Ø PERF wiitatuuhaaka ‘we have done that’ < wii- ‘now’ + ta- IND.1/2.A + t- 1.A + utPREV + raak- 1/2.P.A/P + aar ‘do’ + -Ø PERF The preverb ut- is identical in form to the benefactive/dative ut-, and when a verb such as ‘to do’ has a benefactive patient, the benefactive is expressed by the sequence ir . . .ri . . .ut-, where the agentive possessive prefix ir- and the physical possessive prefix ri- combine with ut-, as in, tatiriitaa ‘I did it for him’ < ta- IND.1/2.A + t- 1.A + ir- A.POSS + ri- PHY.POSS + ut- P.POSS + aar ‘do’ + -Ø
Verbs: Classes and Major Constituents There are four major classes of verb stems, each characterized by distinctive inflectional properties: • •
•
•
active verbs, both transitive and intransitive; passive (or stative) verbs,9 which generally describe actions that befall people, who have no control over that action, and so what is interpretively an agent (or subject) pronoun is grammatically a patient (or object) pronoun; descriptive verbs, which in general are the equivalent of adjectives in English–that is, English constructions comprising the copular verb ‘to be’ followed by an adjective; locative verbs, which usually describe a location and are the equivalent of English constructions of the verb ‘to be’ followed by a preposition or prepositional phrase.
Inflectional Prefixes Verbal prefixes fall into two groups: a large inner group whose members are more closely bound phonologically to one another and to the verb, and an outer group whose members are more loosely bound to the verb complex and can be classed more properly as proclitics, although most cannot occur independently. 9. What are here designated passive verbs are more generally termed stative verbs in other languages. Since Skiri does not have a prototypical passive voice and these verbs describe actions that befall subjects (who have no control over an event and are literally passive), and since there is another construction in Skiri that is more appropriately termed stative, the term passive seems most appropriate for this class of verbs.
33
GRAMMATICAL OVERVIEW
The positions of the major inflectional constituents of the Skiri verb are portrayed in table 6.
Table 6. Major Positions in the Inflected Verb Verb Proclitics
Prefixes + Preverbs
Incorporated Noun
(Outer Prefixes)
(Inner Prefixes)
(Agent/Patient)
STEM
Suffixes
Inner Prefixes The inner prefixes, like all verbal affixes, have a fixed position relative to one another. The inner prefixes include the following grammatical and semantic categories. (Numbers and categories in bold in the following table indicate the minimally required elements in a fully formed verb.) Table 7. The Inner Prefix Template 9 EVIDENTIALS
10 MODALS
12
13
14
AGENT
INCLUSIVE
AGENT PL,
EVIDENTIAL
PRONOUNS,
PRONOUNS
AGENT POSS,
11
OBVIATIVE
PREVERB
15
16
17
18
19
20
PATIENT
INFINITIVE
PHYSICAL
AGENT POSS,
RESULTATIVE/
AORIST,
PRONOUNS
MODAL
POSSESSION
BENEFACTIVE,
SEQUENTIAL
JUSSIVE
PREVERB
21
22
23
24
25
26
ADVERBIALS
AGENT PL,
PATIENT PL,
INDIV AGT PL,
NOUN ± PL
STEM
POSS PL,
PATIENT PL
PATIENT PL
INDIR PAT PL
Mode. Every verb must be inflected for mode. There are nine non-subordinate (or independent) and four subordinate modes [table 7:10], one of which, the infinitive, is discontinuous [table 7:16]. Independent modes include the indicative, negative indicative, assertive, contingent, potential, absolutive, subjunctive, and infinitive,
34
GRAMMATICAL OVERVIEW
while subordinate modes are the conditional, gerundial, subjunctive, and infinitive. The forms of the modal prefixes and their functions are given in table 8. Table 8. Modal Prefixes: Forms and Functions Mode
Subordinate/ Non-subordinate
Form(s)
Function(s)
Indicative IND
Non-subordinate
ta- 1/2.A ti- 3.A
• Statements • Directive statements
Negative Indicative
Non-subordinate
kaakaa- 1/2.A kaaki- 3.A
• Negative statements • Negative directive statements
Assertive ASSR
Non-subordinate
rii-
• Emphatic statements • Directive statements • Demonstration, presentation statements
Contingent CONT
Non-subordinate
i- 1/2.A ri- 3.A
• Future, resultative statements • Sequential statements • Mild imperative statements, requests
Potential POT
Non-subordinate
kuus ... i- 1/3.A kaas ... i- 2.A
• Future statements • Statements of possibility, potentiality, probability
Absolutive ABS
Non-subordinate
ra-
• Interrogative statements • Statements in narration • Demonstrative statements
Subjunctive (Optative) SUBJ
Non-subordinate
aa- 1/2.A ii- 3.A
Statements of wish, desire
Infinitive (Admonitive) INF
Non-subordinate
ra . . . ku-
Directive statements
Contingent (Conditional) CONT
Subordinate
i- 1/2.A ri- 3.A
Conditional, contingent statements
Absolutive (Gerundial) ABS
Subordinate
ra-
• Subordinate statements • Gerundial forms
Subjunctive SUBJ
Subordinate
aa- 1/2.A ii- 3.A
Unrealized, hypothetical, contrary to fact statements
Infinitive INF
Subordinate
ra . . . ku-
• Complement statements after verbs of wishing, thinking, feeling • Subordinate statements • Directive statements
NEG.IND
35
GRAMMATICAL OVERVIEW
Person and number. Pronominal agent and patient prefixes occur immediately following the modal prefixes [table 7:11, 12, 15]. Skiri distinguishes two persons–first and second–as well as three numbers–singular, dual, and plural. In both the dual and plural numbers there is a further distinction between inclusive (including the person spoken to) and exclusive (excluding the person spoken to) [table 7:11-12, 15]. There is, in addition, an obviative (OBV) prefix ir- that designates an indefinite third-person agent or a reversal in third-person agent and patient [table 7:13]. Table 9. Pronominal Prefixes Person
Agent
Patient
1st
t-
ku-
2nd
s-
a-
Obviative
ir-
Dual inclusive
acir-
Plural inclusive
a-
aca-
Singular number is unmarked in Skiri verbs. Dual number for both agent and patient is marked by the prefix si- DU, which precedes the modal prefix [table 12:6]. Plurality, in contrast, is represented by several morphemes (table 7:13, 22-24): • • •
•
first and second person agents in active, descriptive, and locative verbs take rak-; third person plural agents that are a group or single entity in active intransitive, descriptive, and locative verbs take the collective plural prefix ir-; third person plural agents that are individuals acting or existing separately in active intransitive, descriptive, and locative verbs take the individuative plural prefix raar-; third person agents of active transitive verbs are marked by the combination siDU and ir- COLL.PL
In active intransitive, descriptive, and locative verbs there is a marked distinction between collective and non-collective plural agents, as in, tiiraspaatasit ‘they (COLL) set out’ < ti- IND + Ø- 3.A + ir- 3.P.COLL.A + aspaatasik ‘set out’ + -Ø PERF; tiraaraspaatasit ‘they (INDV) set out’ < ti- IND + Ø- 3.A + raar- 3.P.INDV.A + aspaatasik ‘set out’ + -Ø PERF; and in many transitive verbs there are separate prefixes that distinguish animate and inanimate third-person plural objects, as in, taharaspi ® ‘I looked for them (inanimate objects)’ < ta- IND.1/2.A + t- 1.A + raar- 3.INAN.P + raspii ‘look for’ + -Ø PERF; cp. taataktaraspi® ‘I looked for
36
GRAMMATICAL OVERVIEW
them (individual animate objects)’ < ta- IND.1/2.A+ t- 1.A + ak- 3.AN.P + raar- 3.P.INDV.A + raspii ‘look for’ + -Ø PERF Table 10. Plural Prefixes Person
Active transitive
Active
Passive
Descriptive
Locative
rak-
rak-
ir- COLL
ir- COLL
ir- COLL
raar- INDV
raar- INDV
raar- INDV
intransitive 1st, 2nd
rak-
rak- COLL rak- + raar-
AGENT
INDV
3rd
1st, 2nd
si...ir-
rak-
rak-
ak- AN
PATIENT 3
rd
raar- INAN
ir- . . . ak-
ak- + raar- AN INDV
Possession. Both subject and object possession are marked by either single prefixes or combinations of prefixes. There is a distinction between regular and partitive possession, and between simple subject ownership and actual subject physical possession. Independent possessive constructions, which are gerundial forms of the verb ‘to be one’s’ and serve as modifiers of nouns, are rarely used. •
ir . . . uk [+ ku-] ‘agent possessor’ (A.POSS) The construction that forms agent possession is ordinarily preceded by the proclitic ku- ‘indefinite’ [table 12:2] followed by the prefix ir- (first and second agent) or a- (third person agent) [table 7:13] and the verb stem uk ‘be, exist’ [table 7:26], as in the following example, kutakawirahu® ‘he owns that acre’ < ku- INDF + ti- IND + Ø- 3.A + aA.POSS + kawirahur ‘be an acre’ + uk ‘be, exist’ + -Ø PERF
•
ir . . . ri . . . uur- ‘physical agent possessor’ (PHY.POSS) These three prefixes [table 7:13, 17, 18], when occurring with active verb stems designating positions and with certain locative and descriptive stems, translate as ‘have, possess’, as in, taruuraarit ‘he has it, possess it (something standing)’ < ti- IND + Ø- 3.A + a- A.POSS + ri- PHY.POSS + uur- P.POSS + arik ‘be standing’ + -Ø PERF tatiriiriikstahka ‘he keeps his arrows in it’ < ta- IND.1/2A + t- 1.A + irA.POSS + ri- PHY.POSS + uur- P.POSS + riiks- ‘arrow’ + raar- PL + ka ‘be in’ + -Ø PERF
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GRAMMATICAL OVERVIEW
•
uur- ‘patient possession’ (PHY.POSS). This morpheme occurs when someone other than the agent of the verb possesses a noun [table 7:18]. The pronominal patient occurring with the verb specifies the possessor. Illustrating its use is the following: tatuuhkuutit aruusa® ‘I killed your horse’ < ta- IND.1/2.A + t- 1.A +a- 2.P + uur- PHY.POSS + kuutik ‘kill’ + -Ø PERF
Benefaction. The morpheme ut- ‘benefactive; dative’ (BEN/DAT) marks a dative patient with non-discontinuous transitive verb stems [table 7:18], as in, tatuutakusit ‘I picked it up for them’ < ta- IND.1/2.A + t- 1.A + ut- BEN + ak- PL.BEN + kusik ‘pick up’ + -Ø PERF Evidentials. Members of this category convey a speaker’s source of information or judgment of the validity of a statement, making explicit the kind of evidence supporting it [table 7:9, 14]. The five evidentials in Skiri are presented in table 11. Table 11. Evidential Prefixes: Meanings and Distributions Evidential
Approximate gloss
Co-occurring modes
Position relative to modal
Usage contexts
Meaning
wi- QUOT
‘it is said’
Indicative
Precedes
Narratives, discourse
Speaker is repeating what has been told
ar- EV
‘evidently; it seems’
Absolutive Contingent
Precedes
Past activity or one begun
Speaker has not witnessed an event Speaker cannot see a designated object
Absolutive Contingent Potential Subjunctive
Follows
Unrealized activity
Speaker will not witness an event
ar- EV
ar- EV
‘would’ +V
Indicative Infinitive
Follows
Periodic past activity, usu. indef. time
Speaker describes an expected or normative activity
kuur- DUB.1
‘must have’ + V
Absolutive
Precedes
Narratives, accounts
Speaker has not witnessed an event Statement indicates element of doubt
kuurur- DUB.2
‘then (presumably)’ + V
Contingent
Precedes
Sequential activity in narratives
Speaker has not witnessed an event Statement indicates element of doubt
tiir- INFR
‘must have’ + V
Absolutive
Precedes
Narratives, conversations
Speaker infers occurrence of event
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GRAMMATICAL OVERVIEW
Examples of verb forms with evidential prefixes are the following: witi®itat ‘there was a village’ < wi- QUOT + ti- IND+ Ø- 3.A + itak ‘be a village’ + -Ø PERF kuuhasuutiirit aruusa® ‘you must have seen the horse’ < kuur- DUB.1 + raABS + Ø- 3.A + ut- PREV + iirik ‘see’ + -Ø PERF kusaahkikat ‘he might cry (at some future time when speaker will not see it)’ < kuus- POT.1/3.A+ Ø- 3.A + i- SEQ + ar- EV + kikak ‘cry’ + -Ø PERF Tense. As a grammatical category, tense is little developed in Skiri. Most verb forms are not marked for tense and translate temporally as either past or present or sometimes future. The potential mode and intentive aspect frequently translate into English as a future tense, but their meanings are wider than that. The one tense prefix is an aorist that is optionally used to indicate past time [table 7:20]. Its form is uks-, the same as the jussive prefix. tatuksat ‘I went’ < ta- IND.1/2.A + t- 1.A + uks- AOR + at ‘go’ + -Ø PERF; cp. taatat ‘I went’ < ta- IND.1/2.A + t- 1.A + at ‘go’ + -Ø PERF tiihatuksitkaspaawaa ‘I must have been eating in my sleep’ < tiir- INFR + raABS + t- 1.A + uks- AOR + itkas ‘sleep’ + waawa- DIST + a ‘eat’ + -Ø PERF Exhortation. There are many constructions that are used to form commands and requests of varying degrees of urgency. •
The most common, and strongest, comprises the contingent mode and the jussive prefix uks- [7:20], which is identical in shape to the aorist prefix. It is a simple imperative that forms commands and is inflected for all personal agents. Examples are: sukskirika®aa ‘wake up!’ < i- CONT.1/2.A+ s- 2.A + uks- JUSS + kirika®aar ‘wake up’ + -Ø PERF ciksuhuurawaciruutit ‘let’s go outside now!’ < i- CONT.1/2.A + acir1.DU.IN.A + uks- JUSS + uhuur- ‘finally’ + awacitik ‘go outside’ + ruu- DIST + -Ø PERF
•
Almost as common in usage as the preceding construction is the use of the contingent mode, often preceded by the hortatory (HORT) proclitic ki- [table 12:8]. It is a milder imperative that expresses exhortation, as in ruukiitat ‘let me go there’ < ruu- ‘there’ + ki- HORT + i- CONT.1/2.A + t1.A + at ‘go’ + -Ø PERF ki®itiksuhuuhkaa® ‘let me dance now’ < ki- HORT + i- CONT.1/2.A+ t- 1.A + ir- PREV + uks- JUSS + uhuur- ‘at last’ + kaa®a ‘dance’ + -Ø PERF
GRAMMATICAL OVERVIEW
Ki®isukskuutiirit cikstit. ‘Take a good look at me!’ < ki- HORT + i- CONT. 1/2.A+ s- 2.A + uks- JUSS + ku- 1.P + ut- PREV + iirik ‘see, look at’ + -Ø PERF
•
Frequently the potential mode is used to admonish someone, as in pahiitu® kaasikaa ‘you must be quiet inside (there)’ < pahiit- quiet; slow’ + -u® NOM kaas- POT.2.A + s- 2.A + i- SEQ + kaa ‘inside’ + aah ‘go around’ + -Ø PERF
•
Directives or instructions are expressed by the indicative, negative indicative, and assertive modes with third person singular agent [table 7:10]. They are used, for example, when explaining to someone what one does in a certain situation or context or when telling someone how to make something. kaakiiraakii ‘don’t be long’ < kaaki- NEG.IND + Ø- 3.A + i- SEQ + raakiir ‘be a long time’ + -Ø PERF kariiriiraakii ‘don’t be long!’ < karii- EMPH.NEG + rii- ASSR + Ø- 3.A + iSEQ + raakiir ‘be a long time’ + -Ø PERF Aaka, a raakutikuriiciwactaawii®at. ‘Oh, you should help me!’ < . . . a ‘and’ + raa- ‘just’ + ku- INDF + ti- IND + Ø- 3.A + a- PREV + ku- 1.P + riPHY.BEN + ut- PREV + i- SEQ + awahc- ‘at least’ + raawii’at ‘help’ + -Ø PERF
•
The subordinate form of the infinitive mode with a third person agent is often used to implore, entreat, or admonish a person, as when urging someone to take a certain course of action or to refrain from certain behavior [table 7:10, 16]. Examples: kararakuukiikahu ‘don’t be drinking,’ as when admonishing a person < kara- NEG + ra- INF.A + Ø- 3.A + ku- INF.B + i- SEQ + kiikaa ‘drink’ + -hus IMPF
Taku rakuukaksa rakuracakipiitit capaat. ‘Someone (should) call out for the women to gather!’ < ra- INF.A + Ø- 3.A + ku- INF.B + i- SEQ + kaksa ‘call out’ + -Ø SUB.4 Adverbials. Occurring after all prefixes except those for subject and object number and before the verb stem are two adverbial morphemes, uhuur- ‘now, finally; a while’ and awahc- ‘even, at least’ [table 7:21]. An example is: tuksuhuuhwiitit ‘let me sit down a while!’ < i- CONT.1/2.A + t- 1.A + uksJUSS + uhuur- ‘a while’ + wiitik ‘sit down’ + -Ø PERF
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GRAMMATICAL OVERVIEW
Outer Prefixes (Proclitics) The outer prefixes in Skiri are more properly designated as proclitics, since they are attached more loosely to the verb–that is, most do not generally undergo phonological processes that fuse them to one another or to the verb complex–but yet they are not independent morphemes. Table 12. The Outer Prefix, or Proclitic, Template 1
2
3
4
LOC & TEMP ADVERBIALS
INDEFINITE
ADVERBIALS
DEMONSTRATIVES / DEICTICS
5
6
7
8
ADVERBIAL
DUAL (PL) NUMBER
REFLEXIVE / RECIPROCAL
NEGATIVES, YES/NO INTERROG
There are five categories represented by proclitics, as follows. &
Reflexive and reciprocal (REFL). A single prefix witi- marks reflexive and reciprocal agents/patients [table 12:7], as in the following examples: wititaatacikstariku ‘I keep my thoughts to myself’ < witi- REFL + taIND.1/2.A + t- 1.A + acikstarikus ‘hold one’s thoughts (to oneself)’ + -Ø PERF si®ahawicka® siwitirakuutiirit ‘they (DU) wanted to see each other’ < si- DU + ar- EV + ra- ABS + Ø- 3.A + wicka ‘wish, want’ + -Ø PERF si- DU + witiREFL + ra- INF.A + Ø - 3.A + ku- INF.B + ut- PREV + iirik ‘see’ + -Ø PERF
&
Negatives. Although there is a negative indicative mode that parallels the indicative mode, other modes, including the indicative, require or optionally use one of several negative prefixes that precede them [table 7:8]. The negative prefixes, together with meaning and modal co-occurrence restrictions, are given in table 13. Table 13. Negative Prefixes
Negative Prefix
Function
Modal Co-occurrences
Simple negative
Indicative (+ wi- QUOT), Contingent, Absolutive, Conditional, Subjunctive, Infinitive
kara- (NEG.1) ka- (NEG.2)
Absolutive, Gerundial, Infinitive
kaaku- (NEG.POSS)
Negative possession
Subjunctive (non-subordinate)
karii . . . i(EMPH.NEG)
Emphatic negative
Assertive, Contingent, Absolutive
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GRAMMATICAL OVERVIEW
Interrogatives. There are six interrogative proclitics [table 12:8] that translate as, for example, ‘who’, ‘when’, ‘where’, ‘how many’, as well as form ‘yes-no’ questions. The two ‘yes-no’ interrogatives are more closely bound to the verb than are the other four forms. Those forms, together with modal co-occurrence restrictions, are presented in table 14.
•
Table 14. Interrogative Pronouns
&
Interrogative Pronoun
English Translation
ka-
yes-no question
ka- . . . i-
negative yes-no questions
takii
‘who’
kirikii, kikii
‘what, why, how’
kickii
‘how many’
kiruu
‘where’
Modal Agreement
Absolutive mode
Adverbials. There are several adverbial proclitics that serve as introductory or transitional elements (translating as ‘then’, ‘and so’) and as temporal anchors (‘now’, ‘then’) [table 12:3, 5]. The most common are the following:
wii- ‘now; when’; also translates as English present perfective aspect, ‘have + -ed participle’ wiitahurahwiica® ‘it is getting close now; it has come close now’ < wii- ‘now’ + ti- IND + Ø- 3.A + a- PREV + huraah- ‘land’ + wiic- ‘moving close to a point’ + a ‘come’ + -Ø PERF wiirakuhuraahkiwatat ‘when the season changes’ < wii- ‘when’ + ra- INF.A + Ø- 3.A + ku- INF.B + huraar- ‘earth’ + kiwatak ‘change’ + -Ø SUB.4 kawiirasiira® ‘have you come (i.e., arrived)?’ < ka- INTER + wii- ‘now’ + raABS + s- 2.A + ir- PREV + a ‘come’ + -Ø PERF ruu- ‘then; there’ ruu®ahiwaku® ‘then he said’ < ruu- ‘then’ + ar- EV + ri- CONT.3.A + Ø- 3.A + waka®u ‘say’ + -Ø PERF wiiruutisakuriisat ‘then the sun set’ < wii- ‘now’ + ruu- ‘then’ + ti- IND + Ø- 3.A + sakur- ‘sun’ + iis- ‘out of sight’ + at ‘go’ + -Ø PERF raa- ‘just’ raaruutikitaarit pah ‘the moon was just on top’ < raa- ‘just’ + ruu- ‘then’ + ti- IND + Ø- 3.A + kitaarik ‘be standing on top’ + -Ø PERF
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GRAMMATICAL OVERVIEW
iriruu- ‘thereupon’ iriruuriiwu® ‘thereupon they went’ < iriruu- ‘thereupon’ + rii- ASSR + Ø3.A + wuu ‘go PL.3.A’ + -Ø PERF &
Deictics. Finally there is a class of five deictics that indicate both temporal and spatial location [table 12:4]. They appear individually and in combinations. The most common ones are the following:
tii- ‘this; here’ tii®ahahaacca ‘a log was lying here’ < tii- ‘here’ + ar- EV + ra- ABS + Ø- 3.A + haak- ‘wood’ + sa ‘be lying’ + -Ø PERF ii- ‘that; there’ iiraa®a ‘when he came’ < ii- ‘then; when’ + ra- ABS + Ø- 3.A + a- PREV + a ‘come’ + -Ø SUB.4 iirahaacca ‘that log (lying)’ < ii- ‘that’ + ra- ABS + Ø- 3.A + haak- ‘wood’ + sa ‘be lying’ + -Ø SUB.4 iri- ‘that (generalized)’ indicates that an object is located at an unspecified distance in space or time from the speaker, but is basically neutral to that distance. iriwiitaasasaa ‘you are named that’ < iri- ‘that’ + wii- ‘now’ + ta- IND.1/2.A + s- 2.A + asaar ‘be named’ + Ø ‘be’ iriwiituraahi ‘that is good’ < iri- ‘that’ + wii- ‘now’ + ti- IND + Ø- 3.A + uur- PREV + raahiir ‘be good’ + -Ø PERF irii- ‘what, where’ ituuhaarikaa® iriiraskuutaara ‘I’ll tell you what to do’ < i- CONT.1/2.A + t1.A + a- 2.P + ir- PREV + ut- PREV + raarikaa®a ‘to tell to’ + -Ø PERF irii®ahaarasika icaas ‘where he cooked Turtle’ < irii- ‘where’ + ar- EV + raABS + Ø- 3.A + arasik ‘cook’ + -a SUB.1 tii®iriirasku ‘here where you are’ < tii- ‘here’ + irii- ‘where’ + ra- ABS + s2.A + kus ‘be sitting’ + -Ø SUB.4 riku- ‘the one that/who; what’ riku®ahi® ‘he was the one; that was the one’ < riku- ‘the one that’ + ar- EV + ri- CONT.3.A + Ø ‘be’ + -Ø PERF hii- ‘other’ hiiraasa ‘the other one (lying)’ < hii- ‘other’ + ra- ABS + sa ‘be lying’ + -Ø SUB.4 tiihiiraa®a ‘this other one who came’ < tii- ‘this’ + hii- ‘other’ + ra- ABS + Ø- 3.A + a- PREV + a ‘come’ + -Ø SUB.4
GRAMMATICAL OVERVIEW
Noun Incorporation In addition to the prefixes discussed above, Skiri generally incorporates nouns that are the agents of intransitive verbs and the patients of transitive verbs [table 7:25]. Among the nouns that typically incorporate rather than appear in independent form in sentences are those for body parts and body products, natural phenomena, foods, and cultural products. Examples are: • • • •
body parts and body products; e.g., hand, head, etc.; tears, sweat, urine, etc.; voice, word; natural phenomena, such as land, water, sun, moon, road; foods, such as meat, soup, meal; and cultural products, such as dwelling, village; moccasin, rope, pipe.
An incorporated noun drops the nominal suffix of its independent form; i.e., -u®, -kis, etc. (see above). If the noun referent is dual, the prefix si- DU occurs in its normal position at the beginning of the verb complex, and if it is plural, the suffix raar- PL immediately follows the incorporated noun stem. Examples are: siwituksakitaahku ‘there were two tribes’ < si- DU + wi- QUOT + ti- IND + Ø- 3.A + uks- AOR + akitaar- ‘tribe’ + kus ‘be sitting’ + -Ø PERF ahikiistacakipu ‘he gathered the bones’ < ar- EV + ri- CONT.3.A + Ø- 3.A + kiis- ‘bone’ + raar- PL + takipuh ‘gather’ + -Ø PERF iiwiirasakuriisata ‘as the sun set’ < ii- ‘when’ + wii- ‘now’ + ra- ABS + Ø3.A + sakur- ‘sun’ + iisat ‘go out of sight; set’ + -a SUB.1 riihiikakuspihat ‘I moved the door flap aside’ < rii- ASSR + t- 1.A + riikakus- ‘door flap’ + wihak ‘move aside’ + -Ø PERF Nouns that ordinarily do not incorporate are the following: • • • • •
personal names of individuals and tribes; geographical names; kinship terms; personal nouns, such as man, woman, etc.; animal names, such as bear, deer, dog;
There are, however, exceptions to many of the preceding and related classes of terms. For example: tuuricaahiksii ‘he is a good-looking person’ < ti- IND + Ø- 3.A + uur- PREV + icaahiks ‘person’ + hiir ‘be good looking’ + -Ø PERF
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GRAMMATICAL OVERVIEW
iriiruurakuurahuraaru ‘whatever the kind of animal was,’ that is, ‘all kinds of animals’ < irii- ‘the one’ + ruu- ‘there’ + ra- INF.A + Ø- 3.A + ku- INF.B + i- SEQ + rahuraar- ‘animal’ + -u SUB.D Verb Stems Table 15. The Verb Stem Template 1. Iterative
raar-, ka- ITER
2. Noun
3. Descriptive
4. Portative/
5. Locative
Stem
Comitative
awi- ‘image’
kasis ‘hard’
ri-, ra-, ruu- PORT
ka- ‘on’
wak- ‘sound’
tarahkis ‘strong’
cir-, ciras- COM
kaa- ‘inside’
6. Active Verb Complement
7. Verb Root
8. Causative
kiikak ‘drink’ + -his PERF
at ‘go’
-rik, -ra®uk
Suffixes Only two categories are marked by suffixes: aspect and subordination. Active and stative verbs occur in one of two basic aspects, perfective and imperfective. There are five other aspects that are built on one or both of these basic aspects: an intentive, which indicates that something is going to happen); a habitual, which indicates that something regularly happens); and an inchoative, which indicates that something is beginning to happen). All verbs occur in both independent and subordinate forms. Independent forms do not take a suffix, whereas subordinate forms do take one. Each of the major classes of verbs is, in part, defined by its distinctive subordinate suffix, which defines its class. Descriptive stems, for example, take the subordinate suffix -u, while locative verbs take the suffix -wi. Active and stative verbs, in contrast, belong to one of four subclasses, of which two are marked by different vowel suffixes, one by a final-syllable stress change, and one by the lack of a suffix. Table 16. Verb Suffix Template 25
26
27
28
PERFECTIVE,
INTENTIVE,
INTENTIVE SUBORDINATE
VERB
PERFECTIVE SUBORDINATE,
HABITUAL,
IMPERFECTIVE,
INCHOATIVE
STEM
IMPERFECTIVE SUBORDINATE
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GRAMMATICAL OVERVIEW
Aspect and Subordination: Active and Passive Verbs The aspect and subordination suffixes for active and passive verbs are given in their positions of occurrence in table 17. Table 17. Suffixes for Aspect and Subordination Categories
Suffixes
Perfective/
Non-Intentive/Intentive
Non-Subordinate/
Imperfective
Habitual/Inchoative
Subordinate
Perfective
Non-intentive
Non-subordinate
-Ø /- ® -his (when incorporated)
Subordinate
Intentive
Imperfective
Non-intentive
Class I
-a
Class II
-i
Class III
final syllable change
Class IV
-Ø
Non-subordinate
-his + -ta
Subordinate
-his + -ta + -rit
Non-subordinate
-:hu® -:hus (when incorporated)
Intentive
Inchoative
Habitual
•
Subordinate
-hu
Non-subordinate
-:hus + -ta
â -:husta
Subordinate
-hus + -ta +-rit
â -hustarit
Non-subordinate
-:hus + -itik
â -:husitit
Subordinate
-hus + -itik
â -husitit
Non-subordinate
-:hus + -uuku®
â -:husuuku®
Subordinate
-hus + -uku
â -husuku
Perfective aspect (PERF), non-subordinate. The perfective aspect, which generally designates a punctual or completed activity, has the form -his, except after a stem-final vowel plus k sequence (i.e., Vk), where it reduces to -s (see phonological rule 3R above). In non-subordinate perfective verb forms, where this aspect is in final position (i.e., where there is no following suffix), -his does not occur. If the stem ends in a consonant, there is no overt marking for this
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GRAMMATICAL OVERVIEW
independent perfective form; but if it ends in a vowel, a glottal stop occurs after the vowel. If the perfective form of the verb has the intentive suffix (-ta INT) following it or if the perfective form of the verb is compounded with a following stem, -his does occur. Examples are: tihuras ‘he found it’ < ti- IND + Ø- 3.A + huras ‘find’ + -Ø PERF; cp. tihurasista ‘he is going to find it’ < ti- IND + Ø- 3.A + huras ‘find’ + -his PERF + -ta INT tikikat ‘he cried’ < ti- IND + Ø- 3.A + kikak ‘cry’ + -Ø PERF; cp. tikikaksta ‘he is going to cry’ < ti- IND + Ø- 3.A + kikak ‘cry’ + -his PERF + -ta INT; takikaksa® ‘he came crying’ < ti- IND + Ø- 3.A + a- PREV.3.A + kikak ‘cry’ + -his PERF + a ‘come’ + -Ø PERF •
Perfective aspect, subordinate (SUB). In active and passive verbs, however, subordinate perfective forms are marked in one of three ways: by one of two overt vowel suffixes, by a final-syllable change, or by no overt marking (i.e., -Ø ). Which subordinating suffix a verb takes is unpredictable, and so each active and passive verb stem belongs to one of four classes, each of which is defined by its subordinate perfective marker. These classes are given in table 14. Class 1: raskuhisaaska ‘for you to call him’ < ra- INF.A + s- 2.A + ku- INF.B + hisaask ‘call’ + -a SUB.1 Class 2: ratkuhurasi ‘for me to find him’ < ra- INF.A + t- 1.A + ku- INF.B + huras ‘find’ + -i SUB.2 A subclass of Class 2 verbs comprises the small set of verbs called i-stems, which have a stem-final vowel i that occurs in imperfective forms but not in perfective ones. In the base form of these stems that i is indicated by a stem-final -i, as in as-i (uur...) ‘to run’ and itk-i (ut...) ‘to dream about’. The principal parts of an i-stem are illustrated as follows: uc-i ‘to be lying’: uc ‘be lying’ PERF; ucista ‘is going to lie’ PERF.INT; uci ‘be lying’ SUB.2; uciihu® ‘be lying’ IMPF; uciihusta ‘is going to be lying’ IMPF.INT; ucihu ‘be lying’ IMPF.SUB Class 3: tiru® ‘he made it’ < ti- IND + Ø- 3.A + ra®uk ‘make’ + -Ø PERF; wiirara®u ‘when he made it’ < wii- ‘now’ + ra- ABS + Ø- 3.A + ra®uk ‘make’ + SUB.3 Class 4: iriirakikat ‘where he cried’ < irii- ‘where’ + ra- ABS + Ø- 3.A + kikak ‘cry’ + -Ø SUB.4
•
Imperfective aspect (IMPF), non-subordinate: -:hus. The imperfective aspect denotes an uncompleted activity or one in progress–i.e., one that expresses an action without denoting a beginning or end. In non-subordinate verbs the form
GRAMMATICAL OVERVIEW
of the imperfective is -:hus, where the colon preceding -:hus represents lengthening of the preceding, stem-final vowel. Here, too, the final s of -:hus is dropped when this suffix is the last element in a word, but is retained when -ta INT or any other morpheme immediately follows it. Examples: tikacaaku® ‘he is cutting it’ < ti- IND + Ø - 3.A + kacak ‘cut, chop’ + -:hus IMPF; cp. tikacat ‘he cut it’ < ti- IND + Ø- 3.A + kacak ‘cut’ + -Ø PERF tikiikaahu® ‘he is drinking it’ < ti- IND + Ø- 3.A + kiikaa ‘drink’ + -:hus IMPF; cp. tikiikaahusta ‘he is going to be drinking it’ < ti- IND + Ø- 3.A + kiikaa ‘drink’ + -:hus IMPF + -ta INT; Taraha® Takiikaahusa® ‘Buffalo Comes to Drink’ < ti- IND + Ø- 3.A + a- PREV+ kiikaa ‘drink’ + -:hus IMPF + a ‘come’ + -Ø PERF •
Imperfective aspect (IMPF), subordinate: -hus. The form of the imperfective in subordinate verb forms is -hus, the same as the non-subordinate form except that it does not lengthen the preceding stem-final vowel and, when the suffix is wordfinal, the final vowel (i.e., u) of -hus, which becomes -hu in its surface form, is not followed by a glottal stop, as it is in non-subordinate forms. Examples are: raakuraarahu ‘for them to be coming’ < ra- INF.A + Ø- 3.A + a- PREV + kuINF.B + raar- 3.P.INDV.A + a ‘come’ + -hus IMPF.SUB; cp. non-subordinate taraaraahu® ‘they are coming’ iriirakiwaku ‘the one that barked’ < irii- ‘the one’ + ra- ABS + Ø- 3.A + kiwak ‘bark’ + -hus IMPF.SUB; cp. non-subordinate tikiwaaku’ ‘it’s barking’ < ti- IND + Ø- 3.A + kiwak ‘bark’ + -:hus IMPF
•
Intentive aspect (INT), non-subordinate: -ta. The intentive aspect, represented by the form -ta, denotes an activity or state that is expected to occur and differs from a simple future tense in that there is no doubt or potentiality implied. It translates into English most commonly as ‘. . . is going to . . .’ The suffix occurs in both perfective and imperfective forms, illustrated by the following: taturaa®iiwaatista ‘I am going to tell a story’ < ta- IND.1/2.A + t- 1.A + uurPREV + raa®iiwaat ‘tell a story’ + -his PERF + -ta INT iriwiitataraahisaaskusta ‘I am going to be calling you (by a certain kinship term)’ < iri- ‘that’ + wii- ‘now’ + ta- IND.1/2.A + t- 1.A + a- 2.P + raahisaask ‘call, address (by a kin term)’ + -:hus IMPF + -ta INT; cp. iriwiitataraahisaasku® ‘I call you (by a certain kinship term)’
•
Intentive aspect (INT), subordinate: -rit. In subordinate intentive forms, both perfective and imperfective, the intentive suffix -ta is always followed by -rit, which marks the verb as a subordinate form. Its occurrence is illustrated by the following pair of words:
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GRAMMATICAL OVERVIEW
wiiruuhaasitikstarit ‘when it is going to occur’ < wii- ‘now’ + ri- CONT.3.A + ut- PREV + raasiktik ‘happen, occur’ + -his PERF + -ta INT + -rit INT.SUB; wiiruuhaasitikustarit ‘when it is going to be happening’ < wii- ‘now’ + riCONT.3.A + ut- PREV + raasiktik ‘happen, occur’ + -hus IMPF + -ta INT + -rit INT.SUB •
Inchoative aspect (INCH): -itik. The inchoative aspect denotes an activity that is beginning to occur or is in an inceptive state. It is marked by the suffix -itik, which is always preceded by the imperfective suffix, and is translated into English most commonly as either ‘beginning’ or ‘starting’ an activity. Examples are: tiwaawaktiikusitit ‘he began talking’ < ti- IND + Ø- 3.A + waawaktik ‘talk’ -:hus IMPF + -itik INCH riitapaawarikusitit rikucki ‘I began shooting birds’ < rii- ASSR + t- 1.A + ak3.P.AN.I + waa- DIST + warik ‘shoot at’ + -hus IMPF + -itik INCH
• Habitual aspect (HAB): -uuku®/-uku. The habitual aspect is represented by -uuku®, which always comes immediately after the imperfective aspectual marker. In non-subordinate verbs the habitual has a long vowel uu and there is a glottal stop following the final u, while in subordinate forms there is no final glottal stop and the initial vowel of the morpheme is usually short. The habitual aspect denotes activities that occur customarily or out of habit and are translated into English as ‘used to do’ or ‘usually do’. Examples are: witiicikstaawariihusuuku® rakis ‘they used to gather wood’ < wi- QUOT + tiIND + Ø- 3.A + ir- 3.P.COLL.A+ ut- PREV + i- SEQ + uks- AOR + raawarii ‘gather; go around gathering’ + -hus IMPF + -uuku® HAB; cp. ahicikstaawariihusuku ‘when they went to gather them’ < ar- EV + ri- CONT.3.A + Ø- 3.A + ir- 3.P.COLL.A + ut- PREV + i- SEQ + uks- AOR + raawarii ‘gather; go around gathering’ + -hus IMPF + -uku HAB.SUB ahukspaktikusuku ‘the one who used to announce (i.e., camp crier)’ < ar- EV + ra- ABS + Ø- 3.A + uks- AOR + paktik ‘announce’ + -hus IMPF + -uku HAB.SUB Aspect and Subordination: Descriptive and Locative Verbs The forms for existential and inchoative forms of descriptive and locative verbs differ from those of active and passive verbs, although there is certainly overlap between categories and morphemes. Both classes of verbs make a basic aspectual distinction between existential and inchoative forms, and each of these in turn distinguishes between simple and intentive forms. Inchoative forms of both classes also distinguish between perfective and imperfective forms. Both classes also have separate nonsubordinate and subordinate forms.
GRAMMATICAL OVERVIEW
Existential Forms: Descriptive Verbs •
Simple existential descriptive forms. The simple existential forms of descriptive verbs comprise a descriptive stem followed by the verb uk ‘to exist, be’, which here functions as an inflectional suffix. In non-subordinate forms uk is a null form when it is word final. There are two classes of descriptive verbs based on their surface forms: Class I descriptive verbs, which are the most numerous, are characterized by a reduplication of the vowel in their final syllable when the forms are non-subordinate. The rule for this reduplication is: Vi(Vi) â Vi(Vi)®Vi / C _ C + uk (+ NON-SUB) tipahaa®at ‘it is red’ < ti- IND + Ø- 3.A + pahaat ‘be red’ + -uk ‘be’; cp. iriirapahaatu ‘the one that is red’ tihuraahtarari®it ‘the ground is burned off’ < ti- IND + Ø- 3.A + huraar‘ground’ + tararit ‘be burned, scorched’ + -uk ‘be’; cp. iriiratarariitu ‘where it is scorched’ Class II descriptive verbs comprise stems that do not undergo the finalsyllable vocalic reduplication that Class I verbs do, illustrated by: tiwaaruksti® ‘he is holy’ < ti- IND + Ø- 3.A + waarukstii ‘be holy’ + -uk ‘be’; cp. rakuwaarukstii®u ‘for one to be holy’ takuctaris ‘the bucket is heavy’ < ti- IND + Ø- 3.A + a- PREV + kuc- ‘bucket’ + taris ‘be heavy’ + -uk ‘be’
•
Intentive existential descriptive verbs. These intentives are formed by suffixing -ta INT to the perfective form of descriptive stems (i.e., STEM + -uk ‘be’ + -his PERF + -ta, which results in STEM + -uksta). The following are examples: tiwakarahiisuksta ‘he is going to have a raspy voice’ < ti- IND + Ø- 3.A + wakarahiis ‘be raspy voiced’ + -uk; ‘be’ + -his PERF + -ta INT tipahaatuksta ‘it is going to be red’ < ti- IND + Ø- 3.A + pahaat ‘be red’ + uk ‘be’ + -his PERF + -ta INT
•
Subordinate existential descriptive verbs. The subordinate form of existential descriptive verbs is represented by the subordinate form of uk ‘to be’, which is -u in word-final position. Examples: iriirapahaatu ‘the one that is red’ < irii- ‘the one’ + ra- ABS + Ø- 3.A + pahaat ‘red’ + -uk SUB.D
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50
GRAMMATICAL OVERVIEW
iriirawakarahiisu ‘the one who has a raspy voice’ < irii- ‘the one’ + ra- ABS + Ø- 3.A + wakarahiis ‘be raspy voiced’ + -uk SUB.D Inchoative Forms: Descriptive Verbs Descriptive verbs form the inchoative with the suffix -aar ‘become, get’ (which is also an independent verb) and by changing their inflectional class from active to passive. The principal forms of -aar as a suffix for descriptive verbs are: -aar + -Ø -aar + -a -aar + -his + -ta -aar + -i -aar + -i
PERF
â
PERF.SUB
â
PERF.INT
â
IMPF
â
IMPF.SUB
â
-aa -aara -aarista -aari® -aari
Existential Forms: Locative Verbs Locative verbs make the same aspectual distinctions as descriptive verbs. They are distinguished in part by the suffix -wi that occurs on all inflected forms except for the simple non-subordinate. The distinctions and forms expressing them are presented below. •
Simple existential locative forms. Existential locative verbs in non-subordinate forms have no overt marking on the verb. Examples are: tiikita aruusa® ‘he is riding the horse’ < ti- IND + Ø- 3.A + ikita ‘be astride’+ -Ø PERF tikawihaahka ‘the projectile is on (i.e., attached to) the end of the shaft’ < ti+ Ø- 3.A + kawihaar- ‘projectile’ + ka ‘be on’ + -Ø PERF
IND
•
Intentive existential locative verbs. The intentive existential form has the sequence -wi + -his PERF + -ta INT (that becomes -wista) suffixed to the locative stem. Example: tuctiraahawista ‘it is going to be tilted’ < ti- IND + Ø- 3.A + ut- PREV + tiraaha ‘be tilted’ + -wi SUB.L + -his PERF + -ta INT
•
Subordinate existential locative verbs. Subordinate locative verbs take the suffix -wi, as in the following example: rakukatawi ‘to be against’ < ra- INF.A + Ø- 3.A + ku- INF.A + kata ‘be against (a vertical surface)’ + -wi SUB.L
51
GRAMMATICAL OVERVIEW
Inchoative Forms: Locative Verbs Locative verbs form their five inchoative aspects with the suffixes -wi followed by -itik INCH. This aspect describes an agent that is assuming or changing into the locative state that the stem denotes. -itik + -Ø -itik + -Ø -itik + -his + -ta -itik + -:hus -itik + -hus
PERF
â
PERF.SUB
â
PERF.INT
â
IMPF
â
IMPF.SUB
â
-itit -itit -itiksta -itiiku® -itiku
5 Organization of the Dictionary The dictionary is divided into two major sections: in the first, entries are arranged English-to-Skiri, and in the second, they are arranged Skiri-to-English. The English-toSkiri section appears first since most users will not be Skiri speakers and will presumably use that section more than the Skiri-to-English one. Nevertheless, in order to maximize ease of use of the dictionary for diverse purposes, entries in both sections contain the same information.
General Conventions for Citing Skiri Forms In both the English-to-Skiri and the Skiri-to-English sections, Skiri entry forms are cited as follows: •
Verbs. The entry forms of verbs are uninflected stems that do not occur as independent words. They require inflectional prefixes and suffixes, which then undergo the phonological processes that create well-formed words. Two conventions used in citing verb stems should be noted: •
Stems that require a preverb–that is, that have one of the preverbs (ir-/a-, ut-, uur-) as an integral part of the stem but are positionally separated from it–are cited with the preverb appearing in parentheses immediately after the stem base form, as in tii (ut...) ‘be tame; be accustomed to’. Even though preverbs are placed after the stem base for citation in entries, the user must remember that in word formation the preverb comes before the stem (that is, in positions 13 and 18; see table 7).
•
There is a small number of verb stems based on Ø (ut...) ‘to be (in a condition)’ and Ø (ir...) ‘to be one’s’ that have a zero (or null) base. The preverbs of these stems (here ut- and ir-) then behave like descriptive verbs in that in non-subordinate forms with singular or dual subjects the vowel of the preverb reduplicates as specified in the Stem-Final Vocalic Reduplication Rule (p. 49). If a subject plural prefix follows the preverb, its vowel reduplicates following the same rule. Thus, in kutatii®i ‘it is mine’ (< ku- POSS + ta- IND.1/2.A + t1.A + ir- POSS.1/2.A + Ø ‘be one’s’ + -Ø PERF), the vowel i of the 53
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ORGANIZATION OF THE DICTIONARY
preverb ir- is reduplicated to ii®i; and in kutatiraa®at ‘it is ours’ (< ku- POSS + ta- IND.1/2.A + t- 1.A + ir- POSS.1/2.A + raak- 1/2.P + Ø ‘to be one’s’ + -Ø PERF), the vowel aa of the subject plural prefix raak- is reduplicated to aa®a since it is the last overt constituent in the surface form. (The loss of the r of the preverb and change of k of the plural prefix to t in word-final position are regular phonological processes.) •
Nouns. In entries, nouns are given in their independent forms; that is, all nouns that require one of the nominal suffixes (-u® NOM, -hiri® INST/LOC, -kat LOC, and -ru LOC) to occur as an independent word have those suffixes on the entry headword. For example, the noun paksu® ‘head’ always has the nominal suffix -u® NOM when it occurs as an independent (non-instrumental, non-locative) word; but when it is incorporated into a verb or occurs preceding another morpheme in compounds, the suffix -u® does not occur, as in the following examples: tatpaksiitit ‘I nodded’ < ta- IND.1/2.A + t- 1.A + paks- ‘head’ + iitik ‘nod’ + -Ø PERF pakskiisu® ‘skull’ < paks- ‘head’ + kiis- ‘bone’ + -u® NOM
Although most Skiri nouns have an independent form, there is a relatively small set of dependent noun roots (N-DEP) that do not have an independent form but only occur preceding another stem in a compound. The entry heads of dependent noun roots are cited with a dash after the stem-final syllable. An example of a dependent noun root and two derived words based on it is the following: asaa- ‘horse; dog’ in asaaki ‘dog’ (< asaa- + -kis DIM), asaapahat ‘roan horse’ (< asaa- + pahat ‘be red’), asiicapaat ‘mare’ (< asaa- + icapaak ‘woman’); cf. independent form aruusa® ‘horse’ •
Locatives. There are two types of locative elements: those that occur as verb stems and inflect as verbs (locative verbs); and those that occur as locative morphemes in verbal derivation, where they add locative information to a verb root or a derived stem. Locatives that do not occur as independent verb stems but only appear in derived forms are cited with a dash at the end of the form. An example of the latter is the following: iis- ‘out of sight’: iisat ‘go out of sight, disappear over’ (< iis- + at ‘go’); hirasiisat ‘go out of sight in the lead’
•
Other word classes. Members of other word classes, such as adverbs, adjectives (which are a subclass of nouns), and numerals are cited in their independent forms.
ORGANIZATION OF THE DICTIONARY
English-to-Skiri Entries Figure 1 illustrates a typical English-to-Skiri entry. The English entry word (usually a single English term) is given in boldface at the very beginning of the entry (in the sample entry in figure 1, the English entry word is stop). Often more than one Skiri word can translate a given English word. Thus, in the sample entry in figure 1, English stop corresponds to two different Skiri verbs: awi®uusik (uur...) and cawiirik (uur...). Each alternate Skiri translation begins a separate Skiri subentry within the entry. Each subentry has up to three parts (numbered I, II, and III in the sample entry in figure 1, and discussed immediately below).
Figure 1. Structure of an English-to-Skiri verb entry
Part I: The first part of a subentry (see fig. 2) comprises basic information that is arranged in the following order: •
Equivalent Skiri word or stem that is a translation of the English entry. Like the entry word, it is set off in boldface type (wiitik in fig. 2). (See the section “General Conventions for Citing Skiri Forms” above for practices used in representing the equivalent Skiri form–for example, the convention that preverbs required by a stem are cited after the stem, as for the preverb uur- in the first subentry in figure 1, even though in actual usage they come before it.)
•
Phonetic rendition of the preceding Skiri term is set off in square brackets and is presented with small bullets marking syllable breaks in the stem or word to assist the user in proper pronunciation.
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ORGANIZATION OF THE DICTIONARY
•
Grammatical class abbreviation of the entry; that is, one of the abbreviations for what are usually designated parts of speech, such as noun (N), verb (V), and adverb (ADV). These abbreviations are cited in small capital letters (see Abbreviations, p. xiii) that are followed by either a dash for dependent elements or by a verb class based on the subordinate form of a verb (that is, its subordinate suffix or lack of one). Thus in figure 2, wiitik is an intransitive verb (VI) of class 4, hence cited as VI (4) (see pp. 32, 45-47 above for discussion of verb classes).
•
Grammatical forms, if they are irregular or for some other reason require specification, are included in many entries. Such grammatical forms are usually ones for a dual or plural agent or the distributive, and are placed immediately after the grammatical class abbreviation and are enclosed in curly brackets ({ }). The abbreviation for the grammatical form being cited is given first, followed by the Skiri form itself. Thus the Skiri verb in figure 2 has an irregular distributive form wiiruutik.
•
Full English gloss of the preceding Skiri word or stem, often comprising a set of English equivalents that illustrate the semantic range of the Skiri word. Sometimes Skiri words have multiple meanings, and those separate meanings are set off by numbering the glosses. Phrases clarifying usage are frequently added to glosses; these explanatory phrases are italicized since they are not part of the gloss itself (e.g., as an airplane or a flock of birds in the fourth gloss of the subentry in fig. 2).
•
The derivation or etymology of a word or stem, when known, is cited between angled brackets. First the Skiri form is analyzed into its constituent elements. In this analysis, two types of boundaries are indicated: constituent morphemes within a stem are separated by a hyphen (-), and major constituents within the full Skiri form are separated by a plus sign (+). Following the analyzed Skiri form is a literal English translation of the stem or word’s underlying meaning. If the underlying morphemic constituency or literal translation has not been determined, no derivation or underlying meaning is given. Sometimes, when relevant, cognate forms that occur in South Band Pawnee (SB), Arikara (Ar.), Kitsai (Ki.), or Wichita (Wi.) are cited.
Part II: The second part of a subentry (fig. 3) is either a set of inflected forms illustrating fully formed verbs that are independent words or, if the entry form itself is a dependent form (noun or locative), a set of derived stems illustrating usage of that dependent form. •
Inflected forms. For verbs there are five basic inflected forms (standard verbal paradigmatic forms) that are listed: (1) first person agent (for active, descriptive, and locative verbs) or first person patient (for passive verbs), in the indicative mode, perfective aspect; (2) third person agent or patient, indicative mode, perfective aspect; (3) third person agent, indicative mode, imperfective aspect; (4)
ORGANIZATION OF THE DICTIONARY
third person agent, gerundial mode (i.e., subordinate absolutive mode), usually perfective aspect; and (5) third person agent, indicative mode, intentive aspect. Certain verb classes do not allow some of these forms and thus are lacking here. Occasionally there is an additional inflected form, set off by a bullet, that illustrates a plural, distributive, or other grammatical form specific to the entry.
Figure 2. Skiri subentry structure (in a Skiri-to-English entry): Part I, basic information
•
Derived stems. When the entry head is a dependent form that is not itself subject to inflection but serves as a constituent in deriving new stems, the illustrative forms given are several examples of derived stems that include the dependent entry form.
Figure 3. Skiri subentry structure (in a Skiri-to-English entry): Part II, paradigmatic forms and examples
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ORGANIZATION OF THE DICTIONARY
Part III. The third part of subentries (fig. 4) is the citation of one or more crossreferences to other, related English words that the user might wish to consult. The structure of these cross-references is the following: they begin with “see” and are then followed by relevant English terms that are entry heads, each followed in turn by its Skiri equivalent enclosed in curly brackets. The citation of both English and equivalent Skiri forms enables the user to consult relevant entries in both English and Skiri.
Figure 4. Skiri verb subentry structure (in a Skiri-to-English entry): Part III, cross-references
Skiri-to-English Entries The structure of entries in the Skiri-to-English section (fig. 5) is essentially the same as that of the English-to-Skiri entries discussed above. However, there are no subentries in the Skiri-to-English section.
Figure 5. Structure of a Skiri-to-English verb entry
ORGANIZATION OF THE DICTIONARY
Part I: For verbs, the entry head is a stem or root. Nouns are normally given in their independent form; however, dependent noun stems are cited with a final dash that indicates they require another morpheme or stem following them to form a free noun. Locative verb stems are cited as other verbs are, but dependent locative stems that occur only in derived stems are, like dependent nouns, followed by a stem-final dash. (See the section “General Conventions for Citing Skiri Forms” above for details about how Skiri entry heads are cited.) Following each Skiri entry head is a phonetic rendition enclosed in square brackets. Immediately after the phonetic citation is the word class to which the head form belongs. Additional grammatical or phonological information that is specific to a given entry form is provided in curly brackets after the abbreviation for an entry’s word class. For verbs, those forms are grammatical. For most noun entries, they are phonologically variant incorporated forms of that noun that appear in derivation. English glosses of the entry head follow the grammatical information, and after those glosses is the derivation or etymology of the Skiri head word, presented in angled brackets, as described in the English-to-Skiri section above. Part II: The second part of entries in the Skiri-to-English section contains the same inflected or derived forms that appear as illustrations in entries in the English-to-Skiri section (see above). For verb entries the same five inflected forms are provided, and for dependent nouns and verbal prefixes, examples of derived forms are cited, each separated by a bullet. Figure 6, in addition to portraying a Skiri-to-English entry, illustrates two features of certain Skiri verb stems that are unusual in structure: •
The entry head has a null verb stem base (i.e., Ø) that has no overt shape in fully inflected non-subordinate verb forms. Since in this example the entry verb stem has a preverb (ut...) that is a part of its composition and that preverb appears in all inflected surface forms of the verb, the vowel of the preverb is reduplicated like the final-syllable vowel of descriptive verbs when they are non-subordinate forms. Thus, when the verb stem Ø (ut...) has a first person singular agent, the indicative form is tatuu®ut (
•
The entry head is a compound of the verb Ø (ut...) ‘to be (in a condition)’ and the independent noun ciksu® ‘thought, mind’, which has an underlying literal meaning ‘to be in a condition of thought(s)’ but as a lexical unit translates variously as ‘have on one’s mind; be thoughtful; be prayerful’, etc. Collocations like this one are cited with the verb base preceding the noun, although the noun is free to precede the verb in discourse.
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ORGANIZATION OF THE DICTIONARY
Figure 6. Structure of a Skiri-to-English verb entry illustrating the class of compound stems with the constituents preverb + null verb stem (Ø ) + noun
PART TWO
English to Skiri Pawnee
abandon
across
A abandon raa™aawaa
[•raa-™aa-waa•] VT(4) 1. forsake, abandon a way, as a custom or tradition. 2. refuse, reject, repudiate a way.
1. tahaa™aawa™ 2. tiraa™aawa™ 3. tiraa™aawaahu™ 4. iriiraraa™aawaa 5. tiraa™aawaahista see cancel {raakiwat}; give up (a habit) {ruuhurahak}; leave {aawaa, huraawaa, uhurahak, uhuuhurahak} abate (of a fever) see cool off (non-liquid) {kikarik} abdomen kickaraaru™ [k‡ts-kß-raa-r‰™] N abdomen, stomach, belly. • iriirakickaracawi the belly; his belly. see belly {karaaru™, pakuusu™} abdomen, lower cpikiri™ [tsp‡-k†-ri™] N {comb., (i)cpik-} lower abdomen; mons pubis. • iriiraaticpiktawi where my lower abdomen is; my lower abdomen. abduct see kidnap {aktahurahac, rahurahac} abhor see hate {pic Ø (uur...)} ablaze see blaze {kuriicta™a (ir...)} abloom see bloom {paakahis (ut...)} abnormal see insane {paksicaraks} above see taller {kiickawi™at (ut...)}; tallest {kiicka (ut...)}; top, on {kitakus}; up {ackat} abrasion see raw {kicapahaat} abreast katiihaks- [kß-tii-hßks•] LOC abreast, side by side. • katiihakskus be sitting side by side. • katiihakca [+ raar-] be lying abreast of one another. • katiihaksa (ir...) come abreast, come side by side. absorb see take note of {raakirikaa™at} absorbed see worried {tarahwii} abundant see plentiful {raakatarihuur} abuse raawaahkisaar [•raa-waah-k†-saa(r)•] VT(1) 1. abuse, mistreat. 2. torture, inflict pain on, torment, as a captured enemy. 1. tahaawaahkisaa 2. tiraawaahkisaa 3. tiraawaahkisaari™ 4. iriiraraawaahkisaara 5. tiraawaahkisaarista rahuhkaapaakis [•rß-h‰h-kaa-paa-k†s•] VT(1) 1. abuse, mistreat, beat; treat miserably, meanly. 2. wrong, do wrong to, as when cheating someone. 1. tahahuhkaapaakis 2. tirahuhkaapaakis 3. tirahuhkaapaakiisu™ 4. iriirarahuhkaapaakisa 5. tirahuhkaapaakisista rahuriruuhci (uur...) [•rß-h‰-r†-ruuh-Ù†•] VT(u) 1. do excessively to. 2. revile, berate, bawl out;
curse. 3. abuse, mistreat; beat severely, excessively. 4. kill. 1. taturahuriruuhci™ 2. turahuriruuhci™ 3. turahuriruuhciihu™ 4. iriirurahuriruuhci™u 5. turahuriruuhciicta see mistreat {raahuhkaapaakis} abusive, verbally haakarihuur [•haa-kß-r†huu(r)•] VD 1. have a large mouth, as a person; have a large mouth, opening, orifice, as a jar. 2. be loudmouthed, boisterous. 3. be bombastic, mouthy; be a braggart. 4. be a gossip. 5. be verbally abusive. 1. tataakarihuu™ 2. tihaakarihuu™ 4. iriirahaakarihuuru 5. tihaakarihuuruksta abut katahurah [•kß-tß-h‰-rß(h)•] VL 1. abut, be against, border, touch against, as an object against a vertical surface like a wall. 2. have an income, have a regular income check that one receives. 1. tatkatahura 2. tikatahura 4. iriirakatahurahwi 5. tikatahurahwista • tirahkatahura they have an income. see touching, barely {tahurar} acclaim see praise {rikiriskawuh (ut...)} accompany see follow behind {tatata™at, tatata™at (ut...)} accomplished see skilled {ciir (ut...)} accomplishment see deed {raaruhuuru™} account see story {raa™iitusu™, raa™iitus} accountant kitawiirisu™ [k‡-tß-wii-r†-s‰™] N 1. accountant, bookkeeper. 2. gambler. accustom to see tame {tiira™uk (ut...)} accustomed to tii (ut...) [•tii•] VD be used to, accustomed to. 1. tatuctii™ 2. tuctii™ 4. iriiructii™u 5. tuctiicta ache see hurt {ra™aar} acorn patki [pàt-k†] N acorn (Quercus spp.). <wat+kis, acorn + DIM; cf. Wi. hawaac acorn> acquainted see know {iita (ir...), iitawiitik (ir...)} acquire (a way) see learn (a way) {raakusik} acre kawirahuuru™ [kß-w‡-rß-huu-r‰™] N acre. acrid see bitter {tahata™u (ir...), ta™u (ir...)} across icasa [•†-Ùß-sß•] VI(4) 1. be lying across, lying over, as a board across a frame or a pole over two forked posts. 2. be stretched between, as a line between two posts. 3. be lying on a stretcher. 1. taaticasa 2. tiicasa 4. iriiraacasa 5. tiicasahista • tiraaricasa they are lying across. iriwis- [†-r†-w†s•] LOC across, crossways, at an oblique angle. • iriwisat go across. • iriwisa (ir...) come across. • iciriwisat prance sideways, as a horse.
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across (a boundary)
affinity for
see lay over {ica™uuc/uc-}
across (a boundary) iriwis
[•†-r†-w†s•] VI(4) be
across, diagonal, transverse, at an angle, as a barrier or boundary. 2. tiiriwis 4. iriiraariwis 5. tiiriwisista • tiraaririwis they are across. across (a path) kariwis [•kß-r†-w†s•] VI(4) be across, as across a path; ref. to an object on the ground. 2. tikariwis 4. iriirakariwis 5. tikariwisista ukariwis [•‰-kß-r†-w†s•] VI(4) be across, as an object across a path. 2. tiikariwis 4. iriruukariwis 5. tiikariwisista see block {ukariwisitik} across (a vertical surface) katariwis [•kß-tß-r†w†s•] VI(4) be horizontally across a vertical surface, as a board across a wall or door, or a streak across the body. 2. tikatariwis 4. iriirakatariwis 5. tikatariwisista across (an obstacle) see go across (an obstacle) {icawaatat} across the back see carry across the back {kiiriwisistaah} across water apiic [à-piits] ADV across a body of water, as a stream, pond, or lake; on the other side of a body of water. • suksat apiic go across the stream! across, extending see line extending along {wasii-} across, suspended ica- [†-Ùß•] LOC suspended across, as over two forked posts or supports. • icasa be lying across. • ica™uuc lay over, lay across. • waatisicasa be a line or wire extending between two objects. act see perform {tawarukaar} act like see imitate {awi™aar} active awi™uu (ut...) [•ß-wi-™uu•] VI(1) 1. be active, always doing things, energetic, full of energy, ambitious; be lively. 2. be willing, agreeable, compliant; be helpful; be obedient. 1. tatuutawi™uu™ 2. tuutawi™uu™ 4. iriruutawi™uu™a 5. tuutawi™uuksta activity raa- [raa•] N-DEP 1. way, custom, tradition. 2. activity, event. 3. time. • raahiir (uur...) be nice, good, as an event, occasion, deed, act, activity, custom. • raatahaari time or day to be close. • ruuhura™uk plan or set up, as an activity like a dance, meeting, or dinner. • riicka™at reach a point or stage, as a plateau or milestone in life; reach an age, as when ending a period in life. raa™u™ [raÑ-™u™] N 1. way, custom, tradition. 2. activity, event. 3. matter, issue. 4. time, period.
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raruucpaca [rß-ru÷ts-pß-Ùß] N Adam's apple. raruucpaca (ir...) [•rß-ruuts-pß-Ùß•] VL have an Adam's apple. 1. tatiraruucpaca 2. tararuucpaca 4. iriirararuucpacawi 5. tararuucpacawista add ta™iir [•tß-™ii(r)•] VT(1) 1. set down, as when giving a gift. 2. donate, give away. 3. add to, augment. 4. enroll; make join, as an organization. 1. tacta™ii 2. tita™ii 3. tita™iiru™ 4. iriirata™iira 5. tita™iirista see count {kitawuh}; mix liquids {kickituura™uk} add to a story raa™iitusta™iir [•raa-™ii-t‰s-tß-™ii(r)•] VT(1) 1. repeat, recount a story. 2. add to, supplement a story, as when adding details or an episode. 1. tahaa™iitusta™i 2. tiraa™iitusta™i 3. tiraa™iitusta™iiru™ 4. iriiraraa™iitusta™iira 5. tiraa™iitusta™iirista address (by a kin term) see call by a kin term {raahisaask} adept see proficient {uhuur} adhere to see hold onto (a way) {raa™ahuk (ut...)} adhering to see stuck {tatat (ut...)} adopt a child haara™uk [•haa-rß-™u{k/t}•] VT(3) adopt, as a child. 1. tataaru™ 2. tihaaru™ 3. tihaaruuku™ 4. iriirahaara™u 5. tihaaruuksta adulthood see maturity, reach {icawicat} advise raa™iitusuuh/uh [•raa-™ii-t‰-suuh/‰(h)•] VT(1), VR(1) 1. give a story to. 2. give word to. 3. give advice to. 4. (+ refl.) pass a story to one another. 1. tahaa™iitusuu 2. tiraa™iitusuu 3. tiraa™iitusuuhu™ 4. iriiraraa™iitusuha 5. tiraa™iitusuhista waawaktiik/tik- (ut...) [•waa-wßk-tiik/t†{k/t}•] VT(4) {pl. obj., raawaawaktiik/tik-} 1. talk to, speak to; chat with. 2. advise, counsel, instruct; encourage; preach to. 3. pray for. 1. tatutpaawaktiit 2. tutpaawaktiit 3. tutpaawaktiiku™ 4. iriirutpaawaktit 5. tutpaawaktiksta • tuutapaawaktiiku™ he is talking to them. see counsel {raawaawaktiik/tik- (ut...)} advise strongly raa™iitustarahkista™uk [•raa-™iit‰s-tß-rßh-k†s-tß-™u{k/t}•] VT(3) give strong, stern, severe advice; be outspoken. 1. tahaa™iitustarahkistu™ 2. tiraa™iitustarahkistu™ 3. tiraa™iitustarahkistuuku™ 4. iriiraraa™iitustarahkista™u 5. tiraa™iitustarahkistuuksta affable see friendly {awakiihaar, icaahiks} affiliated see associated {tahurar (ut...)} affinity for see like {tii (ir...ri...ut...)}; like (a way)
Adam's apple
afoot {raatii (ir...ri...ut...)}
afoot kaciiharaaku™
[kß-Ùiæ-hß-raa-k‰™] ADV afoot, on foot.
• ti™at kaciiharaaku™ he went on foot; he walked. see foot, on {caahiksuraariri™} afraid riru [•r†-r‰•] VP(4) be afraid, scared, frightened, fearful. 1. tikuriru™ 2. tiriru™ 4. iriirariru 5. tiriructa • tiiraktiru™ they are afraid. riru™aar [•r†-ru-™aa(r)•] VP(1-i) become frightened, afraid, scared, fearful. 1. tikuriru™aa 2. tiriru™aa 3. tiriru™aari™ 4. iriirariru™aara 5. tiriru™aarista afraid of see fear {riru (uur...)} after see when {wii-} after shave lotion see perfume {ruuhkickahaarawiriira} afterbirth stahkawi™u™ [stßh-kà-wi-™u™] N afterbirth; placenta. afternoon, early sakuhtiiriwiraahak [•sß-k‰h-tiir†-w†-raa-hß{k/t}•] VI(4) be early afternoon, as from after noon to ca. 2:00 o'clock. <sakuur+tiiriwiraahak, sun to roll off the edge> 2. tisakuhtiiriwiraahat 4. iriirasakuhtiiriwiraahat 5. tisakuhtiiriwiraahaksta afternoon, late sakuhtawiraahak [•sß-k‰h-tßw†-raa-hß{k/t}•] VI(4) be mid afternoon, late afternoon. <sakuur+tawiraa.hak, sun to pass down> 2. tisakuhtawiraahat 4. iriirasakuhtawiraahat 5. tisakuhtawiraahaksta afterwards ratkat [ràt-kßt] ADV afterwards; later; next. • ratkat hawa™ ruusi™ahiwa afterwards, also, then they (du.) went. again istu™ [†s-tŠ™] ADV again; back, as in returning to a starting point. • hiruu istu™ witaa™ then he came again. • hii istu™ tarahwicpaawaa™ and they came back. sistu™ [s‡s-t‰™] ADV (obsolete) again; back, as to come back or return to a starting point. • sistu™ taa™ he came back. see also {haawa™, hawaa} against kata- [kß-tß•] LOC against (a vertical surface); up an incline, on an incline, as steps, a bank, or a hill. • kata™at climb, go up an incline. • kata™a (ir...) come climbing up an incline. • katakus be a spot or daub on a (vertical) surface. see abut {katahurah}; beside {katasa}; close to {tahurar (ut...)}; touching, barely {tahurar} against a vertical surface see put against a vertical surface {kata™iir}
agreeable against, leaning see leaning against {katawiira™uuriirik}
age see years old, be {rikatihaararuu (ir...ri... ut...)} age of consciousness wicaksaar [•w†-Ùßksaa(r)•] VP(1-i) 1. come to an age of consciousness,
as a child reaching an age to reflect and remember. 2. regain consciousness, revive, regain one's senses, come to, as when coming out of a coma. 3. come into consciousness, come to mind; remember, recall, as something from the past. <wicaks+aar, become conscious> 1. tikuwicaksaa 2. tiwicaksaa 3. tiwicaksaari™ 4. iriirawicaksaara 5. tiwicaksaarista age, a certain awi™u [+ wiiruu-, i-] [•ß-wi-™u•] VI(4) be at an age, at a certain age. 1. wiiruutatiiwi™u™ 2. wiiruutiiwi™u™ 4. iriiwiruuraawi™u age, advanced kaahuraariktisaar [•kaa-h‰-raar†k-t†-saa(r)•] VI(1-i) age, get up in years, become advanced in age. 1. tatkaahuraariktisaa 2. tikaahuraariktisaa 3. tikaahuraariktisaari™ 4. iriirakaahuraariktisaara 5. tikaahuraariktisaarista age, in old icawic- [†-Ùß-w†ts•] LOC in old age, to old age. • aciksicawicat reach an old age, live to an old age. • riicawicparii reach an old age. aged person kaahiiku™ [kaa-hiæ-k‰™] N aged person, person in a state of old age. • cuustikaahiiku™ an aged old woman. aggressive see pushy {uhuriruk} aggressively see go aggressively {raawiirat} agitate see confuse {aciksicaraksta™uk} agitated see confused {aciksicaraks} agree raawakuraah [•raa-wß-k‰-raa(h)•] VI(1) agree, consent, as to do something; be agreeable, willing. 1. tahaawakuraa 2. tiraawakuraa 3. tiraawakuraahu™ 4. iriiraraawakuraaha 5. tiraawakuraahista raawi™uu (ir...ri...ut...) [•raa-wi-™uu•] VI(4) agree, consent, as to do something; be agreeable, favorable, in favor, as to a proposition, plan, or course of action; favor, incline toward, as a plan or course of action. 1. tatiriihaawi™uu™ 2. tariihaawi™uu™ 4. iriirariihaawi™uu 5. tariihaawi™uucta agree to wakuraah [•wß-k‰-raa(h)•] VT(1) 1. agree to, comply with; obey, heed, as a request. 2. answer, grant, as a prayer or wish. <wakur+raah, have/carry someone's words> 1. tatpakuraa 2. tiwakuraa 3. tiwakuraahu™ 4. iriirawakuraaha 5. tiwakuraahista agreeable awi™uu (ut...) [•ß-wi-™uu•] VI(1) 1. be
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agreed upon active, always doing things, energetic, full of energy, ambitious; be lively. 2. be willing, agreeable, compliant; be helpful; be obedient. 1. tatuutawi™uu™ 2. tuutawi™uu™ 4. iriruutawi™uu™a 5. tuutawi™uuksta agreed upon see decided {raatiihuur} ahead hiras- [h†-rßs•] LOC in the lead, ahead, first; in front. • hirasat lead; go in the lead. • hirasa (ir...) come in the lead, come in front. • hiraskus be in front; be sitting in front. kiickawi™at (ut...) [•kiits-kß-wi-™ßt•] VI(1) 1. be ahead, in front, in the lead, as in a race. 2. be taller than others, above others; stand out above others. 1. tatutkiickawi™at 2. tutkiickawi™at 4. iriirutkiickawiita 5. tutkiickawihuhta aid see help {raawii™at (ir...ri...ut...)} ailment see sickness {kiraawaahcu™, raatuksu™} aim raara™uusik [•raa-rß-™uu-s†{k/t}•] VI(4) 1. be careful, cautious, as in what one does. 2. take care in what one does; take pains with, be meticulous with, as an activity. 3. take careful aim, as with a rifle or bow. 1. tahaara™uusit 2. tiraara™uusit 3. tiraara™uusiiku™ 4. iriiraraara™uusit 5. tiraara™uusiksta warik [+ i-] [•wß-r†{k/t}•] VI(1), VT(1) 1. aim, aim at; shoot, shoot at, as with a gun or a bow and arrow. 2. make a play in a game of chance; shoot, throw; (hence) gamble, play a game of chance, as one in which one shoots or throws the game-piece in, e.g., the hoop and pole game. <war+ik, cause to go> 1. tatiiwarit, tatparit 2. tiiwarit 3. tiiwariku™ 4. iririiwarika 5. tiiwariksta • sitiirapariku™ they are shooting at them. wiihkitawuh [•wiih-k†-tß-w‰(h)•] VT(1) (obs.) 1. nock an arrow. 2. aim an arrow. <wiir+kita.wuh, put the arm on top> 1. tatpiihkitawu 2. tiwiihkitawu 3. tiwiihkitawuhu™ 4. iriirawiihkitawuha 5. tiwiihkitawista air pump rahuutuhkawariku [rß-hu÷-t‰h-kß-wßr†-k‰] N air pump. airplane raraarawarii [rà-raa-rß-wß-rii] N airplane. • tikari™ raraarawarii there are many planes. • tatukaku raraarawarii I am flying in an airplane. • raraarawarii tiwiitit the airplane landed. albino buffalo see buffalo, white {tarahaataakaa} alcoholic beverage kiirahkata [kii-ràh-kß-tß] N {comb., kiirahkataar-, kiirahkataah-} spirits, alcoholic beverage; whiskey, bourbon, rum, brandy.
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all • kiirahkataahkat in the whiskey.
alert raaraciihtis
[•raa-rß-Ùiih-t†s•] VI(4) 1. be respectful, reverent; feel respect, reverence; feel awe. 2. be suspicious. 3. be alert, vigilant, on the lookout. 4. be curious. 1. tahaaraciihtis 2. tiraaraciihtis 3. tiraaraciihtiisu™ 4. iriiraraaraciihtis 5. tiraaraciihtisista raaraciihtis (uur...) [•raa-rß-Ùiih-t†s•] VT(4), VI(4) 1. respect, revere; be reverent toward; feel respect for, reverence for, as a religious object, an event, a belief; hold in awe; believe in the sacred. 2. be suspicious, as of an activity, behavior, group. 3. be alert, vigilant, on the lookout. 4. be curious about, as about something strange. 5. have a premonition, as that something will happen. 1. taturaaraciihtis 2. turaaraciihtis 4. iriiruraaraciihtis see careful {uhuuwicaks (ir...)}; watchful {raaciksta (ut...)} algae raariiwi™u™ [raa-riæ-wi-™u™] N water moss, algae. • raariiwikat in/among the water moss. • iriiraraariiwiku where the (clump of) water moss is. • kickat tiraariiwiku there is a clump of water moss in the water. alien caahiksuupiiru™ [ÙaÑ-h†k-suu-pii-r‰™] N 1. stranger, alien. 2. alien tribe, different tribe, i.e., non-Pawnee. alight see land (flying object) {tawiitik} alight on huukitawiitik [•huu-k†-tß-wii-t†{k/t}•] VI(4) {dist., huukitawiiruutik} 1. sit down on, on top of, as a raised surface. 2. light on, land on, as a bird on a tree limb. 3. land on top of, as on a table or fence post. 1. tatuukitawiitit 2. tihuukitawiitit 3. tihuukitawiitiku™ 4. iriiraruukitawiitit 5. tihuukitawiitiksta • tihuukitawiiruutit they (different ones) landed on top. alive kisikit [•k†-s†-k†t•] VD be alive. 1. tatkisiki™it 2. tikisiki™it 4. iriirakisikiitu 5. tikisikituksta • tirahkisiki™it they are alive. warii [•wß-rii•] VI(4) {non-dist. sg., at; du., war; dist., waawarii} 1. go around, walk around; go about, walk about. 2. be alive, living. <warii, DIST of at to go; cf. Ar. wanuu> 1. tatparii™ 2. tiwarii™ 3. tiwariihu™ 4. iriirawarii 5. tiwariihusta • sitiwarii™ they (du.) are walking around. see be (exist) {aah}; survive {kisik [+ i-]} all kituu™u™ [k‡-tuu-™u™] N 1. all, everything, the entirety. 2. all, everyone, everybody.
all at once complete + NOM> raakituu™u™ [raa-k‡-tuu-™u™] N all, the whole, the entirety, as people or parts of something; everything. all at once see happen all at once {raahiwihc (uur...)}; suddenly {raawiitakaaraahisu™, takaaraahisu™} all day see day, all {sakuhkituu™u™} all over oneself see heavy {taris (ir...)} all the time see always {raahuriitat}; often {taparit} all ways see everything {raarahkituu™u™} alligator awakiks, tawakiks [à-wß-k†ks, tà-wßk†ks] N 1. water monster, a mythological creature. 2. alligator. <(t)awakiks, i.q. SB aawakeks, Ar. nuutawÑÙeó> almost paara [paÑ-rß] ADV nearly, almost. • paara rikutuutu™ he almost looks like him. • paara tikuhurahac I almost died. alone ckara [tskà-rß] ADV alone, lone, solitary. uhurar [•‰-h‰-rß(r)•] VL {dist., uhurahwaa} be alone, by oneself, apart from others, solitary. 1. taatuhura 2. tiihura 4. iriruuhurahwi 5. tiihurahwista • tiraaruhurahwaa they are separated from others. see just {rihuksu™} along, extending see line extending along {wasii-} alongside see beside {ihtatahaahiri™, awikatasa (uur...), ihtata-, ihtataarik}; beside {ihtatakus, ihtatasa, ihtatawiitik, katasa}; beside, get {ihtata™uukuk}; set beside {ihtatakuusk} also haawa™, hawaa [haÑ-wß™, hß-waÑ] ADV also; another; again. • haawa™ a siwiitaahwa also they (du.) would go. • a hawaa siwiitiiruutapit and also they broke it for him. alter see change {ikiriwiiha™uk} always raahuriitat [raa-hŠ-rii-tßt] ADV all the time, always. • ti™ raahuriitat it is always the case. see often {taparit} amazed acikskiiskawaarasit [•ß-Ù†ks-kiis-kß-waarß-s†t•] VD 1. be amazed, surprised; be mentally startled, taken aback, as by someone's inappropriate behavior, such as presumption, unreliability, or mischievousness. 2. be disappointed. 3. be disgusted. 1. taatacikskiiskawaarasi™it 2. tiicikskiiskawaarasi™it 4. iriiraacikskiiskawaarasiitu 5. tiicikskiiskawaarasituksta ambitious ciir (ut...) [•Ùii(r)•] VD 1. be ambitious, energetic; be a willing worker; like to work, be a worker, as one who works all the time. 2. be skilled, accomplished.
angrily 1. tatucii™i 2. tucii™i 4. iriiruciiru 5. tuciiruksta see active {awi™uu (ut...)} among tawii [•tß-wii•] VI(4) {dist., tawiika™uk; comb., tawi-, tawi(h)c-} 1. be among, as in a group of people or animals. 2. be a member, belong to, as a society or organization; be enlisted, as in military service. 1. tactawi™ 2. titawi™ 4. iriiratawi 5. titawiicta • titawiika™ut he belongs to different groups. tawiirik [•tß-wii-r†{k/t}•] VI(2-i) be among, standing among, as a group or crowd. 1. tactawiirit 2. titawiirit 4. iriiratawiiriki 5. titawiiriksta tawikus [•tß-w†-k‰(s)•] VI(4) 1. be sitting among. 2. live among. 1. tactawiku 2. titawiku 4. iriiratawiku 5. titawikusta tawira™uk [•tß-w†-rß-™u{k/t}•] VT(3) cause to be among; put among, as among a group of people. 1. tactawiru™ 2. titawiru™ 3. titawiruuku™ 4. iriiratawira™u 5. titawiruuksta see appear among (become visible) {tawihcitik} amputated see cut short {taripas} Anadarko, Okla. Kirikuurukstu [k†-r†-ku÷-r‰kst‰] N Anadarko, Okla. ancient see old {pakuu™at, pakuuht} and a [a/aa] CONJ and. • hii hawaa wiihiruu wiitaarukuuwut a asuuru™ and now he would also wear leggings and moccasins. • a ahawaku™ "haa™a™ wiitatiira™ and he said, "Yes, I have come." hii [hii] CONJ and. • hii kara™ahiici™a and they did not do it. • hii ruuriituci™aa a riituutuurikut. and I did it: and I held him. • ahaawica™ hii riku™ahawaku™ he arrived back and this is what he said. see but {hici}; now {ra, raa} and here aki [ß-k‡] INTERJ and here; and; here. • aki kutiiciksurahac and here he had forgotten it. • aki ahuuhaahwica™ and here the war party arrived. anger aciksicaraksta™uk [•ß-Ù†k-s†-Ùß-rßks-tß™u{k/t}•] VT(3) 1. confuse, agitate, upset mentally, cause mental anguish; make frantic. 2. anger, make angry, enrage. 1. taataciksicarakstu™ 2. tiiciksicarakstu™ 3. tiiciksicarakstuuku™ 4. iriiraaciksicaraksta™u 5. tiiciksicarakstuuksta angle, at an see across (a boundary) {iriwis} angleworm see earthworm {piiruskiraararuut} angrily see chase angrily {wiraaras-i (uur...)}; go
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angry aggressively {raawiirat}
angry waraaciks
[•wß-raa-Ù†ks•] VD 1. be angry, mad. 2. be cross. 3. be pouting. <waraa+aciks, angry feeling>
1. tatparaaciks 2. tiwaraaciks 4. iriirawaraaciksu 5. tiwaraaciksuksta see frown {ickawaraaciks}; sulk {acikskatakus} angry at waraaciks (ut...) [•wß-raa-Ù†ks•] VT(u) 1. be angry at, mad at. 2. be cross with. 1. tatutparaaciks 2. tutparaaciks 4. iriirutparaaciksu 5. tutparaaciksista animal rahuraahki [rß-hŠ-raah-k†] N {comb., rahuraar-, rahuraah-} 1. deer (Odocoileus spp.). 2. wild animal, game animal, quadruped. • rahuraahkat among the animals. • rahuraahki iriiraraahwarii where animals roam. • rahuraahkiripahki small animal, of any kind. animal, wild rahuraahkahuraaru™ [rß-h‰-raahkà-h‰-raa-r‰™] N wild animal, animal that lives in the woods. animated see lively {awitariic, kiiska™uk} ankle askiriktaa™u™ [às-k†-r†k-taa-™u™] N ankle.
• askiriktaahiri™ on the ankle. • iriiraataskiriktaatawi where my ankle is; my ankle. ankle joint asaahkawi™u™ [à-saah-kß-wi-™u™] N ankle joint. • asaahkawihiri™ on the ankle joint. • iriiraatasaahkawi where my ankle joint is; my ankle joint. announce iitawuh [•ii-tß-w‰(h)•] VT(1) 1. describe, tell of, tell about. 2. announce, as a name or date. 3. introduce. 1. tatiitawu 2. ti™iitawu 3. ti™iitawuhu™ 4. iriira™iitawuha 5. ti™iitawista • tahaariitawuhu™ I am describing them (inan. obj.). see call out {waktiik/tik-}; tell {raarikaa™a (ir...)} announcer see crier {paktiku, paktikus} annoy see pester {astaah (ut...), ciiharista™uk (ut...)} another see also {haawa™, hawaa} another place hiitaku [hiæ-tß-k‰] ADV 1. another place; the other place. 2. another way; the other way. answer see grant {wakuraah} ant pitaru™ [p†-tà-r‰™] N {comb., pitaru-} ant. • pitarukat among the ants. • pitaru™ iriirarahkaawi where the ants are inside, i.e., an ant hill. antelope askaa™a [às-kaa-™ß] N antelope, pronghorn (Antilocapra americana).
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appear among (become visible) kaÑ™A; cf. Ar. AxkaaniihÑni™ fawn, young antelope, SB askaarihaaru™ small antelope found on the Upper Missouri and Yellowstone rivers>
antique see old {pakuu™at, pakuuht} anus see rectum {kiriiru™} anxious see eager {aciksikiraaruur} anyhow see nevertheless {cta™aahii™i™, hicta™aahii™, hicta™aahii™i}
anything kiriku™
[k‡-r†-k‰™] PRON anything.
anyway see nevertheless {cta™aahii™i™, hicta™aahii™, hicta™aahii™i}
Apache katahkaa™
[kà-tßh-kaa™] N {comb., katahkaar(a)-} 1a. Plains Apache tribe. 1b. Plains
Apache male. 2a. alien western tribe; any tribe west of the Pawnees. 2b. male member of an alien western tribe.
• katahkaararu™ among the Plains Apache.
apart see alone {uhurar}; far apart {awikiic}; separate {uhura} acikskaruus [•ß-Ù†ks-kß-ruus•] VI(u), VP(u) {dist., acikskarusik} 1. be disappointed, feel let down; be or feel discouraged. 2. be depressed, dejected, disheartened, dispirited. 3. be apathetic, listless, lacking interest. 4. be worried, mentally upset; be emotionally drained. 1. taatacikskaruus; tikuucikskaruus 2. tiicikskaruus 3. tiicikskaruusu™ 4. iriiraacikskaruusu 5. tiicikskaruusista • tikuucikskarusit I am really disappointed in it. ape kiracihkucuu™ [k‡-rß-Ù†h-k‰-Ùuu™] N ape; large monkey. appaloosa see horse, appaloosa {kiriirawaki™} apparition see phantom {raruuka™aatu™} appear hiwihc (uur...) [•h†-w†(h)ts•] VI(4) {dist., hiwaawihc (uur...)} 1. appear, show up. 2. emerge from hiding. 1. tatuuhiwic 2. tuuhiwic 3. tuuhiwihcu™ 4. iriruuhiwic 5. tuuhiwihcista • tuuhiwaawihcu™ he is appearing here and there. appear (become visible) raahiwihc (uur...) [•raa-h†-w†(h)ts•] VI(4) 1. appear, show, show up, as a tradition, habit, or behavior. 2. be exposed, in the open; come out into the open, surface, come to public notice. 3. happen, occur, transpire all at once. 2. turaahiwic 3. turaahiwihcu™ 4. iriiruraahiwic 5. turaahiwihcista appear among (become visible) tawihcitik [•tßw†h-Ù†-t†{k/t}•] VI(4) 1. appear among, show up among, as when a person first makes an appearance living with a group of people. 2. join, become a member of, as a group or an organization; enlist, as
apathetic
appear to be in military service. 1. tactawihcitit 2. titawihcitit 4. iriiratawihcitit 5. titawihcitiksta appear to be see like (similar) {Ø (ut...)}; look like {Ø (uur...) [+ ku-], uu (ut...)} apple apuu™ [à-puu™] N {comb., apu(u)-} apple. • apuukat in/on the apple(s). • apuukiripahki little apple. • piiruus tika apuukat there is a worm in the apple. apple juice apukiicu™ [ß-pŠ-kii-Ù‰™] N apple juice. apply see smear on {piciista™uk} appoint ruciik [+ ak-] [•r‰-Ùii{k/t}•] VT(1) (an. pl. obj.) 1. pick out, choose, select. 2. appoint. 1. taataktuciit 2. tiktuciit 3. tiktuciiku™ 4. iriiraktuciika 5. tiktuciksta appreciative acikstat [•ß-Ù†ks-tßt•] VP(1) {dist., acikstuuwarii} 1. have one's thoughts on, one's mind on; think about, as a person not present and for whom one is lonesome. 2. be appreciative, thankful. 1. tikuucikstat 2. tiicikstat 4. iriiraacikstata 5. tiicikstahuhta • tikuucikstuuwarii™ my thoughts are with him. see gratify {rahuritik}; thankful {acikstat, aciksta™it, acikstiihuur, cikstiihuuru™} apprentice see associated {tahurar (ut...)} apprise see notify {atkara™uk} appropriate see copy {raata™uut} apricot apukaac [ß-pŠ-kaats] N apricot. <Engl. apricots> • apukaackat in/on the apricot. April Paa Hiihwaakaruks [paÑ hiih-waa-kß-r‰ks] N May (approximately) (Dunbar); April (approximately) (Dorsey). <paa hiir+waakara™uk.his, pulling up grass moon> Paahuuwaturikat [paÑ-huu-wß-t‰-r†-kßt] N April (approximately) (Dunbar); February (approximately) (Dorsey). <paa+huuwaturika.t, moon between> apron cpikatakusu™ [tsp‡-kß-tß-k‰-s‰™] N {comb., (i)cpikatakus-} apron. • cpikatakuskat on an apron. • tatiiticpikataku I am wearing an apron. see put on an apron {icpikatakuusk (ut...)} Arapaho Sari™itihka [sà-ri-™†-t†h-kß] N {comb., sari™itihkawi-} 1. Arapaho tribe. 2. Arapaho male. <sari™itihka, from Comanche sariit?hkat?, Arapaho (lit. dog eater)> • Sari™itihkawiru among the Arapahos, Arapaho country. arbor raariciit [•raa-r†-Ùiit•] VD be an arbor, as one
arm, under one's made of brush or boards. 2. tiraaricii™it 4. iriiraraariciitu 5. tiraariciituksta raariciitu™ [raÑ-r†-Ùii-t‰™] N arbor, brush arbor, shade; drying arbor. • raariciitkat under the arbor; on the arbor. raarukasa [•raa-r‰-kß-sß•] VI(4) be an arbor, shade. 2. tiraarukasa 4. iriiraraarukasa 5. tiraarukasahista arbor top raaruka™iitu™ [raa-rŠ-kß-™ii-t‰™] N 1. arbor top, arbor; ref. to the covering or top that is supported by four vertical poles. 2. travois. 3. stretcher. • raaruka™iitkat on the arbor top. arduous see difficult (a way) {raatarahkiis/kis} area, clean see clean land {hurariir (uur...)} argue haakaapak [•haa-kaa-pß{k/t}•] VI(4) (du., pl. subj.) argue, quarrel, as when in disagreement. 1. sitataakaapat 2. sitihaakaapat 3. sitihaakaapaku™ 4. iriisirahaakaapat 5. sitihaakaapaksta raa™iitustarahkiskara™uk [•raa-™ii-t‰s-tß-rßh-k†skß-rß-™u{k/t}•] VI(3) {dist., raa™iitustarahkiskawaakara™uk} (du., pl. subj.) argue. 1. sitahaa™iitustarahkiskaru™ 2. sitiraa™iitustarahkiskaru™ 3. sitiraa™iitustarahkiskaruuku™ 4. iriisiraraa™iitustarahkiskara™u 5. sitiraa™iitustarahkiskaruuksta • sitahaa™iitustarahkiskawaakaruuku™ we (ex. du.) are arguing. argumentative see contentious {wakuriicakahuur} Arikara Astarahi [ßs-tß-rà-h†] N 1. Arikara tribe; (hist.) Arickaree tribe, Ree tribe. 2. Arikara male. • Castarahi Arikara female. • Astarahiru among the Arikara, in Arikara country. • Astarahiru ti™at he went to Arikara country. Arikara corn see corn, Arikara {rikiisastarahi} arise see get up {waata (ir...)} Arkansas River kicka [k‡ts-kß] N 1. Arkansas River. 2. river. • kicka wiitiraasiit the river is frozen. arm piiru™ [piæ-r‰™] N {comb., wiir-, wiih-, piir-, piih-; pl., piiraaru™} arm; foreleg of an animal. <wiir+u™, arm + NOM; i.q. Ar. wiænu™> • piihiri™ on the arm. • piiraariri™ on the arms. • iriiratpiihtawi my arm. • iriiratpiiracawi my arms. arm, right see right arm {piihkawi™u™} arm, under one's irikata- (ut...) [†-r†-kß-tß• (‰t...)] LOC under one's arm. • irikatakus (ir...ut...) have tucked under one's
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armband arm. • irikatakustaah (ut...) carry under one's arm. armband piirawi™u™ [piæ-rß-wi-™u™] N {pl., piiraarawi™u™} armband. <wiir+awi+u™, arm image + NOM> armpit ariktaaka™u™ [à-r†k-taa-kß-™u™] N {pl., ariktaakaraaru™} armpit, axilla, underarm area. <ariktaaka+u™, armpit + NOM> • ariktaakahiri™ in the armpit. • ariktaakaraariri™ in the armpits. • iriiraariktaakatawi where his armpit is; his armpit. arms, in one's hukataahpii- [h‰-kß-taah-pii•] LOC in one's arms, cradled in one's arms. • hukataahpiiraarik be standing holding in one's arms. • hukataahpiiraah carry in one's arms. • hukataahpiirikus be sitting holding cradled in one's arms. see carry in one's arms {hukataahpiiraah}; take into one's arms {hukataahpuh} army scout see soldier {raaripakusu™} armyworm see caterpillar {piirustaruus} around hukatawi- [h‰-kß-tß-w†•] LOC 1. around in a circle. 2. by, past. • haaktahukatawi™at pass a pipe around. • arastarahukatawihak pass cooked food around. • hukatawi™at walk by, past; go by, past. taaka- (ut...) [taa-kß• (‰t...)] LOC around, in a circle. • taakakus (ut...) be coiled, coiled up, as a snake or a rope. • taakahak (ut...) go around, go in a circle around. • waataakarahak (ut...) go around a hill or mountain. see be (pl.) {hurii}; circle around {awitiirahpirahak}; put around (encircling) {tiirahpuh} around (encircling) tiirahk [•tii-rß(h){k/t}•] VL be around, encircling, circling around on the side of, as one object around another; be covering, wrapped around, as a wrapping, covering, label. 2. titiirat 4. iriiratiirahpi 5. titiirahpista tiirahk (ut...) [+ raar-] [•tii-rß(h){k/t}•] VT(wi) (pl. subj.) be around, encircling, as people around a person. 2. tuuhaciirat 4. iriruuhaciirahpi 5. tuuhaciirahpista around someone tiihuruu (ut...) [•tii-h‰-ruu•] VI(4) be around, by, in the vicinity of someone; hang around someone. 1. tatuctiihuruu™ 2. tuctiihuruu™ 3. tuctiihuruuku™ 4. iriiructiihuruu 5. tuctiihuruucta around the neck see neck, string around {haaskiica (ir...ut...)} arrange see prepare {raakusiksiirik (uur...)} arranged see ready (everything) {raakusiksiir (uur...)}
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arrow arrive (coming) awica (ir...)
[•ß-w†-Ùß•] VI(3) arrive (coming), come to a point. 1. tatiirawica™ 2. taawica™ 3. taawicaahu™ 4. iriira™aawica 5. taawicahista wica (ir...) [•w†-Ùß•] VI(3) {dist., wicpa™a (ir...), wicpaawaa (ir...)} arrive (coming). <wic+a (ir...), come to a point> 1. tatihwica™ 2. tawica™ 3. tawicaahu™ 4. iriirawica 5. tawicahista • tarahwica™; tirahwicpaa™; tirahwicpaawaa™ they arrived. arrive (going) wicat [•w†-Ùßt•] VI(1) {dist., wicparii} 1. arrive (going). 2. (with numeral) be a certain hour, as o'clock. <wic+at, go to a point> 1. tatpicat 2. tiwicat 3. tiwicpuu™ 4. iriirawicata 5. tiwicuhta • tatpicparii™ I went to different destinations, went here and there. • pitku tirawicat it is two o'clock. arrive and enter kaa™ihwicat [•kaa-™†h-w†-Ùßt•] VI(1) arrive and enter, enter upon arriving, as a room or dwelling. 1. tatkaa™ihwicat 2. tikaa™ihwicat 3. tikaa™ihwicpuu™ 4. iriirakaa™ihwicata 5. tikaa™ihwicuhta arrive at huraariwicat [•h‰-raa-r†-w†-Ùßt•] VT(1) reach a destination; reach a certain place, location; arrive at a place. 1. taturaariwicat 2. tihuraariwicat 3. tihuraariwicpuu™ 4. iriirahuraariwicata 5. tihuraariwicuhta arrive last (going) see last (arrive) {hatuhkawicat} arrive running kusihwica (ir...) [•k‰-s†h-w†-Ùß•] VI(3) arrive running (coming); reach a point running, reach a location running. 1. tatihkusihwica™ 2. takusihwica™ 3. takusihwicaahu™ 4. iriirakusihwica 5. takusihwicahista kusihwicat [•k‰-s†h-w†-Ùßt•] VI(1) arrive running (going); reach a point running, reach a location running. 1. tatkusihwicat 2. tikusihwicat 3. tikusihwicpuu™ 4. iriirakusihwicata 5. tikusihwicuhta arriving wic- [w†ts•] LOC at a point, to a point; arriving at a point. • wica (ir...) arrive coming; come to a point, reach a point. • wicat arrive going, reach a destination, go to a point. • sakuhwica (ir...) day to arrive, as for an event or activity. arrogant see astonishing {raakiiskawaarasit}; bold {kiiskawaarasit} arrow riiksu™ [riæk-s‰™] N {comb., riiks-, riks-} arrow. • riikskat on the arrow. • tactahit riksiri™ I hit him with an arrow. • ki™iskuriiksuu give me an
arrow case arrow. • tiisa riiksu™ there is an arrow. see nock {kitawuh, wiihkitawuh} arrow case see quiver (for arrows) {pacuu™u™, raawacuu™u™} arrow shaft kipisu™ [k‡-p†-s‰™] N 1. small sapling. 2. arrow shaft. 3. ramrod. • kipiskat on the sapling. • kipisiri™ with the arrow shaft. arrowhead see projectile point {tahuuru™} artery see blood vessel {paatahuuru™} artichoke, Jerusalem see Jerusalem artichoke {kisuusit} artificial see unreal {raruuka™aatu™} artificial leg kaastakis [kaÑs-tß-k†s] N artificial leg. as soon as rihuksu™ [r‡-h‰k-s‰™] ADV 1. just, only. 2. as soon as. • rihuksu™ rikuwitiwaku™ hii si™ahiitiirit. as soon as he said that, they saw it. • rihuksu™ tacihtawiirahakusta. we are only going to touch it. • rihuksu™ wiitipahaa™at. it was just red. ash (tree) kiriktaaku™ [k‡-r†k-taa-k‰™] N ash tree (Fraxinus spp.), the wood of which was used for pipestems and bows.
prob. ref. to the distinctive eye-shaped patterns on the bark> ashamed hiikahurik [•hii-kß-h‰-r†{k/t}•] VP(4) be
ashamed, embarrassed. 1. tikuhiikahurit 2. tihiikahurit 4. iriirahiikahurit 5. tihiikahuriksta ashes karaaktuuhcu™ [kß-raÑk-tuuh-Ù‰™] N {comb., (it)karaaktuuhc-, (it)karaaktuuc-} ashes.
• tiitkaraaktuuctaahwira™uuhat she parted the ashes. • tiriwiiku karaaktuuhcu™ it is a pile of ashes. • tiitkaraaktuuctaaru™at there is a line or trail of ashes. ask see question {raawi™iiraah (uur...), wi™iiraah (uur...)} ask for see beg for {kaapaakisaar (uur...)} asleep itkahca [•†t-kßh-Ùß•] VI(4) {dist., itkahcawaa} be lying asleep. 1. taatitkahca 2. tiitkahca 3. tiitkahcaahu™ 4. iriiraatkahca 5. tiitkahcahista • tiraaritkahcawaa they are lying there sleeping. see fall asleep {itkasitik}; sleep {itka} assault see attack {racaraatatk (ut...)} assess see listen to what someone says {wakuhtiirariihk} assist see help {raawii™at (ir...ri...ut...), raawii™at (ut...), ruukiraawuu}; put on clothes {ruuwahuruu (ut...)} assistant see hired hand {ksawaahakus, ksawaa-
attack haku}
associated tahurar (ut...)
[•tß-h‰-rß(r)•] VT(wi) 1. be close to, lightly touching, against, as when sitting in close quarters to someone. 2. be associated with, affiliated with, as with a person or a society; ref. to someone who is not a peer or member but is an apprentice or a helper. 1. tatuctahura 2. tuctahura 4. iriiructahurahwi 5. tuctahurahwista astonishing raakiiskawaarasit [•raa-kiis-kß-waarß-s†t•] VD be astonishing, astounding, as brazen behavior; be presumptuous, arrogant. 2. tiraakiiskawaarasi™it 4. iriiraraakiiskawaarasiitu 5. tiraakiiskawaarasituksta astounding see astonishing {raakiiskawaarasit} astride ikita [•†-k†-tß•] VL {dist., ikitawaa} 1. ride, as a horse. 2. be astride, as a fence rail. 1. taatikita 2. tiikita 4. iriiraakitawi 5. tiikitawista • Tiirikitawaa They Are Riding, They Are All Riding (personal name). ikita(wi)- [†-k†-tß(w†)•] LOC astride, riding, straddling, as on a horse or bicycle. • ikitawi™at go riding. • ikitawi™a (ir...) come riding. • ikita™uukuk straddle; get on, mount in a straddling position. see riding, come {ikitawi™a (ir...)}; riding, go {ikitawi™at} at ease see calm {acikspahit} at last see finally {raahiirit} attach see hang up {takuusk (ut...)} attached haahka [•haah-kß•] VL be attached to, as an arrowhead to a shaft or a top on an object, where the end of one object is inserted into a slit or crevice and secured. 2. tiihaahka, tihaahka 4. iriirahaahkawi 5. tihaahkawista tatat (ut...) [•tß-tßt•] VT(1-a) 1. be stuck to, glued to, adhering to, as a sticky surface. 2. be attached to. 3. be caught on, as a fence. 1. tatuctatat 2. tuctatat 4. iriiructatata 5. tuctatatasta see end, on the {icaa} attached to see fond of {acikstatat (uur...)} attack racaraatatk (ut...) [•rß-Ùß-raa-tßt(k)•] VT(1) attack, assault; jump; make a sudden physical attack on. 1. tatuuhacaraatat 2. tuuhacaraatat 3. tuuhacaraatatku™ 4. iriruuhacaraatatka 5. tuuhacaraatatkista rahuruu (ut...) [•rß-h‰-ruu•] VT(1) 1. do to. 2. doctor, treat, as a doctor ministering to a patient. 3. attack. 1. tatuuhahuruu™ 2. tuuhahuruu™ 3. tuuhahu-
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attend ruuku™ 4. iriruurahuruu™a 5. tuuhahuruuksta wiraarikus [•w†-raa-r†-k‰(s)•] VT(4) 1. bother, pester; nag. 2. be attacking, be there attacking. <wiraar+rikus, be sitting with attacking, as in a (specific) location>
1. tatpiraariku 2. tiwiraariku 4. iriirawiraariku 5. tiwiraarikusta see pursue (to attack) {wiraarat}; surround {tuuwirik (ut...) [+ ir-]} attend raatiihuruu (ut...) [•raa-tii-h‰-ruu•] VI(4) {dist., raatiihuruuka™uk (ut...)} 1. be in the vicinity of; loiter, linger, hang around. 2. attend, as a spectator. 3. participate, join, as an activity. 4. take an interest in, as an activity or event. 1. tatuuhaatiihuruu™ 2. tuuhaatiihuruu™ 4. iriruuhaatiihuruu 5. tuuhaatiihuruucta • tuuhaatiihuruuka™ut he loitered all over. attend school see school, attend {kaatakus} attend to ruuhurirahak (ut...) [•ruu-h‰-r†-rßhß{k/t}•] VI(4) 1. aggressively take over, take charge of; undertake aggressively or uninvited. 2. attend to, take care of, look after, as a task, or business or legal matter. 3. aggressively investigate, explore, look into, as a matter or activity. 1. tatuuhuuhurirahat 2. tuuhuuhurirahat 3. tuuhuuhurirahaaku™ 4. iriruuhuuhurirahat 5. tuuhuuhurirahaksta attention see tease {astaah (ut...)} attic akahuukitawi™u™ [à-kß-huu-k†-tß-wi-™u™] N 1. attic. 2. upstairs, second floor of a house. • akahuukitawikat in the attic; on the second floor. • tikaakuusu™ akahuukitawikat he stays upstairs, lives upstairs, on the second floor, as in an apartment. attire see outfit {akuuktik (ut...)} attorney see lawyer {ruuhuhkaruukus} attracted to acikstatat (uur...) [•ß-Ù†ks-tß-tßt•] VT(1-a) 1. be fond of, attached to, as a child who wants to be with an adult all the time. 2. be stuck on, attracted to, fond of, as someone one wants as a friend; desire, as a girlfriend. 1. tatuuracikstatat 2. tuuracikstatat 4. iriirikuuracikstatata 5. tuuracikstatatasta see like {aciksta™uukuk (uur...)} attractive see nice looking {hiir (uur...)} attractive land see good land {hurariir (uur...)} attractive, make see groom {awiriirik (uur...)} auction riwaktiik/tik- [•r†-wßk-tiik/t†{k/t}•] VT(4) auction, auction off, as when selling articles at an auction. 1. tahiwaktiit 2. tiriwaktiit 3. tiriwaktiiku™ 4. iriirariwaktit 5. tiriwaktiksta
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awkward augment see add {ta™iir} aunt see Mother {atira™} authentic see real {raariksisu™, raariks [+ i-]} authority see leader {kitawi} authority, give raa™uuh/uh [•raa-™uuh/‰(h)•] VT(1)
1. bestow power on, give power to, give "a way" to. 2. give a right to, give authority to, as authority to conduct a ritual. 3. blame. 1. tahaa™uu 2. tiraa™uu 3. tiraa™uuhu™ 4. iriiraruuha 5. tiruuhista automobile ariisit rawarii [ß-rii-s†t rà-wß-rii] N automobile, car. <ariisit ra+warii, one going around by itself> kiriiraawis [k†-riæ-raa-w†s] N automobile, car. • kiriiraawiskat in/on the car. kiriiraawiskaa™ahu [k‡-rii-raa-w†s-kaa-™ß-h‰] N automobile, car. kiriiraawistarustaa [k‡-rii-raa-w†s-tß-r‰s-taa] N automobile, car. see car {kaa™as} autumn riickuhki [riæts-k‰h-k†] N, ADV fall, autumn. • wiitihuhta™at riickuhki fall has (already) passed. • wiitiihi™ riickuhki it is fall now. awake kirika™u [•k†-r†-kß-™u•] VI(3) be awake. 1. tatkiriku™ 2. tikiriku™ 3. tikirikuuku™ 4. iriirakirika™u 5. tikirikuuksta • tirahkiriku™ they are awake. awaken see wake up {kirika™aar, kirika™aariihk} aware acikskasa [•ß-Ù†ks-kß-sß•] VI(4) 1. be sensible, have good sense; be mature, serious in one's outlook. 2. be aware of one's actions; be cognizant of one's surroundings, as a maturing child. 3. be thoughtful, as someone who thinks of other people's needs. 1. taatacikskasa 2. tiicikskasa 3. tiicikskasaahu™ 4. iriiraacikskasa 5. tiicikskasahista aware of see remind {wicaksik} awesome see holy {waarukstii} awful see terrible {raakatarihuur} awkward kariis [kà-riis] N 1. crippled, paralyzed person; deformed person. 2. awkward, clumsy person. 3. retarded person, simpleton. kariis/ris [•kß-riis/r†s•] VD 1. be crippled, partially paralyzed, as a congenital condition or the result of a stroke. 2. be deformed. 3. be retarded, not fully developed mentally, simple-minded. 4. be awkward, unskilled, clumsy. 1. tatkariis 2. tikariis 4. iriirakarisu 5. tikarisuksta
awl
back, on one's
awl siisu™ [siæ-s‰™] N awl. <siis+u™, awl + NOM> • siiskat on the awl. • siisiri™ with an awl. ax kaataraki [kaa-tà-rß-k†] N {comb., kaatara-} ax. • kaatarakat on the ax. • kaatarahiri™ with an ax. • tataapiirahaaku™ kaatarahiri™ I am chopping the tree down with an ax. axilla see armpit {ariktaaka™u™}
B baby piira™u™ [piæ-rß-™u™] N baby, small child, child, as from a newborn to age five.
• piirakat among the children. • piirakucuu™ large baby; child (ca. two to three years of age). • piira™u™ wiitiwarii™ the baby is walking now. piirakiripahki [pii-rß-k‡-r†-pßh-k†] N baby, infant, as from birth to one to two years of age. baby board see cradleboard {raciitu™} baby, Indian piiriicaahiks [pii-riæ-Ùaa-h†ks] N Indian baby, Indian child. bachelor piitarihuks [pii-tß-r‡-h‰ks] N 1. single man, bachelor. 2. widower. <wiita+rihuks, alone man> back see again {istu™, sistu™} back (of animal and human) rictaaku™ [r‡tstaa-k‰™] N back, dorsal region of the body (animal, human). • rictaakiri™ on the back. • iriirahictaaktawi my back. back (of animal) taatu™ [taÑ-t‰™] N {comb., taat-, taac-, taah-} back; ref. to dorsal region of an animal. • taatkat on the back (of an animal). back (on animal and human) see loin {riihiri™} back and forth see swing {ukaawi™at (ut...)} back away katahak [•kß-tß-hß{k/t}•] VI(4) move back, move away, get back, back away, as from an object or a crowd. 1. tatkatahat 2. tikatahat 3. tikatahaaku™ 4. iriirakatahat 5. tikatahaksta back down karuus [•kß-ruus•] VP(u) 1. back down; give up, surrender, as when fighting or arguing. 2. reduce, lose weight. 3. lose interest in. 4. deflate, as a tire. 1. tikukaruus 2. tikaruus 3. tikaruusu™ 4. iriirakaruusu 5. tikaruusuksta karuusawi™at [•kß-ruu-sß-wi-™ßt•] VP(1) 1. weaken, become weak, lose strength. 2. lose one's resolve, back down, yield, give in, as in a conflict. 3. lose weight. 4. deflate, become deflated, as a balloon or tire. 5. calm down, as an angry person. 6. become
loose, as a knot. 1. tikukaruusawi™at 2. tikaruusawi™at 3. tikaruusa™iwuu™ 4. iriirakaruusawiita 5. tikaruusawihuhta • tihaaskaruusawi™at the string came loose. back down, cause to see bluff {karusik} back of, in awiirasa (ut...) [•ß-wii-rß-sß•] VT(4) be lying in back of, be lying beside. 1. tatuutawiirasa 2. tuutawiirasa 4. iriruutawiirasa 5. tuutawiirasahista back off see cancel {raakiwat}; withdraw {awikatahak (uur...)} back out see renege {katawiitik} back, across one's tiiriwis- [tii-r†-w†s•] LOC across one's back, as when carrying a deer or small animal. • tiiriwista™a (ir...) bring carrying across one's back. • tiiriwistaah have or carry across one's back. • tiiriwistarat take carrying across one's back. back, across the see carry across the back {kiiriwisistaah} back, in the kaatahaahiri™ [kaÑ-tß-haa-h†-ri™] ADV 1. behind, in back of, as an object. 2. in the back, as in a room. 3. along a wall, against a wall, as in a room. kaatakus [•kaa-tß-k‰(s)•] VI(4) 1. be sitting in the back, as in a room. 2. be sitting behind, in back of, as an object. 3. be in school; attend school. 1. tatkaataku 2. tikaataku 4. iriirakaataku 5. tikaatakusta kaatasa [•kaa-tß-sß•] VI(4) 1. be lying in the back, as in a room. 2. be lying behind, in back of, as an object. 3. be lying along the wall, as in a room. 1. tatkaatasa 2. tikaatasa 4. iriirakaatasa 5. tikaatasahista piraahiri™ [p†-raÑ-h†-ri™] ADV in the back. see behind {awiirakus}; last {hatuhkat} back, on one's aspaarasa [•ßs-paa-rß-sß•] VI(4) be lying on one's back, lying flat on one's back. 1. taataspaarasa 2. tiispaarasa 4. iriiraspaarasa, iriiraaspaarasa 5. tiispaarasahista • tiraaraspaarasa asaaki the dogs are lying on their backs. takus- [tß-k‰s•] LOC on one's back, said only of carrying something. • takustat carry on one's back. • takustaah carry on one's back. • takustahuukata™at carry across water on one's back. see carry on one's back {kawiiraraah, taahpiiraah,
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back, on the takustaah, takustat}; put on one's back {taahpuh} back, on the rictaakawihiri™ [r‡ts-taa-kß-w†-h†-ri™] ADV on the back, on its back. back, to the see go behind {kaata™iisat} backbone see spine {rictaakiisu™} backward see bashful {riiris (ut...)}; shy {acikstiiris (ut...)} backward, leaning aspaara- [ßs-paa-rß•] LOC leaning backward; on one's back. • aspaarakus be sitting leaning backward. • aspaararaah carry on its back in one's hands, as a baby, turtle, etc. • aspaara™ukuk fall on the back, fall flat on one's back. backwards aspaarahiri™ [às-paa-rß-h†-ri™] ADV backwards. • taasat aspaarahiri™ you are walking backwards. katahkawii- [kß-tßh-kß-wii•] LOC backwards, over on one's back. • katahkawii™at fall backwards. • katahkawiiwarik throw someone over on his back. ritpiraahciri™ [r†t-p‡-raah-Ù†-ri™] ADV backwards. • taatat ritpiraahciri™ I walked backwards. • ritpiraahciri™ suksat go backwards! bacon kuhku [kŠh-k‰] N {comb., kuhkus-} 1. domestic pig, hog; peccary. 2. bacon.
• kuhkuskat on the pig. • kuhkuskucuu™ big hog. • kuhkusihari™ piglet, shoat. • kuhkusicapaat sow, female pig. see pork {kuhkustacarahuuru™} badger cuuhkatuus [Ùu÷h-kß-tuus] N badger (Taxidea taxus). • cuuhkatuuskat among the badgers. • cuuhkatuusihari™ newborn badger, young badger. see harass {rirahkaa™at (ut...)} baffling see puzzling {raapaar} bag see sack {karuusu™, kasii™u™}; sack, paper {karuustaawihaakaraa™it} bag, medicine see medicine bag {caatki} bag, pipe see pipe bag {raruksu™} bake kaacatk [•kaa-Ùßt(k)•] VT(1) 1. bake in hot coals, in hot ashes. 2. bake in an oven. 1. tatkaacat 2. tikaacat 3. tikaacatku™ 4. iriirakaacatka 5. tikaacatkista • tirahkaacat she baked them in hot coals. waarasik [•waa-rß-s†{k/t}•] VT(1) 1. cook, as meat, corn, or beans. 2. bake in an oven. <waa+aras+ik, cause to be cooked + DIST>
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ball 1. tatpaarasit 2. tiwaarasit 3. tiwaarasiku™ 4. iriirawaarasika 5. tiwaarasiksta see put in an oven {raaruhuhkaawarik} baking powder awihuksahus [à-w†-h‰k-sß-h‰s] N baking powder. baking soda awihuksahustahkata [à-w†-h‰k-sßh‰s-tßh-kß-tß] N baking soda. bald pakskiciis [pàks-k†-Ùiis] N 1a. bald head, bald-
headed. 1b. Baldy, Bald Head, a nickname. 2. turkey vulture, buzzard (Cathartes aura). <paks+kiciis, bald head> pakskiciis [•pßks-k†-Ùiis•] VD be bald, baldheaded. <paks+kiciis, head to be bald> 1. tatpakskiciis 2. tipakskiciis 4. iriirapakskiciisu 5. tipakskiciisuksta pakskiraruuc [•pßks-k†-rß-ruuts•] VD 1. have one's hair cut short; have one's head shaved. 2. be bald. <paks+kiraruuc, head to be shaved> 1. tatpakskiraruu™uc 2. tipakskiraruu™uc 4. iriirapakskiraruucu 5. tipakskiraruucuksta see bare {kiciis} bald eagle see eagle, bald {arikta} bald head pakskiraruuc [pßks-k‡-rß-ruuts] N 1. bald head. 2. turkey vulture, buzzard (Cathartes aura). <paks+kiraruuc, bald head> Baldy pakskiciis [pàks-k†-Ùiis] N 1a. bald head, baldheaded. 1b. Baldy, Bald Head, a nickname. 2. turkey vulture, buzzard (Cathartes aura). <paks+kiciis, bald head> bale hiirarahuuru™ [hii-rà-rß-huu-r‰™] N {comb., hiirarahur-, hiirarahuh-} bale of hay. • hiirarahuhkat on a bale of hay. • iriirahiirarahuhku where the bale is. see bundle {rarahuuru™} baler hiirahkariipaapuhus [hiæ-rßh-kß-rii-paa-p‰h‰s] N baler, machine that bales hay. baling wire haaruhaahkariipiiru™ [haÑ-r‰-haahkß-rii-pii-r‰™] N baling wire, as used for tying hay into bales. balk katawiitik [•kß-tß-wii-t†{k/t}•] VI(4) 1. balk;
become stubborn, obstinate, as a stubborn child or horse. 2. back out, renege; refuse, fail to follow through on a promise. 1. tatkatawiitit 2. tikatawiitit 3. tikatawiitiku™ 4. iriirakatawiitit 5. tikatawiitiksta see refuse {acikskata™uukuk}; stubborn {acikskatawiitik} ball rariickiri™ [rß-riæts-k†-ri™] N {comb., rariickirir-, ra-
ball park riickirih-} 1. ball; baseball. 2. ball game, as shinny or baseball.
• rariickirihkat on the ball. • tahiwu rariickirihiri™ I hit him with the ball. • tiiku rariickiri™ there is a ball. • iriirakusaahku rariickiri™ where the baseball field is. see round {riwiruu} ball park wihaahkusu™ [w†-haÑh-k‰-s‰™] N ball park, playing field; playground. <wihaar+kus+u™, game ground sitting + NOM> balloon paaruris [paa-rŠ-r†s] N 1. bladder. 2. balloon. <waarur+his, blow (into), i.e., inflate + PERF; cf. Ar. waanun blow on; neswaanunæóu™ large intestine casing>
• paaruriskat in/on the bladder.
baloney kaawis [kaÑ-w†s] N Indian baloney, made of a straight gut that is cleaned, turned inside out, stuffed with meat, salt, and pepper, and tied at each end. 2. baloney; sausage; wiener. • kaawiskat in/on the baloney. banana paariiku™ [paa-riæ-k‰™] N {comb., paari(i)k-} 1. horn (of an animal). 2. colon. 3. (contemp.) banana. <paariik+u™, horn + NOM> • paarikat in/on the horn. • paarikucuu™ a big horn. • paariiktaruus animal with furry horns. • tipaariikatasa it is the colon. band kataawaruucaku [kß-taÑ-wß-ruu-Ùß-k‰] N 1. horn, wind instrument; bugle. 2. band, orchestra. • tatpaktaariku™ kataawaruucaku I am blowing the horn. • tirahwaktaahu™ kataawaruucaku the band is playing. see parade {kiihaarat}; tribe {akitaar, akitaaru™} bang see resonate {tawakta/taa} bangs cuuhaaru™ [Ùuu-haÑ-r‰™] N {comb., (i)cuuhaar-, (i)cuuhaah-, (i)cuur-, (i)cuuh-} bangs. cuuhaaruka™ac [Ùuu-haÑ-r‰-kß-™ßts] N 1. cut bangs. 2. person with bangs; animal with bangs. 3. Pueblo Indian. icuuhaarukac [•†-Ùuu-haa-r‰-kßts•] VD have cut bangs, have one's hair cut in bangs. 1. taaticuuhaaruka™ac 2. tiicuuhaaruka™ac 4. iriiraacuuhaarukaacu 5. tiicuuhaarukacuksta bank aahka [•aah-kß•] VL {dist., aahkawaa} be a bank, drop-off; be a precipice, cliff; be a washout. 2. ti™aahka 4. iriira™aahkawi 5. ti™aahkawista • ti™aahkawaa they are opposite banks of a stream. aahkawi™u™ [aah-kà-wi-™u™] N 1. bank, drop-off; cliff; precipice; washout. 2. repeater, as one who repeats what another says; presumably from the echo off of a cliff.
bank, along a • aahkawikat on the bank. • iriira™aahkawitiihat where the base of the bank is; at the foot of the cliff. see edge of water {kictiihak} bank (financial) iriirapaapiciskaaruuci [†-riæ-rßpaa-p†-Ù†s-kaa-ruu-Ù†] N bank, savings bank. paapiciskaaruuc [•paa-p†-Ù†s-kaa-ruuts•] VI(2) be a bank, savings bank. <paapicis+kaa.ruuc, (pieces of) metal PL to be lying inside>
2. tipaapiciskaaruuc 4. iriirapaapiciskaaruuci 5. tipaapiciskaaruucista bank (sandy) see beach (sandy) {huukaahaaru™} bank of a body of water hukaatahaaru™ [h‰kaÑ-tß-haa-r‰™] N {comb., hukaatahaar-, hukaatahaah-} bank of a body of water; shore, edge of water.
• iriirahukaatahaaruhat where the stream bank is. hukaatawi™u™ [hŠ-kaa-tß-wi-™u™] N bank of a body of water; shore, edge of water. • hukaatawikat on the bank. bank, along a aahkatasa [•aah-kß-tß-sß•] VI(4) {pl., aahkatasawaa} be lying along a bank, as at the base of a vertical bank or cliff; be lying on a hillside. 1. tataahkatasa 2. ti™aahkatasa 3. ti™aahkatasaahu™ 4. iriira™aahkatasa 5. ti™aahkatasahista aahkatawi- [aah-kß-tß-w†•] LOC along a vertical bank, precipice, slope. • aahkatawi™at go along a vertical bank. • aahkatawi™a (ir...) come along the base of a vertical bank. • aahkatawihak go along the base of a bank. awiicahaahiri™ [ß-wiæ-Ùß-haa-h†-ri™] ADV along a bank, as a raised bank or ditch; along the edge of a precipice or cliff. • kaasi™at awiicahaahiri™ you will go along the bank. hukaatahaahiri™ [hŠ-kaa-tß-haa-h†-ri™] ADV along a stream bank, along the bank of a body of water, along the water's edge. huukata(wi)- [huu-kß-tß(w†)•] LOC 1. across water; over water, as when crossing. 2. along a bank, as of a stream, lake; on the edge of water. 3. along a wall. 4. along a street, as in a town. • huukata™a (ir...) come across water. • huukatawi™at go along a bank. • ikitawihuukata™at ride across water.
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bank, alongside a huukiistata(wi)- [huu-kiis-tß-tß(w†)•] LOC along a sandy bank, along a shore, as of a stream. • huukiistata™uukuk get to the opposite shore of a stream. • huukiistatawi™a (ir...) come along the sandy bank of a stream. • huukiistatawi™at go along the sandy bank of a stream. uhtatahaahiri™ [Šh-tß-tß-haa-h†-ri™] ADV along the bank of water, as along the side of a creek or river. ukaatahaahiri™ [Š-kaa-tß-haa-h†-ri™] ADV along the stream bank. uukatawi- [uu-kß-tß-w†•] LOC 1. at the west end, along the west wall inside an earthlodge, the area where a sacred bundle was hung from a rafter or where an altar was located on the ground; also the area where priests or doctors sat when leading ceremonies or rites. 2. along an interior wall of an earthlodge. 3. along an embankment, bank, wall. • uukatawi™at go, walk along a bank. uukiihtata(wi)- [uu-kiih-tß-tß(w†)•] LOC along, next to, beside a stream bank; close to a stream bank. • uukiihtatawi™at go, walk along the bank of a stream. • uukiihtata™uukuk get to the bank of a stream. • uukiihtatasa be lying next to a bank. uukiihtatahaahiri™ [u÷-kiih-tß-tß-haa-h†-ri™] ADV 1. along, close to, or by a stream bank. 2. along, close to, next to, or by the foundation of a dwelling, building, or vertical wall. uukiihtatat [uu-kiæh-tß-tßt] ADV 1. along, close to, by a stream bank. 2. along, close to, next to, or by the foundation of a dwelling, building, or vertical surface like a wall. bank, alongside a aahkatawihaahiri™ [aÑh-kß-tßw†-haa-h†-ri™] ADV 1. alongside, at the base of a vertical bank; alongside, at the base of a cliff. 2. on a hillside. bank, at the base of a aahka-, haahka- [aahkß•, haah-kß•] LOC at the base of a bank; into a ravine, into a deep hole. • aahka™at go into a deep hole. • aahka™iisa (ir...) come down into a ravine; come to the base of a bank or precipice. • haahkasa be lying in a ditch; be lying at the base of a precipice. bank, down a huucawiraa- [huu-Ùß-w†-raa•] LOC down a bank; over a bank. • ikitawihuucawiraa™at ride down a bank. • irikisuucawiraa™a (ir...) come crawling down a bank.
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bank, on the edge of a • irikisuucawiraa™at go crawling down a bank. [ß-wii-Ùß•] LOC on the edge of a raised bank, as along a stream, ravine, or ditch. • awiica™at go, walk on a raised bank. • awiicaarik be standing on the edge of a raised bank. • awiicakus be sitting on the edge of a raised bank. bank, on a aahkata- [aah-kß-tß•] LOC on a vertical bank, precipice, slope. • aahkataarik be standing on a vertical bank. • aahkatakus be sitting on a hillside. • aahkatasa be lying along a bank. • aahkata™iisat go to a vertical bank. aahkataarik [•aah-kß-taa-r†{k/t}•] VI(2-i) {du., pl., aahkatawaarik; dist., aahkatawaawaarik} be standing on a vertical bank or precipice; be standing on a hillside. 1. tataahkataarit 2. ti™aahkataarit 3. ti™aahkataariki™ 4. iriira™aahkataariki 5. ti™aahkataariksta • ti™aahkatawaarit they are standing on the hillside. aahkatakus [•aah-kß-tß-k‰(s)•] VI(4) {pl., aahkatawihak} be sitting on a vertical bank; be sitting on a hillside. 1. tataahkataku 2. ti™aahkataku 4. iriira™aahkataku 5. ti™aahkatakusta • ti™aahkatawihat they are sitting on the hillside, on the bank. hukaata- [h‰-kaa-tß•] LOC on the bank of a body of water, as a stream, lake, pool. • hukaata™at go, walk on the bank of a body of water. • hukaataarik be standing on the bank of a stream. • raarukaatariwiikus be a large pile on the bank of a body of water. huucakus [•huu-Ùß-k‰(s)•] VI(4) 1. be on a stream bank, along a stream bank; be on a level plain or bank along a stream. 2. be sitting on a bank, as something caught there that cannot float along. 3. be on water, sitting on water, as something floating. 2. tihuucaku 4. iriirahuucaku 5. tihuucakusta • Tuhuucaku Village Along The Bank, a former Skiri village in Nebraska. huukiihtata(wi)- [huu-kiih-tß-tß(w†)•] LOC on a raised bank, as of a stream. • huukiihtata™iisat go to the (other) bank. • huukiihtatakus be sitting on a raised bank. • huukiihtatawi™at go along the bank of a stream. see stream, along a {huuca-} bank, on the edge of a huuwiicahaahiri™ [hu÷wii-Ùß-haa-h†-ri™] ADV on the edge of a bank, ledge, drop-off; on the edge of a raised object, as a roof; on a ridge.
bank, edge of a awiica-
bank, over a bank, over a see bank, down a {huucawiraa-} bank, raised uukiihtatahaaru™ [u÷-kiih-tß-tß-haar‰™] N stream bank, raised stream bank. bank, steep haahka [•haah-kß•] VL be a steep bank, precipice, cliff; be a ditch.
2. tihaahka 4. iriirahaahkawi 5. tihaahkawista
bank, tall aahkawikii™ac [•aah-kß-w†-kii-™ßts•] VD be a tall, steep bank; be a cliff, precipice.
2. ti™aahkawikii™ac 4. iriira™aahkawikiicu 5. ti™aahkawikiicuksta bank, wall of a see wall (of a bank) {aahkatawi™u™} banker iriirapaapicistariku [†-riæ-rß-paa-p†-Ù†s-tßr†-k‰] N banker. banner see flag {raawiiricaawi™u™} bantam chicken see chicken, bantam {cikirihkasis} baptize ha™iir [•hß-™ii(r)•] VT(1) 1. put into water, into a liquid. 2. baptize by immersion. 1. tata™ii 2. tiha™ii 3. tiha™iiru™ 4. iriiraha™iira 5. tiha™iirista • tataaka™ii I put the wood in the water. kickakuusk (ut...) [•k†ts-kß-kuus(k)•] VT(1) baptize by sprinkling. 1. tatutkickakuus 2. tutkickakuus 3. tutkickakuusku™ 4. iriirutkickakuuska 5. tutkickakuuskista barbecue see cook over a fire {icatk, wiicatk} barber iriiraaktacara™u [†-riæ-raak-tß-Ùß-rß-™u] N barber. barbershop iririiraktacara™u [‡-r†-rii-rßk-tß-Ùß-rß™u] N barbershop. iririiraktahkictapiriwuu [†-r†-riæ-rßk-tßh-k†ts-tß-p†r†-wuu] N barbershop. bare kiciis [•k†-Ùiis•] VD 1. be bare, bald, barren, as ground with no vegetation, a bird with no feathers, a dog with no hair. 2. be slick, smooth. 3. be a scarred area. 2. tikiciis 4. iriirakiciisu 5. tikiciisuksta barefoot askiiwariitu™ [ßs-kiæ-wß-rii-t‰™] ADV barefoot. • askiiwariitu™ tiiwarii™ he is walking around barefoot. barely tarahkisiri™ [tß-rßh-k‡-s†-ri™] ADV barely, scarcely, with difficulty. bark kiwak [•k†-wß{k/t}•] VI(4) bark shrilly, yelp, as
base, at the a coyote. 2. tikiwat 3. tikiwaaku™ 4. iriirakiwat 5. tikiwaksta kiwak [+ raar-] [•k†-wß{k/t}•] VI(4) bark, as a dog. 2. tirahkiwat 3. tirahkiwaaku™ 4. iriirarahkiwat 5. tirahkiwaksta bark (of tree) raakickuusu™ [raÑ-k†ts-kuu-s‰™] N bark, tree bark. • raakickuuskat on the bark. • iriiraaku raakickuusu™ where the piece of bark is (on the ground). rakataatu™ [rà-kß-taa-t‰™] N bark, tree bark.
• rakataatkat on the bark. see sawdust {raktapahtu™} barmaid cakahuuru™ [Ùß-kß-hu÷-r‰™] N 1. loose or promiscuous woman, slut, as one who shows no self-respect or self-restraint; whore. 2. barmaid. barn asaakaaru™ [à-saa-kaa-r‰™] N {comb., asaakaar-, asaakah-} barn. • asaakahkat in/on the barn. barred owl see owl, barred {custikiriihkuuku™u™} barrel haakapiruus [haÑ-kß-p†-ruus] N 1. barrel. 2. drum. • haakapiruuskat in/on a barrel. • iriiraaku haakapiruus where the barrel is. barren see bare {kiciis} barter raapuh [•raa-p‰(h)•] VT(1) {dist., raapaawuh} barter for, trade for; buy, purchase. 1. tahaapu 2. tiraapu 3. tiraapuhu™ 4. iriiraraapuha 5. tiraapista • tiraapaawu he bought things. see buy from {raapuh (uur...)} base hurarii [•h‰-rß-rii•] VL be the foot, base, bottom, foundation, as of a tree, hill, or building. 2. tihurarii 4. iriirahurariiwi 5. tihurariiwista base, at the hurariiwikat [h‰-rß-riæ-w†-kßt] ADV at the foot, base, bottom, foundation. uktata- [‰k-tß-tß•] LOC at the bottom, base, foot, as of something elevated, such as a hill, steps, platform, or tree; below, down below, as at a lower elevation; in the bottom, at the bottom, as in a ditch, hole, or creek. • uktataarik be standing at the bottom. • uktatakus be sitting at the base. uktataka- [‰k-tß-tß-kß•] LOC at the bottom, base, foot, of something elevated, as a hill, steps, platform, or tree; below, down below, at a lower elevation; in the bottom, at the bottom, as in a ditch, hole, or
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baseball creek. • uktatakaarik be standing at the bottom. • uktatakakus be sitting at the base. • uktataka™at go, walk at the bottom. uktatakat [‰k-tà-tß-kßt] ADV 1. at the bottom, base, foot, of something elevated, as a hill or platform; below, down below, at a lower elevation; in, at the bottom, as in a ditch, hole, creek. 2. on the bottom floor. 3. in bottom land; on the valley floor. see bottom, at the {hukakaawihiri™, hurahwihiri™} baseball rariickiri™ [rß-riæts-k†-ri™] N {comb., rariickirir, rariickirih-} 1. ball; baseball. 2. ball game, as shinny or baseball. • rariickirihkat on the ball. • tahiwu rariickirihiri™ I hit him with the ball. • tiiku rariickiri™ there is a ball. • iriirakusaahku rariickiri™ where the baseball field is. baseball, play awitahik [•ß-w†-tß-h†{k/t}•] VT(wi) 1. bat. 2. play baseball. 1. taatawitahit 2. tiiwitahit 3. tiiwitahiiku™ 4. iriiraawitahipi 5. tiiwitahipista basement uhuhkiihaaru™ [‰-hŠh-kii-haa-r‰™] N {comb., uhuhkiihaar-, uhuhkiihaah-} 1. basement. 2. downstairs, as in a house. 3. crawl space, as under a house. • uhuhkiihaahiri™ downstairs; underneath. bashful riiris (ut...) [•rii-r†s•] VD be bashful, shy, retiring; (locally) be backward. 1. tatuuhiiris 2. tuuhiiris 4. iriruuhiirisu 5. tuuhiirisuksta basin, wash see wash basin {ckahiikara™uks} basket caatapaaku™ [ÙaÑ-tß-paa-k‰™] N basket. • tatuutuurikut rikucki caatapaakat I caught a bird in the basket. basketball siriirawikawariku [s‡-rii-rß-w†-kß-wßr†-k‰] N basketball. <si+ra+ir+awi.kawarik+hus, one they throw it in (the goal)> bat (baseball) awitahik [•ß-w†-tß-h†{k/t}•] VT(wi) 1. bat. 2. play baseball. 1. taatawitahit 2. tiiwitahit 3. tiiwitahiiku™ 4. iriiraawitahipi 5. tiiwitahipista bat (mammal) paasit [paÑ-s†t] N bat (mammal). • paasitkucuu™ big bat. bathe huucakacat [•huu-Ùß-kß-Ùßt•] VI(1) {dist., huucakacparii} 1. (formerly) go to a stream to bathe, go to a creek to bathe. 2. go swimming. 1. tatuucakacat 2. tihuucakacat 3. tihuucakac-
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be (place or time) puu™ 4. iriirahuucakacata 5. tihuucakacuhta • tihuucakacparii™ he is going to bathe several times, as in one day. huuciriitik [•huu-Ù†-rii-t†{k/t}•] VI(4) 1. swim. 2. bathe, take a bath. 1. tatuuciriitit 2. tihuuciriitit 3. tihuuciriitiku™ 4. iriirahuuciriitit 5. tihuuciriitiksta huuciriiwaa [•huu-Ù†-rii-waa•] VI(4) 1. swim. 2. bathe, take a bath. 1. tatuuciriiwa™ 2. tihuuciriiwa™ 4. iriirahuuciriiwaa 5. tihuuciriiwaacta bathroom akaaricpatpuus [à-kaa-r†ts-pßt-puus] N 1. outhouse, privy, outside toilet. 2. bathroom, indoor toilet. • akaaricpatpuuskat at/on/in the outhouse. • akaaricpatpuus akahkat indoor toilet. bathtub raruuciriiwa™ [rß-ruu-Ù†-riæ-wß™] N bathtub. batter harikictaarikic [•hß-r†-k†ts-taa-r†-k†ts•] VD be batter; be wet, sticky dough. 2. tiharikictaariki™ic 4. iriiraharikictaarikiicu 5. tiharikictaarikicuksta battle line see poised to fight {kusuhuhca} bawl see cry uncontrollably {rahuuhawihak} bawl out see revile {rahuriruuhci (uur...)}; scold {riicarisaar} bay horse see horse, bay {asaapahat} be Ø [•Ø•] VD {pl., ik} be, as an identity. 1. tat 2. ti™ 4. iriira™u • ti™it they are. be (a way) raa [•raa•] VD be, as the way a situation is; be a way, matter, as an event or an activity; be a custom, be a tradition. 2. tiraa™ 4. iriiraraa™u 5. tiraacta be (exist) aah [•aa(h)•] VI(1) {pl., hurii} live, be alive; be, exist. 1. tataa 2. ti™aa 3. ti™aahu™ 4. iriira™aaha 5. ti™aahista • tihurii they are living. be (in a place) kus [•k‰(s)•] VI(4) {pl. subj., wihak; dist., wiwaahak} 1. be sitting, be seated. 2. be, be living (in a place). 3. live, be living. 1. tatku 2. tiiku 4. iriiraaku 5. tiikusta • tiwihat they are sitting. be (pl.) hurii [•h‰-rii•] VL {sg. subj., aah; dist., huriiwaa, huriiwaawika™uk} 1. (pl. subj.) be, be around; walk around. 2. (pl. subj.) live. 3. (pl. subj.) be together. 1. tahakurii 2. tihurii 4. iriirahuriiwi 5. tihuriiwista • tihuriiwaawika™ut they are all over; they are going around all over. be (place or time) iihi [•ii-h†•] VD be, as a place, location, or time. 2. tiihi™ 4. iririihi™u 5. tiihicta
be (thus) be (thus) Ø (ut...)
[•Ø•] VI(1-a) 1. be thus, in a condition. 2. be, look, or appear like. 1. tatuu™ut 2. tuu™ut 4. iriruuta 5. tuutasta • tatuu™ut ciksu™ I am thinking about it. beach hukiwahaar [•h‰-k†-wß-haa(r)•] VD 1. be a dry, sandy bed of a stream, lake, as during a period of drought or low water. 2. be a sandy beach, shore, plain, as of a dry or low stream, river, lake. 2. tihukiwahaa 4. iriirahukiwahaaru 5. tihukiwahaaruksta huucahaaru™ [hu÷-Ùß-haa-r‰™] N {comb., huucahaar-, huucahaah-} 1. level or gently inclined beach, shore, bank of a stream. 2. grassy terrace, flat or level plain along a stream course. • huucahaahkat, huucahaahiri™ on the beach. • iriirahuucahaaruuta where the beach is. • tihuucahaaru™at it is a beach. huukahaaru™ [hu÷-kß-haa-r‰™] N {comb., huukahaar-, huukahaah-} 1. dry stream bed; dry bed of a pond. 2. beach, shore. • huukahaahiri™ on the beach. see sandbar {huukiwihtu™, huukiwihkahaaru™} beach (sandy) hukiwahaaru™ [h‰-k‡-wß-haa-r‰™] N {comb., hukiwahaar-, hukiwahaah-} 1. dry, sandy bed of a stream, lake, as during a period of drought or low water. 2. sandy beach, shore, plain, as of a dry or low stream, river, lake.
• hukiwahaahkat on the beach. • hukiwahaahtaahiisu™ dry creek bed. • tihukiwahaahku it is a dry stream or lake bed. huukaahaaru™ [hu÷-kaa-haa-r‰™] N {comb., huukaahaar-, huukaahaah-} 1. dry stream bed; dry pond bed, lake bed. 2. beach, shore, level sandy bank along a stream or body of water. • huukaahaahiri™ on a dry stream bed. • tihuukaahaaru™at it is a stream bed. bead kiriks [k‡-r†ks] N bead. • kirikskat among the beads. • kiriks tiracasa it is beaded. bead (tubular) kirikskiic [k‡-r†ks-kiits] N long tubular bead, hairpipe. kirikskiisu™ [k†-r‡ks-kii-s‰™] N long tubular bone bead, hairpipe. beaded belt see belt, beaded {kirikstahuriipiiru™, tahuriipiihkiriks} beaded moccasin see moccasin (beaded) {asuhkiriks} beaded strip kirikska™iitu™ [k†-r‡ks-kß-™ii-t‰™] N beaded strip, as sewn on a blanket, belt, or otter skin.
bear, black • kirikska™iitkat on the beaded strip.
bean atiit [à-tiit] N
{comb., atiik-, atik-} bean (Phaseolus spp. and Vigna unguiculata). • atikat on the bean; in the beans. • atikucuu™ large bean. • sukspaarasit atiit cook the beans! bean bread see bread, bean {icataa™atikawaa} bean, butter atikatuus [à-t†-kß-tuus] N butter bean, lima bean (Phaseolus lunatus). • atikatuuskat on the lima bean; in the lima beans. bean, green atiktarii™uus [à-t†k-tß-rii-™uus] N green bean, snap bean (Phaseolus vulgaris). • atiktarii™uuskat on the green bean; in the green beans. bean, ground see hog-peanut {atikuraaru™} bean, kidney see bean, red {atipahat} bean, mescal see mescal bean {pahat} bean, native atiikicaahiks [à-tii-k†-Ùaa-h†ks] N Indian bean (generic) (Phaseolus spp.); ref. to the colored beans formerly grown by the Skiri. atiktaariksisu™ [à-t†k-taa-r†k-s†-s‰™] N native bean, a red or yellow bean about the size of a pinto bean (Phaseolus sp.). bean, navy see bean, white {atiktaka} bean, red atipahat [à-t†-pß-hßt] N native red bean; kidney bean (Phaseolus vulgaris). • atipahatkat on the kidney bean; in the kidney beans. bean, spider see prairie mimosa {atiikacaciks} bean, white atiktaka [ß-t†k-tà-kß] N native white bean; navy bean (Phaseolus vulgaris). bear kuruks [kŠ-r‰ks] N bear (Ursus spp.); brown bear. • kurukskat on the bear; among the bears. • kurukskiripahki bear cub. • kuruksihari™ bear cub. • ckuruks female bear. see cub {kuruksihari™} bear (give birth) see give birth {ra™uk} bear fruit tawiitik [•tß-wii-t†{k/t}•] VI(4) {dist., tawiiruutik} 1. light, perch, land on, as a bird on a tree or wire. 2. land, as an airplane. 3. start to bear, come on, as fruit on a tree. 2. titawiitit 3. titawiitiku™ 4. iriiratawiitit 5. titawiitiksta • titawiiruutit it lit here and there. see hang {ta}; pendent {ta} bear, angry kuruksicariis [kŠ-r‰k-s†-Ùß-riis] N 1. angry bear. 2. grizzly bear (Ursus arctos horribilis). bear, black kurukskaatiit [kŠ-r‰ks-kaa-tiit] N black
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bear, brown bear (American Black Bear, Ursus americanus). bear, brown kurukspahat [kŠ-r‰ks-pß-hßt] N brown bear (brown phase of American black bear, Ursus americanus). bear, grizzly kuruksicariis [kŠ-r‰k-s†-Ùß-riis] N 1. angry bear. 2. grizzly bear (Ursus arctos horribilis). bear, white kurukstaakaa [kŠ-r‰ks-taa-kaa] N white bear; polar bear (Ursus maritimus). bearberry rakasis [rß-kà-s†s] N bearberry bush (Arctostaphylos uva-ursi), the leaves of which were used for smoking. • rakasiskat on the bearberry bush. beard haakararuus [•haa-kß-rß-ruus•] VD 1. have whiskers, have a beard (around the mouth). 2. have a mustache. 1. tataakararuus 2. tihaakararuus 4. iriirahaakararuusu 5. tihaakararuusuksta • Haakararuus Beard (personal name). icarahkus [•†-Ùß-rßh-k‰(s)•] VI(4) have a beard, have chin whiskers. 1. taaticarahku 2. tiicarahku 4. iririicarahku 5. tiicarahkusta ickawararuus [•†ts-kß-wß-rß-ruus•] VD have a beard; have whiskers. 1. taatickawararuus 2. tiickawararuus 4. iriiraackawararuusu 5. tiickawararuusuksta beat kuutik [•kuu-t†{k/t}•] VT(1) {pl. obj., kawuutik; dist., kawaawuutik} 1. kill, slay. 2. whip, beat, beat up. 1. tatkuutit 2. tikuutit 3. tikuutiku™ 4. iriirakuutika 5. tikuutiksta • tikawuutit he killed them. see abuse {rahuhkaapaakis, rahuriruuhci (uur...)}; thrash {tahuhkakatk} beat (a drum) haakapaktaarik [•haa-kß-pßk-taar†{k/t}•] VT(1) drum, beat a drum. 1. tataakapaktaarit 2. tihaakapaktaarit 3. tihaakapaktaariku™ 4. iriirahaakapaktaarika 5. tihaakapaktaariksta haakapiru [•haa-kß-p†-r‰•] VT(4) (impf. only) beat a drum. 1. tataakapiru™ 2. tihaakapiru™ 4. iriirahaakapiru 5. tihaakapirusta tahurahcak [•tß-h‰-rßh-Ùß{k/t}•] VT(4) beat a drum. 1. tactahurahcat 2. titahurahcat 3. titahurahcaaku™ 4. iriiratahurahcat 5. titahurahcaksta beat (in a competition) awirat [•ß-w†-rßt•] VT(1) beat, defeat, overcome, as in a competition. 1. taatawirat 2. tiiwirat 3. tiiwiriwuu™ 4. iriiraawi-
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bed rata 5. tiiwirahuhta rahuhta™u (uur...) [•rß-h‰h-tß-™u•] VT(3) beat, defeat, as in a competition. 1. taturahuhtu™ 2. turahuhtu™ 3. turahuhtuuku™ 4. iriirurahuhta™u 5. turahuhtuuksta • tatuuraktahuhtu™ I beat them. uhuhkita™at (uur...) [•‰-h‰h-k†-tß-™ßt•] VT(1) 1. beat, defeat; outdo, best, as in a contest or match. 2. overpower, overcome. 1. tatuuruhuhkita™at 2. tuuruhuhkita™at 3. tuuruhuhkitawuu™ 4. iriruuruhuhkitaata 5. tuuruhuhkitahuhta beautiful kuskitawi [•k‰s-k†-tß-w†•] VD be beautiful, lovely, pretty. 