Spirits without Borders: Vietnamese Spirit Mediums in a Transnational Age (Contemporary Anthropology of Religion)

CONTEMPOR ARY A NTHROPOLOGY OF R ELIGION A series published with the Society for the Anthropology of Religion Laurel Kendall, Series Editor Curator, Division of Anthropology, America Museum of Natural History Published by Palgrave Macmillan: Body / Meaning / Healing By Thomas J. Csordas The Weight of the Past: Living with History in Mahajanga, Madagascar By Michael Lambek After the Rescue: Jewish Identity and Community in Contemporary Denmark By Andrew Buckser Empowering the Past, Confronting the Future By Andrew Strathern and Pamela J. Stewart Islam Obscured: The Rhetoric of Anthropological Representation By Daniel Martin Varisco Islam, Memory, and Morality in Yemen: Ruling Families in Transition By Gabrielle Vom Bruck A Peaceful Jihad: Negotiating Identity and Modernity in Muslim Java By Ronald Lukens-Bull The Road to Clarity: Seventh-Day Adventism in Madagascar By Eva Keller Yoruba in Diaspora: An African Church in London By Hermione Harris Islamic Narrative and Authority in Southeast Asia: From the 16th to the 21st Century By Thomas Gibson Evangelicalism and Conflict in Northern Ireland By Gladys Ganiel Christianity in the Local Context: Southern Baptists in the Philippines By Brian M. Howell

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Missions and Conversions: Creating the Montagnard-Dega Refugee Community By Thomas Pearson Gender, Catholicism, and Morality in Brazil: Virtuous Husbands, Powerful Wives By Maya Mayblin Direct Sales and Direct Faith in Latin America By Peter S. Cahn Shamans, Spirituality, and Cultural Revitalization: Explorations in Siberia and Beyond By Marjorie Mandelstam Balzer Spirits without Borders: Vietnamese Spirit Mediums in a Transnational Age Karen Fjelstad and Nguyễn Thị Hiền

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Spirits without Borders Vietnamese Spirit Mediums in a Transnational Age Karen Fjelstad and Nguyê˜n Thi. Hiê`n

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SPIRITS WITHOUT BORDERS

`n, 2011. Copyright © Karen Fjelstad and Nguyê˜n Thi. Hiê All rights reserved. First published in 2011 by PALGRAVE MACMILLAN® in the United States—a division of St. Martin’s Press LLC, 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10010. Where this book is distributed in the UK, Europe and the rest of the world, this is by Palgrave Macmillan, a division of Macmillan Publishers Limited, registered in England, company number 785998, of Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS. Palgrave Macmillan is the global academic imprint of the above companies and has companies and representatives throughout the world. Palgrave® and Macmillan® are registered trademarks in the United States, the United Kingdom, Europe and other countries. ISBN: 978–0–230–11493–7 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available from the Library of Congress. A catalogue record of the book is available from the British Library. Design by Newgen Imaging Systems (P) Ltd., Chennai, India. First edition: July 2011 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Printed in the United States of America.

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For all the spirits of Ðạo Mẫu, and all the people who honor and serve them.

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Contents

Acknowledgments

ix

Chapter 1 Border Crossings: Setting the Theoretical Stage

1

Chapter 2 Spirited Research: Studying Lên Ðồng in Vietnam and California

17

Chapter 3 Ðạo Mẫu Spirits, Temples, and Rituals

39

Chapter 4 Spiritual Callings: Becoming a Medium in the Contemporary World

77

Chapter 5 “Lên Ðồnging” in Silicon Valley

99

Chapter 6 The Vietnam-Cali Connection

137

Chapter 7 “You Have to Respect the Local Spirits”

169

Glossary

187

Notes

193

References

203

Index

213

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Acknowledgments

This book could not have been written without the help of many lên

đồng spirit mediums and disciples in the United States and Vietnam. They generously invited us into their homes and temples, patiently answered our questions, and allowed us to participate in their rituals. We have changed everyone’s names to protect their individual privacy. We owe a special debt of gratitude to Phan and Mrs. Nga, the two mediums who first took us under their wings, and to our friends at the Chúa Bói temple, whose desire to have initiations in Vietnam led to the idea for this study. We also thank Mr. Thanh for his hospitality and teachings, and Mrs. Vân, Tania, and Brian for their constant support of this project as well as their carefully constructed comments, corrections, and discussions. We are also deeply grateful to Mr. and Mrs. Viên, Mr. and Mrs. Lương, Mr. and Mrs. Tuyết, Mr. Thái, Loan, Kim, Tiffany, Billy, Jonathan, Frank, Erik and his parents, Elise, Choi, and Hoa. We owe a special debt of gratitude to Laurel Kendall who supported this work from its inception. She encouraged us to conduct collaborative research, helped us to locate funding, and read several drafts of this manuscript. Always enthusiastic and incredibly generous with her time, she nudged us along even in the darkest hours. She had the particular talent of developing great ideas, yet making it appear as if they were our own. She is a true scholar in the noblest sense of the word, and we thank the mother goddesses time and again for allowing her to be our colleague, mentor, and friend. The current group of lên đồng researchers is small but formidable, and we are grateful to be in the presence of such spirited researchers. We thank Ngô Ðức Thịnh and Nguyễn Khắc Khảm, both pioneers of lên đồng research, for inspiring our own studies, and we thank Barley Norton, Kirsten Endres, and Phạm Quỳnh Phương for their generous assistance in the field as well as their social and intellectual support. We offer special thanks to Alex Quan for his insightful and

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moving translations of possession songs. We are also grateful to Oscar Salemink and Janet Hoskins who, like the others, took time from their busy schedules to discuss with us the nuances of lên đồng spirit possession rituals. This research was made possible by the generous financial support of the Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research, the Social Science Research Council, the College of Social Sciences at San Jose State University, and the Center for Southeast Asian Studies at the University of Hawaii. We are also grateful to Vietnam Institute of Culture and Arts Studies, the Department of Anthropology at San Jose State University, and the San Jose State University Foundation for supporting our transnational research. Since its inception, this manuscript has undergone a number of different permutations. We would like to thank Charles Smith for his tireless support of this research and his editorial advice. We would also like to thank Malcolm Scott, Phạm Nam Thanh, and Nguyễn Thị Trang Nhung for their contributions. We are grateful to Brigitte Shull, Joanna Roberts, and to all of the staff at Palgrave Macmillan who helped bring this volume to fruition. We want to thank our families who have been unfailing in their support for our research. We are deeply grateful to our parents. Our fathers and Hiền’s mother entered the realm of the ancestors during the course of this research. We offer our everlasting gratitude to them and to Karen’s mother, who have nurtured our thoughts and supported our dreams long before we even learned to read or write. We thank our sisters and brothers, nieces and nephews, and all those family members who contributed to, and sometimes suffered from, our intense focus on this research. We are especially grateful to Hiền’s sons and to our spouses, Chuck and Mùi, for quietly enduring all those times that we could have simply played.

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Chapter 1

Border Crossings: Setting the Theoretical Stage

When the Third Princess (Cô Bơ) incarnated into Mrs. Vân at a

temple-opening ceremony, Karen and Hiền realized that the spirit and the temple were fully incorporated into the California landscape. The temple is situated in rolling grass-covered hills that are dotted with California buckwheat and interior live oak and is home to bobcat, coyote, rattlesnake, ground squirrel, and mountain lion, many of which are creator beings of the first peoples in the area. At that time, in the late summer, the road to the temple was dotted with fruit stands advertising fresh cherries and apricots, and a campground announcing an upcoming Tractor Pull and Renaissance Faire. The temple is located near San Luis Reservoir, an essential part of California’s hydroelectric supply and a favorite spot for fishermen hoping to catch striped bass or the occasional sturgeon: Karen had once caught a “striper” there herself. Mrs. Vân’s daughter Tania explained that the reservoir was a factor in the decision to purchase the home that would be transformed into a temple. “You will see,” she said, “that you have to go over the hills and cross the water to get to the temple. That’s what the possession songs say!” Karen and Hiền watched the Third Princess perform the Rowing Dance (múa chèo đò) with a pair of painted wooden oars that were decorated with flowers. The spirit was dressed in traditional Việt clothing in the white color that is symbolically associated with the Realm of Water and the mother goddess that she serves. Tears washed the face of Mrs. Vân while she danced because the spirit is empathetic to the troubles of humans and weeps whenever one of her “children” (con) is in distress. As she rowed her traditional Vietnamese dragon

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boat (thuyền rồng) she listened to possession songs honoring her love and compassion: Mother Goddess grants her a name, it is Third Princess, She descends and is born in this realm, to help this world. With whom does she follow the current then go against? As much water as there is in the rivers and lakes, That be the love the Princess has for the people. (Quan 2007) On the first beat, she grasps the oars. Then stepping into the boat, she asks permission from heaven to commence. Rowing and rowing. Coming out of the cold waterfall, There she holds the oars and continues. With the rivers and streams, Rocking up and down. Along with the schools of fish, With a few royal women. In a manner of glory and elegance, On her clothes, moons and flowers. (Ibid.)

The ethnic Việt princess appears at San Luis Reservoir and many other places and countries because, as her songs say, she is a traveler who wanders everywhere. Indeed she does, along with many other spirits of the Mother Goddess pantheon. Perhaps that is why they are “served” (hầu) by spirit mediums in all regions of Vietnam and in many other parts of the world. But how and why are the spirits worshipped in so many places? What connections do her “children” have with each other and with the country of Vietnam? And why are these spirits who are so closely tied to Vietnamese history and culture worshipped by people who have never even been to Vietnam? This study, based on ethnographic research in Vietnam and the United States, examines transnational expansion of the Mother Goddess religion (Ðạo Mẫu) and its spirit possession ritual (lên đô`ng). It explores factors that constrain and propel distribution of the ritual and the impact of migration and transnationalism on religious practice. Water, like the water in the reservoir, is the central metaphor of this study. As will be further discussed in chapter three, the Mother Goddess religion and its spirit possession rituals rose like fresh water springs that originated in (or close to) northern Vietnam. They swelled with tributaries trickling in from the mountainous highlands (miến ngược) populated by Vietnam’s ethnic groups and flowed to the

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lowland rice paddies (miền xuôi) of the Việt, and from the Red River delta to the Gulf of Tonkin and the South China Sea. They eventually merged with other, more global currents into the United States (and other countries) where the Third Princess, servant to the Mother Goddess of Water, is a favored spirit of migrants: “When she steers and rows the waves rise up, / Shout out the rowing call—khoan khoan hò khoan!” (Norton 2009: compact disk). When the authors discussed this metaphor with Erik, the twenty-year-old grandson of a Hanoi spirit medium, and his father, they agreed that water is an appropriate metaphor for the spread of the religion and ritual. But they wanted to add another idea: “Water,” they said, “is necessary for life.” For the mediums and disciples, the lên đồng ritual is indeed essential: it serves their spirits, who then assist in their daily lives, transform their troubles into blessings, and become the focal point for new friendships. Another important characteristic of water is that it is humble. “All water flows downhill. It presents itself as the lowest form,” Erik said, “but it is strong. It can go around anything and it is quiet.” In his paper titled “A World Like Water” Neil Jamieson (2007: 1) writes that water is an apt metaphor for Vietnamese culture because it emphasizes the flexibility so characteristic of Vietnamese concepts of self and personhood. He cites Professor Cao Xuân Huy (2003: 228–233), who writes, “many achievements and even the survival of Vietnam may be attributed to the Vietnamese spirit of being accommodating, pliant, supple, active, and mobile.” Like other mortal and immortal spirits of Vietnam, the Third Princess is flexible as she rows her boat with grace, dignity, and persistence traveling through regions pitted with dams, barriers, and obstacles of all types. She rescues her children and wherever the flow is obstructed she and the other spirits find a way around, under, above, or though the blockage. Evaporating and reappearing, they flow everywhere in small trickles and huge downpours, in tiny rivulets, raging torrents, and wide rivers. In each location the spirits and their rituals absorb new sediments and form local eddies. Then, as streams merge together, differences are flooded until the waters recede. But whether separated into small ponds or tumultuous white-water rivers the waters spring from the same source, Vietnam, where the word for country (nước) is the same as the word for water.1 The past few decades have witnessed a proliferation of research on globalization but the relationship between religion and globalization has only recently taken center stage (Csordas 2009: 14). One reason is that people have different ideas about what globalization actually is. Some use a narrow definition that focuses on the spread

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of global capitalism and the controlling influence of organizations such as the World Trade Organization, World Bank, and the International Monetary Fund, but others have broader, more inclusive definitions (e.g., Appadurai 1996; Clifford 1997; Ong 1999). The authors define globalization as the movement of people, goods, and ideas across national borders and they agree that globalization “is conveying the idea that the world is getting smaller through expanding telecommunication networks, ease and affordability of air travel, and the rapid movement across national borders of capital, migrants, travelers, media, consumer goods and even drugs and disease” (Freeman 2000: 24). Globalization is not a new process but what is different today is the rapidity with which these border crossings are made. Definitions of globalization matter because they influence the way social behavior is viewed. If one emphasizes the political-economic spread of global capitalism as the central aspect of globalization, then everything is seen in economic terms. This hugely impacts the analysis of human behavior and has the potential for reducing the complexity of human life into numbers, digits, and market shares. This is especially problematic with regard to religion and ritual, areas of human life that are particularly rich in sentiment and symbolism that are not readily quantifiable. When religion becomes a consequence of globalization it is viewed as less important than other areas of human experience. It is more likely to be perceived as a commodity, and beliefs and rituals are described as if they are bought and sold on the open market or performed solely to increase business or personal income (Csordas 2009). Although religious and economic lives have overlapped intensely during the past few decades (Hüwelmeier and Krause 2009) and economic aspects of popular religion should not be ignored, the focus on economic globalization conveniently ignores the “lived experience” of participants (Ong 1999) and some of the most important aspects of their beliefs. How have spirits like the Third Princess been able to effectively follow migrants to a new homeland? What has it meant to constitute her reality in the United States? Even her mediums ask themselves: is she really here? The emphasis on political-economic aspects of globalization also fails to acknowledge that spiritual pursuits can themselves be a force of globalization. Such is the case with missionary work, religious pilgrimages, and the spread of beliefs and rituals through television, videos, cassettes, and the Internet. Instead of merely reacting to global processes, religions are “ better understood as one of the driving and mediating forces

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behind the increasing interconnectedness of the globe” (Hüwelmeier and Krause 2009: 1). The transnational perspective overcomes some of the problems with globalization studies. Such a gaze, according to Levitt (2007: 22), “tries hard not to overemphasize the global or the local but to hold these social layers, and everything in between, in productive conversation with each other.” This perspective also avoids assumptions about the unidirectional movement of religion “from globalizing center to passive periphery” (Csordas 2009: 5). Instead it recognizes that religion flows in every direction possible including from places such as Saigon to Silicon Valley or from Silicon Valley back to Hanoi. The transnational flow of religious phenomenon sometimes referred to as sancroscapes (Tweed 2006) or religioscapes (Appadurai 1996; Vásquez and Marquardt 2003) indeed move in ways that are multidirectional but such movement is embedded in social behavior and constrained by power relations (Hüwelmeier and Krause 2009: 3). The concept of transnationalism from above and below helps to illustrate how power relations articulate with the spread of religion. Whereas transnationalism “from above” is supported and perpetuated by nation-states and the global economy, transnationalism “from below” is initiated by grassroots movements and people-to-people ties (Guarnizo and Smith 1998). Religious transnationalism “from above” occurs when states encourage religious expansion, subsidize religious festivals, designate religious sites as tourist destinations, and encourage migrants to send remittances to sustain the national economy (Brettell 2003). Transnationalism “from below” occurs when people develop less formal networks. Such movements occur when practitioners of Haitian vodou in New York visit their counterparts in Haiti (McCarthy-Brown 2001), Americans make capoeira pilgrimages to Brazil (Miller 2006), or Nigerian “jaguars” practice their religion in New York (Stoller 2002). Transnationalism “from below” also happens when priests, shamans, and laypeople form ties based on common spiritual interests (McCarthy-Brown 2001; Miller 2006; Stoller 2002; Wesolowski 2006). In some cases the state actively constrains transnationalism but religious beliefs and behaviors continue to spread, albeit under the official radar, from one locale to another. In other cases the spread of religion is simultaneously supported from above and below (e.g., Brettell 2003; Levitt 2001). This occurs when, for example, the state supports missionization but at the same time members of local religious communities take it upon themselves to form international ties.

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This study examines expansion of the lên đồng spirit possession ritual as an example of transnationalism from below. The ritual originated in northern Vietnam and subsequently spread to central and southern areas of the country. It traveled to France after the FrenchVietnam war in 1954, and to the United States when hundreds of thousands of refugees fled their homeland at the end of the Vietnam American war in 1975. It also spread to several eastern European countries during the 1980s and 1990s when Vietnam exported workers to those areas. Because the possession ritual was banned in northern Vietnam from 1954 until the 1986 Renovation (and in southern Vietnam from 1975 to 1986), and there was no umbrella organization of practitioners, it spread within Vietnam and from Vietnam to the United States only through informal channels. When prohibitions against the ritual were relaxed and refugees and migrants were able to return to their homeland after 1986, the ritual traveled from the United States back to Vietnam in altered forms.2 U.S. mediums were then able to serve the spirits alongside their Vietnam-based counterparts, many of whom had been former enemies during the VietnamAmerican war. These transnational relations significantly impacted religious practice. The ritual was revitalized, spread more profusely, and began to cross ethnic borders. Everywhere it went it adapted to local conditions and took on new characteristics. This study, based on fieldwork among spirit mediums in northern California and northern Vietnam, addresses three broad questions: How does the ritual spread, why does it spread, and what is the impact of transnationalism on ritual practice? The work is specifically concerned with expansion of the ritual in difficult conditions: How were mediums able to practice their rituals in the United States when they lacked the appropriate ritual spaces, goods, and personnel? What does it mean to go back to Vietnam when a person was an involuntary migrant? How do the mediums in the United States and Vietnam handle political and cultural difference? Are they able to transcend the past? How does their handling of difference articulate with overcoming other seemingly fundamental distinctions such as those of gender and ethnicity? Answers to these questions help to elucidate particulars of religious transnationalism. This study introduces the concept of flooding as a tool for understanding the process of religious transnationalism. Rivers, streams, and tributaries are temporarily joined during a flood. Massive amounts of soil and other organic and inorganic materials merge and mingle, so that separate elements are jumbled together. A stone from one river is moved to another, a fallen tree breaks apart leaving

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bits and pieces on the original bank but depositing branches, leaves, and twigs in separate bodies of water. When the flood recedes some things are the same, but many are different. Waters that once merged have become distinct again, and differences that disappeared during the flood begin to reappear, albeit in new ways. The concept of flooding helps to illustrate the pace of transnational events, their significance for participants, and the variable long-term consequences. Recent changes in technology and communication made the formation of transnational groups easier and quicker, but people in many cultures and countries have been exposed to such processes for a long period of time. That was not the case with Vietnam and the United States because people were forbidden from traveling between the two countries. Ritual transnationalism between these countries has only occurred sporadically, and always as a by-product of national or international policies “from above” that caused or allowed the movement of people. As a consequence, changes in the lên đồng ritual have been characterized by a kind of punctuated gradualism: the ritual goes though long periods of relatively slow change that are punctuated by short but dramatic growth spurts.3 One period of rapid change occurred with the diaspora at the end of the AmericanVietnam war, and another resulted from Vietnam’s 1986 Renovation policy, which led to greater freedom to practice the ritual in Vietnam and allowed U.S.-based mediums to return to the homeland. The migrations of spirit mediums out of Vietnam and the subsequent journeys of U.S.-based Vietnamese back to the homeland were extraordinary events that were saturated with meaning. Like floods, the experiences were sudden, dramatic, and often dangerous. They involved personal sacrifice, physical, financial, and social stress, and were perceived as major life-changing events. Although perhaps not as dramatic as leaving the country as a refugee, trips back to Vietnam were often laden with trauma. Many mediums had a great desire to return to the homeland but were full of fear they would be arrested or harassed. Also, returnees had to condense all their activities to meet personal, spiritual, and social goals in short, but very expensive, trips. The exchange of goods and ideas consequently took place as a flurry of activity within a short span of time, much like a flood. The urgency of these transactions was even more acute because U.S.- and Vietnam-based mediums faced political, economic, and cultural differences that had to be overcome to a certain extent before ritual exchanges could occur. The metaphor of flooding also helps to illustrate variations in the long-term consequences of transnational events. Some mediums

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and temples adopted a great deal from one another, but others only changed a bit. Some collected goods or behaviors that seemed important during the event, only to discard them later. The trips to and from Vietnam and the United States opened doors of future exchange for some mediums, but for others they were singular events. Last, whereas some of the transnational relationships proved to be durable, others were fragile. What is certain is that when the main events were over and the waters receded, everything changed and the experiences had an impact on people’s lives and rituals. Why Study Vietnam and the United States? Vietnam is a rich area for research on issues of religion, modernity, and globalization. The socialist state only entered the global economy after the Renovation (Ðổi mới) of 1986. The Renovation was a series of social and economic changes instituted by the state that opened Vietnam to the market economy, reduced restrictions on religions, allowed Vietnamese nationals to travel more freely, and permitted the return of overseas Vietnamese. One consequence of Renovation was the strengthening of religious rituals and an increase in the business of buying and selling of religious objects (Endres 2001, 2006; Hy Văn Lương 1993; Malarney 2002; Nguyễn Thi Hiền 2006; Salemink 2007). Because the Renovation instituted social and economic changes that occurred within a limited time period, it provided a natural laboratory for studying the relationship between popular religion and globalization. Ethnographic research in Vietnam has evidenced an increase in religious practices of all kinds (Choi 2007; Endres 2006; Fjelstad and Nguyễn Thị Hiền 2006; Hy Văn Lương 1993; Lê Hồng Lý and Nguyễn Thị Phương Châm 2008; Malarney 2002; Salemink 2007; Taylor 2004, 2007; Thiện Ðỗ 2003). People are refurbishing temples, attending church services, seeking advice from fortune-tellers, burning votives to ancestors and spirits, making pilgrimages to religious sites, and performing rituals for good luck in health and business. They are performing these acts in ways that are more visible partly because of the increased use of ritual goods and partly because there are fewer restrictions on religious behavior. The study of religious belief and practice in Vietnamese communities has shed light on relationships between economic and religious behavior, spirituality and the state, and the effects of consumption on religious practice (Endres 2006, 2007; Fjelstad and Nguyễn Thị Hiền 2006; Nguyễn Kim Hiền 2008; Nguyễn Thị Hiền 2002, 2006; Norton 2000a, 2002, 2006,

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2009; Salemink 2007; Taylor 2004, 2007). However, there are many things we do not yet understand. In the introduction to his edited volume Modernity and Re-Enchantment in Vietnam, Taylor (2007) notes that we do not yet know the role of transnationalism in reenchantment and modernity in Vietnam, how ideas about the relationship between materiality and consumption are contested, and how we can explain the rise of place-based religions in regions characterized by movement and migration. This study explores those questions. Vietnamese communities in Vietnam and abroad are fruitful areas for studying the relationship between migration, transnationalism, and ritual. The movement of lên đồng from Vietnam to the United States is an example of what some have called reverse globalization because it flows from the so-called margins to the metropole (Csordas 2009: 10). There has always been a great deal of migration within Vietnam, but the diaspora involved large numbers of people who left the country after 1975. How did they maintain their traditions in a new land? What religions or rituals did they leave behind? What happened to rituals when overseas Vietnamese were able to return to their homeland? Did some rituals travel better than others? An important task in studies of the globalization of religion is “to identify what travels well across geographic and cultural space” (6) and what kinds of religions persist in a rapidly changing world. How can we explain why certain rituals continue while others disappear? Is there something about place-based religions that make them persist (Taylor 2007) and travel? Csordas (2009: 6) asserts that two aspects of religions determine whether or not they travel well: they have to be transportable and transposable. Transportable religions are those that can be practiced anywhere because they require “little esoteric knowledge or paraphernalia, are not held as proprietary or necessarily linked to a specific cultural context, and can be performed without commitment to an elaborate ideological or institutional apparatus” (ibid.). Examples of portable practices include yoga or feng shui. Transposable religions are those with messages that transfer across cultural groups: this depends on whether or not a message is transformable (has plastiticity) or is generalizable (7). This study yields insight into these processes by illustrating that the lên đồng ritual is both transportable and transformable, but in ways that are unique: the ritual involves tremendous amount of knowledge and paraphernalia and is associated with specific sacred places, but can still be practiced outside of Vietnam. Although some parts of the religious message are tied to Vietnamese culture, identity, history, and specific places within the country, other parts are very flexible, and the

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ritual and its places can mean different things to different people. It nonetheless has a basic personal and social message that has a strong, perhaps universal, appeal. Once again, Third Princess provides understanding and explanation. As she rows her boat through the rivers, lakes, and seas of the world, the Third Princess tends to the needs of humans in pain. A loving and compassionate spirit, she cares deeply for those who are in troubled or unfortunate circumstances and she wants to help them. She is so empathetic that she quietly weeps as she rows. Any person at any lên đồng ceremony can observe these actions and tears of the spirit whether it is held in the biggest city or the smallest village, the richest temple or the poorest home, in Vietnam, the United States, or in any other country. When people witness the Third Princess at a spirit possession ritual, they see a young woman dressed in white who quietly goes about the business of rowing her boat. She is well-mannered, quiet yet strong, and is unafraid of facing the sometimes tragic problems of humans. She is a model of composure yet unabashedly expresses emotions through tears. Through all, she continues rowing. She is hope and comfort and love. She is also a role model. The Third Princess is just one of many spirits that are incarnated in a possession ceremony. She is a lower-ranking spirit whose movements from one area to another are only made possible because of higher-order spirits who assist and permit her passage. And yet she is powerful, like the water she travels on, as she quietly crosses the world to help humans in need. When people see the Third Princess incarnated into a medium at a spirit possession ceremony they are usually seated in groups that share the blessed gifts she distributes: water to quench their thirst, and fresh coconut and traditional Vietnamese bread (bánh đa) to eat. Spirit mediums and disciples have a deep love for the spirit who so tenderly cares for them and they share some of her qualities. Like the spirits they worship, mediums and disciples support and care for each other, transcending difference as they practice their rituals even in the most difficult of circumstances. About the Authors This volume, written by two authors, is itself a product of transnational exchange. Karen Fjelstad is an American anthropologist who works with lên đồng spirit mediums in California and Nguyễn Thị Hiền is a Vietnamese folklorist who studies mediums and their rituals in northern Vietnam. Like many other scholars and spirit mediums

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who use the Internet as a method of transnational communication, the authors met online in 2002. Hiền had just finished writing her dissertation on therapeutic aspects of the lên đồng ritual for the Department of Folklore at Indiana University. Karen, who had studied lên đồng among Vietnamese in northern California, was online surfing when she learned that Hiền was giving a talk on the same subject at the University of California, Los Angeles. Although she could not attend the talk, Karen sent Hiền an e-mail expressing an interest to meet and share information about the religion and the two women started regular online communication. The authors finally met in person at a conference at the American Museum of Natural History in New York, which opened an exhibit called “Vietnam: Journeys of Body, Mind and Spirit” that displayed a Ðạo Mẫu altar and lên đồng spirit clothing. The exhibit was accompanied by a book and conference of the same name (Nguyễn Văn Huy and Kendall 2002), and each included sections on the ritual that had recently been illegal in Vietnam. Karen had spent much of her career studying lên đồng in relative isolation. As an American whose country did not have diplomatic relations with Vietnam, she could not travel there until 1986. When she began her research it was difficult to get recent books on the religion in U.S. libraries, and few people were writing about the ritual because it was illegal in Vietnam. Also, because many Vietnamese in America practiced their religion quietly or even in secret, Karen conducted ethnographic fieldwork without drawing much attention to the mediums. Imagine, then, how exciting it was to meet another scholar who studied the same religion and ritual! Attending the Vietnam Journeys exhibit was a momentous occasion for someone who had never imagined that she would see a lên đồng altar in a U.S. museum. Much like the Vietnamese adherent who wanted to venerate the spirits she saw displayed in Vietnam’s Museum of Ethnology (Kendall, Vũ Thị Thanh Tâm, and Nguyễn Thị Thu Hương 2008), Karen wanted to light incense for the goddesses and all the spirits, and she wanted her medium friends to see or at least know about the exhibit. Hiền presented a paper on lên đồng at the conference and it stimulated a tremendous amount of discussion from academics and the general public. Questions ranged over a variety of topics: How common is spirit possession? What are the differences between spirit possession of the Mother Goddess religion and calling the souls of the dead? Who gets possessed more often, men or women? Why is spirit possession increasing in Vietnam? The authors were amazed at the amount of interest people had in the ritual, and decided to ask lên

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đồng scholars if they would contribute to a volume compiling most of the current information about the religion and the ritual into a single resource (e.g., Fjelstad and Nguyễn Thị Hiền 2006). While working together Karen and Hiền learned that they shared many thoughts and views in common and they were both concerned about certain trends. First, although practice of the lên đồng ritual has been documented in the United States (Fjelstad 1995) and France (Simon and Simon-Barouh 1973) and mediums in Hanoi perform services for overseas Vietnamese, lên đồng is often discussed as if it exists only in Vietnam. Second, interpretations of the ritual and especially of spirit mediums’ motivations often focus on the political economy, and some popular critics of the religion have told Karen and Hiền that mediums are only motivated by economic gain. That perspective does not fit with the authors’ or others’ ethnographic experiences. While collecting ethnographic data for a jointly edited conference volume, Karen and Hiền realized that a sizeable number of mediums from northern California were purchasing ritual objects, sponsoring possession ceremonies, and developing ritual relationships with mediums in Vietnam. Karen began to study the Vietnam-California connection only to discover that having possession ceremonies in Vietnam was so important to mediums in northern California that the trip was almost a rite of passage. At possession ceremonies in the early 2000s mediums constantly asked each other “Have you had your ceremony in Vietnam yet?” While traveling to Vietnam with several California mediums, Karen observed that the interchange of goods and information was two-way: the California mediums were changed by their experiences in Vietnam but they also had an impact on religious practice in that country in terms of how and when the spirits were manifested. Considering how frequent these international exchanges were, it seemed strange that very little information on transnationalism was available in the growing body of lên đồng literature.4 Setting out to correct this imbalance, Karen and Hiền decided to conduct joint ethnographic research on lên đồng as a transnational ritual. Funded by the Wenner Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research, they began to study the emerging relationship between spirit mediums at two temples—one is located in Bắc Ninh province in northern Vietnam and the other is in Silicon Valley, California.5 By focusing on individuals at two specific temples the authors hoped to answer the following questions: Why do California mediums have possession ceremonies in Vietnam? How do the mediums from the United States and Vietnam get along? Do they experience culture shock or cultural conflict? How are rituals and beliefs in the two countries similar

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to and different from each other? How has the exchange of people, ideas, and ritual goods impacted religious practice in both countries? Are there any lasting changes? During the process of the research three things became clear: Lên đồng is a transnational ritual, not an isolated practice of Vietnam; the ritual is constantly changing as it shapes and is shaped by global processes; and lên đồng in northern California and northern Vietnam are not so easily compartmentalized as distinct from each other. The ritual is a highly syncretic practice and has likely been so for a long time due to histories of migration and travel even long before 1975. Karen and Hiền were also concerned with popular explanations for the increase in ritual practices in Vietnam. A number of authors have attributed the flourishing of rituals to Vietnam’s newly emerging market economy (Endres 2006, 2007, 2008; Fjelstad and Nguyễn Thi Hiền 2006; Hy Văn Lương 1993; Lê Hồng Lý and Nguyễn Thị Phương Châm 2008, Malarney 2002; Nguyễn Thi Hiền 2002, 2006; Nguyễn Thị Minh Ngọc 2008: Norton 2000a,b, 2006, 2009; Phạm Quỳnh Phương 2006, 2007; Salemink 2007, 2008; Taylor 2004, 2007). Although these economic explanations are relevant and important and offer sophisticated analyses of the transactional nature of the rituals, the authors were wary because outsiders can use them as ways to degrade the ritual. Mediums have long been accused of being thieves and charlatans in popular culture, literature, and in views of the state prior to 1986. Time and time again the authors have heard people say that this is a religion for people who want to gain wealth and mediums are materialistic over-consumers who are obsessed with status displays. One Vietnam scholar described a possession ceremony to Karen as “an exercise in conspicuous consumption,” and the authors have heard others say that it “all appears to be economic” as “people only ask the spirits for money.” Even spirit mediums participate in such discussions. However, the idea that people become spirit mediums solely because they are driven by economic needs, desires, or concerns is not supported in ethnographic data and neglects the personal depth and complexity of mediums’ and adherents’ lives. People in the United States and Vietnam turn to mediumship for a wide variety of purposes. Economic explanations are very important but they are not sufficient. Karen and Hiền have several goals in writing this volume. They want to introduce the reader to the Mother Goddess religion and the lên đồng ritual in ways that do not essentialize the religion by making it appear as if the Việt only practice it and it occurs only in Vietnam. They want to emphasize how and why the religion and

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ritual cross multiple borders to become transnational and they want to challenge stereotypes by illustrating how complex are the reasons for initiation into mediumship. They also want to accomplish these goals by crossing some of the borders that have limited the possibilities of research. Instead of expressing the views of either Western or Vietnamese scholars, this volume is the product of collaborative research. Karen and Hiền believe that a greater understanding of the ritual can be achieved through a collaboration that allows for the cross-fertilization of ideas and the expression of multiple perspectives. Similar to the work of Ayi, Harrell, and Lunzy (2007), it blurs the boundaries between natives and scholars. It also crosses boundaries between social scientists and practitioners. Karen and Hiền each have a unique perspective based on personal, cultural, and academic background and although they do not agree on everything, they share many views about the lên đồng ritual. Importantly, they share a deep desire to honor the spirits and their mediums by telling some of their stories. They hope to abolish negative stereotypes of the ritual and contribute to religious tolerance. And by crossing boundaries that normally separate spirits, scholars, and mediums, they hope to show their deepest respect for the Mother Goddess religion and the lên đồng ritual. Organization of the Chapters Chapter two discusses research methods and positions the authors in the research. Karen and Hiền have studied the ritual for many years and each author developed close relationships with certain mediums. This section introduces those mediums central to the volume and explores the authors’ relationships with them. Karen and Hiền reflect on all the births, weddings, and funerals they have attended with spirit mediums over the years and place this research within the context of their long-term ethnographic fieldwork. This chapter also describes the research populations and sites, methods of research, and reflects on the promise and problems of collaborative field research. It also addresses a question commonly asked of the authors: What is their relationship to the spirits they study? Chapter three introduces the reader to the religion and the ritual, providing basic background knowledge and a vocabulary for talking about lên đồng.6 It describes the Mother Goddess pantheon and its organization and the ritual activities of spirit mediums in the homeland. Chapter three also discusses ritual spaces, goods, and personnel, and places the religion within the larger framework of religious

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practice in Vietnam. Although the chapter focuses on the ritual as it is practiced in the northern Vietnamese homeland, it should be noted the homeland is not fixed. Indeed, practice was modified in Vietnam while it was simultaneously changing in overseas Vietnamese communities. Chapter four describes the process of becoming a spirit medium. It explores how people learn they have been called to become mediums, initiation ceremonies, and the impact of mediumship on their lives. It also examines some of the myriad reasons why people become mediums. Chapter five describes the migration of lên đồng to northern California, and examines ritual practice in the Silicon Valley. It traces changes in the ritual that have occurred over a twenty-five-year time period. It describes the population of mediums, the temples and their structure, the lên đồng rituals, and explains how mediums, ceremonies, and temples are similar to as well as different from those in Vietnam. Chapter five focuses on the challenges of practicing lên đồng as an immigrant, examines how and why the ritual has been modified to fit with personal and local sensibilities, and explores generational transformations. Chapter six examines ties between U.S. and Vietnamese mediums. It describes how, when, and why U.S.- and Vietnam-based mediums contact each other, and explores the problems and prospects of these relationships. It examines how the religion and ritual are developing and evolving in the United States and Vietnam simultaneously, and the impact of transnational relations on ritual practice. Chapter seven concludes with a discussion of the relevance of this study for cross-cultural research. It explains how the ethnographic study of small place-based religions helps to shed light on larger processes of religious transnationalism. Karen and Hiền assert that any understanding of how and why the religion and ritual spread should consider what is most important to practitioners themselves: the actions of spirits and the deeply personal transformations they create in their mediums. By focusing on border crossings the authors illustrate that the motivations of people to become mediums, the movement of ritual practitioners to the United States and their subsequent return to Vietnam, and the outward expansion of mediumship from the ethnic Việt to other peoples and cultures are all connected to each other. In each case, differences are overcome and boundaries are crossed. Chapter seven also explores the concept of flooding in the study of ritual transnationalism. Like water, the lên đồng ritual initially spread by filling the cracks first opened by global economic change.

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However, it quickly became a river of exchange, and then a flood that mixed and jumbled ritual practices. Importantly, this flooding helped mediums to overcome difference. Karen and Hiền have learned that the Third Princess rows her boat over rivers, oceans, and seas. She helps all varieties of humans in need as she listens to the rowing song—khoan khoan hò khoan! This book is dedicated to her and to all the spirits of the Mother Goddess pantheon, and to the mediums in Vietnam and the United States who helped Karen and Hiền to understand their actions. Smiles no one can match, Long live the Princess for Ten Thousand Years! Rowing out on the waters, Into the rivers and seas. (Quan 2007)

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Chapter 2

Spirited Research: Studying Lên Ðồng in Vietnam and California

K aren became ill while she and Hiền were conducting field research

in Vietnam. Just as she was leaving the country she began to feel unwell and within one week her skin turned bright orange yellow, she was diagnosed with autoimmune hepatitis, and her liver had nearly failed. She was hospitalized for five weeks while the diagnosis was made and treatments administered. During that time, when no one knew for sure what the outcome would be and whether or not Karen would respond to the treatment, she was told to contact people who were more than a few hours away so they could be prepared to come quickly if things turned for the worse. Karen had to notify Phan, Hiền, and Tania and Brian. “Oh! My sister, how are you? Are you okay? I was in the hospital too.” Karen listened to the weak, frail voice of Phan—spirit medium, prime consultant, friend, and elder sister—as they spoke over the telephone. It seemed extraordinary that they had both been hospitalized and released at the same time. The two women had known each other for more than twenty years: they met because Phan once offered to teach Karen about her life as a medium and practitioner of the lên đồng ritual. Before Karen and Hiền ever met each other, the authors had studied the lên đồng ritual in their respective countries. Each woman developed a close relationship with a specific older female spirit medium: Hiền worked with Mrs. Nga, a Vietnam-based medium, and Karen worked with Phan in the United States. Beginning in 2003 the authors started working together, this time with Master Thanh in northern Vietnam and with Tania, Brian, and Ms. Vân in northern California. This chapter describes the authors’ initial exposure to the ritual, their methods of field research, and their relationships to the

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mediums and spirits. As the chapter illustrates, Hiền and Karen share a long and abiding interest in Ðạo Mẫu but have experienced different kinds of exposure to the religion and the ritual. Whereas Hiền first heard about lên đồng from her relatives, Karen read about it in the library. Hiền’s interest in the ritual involved learning about her own culture, but for Karen it meant learning another culture. When the two authors began working together they already had a great deal of knowledge and personal experience with the religion and ritual. They did not know, however, that each woman would be called into the service of spirits. Spirit Callings Karen had to get the message of her illness to Phan very carefully. She was eighty-one years old, suffered from multiple health problems, and had recently lost a son to heart disease. Karen worried that if she called Phan on the telephone she might not be able to explain the illness and she did not want Phan to be frightened. Still she had to let her friend and elder sister know because they had a pact: if anything happened to either one of them, they would inform each other’s families. Just a few months earlier Phan had invited Karen to her apartment in a low-cost senior housing unit in Silicon Valley, California, for a bowl of beef noodle soup (phở bò). While Karen was noticing that Phan seemed to be in pain and that there were now two walkers instead of one, Phan pointed to the overhead light and told Karen that life is like a light bulb, one never knows when it will go out. “It can go out now or later, we don’t know.” After lunch they went into Phan’s bedroom, which was laden with health supplies including a commode, massage chairs, heating pads, and boxes of medication. Sitting on her nightstand, Phan had a battery operated Buddha that lit up and recited the recorded chant “Nam Mô A Di Ðà Phật.” She explained that listening to chants helped to calm her mind. She then told Karen that she wanted to show her something, and bent over to pick up a black canvas overnight bag that had been tucked under a small table. Opening the bag, she removed some papers and a bright yellow silk pajama outfit she had purchased at a Buddhist temple. This bag, she said, was to be opened by her children upon her death: it had death clothes, instructions for her funeral, and a letter to her children both living and deceased. The bright yellow clothes included silk pajamas with a long robe, a hood to cover her head, mittens to envelope her hands, a square cloth to conceal her face, and a larger cloth to be placed over her entire body. Decorated with red characters,

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the clothing would protect her from ghosts (ma). Underneath the yellow robes Phan would wear the red dress of the first goddess (Bà Chúa Ðệ Nhất), a spirit of the Mother Goddess religion that Phan incarnates during those lên đồng rituals that are closest to her heart. Remembering that day with sadness, Karen thought of the best way to inform Phan of her illness. She decided to ask another friend and spirit medium to call Phan’s daughter and explain what had happened. By going through an intermediary, she hoped that Phan would get the correct information in a way that would not be too upsetting. But the friend learned that Phan had spent the same five weeks in a hospital located less than thirty miles away where she had surgery for a back problem. Her recovery was longer than expected because of complications from age and diabetes. Phan and Karen had known each other since 1987: they attended weddings of Phan’s children, the births and one-year birthday parties of several grandchildren (one of whom was recently a student in one of Karen’s anthropology classes), divorces and remarriages, and the deaths of Phan’s son and Karen’s father, but they had never been seriously ill or hospitalized. Now, while talking on the telephone with weakened voices, they were concerned about each other. Who is taking care of you? Are you able to walk? Do you have any pain? Are you going to get better? Unlike the previous meeting when they talked about death, they were now focused on living. Recognizing that they were both very ill, and could not even visit because they could not get to each other’s house and they were too sick anyways, Phan reassured them both by calling on Buddhist and Mother Goddess spirits. “The lady Buddha, and the spirits of the Ladies, Princesses, and Young Princes help us. They’re taking care of us” (Phật Bà, Chầu, Cô và Cậu giúp mình), she said. Just before she became ill, Karen and Hiền were conducting joint research in Vietnam with Tania and Brian, two young mediums from Silicon Valley. A newly married couple, they had two purposes for traveling to Vietnam: Tania had a spirit possession ceremony at Master Thanh’s temple in Bắc Ninh province, which was the first ceremony Brian had ever attended in Vietnam, and they had a short honeymoon. For part of the time they traveled to Sapa with Karen and her husband where they ate local foods including duck, venison, and chayote greens; drank local plum and apple wines; rode motorbikes throughout the mountains and jokingly referred to themselves as “Temple Cats” motorbike club; hiked scenic trails to Hmong villages; and indulged in French pastries dripping with chocolate. They got some much needed rest and relaxation. Tania and Brian had wanted

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a rest from their familial and religious duties, and Karen and Chuck wanted a vacation from research and teaching. After she returned home Karen wanted to inform Tania and Brian of her illness and ask about their ideas of her sickness. She set a time for a conference call with mediums and disciples at the temple. During the call Karen easily visualized them sitting cross-legged on the temple floor or lounging against pillows, drinking coffee, and smoking cigarettes as they contemplated their answers. When Karen asked if the trip to Vietnam caused the illness, they discussed the answer among themselves before giving her a response. “While we were in Vietnam” Tania said, “the spirits were showing something. We saw temples and ceremonies everywhere, even when we weren’t on official business.” It was as if they could not get away from lên đồng ceremonies even when they wanted to have a break. They did not think Karen had breached any taboos, and she was not being punished. Instead, they said, the spirits were “opening doors” and Mrs. Vân said that the spirits were calling Karen to become a medium. When Karen told Hiền that the spirits were recruiting her, Hiền was not surprised but she was pleased to hear that the illness had helped Karen gain insight into the religion. Hiền had seen and been told about many such illnesses in her life. As a child living in the countryside, Hiền often heard the proverb “ghosts reside in kapok trees, spirits reside in banyans” (Cây gạo có ma, cây đa có thần). She listened to stories about sacred paths in the village and was frightened whenever she walked on them. She had heard that the dead prowled around cemeteries, and her flesh would creep whenever she had to walk by them. She thought of ghosts in their white gowns: would they lie down to hide when she approached? When she went to elementary school in her home village, which is located in Hưng Yên province, about forty kilometers south of Hanoi, she was told that people often went mad or became hysterical when they were troubled by ghosts, and sometimes they even called themselves by the name of a spirit or one of the dead. In such cases, others treated the “haunting” by beating patients with a mulberry branch, which was said to frighten the ghosts into leaving. If this treatment did not help, the victims’ families would invite a religious master (thầy cúng) to perform a ritual of exorcism (trư tà). Under the power of the master, the ghosts would confess who they were and be forced to sign a written affidavit, designed by the master, pledging that they would not incarnate into the victims again. In exchange, the master would satisfy the ghosts’ needs. If they were hungry, he would make lavish food offerings to them. If they were lonely and needed friends, he would

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prepare paper manikins, human forms made with bamboo frames, that were burned as symbolic lovers or friends for the ghosts. Hiền also heard stories of villagers who suffered from a mysterious knotted-hair disease. When stricken, a victim’s hair would become knotted in bunches that could not be combed out no matter how hard one tried. If they gave up and instead shaved their heads, it was said that they would go mad or die. The cure for the malady involved giving in to the causes of the disease. The victim could sponsor rituals performed by a master medium (đồng thầy) that was spiritually gifted and knew how to cure the disease. Such a medium could perform a rite that involves making offerings and prayers to spirits, asking for their help in combing the hairs straight. Or the victims could take another step, a much larger one. They could have an initiation, after which they would be mediums themselves. It took Hiền a long time to approach these mysterious stories from her childhood but after more than two decades she became a folklorist and the legends of her childhood home became even more real, albeit in a different way. In the summer of 1998, she went back to Vietnam after studying in the United States. She was to do fieldwork on the then ritual of the Tày, an ethnic group in Vietnam, and on the trồng quân folk songs of the Việt, which had been revived in some provinces in the north. At that time, relatives and others in her village told Hiền that a spirit possession ritual called lên đồng was becoming quite popular. Some of her cousins had suffered from fatigue and headaches. They had visions of flying into other realms and saw spirits in their dreams. Once they had been initiated as mediums, their health and lives improved. After a while, they began to do very well indeed! That year, Hiền’s brother-in-law took her to see Mrs. Nga, a master medium who read fortunes and lived in a neighboring village. Mrs. Nga talked about her life recalling her miserable childhood and her experience with knotted hair. She spoke openly of her life as a medium—how she had cured hundreds of patients by praying to spirits of the Ðạo Mẫu religion, anointing them with holy water mixed with the ashes of incense, and initiating them into her faith. She was proud that she had done so much good for her followers. On the very day she heard Mrs. Nga’s story Hiền decided to research the Ðạo Mẫu religion and the lên đồng ritual. Her curiosity was sparked by stories she had heard in her village about knotted hair and insanity, haunting ghosts, and the health problems caused by spirit possession. She set out to explore Ðạo Mẫu and lên đồng in an attempt to understand them in their full religious, social, and

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cultural contexts. During the course of her research, the spirits called her into service. The Seventh Prince (Ông Hoàng Bảy) tried to recruit Hiền at a lên đồng. When the spirit possesses mediums he usually dances with two bell-sticks (hèo) before throwing them to the participants. The bell-sticks fall on the person who will become a medium. Usually when people are recruited they put a banknote on top of the stick, approach the spirit, and ask him to release them from the recruitment (tha không bắt lính chấm đồng). After throwing bell-sticks at Hiền, the Seventh Prince told her: I assist Nguyễn’s family. I take her to many places domestic and abroad. I help her yin and yang sides. I have watched her for a long time and now I have caught her. She knows my temple. I helped her to get a title and a promotion and I assisted her husband. I gathered luck for her family. She has a lot of friends and spirit favors. She tried to escape from me for many decades. I will take her to the spiritual order.

Hiền replied, “ I beg you to forgive me. My Lord! I am still busy with my study and research. My Lord! Your authority and your power!” The Seventh Prince agreed to postpone Hiền’s initiation but he told her, “When you finish your studies, you have to be a seat for me to sit upon.” Hiền had begun to accrue a debt to the spirits as soon as she embarked on her Ðạo Mẫu research. Earlier Studies Whereas Hiền first heard about the ritual from her relatives and decided to learn more about it only after becoming a scholar, Karen decided to study the ritual even before she knew it was practiced in the United States. Karen was born and raised near San Jose, California, otherwise known as Silicon Valley, where there was an influx of Vietnamese immigrants in the mid-to-late 1970s. While studying anthropology as an undergraduate she did a series of field projects focusing on health-related beliefs and behaviors among Vietnamese immigrants, including soul loss, spirit cohabitation, and help-seeking behavior. One day, while searching her university library for information on health behavior, she came across a book on Vietnamese spirit mediumship written by Maurice Durand in 1959. As soon as she read the book Karen wanted to know whether the religion was practiced in the United States and, if so, how it played a role in the lives of immigrants.

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Hiền was immediately accepted into the world of mediums, but Karen spent over one year trying to locate a spirit medium, an adherent, or a temple (Fjelstad 2010). She had her fortune read by diviners (thầy bói) who advertised in Vietnamese-language newspapers, sought the advice of community leaders, volunteered at a senior center, and translated for Vietnamese scholars. She had hoped one of these activities would lead to an introduction with a spirit medium and did not learn until much later that many mediums were reluctant to talk about their religion with non-Vietnamese. They believed that scrutiny by American legal and political institutions might lead to government prohibition, as was the case in Vietnam, and they knew that many immigrants viewed the religion as a primitive form of superstition. As it turned out, Karen had actually met several spirit mediums at the senior center but they never let her know about their involvement in the religion. Eventually, a colleague gave Karen the phone number of a young woman who frequented spirit possession ceremonies. Karen called her right away and went to a ceremony that same week. That Saturday morning Karen arrived at the temple at nine o’clock sharp with notebook in hand. She knocked on the door and when there was no response, she knocked harder and harder until she was pounding on the door, half angry and thinking she had been duped. Then an old lady with teeth reddened from betel nut eventually opened the door. Karen explained that she had come to see the ceremony and the lady responded by smiling and closing the door in her face. A few minutes later, another woman came to let her in and take her to the back of the house where the ceremony was already in progress. She found a space on the floor and sat down. The temple was magnificent and Karen immediately experienced sensory overload. She saw a woman dressed as a man dancing vigorously while brandishing swords toward an altar laden with vases of flowers, pots of burning incense, and colorful statues. Traditional Vietnamese music sounded from a tape recorder as the spirit whooped and danced and a group of senior men played gongs and bells. Old women in traditional Vietnamese dresses (áo dài) chewed betel nut, and the scents of incense, fish sauce, and roast suckling pig wafted about the room. All Karen could remember of that first ceremony was a composite blur of the color red, smoky air, clanging bells, and how uncomfortable she was. Ethnographers often make fools of themselves and Karen was no exception. She was dressed inappropriately in a straight skirt that made it hard to sit on the floor, she did not know how to behave, and she felt silly holding a notebook in her hands. All she could do was sit and watch the ceremony with a strained smile plastered on her face.

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As the ceremony continued Karen began to look around and notice other things. She found herself making eye contact with a plump, pretty, middle-aged woman sitting across the room, who responded to Karen’s forced grin with a smile of her own. Her attention made Karen uneasy. Eventually the woman came over, sat beside Karen, and introduced herself. She said her name was Phan and she immediately began to instruct Karen in proper etiquette during the ceremony. She told Karen that she was a popular spirit medium, knew a lot about the religion, and would teach Karen everything that she needed to know. The ethnographic encounter is often shaped by the interaction of peoples of different cultures, religions, or worldviews, and the role of the ethnographer is to translate one worldview into terms that others will understand. The process is by definition a difficult one, for the ethnographer has to step outside of her own worldview to understand another. Because learning about a religion or a culture is at best a lengthy and difficult endeavor, it helps to have as a prime consultant someone who is willing to teach the ethnographer what to do and how to do it. Hiền and Karen were introduced to Ðạo Mẫu and the spirit possession ritual through a prime consultant who, in each case, was a mature spirit medium who had decided to help the younger scholar. Close relationships evolved from these initial contacts as Karen and Hiền each listened to personal stories of pain and healing, loss and grief, personal transformation, and the joy of recovery. They developed a strong compassion for the mediums, whose lives were often fraught with tragedy, and were sensitized to their concerns. As Hiền (2002: 17) wrote in her dissertation: The places, events, and especially people I describe are very close to me. My intimate feelings about lên đồng and the followers spring first, I think, from my feelings about my own home and my affection for the people who live there, many of whom became my informants. Many of them are my relatives. Others are now my good friends. These intimate feelings were built over a long period, through hearing the stories told by my cousins and other mediums in my village when I went to visit my parents during my holidays. These feelings grew through my trips with Mrs. Nga as she performed rituals for her clients in her private shrine, and my travels with various groups of mediums to principal temples.

Sensitivity to the mediums was especially important during early research because many mediums feared they would be persecuted for their religious beliefs. Even as a Vietnamese woman, Hiền had to carefully and cautiously obtain access to the mediums in Vietnam in order

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to take part in their rituals and conduct interviews with them. Lên đồng spirit possession was still a sensitive issue in Vietnam and during the time of Hiền’s early research in 1998 mediums concealed what they did from strangers. At first, when Hiền made their acquaintance, she simply talked with them about the lên đồng performance. Many thought she was a lên đồng medium. They would ask whether she had a big temple or a big palace because she knew more about their religion and practices than most people ordinarily would. Mediums and their practices were held in such low regard—or even feared—by people in mainstream society that most of the mediums Hiền spoke with could not imagine that their practices and lives would be the subject of research. During friendly conversations Hiền expressed her desire to do research among them. Eventually, she got to know a number of mediums in different locations. When they understood her research purposes, they welcomed her, became friendly, and were willing to speak to her about their lives and explain their beliefs and faith. Hiền’s close acquaintance with these mediums helped her gain insight into their beliefs and practices. She saw their happiness when they became “seats” for the spirits, as well their unhappiness when they could not perform a ritual because of financial or other reasons (such as when mourning the death of a parent for one–three years). She also saw their concern over the negative social attitudes expressed toward them. Hiền’s early research relied on data collected in Hanoi and in the northern Vietnamese provinces of Hưng Yên, Hải Dương, Nam Ðịnh, and Thái Bình beginning in the summer of 1998. In addition, she conducted fieldwork in Huế (central Vietnam) and Hồ Chí Mình City (in the south). Because of the local diversity of religious phenomena, she focused on the lên đồng ritual as it is practiced in the alluvial plains of northern Vietnam. Much of her early data, field notes, and transcripts were taken from her observations of numerous rituals performed by Mrs. Nga and her disciples in Hưng Yên province. This region is also Hiền’s birthplace and the place where, as a folklore student, she was introduced to the lên đồng group that includes Mrs. Nga. Karen’s first study of Ðạo Mẫu in Silicon Valley was very much influenced by the personal nature of her relationship with Phan. From early on, Phan controlled its pace and direction. She told Karen what she thought she needed to know. Although other spirit mediums may have been curious to know who Karen was and what she was doing at a possession ceremony, shyness kept them from talking to her. Phan was different. To her it was obvious how acutely self-conscious and

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awkward Karen felt at her first possession ceremony, and Phan saw no reason not to extend a welcome and try to put her more at ease. Over time, Phan told Karen about her life as a spirit medium, as well as a lot about her personal history. She encouraged Karen to attend ceremonies, read her fortune many times, and let her observe while she read the fortunes of others. She taught Karen the names and characteristics of the various spirits, the significance of the possession ceremony ritual, how to behave during each phase, and how to make offerings. She tried unsuccessfully to teach Karen to read fortunes with cards. Sometimes, she scolded Karen for biting her nails or leaving sacred objects on the floor or other breaches of etiquette. She taught Karen the proper ways to pray, light sticks of incense, and arrange offerings of betel nut to be placed at the altar. They prepared for Phan’s possession ceremonies by shopping for offerings (đồ lễ) and sewing sequins onto her spirit outfits. They also vacationed together, attended possession ceremonies, and traveled to Vietnam. Karen learned about Phan and her religion by observing her behavior and doing what Phan did (whenever that was appropriate), and supplemented observations with interviews with Phan and her family, friends, and fellow spirit mediums. Now, more than twenty years later, Karen and Phan still have a close relationship, but it has matured with the passing years. They still talk about the lên đồng ritual but more and more they visit relatives, inquire after each other’s health, or share a bowl of soup. Hiền’s relationship with Mrs. Nga has also matured, and she recently consulted the medium for a family problem: the spirits of Hiền’s mother and brother have recently possessed her sister-in-law. These unsolicited possessions, which will be further discussed in chapter four, are symptomatic of larger problems and Hiền hopes that Mrs. Nga will be able to help resolve them. Transnational Studies In 2003 Phan invited Karen to a ceremony at a new temple in Silicon Valley. As soon as she entered the temple, Karen saw similarities between it and the temples she had seen in Hanoi. She realized that many of the ritual goods came from Vietnam and learned it had been built with the assistance of a master medium from Hồ Chí Minh City. This sparked Karen’s curiosity and she quickly became interested in transnational aspects of the religion. How do the mediums meet each other; what kind of relationships do they have; what is the impact of transnationalism on ritual practice; and how have the configurations

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of lên đồng and Ðạo Mẫu been reshaped? That same day Karen met Tania and a group of young spirit mediums who self-identified as Vietnamese Americans. Karen immediately became interested in this new generation and began to work on field projects focusing on how and why they became mediums and how they practiced their rituals in the United States. Just as earlier research was facilitated by the development of a close relationship with Phan, Karen’s work with this temple was made possible because of Tania, an attractive thirty-three-year-old single mother and high-school graduate who was employed full time as an office assistant. Tania was born in south central Vietnam and came to the United States as a refugee at the age of twelve. Although her paternal grandmother is a spirit medium living in the United States and Tania had attended spirit possession ceremonies for several years, she did not become a medium until the age of twenty-seven. Her mother, Mrs. Vân, was initiated a few years later. Karen and Tania were both excited at the possibility of working together. Tania was eager to teach Karen about her beliefs and discuss ideas about religion, and she wanted to learn more about how the religion is practiced in Vietnam. Tania said that her first meeting with Karen gave her “goose bumps” and Karen felt exactly the same. Little did they know that this was the beginning of a long and productive relationship that would involve job changes, trips to Vietnam, the establishment and dissolution of temples, relationship troubles, Karen’s illness, and Tania’s marriage to Brian. Karen grew so fond of Tania and Brian that she got choked up at Brian’s initiation, tearful at their wedding, and jumped with joy at the birth of their daughter. Hiền met Tania and Mrs. Vân later that same year during her postdoctoral program at UCLA. She had wanted to collect healing narratives from U.S. mediums so Karen suggested that she interview Tania. Hiền spent several days at the temple conducting ethnographic interviews, watching videos of possession ceremonies, having her fortune read, and visiting with the mediums. They were excited about meeting Hiền because they wanted to know how religious practice in northern Vietnam was similar to and different from that in the United States. During the course of her visit, Tania asked Hiền if she knew of any Vietnamese temples that served a group of mountain spirits known as Chúa Bói. Like her mother, Tania could read fortunes but she needed to have a fortune-telling initiation ritual (đồng quạt) that would empower her as a Chúa Bói medium. Unfortunately, she could not find an appropriate temple in California. Some months later, after returning to her homeland, Hiền sent Tania a video of

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an initiation held by Mr. Thanh at Nguyệt Hồ temple in a province north of Hanoi. Tania wanted to have her initiation ceremony at the same temple with the same master medium, Mr. Thanh. Karen and Hiền decided to document the rituals. Hiền had met Mr. Thanh in a traditional handicraft village in Bắc Ninh province and she recalled that he had initiated a number of his disciples at Nguyệt Hồ temple in a nearby province. Mr. Thanh is a fortune-teller and spirit medium who claims the spirits have bestowed him with such talents as seeing people’s fates and determining whether or not the graves of ancestors are peaceful. He is known for having the calling of female spirits, and part of his reputation as an effective medium arises from the fact that he can easily traverse genders in his ritual performances.1 Mr. Thanh’s father once proudly exclaimed to Karen that even from a very young age people could not discern his son’s gender. Although this study focuses on a temple in northern Vietnam, it is important to note that Silicon Valley mediums travel to many other areas of Vietnam to have possession ceremonies. The decision to have their ceremonies in the north was related to a specific set of circumstances caused by their relationship with Hiền and her familiarity with Master Thanh. The mediums liked Mr. Thanh, saying he was both knowledgeable and honorable, and they loved the mountainous rural setting of the temple. They decided that other individuals from the California temple would have initiation ceremonies in the following years. Karen and Hiền accompanied mediums on these trips as well. The authors decided to focus their studies on relationships between spirit mediums at the two temples because they wanted to understand the details of ritual transnationalism. Silicon Valley and Bắc Ninh were thus selected as the sites of research because Karen and Hiền had prior experience with and had established good relations with mediums in those areas, and because Tania decided that is where she wanted to be initiated. Each region also has vibrant lên đồng practices and the authors knew many other Silicon Valley mediums who had traveled to northern Vietnam specifically because it is the birthplace of the Ðạo Mẫu religion and the lên đồng ritual. Bắc Ninh, located about thirty kilometers north of Hanoi on the river Ðuống, is one of the northern provinces of Vietnam. It is home to the famous temple of the Dragon King (Lạc Long Quân) and Ău Cơ, original ancestors of the people of Vietnam. During the earliest centuries Bắc Ninh was the political, economic, Buddhist, and Confucian center of Vietnam. It was the homeland of King Lý Thái Tố2 and Thánh Gióng3 and is a region with many well-known

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festivals.4 Since the 1990s many people have gone to Bắc Ninh to worship the Goddess of the Treasury (Bà Chúa Kho), who has become very popular since Vietnam entered the global economy. People go to her temple to borrow money from the “the bank of hell” (Ngân hàng địa phủ) for their businesses; these loans from the goddess are later paid off (Nguyễn Kim Hiền 2008). Bắc Ninh is also famous for traditional handicrafts including Phù Lãng pottery that was once used for human burials5 and Ðông Hồ prints that depict famous folk stories.6 Handicraft families in this region are also known for making votive offerings for spirit possession rituals and other religious purposes (Nguyễn Thị Hiền 2006). Hà Liễu village, home to Master Thanh, is a state-designated Cultural Village7 with more than five hundred families and about two thousand people. Most villagers are farmers, but they also trade in the cities and the industrial zones of Bắc Ninh. The village is neither poor nor rich. All pathways in the village have been paved with gravel or cement, most families own a television, and about 60 percent of the families also have motorbikes. The village has new preprimary and primary schools and there are two folk song clubs. The communal house, the pagoda, and the temple area are all well maintained and the main religious practices are local festivals and rituals, including spirit mediumship. Silicon Valley is an urban area of northern California that has a population in the millions and is comprised of several interconnected cities. The Santa Clara Valley, formerly known as the Valley of the Heart’s Delight, was once one of the richest agricultural regions in the United States. However, the orchards and farms gave way to corporations manufacturing silicon chips in the 1970s and the region soon became known as Silicon Valley. That name holds even today when many of the jobs have been outsourced and the region has turned to services rather than manufacturing. Silicon Valley is a multicultural area and according to the U.S. Census Bureau 10 percent of the population is Vietnamese.8 Whereas the first Vietnamese came to the area as immigrants in the 1960s, much of the population arrived as refugees. Over 1 million people came to the United States from Laos, Vietnam, and Cambodia (Freeman 1995: 3) between 1975 and 1995. More than 900,000 were Vietnamese, most of whom were refugees who had made no preparations to leave their homelands. Others came as legal immigrants who were sponsored by relatives already living in the United States. Although initial settlement programs emphasized the dispersal of Vietnamese across the country, secondary migrations led to the

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formation of large Vietnamese populations in California, Texas, and Virginia. Since 2000, the population of Vietnamese in Silicon Valley has grown 18 percent (Swift 2009). Vietnamese in Silicon Valley are less affluent than other groups in the area,9 but they are almost as likely to own their own homes. The population is spread over several areas: there is no single center of the community but there are neighborhoods, shopping malls, and plazas that are frequented mostly by Vietnamese. Vietnamese in the area practice a number of religions including Buddhism, Catholicism, evangelical Christianity, and indigenous Vietnamese religions such as Cao Ðại and Ðạo Mẫu. Lên đồng rituals are performed in eleven Silicon Valley temples. The Vietnamese community of Silicon Valley is thus vibrant and diverse, including peoples of all ages who came to the United States for different purposes and have been in the country for various lengths of time. One result of this diversity is that people refer to themselves in different ways. Although people in Vietnam often refer to Vietnamese living abroad as “overseas Vietnamese” (Việt Kiều), many Vietnamese in America are offended by that term. Several spirit mediums have said they prefer to be called “Vietnamese in America” or “refugees,” a term that emphasizes the extreme hardships they faced both living in and fleeing from Vietnam. Tania and several mediums at her temple were born in Vietnam but raised in the United States. They consider themselves bicultural, are fluent in English and Vietnamese (although some speak one language better than another), and self-identify as Vietnamese American. Others at the same temple came to the United States as adults. Following the preferences of all these groups, Karen and Hiền use the term “Vietnamese in America” or “U.S. Vietnamese” for all people who were born in Vietnam unless they asked to be called Vietnamese American. Karen and Hiền interviewed mediums at several temples in Silicon Valley and northern Vietnam. Why do Silicon Valley temples have ties with mediums in Vietnam? How many temples in the Hanoi region have relations with Silicon Valley? Do they also have contact with mediums in other parts of the world? This information helped the authors understand the larger context of religious transnationalism. They also conducted participant-observation, structured observations, and ethnographic interviews with mediums at Tania’s temple in Silicon Valley and Mr. Thanh’s temple in Bắc Ninh. They accompanied the mediums in their travels and interviewed them before, during, and after their meetings. These interviews yielded information on the hopes and expectations of transnational contacts, as well as assessments of the meetings while they were happening and

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afterward. Karen and Hiền conducted a large number of recorded interviews and observed numerous spirit possession, fortune-telling, and healing rituals, but participant-observation also took place while eating at backyard barbeques in Silicon Valley, hanging out at Mr. Thanh’s temple, watching videos of possession ceremonies, and during many other casual settings in which the mediums talked about their lives. Karen and Hiền found that when asked about their religion, most mediums want to talk about their spirit calling and initiation and many are disappointed if unable to do so. These stories are similar to conversion narratives found in other religions because they recount how peoples’ lives changed after turning to gods or spirits. Much of the writing on lên đồng refers to these narratives (e.g., Endres 2006, 2008; Fjelstad 1995, 2006; Fjelstad and Maiffret 2006; Nguyễn Thị Hiền 2002; Phạm Quỳnh 2005, 2006). Life stories and conversion narratives are a helpful method for understanding the religion and its practice from an emic point of view. The stories help to see how the practitioners themselves perceive and interpret the beliefs of Mother Goddess religion. Karen and Hiền follow the principle: “let those who believe in spirits and possession speak for themselves” (Lewis 1971: 25). They use mediums’ interpretations as a method of understanding the living tradition of the popular religion and lên đồng performance. This is a method that many other scholars on spirituality have used. For instance, in her first book on Korean shamanism, Laurel Kendall (1985) refrains “from such condescending qualifiers as “Korean women believe, or think, that . . . ” She describes the workings of the supernatural as they were described to her, rendering a belief system in its own terms. The authors conducted fieldwork together and apart. While working together they were able to observe the same events and look at them from different perspectives. They reminded each other of pertinent questions to ask during interviews and later discussed the results. They were able to cover more territory at possession ceremonies so that Hiền, for example, could interview Mr. Thanh while Karen observed food preparation in an entirely different room. They also helped each other with language and cultural issues. Working separately also had benefits. The authors were able to conduct interviews that were more private and sensitive, and observe happenings in different countries at the same time. In at least one case, Hiền was at Mr. Thanh’s temple when Silicon Valley mediums called to ask his advice!

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Although Karen and Hiền shared similar perspectives on many aspects of the religion, collaborative research also highlighted differences. Not surprisingly, Karen had a decidedly “American” perspective on Vietnamese in America whereas Hiền had a “Vietnamese” view. For example, many Vietnam-based mediums say their U.S. counterparts perceive Vietnamese masters as more “superior” or “real” and they travel to Vietnam because they want to practice rituals in more “authentic” ways. Although some Vietnamese in America agree with this perspective, many do not. Tania says that Vietnamese American mediums have their own style and way of doing things. They want to learn from people in Vietnam, but are selective in their acceptance. During the course of research Karen and Hiền had several heated discussions wherein each researcher defended the views of consultants in their respective homelands. Another point of disagreement had to do with regional variation in spirit possession. As a native northerner who also conducted field research in that area, Hiền was most familiar with those temples and rituals. The first time Hiền went to a ceremony in Silicon Valley she was surprised because she had expected things to be more familiar than they were. The most vivid memory she has is that of seeing a black doll placed on the altar. It was larger and more visible than any other representations of spirits and unlike any statues she had seen in Vietnam. Later on, she learned that it was Cô Bé Ðen (Little Dark Princess), but Hiền had never heard of that spirit in Vietnam. There were statues from Chinese stores also, but they did not seem like spirit statues to her: she was used to seeing large wood or ceramic statues painted with lacquer. The temple did not “feel right” to Hiền. It did not have any of the traditional patterns, decorations, or colors of temples in Vietnam. The temperature was cold, and the scent of the incense was unfamiliar. The temple did not invoke in Hiền a sense of spirituality or awe, as did the temples of Vietnam. Later, when Hiền went to temples in California that were decorated with objects from Vietnam, she felt more comfortable. The spirit possession ritual was also different. The ceremony was clearly a Vietnamese lên đồng: the spirit incarnations represented the four palaces with their colors, and mediums danced to the possession music. But the music was not live (nhạc sống), it was played on a cassette player. There were incarnations of spirits, like that of the Little Dark Princess or Ninth Prince (Ông Chín), with whom Hiền was unfamiliar. She saw mediums go into spontaneous trance as they watched the ceremony, but she had learned from Mrs. Nga that spontaneous possession should have been cured with initiation. Also, the

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performances lasted much longer than ceremonies she had witnessed in Vietnam. The Silicon Valley ceremonies were thus “foreign” to Hiền and she often compared them with practices in the north. Karen questioned the authority of the northern model, often insisting that there is no single correct way to practice a ritual that has so much regional variation. Interestingly, the authors’ discussions about these matters often paralleled those held by mediums themselves. Although the fieldwork experience was richly rewarding to the authors in ways both personal and academic, they encountered a few challenges. Some individuals in Silicon Valley were angered when Karen and Hiền decided to focus some of their research on a single temple. Competition between mediums is common, particularly since they are known to be “hot-headed” (nóng tính) (Norton 2006), and some people interpreted the authors’ actions as a form of favoritism. Others said it was the result of harmful magic, and warned Karen and Hiền to stay away from Tania’s temple lest they “put something in the food.” The authors tried to quell anger and suspicion by interviewing mediums and attending ceremonies at several temples. Jealousy also caused problems for Mr. Thanh who, partly because of his contact with the U.S. mediums, became the subject of an inflammatory online article.10 The author, a resident of the same village, used derogatory language and terms to describe his neighbor. He called Mr. Thanh “Gay Man Thanh” (Pê đê Thanh) because he traverses genders during his ceremonies. The author implied that the master medium engages in the business of “buying and selling spirits and saints” (công nghệ buôn Thần, bán Thánh) and has become so wealthy that he has to have signs directing people around the temple and bodyguards to protect it. (The sign actually directs people to the toilet.) Mr. Thanh was not terribly upset about the article, viewing it as a product of envy, but he did ask Karen and Hiền if they knew the origins of a photo used in the article. The authors reassured him that they would not use his photo without his explicit permission. During the course of research, Tania’s temple split in two. Tania and her friends Tiffany and Mr. Viên had built the Silicon Valley temple that Karen and Hiền originally worked with from 2003. Conflict, which will be discussed in greater detail in chapter six, arose during the first and second trips to Vietnam and the temple divided into two in 2007: Tania and Tiffany moved the temple to another location and Mr. Viên established his own. Members of the two temples rarely talk to each other but they do communicate with Mr. Thanh, and he sometimes acts as a conduit of information between the two groups. When members of one temple want to know something about the

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other, they can call Mr. Thanh. The master has also conveyed information between the researchers. One Silicon Valley medium called to inform Karen that Hiền was coming to the United States to work with Karen, something he learned from Mr. Thanh in Bắc Ninh. The master medium and the researchers all tried to maintain neutrality in the internal conflicts. Another fieldwork challenge had to do with international politics and residual anger about the war, which Americans call the “Vietnam War” and Vietnamese nationals call the “American War.” (Karen and Hiền now call it the American-Vietnam war.) In 1998 a master medium in Hanoi told Karen’s research assistant not to work with her because she is American. “They’re angry because they lost the war,” he said. “Now they just want to take things from us, that’s why they’re asking about Ðâọ Mẫu.” Hiền was apprehensive the first time she worked with Silicon Valley mediums because she heard that many Vietnamese in the United States are strongly anticommunist. In the recent past it was not uncommon for Vietnamese Americans to be labeled “communist” if they traveled to Vietnam, attended Vietnamese cultural events, or did not engage in protests against the Vietnamese state. In 1996 Hiền went to the United States to study for her master’s and PhD degrees. She had heard that northern Vietnamese people could be beaten and harassed by extremist anticommunist groups of Vietnamese in California. It was not good, she was told, to study at a university where there were a lot of U.S. Vietnamese. She was instructed to say that she was a boat person (thuyền nhân) or a refugee (di tản) whenever she met Vietnamese in America. She was also told to speak softly in restaurants located in Vietnamese neighborhoods to avoid being recognized as a northerner due to her accent. Some Vietnamese Americans did have negative attitudes toward her, but it was not as bad as she had expected. However, when she told people that she was a student from Hanoi they assumed that she must be the daughter of an important communist party member. She was once called a communist cadre (cán bộ cộng sản) while buying airline tickets in an Orange County travel agency. In the 2000s the tense relationship between the extremist Vietnamese Americans and the northerners settled down when the Vietnamese government launched various policies encouraging U.S. Vietnamese to return and invest in Vietnam. However, tension and suspicion are still present today. When parents of an undergraduate student in Vietnam recently learned that Hiền would be doing research among Vietnamese in San Jose, they warned her that she

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would not be well received. Today there are still a number of conflicts that involve accusations of communism: the first Vietnamese American councilwoman for the city of San Jose was threatened with a recall partly because she is perceived to be soft on communism.11 Also, a photograph on display in a southern California art gallery was vandalized because it depicted a Vietnamese American woman wearing a shirt decorated with the current flag of Vietnam (San Jose Mercury News, February 22, 2009). Concern for Hiền’s safety has always been an issue during the authors’ collaborative work. Just recently Karen suggested that Hiền go alone to a Silicon Valley temple they were not very familiar with. “I can’t go there by myself,” Hiền exclaimed, “they’ll shoot me!” However, San Jose spirit mediums were very welcoming to Hiền and some grew quite fond of her. The first time they met, Mrs. Vân cooked fried chicken for Hiền and they watched videos of possession ceremonies together. Mrs. Vân and Tania read Hiền’s fortune, telling her that her life had been one of difficulty as a child, which was true, but said she would be happy and fortunate (sướng) later in life. The Silicon Valley mediums regarded Hiền as someone with whom they could talk about their religion. They described traumas traveling to the United States as boat people and told her how they were delighted now that their life is settled, and their children have grown up to have good jobs and can afford to help their parents. They did not hesitate to tell Hiền about their miserable time as refugees on the boats even though there were significant differences between her experiences and theirs: Hiền’s family had been on the side of the northerners and one of her brothers served in the northern army and died during the war. He was officially recognized as a liệt sĩ (war dead). When Hiền wondered aloud about political differences with mediums in the United States, a spirit medium and a former colonel during the old Saigon regime told her, “The war is in the past. We experienced loss and trauma and we fled from our own country. But you are here. We are all Việt and we worship the same gods.” By making this statement, he explained one of the central meanings of the Mother Goddess religion—it overcomes differences between people. Most mediums were far more concerned with Hiền’s spiritual health and personal happiness than her political affiliations. Karen and Hiền are deeply indebted to the mediums they have worked with over the years. They took the authors into their homes and temples, shared their time and stories, and have been gracious hosts inviting the authors’ participation in their rituals. When people give so much of themselves it can be difficult to find a way to reciprocate.

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This is especially the case with academic research because the return is often vague and difficult to see. However, the researcher-medium relationships have entailed reciprocity, which has taken the form of sharing time, financial resources, and information. Hiền helped the mediums to organize their initiation ceremonies and establish contacts in Vietnam, and both authors helped obtain ritual items for the temple including spirit clothes, swords, incense ropes (mội), petitions, and furniture from Vietnam, and they have delivered stereo and video equipment to Mr. Thanh. Karen has helped to purchase air tickets to Vietnam for mediums who did not have enough money to buy their own, which helped to make their trips to Vietnam possible and at the same time allowed the authors to act more fully as members of temple communities. In addition to providing goods and services, Karen and Hiền try to be generous with information. Mediums ask about ritual practice in Vietnam and the United States, and some want to know if there are similar practices in other parts of the world. The authors share their knowledge and provide mediums with books, articles, and films that help to answer their questions. Tania is interested in reading the authors’ works, mostly because she wants to learn as much as she can. She, along with many other mediums, hopes that scholarly research will help to educate outsiders and promote religious tolerance. Although Karen and Hiền have tried to reciprocate, they often fall short. For example, many mediums like the fact that the authors write about them, but their books or articles are not necessarily what they would like to read. A good book, from the perspective of many mediums, might be one that discusses the histories and rituals of spirits and illustrates their beauty and grace. Instead, the authors insist on writing about “transnationalism,” “globalization,” or other such topics that have little interest for them. Once, while conducting an interview on transnationalism the spirit of a young prince spontaneously possessed a medium and told Karen that the current interview topic “sucked” and a more interesting subject would be the personal stories of mediums and how spirits enhance mediums’ lives (Fjelstad 2006). Some spirit mediums asked the authors to leave information about conflict and sorcery out of their work, only to write about “good” aspects of the religion. Karen and Hiền explained that as ethnographers they want to represent real lives among real people, and every community has its internal struggles: to pretend otherwise would be dishonest.

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Some mediums were concerned that by writing about spirits, Karen and Hiền would lock in certain characteristics. “One you write it down, it’s forever,” one person said. Karen and Hiền both agree that is problematic; there is so much regional variation that different people have different ideas about what the spirits are like, how they dress, and how they behave during incarnations. In fact, all temples are different and individuals within a single temple often have varying ideas about how or why rituals are performed, and some say their way of doing things is superior. However, there is no written guide for ritual practice and there is no formal procedure for determining “right” and “wrong” practices. After many heated discussions, Karen and Hiền decided to avoid temptations to fall into the quagmire of what is “right” or “correct” in religious behavior, and seek only to report such practices. Karen and Hiền had to make difficult decisions about the use of names in this study. Whereas some mediums wanted their real names to be used, others preferred anonymity. Although the authors wanted to respect everyone’s choice, it was an impossible feat as the use of just one person’s real name could uncover the identity of others. The authors decided on a compromise; they asked their consultants to select their own pseudonyms, which sometimes led to unusual names. Other consultants expressed no preferences so Hiền and Karen selected names for them. During the course of research, the authors learned how to make offerings to the spirits. The first time Karen and Hiền attended a possession ceremony together they approached the Fifth Mandarin, who is known for assisting people with paperwork. He helps his “children” to fill out forms or applications, and to write letters, papers, or books. Karen and Hiền made offerings to him, asking for help with their research. Over the years, they presented many more offerings and prayers to the Fifth Mandarin as well as to other spirits. The Goddess of Nguyệt Hồ (Bà Chúa Nguyệt Hồ) and spirits of several ranks have also acknowledged their work. But it is Karen and Hiền’s greatest wish that the spirits and their mediums are content with this work. This volume is about real people with normal problems and conflicts who are able to overcome adversity and difference with help from their spirits. Unlike the spirits or mediums, Karen and Hiền cannot see into the future or predict upcoming events. They do not know if they will ever become spirit mediums but do know they have been permanently changed by their studies. They have been the recipients of

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spirits’ blessed gifts and the mediums’ incredible generosity. They have grown close to specific mediums over the past decades, and have attended rituals with them for births, deaths, weddings, initiations, and retirement. Karen and Hiền have grown in ways that are personal, spiritual, and professional. For that, they are deeply grateful to all of the spirits and their mediums.

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Chapter 3

Ðạo Mẫu Spirits, Temples, and Rituals

W

hen Karen and Hiền arrived at Mr. Thanh’s temple to observe a lên đồng ceremony, they were surprised to find that several pieces of children’s clothing were suspended from a bamboo branch placed close to the main altar. Hiền had observed the use of clothing during the Then rituals of the Tày, but had never seen the practice associated with a lên đồng ritual. In the Then rituals a shaman travels to the other world to call back the disappeared spirits of patients who are symbolically represented by their clothing. But why were clothes placed on the altar just before a lên đồng ceremony? This was an indication that Mr. Thanh does not just practice the rituals of Ðạo Mẫu, he also engages in many different religious traditions including Buddhism and Taoism, and acts as a ritual master (thầy cúng), fortune-teller (thầy bói), and sorcerer (thầy pháp). Like many spirit mediums, Mr. Thanh engages in numerous complementary rituals. He is a spirit medium and a Taoist practitioner who trained for many years under a Buddhist monk that also practiced magic. Although Mr. Thanh practices a blend of rituals that are unique to him, his use of multiple religious traditions is characteristic of Vietnamese culture (Nguyễn Thị Hiền 2002). Throughout the history of Vietnam people have adapted their own traditions to selected aspects of global and local religions and the religious landscape is consequently comprised of many intersecting, layered, and overlapping traditions. The Mother Goddess religion (Ðạo Mẫu) and lên đồng spirit possession ritual exist within this accommodating and flexible sociocultural and religious context. In this particular ritual Mr. Thanh was changing the fate (cung số) of two children who were represented by the clothing. Certain people, he said, are born with a difficult fate that is determined by

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the date and time of birth. People born in the hours of the snake (giờ tý) or pig (giờ hợi) in the first or seventh lunar months, for example, have serious troubles before or soon after the age of nine. He described children born at such times whose parents divorced or died, and explained that without the ritual of changing fate (di cung hoán số) “most of those children die young.” The ritual involved several stages. Raw food, including rice and eggs,1 were placed on the altar as offerings to the spirits. Two miniature white stone coffins (about three inches in length) were then filled with soil from the children’s village along with pieces of wood from the Chinese Parasol tree (Sterculia platanifolia), dried grass, pieces of paper with names of the children written on them, and a snake-like rope made of woven grasses. The coffin was tied with multicolored threads then taken to the rice paddy for burial. This symbolized death of the old fate. Mr. Thanh was able to perform this ritual because he was empowered by spirits of the Mother Goddess pantheon, who he then thanked with a lên đồng ceremony. Buddhas, Goddesses, Spirits, and Heroes: Positioning the Pantheon One day Hiền was working at home on some film footage of a lên đồng ritual. Upon hearing the possession music, her eldest son came to view the film. He expressed surprise that he had ever attended a ceremony with his mother because he does not like the ritual and in fact finds it strange and unusual. Hiền’s husband had a different opinion: he does not know much about the ritual except that it does occur in temples where he occasionally goes to pray. Like many lay Việt, he worships the spirits without knowing who they are, or even that they belong to the Ðạo Mẫu pantheon. Before she became a lên đồng scholar Hiền had a similar lack of knowledge. As Cadière observed in his prominent book on Việt folk beliefs first published in 1944 (1992), the religious mentality of the Việt is an extremely powerful force in their lives. Hiền and other Việt may silently pray to a stone or a tree, or have lavish rituals in a big temple. They might visit a shaman, spirit medium, or a ceremonial master to have rituals performed, and they might prostrate and pray to a statue of Buddha meditating on a lotus blossom or to ugly statues of animal spirits. The most important thing in their spiritual life is not knowledge of spirit identities and histories, but the act of worshipping. Most Việt go to pray and make offerings of fruit, flowers, and money (đi lễ) during festivals dedicated to the specific spirits, the lunar New Year,

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or on the first and fifth days of the lunar month. In fact, going to a temple is one of the most important religious activities for the Việt today. During a recent New Year celebration one of Hiền’s friends was surprised to learn that she had not gone to worship at any temple. The concerned friend took her to worship at Trấn Quốc Buddhist temple and to Phủ Tây Hồ, a temple dedicated to the spirits of Ðạo Mẫu. Lay Việt worship spirits because they expect to receive spirit blessings. During the year family members, individuals, or business groups go on pilgrimages to temples. Employees of Hiền’s husband’s company go to pray at the principal temples of Ðạo Mẫu spirits such as the Tenth Prince (Ông Hoàng Mười) in Nghệ An province, Liễu Hạnh Goddess in Phủ Giầy, or the Seventh Prince (Ông Hoàng Bảy) temple in Lào Cai province. They do not know that these spirits belong to the Mother Goddess pantheon but they do know they can bestow powerful blessings. The Mother Goddess religion is rooted in the veneration of maternal figures including local divinities, historical figures, and goddesses of particular locales, occupations, and goods. Temples dedicated to local and national mother goddesses are found in every area of the country, and women and men who worship the goddesses to ask for specific blessings frequent them. Some scholars, most notably Ngô Ðức Thịnh (1992, 1996), have written that the Mother Goddess religion is a product of ancient historical periods when women claimed important places in indigenous Southeast Asian societies and female deities were more commonly worshiped. Mother goddesses (Thánh Mẫu)2 are said to be the cultural creators or progenitors of agriculture, weaving, carpentry, and cooking. Rice paddy mother and fire mother are also important figures in everyday religious and cultural life. Also, many extraordinary women rendered great services to Vietnam throughout its history, and a number of them have become mother goddesses (Ngô Ðức Thịnh 1992, 1992). Until recently spirit mediums did not call their religion Ðạo Mẫu.3 Many mediums do not use a name when referring to their ritual practices; they talk only about their devotion, rituals, and the ways that spirits have helped them. In fact, Ngô Ðức Thịnh (1996) just recently introduced the term. When Hiền asked Mrs. Nga’s disciple what Ðạo Mẫu is, she replied that “mothers and fathers who are heroes and heroines” possess her and the ritual gives people good health. The most important thing for her is to perform the ritual “serving the spirits” (hầu). She said it helped her to recover from debilitating headaches and caused her children to be less “spoiled.”

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Although not every devotee of Ðạo Mẫu believes that spirits possess mortals, the religion is also associated with the spirit possession ritual.4 Hầu bóng is a popular term for possession among mediums in California and Vietnam. The word hầu means “to serve” and the word bóng means “spirit” or “shadow.” Hầu bóng refers to the mediums’ role as servants for the spirits. In popular speech people might say they are going to “hầu in June “ or “hầu the Fifth Mandarin.” Other people call possession ceremonies lên đồng. Lên means “to go up” and đồng means “medium.” The term lên đồng is used in reference to the state of possession, to the possession ceremony, or to the religion itself. People might say, for example, that they “will lên đồng” (will become possessed), they are “going to a lên đồng” (attending a ceremony), or they “follow lên đồng” (believe in possession by spirits of the pantheon). This term is currently more popular in northern Vietnam and may have originated in southern China.5 Practitioners of lên đồng have a standardized pantheon, and a system of temples, rituals, and festivals. The system is not, however, codified into a set of religious texts and there is no overarching organization that makes decisions about the religion. It is loosely organized and this allows for great flexibility, as well as for disagreement among its practitioners. The pantheon is large and complex with many local variations. Mediums often lack full knowledge of the spirits and individuals in one region may not know about spirits worshipped in other areas. It takes a layperson such as Hiền a long time to understand the temples and pantheon of Ðạo Mẫu. Upon entering a temple for the first time, Hiền saw statues on different altars with names written on the front of them, but it was difficult to learn the histories and stories of the spirits. Lay people only know that statues representing the spirits are sacred and powerful. Mediums, lay people, and scholars such as Hiền gain information about the spirits through multiple channels. They learn the hierarchy of spirits by studying altars; listening to the possession songs (chầu văn) that are an essential component of ceremonies; and through observation of and interactions with spirits at the rituals. Many people grew up listening to stories of the spirits told to them by family members, friends and neighbors. Mediums also learn about spirits through dreams or visions. Because knowledge of the spirits is based on personal experience and there is no national or global organization that has authority to list the spirits, mediums sometimes disagree on characteristics of spirits and who is in or out of the pantheon. That presents difficulty for scholars because it is almost impossible to compose a list of spirits acceptable to all mediums.

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Nonetheless, setting this problem aside, a description of the pantheon is perhaps one of the best ways to introduce the religion. When Hiền went to her first lên đồng, she saw that many spirits wore the traditional clothes of queens, mandarins, princes, and princesses of the imperial court. Their dances and prostrations in front of the altar were like those of characters she had seen in historical films and plays, and the mandarin and prince spirits commanded their subjects while drinking alcohol, smoking tobacco, and chewing on areca nuts and betel leaves. Hiền really liked the incarnation of the Tenth Prince (Ông Hoàng Mười) in his yellow robe. She had read about him in literature, and knew that he had studied the Hán-nôm script based on Vietnamese and Chinese characters, improvised verses, and had spent an idyllic life in the countryside. Hiền had even dreamt of living in a similar place when she retires from her job in the dusty, noisy city. Through her studies and interviews with mediums Hiền learned that in Ðạo Mẫu cosmology the universe is divided into the four palaces of heaven, earth, water, and mountains and forests. A mother goddess and her celestial helpers govern each realm, which is symbolized by four colors: the palace of heaven is red, earth is yellow, water is white, and that of the mountains and forest is blue or green. These colors, along with varieties of pink, violet, and brown determine the colors of the clothing of spirits represented on altars, the costumes of mediums who are possessed by the spirits of the four palaces, and the mediums’ offerings of fruit or candy to the spirits. In addition to the mother goddesses and their spirit helpers, there is the veneration of culture heroes and Buddhist and Taoist figures. The pantheon is led by the Taoist Jade Emperor (Ngọc Hoàng) who presides over the four palaces or realms of the universe, assisted by the two Star Spirits (Nam Tào Bắc Ðẩu). Each of the mother goddesses (Thánh Mẫu) rule over a specific palace and spirits that are organized into hierarchical ranks assist them. These include goddesses (Bà Chúa), mandarins (Quan Lớn), ladies (Chầu Bà), princes (Ông Hoàng), princesses (Cô), young princes (Cậu), and two kinds of animal spirit, tigers and snakes (table 3.1). Additionally, there is the Buddha and the Buddhist Goddess of Mercy (Quan Âm). There is little agreement on exactly how many spirits of each rank are in the pantheon.6 The spirits vary not only by their number and place in the hierarchy, but also in their origins, which may be celestial or earthly. Approximately half of the spirits have active principal temples, which are located throughout Vietnam (figure 3.1). Ðạo Mẫu has primarily been known as a religion of the Việt majority, but members of

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Table 3.1

Mother Goddess pantheon

Ranks and Names of spirits number of spirits

Places of principal temples

1. Thánh Mẫu (mother goddesses) (4/4)

1. Mẫu Thượng Thiên Liễu Hạnh (Mother Liễu Hạnh of Heaven Realm)

Phủ Giầy Palace, Kim Thái commune, Vụ Bản district, Nam Ðịnh province

18

2. Mẫu Ðịa (Mother Goddess of Earth)

1. Thiên Yana Mother Goddess, Chén Islet, Huế city

21

2. Hai Bà Trưng Street, Hồ Chí Mình City

22

3. Mẫu Thượng Ngàn (Mother Goddess of Mountains and Forests)

Nghĩa Phượng commune, Lục Nam district, Bắc Giang province

4. Mẫu Thoải (Mother Goddess of Water)

Thác Bờ temple, Vầy Nưa commune, Ðà Bắc district, Hoà Bình province

12

1. Kiếp Bạc temple, Hưng Ðạo commune, Chí Linh district, Hải Dương province 2. Bảo Lộc temple, Mỹ Phúc commune, Mỹ Lộc district, Nam Ðịnh province

10

2. Trần Hưng Ðạo (Saint Trần), his princesses and young prince (5)

3. Ngũ Vị Vương Quan (five great mandarins) (5/10)

Legend on the map (figure 3.1)

9

17

1. Quan Ðệ Nhất (the First Mandarin)

Unknown

2. Quan Ðệ Nhị (the Second Mandarin)

Hòa Lạc commune, Hữu Lũng district, Lạng Sơn province

5

3. Quan Ðệ Tam (the Third Mandarin)

Lảnh Giang temple, Mộc Nam commune, Duy Tiên district, Hà Nam province

15

4. Quan Ðệ Tứ (the Fourth Mandarin)

Ðồng Bằng temple, An Lễ commune, Quỳnh Phụ district, Thái Bình province

14

5. Quan Ðệ Ngũ (the Ninh Giang temple, Fifth Mandarin) or Ninh Giang town, Hải Quan Lớn Tuần Tranh Dương province (Great Mandarin of Tuần Tranh)

13

Continued

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Table 3.1

Continued

Ranks and Names of spirits number of spirits

Places of principal temples

Legend on the map (figure 3.1)

4. Chầu Bà (ladies) (11/12)

1. Chầu Bà Ðệ Nhất (the First Lady)

Ðông Cuông commune, Văn Yên district, Yên Bái province

3

2. Chầu Bà Ðệ Nhị (the Second Lady)

Bắc Lệ temple, Tân Thành commune, Hữu Lũng district, Lạng Sơn province

8

3. Chầu Bà Ðệ Tam (the Third Lady)

Thác Bờ temple, Vầy Nưa commune, Ðà Bắc district, Hoà Bình province

12

4. Chầu Ðệ Tứ (the Fourth Lady)

Hà Sơn commune, Hà Trung district, Thanh Hóa province

19

5. Chầu Năm (the Fifth Suối Lân temple, Hữu Lady) Lũng district, Lạng Sơn province

6

6. Chầu Lục (the Sixth Lady)

Suối Lân temple, Hữu Lũng district, Lạng Sơn province

6

7. Chầu Thất (the Seventh Lady)

Tiên La temple, Ðoan Hùng commune, Hưng Hà district, Thái Bình province

16

8. Chầu Bát (the Eighth Lady)

Mỏ Ba commune, Ðồng Mỏ town, Lạng Sơn province

4

9. Chầu Cửu (the Ninth Lady)

Bỉm Sơn town, Thanh Hóa province

10. Chầu Mười (the Tenth Lady)

Mỏ Ba commune, Ðồng Mỏ town, Lạng Sơn province

4

11. Chầu Bé (the Twelfth or Youngest Lady)

Bắc Lệ temple, Tân Thành commune, Hữu Lũng Lạng Sơn province

8

5. Ông Hoàng 1. Ông Hoàng Ðệ (princes) (6/10) Nhất (the First Prince)

19

Unknown Không Giáng trần nên nên không có chầu đệ nhất, nhưng đều thờ ở ban Tứ Phủ

2. Ông Hoàng Ðệ Nhị Cẩm Phả town, Quảng (the Second Prince) Ninh province

11

Continued

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Table 3.1

Continued

Ranks and Names of spirits number of spirits

Places of principal temples

Legend on the map (figure 3.1)

3. Ông Hoàng Ðệ Tam Lảnh Giang temple, Mộc (the Third Prince) Nam commune, Duy Tiên district, Hà Nam province

6. Cô (princesses) (8/12)

15

4. Ông Hoàng Bảy (the Ông Hoàng Bảy temple, Seventh Prince) Bảo Hà commune, Bảo Yên district, Lào Cai province

2

5. Ông Hoàng Bát (the Ðồng Bằng temple, An Eighth Prince) Lễ commune, Quỳnh Phụ district, Thái Bình province

14

6. Ông Hoàng Mười (the Tenth Prince)

Củi temple, Xuân Hồng commune, Nghi Xuân district, Hà Tĩnh province

20

1. Cô Ðệ Nhất (the First Princess)

Unknown

2. Cô Ðôi (the Second Princess)

Cô Ðôi temple, Cam Ðường town, Lào Cai province

3. Cô Bơ (the Third Princess)

Tam Giang temple, Mộc Nam commune, Duy Tiên district, Hà Nam province

4. Cô Tứ (the Fourth Princess)

Ðền Ỷ La, Tuyên Quang town, Tuyên Quang province

5. Cô Năm (the Fifth Princess)

Suối Lân, Hữu Lũng district, Lạng Sơn province

6

6. Cô Sáu (the Sixth Princess)

Suối Lân, Hữu Lũng district, Lạng Sơn province

6

7. Cô Chín (the Ninth Princess)

Sòng Sơn temple, Bắc Sơn district, Bỉm Sơn town, Thanh Hoá province

19

8. Cô Bé Suối Ngang (the Youngest Princess)

Suối Ngang temple, Hòa Thắng commune, Hữu Lũng district, Lạng Sơn province

1

15

7

Continued

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Table 3.1

47

Continued

Ranks and Names of spirits number of spirits

Places of principal temples

7. Thánh Cậu 1. Cậu Bơ (the Third (boy spirits) (2/10) Boy Spirit)

Unknown

Legend on the map (figure 3.1)

2. Cậu Bé (the Unknown Youngest Boy Spirit) 8. Animal spirits (2/2)

1. Quan Ngũ Hổ (five Tiger Mandarins)

In all temples

2. Ông Lốt (Snake Spirits)

In all temples

other ethnic groups practice it in Vietnam and elsewhere (Fjelstad and Nguyễn Thị Hiền 2010). Also, many spirits have been borrowed from ethnic groups of Vietnam including the Tai, Mường, and Yi. The Mother Goddesses Mother goddesses (Thánh Mẫu) are the highest-ranking spirits.7 The Mother Goddess of Heaven (Thánh Mẫu Thượng Thiên) reigns over the sky and she controls clouds, rain, thunder, and lightning. On a Ðạo Mẫu altar she is dressed in red and is usually situated in between the other mother goddesses in the highest position on the altar. She has had many incarnations on earth. In northern Vietnam she is most often associated with Liễu Hạnh, one of four immortals in Việt folk belief.8 According to one legend, Liễu Hạnh was the daughter of the Taoist Jade Emperor. After breaking a cup containing an elixir of immortality, she was banished to earth where she was incarnated in 1557 as the daughter of a mandarin in Nam Ðịnh province.9 The Mother Goddess of Water (Thánh Mẫu Thoải) is a descendant of the Dragon Lord,10 one of the founding ancestors of the Việt people. She presides over the palace of water, which is represented by the color white, and she cares for all oceans, lakes, rivers, and streams (Ngô Ðức Thịnh 2006). During one of her earthly incarnations she married a prince who had a cruel and evil wife, Thảo Mai, who tricked her husband into abandoning the goddess in a remote forest. She survived only because wild animals brought her food and water (Durand 1959: 33–34). Her principal temple is in Nga Bình province (Nguyễn Thị Hiền 2002).

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MAP OF MOTHER GODDESSS RELIGION’S PANTHEON

Figure 3.1 This map illustrates locations of several principal temples.

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The Mother Goddess of the Mountains and Forests (Thánh Mẫu Thượng Ngàn) wears blue or green clothing, and she sits to the right of the Goddess of Heaven. She is often associated with Âu Cơ who was a fairy princess married to the Dragon Lord (Lạc Long Quân). According to “the most enduring Kinh (Việt) myth” (Ngô Ðức Thịnh 2006: 22) Âu Cơ and the Dragon Lord had one hundred children. She took fifty to live in the mountains, where they became the founding ancestors of the different ethnic minorities, and he took the other fifty to live near the sea. Over the centuries, Âu Cơ attained the status of a mother goddess and she protects the mountainous regions of the country. Her primary temples are in Bắc Giáng and Lạng Sơn provinces (Ngô Ðức Thịnh 1996; Nguyễn Thị Hiền 2002).11 The Mother Goddess of the Earth (Thánh Mẫu Ðịa) is the mother of Liễu Hạnh and guardian of all land and earth creatures. She wears yellow clothing and her principal temple is in Phủ Giầy, Nam Ðịnh province (Nguyễn Thị Hiền 2002). Although this goddess is important, spirit mediums in Vietnam and California most often worship the first three goddesses. The Goddesses (Bà Chúa) Numerous female regional administrators serve under the mother goddesses. They include the Lady of the Realm (Bà Chúa Xứ) (Taylor 2004) as well as the Goddesses of Fortune-telling (Chúa Bói), a group of mountain spirits that have magical powers and give mediums the ability to see the future, diagnose illness, and treat the ill and infirm.12 The goddesses are neither incarnated by all spirit mediums, nor are they always incarnated in the context of a typical possession ceremony. For example, The Lady of the Realm only possesses Phan once a year in a special ceremony and a temporary temple constructed solely for that purpose. The Great Mandarins (Quan Lớn) The great mandarins are entrusted with the carrying out of the mother goddesses’ orders. There are ten mandarins in the spirit system of Ðạo Mẫu, but the first five most often incarnate into mediums so they have clearer origins, principal temples, and histories.13 Mandarins were historically members of the aristocracy; they were educated men who held elevated positions at the imperial court. They wear imperial court clothing, dance with swords and flags, and have a serious demeanor. While incarnated into spirit mediums the

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mandarins ensure that rituals are performed correctly and resolve conflicts in the temples. Like other Ðạo Mẫu spirits, the mandarins are each associated with a certain color.14 Because each mandarin has specific responsibilities and talents, spirit mediums and disciples ask different spirits for different kinds of things. For example, the Fifth Mandarin assists people with paperwork so Karen and Hiền asked him for assistance with this volume. The Fifth Mandarin has also helped mediums to control their temper and behave respectfully. The Rank of Ladies (Chầu Bà) Lady spirits are assistants to the four mother goddesses and are associated with minority groups who live in mountainous areas of Vietnam (Ngô Ðức Thịnh 1996; Nguyễn Thị Hiền 2002; Norton 2000b). The first four ladies represent incarnations of the four mother goddesses among minority peoples, and all of these ladies are dressed in ethnic minority clothing during spirit possession ceremonies.15 During rituals the ladies are elegant and graceful, dress in beautiful costumes, and dance to music that is both fun and lively (Norton 2000b, 2006). In California the Sixth Lady (Chầu Lục) sometimes encourages several mediums to dance together in a group possession. In central Vietnam, such group possession (hầu vui) occurs during the entire ritual, not just with the Sixth Lady (Salemink 2007). The Rank of Princes (Ông Hoàng) The princes, of whom there are usually ten, are often associated with protecting the nation of Vietnam. Many of the princes16 were sons of the Great King of the Eight Seas (Bát Hải Ðại Vương), who transformed himself into a snake to lead an army of crocodiles, snakes, and dragons against a foreign aggressor (Ngô Ðức Thịnh 2006). Several of the prince spirits are associated with historical figures that defended the nation. For example, the First Prince (Ông Hoàng Ðệ Nhất) is often thought to be one of Trần Hưng Ðạo’s generals and the Second, Third, and Fourth Princes all fought foreign invaders. When possessing mediums the princes behave like the mandarins to some extent, but they are more cheerful and entertaining to the audience. The Seventh Prince (Ông Hoàng Bảy) loves to drink tea and smoke opium, the Ninth Prince (Ông Hoàng Chín) engages in healing practices while incarnated in mediums, and the Tenth Prince (Ông Hoàng Mười) is a traveler and poet who enjoys scenic areas of natural beauty.

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The Princesses (Cô) The princesses are maids to the four mother goddesses.17 Like many other Ðạo Mẫu spirits they are named by the ordinal numbers (e.g., First Princess, Second Princess), but some of them are called by local names according to the location of their principal temples.18 For example, the principal temple of the Youngest Princess of Bắc Lệ (Cô Bé Bắc Lệ) is located in Bắc Lệ, Lạng Sơn province. Like the lady spirits, the princesses are graceful, colorful, and lively. Many of these spirits, especially the Third (Cô Bơ) and the Ninth (Cô Chín) Princesses, are compassionate and empathetic and they often cry on behalf of mortals while incarnated into mediums. Several have the ability to see into the future. Many but not all of the Cô spirits are associated with the Palace of Mountains and Forests and several represent ethnic minorities of Vietnam’s highlands. The Young Princes (Cậu) The young princes are one- to nine-year-old children of the Jade Emperor and are under direct authority of the mother goddesses (Trần Văn Toàn 1966: 114). There is some disagreement among scholars and mediums about the number of young princes. Whereas some say there are ten–twelve (e.g., Ngô Ðức Thịnh 2006: 12), others say there are three (Durand 1959). However, most agree that only two of the young prince spirits regularly incarnate into mediums. The Third Young Prince (Cậu Bơ) wears white clothing, is associated with the Realm of Water, dances with oars as if he is rowing a boat, and loves to go fishing. He howls with laughter when he catches his “fish,” which are represented by banknotes on the floor that are fanned to flutter as if they are swimming. The Youngest Prince (Cậu Bé) is a mischievous but wise spirit who loves to eat candy, gamble, and play tricks on people. The Cậu spirits represent different ages depending into which medium they are incarnated. Karen and Hiền have seen the Youngest Prince acting like a two-year-old in some mediums while in others he appears as an eight- or nine-year-old. These differences in interpretation are the result of individual and regional variation. The Animal Spirits Tigers and snakes comprise the two kinds of animal spirits in the pantheon. In Việt folk religion, the tiger is an animated character

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that is a deity of forests, a war spirit who helps generals in the frontiers, and an enemy of malevolent spirits that haunt the living as well as the dead. The tiger also serves as guardian of temples. There are five Tiger Spirits (Quan Ngũ Hổ) and two Snake Spirits (Ông Lốt) in the pantheon. Each tiger and snake spirit has a distinctive color. Although the two kinds of animal spirits rarely possess mediums in Vietnam (see Salemink 2007 for an exception), they do appear at possession ceremonies in northern California. People are always apprehensive when the tigers appear because they are powerful and unpredictable. While incarnated into mediums tigers chew a flaming bunch of incense sticks, lap vodka from a bowl on the floor, and eat raw meat. People ask tiger spirits to exorcise malevolent spirits, which cause epidemics, or to protect them from theft. Some people in California say the two snakes are soldiers, helping to carry out orders of the mandarins, and they give mediums the ability to heal. While possessed by the snakes, mediums in California slither along the floor in green and white sequined outfits and swallow raw eggs. The Special Case of Trần Hưng Ðạo Trần Hưng Ðạo was a Vietnamese general who repelled Mongol and Chinese invaders and he is a well-loved and respected national hero. Towns and cities have streets named after him, his images are found in temples and public squares in Vietnam, national and local festivals are held in his honor, and people like Hiền grow up learning about him in their public and private education. Often referred to as Saint Trần, Trần Hưng Ðạo is considered by many to be the spiritual father of Vietnam, a status shared with the King of Eight Oceans (Vua Cha Bát Hải) (Ngô Ðức Thịnh 2006).19 St. Trần has his own worshippers, comprised of groups of male mediums that engage in healing through exorcism. They are known for dramatic possessions involving self-choking and body piercing (Durand 1959; Giran 1912; Phan Kế Bính 1915). According to Durand (1959) the mediums of St.Trần are specialists in healing women, partly because of the story of Phạm Nhan, a man who betrayed Trần Hưng Ðạo and was later captured by him. Before he was beheaded Phạm Nhan was served a last meal of menstrual cloths. Since that day his spirit has harassed women, causing them to become childless or ill (ibid.). St. Trần is seen as a very strong spirit who is powerful enough to heal patients and ward off evil spirits (Phạm Quỳnh Phương 2006). Trần Hưng Ðạo’s relationship to Ðạo Mẫu and lên đồng is an example of local and regional variation. No one is certain when

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St. Trần was first venerated and possessed by Ðạo Mẫu mediums. Whereas some scholars say that he and his three royal ladies and a young boy “are found in Ðạo Mẫu temples as a saint shortly after his reign in the thirteenth century” (Nguyễn Thị Hiền 2002: 41), others suggest that the two practices have merged more recently (Phạm Quỳnh Phương 2006: 39–40). Phạm Quỳnh Phương (2006, 2009) has found that Trần Hưng Ðạo is always present in a Ðạo Mẫu temple either as a deity or as a protector. His prominence is seen in his presence on a separate altar, usually on the right side as one faces the main altar. This section of the altar is often designated with a sign reading Trần Dynasty (Trần Triều). Although St. Trần is completely integrated into Ðạo Mẫu and the lên đồng ritual, he does not possess all mediums. In California, those mediums that serve the general are said to be followers of Three Realms (Tam Phủ), a variation of Ðạo Mẫu. Those who worship him have a separate initiation ceremony during the eighth month of the lunar year. During spirit possession ceremonies, they incarnate Trần Hưng Ðạo and his family20 right after the mother goddesses, but before incarnating other spirits. During these manifestations the general wears red clothing, sits in a royal chair, and speaks with mediums while smoking cigarettes. When mediums in Vietnam incarnate St. Trần they sometimes pierce their cheeks or cut their tongues (lấy dấu mặn), then drip the blood on to locally made sheets of paper (giấy bản) that are thrown to participants who try to get them for use as protective amulets. This practice was once only associated with the separate cult of Trần Hưng Ðạo, but today is incorporated into Ðạo Mẵu rituals. Temples and Ritual Spaces Lên đồng ceremonies are held in public and private temples (đền), but the pantheon is also worshipped in Buddhist temples (chùa). There are many different kinds of đền in Vietnam; they can be devoted to national heroes, mother goddesses, or local spirits, but some are only devoted to the Ðạo Mẫu pantheon. Ðạo Mẫu spirits have a principal temple (đền thờ chính) that is usually located where they were born, died, or were known to have helped local people. Subtemples (đền thờ vọng) are situated in locations where the spirits traveled, served local authorities or people, or were worshipped by disciples. Public temples are spacious and include halls for each spirit or groups of spirits. In Phủ Giầy, the center of Mother Goddess religion, there is a complex of temples and each is dedicated to a specific spirit. Public

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temples such as the famous West Lake Temple (Phủ Tây Hồ) in Hanoi are registered with and cared for by state-sponsored personnel and funds. However, many temples including those of Silicon Valley are small and private and serve a specific population. Sometimes a temple will be built in a private residence near a medium’s home. Ideally, however, a temple is immediately adjacent to a temple medium’s (đồng đền) living quarters. Individuals build private temples to worship spirits to whom they feel closest. These private temples are often very personal and unique with the mediums decorating them according to personal taste, and paying more attention to certain spirits. For example, Mr. Thanh’s temple is full of statues representing historical figures such as Hồ Chí Minh and Trần Hưng Ðạo, as well as Taoist and Buddhist figures, and members of the Ðạo Mẫu pantheon. Other temples might focus on the Seventh Prince and have a separate altar dedicated to him that is decorated with opium pipes, and perhaps no statues of Trần Hưng Ðạo. Some mediums are destined to open a temple. Mrs. Nga’s disciple opened a temple as a result of health and business problems. Although she was initiated as medium she continued to suffer from spirit-induced illness that caused her to have headaches. Then she began to have dreams that she would become the master of her own temple. Four years after her initiation she opened the temple and her health problems disappeared. Mrs. Nga was proud of her disciple who, she said, was so devoted to the spirits that she was willing to build them a temple. The size and beauty of temples varies according to financial status. Mediums may begin with a large temple full of statues or with the simplest altar and incense bowl. Mr. Thanh and Mrs. Nga each started their temples with a tiny altar in the corner of their houses. They eventually expanded by installing more statues and ritual objects, many of which were offered by their disciples. Mrs. Nga rebuilt her temple four times with the help of her son who is a wealthy businessman, and Mr. Thanh added several statues to his temple after hosting the Silicon Valley mediums. Mrs. Nga and Mr. Thanh serve the spirits with the aesthetic beauty of their temples, which simultaneously invites and attracts the spirits and provides devotees with spirit blessings (Gell 1998). Although each temple generally has a caretaker, each is also associated with a master medium (đồng thầy), an individual who is experienced enough to initiate others into the religion. And while mediums usually have ceremonies in temples associated with their master, they

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are not required to do so. Some may have ceremonies elsewhere if, for example, they travel to new locales (as with the Silicon Valley mediums), their master is not available, or if they want to serve a particular spirit at his or her principal temple. Also, masters themselves may take their mediums to new temples, which happens when one temple splits into two, and the master medium is looking for or building a new temple, or during guided pilgrimages to principal temples (Chauvet 2010; Larsson and Endres 2006). When Hiền was a child she heard many stories about the spiritual power and sacredness of temples. The temple of Chử Ðồng Tử, a Vietnamese immortal, was situated right in front of her elementary school in Hưng Yên province. She was frightened when hearing about people who were punished by the temple’s spirits. She and her classmates did not dare take anything from the temples, including fragrant flowers, because they learned that if people took objects from the temple, even unused incense bowls or bricks, they would fall ill or go mad. Hiền was taught that people had to pay respect to spirits by removing hats while passing the temple, and by making offering and praying to the spirits. If they pointed to the statues of spirits or sacred horses or elephants their fingers would be cut off. Such feelings of awe and respect still come to Hiền whenever she visits a temple today. The temple’s statues and objects belong to and represent the spirits, and if anyone dares to violate the sacred space they will be spiritually punished. Although Hiền knew the Ðạo Mẫu temples and statues were sacred, she, like most people, knew nothing about the process of sacralization. Later, she learned that ritual masters purify the temples and animate the statues using a ritual similar to those employed for representations of national heroes such as Hồ Chí Minh or Lý Thái Tổ that are situated in historical sites and parks. Each statue, whether constructed of clay or wood, has a hole in the back in which precious objects such as amber, gold, pearl, diamonds, or silver are placed. When temple keepers want to install a statue, or open up a temple, they have a spirit-calling ritual to sacralize the statue (Hô thần Nhập tượng) and install an incense bowl for that spirit. Statues signify the powerful presence of the spirits (Kendall, Tâm, and Nguyễn 2008), but if they are not available, an incense bowl will suffice. For example, for a number of years Mr. Thanh was too poor to have Ðạo Mẫu statues in his temple, so he performed his lên đồng rituals in front of the sacralized incense bowls. The incense bowl (bát hương) is a sacred object. The installation of incense bowls occurs whenever a family wants to build an ancestral

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altar. A ceremonial master or a Buddhist monk or nun conducts this rite. After Hiền’s mother died her brother wanted to turn her parents’ house into an ancestral house (gian nhà thờ) for the family. No one would live there but family members would go to the house to make offerings. Her brother invited a ceremonial master (thầy cúng) to install the new altar. He performed a ritual using magical hand gestures and incense, sprinkled blessed water with a pomelo leaf to purify the space, and put the names of the ancestors on three incense bowls that were filled with ashes of the dried stems of sticky rice (rơm nếp). The biggest bowl, placed in the middle was for the house and land spirits (thổ công thổ địa). Two small bowls were placed on either side: the bowl on the left (as one faces the altar) was for the ancestors and the bowl on the right was for family members who had recently died. When Hiền’s father passed away a Buddhist nun told the family to take one incense stick called chân hương (literally, the feet of the burnt incense) from the bowl on the funeral altar and place it in the in the bowl on the family’s altar. People sometimes disagree about what constitutes sacred space. In July of 2009 a large festival, dedicated to the Third Mandarin, was held in Lảnh Giang temple, Hà Nam province. Well-known mediums were invited to perform possession ceremonies for three nights, and they reenacted a spirit legend on a stage by a pond in the temple complex. Some criticized the performance as “too secular” because it took place on a stage (Khánh Linh 2009; Lê Thoa 2009). However, the temple keeper had performed a ritual asking the Third Mandarin for permission to sacralize the stage by placing his incense bowl on it. Lên Ðồng Rituals The first time Hiền attended a lên đồng ceremony she was both enthralled and bemused. She saw mediums successively incarnate upward of twenty different spirits, with each incarnation requiring a change of clothing. She soon came to understand that one could determine their identities by listening to the possession songs and watching the dressing and undressing of the spirits with their various colors and styles of outfits. 21 She saw participants make offerings of fruit and money to the spirits, witnessed spirit responses (usually in the form of advice or the distribution of blessed gifts), and watched as participants listened to possession songs, clapping to stimulate the performance. By the end of that first ceremony, Hiền realized that

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while she possessed a rudimentary understanding of the ritual, there was a great deal more to learn. Each lên đồng is sponsored by a spirit medium, either a bà đồng (female medium) or an ông đồng (male medium). 22 They are part-time religious specialists who worship spirits on a daily basis, attend ceremonies held by other mediums, and have their own possession ceremonies at least once a year. Mediums sponsor ceremonies as a way to fulfill a commitment to serve or honor the spirits. Sponsoring a ceremony means the medium has arranged to have a ceremony at a particular temple; paid for the food and offerings given to the people and the spirits; invited friends, family, and other mediums to the temple; and arranged for the musicians and other ritual personnel. The day of a ceremony is determined by a number of different factors. Some ceremonies are held on specific festival days that are listed in religious calendars. The number of such days in a particular region depends upon how many spirits are venerated in that area: in 1964 there were fifty-seven festival days in central Vietnam and thirty days in Saigon (Trần Văn Toàn 1966: 92). Spirit mediums in California have their own religious calendar that lists the days (ngày vía) specific spirits ascended to the heavens. However, mediums might change the date of a ceremony if they are menstruating, 23 if they are having problems that require immediate assistance from the spirits and cannot wait for the original date of the ceremony, or if someone else needs to have a ceremony at the same time in the same temple. Many spirit mediums claim they are obligated to perform at least two lên đồng rituals a year, but as they are costly affairs, some mediums only perform one ceremony per year. Also, some mediums cannot perform rituals because they live in remote areas where there are no shrines, or in areas where the rituals are prohibited. In these cases they may ask their masters to perform the rituals for them. The Mother Goddess religion has several kinds of ceremonies that vary according to purpose, size, and occasion. There are rituals to inaugurate temples, move spirit statues, heal the sick, initiate mediums, end the old year, and begin the new one. After attending several rituals, Hiền noted that differences between them were primarily manifested in the sorts of offerings (food, fruit, drink, and votive papers) and petitions (written documents communicating the purpose of the ritual) made to the spirits. She also began to discern differences between possession rituals that have a specific job (hầu làm việc), and those that are performed for fun or to honor the spirits (hầu vui).

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Although spirit possession exists outside of the religion of Ðạo Mẫu, many lên đồng mediums say they are only supposed to be possessed by spirits of that pantheon.24 Other ghosts and spirits do possess people, but they are uninvited and are often malevolent. During one ceremony in California a middle-aged woman suddenly began screeching in a loud voice, rocking back and forth in a seated position, and then speaking rapidly and unintelligibly in a high childlike voice. Was she speaking childish gibberish? Was it a language of an ethnic minority, or a special spirit language? No one was certain of the answers to these questions, but people whispered that it was a harmful spirit. Soon after, the temple medium incarnated one of the mandarins who commanded the spirit to leave in a loud and forceful voice. The woman quickly recovered her composure and the ceremony proceeded as usual. Possession ceremonies are the result of days or even weeks of work. The temple medium (đồng đền), often with the help of other mediums at the temple, must purchase and prepare foods for the spirits; clean the altar and replenish the candles, incense, and flowers; arrange the clothing and jewelry the spirits will wear while incarnated into the medium; and prepare trays of gifts that are comprised of fresh fruit, bottled water, canned drinks, packages of noodles, candies, cookies, chips, and packages of monosodium glutamate that will be offered to the spirits who will bless them, after which they will be distributed as blessed gifts (lộc). One of the truly distinctive features of a lên đồng ceremony is its participatory nature and inclusiveness. Most attendees are mediums, assistants, disciples, or friends and family of the sponsoring medium, and all assist in some way. On the day of the ceremony they gather at the temple in the late morning where they pray to the spirits while a ritual master (thầy cúng) offers petitions and invites spirits to the temple. The ritual masters, who are paid for their services, make petitions to the Buddhist and Ðạo Mẫu spirits and only after such petitions will the spirits descend into mediums. The petitions provide spirits with information about the medium who is sponsoring the ceremony and the purpose of the ritual. Ritual masters chant the petitions, calling names of the spirits and recounting their powers. The petition sheet (sớ) serves as a vehicle of communication between humans and spirits and the petition carries the whole subject mater of the ritual. Petitions are traditionally written in Sino-Vietnamese ideographs, but the Romanized alphabet has become increasingly common (Phan Phương Anh 2008). In today’s world it is becoming difficult to find individuals who can write in Sino-Vietnamese and people fear that a

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small mistake can have far-reaching consequences. What if the petition has the wrong name or address of the medium? Will the spirits mistake someone else for the medium? After the petitions are read and spirits are welcomed to the temple an afternoon meal is shared. The lunch, which may be consumed inside or outside of the temple, consists of foods associated with the four palaces of sky (fowl), water (fish or shellfish), mountains and forests (betel nut or fruit), and earth (pork or beef). The meal is a festive social occasion providing opportunity for serious discussion, idle chitchat, and catching up with friends and family. As soon as the meal is over people look for a seat in the temple and the medium sponsoring the ceremony changes into a white tunic (áo dài), pants, and socks that will be worn as undergarments throughout the entire ceremony.25 Meanwhile, a variety of ritual participants take their positions in the temple. A lên đồng ceremony requires the cooperation of several different people, many of whom have specific ritual roles. In addition to the temple medium who has overseen preparation of the temple and the ritual master who has written and chanted the petitions, there is the master medium, the ritual assistants, and the musicians. The master medium (đồng thầy) and ritual assistants (hầu dâng) sit facing the altar near the medium that is sponsoring the ceremony.26 The master medium is responsible for overseeing the ritual and calling the spirits as they descend into the medium. Ritual assistants, who are themselves spirit mediums, light incense and cigarettes for the spirits, help to dress them in their spirit clothing, and make certain they have appropriate ritual paraphernalia including the correct equipment for dancing. The musicians (cung văn), of which there may be up to four, play and sing for each spirit incarnation. Once the sponsoring medium is seated before the altar and the assistants are positioned, the musicians begin to play spirit-calling music. The medium covers her head and face with a red veil and begins to rock back and forth in small circles. The veil (khăn phủ diện) is considered by many mediums to be their most important material possession because it holds part of the soul or spirit of the medium. Although they may share spirit outfits, mediums cannot use each other’s veils. One person told Karen that a “true medium is buried with the veil.” Also, placement of the veil during possession ceremonies signifies whether or not a medium is possessed; the veil is placed over the head (or closed) whenever a medium is waiting for possession, and it is removed (opened) when the medium has become a spirit.

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A spirit possession ceremony is composed of a number of descents and incarnations (giáng), depending upon how many spirits possess the mediums. The number of spirits that appear varies widely depending on what kind of ceremony the medium is sponsoring, the region where the ceremony is held, the particular temple, and the unique personality of the medium. In some ceremonies most of the spirits are incarnated, but others involve only a few. Mrs. Nga’s ceremonies last only a few hours, whereas many exceed eight hours in duration. And it is the number of spirits that are incarnated, and their behavior while manifested in mediums, that determine the length of a ceremony. Some ceremonies, such as those with healing or divination, are longer. Philosophical differences are also important. For example, Mr. Thanh said that he does not believe the spirits should be rushed, and a ceremony should last as long as necessary to accommodate all of the spirits. Others have said that people get too tired at long ceremonies, and mediums should shorten their ceremonies in consideration of disciples, visitors, and in dense urban settings, neighbors. There are several different types of contact between mediums and spirits. An incarnation (giáng đồng) may last only thirty seconds to one minute with the spirit coming and leaving right away. In such a case, the medium does not remove the red veil. However, incarnation or possession (nhập đồng) usually lasts between five and fifteen minutes, but can go on for up to an hour. It begins when a singer invites a spirit to possess the medium and lasts until the singer sings farewell to the spirit. This is also the span of time between the medium’s opening (taking off) and closing (covering the head and face) of the red veil. The duration of a specific incarnation depends on a variety of factors, not the least of which is the nature of the spirit being incarnated. Each spirit has its own distinct personality and behavioral characteristics. Some, such as the Third Princess, are quite reserved. Others, such as the Youngest Prince, are extremely outgoing, enjoy being in the presence of humans, and may stay for a half hour or more. During most incarnations the spirit will admire its ceremonial outfit, perform a ritual dance, confer blessings on disciples, bless gifts before they are distributed to those attending the ceremony, and engage in behaviors specific to its nature. For example, the Seventh Prince will spend up to fifteen–twenty minutes smoking cigarettes, drinking hot tea, and interacting with ritual assistants. Ðạo Mẫu spirits possess the mediums in a specific order. The mother goddesses are the first to descend into spirit mediums, but they do not incarnate into the mediums because, as some have

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explained, “they are at too high a level.” However they do send their Bà Chúa (goddess). While there are numerous Bà Chúa, during possession ceremonies usually only three or four will manifest. Following Bà Chúa are the mandarins (Quan Lớn), ladies (Chầu), princes (Ông Hoàng), princesses (Cô), and young princes (Cậu).27 Spirits from each of the ranked categories are incarnated. According to Mr. Thanh, if mediums incarnate every single spirit, a ceremony could last three days or more. Music is an important part of lên đồng ceremonies. The chầu văn is a particular genre of religious or folk music that provides a vehicle for communication with the spirits,28 and the music sets the pace of the ceremonies. The singing, which must be in harmony with the actions of each spirit, is a way of expressing thanks to the spirits and every song addresses a particular spirit who has incarnated into the medium. Songs praise the power of the spirits and describe their lives, deeds, services, and characters.29 During a ritual the singers invoke spirits according to hand signals made by mediums: they use their fingers to indicate which spirit is to descend or possess them. The singers and rituals assistants know which spirit shows up when the mediums make these signals.30 The lovely chầu văn songs were familiar to Hiền. She recalled with nostalgia listening to similar melodies on her father’s old Japanese radio. During the 1970s they looked forward to a radio program called “folk songs and traditional music” (dân ca và nhạc cổ truyền) that played chầu văn, along with other traditional songs, in the late afternoons between 4:00 and 5:00 p.m. Even today, more than thirty years after leaving her village to study in Hanoi and abroad, she remembers the feeling of listening to the chầu văn. During the last months of her father’s life he asked Hiền to bring him some CDs of chầu văn songs. His old radio had broken, and he watched shows on television, but he still wanted to listen to the traditional music of his past. Sadly, Hiền was unable to give him the music before he died. Mediums choose their chầu văn singers carefully, and songs are the most important factor in “beautiful” lên đồng ceremonies. Spirit mediums want people who can “play musical instruments sweetly and sing beautifully” (đàn ngọt hát hay). They also want talented singers who know how to flatter the spirits to stay longer. The spirits listen to songs as they distribute blessed gifts of money, fruit, candy, and cookies to the audience. Mrs. Nga says that many chầu văn singers perform well and gently because they have the destiny to become mediums. In fact, many singers have initiation rituals and perform as spirit mediums. One of Mrs. Nga’s singers learned some of the songs

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in his dreams. After having an initiation ritual he learned the songs so quickly that he could sing for all her rituals after only three months. When spirits possess mediums, ritual assistants help to dress the spirit in his or her clothes. Then the music changes and the spirits rise to dance. These dances are derived from a variety of folk dances that take the names of the props used in the performance. For example, there is a torch dance, typical of the Bà Chúa and ladies; sword, spear, and flag dances typical of great mandarins; scarf and fan and oar dances of the princesses; and the bell-stick dance of the young princes. The core movement in most of the female spirit dances is a “jogging step in which the medium bounces from one foot to the other in time with the pulse of the one-beat rhythm” (Norton 2000b: 83).31 Spirit dances evoke varied responses from the audience. Sometimes people sit and observe spirit dances quietly, sometimes they clap along with the music, and at other times they are awed by a spirit’s behavior. Numerous factors shape these reactions including which spirit is incarnating the medium, the music being played, where the ceremony is taking place, and current social relations at the specific temple. Because the mandarin spirits are solemn and have the job of making certain that rituals are properly performed, their dances are taken seriously. If a mandarin appears angry, for example, people will be worried and upset. The mandarins also illuminate conflicts within the temple so people pay special attention to their dances. The lady and princess spirits are often lighthearted and people sing, clap, and call out to them. Also, in central Vietnam and some temples in northern California several mediums in the audience will rise to dance with the spirits in a group possession, which is an uncommon activity in other regions. On some occasions the spirits try to recruit mediums by handing a participant a bell-stick (hèo), which is a dancing prop. People try to avoid such gifts because they entail obligations to the spirit, and may try to hide from the spirit or cringe in mock fear if the spirit approaches them while dancing. After dancing the spirits sit before the altar where they drink water or wine, smoke cigarettes, and enjoy being fanned by the ritual assistants. Meanwhile, members of the audience begin to prepare small trays of money they will offer to the spirits. The crisp and clean new bills, which are usually in small denominations, are arranged into fans on the trays. Moving to sit or kneel directly behind the spirit, the person will offer the bills to the spirit in exchange for a fortune or a blessing. People ask the spirits all manner of questions dealing with issues such as health, family relations, finances, employment, travel, child rearing, and romance.

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People make offerings to specific spirits depending on the talents of the spirit, personal preferences of the individuals making the offering, or time of birth. Some spirits, like the Seventh Prince, are known for helping with business while others, including the Ninth Prince, are good at healing. Oftentimes one spirit will refer someone to another that is a specialist in a particular area. Also, some people interact with a certain spirit with whom they have an affinity. For example, Phan has always been partial to the Third Young Prince because he likes to ride horses. Spirits give verbal or nonverbal responses to questions of the participants and distribute blessed gifts imbued with the spirit’s power. For example, if someone wants to know whether or not it is a good time to buy a house, that person might seek counsel from one of the mandarin spirits. Kneeling behind the mandarin after his dance, the person offers a tray of money to the spirit while asking the question. The mandarin listens to the request while smoking a cigarette and drinking a bit of wine; then he accepts the money and distributes it, with the help of ritual assistants, to various spirits on the altar. The mandarin may reply verbally or he may just nod or shake his head as a response. He will then give some lộc to the individual. Once the spirit answers all those who have come with questions, he will distribute lộc to everyone in the temple. Hiền was joyous when, after her first ceremony, she returned home with a bag of blessed gifts and money for her family. It helped to buy food and gave her husband and son money to pay for their parking tickets. Humans offer gifts to the spirits as a way of venerating them and to gain good luck through the transformation of the offerings into blessed gifts. Gifts to and from the spirits may be material or immaterial. Material gifts are objects such as fruit, betel nut, packaged foods, or money that have been placed on an altar or handed directly to a spirit or a god, as well as offerings of food or votive paper objects. Offerings of food and drink are transformed and handed back to people after the spirits have “received and tasted.” People making the offerings are then free to consume the food and drink.32 In doing so, people do not say, as they would with ordinary food, that they are eating (ăn) or having a meal. Rather, they see themselves having been granted blessed favors (thụ lộc). In eating the transformed spirit food, they will then be assured of having the favor of the spirits in health, luck, and prosperity. An immaterial gift to a spirit might, for example, involve the amount of time or effort a medium spends preparing for a ceremony. A spirit might respond by giving that person good luck or talent.

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The veneration of spirits and ancestors with offerings is an essential folk practice among the Việt, and is practiced outside the religion of Ðạo Mẫu. Living people honor spirits and the dead by offering what they think they need including food, drink, money, clothes, and so on. For example, Hiền had an older sister who died prematurely from the bite of a rabid dog. On her death anniversary Hiền’s parents offered her a bowl of steamed rice with a hard-boiled egg. In Vietnam in the past, when nutritious food for children was not available in as many varieties as today, a hard-boiled egg and a bowl of steamed white rice was seen as a good meal for a child. Nowadays people offer contemporary necessities including votive cars, motorbikes, and cell phones constructed of paper, often according to the job that the dead may have in the afterworld. Votive offerings such as clothing, vehicles, money bills, and manikins are made out of paper and bamboo. These offerings resemble real world goods, but must be crafted beautifully and vividly. The craftsmen know that some day their products will be burned into ashes, but still try to make them as realistic as possible. The offerings are either custom-made or produced for sale in a market (Nguyễn Thị Hiền 2006). In some villages in the vicinity of Hanoi, the making of votive offering handicrafts has become so popular that the methods have been passed on to places outside the traditional locales in order to supply customer demand. In the 1970s Hiền’s mother had to go to a market far from the village in order to purchase simple votive offerings, but now people can order all types within the village. Votive offerings are used in some but not all spirit possession ceremonies. They are particularly important in initiation rituals and in the inauguration of new temples. The offerings can vary greatly, depending on the ritual’s sponsor, locale, and purpose.33 Votive images of people are transformed into the spirits’ assistants and horses, elephants, and ferries are their transportation. After religious masters read the petitions to spirits, some votive offerings are burned and the rest are retained until the mediums perform their rituals. During the rituals, the spirits receive the offerings, witnessing the devotions of the ritual sponsor. At that time some of the votives are burned for the spirits while others are held to be symbolic of the person being initiated. Hiền learned that the auspicious nature of the lên đồng ritual lies in the ceremonial exchange of gifts between people and spirits. By receiving offerings and distributing gifts the spirits interact with people and bestow blessings upon all who attend the ceremony. Spirit favors help participants to feel happy and cheerful, and members of the audience

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often eat the fruit or candy while watching a ceremony. The audience helps to make sure that each and every person in the temple receives some of the lộc but the distribution is sometimes a cause of contention. Spirits give blessed gifts to the musicians, the temple-medium, the master medium and the ritual assistants as a way of acknowledging their services, and to the audience, but people complain if they feel the distribution exhibits favoritism or is unfair. Also, the sincerity of spirit mediums’ devotion is evaluated according to the lộc they purchase for ceremonies. If the fruit is blemished, the rosebuds wilting, or the noodles are of the least expensive brand, the mediums might be perceived as cheap. As one American medium explained, “If you buy something for your mother, it has to be the best quality.” Lên đồng ceremonies are social occasions, theatrical plays, cultural performances, and healing rituals, and all of these qualities are enacted during a single religious ritual. The ceremonies have a strong social aspect. They are festive occasions where people gather to eat, visit, and watch the ceremony, and although the audience is often seated inside the temple where they watch the spirits incarnate the medium, they also spend time outside of the temple where they prepare food, wash dishes, play with visiting children, or chat. For many years Karen attended ceremonies at a temple where a group of older women played a Vietnamese card game (tổ tôm) during the ceremonies. The first time she attended a lên đồng ceremony she expected it to be a solemn, quiet occasion where she would sit and observe the ceremony, expectations that were probably based on childhood experiences at a Methodist church. She was unprepared for the jovial, lively atmosphere of a lên đồng ritual where she would eat French pastries, drink tea and champagne, and watch women play cards. Years later, when she took her American students to ceremonies, they had similar responses. “Is this a religious ceremony?” they would ask as they watched people come and go, consume food and beverages, and engage in animated discussions. A jovial atmosphere is one characteristic of a good ceremony. Spirit mediums, as well as the audience, constantly evaluate lên đồng ceremonies and they are considered to be good if they make the audience happy (vui),34 if the general feeling of the ceremony is upbeat, and if the spirits have animated the medium.35 During her first ritual, Hiền could discern between those mediums who were spiritually gifted and those who were not. In mediums who are inspired, the spirits appear especially elegant, graceful, or humorous. Also, mediums and spirits hold the attention of the audience and the ceremony is not dull or boring. A good ceremony is also one where people enjoy being

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together, there are no serious conflicts, and there is a lot of interaction between people and spirits. The distribution of lộc adds to a ceremony, but large amounts of blessed gifts are not a prerequisite to a good and beautiful ceremony. Hiền saw that some participants became very involved in the ritual but others did not. Some people clapped along with the music or twisted their hands as if they were dancing, and flattered the spirits by saying “You are beautiful!” “ You are majestic!” “You dance so gracefully.” Other participants seemed uninterested in the ritual and some left early. She later learned that although mediums want to have ceremonies that please spirits and the audience, such goals are not always achieved. Sometimes conflict in the temple is expressed through the spirits, especially mandarins, who shake their fists or threaten people with imperious tones. But even worse are boring ceremonies in which incarnations of the spirits are lifeless. In such ceremonies the medium’s face never changes, and since nothing exciting is happening, people begin to doze off or wander away. Hiền also observed that lên đồng ceremonies are like theatrical plays (see Endres 2011). The ceremonies amuse and entertain the audience with their spectacular blend of the secular and the sacred. Spirits come down to admire themselves, drink, smoke, joke, and interact with participants and they act in human ways but grant supernatural benefits to their followers. The ceremonies include all the components of a drama: actors (mediums), folk music, songs, dance, and costumes—in other words, they are a folk art (Ngô Ðức Thịnh 1996: 76–85). The lên đồng ritual is a vivid representation of Vietnamese culture displayed in front of the Ðạo Mẫu altar and it is a living museum wherein mediums are bearers of folk traditions as they preserve their cultural heritage (Proschan 2001). They reconstruct and pass down the history and cultures of Vietnam including costumes of imperial courts, folklore, folk songs, music, and dance. Still, all these artistic components go beyond a theatrical play. Each incarnation is an act or a scene conveying its message but each incarnation also builds a link between the sacred and the profane. Spirit possession is a way for people to communicate with spirits, not in the abstract form of praying and veneration, but directly through themselves as possessed agents. The ritual is not simply an aesthetic performance in which mediums are actors and actresses in traditional costumes but it can be seen as a “spiritual play” (Ngô Dức Thịnh 1996: 76). In an ordinary play the actors transform themselves into the play’s characters but in a lên đồng ceremony mediums serve as “seats for spirits to sit upon” (bắc ghế

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cho các ngài ngự). During the course of a ceremony mediums actually are the spirits, doing spiritual work (làm việc thánh). Their expertise is “guided and taught” (hướng dẫn và dạy dỗ chỉ bảo) by spirits from their initiation rituals and, later on, during their performances. Hiền began to view lên đồng as a healing ritual also, a perspective that she shares with Karen. Hiền and Karen use the term healing in a broad sense. If healing is defined as “the effect of curing or improving something” (Encarta World English Dictionary 2009) then people can be treated and healed for all kinds of problems including those that are social, educational, financial, and family- and workrelated. In the authors’ view, if someone attends a lên đồng ceremony to ask the Fifth Mandarin for help because of worry about obtaining a visa and that person is relieved of stress and sleeplessness, healing has taken place. Spirit mediums and the audience attend ceremonies to honor the spirits, to deal with specific misfortunes, and to improve the quality of their lives. During her studies Hiền learned that the lên đồng ritual is widespread among the less educated and underprivileged population in rural areas of Vietnam as well as among wealthy businesspeople and intellectuals, doctors, administrative workers, and even monks and nuns in Buddhist temples. It has persisted and spread partly because it is accommodating to other religious practices incorporating aspects of Buddhism, Taoism, and Confucianism. However, the religion and ritual have not always been accepted as legitimate. Prohibition and Revitalization From 1954 until the mid-1980s the lên đồng ritual was prohibited in northern Vietnam as a superstitious (mê tín dị đoan) practice, a view that was written into series of legal documents. During this period of censorship the Vietnamese Communist Party had an official policy of atheism and an “antisuperstition campaign” that rejected all rituals and practices that involved the use of supernatural forces to deal with human anxieties (Endres 2006). Although the state initiated and enforced these prohibitions, to some extent they were informed by popular perceptions. During the French colonial regime, for example, spirit mediums were described as hysterical women who had nothing better to do than dress-up in fancy spirit clothing (Durand 1959; Endres 2007), and mediums were described as liars and swindlers. Many Vietnamese still criticize the religion and its followers. Karen and Hiền have been told that the religion is primitive and unscientific and people are attracted to it because they are uneducated and ignorant.

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Mediums are often portrayed as deceitful. One young man in Hanoi told Karen that all male spirit mediums are thieves. “They don’t really believe,” he said, “they just go into the temple so they can take all the money when no one is looking” (Fjelstad 2006: 98). Comparing male mediums with cross-dressing male prostitutes in Hanoi he said, “They all pretend so they can get close to people and steal their money.” During the prohibition mediums had a number of strategies for performing their rituals. They held ceremonies at night while the police were sleeping (Nguyễn Thị Hiền 2007) and did not invite singers in case “the sound of chầu văn should alert the authorities” (Norton 2000b: 80). Spirit mediums tried to convince local authorities that their rituals were a form of ancestor veneration, and they told stories of high-ranking officials who secretly participated in the rituals. One common narrative tells about officials who were spiritually punished (bị phạt) for dismantling temples. A medium in Hồ Chí Minh City said that officials tried to destroy her temple several different times but each person who entered the temple with harmful intentions became seriously ill. This also happened with Buddhist temples. For example, an official in Hiền’s village was ordered to destroy a temple, which he did. A number of years later this same official spontaneously confined himself to his home, refused to leave, and for months incessantly beat a wooden drum (gõ mõ), an act that Buddhist monks and nuns perform during certain ceremonies. Villagers interpreted this behavior as resulting from spirit punishment. While the temple was being destroyed, some people buried the Buddhist statues to protect them, but others stole the statues and got rid of them resulting in premature death. Also, the land where the Buddhist pagoda was situated became a sacred site, and people were reluctant to live or build houses there. Only recently, with the dramatic rise in land prices in both urban and rural areas, has anyone risked building on this sacred site. Another strategy used by spirit mediums to protect their religion was to add “legitimate” spirits to their pantheon. Although lên đồng rituals were perceived as superstitious, state policy supported temples that were dedicated to national heroes. Consequently, many mediums placed statues of Hồ Chí Minh on their altars (Nguyễn Thị Hiền 2002), and more ceremonies included incarnations of Trần Hưng Ðạo (Phạm Quỳnh Phương 2005). One consequence of the 1986 Renovation was a loosening of strictures against so-called superstitious practices, and a greater acceptance of traditional practices including village festivals, local and

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family religious rituals, and folk musical and performing arts. The ban against lên đồng was lifted but the practice remained controversial and spirit mediums were still not allowed to practice in public or during daytime festivals held in temples.36 An authority at the Kiếp Bạc temple during the 1994 Trần Hưng Ðạo festival wanted to hide the fact that mediums were allowed to practice at all, even at night. He told Hiền, “This temple is dedicated to a historical hero. We try to preserve a healthy culture, not superstition, so we don’t allow possession rituals in the temple.” In fact, mediums did keep practicing in these temples, as well as in their own shrines and in front of altars dedicated to the mother goddesses in Buddhist temples (Endres 2006; Larsson and Endres 2006; Malarney 2002; Nguyễn Thị Hiền 2002; Norton 2000a,b, 2006). Like the spirit mediums they studied, scholars also had to find clever ways to legitimize their research in the post đổi mới era. During the years when len đòng rituals were prohibited, scholars were allowed to study chầu văn only because it was considered to be a folk art. In fact, Ngô Ðức Thịnh’s first edited book on lên đồng rituals was titled Hát Văn (1992). In 1998 Hiền wanted to take tapes of lên đồng rituals with her to the United States, but they had to be examined by an official at the Department of Culture and Information in Hanoi. He told her that she could only get permission to take the tapes if she said that she was studying chầu văn, a more acceptable topic of study. Researchers in Vietnam are normally required to have an “introduction letter” (thư giới thiệu) that they present to authorities at different levels from the top institutions to the provincial and lower-level district and commune authorities, stating the nature of their research. These local authorities are directly responsible for helping or hindering research in the field as they assign consultants and help with other logistics. Lên đồng research is different because it is not endorsed as a legitimate practice and authorities sometimes refuse to give permission for research. If Hiền had followed normal procedures, she would not have been able to do her research. Instead she got primary introductions from people who had good relationships with spirit mediums. Mr. Hô, a photographer of possession rituals, arranged Hiền’s first contact with her consultants. Hiền also had to be careful so that her consultants would not be arrested. One time she took some scholars to observe a lên đồng ritual performed by Mrs. Nga. As piles of sand and bricks and a heavily loaded truck blocked the road, their car could not get through to the shrine, and they had to walk part of the way. They were seen by a number of villagers, and someone reported to local authorities that

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foreigners had entered the village without permission. Later that day, in the middle of the ritual, a policeman showed up. Mrs. Nga’s husband, who was “frightened to death,” wanted to give the policeman a bribe but instead offered some cigarettes. When the ritual was over and the scholars had left, the policeman returned and gave Mrs. Nga a written summons to appear at the commune office the following morning. At that moment she wished that her husband had gone ahead and offered the policeman the bribe, which would have been enough money to allow a peasant to live on rice and vegetables for a month. The policeman warned Mrs. Nga that lên đồng and divination sessions were banned, and although local authorities had so far disregarded them, the presence of foreigners had stirred things up in the normally quiet and peaceful village. Mrs. Nga called Hiền several times, asking for help with the situation. Hiền suggested that she meet with the local officials to develop closer connections and gain their support. She also explained that she had to use a similar strategy of cultivating relationships in order to get permission to do her research. Mrs. Nga followed that advice and as a result was able to resume her practice within one week. In 2004 the veneration of spirits was granted equal rights with the worship of historical figures. This ordinance on folk beliefs and religion was passed by the Standing Committee of the National Assembly on June 18, 2004, and took effect in mid-November. In the document, Item 1 of Article 3 recognizes folk belief activities, including ancestor worship, the commemoration of historical figures, and the veneration of spirits.37 This ordinance had a huge impact on freedom to practice lên đồng ritual, but there are still restrictions in some locations. Hiền found that commune authorities in remote mountainous areas such as Lào Cai still ignore the spiritual and religious changes of the Renovation. They view the Renovation in terms of economic development, land cultivation, animal husbandry, and the building of roads and schools, but still view the celebrations of many rituals as “backward” and “superstitious.” Some local officials try to eradicate these practices with propaganda. Greater freedom to practice the lên đồng ritual resulted, in part, from the writings of Vietnamese scholars who have said the religion, like ancestor veneration, honors Vietnam’s cultural and historic heroes (Nguyễn Thị Hiền 2007), and that it is a form of goddess worship originating from one of the oldest religions of Vietnam (e.g., Ðặng Nghiêm Vạn 1998; Ngô Ðức Thịnh 1996, 2006). By viewing the ritual as a dramatization of Vietnam’s history, one that pays tribute to culture heroes known for fighting foreign aggressors, Ðạo Mẫu and

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the lên đồng ritual have become allied with the interests of the state. They foster a sense of cultural and historical pride that, in the views of the state, promotes state values of social cohesion and responsibility (Norton 2002). Lên đồng has recently become a “widely-accepted, widespread and very popular practice” (Phan Ðăng Nhật and Salemink 2004: 6) that is being revitalized in contemporary Vietnam (e.g., Endres 2006, 2007, 2008; Fjelstad and Nguyễn 2006; Norton 2000a,b, 2002; Salemink 2008; Taylor 2004, 2007). Today, going to pray in Buddhist pagodas and temples of the Mother Goddess religion is becoming so popular that people are surprised to meet someone who does not frequent such places. Ðặng Nghiêm Vạn (1998: 233), a prominent scholar of religion in contemporary Vietnam, wrote “religion and belief have edged their way into every family, including even those which, some time ago, were considered the most rigid and atheistic.” Ancestral rituals have also been revitalized since the 1980s and other kinds of rituals are practiced more often now than in the recent past. These include rituals to ask for peace of mind (cầu an), protect children (lễ bán khoán), end predestined spiritual love affairs (lễ cắt giải tiền duyên), dismiss bad luck (giải hạn), heal, and rituals to ask for amulets that will protect the dwelling space (Nguyễn Thị Minh Ngọc 2008; Vũ Hồng Thuật 2008). Religious inclinations have always guided a great deal of everyday activity and each era has had its own concerns. Today, many religious rituals focus on employment, finances, and family life. People make offerings to their “office” spirit while working on the first and the fifteenth days of a lunar month, and if one’s business is not going well, that person will light incense and place offerings on the office altar, asking the spirits for help. In the hours after work people often talk to each other about their good or bad fortune, divination, or going to this or that temple to pray for good luck. Many people, when faced with a decision, will consult an almanac for the most auspicious days to do a specific deed. In addition, there are many domestic ceremonies, ranging from installing new altar or having a new house built, to which a religious master (thầy cúng) is invited. Also many people in Vietnam, including nonbelievers and antagonists of folk practices such as divination and spirit possession, make pilgrimages. These pilgrimages are significant because they too appear to be increasing in their popularity since the 1980s. Going on a “faraway pilgrimage” (đi lễ xa) is an occasion for people from different regions, areas, and localities to make their prayers and requests to temples dedicated to specific spirits. They go for sightseeing as well as

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praying at temples for themselves, their families, and for their offices and businesses. Pilgrimages are organized by groups of neighbors, friends, colleagues, or spirit mediums (Chauvet 2010). Such worshipping places include Buddhist temples,38 Catholic churches,39 temples to the Mother Goddess religion,40 and temples to local spirits.41 Since Renovation lên đồng, like many other rituals of Vietnam, is more visible now than it has been in the past, and mediums have access to and consume more material goods such as votive offerings, spirit clothes, and altar decorations. However, it is unclear whether or not the individuals who become mediums in contemporary Vietnam share similar characteristics with those of earlier times. Whereas the early French and Vietnamese literature claimed that spirit mediums were upper-class women (e.g., Durand 1959), today there are male and female as well as rich and poor mediums (e.g., Nguyễn Thị Hiền 2002), and there are also a number of female market traders (Endres 2006; Nguyễn Thị Hiền 2002) and transgendered and gay mediums (Norton 2006),42 many of whom have become prominent in Hanoi (Nguyễn Trịnh Thi 2007). Renovation also led to a resurgence of interest in the country and cultures of Vietnam. In the past two decades there has been a proliferation of social science research in Vietnam, and a number of studies have focused on the revitalization of rituals (e.g., Choi 2007; Hy Văn Lương 1993; Malarney 2002; Taylor 2004, 2007; Thiện Ðỗ 2003). A significant number of scholars have also focused on Ðạo Mẫu and the lên đồng ritual. Ngô Ðức Thịnh (1996) wrote an overview of the religion, and a special issue of Vietnamese Studies (1999) focused on the religion and possession rituals. Other scholars have written about the ritual in specific regions of Vietnam (e.g., Endres 2006, 2007, 2008; Nguyễn Hữu Thông 2001; Salemink 2007, 2008; Taylor 2004). More recently, researchers have focused on certain aspects of religious practice including the relationship between Ðạo Mẫu and the cult of Trần Hưng Ðạo (Phạm Quỳnh Phương 2005, 2006, 2007, 2009); spirit possession music (Norton 2000a,b, 2002, 2006, 2009); therapeutic aspects of lên đồng (Fjelstad and Maiffret 2006; Nguyễn Thị Hiền 2002, 2008); lên đồng and the construction and performance of personal identity (Endres 2006, 2008, 2011); lên đồng and modernity (Endres 2007); the social organization of communities of mediums (Larsson and Endres 2006); representations of ethnicity (Salemink 2008); the material culture of lên đồng (Kendall and Nguyễn Thị Hiền 2010; Kendall, Vu, and Nguyễn 2008, Nguyễn Thị Hiền 2006); the relationship between lên đồng and East Asian religions (Kendall 2006); pilgrimages to mother goddess temples

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(Chauvet 2010; Salemink 2007, 2008; Taylor 2004); and efficacy of the rituals (Endres 2007). In addition to this research activity are symposiums, conferences panels, and films.43 In 2001 Ngô Ðức Thịnh organized the International Conference on Ðạo Mẫu held in Hanoi and Phủ Giầy, which marked the first collaborative work on the religion between Vietnam and the West. In March 2003 the American Museum of Natural History in New York opened the exhibit discussed in chapter two that had a Ðạo Mẫu altar and lên đồng spirit clothing as one of the displays. The exhibit was accompanied by a book and conference of the same name (Nguyễn Văn Huy and Kendall 2002), each including discussions of the lên đồng ritual. Although Ðạo Mẫu and the lên đồng ritual were looked down upon in the past, dramatic changes are occurring in the present. The ritual has become so popular that new temples are opening every day, a number of films have been made about the religion and ritual, and volumes of information are available on the Internet. Performance artists receive inspiration from spirit mediums, and possession music has grown increasingly popular (Norton 2009). Anyone can watch short videos of ceremonies on You Tube, or locate rituals in several countries without much difficulty. The ritual is also performed on stage (see Norton 2009 and Endres 2011), and in 2010 Hiền’s institute, Vietnam’s Institute of Culture and Arts Studies, sponsored a three-day ceremony honoring the Third Mandarin that was attended by mediums from several regions of Vietnam and the world. The ceremony, however, caused a great deal of controversy. When Hiền’s institute organized the festival for the Third Mandarin, some hoped it would begin the process of getting lên đồng recognized by UNESCO as a “world intangible cultural heritage.” Such recognition would help to legitimize the ritual. Instead, they got a lot of complaints from laypersons, scholars, and media who criticized lên đồng. Some wondered why the institute would promote a ritual that involved the “waste” of money spent on the spirits, while others complained about the use of body art in the ceremonies. One of the organizers of the festival had invited several artists to paint the bodies of men who would act as ritual assistants (hầu dâng). They would wear a pair of pants but their unclothed upper bodies would be painted according to the whims and inspirations of artists. However, the spirit mediums felt that ritual assistants should be attired in proper traditional clothing, and it was agreed that the only men to have their bodies painted would be four individuals who stood at the corners of the stage. They would add color and décor and could help to hand out the blessed gifts. Some scholars said this caused the ritual to be

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inauthentic, but others said that it added to the ceremony (Khánh Linh 2009; Lê Thoa 2009). Mrs. Nga, who performed a lên đồng ritual at the festival, said the body art made the ritual more “beautiful” and “colorful.” She said the combination of art and possession was “harmonic” as it blended the yin work (việc âm) of mediums with the yang work (việc trần) of artists, enhancing the beauty of the ceremony. One writer said the art would help to promote or “market” the ritual (Nguyễn Mạnh Hà 2009). Spirit mediums at the festival told Hiền they were delighted with the idea that lên đồng would be recognized as a cultural heritage, as they hoped it would help outsiders to value the ritual and see it as “real.” Unfortunately, there was so much controversy over the festival that the institute decided to postpone putting the ritual under consideration as an intangible cultural heritage. This example illustrates that although the lên đồng ritual is common, it is still not completely accepted. This is partly because there are still no official documents allowing it. Although the 2004 ordinance stated that the veneration of spirits is acceptable, it does not specify that lên đồng spirit possession is legal. When Hiền traveled to Silicon Valley to work with Karen in 2009 she applied for permission for leave from the Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism. An official told her that she should not write the words lên đồng on her paperwork. Instead, she should state in very general terms that she was researching a transnational ritual. Also, even though the ritual is more widely practiced, mediums in some areas of Vietnam have stripped their rituals of divinatory and healing functions so as to make them more acceptable to authorities (Endres 2011). Still, lên đồng has come a long way. The ritual was once illegal and mediums in Vietnam were arrested, criticized, and poorly treated. The rites were forced underground for more than thirty years. Also, the religious beliefs and practices of mediums were rarely recognized by other religions, and mediums were persecuted by the state. Today, however, the popular religion and ritual have spread, even to the United States. Flexibility is the key to understanding the movement and survival of the lên đồng ritual. Whenever the ritual was prohibited, it flowed through underground tributaries. Then, when officially permitted, it burst forth with new vigor. And much like water, which can be held in a vessel of any shape or size, the ritual can be modified to fit local circumstances. Many aspects of ritual practice are negotiable (see Endres 2011, for a thorough discussion of contested practices in Hanoi) and when the ritual first traveled from northern to southern Vietnam it adopted local characteristics. That is why today the tiger spirits are

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incarnated in one area but not in another, ceremonies can last from two to fourteen hours, and some ceremonies have group possession but others do not. Also, the religion does not reject foreign traditions: it embraces them. The Buddhist Goddess of Mercy (Quan Âm) is almost always found in mother goddess temples, the culture hero Trần Hưng Ðạo is part of the pantheon, and the figure of Hồ Chí Minh, former president of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, has a place on altars in northern Vietnam. The ritual normally requires a number of goods and personnel, but can be practiced with the bare minimum of just one incense bowl and one spirit outfit. And yet, even with all this diversity, the religion and ritual have a core structure. When people walk into a temple or observe a ceremony they are able to identify most of the statues on the altar, know the structure of the ceremony, and are familiar with the ritual performance, music, and goods. Still, many mediums and disciples have strong opinions about the way things should be done in the temples and the performances, and some say their own way is the best. When first confronted with variation mediums sometimes say things do not seem quite “right” in the temples or the performances, but they eventually come to agree that regardless of difference, spirit mediums and their disciples have one really important thing in common—they worship their spirits with great devotion and a sincere heart (có tâm).

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Chapter 4

Spiritual Callings: Becoming a Medium in the Contemporary World

With her, one is light as an arrow; without her, one is anchored like a boat. —Quan 2009

It was on the third day of her mother’s funeral ritual that Hiền’s

dead brother made an appearance. The family, including Huệ, Hiền’s dead brother’s wife, was seated on the floor in front of the funeral altar listening to chants of the ritual master. Suddenly Huệ cried out in a voice not hers, “Mother!” (Mẹ ơi). Hiền, who sitting some distance away, knew immediately that Huệ was possessed. Quickly, Hiền rose from her place on the floor and went to sit beside Huệ where she asked a series of questions aimed at determining the spirit’s identity. Her first question, “Who are you?” elicited no response. Neither did the next two questions. So she decided to change directions with her questioning, and began to ask about deceased relatives. “Are you sister Chinh who died from the bite of a rabid dog?” Huệ’s head moved from right to left, left to right several times, indicating that it was not sister Chinh. Then with hope filling her body, Hiền asked a question the answer to which would not only bring great hope to her family but also change the direction of her life. Slowly and clearly she asked the spirit, “Are you brother Hòa?” Huệ’s head moved up and down to indicate yes. Hiền and her family were filled with great happiness. For many years Hiền and her family had worried about Hòa, who had died during the American-Vietnam war, not at the hands of the Americans but from malaria. Hòa had contracted the disease during one of his squad’s forays into northwestern Laos. And it was there, in

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a small, remote, and uninhabited village and far from his family that he died. His squad mates wrapped Hòa’s body in a piece of canvas and a section of a hammock, after which they buried him on the slope of a hill near the village. But before they could mark the grave they were forced to move on. Hòa’s remains lay in that unmarked, unknown, and forgotten spot for many years. And until his remains could be brought back to his village, his soul would wander restlessly.1 So when he possessed Huệ, years after his death, Hiền’s family knew they had to do something. Hiền asked Hòa what he wanted, to which he replied, “To go home.” He told her that he was a wandering soul and wanted to be buried in the village with the other war dead. Hiền promised that she and her family would look for his remains. Meanwhile, they would perform a ceremony to call his soul to an empty tomb in the cemetery. His remains would not be buried there, but his soul would be more settled. During the ritual performed by a specialist, a handful of soil taken from different directions would be placed in a small box: the soil would symbolize the remains and the box would symbolize his coffin. They would bury the coffin in a special cemetery for war dead (liệt sĩ). Sadly, village officials did not allow the “making-up” funeral and the family was left with two choices: they could perform the ritual in an ordinary cemetery or they could have an empty tomb, without the ritual, in the cemetery for war dead. They chose the latter option because, as Hiền’s father insisted, Hòa should receive special recognition for having died during the war, even if they had to do without the important ritual that would have animated the soil and coffin with his spirit. As a result, his soul continues to wander aimlessly to this day, at times manifesting itself in Huệ, at times following her husband, Hòa’s younger brother. While talking with Hiền during their mother’s funeral, Hòa explained that he had helped his younger brother on several occasions, once even preventing him from dying. But the younger brother did not acknowledge this assistance from his elder, and as a consequence he would one day fall ill. On the day following their mother’s funeral, the family held a feast to thank all of the extended family and neighbors who had helped with the funeral. During the feast Hiền’s younger brother came down with a terrible headache and fever for which he was hospitalized. After running several tests, the doctors could not determine the cause of his illness but said he possibly had a virus. However a spirit medium who was visiting her mother in same hospital room had a different idea. She said spirits were punishing him and his illness

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was a yin disease, caused by supernatural beings or events, and could not be cured with medicine. Upon his release from the hospital Hòa was given a prescription for chronic sinusitis and although his health improved he worried about the cause of his illness. He soon took an active interest in the spiritual life of the family, and began to read the books that Hiền had given him about correct ways to perform family rituals. To this day Hòa’s soul continues to possess his sister-in-law. The latest bout, which caused her to feel “heavy” and “tired” and pulled on her head and her eyes so much that she asked her husband to slap her, coincided with a number of new stressors. She and her husband had a business transporting sand obtained from the Red River Delta, but their work was halted by authorities who wanted to protect the sensitive environment from exploitation. They soon had no work and no income so they had to sell the boat. At the same time their son failed his college entrance exams. Although Hiền helped the struggling couple with financial support, she knew that more than economic aid what they needed was a solution to the problem since the root of their troubles lay partially in the spirit world. Hòa’s soul wants to come home and care for the spirits of Hiền’s mother, as well as their more recently deceased father. To that end, the family made a plan to look for Hòa’s remains. The process of locating remains is long and arduous but Hiền’s younger brother agreed to take it on and there were some clues to help them. One day, while Hiền’s sister was visiting the empty tomb, a man approached her explaining that he was one of the two men who had buried Hòa near the village in Laos. The family viewed this as an omen, and asked the man numerous questions about the circumstances surrounding Hòa’s death. They had learned from newspaper articles that many of those who died and were buried in the village were exhumed and taken to central Vietnam. Unfortunately, the remains were mostly anonymous. Hiền’s younger brother is currently planning to visit a well-known telepath in Hải Dương province, who has helped thousands of people to find the remains they were looking for. The family members will also cooperate with offices in the central part of Vietnam that specialize in looking for war dead in the Laos region. If needed, they will also go to Laos. Looking for the remains of Hòa will play an important role in treating Huệ’s spiritual attack. Even though she has been treated with medicine for her physical complaints and has received exorcisms from ritual specialists, the problem continues. The family hopes that by finding his remains they will be able

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to address Hòa’s needs, and his soul will no longer need to speak through Huệ or punish her husband. Meanwhile, Hiền is contemplating another possible solution. She will ask her sister-in-law for permission to consult Mrs. Nga. As a spirit medium who can command the power of the great general Trần Hưng Ðạo, she might be able to exorcise Huệ. She might also be able to perform a ritual to initiate Huệ as a lên đồng medium, thereby placing her under the protection of the Ðạo Mẫu pantheon. But the road to becoming a spirit medium is long, arduous, and costly and such an option might not be available to Huệ for a number of reasons. It often takes a long time to discern whether or not the spirits have truly called someone to mediumship and when they do decide to be initiated the spirits test them so they experience even greater misfortune just before the final ritual. They are sometimes ostracized by friends or family, and may feel compelled to hide their religious practice from others. In addition to these pressures are the requirements of mediumship: they must spend a great deal of time at the temple, make financial contributions, and have regular possession ceremonies. Who would choose such a life? What most spirit mediums have in common is the belief that they did not choose that path. The spirits chose them. Spirits call mediums through spontaneous possession, illness, knotting people’s hair, and by causing the inexplicable experience of great joy during possession ceremonies. Spirit mediums are compelled to serve their spirits, and go to great lengths to do so. Then, once they are initiated, they use their own life experiences to guide and help others. Just as the spirits transform their medium’s misfortunes into spirit blessings (lộc), the mediums transform their own painful experiences into support and compassion for others. Still, the pathway to mediumship is not always clear. Many people, like Hiền’s sister-in-law, and even Hiền and Karen, are not sure if they are destined to mediumship, or if that is their “path.” It could be that other forces are at work. Spiritual Paths, Karmic Debt, and the Spirit Root Spirit mediums often use the concept of spiritual path to explain why some people turn to Ðạo Mẫu, while others are drawn to different religious traditions. Many experiences, like those of Hiền’s sister-inlaw, have multiple interpretations. It is possible that Huệ will recover when Hòa’s remains are found, but she might have to turn to Ðạo Mẫu and be initiated as a medium. Her path will become evident as the story unfolds. The concept of spiritual path implies destiny and

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people who are predestined for one path or another are often drawn to those spiritual traditions. Karen’s father died while she was conducting research in Vietnam with the U.S. mediums. He was in the last stages of lung cancer when she went on the trip, and she constantly worried about him. One day, while hanging clothes to dry on the balcony of her room at the Hồ Gươm hotel, she saw a beautiful and brightly striped wasp crawling on the floor. She realized it was dying and was overcome with sadness and grief. Much like her father who moved his pained body with slow and deliberate caution, this weakened wasp dragged itself in circles around the balcony; it would fly no more. A week later when Karen received the call notifying her that her father had died, Tania and Tiffany rushed to console her and help make arrangements for the sudden trip home. When Karen told the mediums about the poor wasp a visibly excited Tiffany turned to Tania. “What does that mean?” she asked, “Is that our spirits?” “No,” Tania replied, “That’s a Buddhist thing, that’s a different path.” Sometimes people are initiated into mediumship only to discover they are on another spiritual path. This happened to a master medium who had practiced lên đồng for fifteen years. She had become a medium after dreaming of the Ninth Princess and the snake, and had lots of disciples, some of whom were Buddhist monks. Then one day she dreamt that she walked the streets of Hanoi while the Buddhist mantra “Om mani padme hum” appeared in her head in Sino-Vietnamese (Hán Nôm). At first she did not understand the expression. Later, when she saw a bodhisattva (an enlightened spirit who has decided to remain in the human realm to help sentient beings) in her dream and realized that a number of her disciples were monks, she came to the understanding that Buddhism was her true path. She practiced both the Buddhist and Ðạo Mẫu rituals for a while before deciding to quit mediumship altogether so she could follow Buddhism. Although the Seventh Prince called Hiền into service, she thinks that she too is on a Buddhist path. For many years now Mrs. Nga has told Hiền, “You have the spirit root, you should be initiated. The Fifth Mandarin will bless you to be smart and knowledgeable for your research.” Recently, she even teased Hiền in front of others saying, “I will do everything I can to have Hiền initiated. Look! She sits like a Mandarin with two feet crossing each other.” But Hiền’s internal interest is different. Hiền identifies herself as a researcher who has one foot in and one foot out of her subject of study. She strives to be objective but pays respect to and venerates the spirits of her indigenous religion, as well as

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those of other religions such as Catholicism and Buddhism. Recently, she met a superior monk who teaches Buddhist mediation and the practice of achieving an enlightened state. During the inauguration of a new temple in Ðà Lạt city she was overcome with excitement at his teachings. When the teacher asked her to sit in mediation, she entered an awakened state. Later that day he explained to Hiền that one of her ancestors used to “serve” Buddhism (đi tu) and had gained many good merits. He said Hiền could easily arrive at the awakened state because she had been granted fortune from that ancestor. That is the practice Hiền now wants to follow for she thinks it will promote peace of mind, helping with her overloaded personal and professional life. However, she is interested in how popular Buddhist practices are incorporated into Ðạo Mẫu and vice versa.2 She has observed Buddhist nuns prostrating themselves to Mrs. Nga, asking the master medium to read fortunes or perform initiations for them. Hiền wants to practice Buddhist meditation, but she also prays to the Ðạo Mẫu pantheon. She knows that her own path is Buddhist, but others have the path of Ðạo Mẫu. In Việt folk belief there is a vague idea about spiritual debt to the Ðạo Mẫu pantheon, and the debt may be inherited or acquired. Some people owe a debt because they committed a bad deed in a past life. Others say they inherited the debt from ancestors who were called to mediumship but did not follow through with the order. In the following case, a young girl had to become a spirit medium because her paternal grandmother owed a debt to the Buddhist Goddess of Mercy (Quan Âm). Lan exhibited strange symptoms at the age of eleven. She could not feed herself because her hands trembled and made involuntary gestures, and whenever her parents talked to her, she uttered a strange laugh “he, he, he.” They took her to see doctors who could not diagnose her problem, and visited a number of master mediums who said the spirits were calling her. After Mrs. Nga performed an initiation ritual, the girl’s father remembered what his mother had told him before she died: it had been her destiny to be ordained and live in a Buddhist temple but she chose to marry her beloved instead. Moreover, she promised that her granddaughter would take over her spiritual destiny, worshipping the bodhisattva at home. After his daughter’s initiation and subsequent recovery, Lan’s father realized what had happened: By serving the spirits, Lan had paid her grandmother’s debt. The grateful parents installed altars dedicated to Quan Âm and the Ðạo Mẫu spirits. Others acquire the debt during their lives. This often happens when people request something from the spirits, and make a promise

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in return. Sometimes childless couples pray for help from specific spirits. Then, when a child is finally born, the spirits demand that the person serve them later in life. That happened to Mrs. Quý. Her mother gave birth to fourteen children, but ten died. Desperate for more children, she went to Kiếp Bạc temple, which is dedicated to Trần Hưng Ðạo, to ask for another. Her mother gave birth soon after but the infant was small and weak. Then, as an adult Mrs. Quý began to have dreams in which Trần Hưng Ðạo instructed her to pray and make offerings at his temple. People who owe a debt are obligated to serve the spirits. If they know what the debt is, they can pay spirits of the four palaces (trả nợ tứ phủ) by having specific rituals prescribed by their masters. Others only cancel the debt by becoming a spirit medium. When spirits select people to become mediums they are said to have “the root of mediumship” (căn đồng). The term căn has various meanings and connotations in Vietnamese language and belief. Here the word “root” means to have something deep and essential, it is a part of the person. Căn has the sense of nature or basic character and in this context it also implies destiny. People whose character and fate impel them toward mediumship are said to have a spiritual destiny (căn cao số đày) that may be either heavy (nặng) or light (nhẹ) and they must be initiated to “cool their fate” (mát mẻ). Spiritual debt and the spirit root both have agency, causing people to have unusual experiences. Căn is manifested through dreams, sudden revelation, spontaneous possession, behavioral changes, or illness. In many cases these experiences are associated with a major life change or crisis. For others, căn is manifested by a curiosity in lên đồng that slowly becomes a joy and an entertainment, and then a religious need (Lê Hồng Lý 2001). Many mediums have told Karen and Hiền they have căn simply because they are interested in the ritual. “If you didn’t have căn,” one medium said, “you wouldn’t want to go to the ceremonies.” Spirit mediums often see themselves as afflicted by spiritually generated disease, sometimes referred to as a yin disease (Nguyễn Thị Hiền 2002). Whereas natural forces cause yang diseases that are diagnosed by doctors of Western medicine, only ritual specialists, diviners, or mediums can diagnose yin diseases. This is a folk classification, similar to the dichotomy of “natural” and “supernatural” in Western discourse or, in Laderman’s (1991: 15) work, “usual” and “unusual” sickness. The indications of yin disease vary. It can be an inexplicable change in character—insanity, the knotting of the hair, or what is known as a fake illness. Patients may have terrible dreams of meeting

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with a spirit, seeing a snake or leech, or traveling to an invisible world. They may have knotted hair (kết tóc), in which their hair becomes tangled and dirty for no apparent reason or they may become hysterical and exhibit symptoms of “insanity” (điên) such as wandering aimlessly while talking nonsense. What the Vietnamese call điên identifies a constellation of symptoms that would be labeled as psychosis in the West including disorientation, uncontrollable impulses, speaking in gibberish, and aimless wandering. People in this state think of themselves as spirits such as the Tenth Prince or Third Princess or even, on occasion, their own ancestors. An individual may believe they have supernatural powers and command their family members and neighbors to show respect by praying to them. They sometimes go naked or soak in a pond or river. People who have these symptoms often refuse to go to hospitals for treatment. They may believe they can only be cured if their families take them to a mother goddess temple. Knotted hair is a sign of the spirit root. Individuals with this symptom are unable to comb the tangles out of their hair and, as a result, portions of their hair are bunched into unseemly knots. Once, Karen and Hiền were standing at a bus stop in Santa Cruz, a town known for its world-class university and acceptance of alternative lifestyles, when Hiền pointed to a young man with dreadlocks saying “Oh! He has knotted hair disease.” After learning that the young man had purposefully knotted his hair, the authors agreed that knotted hair disease looks more like the tangled hair of the two authors when they get up in the morning. The difference is, of course, that when spirits knot the hair it cannot be untangled. Mrs. Nga suffered from knotted hair. As she explained to Hiền: I was suddenly ill, very ill. My hair was matted and I could not untangle it. I went to a hospital but was not cured. I took various Western medicines but didn’t recover. At that time people were not as religious as they are nowadays. My parents-in-law did not believe in spiritual healing, and my husband’s family was very poor. Fortunately, my mother took me to an astrologist and found out that I have a heavy spirit root. He predicted that if I did not go to a spirit medium for initiation I would die in water, perhaps in a river. He told me the spirits were punishing me (bị hành) but I didn’t understand what that meant. My mother borrowed money for my initiation. Afterwards, I felt much better; I had a good appetite, slept well, and was very happy.

A number of possessed people suffer from what is referred to as petty illness (ốm vặt) or false illness (ốm giả vờ). Despite its name,

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people with this illness become very sick. Mrs. Tuyết felt cold inside and said that her feet felt dead. She went to a hospital, but the doctors could not tell her what was wrong. Eventually she was introduced to a medium who helped her to perform an initiation ritual. Afterward her health problems disappeared and her business of raising fish improved. Now she has a newly built house, but still worries about her children’s education. She hopes that by serving the spirit her business will grow and she will have enough money to send them to university. Some people are afflicted with spontaneous possession whenever they enter a temple. People exhibiting these symptoms regularly go into trance, dancing semi- or unconsciously, until a master medium begs the spirits to be compassionate (thương) and release (tha) the victim. Such instances of possession are often described as being “caught close” (bị bắt sát) or “punished” (bị hành) by spirits, or as being haunted by a “self-pitying shadow” (tủi bóng) that follows a particular individual. People often express regret in this fate saying, “being caught by spirit is so difficult” (bị bắt sát khổ lắm). They enter into uncontrollable trance, dance madly, or cry bitterly. Some people feel dizzy and go into trance whenever they enter a temple or shrine, and they leave exhausted, having sometimes endured hours of dancing in a hypnotic state. Mrs. Nga explained that these are the spirits’ children (con của các ngài), but they do not yet know how (không biết lối) to serve the spirits. After they have an initiation ritual they usually only enter trance during lên dồng rituals. Some people become mediums because they hope that serving the spirits will improve their overall well-being. These prospective mediums, many of whom have experienced streams of bad luck, seek blessings for a good family life, education for their children, and success in their careers. A great number of educated cadres and businesswomen and men in urban areas seek spiritual help for businessrelated concerns. They believe their business fortunes partly depend on whether they serve the spirits (hầu thánh) and have received blessed gifts. In their uncertainty, they seek help, mercy, and compassion from the spirits. This sort of attraction to the Mother Goddess religion is not really new and may explain why such a large number of important temples are located in Lạng Sơn province, not far from the main roads that lead to the trading borders between Vietnam and China. 3 The capital of the province, also called Lạng Sơn, has long been a commercial and trading center for the two countries. Many female vendors in Hanoi markets also practice lên đồng rituals (Endres 2011).

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Mrs. Tuất used to be a successful businesswoman trading in foreign cigarettes and Chinese goods. Although she became wealthy as the head of a group that traded in illegal cigarettes, her luck changed over time. Two of her husbands died prematurely, and one day she was caught with three thousand packs of cigarettes in her car. Fearing she would be convicted for illegal smuggling, she sold all of her property, including seven houses in Hanoi, in order to pay the “fine” (actually, a bribe to the local officials) in lieu of a jail sentence. Shortly thereafter, her son died in an accident. She was miserable and nearly suicidal until one of her friends introduced her to a master medium and she had an initiation ritual. Her life and business improved and she began to earn enough money to raise her four children. Now she trades Chinese goods from Lạng Sơn province to Hanoi. She uses part of her earnings for her family, and reserves a good portion to sponsor rituals and make donations to temples. Some people know they have the spirit root simply because they enjoy the ceremonies. They attend rituals out of curiosity and find they are attracted to the music, colorful spirit clothing, or dances of the spirits. They feel content and happy and may even feel compelled to dance with the spirits. As several mediums explained to the authors, “If people enjoy it, they have the spirit root. They will come back.” Eventually, they will have a strong desire to serve the spirits and will be initiated not because they are ill, but because they have a deep love for the spirits and their ceremonies. The Process of Becoming a Medium: Initiations When people think they have căn they visit a spirit medium, usually a master. If the client has a yin illness the master dispenses natural and supernatural remedies. Mediums pray for clients, give them herbal therapies, ask them to drink blessed incense ash and water, or give them blessed foods from the altar. All of these activities are aimed at healing but if they are unsuccessful, the client is told that the spirits are not satisfied—he or she must become a spirit medium. Appearance and personality help master mediums determine whether or not someone has a heavy spirit root. Men and women may have the root of a spirit of either gender.4 Those who have a male spirit root are said to have glowing faces, restless eyes, hot tempers, and an impulsive nature; and those who have a female spirit are said to be effeminate (Kendall and Nguyễn 2010). A woman who is hottempered is said to be manly (đàn ông) and mediums might say that she has the root of a mandarin or prince (căn Quan or căn Ông Hoàng).

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In public society people say an effeminate man is “womanly” (đàn bà) but of the same man, in the spirit possession context, mediums would say: “he has female spirit root” (căn cô). People who possess the root of a certain spirit exhibit traits corresponding with the spirit’s character or personality. Saying that a person has the Saint Trần root means he has a soldier-like carriage. If a woman has the Seventh Prince root she is strong in mind and character, and if a person has the Tenth Prince root he or she loves beauty and travel. Someone with the root of the Ninth Princess is able to read the fortunes of others, and male mediums with this spirit root are called “miss” (cô). They sometimes have a frail carriage and walk coquettishly and other mediums greet them by saying “Hello, Miss” (Chào cô). Becoming a medium involves two phases of initiation: Carrying Incense on the Head (Lễ đội bát nhang), and the Ceremony of Presentation (Lễ trình đồng) (Lê Văn Hảo 1964; Nguyễn Thị Hiền 2002, 2006). During the first ritual, initiates sit before the altar, cover their heads and faces with a red veil, and balance a bowl of incense on the head while praying. Each initiate has a ceramic bowl containing one stick of incense for each spirit that is venerated.5 This phase of initiation entails a promise to honor and worship the spirits and may last several years until that person decides to have the Ceremony of Presentation to actually become a spirit medium. Initiates may perform a ceremony (lễ khất) asking permission to postpone initiation. This happens if they do not have enough money to become initiated, are uncertain about their commitment to mediumship, or do not feel ready to become possessed. Initiates must contribute to a religious association, make regular offerings at the temple, and buy spirit clothing. If they do not have enough money to pay for all of these things, they may ask the spirits to delay mediumship (Trần Văn Toàn 1966: 88). However, many mediums have explained that the cost of initiation is not prohibitive: if they do not have enough money for offerings or spirit clothes they can share everything, except the red veil, with other mediums. When Phan was called to mediumship the master told her to make an altar at home. She could not afford to make an elaborate altar so she just placed a small bowl of rice, a cup of water, and a bowl of incense on a shelf; that is where she prayed to the Young Prince, the spirit who called her to mediumship. Also, she could not afford to have an initiation ceremony with the full complement of spirit clothing but because her poor health demanded immediate relief, she had the ceremony with just one outfit. Some people want to postpone mediumship because it is personally demanding and is not always viewed favorably. Karen and Hiền have

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met numerous people, mostly women, who delayed initiation because their spouses or other family members did not approve. Many wives try to hide their initiation from their husbands, but they sometimes get caught. One Hanoi medium said her husband destroyed all of her spirit clothes when he discovered she had been initiated. The ceremony of presentation (Lễ trình đồng) is the final initiation ritual. Many mediums in Vietnam and United States refer to this ritual as “coming out” (ra dồng). The ceremony involves elaborate offerings of foods for all of the spirits and the use of complete sets of votive offerings. It is performed by a master medium who is said to “open the gates” (mở cửa) of the palaces: gates are represented by four covered bowls placed on the altar. Each bowl contains a mirror, comb, fan, coins, book, lighter, pen, cigarettes, and tobacco that will later be given to the initiate. There are also bowls containing water to nourish a plant representing the initiate who will later tend the plant. The master medium incarnates several spirits, each of which are offered votives, and opens the gates by blessing each object in the bowls by sprinkling it with water. Meanwhile the initiate, dressed in white clothing, sits praying while facing the altar. Eventually the master covers the initiate’s head with the red veil (figure 4.1). The initiate then incarnates spirits in the lên đồng ritual for the first time. Initiates often report tremendous anxiety as they are never certain the spirits will come or what they will do. There are stories of initiations that did not work as the spirits never descended into the medium. Such cases are often blamed on the master, who is said to have performed the ritual prematurely. The process of becoming a medium is a route of recovery, but it is also a time of testing (Fjelstad and Maiffret 2006). Many mediums say the period of time between the rituals of carrying the incense and initiation is difficult because spirits test their devotion by causing hardships that come in the form of interpersonal, health, workrelated, or financial troubles. Also, preparing for initiation involves a great deal of time and planning so it can be very stressful. Initiations are similar to large weddings in that they are both joyful and taxing. However, once the ceremony is completed most individuals claim their lives have improved. Spirit mediums make these claims in the form of testimonials as they tell their stories of pain and redemption. Spirit mediums perform the ritual primarily because they view it as their destiny to become mediums and they expect their practice to bring them spiritual and worldly benefits. But becoming a medium is a lifelong commitment. Devoting her life to the Mother Goddess religion Mrs. Nga explained, “If I stopped practicing lên dồng I would

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Figure 4.1

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An initiate going into trance under the red veil.

become the victim of illness (ốm dở) and lose my appetite. I would only drink water or eat fruit and I wouldn’t be able to comb the tangles out of my hair.” They perform rituals to enhance their own well-being by serving the spirits, and humbly refer to themselves as “seats” (ghế) upon which the spirits “sit” (ngự). And just as the spirits

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help them, they are able to help others. This is partly achieved by their stories of transformation. Life Stories and Conversion Narratives Conversion narratives are a genre of stories about how and why people turn to a particular god, spirit, or religion (Beckford 1978; Harding 1987; Nieuwkerk 2006; Stromberg 1993;Whitehead 1987) and they are constructed after the event has taken place. Such narratives are found in many religions and they share certain features in common, but each group has its own distinctive style of storytelling. Narratives of transformation are extremely important in the Mother Goddess religion: they affirm the power of the spirits; spread information about the religion; help people to evaluate their lives; and form the cement that binds disciples, mediums, and temples together. Narratives of lên đồng mediums usually include a description of the hardships of life before mediumship, an account of how they tried unsuccessfully to deal with the problem through alternate means, how they discovered they had the spirit root, and ways their lives improved after initiation. Narratives may focus on a single misfortune but often include interrelated troubles: Sister Nga experienced knotted hair, physical illness, and poor luck. Mrs. Quý’s narrative tells of her transformation from poor to rich, and from illness to health. All of her good fortune came after she was initiated. Before the ritual she was very ill, could not eat or sleep, and her shoulders felt heavy. She was so poor that she had nothing and every time she earned a bit of money it quickly disappeared. She said: When I was initiated, I had no money. I borrowed more than one million Vietnamese đông (about 150 US dollars) for the ritual. I didn’t know how I would pay the debt but after initiation I quickly earned enough money to pay it. From that day, my life got better. I am healthy and no longer ill. I got what I asked from the spirits. I asked for a house by the intersection in town, and I got it. I wanted to build a house with a living area on the first floor and a worshipping area on the second floor and I got it. I wanted a college education for my two eldest children and I got that too.

Conversion narratives are testimonies to the powers of spirits who help to untangle hair, heal yin disorders, smooth difficulties in family and social relationships, and even improve business. For example, Mrs. Liên is a successful trader of mint and basil oils in Hưng Yên

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province. Before initiation she was, she claimed, insane. She wandered aimlessly around her village, soaking herself in ponds, and was unable to maintain her business. Since initiation she has been lucid and her business is better than ever. Trading oil depends on unstable local supplies; the price may rise sharply one day and drop just as sharply the next. But like many other mediums, Mrs. Liên’s business practice is informed by dreams. Sometimes she dreams that all the goods in the market are sold out (cháy chợ or literally, “market is on fire”), a sign that oils will be rare in a few days and the prices will rise. On the following day she buys as much oil as possible to sell when the prices rise. When she tells this story to her clients it creates an appealing image and they can imagine themselves as recipients of similar benefits. Conversion narratives allow opportunity for the expression of distress. Talking about problems with other mediums can help people to evaluate thoughts and feelings and review possible responses in a socially supportive context. Life crises often force people to reexamine or change their worldviews and traditional therapies facilitate the process by helping people to develop alternate patterns of thought and behavior (Frank 1973; Prince 1980; Pugh 1983; Young 1981). Imagining how and when they will feel better helps people to construct new ways of thinking and feeling that are commensurate with goals they have set for themselves. Narratives of transformation also help people to understand that others share similar problems and they can be resolved with the help of spirits. This creates a predisposition to be healed and the experience of spiritual empowerment, and supports concrete perceptions of personal transformation (Csordas 1983, 1996). Transformation narratives are told in a variety of settings. Spirit mediums tell them to each other but they also share them with friends, family, and coworkers. The stories are often recounted in casual conversation, but master mediums also tell them to their clients as ways of illustrating the transformative power of spirits. For example, Mr. Thanh worked for the military and civil service but was unlucky in his occupations. When he became ill with symptoms of tuberculosis he consulted a master medium. He learned he had been unlucky because the Ninth Princess (Cô Chín) was calling him to mediumship, which helped to explain his “feminine” characteristics. The Ninth Princess bestows the gift of fortune-telling on her mediums, and soon after initiation Mr. Thanh began to read fortunes for clients who began to call him “Miss” (Cô). Now he is a well-known fortune-teller who earns his living through ritual practice.

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Mrs. Nga also was bestowed with the gift of fortune-telling. “Before initiation,” she tells her clients, “I was like you.” Now she can help people with their health problems and determine whether they have a yin or a yang illness, and if they have the spirit root. When Mr. Thanh and Mrs. Nga tell their stories people think that they too might become successful, and it contributes to the spread of the religion. Unlike Christianity or Buddhism, which increase through missionary work and proselytizing or religious texts, people only get to know Ðạo Mẫu through exposure, and listening to transformation narratives is one of the main ways that knowledge of the religion is spread. As Mrs. Nga explained, “I had so many clients. In just one day, there were about fifty or sixty people, and I could not read fortunes for all that came. Word spread about me from this person to that person. My clients come from many different provinces. They heard the stories and they came.” The narratives are so appealing that they recruit new participants and affirm the beliefs of those who have already become disciples and mediums. These religious tales bind people together on the basis of common beliefs and interests, and mediums tell each other’s stories to newcomers. The stories also transmit and maintain the ethical system of the religion. Through stories of transformation, people learn, for example, that mandarin spirits punish those who do not pay respect to their elders, the Young Prince appreciates disciplined students, and the princess spirits place a high value on compassion. Although most conversion narratives focus on blessings and benefits, another kind of narrative describes the awful things that happen to those who ignore spirit callings. For example, for many years the spirits called Mr. Huy, but he refused to go ceremonies or become initiated. Then, when he suffered a debilitating stroke, he realized he had made a mistake. This type of story also is used to explain misfortune among those who cause harm to temples or spirit mediums. When local policemen took spirit mediums into custody, stories arose describing how police officers began to have accidents or came down with serious illness. There are also stories about people who do not know they have the spirit calling. These narratives are usually very sad, describing someone who suffered greatly but had no chance at relief because no one told them about the healing powers of the spirits. Hạ khăn: Setting Down the Red Veil Although initiation into spirit mediumship is usually viewed as a lifetime commitment that results in numerous benefits, there are cases

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where people have “set down the red veil” (hạ khăn) or turned away from mediumship. Phan retired at the age of eighty-one after more than fifty years of mediumship because she found it increasingly difficult to perform ceremonies due to health problems including severe osteoarthritis. She prayed to the spirits asking permission to retire, and they accepted. However, since her retirement she occasionally holds a ceremony to honor or thank the spirits for something special. Sometimes people set down the red veil because they are initiated by mistake. That happened to Mrs. Hà, one of Hiền’s friends, who thought initiation would help her to have a child. Although she had been married for about ten years, Mrs. Hà could not conceive so she consulted a spirit medium. Childlessness was not the only indication that she had the spirit root; there were also problems in her family. Her husband had exhibited symptoms of “madness” (including homicidal and suicidal tendencies), and claimed he was an ancestor who had died long ago. Every time he entered this state, his family asked a ritual specialist (thầy cúng) to perform a ceremony that helped him to pay his debt to the spiritual world (Nguyễn Thị Hiền 2008). When Mrs. Hà was told that that her husband had a heavy spirit root, she decided to pay the debt for him hoping it would help him to recover as well as help them have children. She went through the initiation, but it did not work. She could not feel the spirits come in and after the ceremony she only wanted to sleep, both signs that she was uninterested in the ceremony and it was not her spiritual path. She did not become pregnant, even after three artificial inseminations. She became embarrassed that she even participated in the ritual, and set down the red veil after her one and only ceremony. According to the master who initiated her, it was not Mrs. Hà’s true destiny to become a medium: the burden had been her husband’s fate and was not transferable. Some people turn away from mediumship. One young woman became a medium while in her early thirties. It seemed she had a difficult life as she was always full of worry, stress and anxiety about her work and love life and she hoped that by becoming a medium things would improve. She became initiated but shortly afterward stopped attending lên đồng. Although people at the temple invited her to their ceremonies, she rarely appeared. A few years later they learned she had committed suicide by jumping off a cliff. Although it is rare, some mediums become disillusioned with promises that their lives will change with initiation. One medium was told by his master that his life would improve so much that he would become rich. “But look at me,” he exclaimed, “I’m still poor!” He

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has not put down the red veil, but has changed his expectations about the effects of mediumship. He says he has learned that spirits do not make people rich, but they do help them to be strong and healthy so they can continue to work. Who Becomes a Medium? People do not turn to spirit mediumship simply because they have troubles. There are individuals without significant problems who worship the spirits because they love them or they enjoy being at spirit possession ceremonies, and there are people who do not turn to spirits even in times of crisis. But those individuals who become mediums have exposure to the religion, are attracted to the spirits and the rituals, and accept specific spiritual explanations for their experiences. Once someone begins the path of initiation this spiritual orientation is dramatically heightened. The spirits are viewed as active participants in day-to-day life, helping to explain nearly anything that happens. Karen has been told, for example, that she has a white car because it is the color of the Third Princess (Cô Bơ), and her friend at the temple loves pink because she has an affinity with the Ninth Princess (Cô Chín). The Young Prince (Cậu Bé) has helped mediums to find a good spouse, and the Seventh Prince (Ông Bảy) causes people to crave cigarettes. Cross-cultural studies have demonstrated that spirit possession religions are predominantly practiced by women (Boddy 1994; Kapferer 2002; Kendall 1985; Lewis 1971), with possession often interpreted as a means by which women address issues of economic, social, and political inequalities. Possession often has a therapeutic value in that it helps to ease frustrations (Crapanzano 1973; Kennedy 1967) and assists women in achieving power and status in societies or families (Kenyon 1999; Phạm Quỳnh Phương 2006). And this is certainly the case with lên dồng and Ðạo Mẫu. As a number of researchers have noted, women more than men are involved in spirit possession rituals (Durand 1959; Endres 2006, 2011; Fjelstad 1995; Nguyễn Hưu Thông 2001; Norton 2006) and they do so for a number of reasons. First, caring for the spiritual well-being of the family is a traditional female role. Women often perform household rituals, clean altars, and prepare ritual foods. They are responsible for the health of the family, and help to pass ritual knowledge to the next generation. One result is that mediumship is often passed from mothers to their female and male offspring. This is expressed in the saying, “Fathers recruit soldiers and mothers mark mediumship” (Cha bắt lính, mẹ

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chấm đồng). Many women also have more exposure to the religion and ritual, thus making it an available and familiar spiritual resource. They also might be attracted to specific characteristics of the ritual, such as embodiment of the spirits and the close personal relationships that are developed with other mediums and spirits. It is also possible that women have more life experiences that cause them to seek solace from the spirits. As one male medium said, “The mother goddesses love all women, especially Asian women who have undergone so many hardships.” But men also practice the religion and the number of male participants appears to be growing. In fact, lên đồng and Ðạo Mẫu are practiced by all kinds of people. When individuals turn to Ðạo Mẫu they begin to interpret events in terms of the spirits and attribute more and more life experiences to the actions of spirits (Fjelstad and Maiffret 2006). In some cases people with secular worldviews begin to see the world differently. That happened to Karen. Although Karen usually describes herself as an atheist or agnostic, her illness caused her to think differently. Like Tania and Brian, who thought the illness had something to do with their trip to Sapa, Karen began to ask the questions “Why me?” and “Why now?” Karen thought about Brian while she was hospitalized. He always worked hard to explain his subjective perspective to Karen, and he has a degree in psychology so he is able, as Tania says, “to see the scientific and religious sides of things.” He told Karen that instead of focusing on what is directly in front of them, spirit mediums have a heightened awareness of their surroundings and attribute more meaning to what is on the periphery. He coined the word parafocus to describe the experience. Parafocus, he said, is a nonlinear perspective that connects images and experiences in unusual ways. The past and future merge with the present and events appear to be connected even though they are far apart in time. Also, things happening in one place influence events somewhere else. While lying in the hospital Karen realized that she was experiencing parafocus. She saw special meaning in events that others might view as normal or typical. She loved the name of her physicians, Drs. Merry and Magic, and she reflected on her experiences in Vietnam. She had seen a very sick little pot-bellied pig on the steps to Cắt Cất village: Was it an omen? Did she get ill because she had breached a taboo? Did her sickness have anything to do with the chair she had brought to California and was going to be used for incarnations of the powerful spirit of Trần Hưng Ðạo? Had a spirit seized her? Tania and Brian were certain Karen had a yin disease, but the idea that Ðạo Mẫu spirits can possess non-Vietnamese, a subject that will be discussed in chapter five, is contested. Lên đòng

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mediums do agree, however, that spirits can follow their mediums to the United States. In fact, many U.S. mediums turned to the spirits during the journey. Transnational Spirits In 1975 thousands of South Vietnamese fled the country at the end of the war. The first group to leave included military officials and those individuals who had worked for the American or South Vietnamese governments. Many were airlifted out of Saigon during the last few days because they feared they would be killed, arrested, or sent to reeducation camps. After these initial airlifts people began to leave Vietnam on boats, many of which were small and overcrowded. This later group often called “boat people” left the country for various economic and political reasons. Some were avoiding imprisonment or had just recently been released; others faced dire poverty after losing their jobs and property; and some sought reunification with family members who had already left Vietnam. Although spirituality played a significant role in their journeys to the United States, mediums do not always agree on how and why the spirits travel (Fjelstad 2010). Some, like Mr. Thái, insist they are omnipresent. “The spirits have no borders,” he said. “We separate Vietnam from America, but they don’t!” He explained that spirits are even able speak to people in their own language. “If you were born in the US and carry the body of an American, you are American. You can pray to the spirits in English, they will listen” (55). Other mediums dismiss this idea. “How can the spirits speak English” Mr. Viên remarked, “they’re Vietnamese! They come from Vietnam!” Some people say they brought their spirits with them. Phan, who became a medium after losing an unborn infant, says the spirit of the Young Prince is located inside her body. The spirit, who only speaks Vietnamese, travels wherever she goes: he migrated to Laos and then to the United States with Phan. Phan has the idea, like many mediums, that spirits can only manifest themselves through mediums who are their “chairs” (ghe). The spirits are thus omnipresent but their manifestations have certain requirements. That helps to explain why some spirits do not travel at all, especially those tied to specific locales. For example, the Chúa Bói spirits can only be served in special temples built for and dedicated to them. Other spirits are associated with particular ideologies. Whereas the figure of Hồ Chí Minh is placed on altars in Hanoi, he will probably never appear in Silicon Valley where many Vietnamese are strident anticommunists.

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Some people hoped that spirits would not follow them to the United States (Fjelstad 2010). The spirits called several individuals in Mr. Viên’s family, including his father and brother, and they established temples in Saigon. Mr. Viên did not want to follow the same path and hoped that by leaving Vietnam, he would avoid the same fate. He stayed away from U.S. temples for several years and the first time he entered one he was seized by the spirit of a snake that wound around his legs, causing him to fall to the ground paralyzed (Fjelstad and Maiffret 2006: 115). At that moment he realized he could not evade his destiny. Many refugees sought the advice of astrologers, fortune-tellers, or spirit mediums in Vietnam hoping to find auspicious times to leave the country. Mai tried to leave seven different times, but on each occasion she was caught. She sought guidance from a spirit medium that advised her to attend a lên đồng. She said, I went to the Chúa Bói temple in Long Khánh. It was in a forest. At that time I saw people lên đồng but I was not sure if there was really Thánh (gods or spirits) or not. Then Cô Bơ (Third Princess) came. She is the one that rides a boat with two oars. I saw people go up to her and I did too. I told her that, “Dear Cô I tried to vượt biên (leave the country by boat) seven times now, but with no success. My parents keep pushing me to go but I do not want to. Please Cô, let me know if I can go or not.”

Mai’s escape from Vietnam was finally successful and although her boat was robbed and most of the women were raped, she was unharmed because, as she said, the Third Princess was rowing the boat. Many boat people turned to the Third Princess during times of crisis and promised to become spirit mediums when they arrived at their destination (Fjelstad 2006). Many refugees turned to the spirits as a result of similar crises. Mrs. Vân tried to leave Vietnam with her husband and six children. The family separated into two groups to reduce visibility, but on the night when they crept down to the beach to meet a boat captain, the results were disastrous. Mrs. Vân and Tania were arrested but the others got on a boat. As Tania explained: The whole family was supposed to go on the same boat. But we had two separate groups go at different hours. When my dad discovered that we got stuck behind he wanted to turn the boat around, but they murdered him. My sister was on top of the boat because she was sick and she saw they shot my dad. She was screaming. They shot her too and threw her off the boat.

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When Mrs. Vân returned home after a short stay in jail, she learned that her husband and daughter had died. On that same day she gave birth to a son. Within one month her mother also died. She was weighted down with unbearable grief until the spirit of the Youngest Prince (Cậu Bé) came into her, making her life peaceful again (Fjelstad and Maiffret 2006). The Youngest Prince “took the sadness away” so that she was able to care for her children. A few years later her young son died. Mrs. Vân said she thought of him as “a star that got sent down to guide us to America” because shortly after his death she was able to escape Vietnam with her remaining children. Mrs. Vân incarnated the Youngest Prince for many years before becoming a spirit medium. The spirit gave her the power to read fortunes and she performed such rituals long before she was initiated. In fact, she did not become a spirit medium until after her daughter Tania was initiated. Becoming a spirit medium is thus a deeply personal and major life event that is often, but not always, related to experiences of misfortune. The symptoms of spirit calling vary from person to person, but most often include multiple problems: there is no single cause or sign of spirit callings. And many spirits travel with their mediums from place to place, easily crossing regional and transnational borders. But becoming a medium involves a huge commitment to the spirit world, one that is not taken lightly. When individuals make promises to the spirits and become mediums they make an implicit agreement to have yearly possession ceremonies. Failure to perform the rituals is a serious breach of contract and can result in harm, illness, or death. Although it is possible for mediums to ask the spirits’ permission for a hiatus, they should try to have the ceremonies. Unfortunately, there were no temples in Silicon Valley when the first wave of refugees arrived. This was extremely problematic for individuals who had made a commitment to the spirits. How could they serve their spirits without temples, incense bowls, statues, or spirit clothing? The following chapter addresses this question.

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Chapter 5

“Lên Ðồnging” in Silicon Valley

One spring day in 2003 Karen went with Phan to a ceremony at

a newly established Silicon Valley temple. “Come with me,” Phan told Karen, “you’ll see it’s a really big temple!” Karen was astounded because it was quite different from other temples she had seen in the area. Although most did not advertise their presence, this temple had a huge painted wooden sign and three flags (of temples, the United States, and the former Republic of South Vietnam) placed over the entrance gate. And while it was located in a residential neighborhood, like most other temples of Silicon Valley, it was not situated inside the home but in an attached building constructed solely to house the temple. It had a beautiful new floor with an elevated area for the medium and ritual assistants to sit, French doors with paned windows, and freshly painted walls. And as Karen later learned, nearly every object on the altar had been purchased in Vietnam. The statues of the spirits, the lintels and columns, the many vases and incense pots, the drums and gongs, and the numerous silk spirit hats suspended from the ceiling had all come from Vietnam. The airiness of the temple, along with the made-and-purchased-in-Vietnam ritual goods, reminded Karen of public temples she had visited in Vietnam. She wondered who had built such a temple and how they got all the goods from Vietnam. What did other mediums think of this new and rather opulent temple? Did they like it better because it was similar to those in Vietnam? In fact, when Hiền first visited this temple she said it made her feel as if she had returned home. Even though the temple was unusual, the mediums Karen met there were familiar. They were mostly older women, many of whom were dressed in traditional áo dài, and Karen had seen them at numerous possession rituals over the years. Many were spirit mediums and

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disciples of various local temples, and most were friends of Phan. As Karen watched the ceremony she noticed two young women who stood outside smoking cigarettes under a peach tree, occasionally peering in through the window. Later Karen introduced herself to Tania and Tiffany and learned they were both in the early thirties, spoke fluent English, and were spirit mediums. They agreed to meet with Karen later in the week for interviews. “But,” Tania said, “I have to tell you that we’re different. We’re not like these old people, we’re a new generation.” This chapter explains the history of lên đồng in northern California, tracing changes that have occurred over a twenty-five-year period. It describes temples, communities of spirit mediums, and the lên đồng rituals; focuses on challenges the first immigrants faced while practicing the ritual; examines gradual changes in Silicon Valley rituals over time; and explores generational transformations in ritual practice. The ritual was modified when early migrants brought it to the United States, it was changed again when U.S. Vietnamese were allowed to return to Vietnam, and now younger Vietnamese in America are adding their own transformations. As Tania explained to Karen, this younger generation has its own style. The Early Temples The pioneers of lên đồng spirit possession in Silicon Valley are ethnic Vietnamese who traveled to the United States by circuitous routes, but that was not the first time some of them had traveled. Some were born in northern Vietnam, then moved to the south following the division of their country in 1954. Others, like Phan, went to Laos, where they lived and practiced their rituals for years. Following the end of the American-Vietnam war, many spent time in refugee resettlement camps in Thailand or in the Philippines. When they finally arrived in the United States, they, along with other Southeast Asian refugees, were dispersed across the country. Many moved to California only after having been sent to other U.S. states. Some gravitated to southern California while others trickled in to Silicon Valley. Most of these immigrants had little in the way of material possession to bring with them. However, those who were spirit mediums brought something vastly more lasting: their rituals. The process of migration caused a hiatus in ritual practice. Some mediums first lived with non-Vietnamese sponsors, many of whom were Christian. They did not always share their own religious beliefs and practices with host families because, as one medium said, “I don’t

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think they would have liked it.” On the other hand, some host families were extremely supportive of their Vietnamese guests, and one even helped to build a small altar in their home so that a medium could serve her spirits. Some mediums did not think they would practice their rituals in a new land. Mrs. Tuyết said, “We didn’t think anyone would make a temple in the US. We thought that no one would serve, that no one would follow this religion here at all” (Fjelstad 2006: 96). They nonetheless had a tremendous need to perform their ceremonies and thank the spirits, many of whom had saved their lives. The need for a place of worship led to the opening of the first Silicon Valley temple in 1978. Mrs. Ðô opened a temple in her tiny apartment and she, Mrs. Tuyết, and a number of other mediums had their first U.S. ceremonies there. Three more temples, situated in private homes or apartments, were opened by female mediums in the 1980s, and over the next two decades a total of fourteen temples would open in Silicon Valley. Presently there are eleven operating temples as three closed down due to the death, retirement, or relocation of the master medium who is the senior member of the temple (in a spiritual sense) with the power to initiate new members. The past and present locations of the Silicon Valley temples reflect the history of the Vietnamese in the area. Two of the original temples were located in downtown San Jose, and two were in the nearby city of Santa Clara. The downtown region was the heart of the Vietnamese community in the late 1970s and early 1980s. A run-down area, it had been full of boarded-up shops and as one community leader said, it “looked like nobody was there” (McLaughlin 2009: 10). But the rents were cheap and soon Vietnamese noodle shops and markets opened and the area became, for a short while, the center of the Vietnamese community. Other temples were situated in homes rented or purchased in suburban neighborhoods. Establishing a temple is an expensive and time-consuming endeavor. Mediums must have a suitable location for the practice of their rituals; adequate access to materials for the construction of altars to ancestors, Buddha, Ðạo Mẫu spirits, and the spirits of wandering ghosts; sufficient clothing and ritual paraphernalia for spirit incarnations; and space to prepare and serve food to the spirits and their mediums and disciples. Constructing a temple is demanding in the best of circumstances but it is more challenging for migrants, especially the earliest arrivals. One major difficulty for the earliest refugees was insufficient time: they were extremely busy navigating their way through the new land, gaining English-language skills, and locating housing, employment,

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health care, and education. Although religious rituals can assist migrants by providing psychological hope, comfort, and social support, and confer practical advantages such as help with employment and child care (Brodwin 2003; McCarthy-Brown 2001; Orsi 1999; Warner and Wittner 1998), many newly arrived migrants were simply too busy to practice their rituals. There was often a significant delay, sometimes of ten years or more, before mediums sponsored their first ceremonies in the United States. The busyness of migrant lives also explains why older women opened the earliest temples: they were supported by their working adult children and had free time to devote to Ðạo Mẫu. The first ceremony Karen ever attended in Silicon Valley was at the home of Mrs. Sáu, a medium who was in her mid-sixties. Her temple, the second to be opened in the area, was situated in a large home that had been purchased by her children. It was there that Karen met Phan, who invited her to a ceremony at Mrs. Tuyết’s, and in doing so introduced Karen to the greater world of Silicon Valley mediums. A sickly child, Mrs. Tuyết became a medium in Hanoi at the age of twelve. In 1954 she and her husband moved from Hanoi to Saigon and then to Laos. She continued to practice her religion in each location, and when they came to the United States in 1975, she had a ceremony at Bà Ðô’s temple. After that first ceremony she decided to build her own temple so that she could serve in the comfort of her own home. She said: “I made this temple because I wanted to have a temple of my own. I don’t want to serve at someone else’s place. I like to stay at home, worship at home. My friends can come and it’s fun.” She and her husband purchased a house in a Silicon Valley neighborhood and turned several of the rooms into a temple. The altar, with its tables and floor-to-ceiling shelves spanning the length of the wall, was placed in the former living and dining rooms; the garage was transformed into a dining area with tables and chairs, sofas, refrigerators, and hot water for tea and coffee; and the backyard was dotted with altars for spirits of wandering ghosts. She and her friends sponsored possession ceremonies in the temple for twenty-eight years. Many mediums were concerned about the legality of religious practice. They knew the ritual was illegal in Vietnam—mediums in that country indeed had to practice the ritual in secret—and they were used to being criticized by people from all walks of life. Some assumed their religion would be illegal in the United States also, and feared practicing spirit possession in a new country and culture. This fear was not unfounded, as Karen quickly discovered when she

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informed a Vietnamese community leader about her research into traditional religious practices. He was supportive until he heard the term lên đồng, then told her she would make Vietnamese “look primitive and bad” if she wrote about the ritual, and even asked her to leave his office. Because of these negative views, migrants sometimes feel compelled to hide traditional religious practices and are often pressured to conform to larger, more socially acceptable religions. Some even adopt larger religions as a means of counteracting negative stereotypes (Brodwin 2003). The fear of openly practicing spirit possession impacted the construction of temples. Whereas temples in Vietnam may be public or private and even the latter advertise their presence with temple flags, the first Silicon Valley temples were located in private homes and apartments. There were no outward signs that such places were houses of worship. The only evidence early temples existed were the piles of shoes outside their doors on ceremonial days: it was one of the signs that Karen looked for whenever she went to a temple. Turning a private home or apartment into a temple requires the careful use of space for altars, food preparation and eating areas, and living quarters for the temple medium. In some cases the same space is used as food preparation and worship areas, and in most cases the living area for mediums and their families is significantly reduced. When Mrs. Tuyết and her husband turned their home into a temple, the family’s living space was limited to a small area. Mr. Viên has long expressed dissatisfaction with his temple being located in a small apartment. He says it is “not right” to do mundane things in a temple. “I feel bad,” he said as he pointed to a bedroom, “my wife and I sleep right there!” His vision is to have a temple in a separate structure so he can separate secular and sacred activities. “If I was rich,” he said, “I would have two apartments.” One would be for the temple, and the other would house his family. In the early decades of temple growth, some mediums worried their neighbors would complain about parking, loud music, or even that they held such rituals. To this day Mr. Viên placates his neighbors by distributing gifts of food the day before a ceremony. He visits each home with plates of blessed gifts and requests their patience and tolerance. Although many mediums live in Vietnamese communities, some of their neighbors have never heard of the ritual. One young woman told Karen that she and her family thought one temple was “practicing black magic or something.” Although Karen invited her to a ceremony, she refused to attend. Music is also problematic. Some temples still close their doors to reduce to the sounds of chầu văn,

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while others play possession music quietly. There is also the issue of parking as the streets are crowded with cars on ceremonial days. One temple has a parking attendant who makes sure the neighbors’ cars are not blocked. Some mediums believe government authorities can forcibly close their temples. Once, during an argument over ritual procedure, a woman threatened to call authorities so that another medium’s temple would be shut down. Also, the mother of a young initiate threatened to call the police if her daughter went through with the ceremony because she said, “it is like a cult.” Although the police never did show up, many expected some sort of “drama” to happen that day. Migrants with limited funds but a great need to serve the spirits made the best of their situation by transforming their small homes and apartments into temples. They kept windows and doors closed to maintain privacy, sacrificing the fresh air that is so important where the burning of incense, candles, and cigarettes are essential components of ritual. Some, like Mrs. Tuyết, set up kitchens in their garages, the only place where there was sufficient room for the huge pots of soup. They did not have enough money or social and political capital to build the large public temples that some desired. Besides, constructing such a temple would have required purchasing land, building structures, and acquiring permits as well as familiarity with the legal system. In earlier days, most mediums did not have such resources. The earliest mediums used locally available materials (Fjelstad 2006). They could not purchase ritual goods in Vietnam, and many refugees left the country in such a rush they did not have time to pack their ritual gear. Although Mrs. Tuyết brought cassette tapes of songs for the spirits and Phan brought her spirit clothes, they were unable to bring much else; they certainly could not carry the spirit statues or incense bowls that are essential for the construction of a temple. Instead, they fashioned ritual objects out of whatever goods were at hand, resulting in unique and beautiful temples. The construction of a temple requires numerous material goods. First and foremost in importance are the altars. Most Silicon Valley temples have several altars dedicated to the Mother Goddess pantheon, the Buddha and Quan Am, ancestors, and the spirits of wandering ghosts. The main altar, the central feature of a temple, is separated into three sections. The central portion is for the mother goddesses and their spirit helpers. The right side (as one faces the altar) is dedicated to Trần Hưng Ðạo and his spirits, while the left side is for the spirits of mountains and forests. Underneath the central

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portion is a section dedicated to the five tiger spirits, and above the altars are placed two snakes—one white and the other green. In the 1980s most altars were made from purchased bookshelves and tables or, more commonly, from lumber that was cut to size and beautified with pieces of red cotton or silk fabric. Each section of the altar has its own material requirements. They must have incense bowls or statues of the spirits, incense holders, candles, cups for water or wine, bowls for offerings of food, and vases for flowers. The portion of the altar dedicated to the five tigers must have an artistic representation of them, usually a copy of a painting of the tigers. Ancestral altars require photographs of the deceased; and altars for ghosts, which are usually placed outside of the temple, have toys for the spirits of dead children. Although temples in Vietnam are established with the help of a ritual specialist who animates statues and incense bowls, the earliest Silicon Valley mediums did not have such a luxury; there were no thầy cúng, so they had to prepare the bowls themselves. They would write the spirit’s name on a small piece of paper and put the paper, along with a penny, a small bag of herbs, a portion of betel nut, and a bit of gold, into the bowl, then cover these goods with clean sand, instead of the sticky rice stem ashes (tro rơm nếp) used in Vietnam. Another adaptation had to do with preparing objects prior to their placement on the altars. In Vietnam such objects were washed with rice wine in which a special herbal satchel had soaked. Since rice wine was difficult to obtain in the earliest days of Silicon Valley temples, white drinking alcohol such as vodka or gin mixed with five-spice powder was substituted. When Mrs. Tuyết and her husband built their temple with goods in San Francisco’s Chinatown, like other temple mediums, she bought readymade dolls and fashioned appropriate clothes for them, sewing their outfits out of silk fabric representing each spirit’s color. They were decorated with jeweled and sequined headdresses. This highly skilled work was time consuming and creative, and led to interesting multicultural blends (figure 5.1). While many of the princess (Cô) statues were made of dolls with Asian facial traits and bodily stance, others were Caucasian. Her altar for wandering ghosts even included one Mexican garden statue representing a child in a large red and white striped sombrero and bright yellow pants. The Youngest Prince (Cậu Bé) was often made of chubby childlike dolls with round faces. Although some mediums were able to bring their spirit clothes (áo Mẫu) to the United States, others had to leave them behind. However, U.S. mediums could easily purchase the silk they needed

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Figure 5.1 A statue on the altar to wandering ghosts.

for spirit clothes. The fabric was taken to tailors and seamstresses who sewed them into the appropriate styles, but much of the beadwork and embroidery that decorated belts and collars was done by the mediums themselves. Karen recalls with nostalgia helping Phan to repair beadwork on collars and belts, while Phan recalls having to redo most of Karen’s sloppy embroidery.

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The Early Ceremonies Migrants transform religious practices by changing rituals and ritual spaces (McCarthy-Brown 1999; Orsi 1999), shortening the amount of time devoted to religion (Levitt 2001), and causing fluctuations in the popularity of various spirits or deities (Brendbekken 2003; McAlister 1998). The earliest ceremonies in Silicon Valley were both similar to and different from those in Vietnam. The altars were traditional in the sense that a medium or disciple from Vietnam could easily discern the main spirits and organization of the pantheon. The sights, sounds, and scents would be familiar, as would the ritual procedure. The first time Karen attended a ceremony in Vietnam she was surprised that the ritual was so similar to those she had witnessed in the United States: she knew who the spirits were, she could easily follow the incarnation sequence, and realized she had learned correct temple etiquette in the United States. However, there were differences in a number of domains including the age and gender of mediums and disciples, the time and duration of ceremonies, the ritual personnel and music, blessed gifts, and the spirits who were incarnated. When Karen started her research in the 1980s the ceremonies in Silicon Valley were different from what Hiền would witness there two decades later. The earliest ceremonies occurred at a time when most of the mediums were older women. Karen did not see male mediums perform rituals in Silicon Valley until the mid-1990s. The older women wore silk or velvet áo dài to the ceremony, adorned themselves with gold and jade, and chewed betel nut. They were elegant and traditional, and like most people at the ceremonies, they only spoke Vietnamese. There also was age segregation, something not found in Vietnam. Very few young people attended ceremonies and those that did were usually the offspring of mediums and although they went to ceremonies out of respect for their elders, they rarely participated (Fjelstad 1995). Tania attended her first ceremony when she was twenty and recalls that she was embarrassed to be there. Another difference between Vietnam and U.S. temples had to do with time. Whereas people in Vietnam have rituals on any day of the week, ceremonies in Silicon Valley were held only on Saturdays or Sundays when people were freed from other obligations. Turning ceremonies into weekend events had certain implications: the ceremonies were simultaneously compressed and lengthened. Only one medium could have a ceremony on a particular day, and the duration of that ceremony was longer because, as one medium explained, “we can only have ceremonies on weekends so we want them to last longer.” Whereas lên

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đồng in Vietnam last two–four hours, those in Silicon Valley lasted from six to twelve hours. And whereas Vietnamese temples sometimes arranged to have two ceremonies in front of the same altar on the same day, that was not possible in the United States. Another difference had to do with ritual personnel and music. Ceremonies in Vietnam involve ritual specialists who write petitions and invoke spirits with chants, but such personnel were not available in the United States. Only one man in Silicon Valley knew how to write petitions but he died in the mid-1990s. After his death others tried to fill that role, but they were untrained. In addition, there were no chầu văn singers available for performing in original Silicon Valley temples. Instead, each temple played possession songs on the cassette tapes Mrs. Tuyết had brought with her from Laos. Often, the recorded music was enhanced with live sounds of tambourines, cymbals, and drums. Silicon Valley mediums also did not have access to the tropical fruits that Vietnamese temples distributed as blessed gifts, so substitutions were made. Instead of giving rambutan or Vietnamese grapes the spirits were offered local produce including apples, oranges, persimmons, and apricots. Rather than drinking homemade rice wine, they drank Paul Masson cabernet, Gilbert’s vodka, or Martinelli’s sparkling apple cider. Packages of noodles and monosodium glutamate were replaced with cloth scarves, bars of Jasmine-scented soap, and handkerchiefs. One time Phan distributed small plastic toothpick holders decorated with figures of Santa Claus. Excited about the gifts disciples clambered over each other as they reached out to the spirit calling her “Miss, Miss . . . ” everyone wanted to have one, but there were not enough to go around. Cross-cultural research has found that migration causes fluctuations in the popularity of various spirits or deities (Brendbekken 2003; Kurien 1998; McAlister 1998). Although some mediums like Mrs. Tuyết had once lived in northern Vietnam, much of their ritual practice occurred in southern portions of the country or Laos and they incorporated southern traditions. For example, while Silicon Valley mediums frequently incarnate the Bà Chúa (Goddess) spirits, such incarnations are less common in northern Vietnam. And some spirits never appear in Silicon Valley. For example, the spirit of Hồ Chí Minh is venerated in temples in Hanoi, but is never found in Silicon Valley because of his association with communism and the overthrow of the Republic of South Vietnam, an area from which many Silicon Valley mediums came. The first mediums that left Vietnam only represented a small segment of the total population of mediums and as a result some

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knowledge was lost, and some was conflated. During one ceremony Phan accidentally merged the identities of two young prince spirits. She asked for the green hat of the Youngest Prince (Cậu Bé) while possessed by the Third Young Prince (Câu Bơ) who wears white. The ritual assistants were confused because she asked for the wrong colored hat and they asked her, “Do you want the hat of the First or the Third Prince?” “I don’t care,” she replied, “First Prince, Third Prince, just give me a hat!” Because of knowledge loss, and other factors, certain members of the pantheon grew more popular in Silicon Valley, while others receded into the background (Fjelstad 2010). Favored spirits included the Third Princess (Cô Bơ), the Seventh Prince (Ông Bảy), and the Youngest Prince (Cậu Bé). The Third Princess is favored because she helped boat people, and the Youngest Prince is well loved because he is childish and endearing. The Seventh Prince is popular in all Silicon Valley temples. Although some people say he can “make people rich,” most mediums when asked directly, do not cite reasons. However, many attribute addiction to cigarettes to him. However, there are other spirits that rarely if ever incarnate into mediums in northern Vietnam. Two such spirits are Little Dark Princess and the Ninth Prince (Ông Chín), both of whom frequently descend into Silicon Valley mediums, but have never been seen by Hiền to do so in mediums in Vietnam. Both Little Dark Princess and Ninth Prince are associated with healing. Because Little Dark Princess is disabled, she has great empathy for others, and is frequently beseeched to help people. Likewise, Ninth Prince, who is the spirit of an ethnic minority as well as an herbalist, is frequently asked to use his powers to cure human illnesses. These popular spirits have in common a compassion for humanity that is combined with lower positions in the pantheon’s hierarchy (Fjelstad 2010). As Tania once explained to Karen, the lower level spirits “work harder” than others and they work more closely with humans. Higher-order spirits are so busy in their various realms that they have less time to be concerned with human affairs. Also, lower level spirits have more freedom from strict rules of behavior. Their manifestations are “heavy” and they are felt more strongly than other spirits. As Tania explained: “Someone could have the mandarin spirits and not even know, but with Ông Bảy or Cậu Bé, you really know you’re possessed.” The earliest ceremonies of Silicon Valley were similar to those held in Vietnam, but small differences were beginning to emerge. Some variations were the result of expediency; in order to have ceremonies

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they had to make do with available goods, knowledge, and personnel. But Silicon Valley mediums also began to develop their own style and ways of doing things. This increased as time passed and the religion proliferated. Revitalization in Silicon Valley During the early 2000s a number of new temples were established. Whereas the earliest mediums in Silicon Valley had to open temples because there was no other place to serve the spirits, later temples opened for different reasons. A huge factor in revitalization, one that caused a sea change, was the Renovation taking place in Vietnam. The ritual was beginning to be practiced more freely in that country, and Vietnamese in America could finally return to Vietnam to have ceremonies and purchase objects for their temples. Additionally, some of the older temple mediums died or retired and their temples, which sometimes split into two, were moved to new locations and reopened by disciples or children. Other temples were opened because mediums like Mrs. Tuyết wanted to serve the spirits in their own homes. This reflects a common evolution of temples: after mediums mature and grow more comfortable with rituals they want to express their own styles in their own temples. Opening a temple is a way to show devotion to the spirits and such dedication is rewarded with blessed gifts in the form of good luck. Temple mediums have a tremendous amount of responsibility as they have to set up and maintain the altars, present daily offerings of incense, flowers, and fruit to the spirits, and make sure disciples have access to the temple. These responsibilities are doubled if the templemedium (đồng đền) is also a master (đồng thầy). The master medium must make certain the spirits are properly venerated and people are well behaved in the temple, and they mediate between all of the mediums and disciples at the temple. Failure to perform these duties can result in spiritual punishment. As Mr. Viên said, “If I do something wrong they (the spirits) will make my face red or pull on my ears. If I don’t do things right, my mom (the mother goddesses) will cut me up!” It is exactly because these jobs are so demanding that temple mediums are rewarded. After her retirement Mrs. Tuyết’s temple was transferred to another medium. Because neither of her two daughters had the spirit root, she decided to find someone to take over the temple. There were a number of candidates but she decided to pass the temple to Loan, a middleaged woman she had met three years earlier. Loan, the daughter of

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two spirit mediums, was initiated in the Old Quarter of Hanoi at the age of twenty-one. After coming to the United States she opened a nail salon and began to serve the spirits at Mrs. Tuyết’s temple. Mrs. Tuyết chose Loan because they had a strong feeling for one another (có duyên, literally to “share fate”) and because Loan had dreams of flying, which indicated her destiny as a temple medium. Loan added a separate structure to her house and turned it into a temple. It has the same name and statues as Mrs. Tuyết’s temple but is much more opulent. On the day of the temple opening every object both new and old glistened, the result of recent polishing. Colorful silk conical hats were suspended from the ceiling along with red paper lanterns and shiny Christmas ornaments. Silk flowers decorated with faux jewels were arranged in ceramic vases on the altars and glittery plastic snowflakes lined the temple’s walls. There were decorated Christmas trees on the altar, although the ceremony took place in the spring, and in every corner there was a vase of flowers, a table laden with fruit for the spirits, or a pile of cushions for disciples and guest to sit upon. The newer temples reflect changes in the Silicon Valley population. Whereas downtown San Jose used to be the center of Vietnamese businesses, the community has spread and there are currently three other business and shopping regions within a five-mile radius of each other (McLaughlin 2009).1 These areas have the largest concentrations of Vietnamese and most of the temples are located there. Only one remains downtown. Also, although nearly all temples are located inside private homes, two occupy specially constructed rooms added to the mediums’ houses. Both of these temples are larger than inhouse temples and each has bright and sunny rooms opening to outside seating and garden areas. In that way, they are similar to public temples in Vietnam where the grounds are decorated with flowering plants and trees that attract birds and butterflies. A public temple was also opened by a man who is not a medium, but who had a strong desire to honor the spirits. His temple, built with items imported from Vietnam, also functions as a museum and a senior center. The earliest temples rarely manifested their presence to casual passersby but today they advertise with outward signs. For example, Loan’s yard is decorated with ceramic vases full of high-quality silk orchids surrounding a statue of Quan Âm, and on ceremonial days Loan tapes bright-yellow signs to the front of her house, pointing to the entrance to the temple. Mrs. Lương’s temple also has signs and flags at the entrance, and the grounds of Mr. Viên’s temple are full of carefully pruned flowering bushes and fruit trees. He uses flowers and the fruit from the trees in his ceremonies. Although the mediums

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are still concerned about complaints from their neighbors, they are less fearful of arrest and more secure in their religious practice. They even distribute business cards, a practice that also become popular in Vietnam. In fact, changes in the Silicon Valley temples are paralleled by changes in Vietnam, where the Renovation has caused a revitalization resulting in the building of new temples and refurbishing of the older temples. Lên đồng are more openly practiced in both countries. Technological change has impacted ceremonies. Cell phones are pervasive, and mediums and disciples in both Silicon Valley and Vietnam make or receive phone calls during ceremonies, and even sometimes take photos of ceremonies with their phones. List-serves now announce upcoming ceremonies. Videotaping has been important since the 1980s, but now they are making DVDs instead of tapes. Mediums like to watch their own and other’s ceremonies and it has long been a favorite pastime. They comment on the spirit while watching videos saying, “Oh! Look at the Young Prince, isn’t he cute?” or “The Fifth Mandarin is so angry, just look at his face!” Viewing recorded rituals is one way that mediums review actions of the spirits and see things that were not visible during the ceremony. They sometimes become possessed while watching videos of their ceremonies. Karen and Tania recently watched a spirit that healed Karen after her illness. During the ceremony Karen had knelt behind the spirit while it incarnated into Tania, but neither woman saw the entire ceremony until they watched the video together. Viewing the film turned out to be an emotional experience: while the spirit whooped and moaned on the screen Karen and Tania became teary observers. Tania was able to explain actions of the spirit to Karen and the video was a powerful and evocative reminder of the healing session. The passing of time has led to an increase in ritual personnel. There are more ritual specialists and musicians in Silicon Valley, partly because more have migrated from Vietnam, and people have more choices when they select ritual participants. However, the price for a single musician is about five hundred dollars so many mediums continue to have their ceremonies with recorded music. Until the 1990s most of music was played on tape recorders but they have recently been replaced with computers that play songs downloaded from the Internet. Instead of music from just one or two regions of Vietnam, one now hears music from nearly all provinces. Spirit gifts have somewhat changed with time. The spirits of early ceremonies distributed fresh fruit along with plastic combs, bars of soap, paper fans, and scarves. Today, however, there are more

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prepackaged foods such as chips, cookies, candy, and sodas. The spirits still distribute betel nut, fresh flowers, and fruits but they also like Arizona tea, Cheetos, and trail bars. This is commensurate with changes in Vietnam where packages of noodles, cookies, and chips have become popular and are handed out with Coca Cola, Fanta, and Halida beer. Still, some mediums in Silicon Valley prepare handmade gifts for the spirits. These include tiny plaster sculptures of the Mountain Realm, packaged bags of herbs for tea, or sticks of incense decorated with silk bows. Changes also have occurred in the devices that people use to carry spirit gifts. Whereas people in the old days used plain white plastic bags, Karen was recently given a bag decorated with figures from the movie “Madagascar Escape 2 Africa.” Nowadays people are beginning to bring environmentally friendly cloth bags to the ceremonies. Brian said he wants to reduce waste by offering gifts that have less packaging. Dramatic changes took place at the beginning of the new millennia as more mediums traveled to and from Vietnam and imported ritual goods for their temples. Some wealthy temples, like Mrs. Lương’s, were constructed with ritual goods “special-ordered” and imported with the help of a master medium in southern Vietnam. Even Mrs. Tuyết’s temple was transformed when it was reopened by Loan. Instead of a homemade altar in the living room of a house, Loan had a special structure built with shiny new pictures and vases that surrounded the old homemade statues. Although most mediums emphasized the effort they put into constructing the temple over the cost or origin of the goods (Fjelstad 2006), differences in wealth grew more apparent. A Silicon Valley style further evolved because mediums did not throw out the old statues, possession music, or spirit clothes; instead, they blended the old with the new, the Vietnamese with the Californian, creating a unique fusion (see figure 5.2). Spirit mediums use ritual goods to serve their spirits, but also to please them. Many spirits enjoy visiting nice places, wearing fine clothes, listening to good music, eating foods, and drinking beverages. When humans offer these goods and services they are showing devotion to the spirits; consequently, mediums expend great effort to offer the best experience for the spirits, in much the same way that ordinary people do when having distinguished guests for dinner. In the morality of Ðạo Mẫu, the effort one makes to please spirits has a higher value than the actual results (Fjelstad 2006). A common saying, “wealth gives birth to ritual form” (phu quy sinh ra le nghia), expresses this idea. Malarney (2002: 10) says, “The idea behind this adage is that individuals should organize their rituals according to

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Figure 5.2 altar.

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A hand-decorated statue of Cậu Bé remains on a newly constructed

their means.” A poor person who puts a lot of effort into acquiring meager food and offerings receives as much spiritual blessing as someone who spends a lot of money. But some mediums worry that the growing acquisition of material goods correlates with diminished spirituality, and the desire for

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wealth exceeds the desire to serve the spirit world. This seems to suggest a monetarization of the ritual, and is a common topic of heated conversation among mediums in the United States and Vietnam. Two perspectives dominate this discourse (Fjelstad 2006). The first is based on the idea that people who have money should spend it on their spirits: the more people have, the more they should spend. The second perspective is that people are becoming too materialistic, and interest in the acquisition of material goods exceeds spiritual concerns. Tania once said, “people get too caught up with . . . want[ing] to find way a better to sell products” and the religion is now “more like a business” (Fjelstad 2006: 107). Culture and age shape attitudes toward materiality. People in Vietnam and older Silicon Valley Vietnamese are comfortable talking about finances, and it is common to ask others how much money they make and where it is spent. But such topics are taboo for many Americans, some of whom have the idea that spirituality and materialism are polar opposites and a truly spiritual person is not concerned with (or does not discuss) worldly goods. Some younger Vietnamese in the United States have adopted these beliefs and are surprised when they hear people discuss finances so openly. Tania was angered by a medium she had met in Hanoi. He told her he was very rich and famous, and had traveled to more than thirty countries. He would only go to California, he said, if the U.S. government formally invited him. Tania was visibly upset when she left his temple. “Why is he talking about power and status and money?” she asked, “We didn’t even talk about religion!” Differences in wealth provide Silicon Valley mediums with a variety of temples from which to choose. This diversification means that different temples can serve different populations. There is something for everyone. Most mediums are local residents, but there are people at each temple that travel from other regions or states to attend ceremonies. As a result, temples associated with mediums from Laos serve food from that country while Huế beef noodle soup (bún bơ Huế), a hallmark of central Vietnam, is commonly served in a temple established by a medium from Huế. There are larger and smaller and richer and poorer temples, those with goods imported from Vietnam, and those still using locally acquired materials. And although each temple is associated with a particular group of mediums, they attend each other’s ceremonies. They act as ritual assistants and provide each other with information and goods, and many are close friends. Social groups formed around religions often have far-reaching consequences. Many mediums meet each other every weekend and talk

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on the telephone or get together during the week. Shared experiences and interests form the basis for close friendships that sometimes function as mutual assistance associations (Fjelstad 2006: 100). Members of these groups give each other financial support, translation services, transportation, and child care. In the 1980s Phan spent much of her time helping other spirit mediums and disciples. Because she had a car and a driver’s license (and many others did not) she took her friends to the market, doctor’s office, or anywhere else they need to go. She also helped with child care and although her ability to speak English was limited she sometimes helped to translate letters, bills, or official papers into Vietnamese. These services were especially important in the 1980s because many mediums fell into a category of people who were less likely to receive social services from other groups. Problems of adjustment are normally exacerbated among female and elderly migrants because they have more social isolation and less opportunity to develop English-language skills (Equity Policy Center 1981). Possession ceremonies countered this problem by providing a space for the formation of social support groups (Fjelstad 1995). Interestingly, mediums and disciples in Silicon Valley have more egalitarian relations than their counterparts in Vietnam. Whereas master mediums in Vietnam have a high status and are accorded great prestige, the masters of Silicon Valley are not significantly differentiated from other mediums. As Miss Hoa explained, “When we go to the temple we have to clasp our hands together and greet the master politely, but here no one does that.” The Silicon Valley masters initiate others, but their disciples come and go, attach themselves to other temples, and sometimes disappear. One consequence is that some masters do not have much help in setting up for the rituals. They cannot order their disciples around, as is often the case in Vietnam, and do not get the same level of assistance from them. Instead, masters frequently hire people to help with food preparation. And since everyone is aware of this, it is not uncommon for attendees to present masters with money to help pay for the food. This monetarization of ritual practice is common among other migrant groups (Brettell 2003; Levitt 2001). While Silicon Valley mediums are generally affable with each other, such friendliness does not preclude them from criticizing one another. They compare each other on ritual activities, size and relative wealth of temples, number of initiation ceremonies that are performed in a temple, the quality of rituals, or the amount and quality of spirit gifts. Mediums within a temple also quarrel, and although they say they are “like family,” this closeness can lead to

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minor disputes. Karen and Hiền are convinced that many conflicts are related to the physical, emotional, and economic stresses and strains of being a medium or having a temple. Also spirit mediums are known as “hot-headed” (nóng tính), a term they use in reference to themselves and to other mediums (see also Norton 2006), so it is not untoward for them to be emotionally expressive, even over seemingly trivial matters. For example, one time a medium blew up in anger during a meal before Phan’s ceremony. Forty mediums and disciples were eating lunch at Loan’s temple when a person sitting next to the medium instructed her to place a plate of sticky rice (xôi) on the table in a certain way. Angered, she jumped to her feet and started yelling while stomping around the temple, and she was not even possessed. Several women tried to placate her, and Phan begged her to show respect to the people around her, but it took about ten minutes before she finally calmed down. Like other residents of Silicon Valley, mediums are very busy people; 50 percent of temple mediums are currently employed, and the other half is retired. They all have to make daily offerings, clean and care for the temple, purchase food and flowers, and open the temple for disciples. Those that are employed are also busy with their jobs and commuting to and from work, and caring for children or grandchildren. Most elderly mediums are retired but many care for grandchildren despite arthritis or other health problems. For Silicon Valley mediums, time is in short supply. Financial problems add to these tensions. Some people established temples only after they were financially secure, but others were forced by spirits to open temples or become mediums even though they did not have sufficient resources. Today, some are on the brink of financial disaster, having lost work during the 2009 economic downturn, but they nonetheless continue to maintain or support temples. Mr. Viên said he is unable to have any ceremonies for the time being, but hopes to resume when the economy improves. Despite occasional disputes, social relations among Silicon Valley mediums are characterized by emotional and social support. Mediums at different temples shop together for flowers and blessed gifts, share possession music, and act as ritual assistants for each other. Together they attend weddings, funerals, and birthday celebrations and visit one another when they are ill. These social relations are found in each generation of Silicon Valley mediums. But whereas the older generation speaks Vietnamese language, wears traditional clothes, and gets together for dances at the senior center, members of the younger generation speak English, go “clubbing,” and play poker.

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For many years it seemed as if the lên đòng ritual would disappear in Silicon Valley. As the 1980s turned into the late 1990s most of the mediums were still older women and some had retired, moved to nursing homes, or died. Some had no children willing to carry on the tradition, and few young people went to the ceremonies. Mrs. Tuyết’s husband said: “In the US there are a number of seniors who follow the religion but not many young people. The majority are old women and men. The older people will someday die. It is only if they follow the religion that it will expand. If they don’t, there will be no one to start temples.” During this conversation Mrs. Tuyết assured her husband that the religion would never die. “ How can it disappear?” she said, “Christians can never lose Jesus, Buddhists can never lose Buddha, and we can never lose our ancestors. This religion will not be lost.” She went on to say that there are young people who follow the tradition, even though they are few, and pointed to Tania and Tiffany as examples. Each temple now has some twenty- to fortyyear-old mediums, but Tania and Tiffany are the youngest temple mediums in the area. Their reasons for turning to mediumship are similar to those of their elders, but they practice the ritual and express themselves differently. The Next Generation When Tania described her temple as “different” from the other temples of Silicon Valley she was referring to the youthfulness of the temple members as well as their experiences as Vietnamese Americans. Unlike the older generation, they learned about the religion while already in the United States. They were born in Vietnam but never attended possession ceremonies there, and many did not even know about the religion until they were exposed to it in America. Still, their reasons for becoming mediums were similar to those of their elders. They had unusual experiences or dreams, unexplained illness and misfortune, and some simply loved the spirits. For example, when Tania was twenty, she attended her first spirit possession ceremony held at Mrs. Ðô’s temple. She went to the lên đồng with her boyfriend, who was the son of one of the mediums. When she first saw the ceremony she was taken aback and a bit embarrassed. Having lived in the United States since the age of twelve, she was not sure what to think about the ritual. “I was like this is America” she said, “It’s kinda weird there’s such a thing as this religion.” But in the next few years she began to have mood swings, uncontrollable crying, and unusual dreams. Then she began to hear voices, once of which told

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her to cause an accident with her car (Fjelstad and Maiffret 2006: 113). Shortly thereafter, as a consequence of the turmoil, she lost her job and suffered an emotional breakdown. On the advice of her mother, Tania sought counseling from Mrs. Ðô who told her that she had the spirit root and needed to have a ceremony in order to regain her emotional stability. And so, at the age of twenty-six, Tania was initiated and continued to have ceremonies at Mrs. Ðô’s temple until the master medium died. The temple was then relocated and reopened by two sisters, and Tania continued to lên đồng there for a few years before establishing a different temple. Tiffany became a medium at the age of twenty-seven. A college graduate who owns and operates a Vietnamese food shop, she recently married. Tiffany and two of her high-school friends met Tania through the friend of a friend. Tiffany was having “issues” with her boyfriend and a friend told her, “your love life stinks. Why don’t you go see Tania’s mom and see what’s going on?” Tiffany took the advice, and asked Tania’s mother, Mrs. Vân, to perform a fortunetelling. At one point during the reading, Mrs. Vân incarnated the Youngest Prince who told Tiffany that the spirit of a little girl was following her. Tiffany had no doubt that the spirit was that of her sister who had died of pneumonia in a refugee camp when she was eight months old. Later that month Tiffany saw her friend Tania incarnate spirits for the first time. She said: I got scared. I was, oh my god, what was that? I was scared cause I had never seen anything like that and then they started coming. Mẫu came. She was very lady like and strict, like a queen. After that the mandarin came and his eyes were all big and he talked so masculine and he smoked three cigarettes at the same time. It was all new to me and we stayed until like seven o’clock in the morning. The prince came he was so charming, laughing and stuff like that. I came home and asked my mom who was the prince number three and she said, “I think that’s some movie, some Chinese movie.” [Laughter] I was that innocent, that’s like Eve I was so surprised.

From that point on, Tiffany attended Tania’s ceremonies to ostensibly support her friend. She knew Tania had been experiencing mood swings and as she said, “You know she’s a friend of mine, and I just want to be there to support her. She needed someone young just to accompany her because they are old and she doesn’t feel like going back again. That’s why I was there.” However, a few days later Tiffany began to dream of the spirits and realized that she, like her good friend Tania, also had the spirit root. But there was a big problem: she

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was “raised in a normal Catholic family” and, as she said, “we don’t believe in superstitious stuff.” Her Catholic background is evident in the religious imagery and language used to portray her experiences. Describing a dream of Little Dark Princess she said, “It was in a big cathedral, Catholic. People would change the clothes of like maybe some saint and it was this woman and I think it was Little Dark Princess.” Tiffany worried about having an initiation ceremony. “I was thinking since my is family is Catholic I can’t just go out like that. They would not continue to accept me. They would not want me to come home. But yet I was chosen to do this.” Tiffany was initiated at the age of twenty-seven but did not inform her parents of that fact. Tiffany is now thirty-seven and her parents are still unaware that she serves the spirits. Tania and her mother, Mrs. Vân, are able to go in and out of trance and incarnate spirits at any time, not just during lên đồng. Some of these spirits such as the Youngest Prince (Cậu Bé), Third Princess, Little Dark Princess, and Ninth Princess give them the power to divine, and long before either Tania or her mother became mediums they frequently were asked to read the fortunes of their friends and coworkers. These spontaneous incarnations increased following Tania’s initiation. People gathered at their house or at the temple of the two sisters to visit with spirits while drinking coffee. These were social occasions in which the spirits participated. The first time Karen saw Tania go into trance she and a number of young mediums had been sitting on the floor of the temple talking late into the evening. Someone suggested that Tania read for Karen and she prayed to the Young Prince inviting him to come in. When he entered Tania her face changed to a childish pout, the spirit began chain-smoking 555 brand cigarettes, and Tania’s voice and speech were altered. Others laughed and joked with Cậu before he began the work of reading. While some people became mediums because of health crises, others were drawn to mediumship because they felt a deep love for the spirits. That is certainly the case of Tiffany’s good friend Kim. Kim became a medium because, as she said, “I just love the spirits so much!” Tiffany and Kim went to meet Tania and Mrs. Vân “almost every other day” to talk about the spirits. But Kim was frightened. As she explained: Tiffany would always say “Cậu told us this” and “this is what Cậu predicted and it happened” and I was scared. I’m very skeptical. I don’t like fortune telling, I don’t like any thing that has to do with spirits or talking about past life or future life. That stuff gives me the chills.

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I don’t like horror movies. I don’t like psychotic movies. I just like the simple stuff. So I got really afraid. I just didn’t want any part of it. (Fjelstad and Maiffret 2006: 114)

But Kim continued to attend the ceremonies, mostly as the photographer, and soon found that she really enjoyed the music, “I was just bouncing, you know?” She eventually decided to have the đội bát nhang ritual. She said, My friends were there and a bunch of people were doing it and so I was like, okay. We were going to ceremonies every week and so I kind of liked it, the music and everything, and I kind of believed in it a little bit but not that strongly at the time. I thought I’ll just join the group you know, whatever. And so I đội bát nhang and the natural step was to have a ceremony date. You shouldn’t wait too long to come out, to be a medium, so I thought that was the natural progression.

Although Kim cited love for the spirits as her main reason for initiation she also said “there was a lot going on” at the time (Fjelstad and Maiffret 2006). Her parents had wanted her to study medicine but after getting a degree in chemistry she found that she loved sales. She felt pressure to get married, but wanted to remain single and felt she had to “to act in certain ways as an Asian female.” Kim said the process of initiation had a large impact on her life. “Now,” she says, “I am so open to change. I’m like the most carefree person. I like to go out, I like to have fun.” She feels she has “found herself” and the spirit of the Young Prince has helped her to become very successful at her job: I’ve been blessed. Cậu is watching out for me. Once you find yourself and you know the meaning of life and how to live it you’re just unstoppable! It’s just the greatest feeling! And I really know what I want now. I know how to get the fullest out of life. It’s just like my gosh I just want to kiss everyone, you know? You should see me at work. I’m just like the business girl. Get shit done girl. I come in the office and do all my work, bring in all the revenue I need to bring, close my quota for the month, get my shit done.

Tania’s boyfriend (and now husband) Brian had a different path to mediumship. He started having unusual experiences while running. He explained: I felt I was in touch with the universe. I would throw out a question and here came the answer. I was getting all this great feedback from

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the universe. Anything I was curious about was answered instantly. I would start out the run really tired and grumpy and two to three miles into it I would float. I call it meditation in motion.

Although Brian enjoyed these experiences, even keeping notes on his “enlightenment,” he secretly wondered if it was out of control. As student of psychology he had learned about mania and bipolar disorder. Was he connecting with the universe or experiencing grandiosity associated with mental illness? Then, one bright Silicon Valley morning, he set out for a ten-mile run. He passed his goal but kept on running because he was so exhilarated. Higher than the endorphin rush accounted for, he grew acutely aware of the beauty around him. Slowing to a walk, he began prostrating himself. Clasping his palms together, he took one step forward, dropped to his knees, lowered his forehead on the sidewalk, then rose to repeat the process. He proceeded in this way for hours along a busy multilane thoroughfare until he reached his home. He thought he was having a spiritual experience but, as he later said, “I feared it was unreal. I couldn’t really be enlightened this fast, it’s too easy. I began to wonder: was some energy tricking me into believing this is true? I became confused.” Obsessing on these experiences and their meaning, Brian started running more while eating and sleeping less. One day, after three sleepless nights, he barricaded himself in his room at his parents’ house while threatening to commit suicide. The police were called and Brian was hospitalized in the psychiatric unit of a nearby hospital. Diagnosed as bipolar, he was treated with medication. Several months later Brian decided to taper himself off the medication as it was contributing to weight gain and a feeling of “heaviness.” He went to Vietnam to visit his sick grandmother. Describing his state of mind, he says: I was still kind of like on and off in my mind. I had quit taking the drugs and I was clearly overweight and self conscious about that. I didn’t know how to be happy, I couldn’t think clear, it was just a terrible time. At the same time I was happy to be going to see my grandmother. All kinds of emotions were going through my head. After the trip to Vietnam I came back to the United States and I kind of like went back into a depression. I thought perhaps my life could have been different had I grown up in Vietnam. I would have had more social interaction with uncles and aunts. Just anybody to talk to would have helped me through my life. It didn’t have to end up like this, I was thinking to myself. I tried to find that atmosphere like I found in Vietnam. (Fjelstad and Maifret 2006: 124)

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Seeking a similar environment, Brian went to a popular coffee shop where young Vietnamese Americans hang out and sing karaoke with their friends. There he met Tania and learned that she too had recently returned from Vietnam. “That,” he says, “was a big destiny thing.” With the help of Cậu, Tania and Mrs. Vân read Brian’s fortune and learned that the spirit of his deceased brother was following him. By performing a healing ritual and the ritual of Carrying Incense on the Head, Brian could placate the spirit of his brother and ask for help from the spirits. Reflecting back, he wondered if the spirits had caused the experience of prostrating himself while running: “They were fixing the road at the time with the black tar and my feet were all black with little pieces of gravel and the first thing that came to my mind was: ‘Was this the working of Little Dark Princess? Is this something that she is guiding me to do?’ ” Tania explained that the spirit was guiding him and, at the same time, the soul that had been bothering Brian was leaving. He began attending ceremonies but postponed becoming a medium for several years. He was not entirely convinced of the spirit world and felt torn, as he said, “between science and religion.” He had tiny but persistent doubts that nagged at the back of his mind: did spirits possess him or was he bipolar? Was it spirits that caused him to have unusual dreams and sensations, or was it biochemistry? Was he willing to commit his life to the spirits? The idea of dressing in dangling earrings while dancing with feathered fans was difficult for Brian, he was uncomfortable with traversing gender during ceremonies, and he did not like the idea that many male mediums are gay or transgendered. Before he was initiated Brian had to get used to the “whole earring thing.” By 2006 he had made a decision to have his ceremony: an occasion for which he wrote this poem: Today I come out without anyone, anything to slow me down. It’s my calling. The sun beams down upon my head, onto my temple. I can feel light. I am the chair upon which God may rest and do many deeds. Only a test of my trust in God, I am truly blessed. Open my soul so that truth may come out.

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Meanwhile, Mr. Viên joined the group after having a stream of bad luck: his daughter had tried to commit suicide and was then in a car accident, his son was in jail, and Mr. Viên was so unhappy at his job that he quit and wandered the streets “like a water buffalo” (Fjelstad and Maiffret 2006). He was initiated at the temple and shortly thereafter his wife and two daughters, one of whom was fifteen years old, became mediums as well. Although each of the individuals just described turned to the religion for a variety of reasons, they all share a particular fondness for Cậu Bé, the spirit who first helped Mrs. Vân recover from the tragedies she faced while trying to leave Vietnam. There are ten or twelve young prince spirits in the pantheon but the Third (Cậu Bơ) and the youngest (Cậu Bé) are most frequently manifested in ceremonies. Each serves a particular goddess and is associated with a color, style of clothing, song, and dance. The Youngest Prince, hereafter referred to as Cậu, serves the Goddess of Mountains and Forests—he wears white pants with a green vest and dances with a bow and arrow or the reins of a horse. Songs about Cậu emphasize his youth, and his ability to recruit mediums: He is a tiny boy-attendant, He walks the earth, his silhouette reflected in heaven. The Youngest Boy-Attendant hurries his horse across the river, He carries his sticks like weapons to recruit mediums. (Nguyễn Thị Hiền 2002)2

He is known for having great compassion and empathy for his mediums: Cậu Bé hurries his horse crossing the river, Slight drops of sweat appear; His care for the medium is great in following heavenly descent. (Quan 2006)

And although young, he is very talented: Arts of Music, Chess, Poetry and Painting, Who comes close to the expertise of Cậu Bé? In nights of spring, a clear moon with favorable wind, Cậu Bé sips wine while listening to music in the palace. (Quan 2006)

The young prince spirits are tricksters. They are often described as “naughty” (nghich) and sometimes cause “disorder” in the temple

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(Norton 2006). As one Silicon Valley medium explained, “you have to be afraid” because Cậu speak out as they have not yet “learned their manners.” Although Cậu are often described as “fun” and “playful” they are also perceived as hard workers. Kim said that Cậu is “very active and he likes to joke around but when he gets down to business he gets his work done.” Cậu’s popularity is related to multiple factors. Like other immigrant groups that form communities around particular spirits (Kurien 1998), Cậu has particular meaning and relevance in their lives (Fjelstad 2010). He has a strong and “heavy” presence that is easily detected, and because he is the youngest spirit of the pantheon his incarnations are lively and fun. He does silly things like paint his cheeks with bright red lipstick, or tease people by pretending to call them to the altar then playfully ignoring them. He plays with toys, has temper tantrums, pouts, cries, makes demands, and speaks with a lisp and the voice of a child. Cậu is also an indulgent spirit. He eats candy, smokes cigarettes, drinks alcohol, and is generous because he wants everyone to be happy. Cậu is active in the mediums’ lives. Many have dreams or visions of Cậu that guide their daily activities. For example, when Tiffany was at university she had a dream that Cậu sprinkled something on her that caused her to itch at night (Fjelstad and Maiffret 2006). Awakened, she had nothing to do but study with the result that she excelled in her exams. Other mediums talk to Cậu, even when he is not manifested. Kim says, “I can talk to him about things. I talk to him about my stresses and what I’m going through and he always seems to solve it for me.” But because Cậu is a trickster, he cannot always be trusted. One time, many years ago, Karen went to Nevada with Phan. Cậu possessed Phan, insisting that she to go to a casino every day (Fjelstad 1995). The problem was that he kept causing Phan to lose. By the third day, she was fuming at Cậu. “I’m so mad at him,” she complained red-faced and furious, “He’s forcing me to lose! I’m not talking to him anymore!” One reason Cậu is so active in their lives is because he has a lower status than other spirits. This is even expressed in the rhythms of his possession songs that are “less serious” (Norton 2006: 8). This makes Cậu especially approachable and at the same time allows him greater room to maneuver. The lower-level spirits do not have to follow protocol; they do what they want even though they might later suffer the consequences. As Brian said, “Cậu really knows how to work the system” because he tells people things they should know even though other spirits might punish him. He is also known for making

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fun of people and teaching lessons by exaggerating their personality characteristics. Tania and Brian said that Cậu “plays your game” and although “people think he’s funny, that’s his way of getting his work done.” Cậu is also incarnated among older Silicon Valley mediums. He is the favored spirit of Mrs. Vân as well as Phan. What all these mediums have in common with Cậu is a fun-loving youthful and generous spirit that has enough heart to bypass standard procedure. Like Cậu, they are flexible, expressive, and compassionate, which sometimes gets them into trouble. Tania, Mrs. Vân, and their friends held ceremonies at the temple of the two sisters who had inherited the temple from Mrs. Ðô. The temple was small with numerous handmade statues and served a small but steady group of mediums. However, the exuberance of the young spirits and mediums soon began to cause trouble. Nightly divination sessions meant the temple was frequently occupied and the sisters were kept awake later than they wished. People were coming and going, the spirits were spontaneously possessing mediums, and new spirits began to appear. Many mediums are ambivalent about spontaneous possession, which occurs when a spirit enters a medium for a few seconds or minutes. It can occur during another medium’s ceremony, but can also happen when a medium is reading fortunes, driving a car, or shopping for groceries. Spontaneous possession may be solicited or not: Tania and her mother invite spirits for fortune-telling, but spirits also possess them during different times of the day and night. They view this possession as a spiritual sign: Cậu and other spirits come in because they have something to say. Other mediums have different views. Most agree that some kind of possession occurs when individuals are first called to mediumship, but becoming a medium involves gaining control over when and where that happens. And in a practiced medium spontaneous possession can be interpreted as a sign of spiritual immaturity because the spirits are uncontrolled. Aware of this potential criticism, they hid such possession from people at other temples who they say, “would not understand.” They also incarnated unusual spirits. During their ceremonies Tiffany and Mr. Viên each manifested snakes and tigers, which is very rare. Although some people in Vietnam do incarnate these spirits (Salemink 2008), and Mr. Viên’s father was regularly possessed by the red tiger who chewed glass in his Saigon temple, there are no other mediums in Silicon Valley who serve these spirits. When they are manifested in mediums they eat raw pork, swallow whole eggs, hiss or growl, and crawl or slither along the floor. Some are afraid

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of such incarnations because the animals are powerful and difficult to control. In fact, the two sisters told other mediums they could no longer incarnate tigers in their temple. Conflicts over ritual procedure soon gained momentum and the temple split. Tania, Tiffany, and Mr. Viên decided to pool their resources to build a new temple in Mr. Viên’s apartment. Built by three friends who were not only devoted to Cậu, but held similar ideas about the spirits, they were happy to have a small but comfortable place to serve them. They decided to keep a low profile and stay away from other temples to avoid criticism, but nonetheless became the topic of local gossip. According to Mr. Viên, some mediums “say people at my temple are crazy” while others accused the three friends of using “vodou” to attract new recruits. There are a number of reasons why the new temple was criticized. First, it attracted a several new initiates, many of whom were young, and mediums at other temples wondered how this occurred. Did they put something in the food? Did they use sorcery to lure people to the temple? Even Karen was warned to stay away lest she become the victim of sorcery. Other criticisms focused on their age and lack of experience. Mrs. Vân became the master medium of the temple, but she had only been recently initiated and had no experience as a master medium. Because neither Tania nor Mrs. Vân had attended ceremonies in Vietnam, the ritual knowledge they possessed was said by others to be spotty. Tania tried to fill these gaps by listening to possession songs downloaded from the Internet, watching videos on YouTube, and reading whatever books she could acquire. But their lack of experience was evidenced, critics said, by their spontaneous possessions, unusual incarnations, and ceremonies that lasted late into the night. Although they were criticized for being too enthusiastic and exuberant, these are characteristics they shared with their beloved Cậu. In their perspective they were simply serving the spirits with passion that evidenced their deep devotion. Mediums at other temples also said they bypassed important rituals as a way to save money. For example, instead of having a ritual specialist animate the statues, they did it themselves. Ironically, they were being criticized for following in the steps of the pioneer mediums of Silicon Valley: they made do with what they had. If there were no statues, they made them. If there were no thầy cúng to perform rituals, they did it themselves. They reacted to the criticism by saying they were going to change things by focusing on spirituality and intent rather than on the form of rituals. Tania said: “People criticize. I see it all the time, but you are supposed to pray at ceremonies, be

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nice, and don’t criticize others. Our generation is gonna change that. The Asian-Americans are going to change that.” They emphasized the sincerity of their devotion to justify their actions. As Tania explained, even though they did not hire a ritual specialist to animate the statues, they still had spirit. She said: “If you already serve and you have dedication the statues will have spirit. Even if you have a lot of money and hire a specialist that does not mean the spirits will come. It you don’t have spirit they won’t come.” There was, however, was one thing they could not do alone: they could not initiate themselves as Chúa Bói mediums; for that they had to go to Vietnam. Although Tania and her mother had read fortunes for years, they had never been formally initiated as mediums of the fortune-telling spirits. However, the fact that they could read fortunes was a sign that they had such a calling and should be initiated into the Chúa Bói realm. When they opened their temple, Tania, Tiffany, and Mr. Viên all agreed they would send some of their mediums to be initiated in northern Vietnam later that year. This process, which will be discussed in the next chapter, eventually led to another temple split so that Tania and Tiffany moved the temple to a new location and Mr. Viên and his wife Xuân retained their own separate temple in the same apartment. “Lên Ðồnging” in Silicon Valley Tania and Tiffany opened the new temple in the garage of a home rented by Tania and Brian. The temple was dedicated to the Chúa Bói spirits and Cậu and ceremonies there were lively as ever. (The temple will hereafter be referred to as the Chúa Bói temple.) Tigers and snakes incarnated the mediums, the rituals started late in the afternoon and ended in the early hours of the morning, and more and more people went to the temple to have their fortunes told. They had backyard barbeques almost every weekend, played poker, took occasional trips to Reno or Native American casinos, and went shopping for spirit gifts at the Dollar Store and Flea Market. They joked about starting the Temple Cats motorcycle club, and have even developed their own vocabulary. These younger mediums were fluent in English and some spoke English better than Vietnamese. Their spirits began to speak English as well. Cậu speaks Vietnamese to Tania, but sometimes translates his sayings into English. He once possessed Tania while she was giving a presentation in Karen’s anthropology class. He spoke Vietnamese, inviting students to ask questions, but Tania was able to translate his messages into English for them. “It takes me a long time to answer,” she explained, “because I have to translate for Cậu in my head.” He

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was able to tell Karen’s students to “study hard.” Nowadays, perhaps because of practice, Cậu’s English has improved. The mediums coined a number of new English terms. They called initiation “coming out” ceremonies, using the Vietnamese word for “out” (ra) with “medium” (đồng). Brian also created the word parafocus, as discussed in chapter four. He recently created the term “DSL” for “Ðền (Temple) Satellite Link.” This plays upon the Vietnamese world for temple (đền), signifying that mediums have a direct link to the spirits just as a digital subscriber line allows direct access to the Internet. Whenever something happens to indicate a spirit’s presence, he says, “See! That’s DSL right there!” Brian and Karen have dubbed these new phrases that combine English and Vietnamese as “Vinglish.” Another new term is “ lên đồnging” (a verb meaning “going to a ceremony”). Brian says, for example, “let’s go lên đồnging” or “We’re lên đồnging today.” “Vinglish” is mostly used by younger mediums, but some older people draw upon Silicon Valley metaphors to describe experiences. Describing how mediums have a strong affinity for the ritual, Mr. Tuyết once said: “Someone who likes to come to the temple sits and becomes entranced as they watch, that person has the spirit root. For example if you like to eat hamburgers you go to McDonalds. You don’t like Kentucky Fried Chicken. You don’t like Taco bell, so you only go to McDonald’s and not to the others.” Another medium compared local department stores to shopping for high-quality spirit clothes. “If you go to Macy’s you can find things but at Kmart you can’t” (Fjelstad 2006: 104). Younger mediums also commonly refer to their spirits as God. They might say, for example, “when God comes in, we can feel him.” Such terminology is perhaps a response to life in a predominantly monotheistic society. The new temple was also different because it welcomed people of other ethnicities. They began to invite their non-Vietnamese friends and coworkers to the temple, and expressed a strong desire to share their religion with others. Whereas the early mediums in Silicon Valley hid their practice from outsiders, this group wanted to share it. They were, however, wary of other mediums who were likely to be critical of their diversity, and were protective of their privacy. In fact, one temple medium told Karen that she could not write about his non-Vietnamese disciples. He said their trust in him was sacred and private, and he worried they would be criticized. Multicultural Rituals The Chúa Bói temple was especially animated just before the ceremony to welcome the Year of the Pig. Tania sat on the floor, pen in

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hand, studying petitions while Mrs. Vân prepared the dishes of popcorn, sticky rice, chicken, and water that would be offered to spirits of wandering ghosts. Kim and Tiffany arranged trays of fruit, energy bars, and cans of grass jelly beverage that would be offered as blessed gifts, while Aerosmith and ZZ Top blasted from the television; Tania’s son was playing Guitar Hero. When Tania invited Karen to the ritual she excitedly told her, “There’s a lot of new people at our temple, and they’re not Vietnamese!” Describing three young newcomers she said “they spent six hours a day here for the last ten days” and “they’re the kind of people who go to drink coffee and beer, they’re not the kind of people to hang out in the temple.” Karen saw the three men, who were all dressed alike in Chinese silk pant outfits, working hard to set the table for the lunch that would soon be served. One approached her, telling of his experiences earlier that week. Billy said he had been shopping at Office Depot when “Cậu started playing around.” Then the spirit of Little Dark Princess also came in to Billy when he saw a disabled man walking down the aisles (Fjelstad and Nguyễn 2011). He said, “tears really came from my eyes.” Describing these instances of spontaneous possession he explained: The feeling when he (Cậu) goes into me is good. At first I was scared, I couldn’t talk. He controlled my movement and everything. Yesterday we went to a Vietnamese fast food place. I asked Cậu what he wanted to eat. He kept turning my head to look at bánh bo (a pastry made of rice flour). Then he chewed real fast.

Billy told Karen the spirits also went into his friend Jonathan and “Cậu said he was gonna bring more guys into the temple.” Although Tania said these new “guys” are not Vietnamese, Karen learned they were all born in Vietnam of mixed ethnic Chinese and Việt heritage. Why, she wondered, did Tania say they were “not Vietnamese”? This was especially unusual because Kim, who is also ethnic Chinese, had never been introduced in such a way. Karen later realized that it had to with Elise, who also attended the New Year ceremony. Elise is a forty-seven-year-old German Spanish wife and mother who learned about the temple from Tania’s sister-in-law with whom she had worked (Fjelstad and Nguyễn 2011). She had been having problems at her accounting job and decided to seek advice from the spirits. Raised in a Catholic and evangelical Christian family and living at times in Germany, Spain, and El Salvador, Elise had been interested in spiritual matters, even having visions and seeing into the future from the early age of seven. When she first walked into the

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temple the spirit of Cậu, whose chubby-faced statue was sitting on the altar, kept looking at her. “He was getting into my body,” she said, causing her to giggle and act “like a kid” (Fjelstad and Nguyễn 2011: 29). But this was not unusual: she had had such experiences before. “I’ve been a medium since I was little,” she explained, “I always had contact with the spirits. I can see them. I can feel them.” But she had not, until that moment, ever incarnated spirits from Vietnam. She began to frequent the temple more often, bringing take-out Chinese meals with her, and she gradually came to know the other spirits. She soon began reading the fortunes of people at the temple, including Billy, Jonathan, and Frank. The three men, all in the mid-thirties, had been friends for a long time and had met Tania several years earlier at a roller-skating rink. They visited her from time to time and had their fortunes told, but did not know anything about the spirits. They left the area for a while, everyone going different directions, but returned after a series of unfortunate events including separation and divorce, job stress, and the illness of Billy’s father. Then Billy had a life-changing event: I was drinking, going out clubbing, and trying to enjoy myself and one day it hit me. I didn’t feel good inside. I thought I was having a heart attack and I called 911 to have a driver take me to the hospital. The EKG said nothing was wrong. They sent me home and said it was stress, that I was working too hard in construction. I tried to go out but the feeling came right back. I was sad. I felt depressed. Then Jonathan said, “you want to go see Tania?” I said, “why not?”

When they went to the temple each man had their fortunes read by Tania and Elise, and learned they loved the atmosphere. They began to hang out at the temple and Billy and Jonathan eventually moved in. “Why drink beer someplace else?” Jonathan said, “We can do that right here!” About a year later Billy and Jonathan were initiated at the temple, but Frank decided to delay it for a while because he does not want religious activities to interfere with his responsibilities as a single father. None of the newcomers had ever attended a lên đòng ritual, but they came to know the spirits through spontaneous possession. Cậu, the Third Princess, and Little Dark Princess frequently manifested in them, and they gathered at the temple to tell their stories. The Ninth Princess once forced Elise to select a particular brand of incense for the temple, Jonathan saw spirits when he closed his eyes at night, and Little Dark Princess followed Billy home one day. They began to care

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for the temple by cleaning the altar, sweeping the floors, and lighting the incense. Elise even added her own special touches. Before the New Year ceremony she purified the temple with a Tibetan ritual she had learned from a gypsy in Spain (Fjelstad and Nguyễn 2011). She combined rose water, honey, and cinnamon in small bowls that were placed around the altars, and blessed the temple with incense, myrrh obtained from her brother in Egypt, and prayer. She even brought a CD of Tibetan Buddhist chants for Brian, telling him they are “good for stuff.” Tania and Brian were thrilled with the new people, saying the spirits were helping the temple to have more gender and ethnic diversity. They were glad there was more “male energy” in the temple, and viewed the presence of people of other ethnicities as proof of the existence of spirits. Brian said, “There’s a definite reason why Elise came.” He went on to explain that Elise’s presence helped him to verify his own spirituality. He said, “I thought oh, my goodness, it must be real.” Tania said she knew Cậu possessed Elise as soon as she saw her. Like Brian, Tania thought Elise helped to “illustrate the existence of Ðạo Mẫu.” “You tell me,” she asked Karen, “you have a bunch of young Vietnamese who have the spirit root and you have someone who doesn’t know anything about the religion who can read cards. Is that real or not?” She went on to say that Cậu really “likes to brag” about Elise. Elise also viewed her role as that of a Ðạo Mẫu culture broker. She explained: What happened to me the day I went to the temple for the first time was planned by the Mother Goddesses. You could say they needed my presence to awaken others into this religion. They knew I could channel into the realm of the spirits and I could bring affirmations to others to straighten their faith. They want people to know that it’s not just only for this congregation. Cậu is saying they want people from other cultures to know the spirits do exist. If you talk to them you can hear them, they are willing to prove that they exist. That’s what he (Cậu) wanted to say.

Elise appeared at the temple at the same time as the men, and she shared a similar structural and symbolic position with them. Each person was a new disciple who had been previously unaware of the religion, each was extremely enthusiastic but had little formal knowledge of the spirits, and each was cast in ethnic terms. But whereas Elise did not speak Vietnamese and had never been to Vietnam, the three men were all born in Vietnam and fluent in Vietnamese. Why, then, were they described as non-Vietnamese?

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Ethnic Chinese peoples practiced the lên đồng ritual in Vietnam prior to the 1979 war with China (Fjelstad and Nguyễn 2011). They performed alongside ethnic Việt, but sometimes had their own temples. Erik, a twenty-year-old disciple at the Chúa Bói temple, first heard about lên đồng from his grandmother who had been a temple medium in the Old Quarter of Hanoi. Because she was married to a Chinese man, she was forced to leave in 1979. Describing relations between the ethnic Việt and Chinese, Erik’s father said that the temple was a refuge from discrimination. “Inside the temple,” he said, “they don’t care if you are Chinese or Vietnamese, but outside they are treated differently.” After the Vietnam-China war many ethnic Chinese mediums and disciples moved to Silicon Valley. Each temple has some ethnic Chinese, and they are not usually differentiated from Việt mediums. Perhaps Tania emphasized the Chinese ethnicity of the three new disciples because, like Elise, they exemplified important characteristics of the religion. The “truth” of the spirits was validated when they incarnated into people who knew nothing about them, and the newcomers reflected an important value in Silicon Valley: multiculturalism. Living in a diverse environment for most of their lives the young mediums learned to value multiculturalism and they wanted to show, as Tania said, “lên động is not just for Vietnamese, it’s for everybody.” English-Lueck (2009: 6) applies the concept of “deep diversity” to Silicon Valley youth. Introduced by philosopher Charles Taylor, the concept posits that “the very complexity of diversity in a global city makes it much less predictable and more ambiguous. Alternative forms of identity, not based on heritage, interact with traditional categories of ethnicity as emerging identities compete or are coupled with those ancestrally-based statuses.” In such an environment people value diversity and the mixing of ethnic identities. It becomes possible, and even cool, to try on new identities (English-Lueck 2009). In this context, it makes sense that Tania and Brian emphasized the Chinese heritage of the new men at the temple. As Tania said, “We’re Vietnamese from America. We’re multicultural and we’re open to new things. That’s what makes us different” (Fjelstad and Nguyễn 2011: 34). This move to multiculturalism is, however, not unique to Silicon Valley. As discussed in chapter three, the lên đồng ritual increased in status when scholars convinced the state that it was a form of national theater recognizing all the peoples of Vietnam. Also, there are a number of Tai, Muong, and Dai peoples that practice the ritual in northern Vietnam. They live along roadsides and in towns where they have interactions with the Việt, and Mrs. Nga has initiated some of them (Fjelstad and Nguyễn 2011).

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Tania and Brian could fully understand why Elise related to the Vietnamese spirits. In the perspective of mediums, knowledge about the spirits is gained through their incarnations. Although listening to possession songs or watching their manifestations at lên đồng rituals supplements such information, direct experience through the embodiment of spirits is most important. Elise said that Cậu tugs on her ears and pulls her sheets at night, the Ninth Princess softly caresses her hair, and Little Dark Princess is experienced as a cool wind on the left side. This way of knowing the spirits is familiar to other mediums. As Brian explained to Karen and Hiền, there are two ways of knowing the spirits—by studying them and by incarnating them. Elise, like other mediums, incarnates them. The spirits have relevance to Elise partly because they are archetypical (Fjelstad and Nguyễn 2011). Many Ðạo Mẫu spirits exaggerate gender, age, and ethnicity. Female spirits are defined in stereotypically feminine terms as graceful, kind, and compassionate, but male spirits are serious and stern. These gender differences are even expressed in possession music (Norton 2006). Ethnic minorities are portrayed as residents of mountains, caves, and forests. They are sometimes angry about their plight, but are known for their healing abilities. According to Elise, the Ninth Prince lived in a mountain hut surrounded by healing plants but would not let her in. “He got mad at me for trying to get into his hut,” she said, “He is very particular because he does not like people that he’s not too familiar with to enter his place. He let me peek, from the outside, but he would not let me in” (Fjelstad and Nguyễn 2011: 24). Exaggerated characteristics are not limited to age and ethnicity. When mediums incarnate old people they bend their backs and hobble around, but child spirits play, pout, and tease. The archetypical nature of spirit identities makes it easy for outsiders to relate to them (Fjelstad and Nguyễn 2011),. People from many cultures understand the gentle woman, the serious man, or the playful child. Many would also understand the secretive medicine man. Such archetypes facilitate understanding of the “other” by allowing them to try on various identities. For example, Tiffany told Karen that she had a greater understanding of the disabled after incarnating Little Dark Princess, and she “really feels sorry for them” now. Exaggerated identities also help people to express components of their own selves. By incarnating female spirits Brian expresses his “female side,” Elise becomes a “healer” while manifesting the Ninth Prince, and Billy manifests spirits that are both Chinese and Vietnamese. Even though the Chúa Bói temple has non-Vietnamese disciples, the idea that Ðạo Mẫu spirits can possess non-Vietnamese is contested in

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Silicon Valley. Whereas some mediums think the spirits are universal, others say they can only incarnate in people with Vietnamese heritage or those who are born in Vietnam. One man explained: “Ðạo Mẫu belongs Vietnamese people. Mẫu are Vietnamese, Trần Hưng Ðạo is Vietnamese. No Chinese, no Dai. You have to speak Vietnamese fluently. They speak in Vietnamese, they do not speak English.” Others say the spirits can understand any language. According to Tania, the spirits will speak English “if you ask permission.” When Karen first met Elise she wondered how the novice could understand the spirits or the significance of the religion without knowing the culture. How, she asked herself, can Elise understand the deep meaning of Trần Hưng Ðạo if she didn’t grow up with him? This proved to be problematic on a few occasions. For example, Elise and Tania once had a disagreement about the Ninth Princess. Elise said the spirit was Chinese but Tania knows from oral history and possession songs that the princess is ethnic Việt. After a long discussion it was revealed that Elise had mistaken the mandarin collar of the ethnic Việt dress as evidence of her Chinese heritage (Fjelstad and Nguyễn 2011). The mediums were also cautious about some of Elise’s new introductions. Tania did not want to help Elise with the Tibetan ritual because, as she said, spirits were preventing her from doing so. Tania and Brian now try to balance Elise’s enthusiasm with temperance, and socialize her so that she will be creative but also respectful of Vietnamese traditions. Although the majority of older Silicon Valley mediums agree that people of any ethnicity can become a medium, Caucasian disciples are only found in temples of younger mediums who are fluent in English and have regular contact with non-Vietnamese peoples (Fjelstad and Nguyễn 2011). Their elders do not speak English as well and have fewer opportunities to meet non-Vietnamese. Phan is an exception. She recently invited Marie to her ceremony to thank the spirits for her recovery from back surgery. An Afro-Carribean from Panama, Marie lived just across the hall from Phan in their senior citizen apartment complex. It was Marie’s first time at a ceremony and she spent the entire day there. Wearing a starched, hand-embroidered white linen dress with a bright-red sweater and flowers on her shoes, Marie dressed as if she were going to her Catholic church. Other people at the ceremony were solicitous of the eighty-six-year-old woman, and no one said anything when she wore her shoes into the temple. Instead, they chatted with her, generously put rice and chicken and vegetables into her bowl, and let her help them distribute betel nut for the Sixth Lady (Chầu Lục). When Karen asked what she thought

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of the ceremony Marie replied, “I love everything! I like the food I eat, the juice I drink. I’m coming back next week!” She went on to say, “I don’t understand it but I’m enjoying it. They’re enjoying it too.” Marie’s comment expressed one of the most basic characteristics of lên đồng ceremonies, one that makes them attractive to almost anyone—they are fun and participatory. As Mrs. Lương once said, “we wear beautiful clothes, eat delicious food, give money, and can listen to chầu văn music (mặc đẹp, ăn ngon, vạ phát tiên, nhé được chầu văn). Who wouldn’t want to go to a ceremony?” As we have seen, spirit mediums and the lên đồng ritual have undergone a number of transformations in the United States. The first major change occurred when pioneers had to adjust the time, place, and content of the rituals to local circumstances. Then, after the temples were established, the ritual was performed by elder female mediums with few gradual changes over the years. However, during the new millennia the equilibrium was punctuated by two significant and dramatic transformations. First, the offspring of mediums and other younger people turned to the ritual, establishing their own temples and instituting huge changes, even including non-Vietnamese. Second, a number of Silicon Valley mediums traveled to Vietnam. Phan was among the first group, and Tania was among the latest.

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Chapter 6

The Vietnam-Cali Connection

Master Thanh stood on the steps of the temple directing disciples as

they brought tray after tray of blessed gifts into the temple. Packages of ramen noodles, bags of monosodium glutamate, peanut candies, rambutan, star fruit, and grapes were all piled high on round aluminum trays. Someone brought spirit clothes, another carried votive offerings, and a third person arranged flowers on the altar. Tania and the others had just arrived at the temple after an eighteen-hour trip from the United States and a three-hour car ride from Hanoi, the last leg of which was through narrow, muddy, and potholed roads. The village, nestled in low-lying green hills, was as gray as the bricks its residents made while the votives and blessed gifts were so brightly colored they stood out in the monochromatic village. So did Master Thanh. He was dressed in pink satin pajamas and a pair of women’s sandals, and was decorated with false eyelashes, pink lipstick, and sparkle make-up. Once he recognized the Americans the master smiled and greeted them. Tania responded “Hello, Miss” and whispered to Karen under her breath, “Look! He’s even wearing a bra!” This was an important day. Tania had saved for more than a year for this trip. She would finally enter a new level of mediumship by being initiated into the realm of Chúa Bói, and get spiritual permission, much like a license, to practice the fortune-telling she had done for years. Like many other U.S. mediums, Tania had traveled to Vietnam to practice her religion in its homeland. Religion is an important vehicle for transnationalism, the process by which immigrants develop and maintain social relations that link their societies of origin and settlement (Glick- Schiller 1999). People travel to and from their homelands for a variety of reasons. Some seek religious freedom, others embark on pilgrimages, and still others

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flee persecution. Although the movement of peoples and their religious rituals is not new, it has increased dramatically in the past few decades due to higher rates of migration, changing technologies, and economic globalization (Kearney 1995; Levitt 2001; Warner and Wittner 1998). Importantly, it has an impact on the ritual behaviors of transmigrants like Tania and also affects people like Master Thanh who never even leave their homeland (Kennedy and Roudometof 2002; Levitt 2001).1 And although people are often highly motivated to establish such relationships based on rituals, they are not sought without careful thought given to a number of concerns. For example, Master Thanh is a member of the Communist Party of Vietnam whereas Tania fled the communists; he is a traditional Vietnamese husband, and she is a modern American woman; and he is northern while she is southern. They do, however, serve the same spirits. And it is this fact that brought them together and overrode their many differences. How they, and other mediums from the United States and Vietnam, accomplish this is the subject of this chapter. It describes how, when, and why U.S.- and Vietnam-based mediums contact each other; the problems and prospects of such relationships; and the impact of transnationalism on lên đồng rituals in both countries. Emerging Transnationalism The reunification of U.S.- and Vietnam-based spirit mediums was made possible by a series of political, economic, and social events; changes in technology; and the person-to-person transmission of information. The first step toward building transnational relations occurred when the Vietnamese state allowed the return of overseas Vietnamese in 1986, a by-product of the Renovation. Renovation policy also allowed greater freedom of movement within Vietnam, and removed several restrictions on religious practice. As U.S. mediums observed these freedoms, they gradually began to attend possession rituals in their homeland. Then, when U.S.-Vietnam diplomatic relations were reestablished in 1995, U.S. mediums were finally able to import ritual goods from Vietnam. This coincided with the growth of the ritual goods industries in that country. At the same time, Vietnamese communities in the United States had become well established and people had more time and money for travel. Meanwhile, people in both countries had greater access to technologies that made communication easier and less expensive. They began making and selling recordings of possession songs and videos of ceremonies, eventually posting them on the Internet, and communication was made

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less expensive with the introduction of cell phones and phone cards. Transnational exchanges increased dramatically in the new millennia, but it was not always that easy. Phan returned to Vietnam for the first time in 1988, and she brought Karen with her (Fjelstad 2006). The country had just instituted the Renovation policy, and U.S. Vietnamese were allowed entry into the country for the first time since the end of the war. Although apprehensive about going back to the state from which she had fled, Phan desperately wanted to visit her elderly mother and middle-aged son. She purchased a ticket through a Vietnamese-American travel agency and journeyed with a group of more than fifty Vietnamese men and women who were also returning for the first time. For weeks Phan collected used and new clothing, over-the-counter medications, belts, scarves, and shoes to gift to relatives in Saigon, 2 but when she arrived at the ticket counter she found her suitcases weighed too much: it would cost an additional one hundred dollars to bring everything she had packed. Instead, she unzipped the suitcase and frantically sorted through those items she could leave behind and those she could give to Karen to carry for her. Still, she wanted to take as much as she could to her family. The flight was festive and there was an excited air about the journey. But when Phan boarded the Air France plane in Bangkok for the last leg of the trip, she and everyone else quieted considerably. Many began to pack bits of their leftover lunch into plastic water cups and airsickness bags. Phan sorted through food remains on her tray and Karen’s, instructing her to take all the food, even if it had been partly consumed, for it would be given to beggars at the airport (Fjelstad 2006: 101). When the plane entered Vietnamese airspace all talk was hushed and people crowded near the windows to get a look at their homeland. Vietnam was green, lush, and full of bomb craters. Phan had no intention of practicing lên đồng in Vietnam. She knew the ritual was illegal and told Karen not to say anything about it. They could not visit a temple or see a ceremony and Karen could not ask even one question. She was not, under any circumstances, allowed to say that Phan practiced the ritual in America. The topic was completely off limits. Instead, Phan wanted to visit her mother and her son, Thái, and his family. She would spend the Vietnamese New Year (Tết) with them. Phan was excited about seeing her family but was also filled with trepidation. She had fled Vietnam, first for Laos and then for the United States, and was technically a refugee. She feared a number of things could go wrong: she could be harassed by officials at the

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airport, or arrested and imprisoned. If so, her family in Vietnam would have to suffer the consequences. She, like every other returning refugee, carefully folded several U.S. bills into her passport before giving it to passport control. She hoped the bribe would ease her entrance back into the country even though a posted sign prohibited such behavior. As soon as she checked into the government hotel, which was the only place refugees were allowed to stay, Phan took a bicycle taxi (cyclo) to her mother’s house. Her home was a single room on a narrow and busy street. When Phan first encountered her mother, who had been sitting cross-legged on a bed in the center of the room, she saw she had grown old, was completely blind, and had recently chopped off her hair. Rushing to her mother both women hugged, cried, and kissed each other on the face, arms, and hands. Neighbors, friends, and family members stood along the walls quietly observing the reunion while small children poked their heads in the windows to see what the commotion was all about. Although Thái was among the observers, Phan was not aware of his presence until someone pointed out that he was her son. A cyclo driver and the father of three children, Thái was painfully thin and clearly undernourished. Tears streamed down his face, dripping onto his dirty, weathered, and torn shirt. Although many Vietnamese in America wanted to have this kind of reunion, it was an agonizing experience. Phan and many of her fellow travelers were distraught after seeing how painfully thin their relatives were and how very poor. Thái’s daughter was ill with rheumatic fever, and he could not afford her medical care. He lived in a shanty by the market, and had barely enough money to keep his family alive. Phan tried to help by bringing food, clothing, medicines, and money. Many U.S. Vietnamese brought goods that could be resold on the black market, while others brought cash. But nothing seemed enough when faced with the extreme poverty of Vietnam in the 1980s. Adding to the trauma was the state policy of segregating returning refugees from their families. Although Phan could go to visit her mother and son in their homes, they could not enter her hotel. Thái rode his cyclo to the hotel every day where he stood outside, often in the pouring rain, waiting for his mother to emerge. He was afraid even to ask the receptionist to notify his mother when he had arrived. U.S. Vietnamese worried their hotel was bugged and their actions monitored (Fjelstad 2006: 101). They feared the Russian guests: Karen was told more than once to lower her voice as the Russians

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(liên xô) walked down the halls. This fear was rampant and pervasive. Many southerners were afraid of the Russians, who had replaced the Americans at the end of the war. But others were angry. For example, a young Vietnamese boy once slugged Karen in the face: Thái explained that he had mistaken her as Russian. They were also afraid to be associated with Americans, and Karen was instructed to hide her identity. When a friend hired a van to take her family on a day outing, Karen was told to stay mute when the driver picked up a policeman. “Don’t say anything,” she was instructed, “they’ll know you’re American and we’ll get in trouble.” The sixtyminute ride with the officer was terrifying and the family breathed a collective sigh of relief when he disembarked. Local authorities also detained people, especially if they strayed out of authorized areas. Karen and a friend Thúy were detained for hours in Nhà Trang when they entered a forbidden area: they had been trying to deliver a letter and a small amount of U.S. currency to one of her family members. By the end of the trip everyone in the group had a harrowing tale. Thúy had been so frightened by everything around her that she dove under the bed of their hotel when cannons were fired to signify the beginning of the New Year. She thought they were bombs. Phan returned to Vietnam the following year. She brought medications and material goods that helped to make her mother’s last years more comfortable and she paid for the construction of a new house for Thái. She even had a bit of a vacation as she and Karen and other returnees traveled around southern Vietnam. In Ðà Lạt, she and the spirit of the Young Prince (Cậu) went horseback riding. Karen watched as they circled a fenced field time and time again. “Cậu really likes horses,” Phan said, “He’s enjoying this a lot.” Although her mother died shortly after the second trip, Phan has returned to Vietnam many times over the past twenty years. She went to visit her son and to travel, shop, and play. One year she went to have cosmetic surgery; another time she joked that she went to eat a particularly delicious kind of snail. But she never had a possession ceremony in Vietnam and never expressed a desire to do so. During the late 1980s and throughout much of the 1990s forces from above and below limited travelers to Vietnam: the state placed restrictions on travel and tales of returnee’s troubles circulated in Silicon Valley. Like Phan, other U.S. Vietnamese saw the relentless poverty of their families, felt helpless and unable to do enough, and worried they would be treated harshly by state officials. Even so, the number of returnees grew. People told others that travel was not as dangerous as previously thought, and official policy changed when

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the state recognized that returning Vietnamese were contributing to the national economy. By the mid-2000s travel to Vietnam was commonplace, but there was still an undercurrent of fear that remains to this day. Many U.S. Vietnamese still pay bribes at the airport, and some are still detained. Village authorities recently held Mr. Viên for several hours while they questioned him about his present and past activities. “What do you do in America?” they asked, “What did you do when you lived here?” In response to both questions Mr. Viên folded his palms together, lowered his head, and replied, “I’m a monk.” He had, in fact, been a pilot during the war. Unlike Phan, many other Silicon Valley mediums held or participated in ceremonies in Vietnam. They have varied reasons for returning to that country, and religion is not always primary. Most go to visit their families and, like Phan, combine vacationing with family visits. They travel to their home provinces, but also take trips to vacation spots such as Hạ Long Bay, Ðà Lạt, Hội An, and Vũng Tàu, places they could not visit during the war. Some Silicon Valley mediums have long-standing ties with mediums or temples in Vietnam; they were initiated in those temples or have family members that practice lên đồng. When Mrs. Tuyết returned to Hanoi she went to the temple where she had been initiated as a child. She had a ceremony there and purchased a few ritual objects for her own San Jose temple. Also, her husband was able to learn how to make petitions from a ritual specialist. Another medium visits her aunt in Thánh Hóa province, and has lên đồng in that temple. Others are still fearful of having possession ceremonies, and there are some regions of the country where local authorities still prohibit lên đồng. U.S. mediums sponsor possession ceremonies in Vietnam for a variety of purposes (Fjelstad 2010). Some, like Mrs. Tuyết, want to have ceremonies in temples they have known from the past, while others want access to specific ritual personnel and supplies. Initiation ceremonies require a full set of votive offerings but until recently they were unavailable in the United States. Miss Hoa said, “I want to offer clothing and votive horses to the spirits. I like to go to Vietnam because these kinds of things are more plentiful.” Others say they have ceremonies in Vietnam because of the live music. As one woman explained: “In Vietnam they have a lot of live singing. They sing to elevate the medium. The medium relies on the chầu văn, the musicians rely on the medium. So serving in Vietnam is more enjoyable. Here (in the USA) there are not enough musicians.” As discussed in chapter three, the presence of live musicians, votive offerings, and the sights and scents of actually being in Vietnam are important because

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they contribute to the performative and theatrical functions of lên đồng, and the development of “good” ceremonies. The most common reason for having ceremonies in Vietnam is because it is the birthplace of the religion. As Mr. Xuân said, “It’s like Catholics going to Rome.” By having ceremonies in the “place of their ancestors” some mediums report they feel closer to the environment of their spirits. They see the rivers and mountains and other locale they remember from the past and hear about in possession songs. Some mediums say they like to have ceremonies in Vietnam because people there are more devout. Miss Hoa said: The people in Vietnam are much more sincere (thành tâm) than in the US. For example, if I invited you to a ceremony, you might say that you were busy with this or that and could not go. But when you invite people in Vietnam, they accept the invitation to come and they sit without moving from the beginning to the very end. (Fjelstad 2006: 103)

Silicon Valley mediums often go where they have ties based on kinship and former residence, but they also establish new relations with Vietnamese mediums. These are based on contacts made through people in the United States, videos of possession ceremonies, and mediums they meet while traveling in Vietnam. Miss Hoa decided to have a ceremony at a particular Vietnamese temple because, as she said, “I saw a temple I liked and so I asked the owner of the temple for permission to have a ceremony there. They were happy to have a visitor!” Other U.S. mediums visit the temples of people who have friends and relatives in San Jose. Mr. Xuân has invited several U.S. mediums to his temple in Hồ Chí Minh City. Vietnamese mediums rarely travel to the United States. In order to travel people must have passports, visas, time, money, and the desire to take a trip. Until recently many of these have been in short supply for Vietnamese nationals. It was only after the Renovation that Vietnamese were allowed to travel within their own lands and it was extremely difficult to leave the country. When internal restrictions were finally lifted few had sufficient financial resources to travel. Vietnam was a poor country and the majority of people could not even imagine buying a train ticket. Ironically, by the time the standard of living for urban people improved and some spirit mediums could travel internationally it was nearly impossible to get a U.S. visa: the terrorist attack of 9/11 had changed that. There are also fewer reasons for Vietnamese mediums to travel to the United States. They can have ceremonies with all the ritual goods and personnel they need

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in Vietnam. Mr. Xuân was surprised when asked if Vietnamese mediums travel to the United States for ceremonies. “Why would they,” he proclaimed, “its too expensive!” Although his answer focused on the higher cost of rituals in the United States, as we shall see it foreshadows a kind of ethnocentrism based on the idea that rituals in Vietnam are better because they are more authentic. Some Silicon Valley mediums travel to Vietnam to purchase goods for their temples. They are able to purchase statues of the spirits, musical instruments, spirit clothes and jewelry, temple flags, and many other types of ritual paraphernalia. These goods now permeate Silicon Valley temples. As discussed in chapter five, there is currently more diversity in Silicon Valley: some temples are very wealthy, and have a lot of imported goods. Such goods can be a source of prestige; but mediums do not agree on whether or not goods made in Vietnam are more authentic. Many say they do not have more spiritual efficacy than the homemade statues and altars of the older temples (Fjelstad 2006). Relationships between U.S. and Vietnamese mediums are beneficial to both parties. U.S. mediums are able to experience their religion in its homeland, have ceremonies with the full complement of ritual goods and personnel, and study under Vietnamese masters to gain ritual knowledge. Vietnamese mediums increase their status and prestige by interacting with people from the United States, and earn income by providing them with ritual services. Like migrants in other regions of the world (Brettell 2003; Levitt 2001; Wesolowski 2006) they contribute to religious revitalization in the homeland by purchasing ritual goods, hiring ritual personnel, and providing funds for the refurbishment of temples. Silicon Valley mediums have also granted relatives with the financial means to practice rituals; two helped family members in Vietnam to open temples, and others have assisted relatives with the cost of their initiation ceremonies. After Mrs. Lương established her Silicon Valley temple, for example, she helped her sister build a similar temple in Huế. While transnational relations often prove beneficial to both parties, they can also be problematic. When mediums from Vietnam visit Vietnam, they have to overcome fear and mistrust generated by a number of factors. Some were potential enemies, fighting on opposite sides during the war. Many mediums lost family members and have strong feelings associated with those terrible times. Another source of conflict is related to perceptions of the other: refugees are sometimes viewed as traitors because they left their homeland for wealthier countries. And because people in the United States and

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Vietnam were separated for so long they developed perceptions of each other that were informed by stereotypes. U.S. Vietnamese were perceived as wealthy, and all northerners were thought to be communist. Tania’s uncle even told her that he wished he could have gotten on the boat for America when she did. If so, he said, his life would not have been so poor and difficult. Perceptions of the other are exacerbated by regional and ritual difference. Many U.S. mediums originated or lived in the south, and their food, clothing, and language is different from people in other parts of the country. Added to all these forms of difference are regional variations in ritual practice. Another problem is related to questions of authenticity. Whereas some mediums claim that rituals in Vietnam are more “authentic” and “true” because of the votives, live music, and ritual personnel, others vehemently disagree. This issue is a potential source of discord between Vietnamese and U.S. mediums, and between the Silicon Valley temples. When asked why mediums from Silicon Valley travel to Vietnam Brian said there are as many motives as there are people but sadly, “some people do it for notoriety.” This even became an issue between Karen and Hiền. In their discussions Hiền emphasized the idea that mediums went to Vietnam to access more authentic rituals and masters, but Karen rebelled against that notion: like Tania she viewed the trips as a way for Silicon Valley mediums to selectively acquire goods and information, not because they were more authentic, but because they could assist mediums in practicing rituals in their own style. The issue is complicated, however, by the fact that many Vietnamese mediums travel on pilgrimages to specific temples because they are endowed with greater spiritual efficacy (linh), as do many Silicon Valley mediums. Although Vietnam- and U.S.-based mediums face a number of difficulties, they are highly motivated to work together and Silicon Valley mediums go to great lengths to travel to Vietnam. They struggle to save money for air tickets and take time off from work. They travel a long distance, adjust to a markedly different climate, and often live in conditions below their usual standard. They face emotional challenges and confront fears of returning to the state from which they once fled. They meet people who were the former enemy, and expect to be treated differently because they are Việt-kiều (overseas Việt). And because many mediums cannot afford frequent returns to Vietnam they have to accomplish a lot in a short period of time. They want to visit family, go shopping, and meet their spiritual needs in trips that are short and often stressful. Ironically, Karen and Hiền had similar

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experiences while conducting this transnational research: they, too, felt pressure to make the most of their time together. The religious significance of these trips varies from individual to individual. Whereas some mediums place a great emphasis on the importance of having rituals in the homeland, for others the ceremonies were simply a by-product of trips undertaken for other purposes. For some the Vietnam ceremonies were significant rites of passage, but for others they held less importance. Miss Hoa waited to have her initiation ceremony until she could go to Vietnam because she wanted her ritual to be “complete” with votives and live music but Mrs. Tuyết had a different approach: she had a ceremony in Hanoi because she was there, and will probably not have another in Vietnam. And whereas some mediums like Mrs. Lương developed a long-standing relationship with a temple in Vietnam, others have one-time contacts. In some cases, especially when kinship is involved, the relationships are long lasting, but in others they are fragile. The following sections trace the relationship between the Chúa Bói temple in Silicon Valley and Mr. Thanh’s temple in Bắc Ninh, Vietnam. Neither of these temples is typical. As discussed in chapter three, Mr. Thanh engages in a wider variety of ritual practices than many other masters, and the Chúa Bói temple represents the younger generation of Silicon Valley mediums. However, many of their experiences are similar to other encounters between U.S.- and Vietnambased mediums. This case study illustrates how and why mediums at the two temples got together, how they viewed each other, and the nature and consequence of their relationships. From Silicon Valley to Hanoi Members of the two temples first came together at the request of Silicon Valley mediums. Tania wanted to have a ceremony in Vietnam so she could be initiated as a medium of Chúa Bói (Goddesses of Fortune Telling). According to her (and this view is contested) there are three levels of initiation into Ðạo Mẫu. Mediums are first initiated into the Four Palace Religion (Tứ Phủ) that honors all spirits associated with the mother goddesses of sky, water, mountains and forests, and earth. Some are also initiated into the realm of Trần Hưng Ðạo or Three Palaces (Tam Phủ) that incarnates the spirit of the general and some of his family members. Last, there is the realm of Chúa Bói that serves five goddesses with special divinatory and healing powers. Tania had already been initiated into Tứ Phủ and Tam Phủ, but

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because she had the gift of divination (lộc bói) she also had to be initiated into the realm of Chúa Bói. Tania only knew one Chúa Bói medium in the United States and he lived in Atlanta. Although he had a temple, he could not perform initiation rituals as he did not have the correct materials: such initiations require a full set of Tứ Phủ votives as well as special votives of the divination goddesses and their ladies in pink. Tania also wanted to be initiated in a temple especially dedicated to the goddesses. A friend told her about a temple in Long Khánh near Vũng Tàu and she hoped to be initiated there, but then Hiền informed her of another master who performed initiations at Ðền Nguyệt Hồ in Bắc Giang, Vietnam. That man was Mr. Thanh. When Tania saw a video of Mr. Thanh performing the ritual, she sent an email to Hiền saying the ceremony was “so pretty” and she really liked the temple because “the participants were locals, not rich people.” She also liked the way Mr. Thanh served the spirits, and asked Hiền to help make arrangements for the ceremony. However, the trip had to be cancelled because Tania did not have enough money and could not get time off from her job. They tried again the following year. Although the trip took place the very next spring, it was very difficult for Tania. She risked her job by taking time off, she worried about her son’s health and education, and she and Brian were having relationship troubles that could potentially lead to a break-up. Still, she said the spirits were testing her devotion by causing these problems and she hoped initiation would help to resolve them. Just before embarking on the journey she said, There are times I wonder why is it that they chose me. My life is difficult as it is. I understand they do test us a lot but there are times I’m so weak. I worry for my mother and my son. I’m 32 years old, and haven’t accomplished much for them. I’m very anxious to have my ceremony in Vietnam. I want to know what waits for me, once I step into the gate of Chúa Bói. Will I have a decent job that will support my mom and son? Will I be able to go back to school and get some type of degree so I can get a better job? Will my state of mind be strong and clear? Will god protect my son and give him the blessing of education and future? Am I obligated to help others while my family is falling behind?

The last question refers to the financial strain Tania was beginning to feel as a result of having started the temple with Mr. Viên and Tiffany. Building and managing the temple was expensive and Tania had committed to it, but it was already causing her some anxiety.

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Tiffany and Xuân decided to travel with Tania and because they also had the Chúa Bói spirit root, they too decided to be initiated during the trip. They all planned to meet Tania’s aunt and uncle in Hanoi: they would take the train up from south central Vietnam to attend the rituals. Tania had visited her aunt in Quy Nhơn several times before, but never attended lên đồng there because she heard from her aunt that such ceremonies were prohibited. As Tania told Karen “If they hear anything about people lên dồng, they will be put to death.” Although this statement is untrue, it prevented Tania from even thinking about having a ceremony in her aunt’s hometown. Tania’s aunt and uncle were not spirit mediums, but they were interested in the ceremonies. The U.S. mediums had previously returned to Vietnam but had never been to the north, nor had they ever held possession ceremonies in Vietnam. They were unfamiliar with northern food, language, and customs. Also, Tiffany had never traveled in rural Vietnam, having previously only visited Hồ Chí Minh City. The mediums were excited about the trip. They felt a strong calling to the Chúa Bói spirits and wanted to have ceremonies in the land that was the birthplace of Ðạo Mâũ as well as learn from the Vietnamese mediums. Tania wanted to interview some “really old” mediums who are bearers of the tradition, and she wanted to show that “people in America have lên đồng too, not just people in Vietnam” (Fjelstad 2006: 109). Tiffany wanted to have ceremonies where “the earth is old” and she said the Silicon Valley mediums are “young” and “inexperienced” whereas the Vietnamese mediums are “mature.” The Silicon Valley mediums also had concerns. They were not certain they could trust the master or his ritual assistants. Before becoming a medium Master Thanh had worked for the northern government, but all of the Silicon Valley mediums were refugees who fled the communist state. What if the master harbored resentments against the Americans? Would he try to hurt or manipulate them in some way? Another concern had to do with issues of relative wealth. Would the master take advantage of the so-called rich Americans? Hiền instructed the northern driver and cameraman to be especially careful and considerate with the Americans because she said, “they won’t trust anyone, and they’ll be suspicious of northerners.” Also, the master was initiated in northern Vietnam but the U.S. mediums learned their rituals from southerners. What if their ritual practices were so different they were mutually unintelligible? What if the Silicon Valley mediums did not know how to perform the rituals? The U.S. mediums explored Hanoi the very same day they arrived. They shopped for spirit clothing and ritual paraphernalia on Hàng

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Quạt and at Ðông Xuân market, and had their fortunes read three times in a two-day period. They honored spirits at several temples and experienced spontaneous possession several times. The red tiger possessed Tiffany while she was waiting to have her fortune told. When she and Tania entered the temple they were invited to sit in front of the altar while awaiting arrival of the master medium. Tiffany, who had a direct view of the tiger cave placed under the main altar, said the red tiger was staring at her before it “zoomed right into” her (Fjelstad and Maiffret 2006: 118). When she started shaking uncontrollably, clenching her fists, drooling, and tightening her jaw the temple caretaker ran to get help from the master. By the time she returned the tiger had left. Explaining the event afterward Tiffany said, “I can’t sit in front of those tigers anymore.” The mediums spent a great deal of time shopping. They purchased goods for their San Jose temple, including clothing and jewelry for the spirits, musical instruments, and knives and swords for the mandarins. They selected several pieces of fabric and found a tailor who could sew áo dài for the temple. Shopping was both exhausting and problematic. One night, at about three o’clock in the morning Cậu woke everyone up when he manifested into Tania. He was angry, he said, because they had only bought clothing for the princess spirits, and nothing for him. Another problem was that they could not afford to buy all the things they wanted for the temple and had no pretrip agreement on how much money they would spend. Tania was concerned because Xuân purchased items for which she would eventually have to help pay. She worried she would receive an outrageous bill from the temple, but did not want to say anything to Xuân. On the third day they met Master Thanh at Dện Nguyệt Hồ for the first of the three initiation ceremonies. Mr. Thanh had also looked forward to the ceremonies. He said he wanted to help the mediums with their ritual needs, especially since they lived so far away, and he empathized with their desire to serve spirits in their homeland. However, he was worried they would be so wealthy and sophisticated that they would “be at a higher level” (đẳng cấp cao). Would he be able to accommodate them comfortably? Ðền Nguyệt Hồ is situated about one hour from his village, and three hours from Hanoi. Mr. Thanh had rented a large bus to transport the musicians, spirit gifts and votives, as well as all of his disciples. The U.S. mediums traveled to the temple in a hired car that picked them up at four o’clock in the morning so they were tired by the time they arrived at the temple. Still, they were excited to meet the master and see the temple. When they first saw Mr. Thanh

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standing on the steps of the temple in his pink outfit it was clear he had a strong female spirit root. This was even more evident when he caressed his “breasts” declaring them “soft” (mem). During conversations before the ceremonies, they learned that Mr. Thanh liked long ceremonies and believed spirits should be allowed as much time as they need. In this way, Mr. Thanh’s views of ritual were more similar to theirs than their Silicon Valley colleagues. During Chúa Bói initiation ceremonies the master has a complete lên đồng ritual. Afterward, in a second ceremony, he incarnates a few spirits that are presented with votive offerings. He then transfers mediumship by pulling an eight-foot long multicolored silk scarf over his head and that of the initiate, who then incarnates all the spirits. The first impressions of Mr. Thanh were favorable, but enthusiasm began to wane with travel fatigue and culture shock. Food and facilities at the temple were different, the weather was hot and humid, mosquitoes were voracious, and the Silicon Valley mediums had difficulty understanding the northern dialect. They were happy with the ceremonies but watched everything with a careful and critical eye. They noted small differences in the way Mr. Thanh incarnated the spirits. Why, they wondered, was the Seventh Prince so sober? Why did the Tenth Prince wear a sequined cape? “It’s for outside,” Tania said, “not inside the temple!” Tiffany suffered a combination of jet lag, culture shock, and a lack of familiarity with Vietnamese currency, all of which impacted her ceremony. She said: “I had two hours of sleep, a lack of food, and a three-hour ride out to the temple. We stayed up the whole day. I ate just one or two bites of sticky rice the whole day and I only had about five or six bites more before I served at night. Do you think I could serve?” She could not focus on the ceremony and the spirits did not completely possess her. She had problems with the currency and although she thought she was being very generous handing out thousands and thousands of Vietnamese đông, she actually gave very little. She said, “In a foreign country I didn’t know what to do, and the money was confusing, so when I danced I couldn’t give anything comfortably or competently. I wasn’t as confident as I should be.” The following day she was the talk of the temple, and the temple caretaker loudly proclaimed, “She’s so cheap! We heard you people are so rich and then you’re cheap. Not even ten cents per person!” Reflecting on these comments Tiffany said, “Ten cents! That is pretty cheap!” She was embarrassed. The U.S. mediums paid Mr. Thanh for their ceremonies and watched to make sure he used the money appropriately. They knew

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how much he should have spent on the spirit gifts: if he purchased cheap goods for spirits, it would be a sign he was keeping some of their money for himself. As it turned out, they were impressed with the way he distributed the lộc. As Tiffany explained, “He is a very humanitarian person and he is not into money. He has a nice heart. When he serves he pays attention to the people, the villagers who come to visit. They can’t come in the doorway because they have muddy feet. He makes sure they have some favors.” They assessed the cost of the ceremonies, and agreed the master was generous: “He spent money on the ceremony: I don’t think he profits a lot. Some masters are cheap and only hire one band for three days but he made sure we were satisfied so each one of us had a different singer. He didn’t have to do that.” Although they were pleased with the master’s use of financial resources, they were less satisfied with other ritual personnel, especially the assistants who did not distribute the blessed gifts as directed. In some cases the spirit would hand them a stack of bills to distribute but it disappeared, and the U.S. mediums wondered if they kept the money for themselves. Other times, they refused to take money from spirits because they wanted more than was offered. Tiffany said: They just want the large bill. That’s so wrong. It’s kind of scary that you can’t trust people. I think that is a problem in Vietnam, not just because we are from the US, but it is a problem in Vietnamese culture. No one trusts each other. I have heard people say there are not a lot of people they can trust to be hầu dang. That’s sad.

Ritual assistants and performing mediums usually know and trust each other; they are friends and colleagues and may have a master-disciple relationship. However, the relationship between the Vietnamese assistants and U.S. mediums were established on quite a different basis: they were strangers. The Silicon Valley mediums also watched the cameraman, driver, and the temple owner. They looked for and thought they discovered some ways that each earned a small profit, but such behavior was expected. As Tania said, “going back home to a place that is poor, you have to expect that anything can happen and you have to deal with it and accept it.” Aware that others might try to take advantage, Mr. Thanh even instructed the U.S. mediums to say they were from southern Vietnam. People would still perceive them as rich, but not as wealthy as Americans. He told them to keep their belongings in sight and not let anyone get “too close” and worried the temple caretaker

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would raise the fee if she knew they were from the United States. Tania had brought a jumbo-sized box of M&M candies she wanted to give as offerings saying, “people really like them over there,” but Master Thanh told her to hide the candies because they would make her look rich. Although California mediums were generally pleased with their ceremonies, they were upset after witnessing certain behaviors. The male assistants engaged in a great deal of swearing during the ceremony, arguing over minor ritual detail like which scarf a particular spirit should wear. The U.S. mediums were offended by this behavior, considering it a grave insult to the spirits. More disturbing to them was the fact that the master medium hit his female assistants. Two male and two female ritual assistants helped during the ceremonies and the master hit the women whenever they were slow or clumsy or if they forgot something. U.S. mediums were shocked by this behavior, which they had never seen before. Tania said: He hit her really hard. I think he did it twice. I was really shocked. I disapprove of that completely. I don’t think there’s any way that god would hit a person that hard. Yes, if god is in you and he is mad at you he will punish you, but not by hitting someone else. I completely from the bottom of my heart do not believe in that. That hurts inside. When I think about that it makes me upset so I don’t want to think about it too much. I can’t endure that. I know that he’s a good person but there’s no need to hit someone. And plus she’s older than him. Whether you’re old or young there is no need to be aggressive and I don’t believe in that.

The U.S. mediums tried to interpret Mr. Thanh’s behavior but could not decide whether it was a “Hanoi cultural thing” or a difference in gender relations between Vietnam and the United States. After the initiation ceremonies the U.S. mediums visited Mr. Thanh at his home. They made offerings at his altar, watched videos of possession ceremonies, and sat in on divination sessions with his clients. During these interactions they watched their master carefully. Concerns over gender inequality were heightened when they learned that his wife, who worked in the fields all day, was not even allowed in the temple. They felt sorry for her and secretly slipped her some money. They were sensitive to any indications that he dabbled in sorcery. Although lên đồng mediums are not supposed to practice sorcery, they are known to have a strong interest in all spiritual matters and are

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often suspicious of one another. Tania wondered why Mr. Thanh had no statues on his altar: only empty chairs that represented the spirits. If he did have statues, she explained to Karen, the spirits would have eyes with which they could see his activities. If he had been practicing sorcery the spirits would know and punish him. They saw that Mr. Thanh engaged in ritual practices unfamiliar to Silicon Valley mediums. For example, one day a middle-aged rice farmer and her young son went to the temple while he was reading fortunes. They stood outside the door, reluctant to enter without an invitation, waiting for a welcoming sign from Mr. Thanh. Small, thin, and dressed in old clothes, the peasants were easily distinguished from the American mediums that were having their fortunes told. The Americans asked questions such as, “What kind of job will I have? When will I get married? Should my boyfriend go back to school?” The peasant woman sat on the floor of the temple, listening and waiting, while her son fell asleep in her arms. When the master finally asked what she wanted, she said she had come to learn why her pig had died. “My pig was fine,” she said, “and then it just died!” The U.S. mediums howled with laughter, and the peasant woman giggled as well. When asked why, the California mediums later told Karen “the spirits only help with important stuff, not why your pig died.” Although Karen wondered if they were being ethnocentric, a Vietnamese ritual specialist at the temple validated this view when he told Karen and Hiền that local people ask “small questions but overseas Vietnamese are more intellectual and ask higher level questions.” The master instructed the woman to return another day. Tania wondered if he would use magic to uncover the mystery of the pig’s death and did not want U.S. mediums to observe. Later, when Hiền asked Mr. Thanh about the situation, he explained that the U.S. mediums were surprised to hear someone ask about a pig, but it was of great importance to the woman. Raising pigs was a source of income for her, but even more important, the death of the pig represented a spiritual problem in her family. Something had happened to her ancestors’ graves and they were causing a number of misfortunes, including the death of the pig. Mr. Thanh was able to help her, but he did so through spiritual channels outside of Ðạo Mẫu. The first group of mediums decided they liked and respected Mr. Thanh even though they did not agree with all his behaviors. They liked the way he performed the ceremonies, and learned a great deal from him. He helped them to acquire goods for their Silicon Valley temple, taught them how to perform the initiations themselves, and wrote petitions for them. He even helped them to resolve the problem

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Figure 6.1

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Photos of votive offerings at a Silicon Valley initiation ceremony.

of votives: he would order the offerings in Vietnam, take photos of them, and send the photos to the United States. The Silicon Valley mediums could then use the photos of the votives in their ceremonies, even burning them afterward (figure 6.1). The photos could be copied several times, and would take the place of the “real” votives. Also, because the Silicon Valley mediums were finally initiated into Chúa Bói, their temple had more legitimacy. Still, all the personal changes Tania had hoped for did not manifest immediately. Upon her return to the United States she lost her job and she and Brian had more problems than ever. One year later a second group of mediums from the temple was initiated at Dền Nguyệt Hồ. This group included Mr. Viên and Xuân, Kim, Tiffany, and Mrs. Vân. Tania’s aunt and uncle once again met them in Hanoi. They stayed at Master Thanh’s before and after the rituals. During the year he had built up his house, partly to accommodate them. When the first group went to Vietnam the house was a smallish two-story structure with a central courtyard. By the following year he had added a third story, an entire new wing, and sixty new statues to the altar. His wife and family cooked and slept on the first floor, the second contained rooms for visiting guests, and the

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temple was on the third floor. Much of this reconstruction came at the request of the Silicon Valley mediums who, Mr. Thanh said, were “frank and straightforward” when they asked him to build rooms for sleeping, gave money to buy a refrigerator, and asked him to build bathrooms with flush toilets and showers. The second trip was stressful because of internal conflict generated by political and financial factors. Travel to Vietnam was expensive for all mediums and the expenditure was a significant burden to some. Several people paid for air tickets with credit cards while others borrowed money from family or friends. People had to choose which family members would go and who would stay behind. In addition to the expense of an air ticket was the cost of purchasing gifts for the master and any relatives. Tania and her mother paid for train tickets and accommodations for her aunt and uncle, and everyone brought gifts for relatives. Although U.S. Vietnamese often feel an intense obligation to help their relatives they are sometimes overwhelmed: some Silicon Valley Vietnamese have stopped returning to Vietnam because of the financial burden. Also, the U.S. mediums wanted their trip to be cost-effective by accomplishing a lot: they planned to have initiation ceremonies, learn how to write more petitions, visit other temples, record possession music, and purchase items for the temple. In addition to financial stress were fears of traveling to Vietnam. Mr. Viên, the former pilot, had not yet returned to Vietnam and had never been to the north. He told Karen and her husband, who is a Vietnam veteran, not to talk about the war at all. He explained that he and the master medium had been on opposite sides, but that was the past and this is the present. Today, he said, “We are Ðạo Mẫu.” Still Mr. Viên was extremely anxious throughout the trip, which caused him to become irritable, often snapping at people. He used an imperious tone while herding the group through the airport because he wanted everyone together when he handed the official a two-hundred-dollar bribe. Although they were able to get into the country without any problem, it set the tone for the trip because people got upset with his take-charge attitude. Several people were very angry with him. Despite these internal conflicts the mediums were enthusiastic. Just before her ceremony Kim expressed excitement saying, “I just can’t believe I’m here. I took time off, I paid all this money, and here I am in the boonies about to have my ceremony!” This was Kim’s first time to rural Vietnam and she was passionate about everything. On the ride to Mr. Thanh’s village she was so thrilled to see rice that she asked the driver to stop so she could actually touch the plant.

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Running into the paddy she gently caressed a new shoot of rice. “Is this rice?” she asked, “Look at this. It’s so green!” The initiation ceremonies took place over a five-day period. Because the group was large and some were already acquainted with Mr. Thanh and his disciples and musicians, the rituals were especially fun and animated. Disciples clapped along with the music and called out to the spirits, “Oh! You are so beautiful!” The ritual assistants danced in their seats, other mediums rose to join the spirits, and spontaneous possession was commonplace. The first ceremony lasted late into the night, just as the Silicon Valley mediums preferred. But the temple caretaker complained. She asked Mr. Thanh to shorten the ceremonies and keep them quieter. He informed the U.S. mediums they would have to start much earlier the following day. Many individuals in northern Vietnam emphasize the importance of order and structure in a ceremony. The spirits appear in sequential order, the medium is the only one possessed, and ritual assistants make certain that the medium and spirits have what they need. In an orderly northern ceremony the audience watches the medium and spirits with respect, and people do not talk too loudly. Orderly ceremonies are sometimes considered as “beautiful” (đẹp) and are contrasted with those that are “disorganized” (lung tung) or “chaotic” (lộn-xộn). Although the initiation ceremonies were shortened they got more and more exuberant as the days passed. People were continually going in and out of trance, jumping up to dance, whooping, and shouting, and the music grew progressively louder. Group possession, which is rare in northern Vietnam, occurred several times. Even some of the Silicon Valley mediums wondered whether the ceremonies had gone “too far.” They worried the temple owner would tell them to leave. Tiffany said, “The temple owners are embarrassed. People will think they are abnormal and they have a cuckoo temple. They don’t want people to say this is a crazy temple with people jumping all over the place.” During the first trip to Vietnam the Silicon Valley and Bắc Ninh mediums differed in interpretations of spontaneous possession. Each medium at the U.S. temple is aware when another goes into trance because of changes in facial expression, speech, and mannerisms. However, the Bắc Ninh mediums could not initially distinguish between the normal and possessed person. Explaining these reactions, Tiffany said, “they looked concerned, but they didn’t know the trance . . . they don’t have the same kind of trance that we do” (Fjelstad and Maiffret 2006: 118). However, they eventually learned to interpret the cues and interact with the spirits. During the second

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trip the Vietnamese mediums and disciples even consulted with the spirits as they spontaneously possessed Mrs. Vân. Spontaneous and group possession tested Mr. Thanh’s ability to maintain a careful balance between structure and chaos. As one northern Vietnamese temple medium explained, “it’s the role of the master to guide the ceremonies, and he has to make sure they don’t get out of control.” If an onlooker is suddenly possessed, the master should perform a quiet ritual, such as waving incense over the person, so the spirit will leave. But highly structured ceremonies can lack sentiment, and Mr. Thanh had to find ways to meet the demands of the temple owner, his northern Vietnamese colleagues, and the Silicon Valley mediums. He did not attempt to limit or prevent spontaneous or group possession, but did say that the ceremonies should be shorter and quieter. Later, he told Karen and Hiền that he liked the group possession as it encouraged participation and promoted good feeling, and he described the ceremonies as “dynamic and cheerful.” Mr. Thanh and the U.S. mediums had different styles of serving their spirits. Mr. Thanh had once worked as a performer and he often spoke of the artistic dimensions of lên đồng. He discussed beautiful styles of dance and ways to face a camera, and gave Silicon Valley mediums tips on their performance. His Vietnamese disciples even practiced their spirit dances and tried to perfect their bows to make them more graceful. But the U.S. mediums sometimes wondered how possessed Mr. Thanh truly was. One person said he was about “thirty percent” possessed and another thought he used magical hand gestures to control possession so his ceremonies would be more beautiful. Whereas the Silicon Valley mediums valued spontaneity and complete possession, Mr. Thanh and several of his northern colleagues placed a higher value on controlled performance. One ritual specialist distinguished between ceremonies for pleasure and joy (hầu vui) and those for work (hầu lam việc), explaining that Mr. Thanh only has the latter kind of ceremony. Mr. Thanh said “if we hầu like that we cannot do our work.” Although the U.S.- and Vietnam-based mediums had a great desire to work together, their initial interactions were characterized by a lot of doubt. They did not know if they could trust each other in secular or spiritual matters, and they watched each other noting similarities and differences. They had varying political orientations and life experiences, ate different kinds of foods, and spoke with different dialects. They served the spirits in different ways and had divergent perspectives on spiritual matters. Each group suspected the other was more sophisticated, and they were initially uncomfortable with one

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another. How, then, did they manage to get along? Importantly, they received assistance from their spirits, especially the Youngest Prince. Cậu Bé (hereafter referred to as Cậu) had an important role as the unofficial but widely acknowledged tour guide for both trips (Fjelstad 2010). He helped them to plan and organize the trips, accompanied them on their journeys, and assisted as they formed new relationships. The U.S. mediums consulted Cậu before they left for Vietnam and the spirit helped determine who went on the trips, what they brought, and where they stayed. For example, Mr. Viên’s wife had not planned to go on the second trip because air tickets for both husband and wife were too expensive. However, Cậu knew Xuân did not want her husband to go without her, and he told all the mediums at the temple that she should accompany him. Cậu also helped Kim and Tiffany to find a nice guesthouse near the temple; they knew it was Cậu because the hotel was the same green color as his vest. Having a spirit tour guide is a risky affair, especially when that spirit is a trickster. Cậu is known for teaching lessons and causes things to go wrong for a purpose. Although he promised that he would not cause any trouble in Vietnam, he pulled a trick causing Mr. Viên to exhibit what he later called the “crazy behavior” that made the others angry. Mr. Viên had no idea of his effect on the others until the spirits rejected him during Tiffany’s ceremony. Although he kept asking the spirits for lộc they would not even acknowledge his presence. He finally left the ceremony alone and in tears. “They’re ignoring me,” he complained, “What have I done?” Later, everyone decided that Cậu was “picking on” Mr. Viên causing him to behave poorly. The trickster tour guide gave the mediums a framework for understanding why things never seemed to work perfectly. They consulted Cậu in divination sessions before each initiation ceremony and in virtually every case the spirit predicted that a “tiny, tiny” problem would occur, but everything else would be fine. The night before her ceremony Cậu told Tiffany, “it’s going to be a fun ceremony but there’s going to be a tiny problem. You’re going to be a tiny bit upset.” As it turned out, it was Cậu who caused Tiffany to be distracted so that she got confused with the currency. This mode of explanation redirected problems to the spirit world. Cậu is egalitarian so he tries to be fair and, as Tania explained, “he wants everyone to be happy.” He wanted the Silicon Valley mediums to be generous with their Vietnamese colleagues and he wanted them to take gifts to family and friends. He punished Mr. Viên for taking another medium’s luggage space, preventing her from carrying gifts

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to her family in Vietnam. Also, although Mr. Thanh told Tania to hide her M&M candies, Cậu eventually brought them out. Cậu also mediated differences in ritual practice. Although the Bắc Ninh mediums could not initially identify Cậu when he manifested in Tania and Mrs. Vân, they quickly began to consult him in divination sessions. They began to ask him questions and share their stories of yin illnesses. These narratives helped members of each group to know and understand each other better and it was facilitated by Cậu’s humorous behavior and childish antics, which drew people to him. During one fortune-telling session Cậu said that “earth people” drive him crazy because they are always talking about money. “Money, money, money,” he said, “sometimes I like to take fruit off the altar just to throw it at them!” During the initiation ceremonies Cậu adopted new behaviors. Other spirits incarnating the medium gave blessed gifts to Cậu so he could pass them out himself. He did so with a theatrical flair that added an important ingredient to the possession ceremonies: he made them fun. Before the spirit’s appearances the ceremonies were highly structured and predictable. People sat quietly observing the ceremony but did not interact much with each other or with the spirits. After Cậu came the atmosphere of the ceremony changed to become “lighter” and people seemed to have more fun. Cậu’s behavior opened doors for other kinds of unsolicited possession. In the Silicon Valley temple (as well as in central Vietnam) it is common for several mediums to rise and dance when particular spirits are incarnated. Whenever the Sixth Lady (Chầu Lục) manifests in Silicon Valley up to five other mediums go into trance to join her in dance. This group possession increased as the days progressed in Bắc Ninh, and the U.S. mediums and Mr. Thanh said the spontaneous and group possession helped to break barriers. As Tiffany said, “I felt like it brought people together. It was tense before this. Everyone had their own little group and they weren’t really interacting. This brought everything together and now we’re all a team.” Cậu took subtle control of the ceremonies by reading fortunes, distributing blessed gifts, and increasing instances of spontaneous possession. He helped direct the pace of ceremonies and introduced a jovial atmosphere that changed their tone. He also launched new behaviors such as distributing the blessed gifts. He even spontaneously possessed Mr. Thanh for the first time complaining that his statue was placed too low on the altar, and instructing the master to buy new clothes for him.

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Cậu has much in common with California mediums. As previously discussed in chapter five, he is the “littlest” member of the pantheon, is inexperienced, and does not yet know all of the rules. Likewise, some U.S. mediums perceive themselves as more youthful and less experienced than their colleagues in Vietnam. Like Cậu they are exuberant and enthusiastic and behave in ways that are simultaneously charming and exasperating. They speak their minds and make mistakes and are perhaps permitted a little extra leeway because of their youth. Also like Cậu they add a bit of excitement by doing things in a topsy-turvy way that is sometimes described as “spicy.” The Silicon Valley mediums and their spirit added a bit of fun-loving chaos to the ceremonies. Continuing Relations The U.S. temple split in two after the second trip to Vietnam. There were arguments over money that began during the first trip, exacerbated by issues of control that surfaced during the second trip. Tania and Tiffany moved the temple to Tania’s house, and Mr. Viên and Xuân established their own separate temple. Today, members of the two groups rarely speak to one another. Mr. Thanh is not privy to details of the temple split, and neither he nor the Silicon Valley mediums think it is appropriate to inform him of their internal problems. However, he does relay information between the two groups. Through him, they learn who is traveling to Vietnam and for what purpose, and who is having initiation rituals or ordering goods for ceremonies. Mr. Thanh’s neutrality is related to his role as a master medium. In order to become a master individuals must exhibit certain traits. In addition to having a heavy spirit calling and thorough knowledge of the religion, they must have a good reputation and strong social skills (Larsson and Endres 2006). Although mediums within a temple might quarrel with each other, a wise and prudent master will not become entangled in internal struggles. Through professional noninvolvement, they maintain spiritual authority. Mr. Thanh’s professional detachment is evidenced in other behaviors. He does not exhibit a keen interest in the private lives of his disciples, and has not expressed an interest in learning from them. When they go to stay at his three-story house the mediums stay in guest quarters on the second floor and the master says on the third floor next to the temple. Although the U.S. mediums often go upstairs to visit with him, he rarely goes to visit them. He does not ask as many questions as they ask him and although he shows videos of his

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rituals he does not watch as many videos of their ceremonies. This detachment angered Tania’s sister who felt she was never able to have a satisfactory conversation with the master when she saw him the following year. The U.S. mediums have returned to see Mr. Thanh several times. So far, they are the only overseas Vietnamese to work with him. Whereas the first two visits combined shopping expeditions with ceremonies, subsequent trips focused on the acquisition of goods and knowledge. Communication with him takes place over the telephone, usually through Mr. Viên or Mrs. Vân who act as intermediaries for other mediums, such as Kim, who have a “really hard time understanding him” because of his northern accent. Tania and Brian returned to Vietnam after the positive results of her initiation finally manifested. She got a higher paying and much more satisfying job as office manager at a Silicon Valley firm, Brian committed to the religion by having his own initiation ceremony, and they were married in the temple. They went to Vietnam to celebrate their honeymoon and Tania had a thanking ceremony (hầu ta) in Mr. Thanh’s temple. This was Brian’s first trip to northern Vietnam and he, like Kim before him, was excited to see rice paddy. “I’ve never seen rice before!” he exclaimed. Unlike Mr. Viên, who worried that people would talk about the war, Brian said, “I could care less about history, I care more about the spiritual, I care about peace.” Tania and Brian were nonetheless wary about Mr. Thanh’s spiritual trustworthiness, and watched him carefully. He used different techniques to read fortunes. When Tania or Mrs. Vân predict futures they do so while incarnating Cậu or one of the princess spirits, but Mr. Thanh uses physiognomy, astrology, and cards. Comparing fortunetelling in the two temples Brian said: He has a system. He is using astrology but also help from the gods. At our temple Tania sits down, lights some incense, and anything goes. Our methods are unpredictable and more natural. Its not a set system like here. She started a whole new influence. People that come in to get a fortune get more—counseling, advice, insight into past life, it’s a lot more comprehensive. People learn not to rely on specific questions anymore, they learn to rely on the methods of our temple. They are unpredictable and more natural. It’s not a set system like here.

Brian went on to say: “He’s a leader for sure. He’s trying to please his audience. He has books to back it up. People at our temple learn to let that go. He knows his target audience very well. They walk away with a piece of paper. He’s very professional.” But lingering behind these

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statements was a small doubt: is his fortune-telling practice secular or is it a gift from the spirits? Mr. Thanh later addressed this issue, explaining that he was able to read fortunes like Tania with “only a bell and a fan” for five years after his initiation. The spirits came into him allowing him to predict futures until another spiritual master informed him that only ghosts could perform such deeds. That man created a magical amulet but it purposefully took Mr. Thanh’s fortune-telling powers away. In order to compensate he had to learn to read fortunes with the help of books while studying under a Buddhist teacher. Eventually, he said, he had a vision of the Mother Goddess of the Sky who gave him the power to read fortunes again. Today he reads with books and with the help of the spirits. Tania and Brian also wondered about Mr. Thanh’s altar. Besides the traditional Mother Goddess altar, there were statues of the Hùng Kings, Hồ Chí Minh, and several other gods, spirits, and culture heroes. He also had a large color photograph of the U.S. temple’s handmade statue of Cậu. He had started the addition of a fourth floor to his house and told Tania that his goal was to have different altars in different sections of the structure. “His goal,” she said, “is to have a temple with all the gods and goddesses of Vietnam so Buddhists, tourists, everyone can come here.” “Wow,” Brian replied, “it will be like a museum.” Mr. Thanh told Hiền that the inauguration of his temple upon its completion will have the biggest ceremony of his life; he will incarnate about seventy spirits. Partly because Tania and Brian were unfamiliar with such a broad ritual practice, they were not sure if they approved of the altar. They wondered if it was constructed for personal gain. “I have a gut feeling there is a personal agenda behind all this,” Brian said. Noting that Mr. Thanh had placed several photos of himself on the walls, a popular practice in Vietnam, Brian said, “Look around you, look at the pictures, that says a lot.” He compared Mr. Thanh positively to gangsters he had seen in a Hollywood movie called Carlitos Way. Like them, he said, “he has a strong personality. He’s definitely a leader.” Tania and Brian were eager to have her ceremony but problems arose over the ritual process. Mr. Thanh wanted to have a break to eat lunch in the middle of her ceremony, explaining that ritual assistants and musicians would need food and rest before continuing with the ceremony. Such breaks are unusual in Silicon Valley and Tania said that part of serving entails sacrificing one’s own comfort to show devotion to the spirits. She wrestled with the issue asking

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herself if she should follow her own culture or that of the master. She said: God knows who I am but when I am taken away from my culture god might ask if I am going to be considerate and nice or am I going to follow my own practice. If the environment is this way I should follow it. I should be considerate of the singers, hầu dang, attendees, It’s a deep spiritual question.

Discussing this matter with her husband Tania said, “This is Vietnam. It’s really hot. In America if it’s hot you have air conditioning, if it’s cold you have heat. Everything is handed to us.” Although she wanted to serve the spirits without a break like she did at home, she was “willing to set that aside for people.” Brian explained to Karen, “she’s wondering if god is making her more flexible, more considerate of people.” As it turned out, the ceremony did have a break and all welcomed it especially since there had been a heat wave. While Tania incarnated spirits the sweat poured off her face. It was so hot that at one point she nearly fainted. But Brian said it was the best ceremony he had ever witnessed, and the first one with live possession music. “They’re right on it,” he said of the musicians, “they know what they’re doing.” He went on to say, “I feel excellent. I had a knot in my throat for the first three or four spirits, I was about to cry.” Mr. Thanh described the U.S. mediums as devout and often commented on how traditional they are. When he viewed photographs of their wedding, he told Tania and Brian that it was more traditional than weddings in Vietnam. But he wondered why they did not stay longer, allowing him to teach them more about the rituals. Indeed, his eagerness to teach exceeded their desire to learn. “Why don’t you come and stay longer,” he asked, “then I can teach you more.” He wanted to instruct them on how to perform various rituals, and complained they only come for a few days out of every year. They are always running around, going here and there, he said, and do not stay long enough. However, the U.S. mediums had limited time and money. Traveling to Vietnam was so costly they had to combine spiritual and other activities, and tried to accomplish a lot with one plane ticket. Also, although Mr. Thanh was a full-time ritual specialist, the U.S. mediums had other jobs. They could not support their families by performing rituals. Whereas Mr. Thanh performed several different kinds of rituals, Tania wanted to limit herself to lên đồng. She did not want to do the kind of book learning that Mr. Thanh advocated or take responsibility

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for dealing with outside spiritual forces. She did not want to be in the room while Mr. Thanh was treating a client who had been spiritually beaten by a ghost because she felt it would be dangerous to herself and the baby she was trying to conceive. “You have to be careful when you deal with the dark side,” she said, “the more you know the more responsibility you have. It’s too much. I’d rather serve but have a happy life.” They also had divergent perceptions of magic. In Tania’s view, when people perform magic (làm bua) they call upon potentially harmful spirits outside the Ðạo Mẫu pantheon. Although Master Thanh agreed that lên đồng mediums do not have permission (phép) from their spirits to use magic, he said they can engage in such practices if they go to a thầy pháp, a ritual specialist who deals with such spirits. Tania and Brian were more critical of Mr. Thanh’s ritual practice after they got angry with him. Tania’s aunt, who had been initiated by Mr. Thanh, wanted to build a private temple in her home in Quý Nhơn. (By the time of this trip, people in that area practiced the ritual more freely.) Tania asked Mr. Thanh if he could help them to set up a temple, but the master said her aunt would first have to return to his temple for one more ceremony. In northern Vietnam it is a requirement that disciples have their ceremonies at their masters’ temples for a three-year period (Larsson and Endres 2006). But Tania thought Mr. Thanh should be more flexible because her aunt was poor and could not afford another trip to the north. She said: Poor people who have no temple, who migrate, have a difficult time to practice so they do what they can. I think all we need are petitions, chầu van, and a cup of incense. That’s all we have. Mr. Thanh said we can’t do it like that but I ask you: wouldn’t god be more upset if they don’t serve him?

Her anger at Mr. Thanh resulted in critical assessments. “He doesn’t have the altar right,” she said, “If you want to get down, I will get down with you.” She and Brian then questioned his motives. Brian said, Thanh makes himself the priority. Even though you don’t have money you have to come back. I think he’s trying to get financial gain. Tania and Mrs. Vân want to cut financial costs, do it at home. I think that’s the best way, its all in your heart. People can have incense, raw rice, one outfit. He’s pushing a product. Can’t I just do it from the heart?

In the end, Tania’s aunt decided not to open a temple because they sold their house to help their children establish a small business.

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Although Tania and Brian were critical of Mr. Thanh, they appreciated his assistance. He taught Tania how to write petitions, answered their questions about correct ways to perform rituals, and helped them acquire goods for their temple. When they bought their own home near San Luis Reservoir and moved the temple, he wrote the petitions for their temple-opening ceremony. Most recently, he assisted in the purchase of a red velvet altar cloth for the New Year ritual. But Tania and Brian do not place calls to Mr. Thanh; Mrs. Vân does it for them. Tania said that her mother “knows him better” and can “talk more easily” with him. Although they may someday return to Mr. Thanh’s temple, trips to Vietnam are not in their current plans. They have a baby on the way, as does Tiffany, and are focused on their own temple and the new “temple kittens” they will soon birth. When asked whether she will return to Vietnam, Kim said “to tell you the truth, I’m done with Vietnam for awhile.” Instead, she says, she wants to go to Rio. Although the trips to Vietnam were significant events in the lives of these mediums, they do not view their ritual practice as tied to that country. As Tania said, they have their own style. They went to Vietnam and selectively borrowed what they needed and wanted. They might return, but then again they might not. Tania said that when she does return she wants to serve at some of the other temples, perhaps in Sapa. In contrast, Mr. Viên wants to build his relationship with Mr. Thanh. He returned to Vietnam to purchase statues for the altar of his new temple, record possession music, and study ritual practices under Mr. Thanh. “My master is number one,” he says, “First are the mother goddesses, the second is my master.” Although he was once suspicious of the master’s use of magic, Mr. Viên recently asked to learn how to perform such rites. He now gathers armies of spirits of the dead and uses them to protect newly established businesses in Silicon Valley. He is grateful to his master for conveying that knowledge. Although Mr. Viên has purchased items for his temple in Vietnam, there have been some problems. When he tried to record possession music at Mr. Thanh’s temple, one of the hired musicians left after the second day; a problem he attributed to the antics of Cậu. Then, when he ordered statues he discovered it was difficult to be certain of the quality while thousands of miles away. Also, statues or other wooden objects do not hold up well in the drier California climate. Time and time again Mr. Viên has ordered ritual goods from Vietnam that had to be returned. Despite these problems, he has continued relations with the Vietnamese producers of ritual goods.

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Mr. Thanh may also have some unfulfilled expectations. Although the Silicon Valley mediums encouraged him to renovate his house, they have not returned as frequently as he had hoped. Once the initiation ceremonies were performed and the ritual goods purchased, there were fewer reasons to visit the master. Most questions can be answered over the telephone, and goods are sent back and forth through other travelers including Karen and Hiền. Nowadays some U.S. mediums express an interest in using their money to travel elsewhere. Others like Mr. Viên have an intense desire to return to Mr. Thanh’s village but cannot because it is too expensive, especially during the current global economic crisis. At the time of this writing many people in the United States are losing homes, jobs, and health benefits and most Americans are cutting back on travel. Trips to Vietnam are severely curtailed in such an economy and communication with people in Vietnam is limited to phone or computer-facilitated conversations. Some are postponing ceremonies because they cannot afford to have them even in their countries of residence. The trips to Vietnam had a long-term impact on all the parties involved. Mr. Thanh’s reputation grew as people learned that Vietnamese from America sought his spiritual services. Once day, while walking along rice paddy in his village Karen and Hiền met a middle-aged farmer who told them the master “is so famous, even people from America come to see him.” His reputation began to spread after the first initiations and as a consequence he was asked to perform more ceremonies in his village as well as in more distant locations. He increased his income, and built up his house and temple. The U.S. mediums played an active role in these opportunities. The money the mediums sent to him was enough to cover the cost of their rituals and he received it in a large sum that he could use to improve his house. He also performed ritual services for a Hanoi businessman who was able to help him to get a good loan. He told other Vietnamese that he earned his wealth from the Silicon Valley mediums so as to deflect criticism from villagers and local authorities, and he earned a reputation as a “powerful” master medium in the eyes of lay people and his disciples. Whereas he once was a local practitioner with a small temple, he is now well known. He is also technologically savvy: He can film possession ceremonies, electronically enhance his chanting, and will soon be able to search the Internet. However, continued exchange may not yield as much. His guest rooms currently sit empty and construction of the uppermost floor remains unfinished. The U.S. mediums were able to establish their Chúa Bói temples in Silicon Valley, learn how to write petitions, record possession songs,

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and purchase ritual goods. They studied his style of performance, and adopted some of his practices, even those they originally criticized. For example, several male spirits now wear the capes that Mr. Thanh preferred, and Mr. Viên has added magical practices to his ritual repertoire. Mr. Thanh also changed his rituals a bit. Although he insisted that they had more to learn from him, he was spontaneously possessed at least once and he placed a photo of their Cậu on his altar. Although the exchange was mutual, the Silicon Valley mediums rejected Vietnamese notions of hierarchy. They respected the master and wanted to learn from him, but did not want him to challenge their own authority. Tania and the younger mediums resented his superior attitude, and even Mr. Viên said he did not want his master to go to the United States. When Karen asked if they ever thought of bringing Mr. Thanh to Silicon Valley, he told her not to raise the topic while in Vietnam. They could not afford to buy his air ticket but perhaps more importantly the presence of Mr. Thanh would have highlighted problems they preferred to forget: Despite Mr. Thanh’s praise of the Americans as “professional,” Vietnamese in America are sometimes viewed as less-than-perfect Vietnamese. Even Hiền initially thought that Silicon Valley masters were not like “real” masters because they are so egalitarian. All participants nonetheless exhibited a deep understanding of the significance of the trips. These were ceremonies held by mediums that had come from opposite sides of the country, the war, and the world. Members of each group recognized differences but they also had a common goal: to serve the spirits of Ðạo Mẫu. This spiritual goal had priority and because of it they were willing to compromise. The Vietnam-based personnel were patient and understanding with the Americans, even when they made mistakes. For example, a problem occurred with the cameraman who helped to set up the ceremonies and film the initiations for the first group of mediums. They did not want him to film during the second trip and did not invite him to the ceremonies. He was hurt and angry and said he was treated in a disrespectful manner. But both sides yielded and he was eventually invited to the rituals. Also, Mr. Thanh set extra time aside for the U.S. mediums saying; “they need more attention because they live so far away” and he gave them a lot of praise. He commented frequently on their commitment and religiosity, and told them they were more devout than most Vietnam-based mediums. He accepted divergent practices such as spontaneous and group possession and told them their ceremonies were fun and lively. He also described their performances as “professional” and “real.”

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The U.S. mediums were also willing to compromise. Before her first trip Tania said she hoped that Mr. Thanh did not have a statue of Hồ Chí Minh on his altar. When she saw that he did indeed have one she accepted it saying, “that’s okay, at least it’s not on the main altar.” They yielded to local customs, even accepting cultural differences in gender roles. They were critical but also accepted variations in ritual practice and, after a while, they even began to accept Master Thanh’s broader ritual practice. When Tania and Master Thanh first met they faced a number of obstacles created by differences in history, politics, regional variation, gender roles, and ritual practices. They were not sure they could trust one another and did not know whether or not they would get along. Even so, they were strongly motivated to work together, and the relationship turned out to be mutually beneficial. Internal characteristics of their religion helped them to overcome difference. Spirits “lightened” the mood of the ceremonies and encouraged people to share their stories of personal transformation. People began to know and feel compassion for each other, which contributed to a greater willingness to accept variation in ritual practice. Soon, those mediums that had been characterized by “difference” quickly became children of the same spirits. As it turned out Tania and Master Thanh found they had a great deal in common. They both have heavy spirit roots that caused them to suffer, their spirits bestowed them with fortunetelling abilities, they have great spiritual responsibility, and take their duties seriously. They each believe that spirituality is far more important than minor human difference.

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Chapter 7

“You Have to Respect the Local Spirits”

A s soon as she was released from hospital Karen wanted to attend

a lên đồng. She wanted to see her friends, thank the spirits for her recovery, and perhaps learn more about how the mediums explained her illness. She desired the normalizing experience of going out after several months of an invalid’s indoor life, and had not seen Tania or Brian since they left Sapa seven months earlier. But she also wanted to be well enough to attend a ceremony: to walk fairly steadily and seat herself, albeit with the help of a cane, and time her arrival and exit to coincide with feeding and medication schedules. She waited also until she could effectively control emotions, an ability hampered by the prescribed medications she had to take. She set the New Year ceremony of the Year of the Ox as her goal. Karen and her husband Chuck arrived at the temple on a clear and crisp winter day just as the ceremony was about to start. All of the usual participants were present, and each person had an important job. Tania would perform the ceremony while Mrs. Vân, Brian, Frank, and Jonathan would act as hầu dâng. Brian wore an indigodyed jacket he had purchased from a Tày vendor in Sapa and the other men wore matching blue silk jackets Brian’s mother had brought from Hồ Chí Minh City. Erik played the drums, Kim distributed blessed gifts, and Tiffany helped fashion spirit hats. Several attendees were present, including Elise, and many brought family members with them. Billy and Brian brought their mothers, and his father accompanied Erik. The ceremony began with the incarnation of Trần Hưng Ðạo and his daughters. These spirits of Tam Phủ sat in a wooden chair that had been specially carved and lacquered in Sơn Ðồng village, located

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outside of Hanoi. After the Tam Phủ spirits came the incarnation of the Chúa Bói goddesses and then all of the spirits of the Four Palaces. Karen wanted to make offerings but did not know which spirit would be most appropriate. She decided to make the offerings to the Goddess of Nguyệt Hồ for several reasons: much of Karen and Hiền’s research took place at her temple and it was there that the transnational bonds were first formed. Also, the goddess is known for her gift of sight and fortune-telling and Karen felt the goddess had allowed her to “see” mediumship in a different way. According to Mr. Thanh, the goddess of Nguyệt Hồ is a powerful spirit who played an important role in battles fought against the Chinese in the region of her temple. While incarnated into Tania the goddess wore black and green clothing with long pink scarves. Her headdress, assembled from a handwoven black scarf, was decorated with beaded flowers and butterflies as well as three freshly cut fern fronds. She wore clothing, including silver necklaces Tania had purchased in Sapa, indicating an ethnic identity. Karen arranged several unused dollar bills into a fan and placed them on a small round tray. She and Erik both made offerings; each approached the spirit on their knees and quietly awaited her attention. The goddess responded by giving them blessed money and water in return. But as Karen was about to withdraw Mrs. Vân told her that she should make offerings to Bà Chúa Mọi, spirit of the highlands. Although the Mother Goddess of the Mountains rules over all the mountains, Bà Chúa Mọi reigns over a specific mountaintop near Sapa. She governs a treasury in a cave where fine metals of the mountains are kept. According to Tania, the goddess is sometimes perceived as “mean” or “vicious” because she “lives high in the mountains where small chubby people must defend their land from outsiders.” She is strict with her mediums and makes heavy demands on them. On this ceremonial occasion, she wore a black skirt with Hmong embroidery, a red Yao necklace, and a hat fashioned from a woven Lao scarf Karen had purchased at the Luang Prabang night market. At the center of her hat was placed a fresh pink gerbera daisy with a dark center, said by Tiffany to be Bà Chúa’s all-seeing eye. A long red silk tassel hung from either side of her head, swinging to and fro while she danced holding bunches of areca leaves in her mouth. On her back she carried a basket of dried flowers and each hand held a burning torch. Her dances are distinctive: she holds her hands in a fist while vigorously thrusting her forearms back and forth and her calls mimic sounds of the forest. She sometimes jumps on her knees before the altar. After dancing the goddess sat facing the altar and Karen knelt behind her with a tray of ten single dollar bills. The goddess drank

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a glass of water behind a feathered fan, and smoked three cigarettes at once. She rocked back and forth in a circular motion while making her distinctive high-pitched call “whoo woo whoo woo” before starting to cry in a high keening wail. Mrs. Vân offered Karen’s tray of money to the spirit but she continued her call while pumping her right fist in an up and down motion. The assistants eventually realized she wanted the small plate and coins used for divination that were sitting high on the altar. The goddess crossed her two fists as if they were shackled then placed the divination plate on top of the money tray and prayed, bowing her head before the altar. She tossed the coins onto the plate and her face soon transformed to joy; the results were positive. Bà Chúa Mọi had broken the spell of the spirit that had caught Karen in Sapa. She was free, she would recover, and she was healed. The goddess gleefully bounced up and down in her seated position then distributed portions of the money to various spirits on the altar. She then turned to Karen, placed the tray atop Karen’s head, and waved incense over her body. This was the first time the goddess and Karen actually faced each other. As she held incense she rubbed and patted Karen’s back, legs, arms, stomach, chest, shoulders and neck. Last, she gave Karen the same tray with a few remaining dollar bills, a small cup of water, and the flower that had represented her eye. She moved her arms up and down, whooping now in a joyous call. In those twelve minutes Karen had been cured. At the time Karen did not understand what was happening. She knew only that the goddess was sad, her cries resonating with Karen’s experience of trauma and pain, and she had asked for something and was pleased with the response. It was only later when they watched the video together that Karen learned Tania’s explanation for what had happened. As Tania said, a spirit had caught her in Sapa, perhaps because she failed to pay respect to the local spirits. During the ritual Bà Chúa Mọi had acted as an intermediary between Karen and the unknown spirit that had caught her, and Karen was released from that spirit’s grasp. Karen’s experience, and the collaborative methods she and Hiền used in this study helped her to develop a deeper understanding of Ðạo Mẫu. The explanation for Karen’s illness made perfect sense to Hiền, a woman raised in complex and syncretic Vietnamese spiritual tradition who honors the spirits of all places and religions. But for Karen it was a revelation. It was the first time she really understood that while lên đồng spirit mediums only incarnate members of their pantheon, they pay attention to all spiritual beings in all places. Karen had in fact caught more than a spirit in Sapa, through the experience

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of illness she also grasped a central meaning of Ðạo Mẫu: you have to respect the local spirits. If not, they will follow a person from Sapa to Saigon, from Hanoi to Huế, from Vietnam to America. And even Hiền, who was already comfortable with spiritual explanations for illness, could see how a local spirit heavily impacted the life of a foreigner, even following her to the United States. This study addresses a fundamental question about the globalization of religion: how can we explain the rise of place-based local religions in areas characterized by change and migration? Taylor (2007) formulated this question in a work specifically concerned with reenchantment in Vietnam, but it is connected to larger issues in the globalization of religion. What makes a religion travel well (e.g., Csordas 2009)? How is it that local spirits become transnational, and even global? Why are so-called traditional popular religions becoming revitalized all over the world? This study has found that Ðạo Mẫu has spread throughout Vietnam and even traveled to America because it meets the needs of people in all circumstances and it is flexible and accommodating to change. The collaborative methods used in this study and the experience of being called by the spirits helped both authors to develop a deep appreciation for the personal and flexible nature of Ðạo Mẫu. In a traditional ethnography the writer is a messenger who brings knowledge “from there to here” (Ayi, Harrell, and Lunzy 2007: 290) and translates it into terms others will understand. Collaborative ethnography is different because the boundaries that normally separate there/here, researcher/consultant, and native/scholar become indistinct. In this study the scholars were both native to the regions they studied. This helped them gain greater access to mediums and have more insight into local lives than might otherwise have been possible. At the same time each author was also an outsider. Karen was a foreigner in Vietnam, and Hiền was a foreigner in the United States. Consequently, their fieldwork experiences paralleled those of the traveling mediums. Like them, Karen and Hiền dealt with differences in culture, climate, and language, and they both experienced the pressure of working within time and financial constraints. The scholars and consultants sometimes even shared similar, albeit unrealistic, fears. For example, Hiền was once afraid she would be shot for conducting field research in the United States, and Tania was terrified she would be shot if she practiced her rituals in Vietnam! Collaborative research of this sort has practical applications, especially for transnational studies. In a globalized world, where ethnography is often multisited, ethnographers have to become familiar with

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peoples and places in distant corners of the globe (Clifford 1998; Marcus 1995). This is a difficult, perhaps even impossible, feat because ethnography demands a deep knowledge of local culture that can take years to develop. Collaborative research helps with this problem and, in the contemporary world, “is now a necessity” (Lassiter 2005: 75). Because Karen and Hiền had already conducted long-term studies of lên đồng in their respective homes they had well-established, reliable, and hospitable networks of mediums with whom they could work. At the same time, they were able to help each other see familiar rituals anew by looking freshly through each other’s eyes. For example, the first time Hiền attended a ceremony in Silicon Valley she helped Karen to see the ritual from her northern Vietnamese perspective. The authors approached the research with different backgrounds but a common purpose—to understand the global spread of Ðạo Mẫu. In the process, Hiền and Karen reviewed their findings together and apart resulting in agreements and disagreements. They argued and discussed, thought and rethought, negotiated and renegotiated. They soon discovered that the process of constantly rethinking the ritual was paralleled by the mediums themselves. Which model is correct? How is the ritual to be practiced? As the authors debated answers to these questions, so did the mediums. Hiền and Karen realized how useful collaborative research is, particularly in the study of popular religions, because it helps to track aspects of life that are fluid and constantly changing. By engaging in rituals and listening to multiple conversations that were held on different sides of the Pacific at the same time, the authors more fully understood the dynamic and sometimes messy nature of lên đồng rituals. This study also involved collaboration with spirit mediums, many of whom were involved in the selection of topics for study. Some told Karen and Hiền what kinds of things they should focus on during their research. For example, several mediums wanted the authors to write about spirit callings. They also corrected Karen and Hiền when their descriptions or interpretations strayed too far from lived realities, and they read and suggested ways to improve this manuscript. But collaboration extended far beyond “just sitting down to verify quotes” (Lassiter 2005: 7). Instead, the study became the subject of ongoing conversation. The greatest blurring of borders and the truest collaboration occurred with Karen’s illness and the appearance of Hiền’s brother’s soul in her sister-in-law. At that point the authors became consultants as they tried to make sense of their experiences, and the mediums turned into researchers. They interviewed Karen and Hiền to learn

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more about the events, and to some extent conducted participantobservation in the spirit world. When they finally diagnosed the disorders as spirit-induced, they profoundly convinced the authors that they were as much a part of the study as any of the mediums. They also illustrated a basic element of Ðạo Mẫu: it is very personal. “It’s a Deeply Personal Experience” During fieldwork Karen and Hiền were told time and again that Ðạo Mẫu is a deeply personal religion. One medium said, “If you want to know the meaning of Ðạo Mẫu, you have to understand that first. You have to ask the mediums about their experiences, how the spirits changed their lives.” Indeed, the stories of mediums and their personal transformations are a key to understanding why the religion thrives. Through them we see that spirits can assist people everywhere, and with all types of concerns. They help people recover from illness, improve business, and even to study well, find good hotels, or protect them from wandering ghosts. Lên đồng spirit mediums turn to the religion for a variety of reasons but whether they are moved by the music, plagued with knotted hair and disturbing dreams, or the victims of spirit-induced illness and misfortune, they share certain features in common. Most importantly, they use spiritual explanations to understand and cope with their circumstances. But whereas some people have a strongly spiritual orientation throughout their lives, others like Karen only turn to the spirits in response to extraordinary events. Spirit mediums have a direct relationship with the spirit world. They experience spirits through embodiment and can easily communicate with them even when they are not incarnated into mediums. People interact with spirits on a daily basis and do not require an intermediary. Through this direct line, which Brian called DSL, mediums are able to gain information, seek advice and direction, and are teased as well as comforted by the spirits. Spirits transform mediums through their actions. Their lives change as spirits force them to take notice by causing illness or misfortune and the process of becoming a medium is one of personal change. Such change entails the crossing of multiple boundaries. One of the first border crossings is between the human (yang or dương) and spirit worlds (yin or âm). This occurs when an individual turns to the spirits as a way to understand, explain, and deal with life circumstances. Another crossing occurs when people incarnate the spirits.

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Mediums incarnate spirits that are male or female, young or old, ethnic minority or ethnic Việt. Male mediums become delicate princesses, young women have forceful tiger growls, and able-bodied youth stumble around as fragile elders. It is not uncommon for “effeminate” males to have the calling of female spirits, or for “hot-tempered” women to incarnate spirits like them (Norton 2000a, 2006; Phạm Quỳnh Phương 2005, 2006). In the emic perspective mediums exhibit these behaviors because they have certain spirit roots: manifesting the spirits is a way of expressing characteristics of their spirits and, at the same time, they learn what it is like to be another human or spiritual being. In the etic perspective they are trying on, playing with, and performing new identities (e.g., Endres 2006, 2007). In either case, the boundaries are permeable and spirit possession allows each individual the mental, emotional, and psychological space to express various aspects of the self while simultaneously learning what it is like to be another. Such experiences are nearly always viewed as positive as the spirits teach important lessons and alter human lives. Whether spirits help mediums to recover from illness, earn a better livelihood, or develop awareness of their feminine and masculine selves, all mediums have tales of positive transformation. These experiences are inevitably shared as narratives that recount successes of the spirit world. They are told to masters, newcomers, mediums, friends, colleagues, and researchers. They are a means of forging bonds between mediums and function to recruit newcomers who are then able to imagine themselves as recipients of similar blessed gifts. Like drops of water that eventually form small tributaries, these narratives quietly spread the religion. Although the content and experiences vary from place to place, the structure and meaning is similar. They have even become border-crossing vehicles. The narratives shared between mediums in the United States and Vietnam allowed opportunities for the giving and receiving of compassionate and sympathetic responses. For example, when Mr. Thanh and Mrs. Vân shared their stories, the communist party member and the refugee were able to transcend political difference and express sympathy for one another. Personal narratives also play an important role in ethnic border crossing. Two California temples are actively promoting multiculturalism by encouraging non-Vietnamese people to share their own narratives that focus on transformative changes resulting from the work of the spirits. Importantly, supernatural agency is not limited to the spirits of Ðạo Mẫu. Many mediums, like Mr. Thanh, work with all the spirits of Vietnam, whether they are in or out of the Ðạo Mẫu pantheon. Even

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those who limit themselves to lên đồng spirits are constantly vigilant of other spiritual beings and forces. This is evident in the prevalence of suspicions and accusations of sorcery that occur in Vietnam and the United States. Tania is so acutely aware of other spiritual forces that she does not even like to sleep in motel rooms because spirits of past residents might haunt them. This sensitivity to supernatural powers causes mediums to draw parallels between spirits of multiple places and religions. Many compare the Buddhist Goddess of Mercy (Quan Âm) to the mother goddesses or say Ðạo Mẫu spirits are similar to Catholic saints. Some young mediums in the United States have even drawn parallels between Cậu and the Native American Coyote. This helps to explain why Ðạo Mẫu mediums, like most Vietnamese, are so accepting of alternative religions. The rituals are also personal because they allow space for individual variation, another factor that causes them to travel well. Spirit mediums develop knowledge of rituals from observation, but are heavily influenced by their own understandings of the supernatural other. They know their spirits through dreams or visions or because spirits guide their behavior. For example, Cậu demanded new clothes from Mr. Thanh, the Ninth Princess guided Elise so that she would purchase a certain kind of incense, and Cậu once told Kim that she should grow her hair long to wear ponytails while incarnating him. This personal way of experiencing and expressing spirits causes each ceremony to have its own style. As Mr. Thanh explained to Karen and Hiền, “Every medium serves the spirits differently because every medium has a different spirit root.” Such individualism contributes to the fission of temples and the geographical spread of the religion and ritual: People establish new temples partly because they want to express their own style. Ðạo Mẫu, like other popular religions, allows room for such maneuverings. Flexible Rituals: “You Can Break the Rules” One day while chatting with Phan on the phone, Karen told her that her husband, Chuck, had acted as a ritual assistant at the Chúa Bói temple. Billy had needed an assistant and although Chuck knows very little about lên đồng protocol, Billy figured he would be a quick learner and do a pretty good job. Chuck was deeply honored at the invitation and agreed mostly because he is so fond of the people at the temple. And they were pleased to have him. He was, after all, the oldest man at the temple, the only one with a white beard, and the only Jewish male with Native American heritage. During that ceremony

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Tania and Brian analyzed Chuck’s relation to the Ðạo Mẫu spirits. Chuck had told them that he liked the Second Lady (Chầu Ðệ Nhị) and Tania wondered aloud if his fondness for the mountain spirit was related to stories Chuck had learned from his Native American great-grandmother. “I think this has something to do with Coyote,” she said. When Phan heard that Chuck had acted as hầu dâng she informed Karen that she would soon have a ceremony. “I want him to hầu dâng for me, you tell him, you make sure, okay? If he doesn’t, I won’t have the ceremony.” As Karen hung up the phone two thoughts crossed her mind: once again she had become more involved in her fieldwork than she bargained for, and she was amazed at how eager people were to include Chuck in their rituals. But Karen and Chuck each dreaded the ceremony because it was held at a more conservative temple, and several people, including Hiền, said, “You have to be a medium to hầu dâng.” Hiền had learned from Mrs. Nga that people are punished if they serve as hầu dâng when they are not initiated. That happened to Mrs. Nga’s own husband who thereafter suffered a terrible neck pain. However, when they finally went to the ceremony Loan and Mrs. Tuyết informed Phan that Chuck would not be allowed to hầu dâng. Since he was not a medium, they said, he could not even sit on the elevated platform. Relieved of his duties but also partly hurt at the rejection, Chuck took some photographs then joined the audience. Although the lên đồng ritual allows space for change, there are limits as this story illustrates. Individuals and groups can introduce certain modifications such as the style of hat of a particular spirit, how the spirits are represented on the altar, or the emphasis of certain spirits over others, but other things are less easily changed. One cannot reverse, for example, the order of spirit incarnations or treat Cậu as if he were elderly. Certain rules have to be followed and if one temple tries something too different, others will use direct or indirect advice, gossip, or rumor to encourage conformity. Still, some dramatic changes do take effect and some even spread. This is evidenced by the incarnations of local spirits such as Little Dark Princess or the Ninth Prince, the frequency of spontaneous possession, and the recent trend of including non-Vietnamese in some aspects of Silicon Valley rituals. At the same time, the lên đồng rituals are standardized. The pantheon, temples, and rituals are fairly uniform. Anyone can recognize a Ðạo Mẫu altar, even if some of the spirits are different, and the temples have a similar structure wherever they are located be it a garage, an apartment, or an ancient temple by a lake. The ceremonies also have a

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common structure and anyone familiar with lên đồng rituals can recognize them whether in Sapa or in Silicon Valley. Much like a McDonald’s restaurant, an airport, or a Catholic church, lên đồng temples and rituals are globally recognizable despite their local variations. Ðạo Mẫu is thus individualistic and interpretive, meaning each person has their own idea of how the spirits should be served, and each gains knowledge through personal experience. Perhaps most importantly, it has not been written down. There is no codified text specifying ritual behaviors, and no national or international organizations enforcing them. This allows space for individual and temple-based variations, and means that many aspects of ritual practice are in constant negotiation (Endres 2011). There is disagreement over many things, including whether or not outsiders can become mediums or the balance of structure and chaos in a ritual. Should a ceremony follow strict protocol or can it vary according to the nature of the spirits and their mediums? Is only one medium to dance at a time or is group possession acceptable? Can someone become a medium without speaking Vietnamese? Answers to all these questions are contested. This flexibility and fluidity have allowed the ritual to adapt and endure over time. Another factor contributing to flexibility is the emphasis on heart that is so important to the lên đồng ritual. As many spirit mediums say, what one does when performing rituals is not as important as personal intent. Tania and Phan have both explained to Karen, “You can break the rules if you have heart.” If someone has “heart” they can make mistakes or even change rituals and they will still have the same function of serving the spirits. Indeed, mediums throughout the history of Vietnam have illustrated that lên đồng can be performed in a wide variety of manner and circumstance. The emphasis on heart and intent also helps to explain how ideas about the relationship between materiality and consumption are contested (e.g., Taylor 2007). Spirit mediums try to serve their spirits with high-quality temples, clothing, and gifts and will give the best they can afford (Fjelstad 2006). Such expenditures are evaluated within the context of effort and intent so that a wealthy medium who spends a great deal of money on spirit goods is equal to a poor medium who spends time arranging flowers or betel nut for her offerings. Still, mediums sometimes criticize one another for confusing monetary expenditure with good intentions, and question other’s motives. For example, when Kiana saw that Master Thanh had purchased several new statues for his altar, she asked, “I wonder why he is doing that? Is it because he wants to honor the gods, or is it because he wants to

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show us that he is wealthy?” The intentions of mediums are far more important than how much money they spend. The emphasis on experience, heart, and individualism combines with standardization and localization to make the lên đồng ritual both transposable and transportable. The spirits are so varied they have meaning to people in almost any circumstance. They are traditional purveyors of Việt culture and at the same time are modern. They speak multiple languages, have a wide variety of talents, and help their mediums improve businesses, have children, study hard, get well, or gain new career skills. Although not always successful, they help many people to understand and explain their complicated selves and changeable lives. Most mediums Karen and Hiền interviewed, whether in Vietnam or in the United States, agreed that people of any age, gender, or ethnicity can have the spirit root. Mrs. Tuyết once told Karen that she sees many non-Vietnamese in Silicon Valley who exhibit such characteristics. “There are a lot of people walking around with the spirit root,” she said, “they just don’t know it.” Some research has found that religions travel well if they are homebased and less formal (Levitt 2001). Ðạo Mẫu and the lên đồng ritual can be practiced almost anywhere. A temple can be constructed in a home or apartment with a minimum amount of ceremonial paraphernalia and mediums can incarnate spirits with just one outfit. And while elaborate temples, rich clothing, and fine offerings are preferred, they are not required. The same can be said of ritual specialists and musicians since spirits incarnate directly into the medium, and the ritual can be performed, if necessary, without assistants. Also, all of the knowledge necessary for a ceremony is in the spirited body of the medium. Music is an integral part of any ceremony, but mediums are sometimes forced to do without; those who practiced the ritual during “forbidden times” (Larrson and Endres 2006) did not dare have the spirit songs for fear of alerting the police. The nature of the spirits also adds to the portability of the religion and ritual. Some spirits, especially the Tenth Prince, are known for their wanderings. And although some are tied to local places or require a temple before they are worshipped, enough spirits travel so the religion can be sustained in new environment. These adaptable spirits are especially common among migrants. Migrating Spirits The spread of lên đồng throughout Vietnam and to the United States can be attributed to a number of factors “from above,” including

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the Geneva Convention, the end of the American-Vietnam war, Renovation, and the normalization of relations between Vietnam and the United States. As mediums moved from one locale to another, their spirits accompanied them. Although the exact mechanism of spirit travel is contested (i.e., are the spirits omniscient or are they located inside the body of the medium), lên đồng rituals are performed wherever there are mediums to serve the spirits. These same forces from above created situations in which people turned to the spirits. War and migration horribly endangered lives: people fell ill and were wounded, lost their loved ones, struggled with poverty, and searched desperately for help. They left their homelands, sought new lives in strange places, and adjusted to changing circumstances. Many of these experiences caused people to turn to mediumship as they asked the spirits for assistance. Certain spirits facilitate adaptation to specific social situations (Brodwin 2003; Hoskins 2007) and others have features that impel them toward the future (Kapferer 2003; McCarthy-Brown 2001). The spirits of Ðạo Mẫu helped people to understand and explain their life situations in ways that were culturally relevant and meaningful, and gave them steps for recovery. Just knowing they could pray to the Third Princess while on the boats sustained a number of refugees during their journeys to the United States. Although forces from above shaped movement of the ritual, it is nonetheless an example of globalization from below. No national or international policies or organizations encouraged the spread of lên đồng; rather, it traveled only in the minds and bodies of people who were compelled to serve their spirits. It traveled quietly, even secretly, through underground streams, emerging fully only when it was safe to do so. The flourishing of lên đồng in post-Renovation Vietnam and contemporary Silicon Valley illustrates how quickly and widely the ritual can blossom in such circumstances. The rapid emergence of suppressed religions has occurred in other areas of Vietnamese religious life. As discussed in chapter one, Vietnam has recently witnessed an increase in several ritual practices that had been forced underground (Choi 2007; Endres 2006, Fjelstad and Nguyễn 2006; Hy Văn Lương 1993; Lê Hồng Lý and Nguyễn Thị Phương Châm 2008; Malarney 2002; Salemink 2007; Taylor 2004, 2007; Thiện Ðỗ 2003). It also happens in other areas of the world. For example, Chau’s (2006: 7) study of a dragon king temple in north-central China found that although religious traditions in China suffered under the rationalist regime, such suppressions also “helped to prepare the ground for the recombination of different

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elements and a freer space for innovation.” While religions may seem to disappear under hostile conditions, they often burst forth with new vitality when circumstances allow. Karen and Hiền use a water metaphor to explain this process. Water is strong yet quiet. It can gradually wear through barriers, or easily move around them. It can travel in small drops or trickles but whenever possible, it joins to create a stream or river and becomes even stronger. Eventually, the flow is powerful, perhaps even unstoppable. What causes rituals to have such force? Although the economic and political consequences of Renovation allowed space for the revitalization of religious practices, this does not explain why Ðậo Mẫu and the lên đồng ritual have spread with such fervor throughout Vietnam, and from Vietnam to the United States. Economic factors are important in the movement of the ritual, but do not provide sufficient explanation. Instead, as Hiền and Karen asserted in chapter one, any understanding of the religion and ritual has to consider what is most important to the mediums. This study has found they are most concerned with life on the ground. In his study of ghosts of the American-Vietnam war, Kwon (2008) recounts a story about the ghost of an MIA that helped the man he possessed to build a successful business. Although this certainly is an example of how supernatural beings can assist humans in their maneuverings within a global economy, it also exemplifies how deep spiritual life is for many Vietnamese. And, as Kwon says, the power of the ghost “relates to the transitory moment of economic renovation but the source for this power lies in the domain of concrete every day actions . . . not in the obscure horizon of a new form of modernity” (42). Similarly, Hiền and Karen found that individuals turn to mediumship for a variety of reasons, only some of which are related to Vietnam’s recent emergence into the global economy. Phan and Mrs. Văn became mediums after the death of children and other family members, Mr. Thanh and Brian each experienced chronic illness, and Tania may have inherited the calling from her mother. Becoming a medium helped to improve all aspects of their lives, including personal finance, but they were not motivated by a single cause. Instead, when they faced misfortune, as all humans do, they turned to a resource that has long been a part of the spiritual repertoire of their culture. Karen and Hiền agree with Kwon who, in writing about the MIA ghost, said, “it is ultimately these narratives and ritual actions that have kept the(m) . . . existing and thriving in the community” (ibid.). It is no wonder, then, that migrants take these dearly held religious beliefs with them.

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This study has illustrated that Ðạo Mẫu and the lên đồng ritual are not just important in Vietnam—they are transnational. Any understanding of how and why the ritual spread must consider the interaction of forces from above and below, global and local processes, and the individual and society. At the level of lived experience, these forces are engaged in conversation with each other (Ong 1999). Interestingly, Hiền and Karen found that spirits themselves replicate globalization from above and below: the lower level spirits such as Cậu often move under the official radar of more powerful spirits. Cậu is similar to the migrants that serve him because, like them, he is creative and does not always follow the strict rules established by spirits from above. Hiền and Karen use the concept of flooding to help illustrate important aspects of ritual transnationalism. Such events are characterized by the sudden and often dramatic exchange of ritual personnel, goods, and information. Whether Vietnamese migrate from north to south, from Hanoi to Silicon Valley, or from the United States back to Vietnam, the exchange events are like floods as they are often abrupt, profound, and significant. When the Silicon Valley and Bắc Ninh temples came together they shared rituals, material culture, foods, offerings, music, ritual patterns, and even their own spirits. They participated in joint rituals and overcame difference, but these intense periods of interaction were brief and there were still undercurrents of anxiety. An important characteristic of floods is that differences are temporarily submerged. Tributaries, rivers, and lakes unite under the force of the flow and for a time are indistinguishable from one another. The cultural borrowing and ritual exchanges that took place during the first and second trips to Vietnam are examples of such events. The U.S.- and Vietnam-based mediums came together in sudden and short exchanges and were highly motivated to work with one another. The so-called northern communists and the rich U.S. refugees set aside their cultural, political, economic, regional, and ritual differences to work together, but they were simply set aside for a short time. All the concerns and emotional accoutrements of social difference were still present. What is remarkable is not that they disappeared, but that they were overcome. They still watched each other with vigilance, as evidenced by constant suspicions of sorcery, but mutual interests in spirituality helped them to overcome underlying anxieties. As Mr. Viên so simply but eloquently said, “We are all Ðạo Mẫu.” Importantly, there was a two-way exchange of ritual ideas, goods, and behaviors. The U.S. mediums brought altars, spirit clothing,

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and styles of dance with them from Vietnam, but also introduced their goods and ideas to mediums in Bắc Ninh. Mr. Thanh acquired equipment for video and sound recordings, rebuilt his house, adopted spontaneous possession, and even increased his status in his local community as well as in Hanoi. This finding helps to address the question raised by Taylor (2007) concerning the role of transnationalism in re-enchantment and modernity in Vietnam. Karen and Hiền found that transnationalism increased the status of mediums in both countries, and each advertised their overseas connections to increase their status and legitimize their rituals. The concept of flooding also illustrates how extraordinary transnational events are for participants. Vietnamese migrants, refugees, and transmigrants all have in common the experience of leaving their homes for often unknown destinations. They endured economic hardship, long and uncomfortable travels, and new social and physical environments. Whether their travels were the result of force, necessity, or choice they were often perceived as significant and life-changing events. This study found that the first trips back to Vietnam were tense and traumatic events. People were fearful of punitive actions by the state, concerned about their ability to help or gift family members, and some had concerns about their ability to adjust to local living conditions. They were not sure they could practice rituals without being arrested, and wondered if their rituals were similar to or different from those of their colleagues in Vietnam. The trips were characterized by acute stress and anxiety, a heightened sense of awareness, the inability to maintain normal body functions such as sleeping and eating, and increased activities. This will eventually change as U.S. mediums more frequently return to Vietnam, but because of their very nature as rites of passage, initiation ceremonies will probably always be viewed as unusual and special events. Flooding also helps to demonstrate how the pace of ritual change is sometimes characterized by punctuated gradualism. Spirits, mediums, and temples maintain long periods of time marked by gradual change that are interrupted by periods of rapid growth. Growth spurts occurred in Vietnam when the ritual became more accepted after Renovation, and are currently happening in both countries as the result of ritual transnationalism. The flurry of transnational activities brought people together who had been separated from each other not only in time and space, but also in political orientation, historic experience, occupation, geographic region within Vietnam (and all the linguistic and cultural differences that implies), and ritual practices. However, the quickened pace of exchange slowed as

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the waters receded and things returned to a new normal. When the U.S. mediums traveled to Vietnam they gained so much information and acquired so many ritual goods that their U.S. ceremonies were dramatically changed. One consequence was a greater diversity of temples in Silicon Valley, but this soon became commonplace. The pace of change in Silicon Valley has since slowed. Karen and Hiền predict that the next dramatic change will be the initiation of greater numbers of non-Vietnamese mediums. Importantly, the concept of flooding illustrates the variability of responses to ritual transnationalism. Everything is changed when the waters recede. The outcome is not homogeneity of lên đồng rituals, but greater diversity. Each Silicon Valley temple is different partly because each has unique ties to people and places in Vietnam. Similarly, each Vietnamese temple has connections to specific overseas mediums. The responses to ritual transnationalism are also diverse. Whereas some mediums view their overseas colleagues as superior, others are more critical. Some are quick to adopt local practices, but others are more hesitant. The transnational events did not immediately open huge rivers of exchange, but they did establish small tributaries. In some cases the networks are fragile with no guarantee they will be maintained, but others are strong. Importantly, each temple has established its own transnational trajectory. This study contributes to our understanding of transnational religions by illustrating the portability of popular place-based religions. Ðạo Mẫu and the lên đồng ritual share certain features with other popular religions, allowing them to travel well. They are flexible, adaptable, and amenable to change. Although the rituals may at first appear to have a number of material requirements, they can be practiced anywhere and with a minimal amount of ritual supplies. Consequently, they are able to travel under the official radar, making them especially suited to diasporic conditions. Religions may also need simplicity and flexibility to survive in situ. As many scholars have noted, the lên đồng ritual continued in Vietnam, albeit quietly, even during the “forbidden times” (Larsson and Endres 2006; Nguyển Thị Hiền 2007; Norton 2002) because mediums were able to adapt their rituals to local conditions. This ability to “go underground, minimalize, and reemerge in new forms” (Chau 2006: 6) is made possible because of their flexibility and simplicity. This research has discovered that the Ðạo Mẫu religion and the lên đồng ritual are transnational precisely because they are place-based and local. The premise of honoring local spirits guides the behavior of mediums to such an extent that they are open to change, albeit within

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certain limitations. And the places of Ðạo Mẫu are simultaneously local and universal: the mountains, sky, water, and earth are tied to Vietnam but also extend far beyond national or even earthly boundaries. Also, the lack of written texts and the embodied experiences of mediums facilitate survival of the ritual by allowing space for its transformation.1 Significantly, these local place-based rituals involve the incarnation of flexible spirits by (mostly) Vietnamese people who themselves have been described as “pliant, supple, active, and mobile” (Jamieson 2007: 1). While celebrating Vietnamese history and culture, lên đồng ceremonies highlight one of its most important characteristics: fluidity. Ironically, it is this characteristic that assists younger mediums as they try to expand the religion beyond its Vietnamese borders. Bà Chúa Mọi is definitely a local spirit but she traveled to America with ethnic Việt and Chinese mediums and she even helped a foreign anthropologist with her sickness. Like the Third Princess who rows her boat across all the waters of the world, the Ðạo Mẫu spirits are local but they have transnational, even global concerns.

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Glossary

Ái nam ái nữ Ăn Áo dài Áo Mẫu Bà Chúa Bà Chúa Ðệ Nhất Bà Chúa Kho Bà Chúa Nguyệ t Hồ Bà Chúa Xứ Bà đồng Bắc ghế cho các ngài ngự Bánh bò Bánh đa Bát Hải Ðại Vương Bát hương Bị bắt sát Bị bắt sát khổ lắm Bị phạt Bốc mộ Bóng Bún bò Huế Cán bộ Cộng sản Căn Cô Căn đồng Căn Quan or Căn Ông Hoàng Cảnh đồng Căn cao số đầy Cậu

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half-man half-woman, transsexual to eat traditional Vietnamese dress, white tunic spirit clothes The Goddess The First Goddess The Goddess of the Treasury The Goddess of Nguyệt Hồ The Lady of the Realm female medium seats for spirits to sit upon pastry made of rice flour traditional Vietnamese bread Great King of the Eight Seas incense bowl caught close caught by spirit is so miserable to be punished reburial of human bones a spirit or shadow Huế beef noodle soup Communist cadre the root or calling of a female spirit the root or calling of mediumship the root or calling of a mandarin or prince small cymbal spiritual destiny The Young Prince

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GLOSSARY

Cậu bé Cậu Bơ Cầu an Cây gạo có ma, cây đa có thần Cha bắt lính, mẹ chấm đồng Chân hương Chào cô Chầu Chầu Ðệ Nhị Chầu Lục Chầu văn Cháy chợ Chùa Chúa Bói Chùa Ðồng Chùa Hương Cô Cô Bé Bắc Lệ Cô Bé Cửa Suốt Cô Bé Ðen Cô Bơ Cô Bơ Cô Chín Có duyên Có tâm Con Con của các ngài Công nghệ buôn Thần bán Thánh Cung số Ðàn bà Dân ca và nhạc cổ truyền Ðàn ngọt hát hay Ðàn nguyệt Ðàn nhị Ðàn ông Ðàn tranh Ðẳng cấp cao Ðạo Mẫu

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The Youngest Prince The Third Young Prince to ask for peace of mind ghosts reside in kapok trees, spirits reside in banyans fathers recruit soldiers and mothers mark mediumship the “feet” of burnt incense Hello, Miss The Spirit of the Ladies The Second Lady The Sixth Lady possession songs the market is on fire Buddhist temple The Goddesses of Fortunetelling Bronze Temple The Perfume Temple Princess The Youngest Princess of Bắc Lệ The Princess at Suốt Gate The Little Dark Princess The Third Prince The Third Princess The Ninth Princess to share fate to have a sincere heart children children of the spirits to buy and sell spirits and saints fate womanly folk songs and traditional music to play musical instruments sweetly and sing beautifully moon lute fiddle manly zither to be at a higher level or status Mother Goddess religion

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GLOSSARY

Ðạo Thánh Ðền Ðền thờ chính Ðền thờ vọng Di cung hoán số Ði lễ Ði lễ xa Di tản Ði tu Ðiên Ðồ lễ Ðổi mới Ðồng đền Ðồng quạt Ðồng thầy Ðức Ông Ðệ Tam Ghế Gian thờ Giáng đồng Giấy bản Giờ hợi Giờ tý Mõ Hạ khăn Hán Nôm Hầu Hầu dâng Hầu làm việc Hầu tạ Hầu vui Hèo Hứng dừa Hướng dẫn và dạy dỗ chỉ bảo Kết tóc Khăn phủ diện Khoan khoan hò khoan Không biết lối Lạc Long Quân Làm bùa Làm việc thánh Lấy dấu mặn

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spirit worship temple principal temple sub-temple to change fate to pray and make offerings to go on a faraway pilgrimage refugee to “serve” Buddhism insanity, mental illness offerings renovation temple medium a fortune-telling initiation ritual master medium The Third Son chairs ancestral house incarnation tissue paper the hours of the pig the hours of the snake wooden drum to set down the red veil Sino-Nôm serving spirits ritual assistants ceremonies for work thanking ceremonies ceremonies for pleasure and joy cell-stick catching coconuts to be guided and taught knotted hair red veil a rowing song do not yet know how to The Dragon King to perform magic or sorcery, to make an amulet to do spiritual work to cut the tongue

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Lễ bán khoán Lễ cắt giải tiền duyên Lễ đội bát nhang Lễ giải hạn Lễ hô thần nhập tượng Lễ khất Lễ trình đồng Lên Lên đồng Liệt sĩ Lộc Lộc Bói Lối ra vào Lộn xộn Lung tung Ma Mát mẻ Mẫu Thoải Mẹ ơi! Mê tín dị đoan Mềm Miền ngược Miền xuôi Mở cửa Mồi Múa chèo đò Nam Tào Bắc Ðẩu Nặng Ngài Ngân hàng địa phủ Ngày vía Nghịch Ngọc Hoàng Ngồi Người gọi hồn Nhập đồng Nhẹ Nóng tính Nước ốm dở

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GLOSSARY

ritual to protect children ritual to end predestined spiritual love afffairs ritual of carrying incense on the head ritual to dismiss bad luck ritual to sacralize the statue ceremony asking permission to postpone initiation ceremony of presentation to raise spirit possession ritual war dead blessed gifts Gift of divination exit and entrance chaotic disorganized ghost cool, to cool off The Mother Goddess of Water Mother! superstition soft mountainous highlands lowland rice paddies open the gates incense ropes rowing dance Two Star Spirits heavy spirits and gods the bank of hell religious calendar naughty Taoist Jade Emperor seats ghost caller possession light hot-headed, hot-tempered country illness

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GLOSSARY

Ốm giả vờ Ốm vặt Ông đồng Ông Hoàng Ông Hoàng Bảy Ông Hoàng Chín Ông Hoàng Ðệ Nhất Ông Hoàng Mười Ông Lốt Pê-đê Thanh Phật Phép Phở bò Phú quý sinh lễ nghĩa Phủ Tây Hồ Quan Âm Quan Lớn Quan Lớn Ðệ Ngũ Quan Lớn Tuần Tranh Quan Lớn Ðệ Nhất Quan Lớn Ðệ Nhị Quan Lớn Ðệ Tam Quan Lớn Ðệ Tứ Quan Ngũ Hổ Sớ Sướng Tam Phủ Tam sinh Tết Tha Tha không bắt lính chấm đồng Thánh Thanh đồng Thanh la Thánh Mẫu Thánh Mẫu Ðịa Thánh Mẫu Thượng Ngàn Thánh Mẫu Thượng Thiên Thành tâm Thầy bói Thầy cúng

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false illness petty illness male medium prince The Seventh Prince The Ninth Prince The First Prince The Tenth Prince snake spirits Gay Man Thanh The Lady Buddha permission beef with noodles wealth gives birth to ritual form West Lake Temple Buddhist Goddess of Mercy Great Mandarin The Fifth Mandarin The First Mandarin The Second Mandarin The Third Mandarin The Fourth Mandarin Five Tiger Spirits petition sheet fortunate Three Realms three meats Lunar New Year release released from recruitment gods or spirits spirit medium small gong The Mother Goddess The Mother Goddess of the Earth The Mother Goddess of the Mountains and Forests The Mother Goddess of Heaven sincere fortune-teller ritual master

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Thầy pháp Thổ công thổ địa Thư giới thiệu Thụ lộc Thuốc Bắc Thương Thuyền nhân Thuyền rồng Tiến sĩ Tiêu sáo Tổ tôm Trả nợ tứ phủ Trần Triều Tro rơm nếp Trống ban Trừ tà Tứ Phủ Tứ trụ Tủi bóng Việc âm Việc trần Việt kiều Vua cha Vua Cha Bát Hải Vui Vương Cô Ðệ Nhất Vương Cô Ðệ Nhị Vượt biên Xe đạp Xin lộc Xôi

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GLOSSARY

sorcerer house and land spirits letter of introduction granted blessed favors northern herbal medicicine compassionate boat person dragon boat doctoral degree bamboo flute Vietnamese card game to pay spirits of the four realms Trần Dynasty sticky rice stem ashes small drum exorcism Four Realms Four pillars self-pitying shadow yin work yang work overseas Việt The King King of Eight Oceans happy The First Royal Damsel The Second Royal Damsel to leave the country bicycle taxi to ask for auspiciousness sticky rice

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Notes

Chapter 1 Border Crossings: Setting the Theoretical Stage 1. Water is essential to the wet rice agriculture of Southeast Asia and many Vietnamese traditions and rituals invoke the concept of water. 2. Although the Vietnamese government allowed U.S. Vietnamese to visit the homeland, U.S. policies technically prevented such travel until 1995 when the ties with Vietnam were normalized. 3. Punctuated gradualism is a term usually associated with evolutionary biology, denoting change that occurs in small but rapid bursts. 4. One exception is the work of Philip Taylor who writes about overseas Vietnamese in the book Goddess on the Rise (2004). 5. The authors would like to thank the Wenner- Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research for their generous support, which made this research possible. 6. See Ngô Ðức Thịnh (1996, 2006) for a basic introduction to Ðao Mẫu.

Chapter 2 Spirited Research: Studying Lên Ðồng in Vietnam and California 1. See Norton (2000a,b, 2006, 2009) and Kendall and Hiền Thị Nguyễn (2010) for a thorough discussion of gender traversing. 2. Also known as Lý Công Uẩn. He was responsible for moving the capital from Hoa Lư in Ninh Bình province to Ðại La (known today as Hà Nội) in the year 1010. 3. According to legend, Thánh Gióng did not talk until he heard a call from the king to fight against foreign invaders. He became a hero and yearly festivals are held in his honor. 4. Festivals are held at Lý Bát Ðế, Bà Chúa Kho, and Dâu Buddhist temples. One popular festival, the Lim festival, involves the folk singing performance of Quan Họ. UNESCO inscribed it on the representative list of intangible cultural heritage of humanity in 2009.

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NOTES

5. Phù Lãng pottery was used for burials in the past and the art has recently been restored. It has become a product for export as well as local consumption. The pottery is used for daily use and decoration at home, as well as in restaurants and gardens. 6. The Ðông Hồ prints depict well-known folk stories about mice wedding (đám cưới chuột), catching coconuts (hứng dừa), and so on. These prints were so popular in past that people bought them to hang on their walls for decoration, especially during the New Year. This handicraft nearly died out before the Renovation and was restored by Nguyễn Ðăng Chế and his family members. 7. Cultural Villages are recognized by the state as sites of particularly rich cultural heritage. They may have important temples, monuments, and festivals, or produce traditional arts. Additionally, they are recognized for maintaining traditional etiquette and social organization. 8. The general population of 1.7 million in Santa Clara County includes 115,000 Vietnamese according to the U.S. Census as cited in San Jose Mercury News, Saturday, January 24, 2009. 9. The median household income in Santa Clara County is $83,074; the median household income of Vietnamese in the area is $67,629 (Swift 2009). 10. The reference for this article has been omitted in consideration of confidentiality. 11. Madison Nguyen was criticized for asking the San Jose City Council to name a section of Silicon Valley the “Saigon Business District.” Critics claimed that she ignored her constituents who wanted the area to named “Little Saigon.” Her main critic was the activist and strident anticommunist former general Lý Tóng, who held a hunger strike as a form of protest against Nguyen. As it turned out, residents voted against the recall on March 3, 2009 (San Jose Mercury News, March 4, 2009).

Chapter 3

Ðạo Mẫu Spirits, Temples, and Rituals

1. The number of eggs on the altar and pieces of wood in the coffins represent the number of spirits associated with males and females: males have seven souls and females have nine. 2. The word “Mẫu” means mother in classical Chinese and is similar in meaning to the Vietnamese word “mẹ.” The first meaning of the word implies a woman who gives birth to someone and is a noun for addressing a mother. Besides these meanings, the words mẫu or mẹ are titles of respect and veneration. Queens of Việt dynasties, e.g., were called Quốc Mẫu (National Mother) or Vương Mẫu (Royal Mother) (Ngô Ðức Thịnh 1996: 14–15). 3. Some mediums refer to the religion as Ðạo Thánh (Spirit worship), and others refer only to the possession ritual. In general there is a lot

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NOTES

4.

5.

6.

7.

8. 9.

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of regional variation. In northern Vietnam the term lên đồng is used, but in the Mekong Delta people use the term hầu bóng. Tam Phủ (Religion of Three Realms) is another kind of mother goddess religion, although spirit mediums are not altogether clear about the relationship between Tam Phủ and Tứ Phủ. Some say that each represents different levels of the religion, others say they are separate religions. Many mediums in Silicon Valley say that people who follow Tam Phủ are able to incarnate Trần Hưng Ðạo. According to Nguyễn Khắc Khảm (1983b: 25), the Vietnamese word đồng shares roots with the Chinese word t’ung, which has two meanings: (i) a child, a minor; and (ii) boy servant. Durand (1959) and Ngô Ðức Thịnh (1996) wrote that the Chinese word referred to a virginal boy under fifteen years old, who was innocent, pure of body and mind, and easily possessed by spirits. Later on, the word came to be associated with all mediums, regardless of age or gender. The Chinese word t’ung did and still has the meaning of “medium” in some south Chinese dialects, especially in the area of Amoy, Fukien, and Kuangtung (Nguyễn Khắc Khảm 1983b: 27–28). This region was the cradle of the Pa-Yueh (Sino-Vietnamese: Bắc Việt) tribes, which, in prehistoric times, had many affinities and mutual relationships with the proto-Vietnamese, called the Lạc Việt. Thus, the word t’ung as used for a medium in south China, and đồng, a medium in Vietnam, “might simply mean a possessed medium, that is a medium for some spirit or deity to enter him or her” (ibid.). Some authors say there is a possible total of seventy or seventy-two spirits in the pantheon (Nguyễn Thị Hiền 2002); others say there are ten mandarins, twelve ladies, ten princes, and ten–twelve young princes (Ngô Ðức Thịnh 2006); some mediums say that each mother goddess has her own set of spirits along with five tiger spirits and two snakes; and other mediums say there are fewer. Early descriptions of the religion say the goddesses are the wives of three (or four) kings (Coulet 1937; Giran 1912). The kings (vua cha) are recognized by spirit mediums but are not often mentioned in speech or literature (Durand 1959; Nguyễn Khắc Khảm 1983a). The status of the kings is similar to that of the Jade Emperor; they are important but they remain in the background while the Mother Goddesses are active in people’s thoughts and behaviors. That helps to explain why one sometimes hears the conflicting statement that the Jade Emperor rules over the four realms but the mother goddesses have the highest position in the pantheon. The four immortals in Vietnamese folk belief include Chử Ðồng Tử, Liễu Hạnh, Thánh Gióng, and Tản Viên. She was a beautiful, educated woman and an accomplished musician who married a scholar with a doctoral degree (tiến sĩ). They were married twenty-one years before she died. Afterward, she reappeared

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10. 11.

12.

13.

14.

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in a number of places known for their beauty. The temples in Phố Cát and Sòng Sơn, Thanh Hoá province, have been erected in her honor (Durand 1959: 30; Giran 1912: 274) but her primary temple is located in Phủ Giầy, Nam Ðịnh province (Ngô Ðức Thịnh 1996: 22- 40; Nguyễn Thị Hiền 2002). According to a brief version of her story recorded by the Italian missionary Adriano di St. Thecla in the eighteenth century, Princess Liễu Hạnh was murdered and thrown into a river because “she had sung, as [people] say, disgracefully and impudently “ (St. Thecla 2002: 145; see also Dror 2007: 66). St. Thecla thus hinted at the controversial possibility that Liễu Hạnh may have been a woman of easy virtue during her earthy existence. The Dragon King is the husband of Âu Cơ and is also known as the Dragon Lord. In another version, the Mother of the Mountains and Forests was incarnated as an ethnic minority and the daughter of a kind and virtuous couple. They had difficulty bearing children and required assistance from the Jade Emperor. He helped them to give birth to a daughter who was devoted both to her parents and to the poor. She was familiar with and fond of the flora and fauna of the highlands and often used magic for healing (Durand 1959: 33). The Chúa Bói spirits include: Chúa Thượng Thiên, Chúa Nguyệt Hồ, Chúa Lâm Thao, Chúa Bà Nam Phương, Bà Chúa Cà Phê, and Bà Chúa Mồi. In northern and southern Vietnam five mandarins are regularly incarnated but in central Vietnam and in California, there are six. The Sixth Mandarin is Quan Lớn Ðệ Lục (Trần Văn Toàn 1966). Giran (1912: 270) believes they are also related to five cardinal points. The First Mandarin (Quan Lớn Ðệ Nhất) wears red clothing and is associated with the Realm of Heaven; the Second Mandarin (Quan Lớn Ðệ Nhị), who wears green, is of the Realm of Mountains and Forests. His origin was celestial but he descended to earth to care for the mountains and forests. He was incarnated as the son of a wealthy family and became a gifted poet at the age of four (Durand 1959). The Third Mandarin (Quan Lớn Ðệ Tam) wears white clothing. According to legend he is a prince of the Water King of Ðộng Ðình Lake who manifests himself in waterfalls and springs (Nguyễn Thị Hiền 2002). The Jade Emperor commanded the Fourth Mandarin (Quan Lớn Ðệ Tứ), who wears gold, to descend to earth to help people. The Fifth Mandarin (Quan Lớn Ðệ Ngũ) is also called Quan Lớn Tuần Tranh (Nguyễn, Khắc Khảm 1983a: 27). He wears blue clothing and chases evil spirits, heals the sick, and reunites families (Durand 1959). There are several legends about the Fifth Mandarin. Some say he lived as a snake in the Ðò Tranh River of Hải Dương province, others say he was a son of the great general Trần Hưng Ðạo (Nguyễn Thị Hiền 2002; Ngô Ðức Thịnh 1996, 2006).

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15. The First Lady is an incarnation of the Mother of Heaven among Yi people. The Second Lady is the Mother of Mountains and Forests and she is Mán, the Third is a Muong incarnation of the Mother of Water, and the Fourth is a guardian of the Four Realms (Ngô Ðức Thịnh 1996a; Nguyễn Thị Hiền 2002). 16. The Seventh and Tenth Princes were literary mandarins in imperial courts (Ngô Ðức Thịnh 1996a; Nguyễn Thị Hiền 2002). 17. The Cô spirits are sometimes translated into English as damsels (Nguyễn Thị Hiền 2002), princesses (Fjelstad and Nguyễn 2006), or little ladies (Endres 2006). We have decided to use the term “princesses” because they are youthful and younger than the lady spirits who rank above them. 18. Although several scholars have counted twelve Cố spirits in the pantheon (e.g., Durand 1959; Ngô Ðức Thịnh 1996), our own fieldwork has discovered many more, a discrepancy that is probably the result of regional variation. 19. Liễu Hạnh is the spiritual mother. 20. Spirit mediums incarnate Trần Hưng Ðạo’s two daughters and his third son. They are known as First Royal Damsel (Vương Cô Ðệ Nhất), the Second Royal Damsel (Vương Cô Ðệ Nhị), and the Third Son (Ðức Ông Ðệ Tam). Other spirits associated with the Trần dynasty are the Princess at Suốt Gate (Cô Bé Cửa Suốt) and Young Prince at Suốt Gate (Cậu Bé Cửa Suốt) (Phạm Quỳnh Phương 2006: 36). 21. It was difficult for Hiền to identify some of the female spirits of the Mountain and Forest Realm because of their unique blends of ethnic clothing that did not belong to any specific ethnic group. Even today she has problems identifying these spirits. 22. Other terms for mediums are “god” or “spirit” medium (thánh đồng), master medium (đồng thầy), and temple-medium (đồng đền). 23. Spirit mediums do not sponsor possession ceremonies while they are menstruating, and often have to change the date of their ceremonies in accordance with their menstrual cycles. 24. Sometimes the spirit of a dead person possesses a living family member, usually a relative, during the funeral, on the anniversary of his or her death, or on the day of exhuming bones in order to rebury them in the final tomb (bốc mộ). Ghost callers (người gọi hồn) are mediums whose spiritual guide allows them to be possessed by the dead. Other mediums specialize in possession by dead soldiers. They help families to locate and recover the remains of soldiers who are missing in action (Nguyễn Thị Hiền 2002: 55). 25. White clothing is associated with transitional phases in Vietnamese rites of passage. For example, schoolgirls traditionally wear white, as do family members of the deceased at funerals.

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26. Medium’s assistants are also known as the “four pillars” (tứ trụ). There is always a maximum of four or a minimum of two assistants who are usually the master medium’s disciples. 27. Trần Hưng Ðạo and his daughters, if they are incarnated, appear after the mother goddesses but before Bà Chúa. Also, the animal spirits come after the young prince spirits. 28. The religious music has been brought to the stage and even to the mass media in Vietnam, but without the performing context of the possession ritual, the songs lose their full artistic, religious, and historic meaning (Nguyễn Thị Hiền 2002). 29. A chầu văn band usually has two singers. One plays the two-stringed moon lute (đàn nguyệt) and the other plays a set of percussion instruments that include a small drum (trống ban), small cymbal (cảnh đồng), and a small gong (thanh la). A larger chầu văn band might have several singers playing additional instruments such as a bamboo flute (tiêu sáo), the sixteen-stringed zither (đàn tranh), and the two-stringed fiddle (đàn nhị) (Norton 2000b: 77; Tô Ðông Hải and Phạm Văn Ty 1992: 63). 30. The right hand signals female spirits and the left hand male spirits. The number of fingers raised on each hand designates the specific spirit so that the First Mandarin raises one finger on the left hand and the Second Lady lifts two fingers on the right hand. Because a specific spirit within a rank is named by a number (i.e., the First Mandarin or the Second Lady), the number of fingers indicates which spirit in the rank comes down. When the number is above five, mediums raise fingers on both hands. For example, when the mediums want to signal that the First Mandarin possesses them, they raise the index finger of their left hand, but if the Sixth Lady possesses them, they raise the five fingers of their right hand and one finger of their left hand, and so on. 31. For the torch and fan dance of the lady spirit the medium usually holds a torch in one hand and a fan in the other hand. She crosses them in front of her, raising them up and down during the dance. During the flower basket dance of the Second Princess, the medium imitates the action of carrying two flower baskets on the two ends of a stick. During a rowing dance of the Third Princess, the medium puts the two oars together and pushes and pulls them as if rowing a boat. For the dance of the Second Mandarin the medium holds a sword in his right hand, raising it in front of him and moving his feet forward and backward. In the dance of the Fifth Mandarin, the medium holds the spear with his two hands and raises it up and moves it to the right and then to the left three times; afterward, he turns the spear around in front of him with small footsteps. 32. At a lên đồng ritual, there are four trays of food made for different altars. One tray is for the four palaces, including the three meats (tam

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33.

34.

35. 36.

37.

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sinh) of a whole boiled duck, a chicken, and a pig head; one is for the Buddha with only vegetarian foods; one is made for the realm of mountains and forests including twelve dishes of produce that symbolize the mountain region: bamboo root; water products such as fish, shrimp, and crab; and products symbolizing soil, such as rice, sticky rice, lemon, chili, and ginger. The fourth tray is for wandering ghosts. This tray includes mainly plain rice gruel, popcorn, cakes, and so on. These four trays of food are offered before mediums perform their rituals (Nguyễn Thị Hiền 2002: 131). The votives may include an elephant, a large horse, five middle-sized horses of five colors (representing the four realms and an additional realm between them), two small horses for two young princes, a figure with a human face but a snake’s body, a boat or a ferry, and a tray of twentyfour hats and twenty-four pairs of shoes. There may be a set of green manikins in the form of a mother goddess and twelve ladies offered to the Mountains and Forests Realm, or a set of white manikins including a mother goddess and twelve ladies offered to the Water Realm. Although many ceremonies foster feelings of happiness, some mediums make a distinction between ceremonies for joy and happiness (hầu vui) and those for work (hầu làm việc). The former usually include yearly ceremonies, but the latter are ones in which the spirit has a particular job to do. The job might be to change someone’s fate or to rid someone of bothersome and potentially harmful spirits. See Endres 2006, 2007, for a thorough discussion of performative evaluations. In his article “Some Ideas on Beliefs and Religions Today,” Hà Văn Tăng (1998) argues that the word mê tín in the phrase mê tín dị đoan (superstition) denotes an extreme belief or religiosity and that the words di doan have the negative meaning of a mysterious or abnormal phenomenon. The combination of these two compound words means “superstition” (102). A list of the condemned superstitious practices was released by the Ministry of Culture and Information— circular number 04/1998/TT-BVHTT issued on November 7, 1998—stating that “Astrology, the horoscope, ghost calling, spirit petitioning, spirit message, amulet, exorcism, magical healing, and so on are superstitious practices, which the Government bans” (quoted from Trương Thìn 1998: 121). Decree on Folk Beliefs and Religion, Standing Committee of the National Assembly, No 21/2004/PL-UBTVQH11, June 18, 2004. Item 1 of Article 3 states that “the activities of folk beliefs are activities representing the veneration of ancestors, commemoration and honoring of those who had great merit towards the country and people; the veneration of spirits, traditional symbols and other activities of folk beliefs which are typical for good values in history, culture and social ethics.”

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38. During the spring lay Buddhists and monks travel to Chùa Hương (the Perfume Temple), in Hương Tích cave, and Chùa Ðồng (Bronze Temple) on the top of Mount Yên Tử. Spring is the season for large, social religious events in Vietnam. This is because the weather is warmer and people have more leisure time after the Tết (Lunar New Year) holiday in mid-winter. 39. Catholics go to Virgin Mary Church in Quảng Trị province, or they go to churches or cathedrals for Sunday services and other celebrations of their patron saints and martyrs. Hiền observed the Celebration of Saint Tuỳ in October 2007 in the outskirts of Hanoi. He is one of the 117 martyrs recognized by Vatican II in Vietnam. Thousands of Catholics from the northern regions of Vietnam went to the church to pay their respect to the Saint. When Hiền asked a sixty-year-old woman about the purpose of her trip she said that she goes to the church not only on the occasion of his celebration, but also when her family has big events. For example, she went to the church after building a new house. She went to thank the saint, and to ask for blessings for good business so she might earn money to pay off the debt (Nguyễn Thị Hiền 2007). 40. The most visited temples include the Palace of Mother Goddess religion located in Phủ Giầy, Nam Ðinh province; Trần Hưng Ðạo’s temples in Kiếp Bạc, Hải Dương, and Nam Ðịnh provinces; the Ðông Bằng temple dedicated to Bát Hải Ðại Vương King in Thái Binh province; and the temple of the Tenth Mandarin (Ông Hoàng Mười) in Nghệ An province. 41. Bà Chúa Kho temple is in Bắc Ninh province about thirty kilometers north of Hanoi, and Bia Bà temple is on the outskirts of Hà Ðông town about twelve kilometers south of Hanoi. At the beginning of a lunar year, individuals and administrative officials crowd to Bà Chúa Kho temple to ask for auspiciousness (xin lộc) and they return there at the end of the year to thank the spirits (Nguyễn Kim Hiền 2008). In addition, Hanoians go to Bia Bà temple on the first and fifteenth days of every lunar month to pray for good fortune, good luck, and good business. 42. They are sometimes said to be half-man and half-woman (ái nam ái nữ). 43. The film titled Love Man/Love Woman (Nguyễn Trịnh Tri) was released in 2007. Also, a segment on lên đồng in the BBC series presented by Peter Owen Jones Around the World in 80 Faiths was released in January, 2009.

Chapter 4 Spiritual Callings: Becoming a Medium in the Contemporary World 1. See Kwon (2008) for a thorough discussion of the plight of souls from Vietnam’s war dead.

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2. Local spirits enter Buddhist temples and become their protectors. This was recorded as early as the fourteenth century in Thiền Uyển Tập Van (A Collection of Outstanding Figures of the Zen Community). There is a story about a Ðạo Bảo superior monk, who resided in Kiến Sơ temple in Gia Lâm (present-day Hanoi), who wanted to remove a shrine dedicated to the Earth god (thổ địa). However, the spirit appeared with the message that he was the protector of the temple. The spirit and monk then cooperated to rebuild the temple (Taylor 1991). 3. The principal temples dedicated to the Second Mandarin, the Second, Fifth, Sixth and Youngest Ladies, and the Youngest Princess of Mountains and Forests are located in Lạng Sơn province. 4. See more detailed writing on gender in Barley Norton’s (2006, 2009) work. 5. These blue bowls sit on shelves in temples where they are maintained by temple mediums who light the incense on ceremonial occasions.

Chapter 5

“Lên Ðồnging” in Silicon Valley

1. These areas are also places where Vietnamese shop including: (1) Lion Plaza located on the corner of King and Tully Roads, (2) the strip malls on Senter Road between Lewis Road and Burke Street, and (3) Grand Century Mall (the area known as “Little Saigon”) on Story Road between King and Senter Roads. 2. “Recruit mediums” (cham dong bat linh) refers to the fact that during a lên đồng ritual the Seventh Prince and the Youngest Prince throw their bell-sticks over participants while they are incarnated into mediums. The sticks fall on a person who is regarded as being called by the spirits into the spiritual order.

Chapter 6

The Vietnam- Cali Connection

1. Transmigrants are individuals who maintain ties with their homeland, often becoming involved in the political, social, and religious lives of both countries (Brettell 2003: 54). 2. Although the name was changed to Hồ Chí Minh City, Phan still uses the older name for the city.

Chapter 7

“You Have to Respect the Local Spirits”

1. During personal communication with Dr. Ngô Ðức Thịnh, a Ðạo Mẫu scholar, Hiền learned that a group of master mediums in Hanoi are petitioning the state for permission to develop a national

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organization of the religion, which would codify and write down its doctrine and rituals. Professor Thịnh, as well as Karen and Hiền, worries that the long-term consequences of such an act might be to reduce flexibility and even expansion of Ðạo Mẫu and its lên đồng rituals. See Kendall (2009) for a parallel situation in Korea.

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Index

altars, 56, 101, 102, 104–5, 162, 164 American-Vietnam war, see war ancestor worship, 8, 28, 56, 64, 69, 82, 84, 101, 104, 118, 143, 153, 199 astrology, 97, 161, 199 Âu Cơ, 49 authenticity, 74, 144, 145 Bà Chúa Mọi, 170–1 Bắc Ninh province, 28–9, 146 Billy, 130, 131 blessed gifts, 58, 63, 64–5, 103, 110, 112–13, 150–1, 159 boat people, see refugees Brian, 19–20, 27, 95, 113, 121–3, 128, 132, 161–5 Buddhism, 43, 53, 56, 58, 67, 68, 81–2, 118 Buddhist Goddess of Mercy (Quan Âm), 43, 75, 82, 111, 176 Catholics, 119–20, 135, 176, 200 see also Christianity Cậu Bé (The Youngest Prince), 51, 98, 120, 121, 124–6, 158–60 Cậu spirits (Young Prince spirits), 51, 60, 87, 94, 96, 109, 124–6, 130, 132, 149, 182 central Vietnam, 25, 27, 50, 57, 62, 79, 115, 148, 159, 196 Chầu (Lady spirits), see Lady spirits

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Christianity, 101, 118, 119–20, 130, 135 see also Catholics Chúa Bói (The Goddess of Fortunetelling), 27, 49, 96, 128, 146, 170 Cô Bé Ðen, (Little Dark Princess), see under princess spirits Cô Bơ (Third Princess), see under princess spirits Cô spirits, see princess spirits collaborative research, 12–14, 30–6, 172–4 see also research methods communism, 35, 108, 138, 145 anti-communist sentiment, 34–5, 96 compassion, 2, 10, 24, 51, 80, 85, 92, 109, 124, 126, 134, 168, 175 compromise, 37, 167–8 conflict among spirit mediums, 33–5, 36, 37, 50, 62, 66, 116–17, 127, 144, 155, 160 consumption, 8, 9, 13, 115, 178, 194 cooperation, 59 cosmology, 43 Csordas, Thomas, 3, 4, 5, 9, 172 culture shock, 12, 150 Ðạo Mẫu characteristics of, 39, 174–9, 184–5

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Ðạo Mẫu—Continued cosmology, 43 definition of, 41 global spread of, 99, 138, 171–2, 175–6, 180–2 origin of, 41 pantheon, 40–53 temples, 53–6, 99, 100–6, 110, 179 death, 18–19, 25, 40, 64, 68, 78–9, 81, 93, 98, 101, 153, 181, 197 destiny and becoming a medium, 80–2, 83, 88–9, 93, 97, 123 and musicians, 61–2 and opening temples, 54, 111 see also fate Ðổi Mổi, see Renovation dreams, 21, 42, 54, 62, 83–4, 91, 111, 118, 119, 123, 125, 174, 176 education, 52, 67, 85, 90, 102, 125, 147 Elise, 130–2, 134, 135, 169, 176 embodiment of spirits, 95, 134, 174 ethnicity, 6, 72, 132–4, 135, 179 fate, 28, 39–40, 83, 85, 93, 97, 111, 199 see also destiny flexibility, 3, 39, 42, 74–5, 178, 184, 202 flooding, 6–8, 15–16, 182–4 see also water metaphor fortune telling, 91–2, 97, 119, 120, 123, 131, 132, 153, 158–9, 160–2 Four Palaces, 32, 43, 59, 83, 146, 170, 198–9 see also Ðạo Mẫu gender, 6, 86, 107, 132, 134, 152, 168, 179, 195, 201

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traversing gender, 28, 33, 72, 123, 133, 137 see also women generational differences, 15, 27, 94, 100, 115, 117–28, 146 ghosts, 19, 20–1, 58, 101, 102, 104, 105–6, 130, 162, 174, 181, 199 globalization, 3–5, 8–9, 36, 138, 172, 180–2 goddesses, 11, 40–3, 44, 47–9, 50, 51, 53, 60, 69, 95, 104, 110, 132, 162, 165, 176, 195, 198 see also Chúa Bói Hanoi, 3, 5, 12, 20, 25, 26, 28, 30, 34, 54, 61, 64, 68, 69, 72, 73, 74, 81, 85, 86, 88, 96, 102, 108, 111, 115, 133, 137, 142, 146, 148, 149, 152, 154, 166, 170, 183 healing, 21, 27, 31, 34, 50, 52, 57, 60, 63, 65, 67, 71, 74, 84, 85, 86, 90, 91, 92, 109, 112, 123, 134, 146, 170–1, 196, 199 health, 8, 18, 21, 22, 41, 54, 62, 63, 78–9, 87, 88, 93, 94, 117, 120, 147, 166 heart importance of a sincere heart, 75, 126, 164, 178–9 history, 2, 9, 39, 41, 66, 70, 100, 101, 161, 168, 178, 185 Hồ Chí Minh, 54, 55, 68, 75, 96, 108, 162, 168 Hồ Chí Minh City, 25, 26, 44, 68, 143, 148, 169, 201 illness, 49, 54, 78–9, 80, 89, 90, 92, 98, 109, 118, 174, 181 false illness, 84–5 Karen’s illness, 17–20, 95, 112, 169, 172, 173, 175

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INDEX

knotted hair disease, 20, 21, 83–4 yin disease, 79, 83–4, 86, 92, 95, 159 see also healing, health, spiritual root incense bowls, 55–6, 98, 104, 105 initiates, 80, 127 initiation, 14, 21, 27–8, 31, 32, 36, 38, 53, 54, 61–2, 64, 82, 84–5, 86–90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 116, 120–1, 129, 142, 144, 146, 147, 149, 150–2, 153–4, 155–9, 160, 161, 162, 166, 167, 183, 184 Internet, 4, 11, 73, 112, 127, 129, 138, 166 Jonathan, 130, 131 Kim, 120–1, 125, 130, 155–6, 158, 161, 165, 169, 176 Lady spirits, 19, 43, 45, 50, 61, 135, 159, 177, 197 language, 30, 31, 33, 58, 96, 101, 116, 177, 120, 129–30, 135, 145, 148, 172, 179 Laos, 29, 77–9, 100, 102, 108, 115, 139 legality of rituals in California, 23, 102–3, 104 of rituals in Vietnam, 11, 67–9, 70, 74, 139 see also prohibition lên đồng rituals, 56–67 and change, 7, 13 duration of ceremonies, 60, 150, 155 and performance, 65, 66–7, 73, 157 regional variations, 162–3, 178 social nature of, 58, 59, 65 standardization of, 177–8

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215

structure of, 75, 155 stylistic differences in, 156–7, 177 transnational expansion of, 1–6, 9, 12–13, 137–68 Vietnamese terms for, 42 Len donging, 129–30 Liễu Hạnh, 41, 44, 47, 49, 195 Loan, 110–11, 113, 117, 177 lộc, see blessed gifts local officials, 68, 69, 70, 78, 86, 92, 96, 104, 139, 141, 142, 155, 200 magic, 39, 49, 56, 103, 153, 157, 162, 164, 165, 167, 196, 199 see also sorcery mandarin spirits, 43, 44, 49–50, 58, 62, 63, 66, 195, 196, 197 Fifth Mandarin, 37, 42, 44, 50, 57, 81, 112, 196, 198 Master Thanh, 27, 33, 39–40, 54, 91, 137, 146, 149–50, 151, 152, 154, 157, 160–5, 167–9 mediums and age, 107, 115, 118, 126, 127, 134 criticisms among, 127–8, 129 and ethnicity, 128–35 and gender, 72, 86, 94–5, 107, 123, 132, 134 master mediums, 21, 54–5, 59, 86, 88, 101, 110, 116, 160, 167 outsider perceptions of, 13–14, 67, 68, 87–8 responsibilities of, 87, 88, 98, 110, 117 social class, 72, 113 social relations among, 89, 91, 115–16, 117 temple mediums, 58, 110 terms for, 57 transnational movement of, 96–8, 138–9, 142–68

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INDEX

mental illness, 84, 91, 93, 122–3 migration and religion, 100, 101–2, 103, 107, 108, 125, 138, 172 see also refugees modernity, 8, 9, 72, 181, 183 monetarization, 114–15, 116 mother goddesses, see goddesses Mother Goddess religion, see Ðạo Mẫu Mr. Viên, 33, 96, 97, 103, 110, 111, 117, 124, 126, 127, 128, 142, 155, 158, 165 Mrs. Nga, 21, 25, 54, 69–70, 74, 80, 82, 84, 88, 92, 177 Mrs. Tuyết, 102, 103, 105, 110, 113, 118 Mrs. Vân, 1, 97–8, 119, 120, 123, 124, 127, 171 music, 23, 32, 40, 50, 59, 61–2, 66, 69, 72, 73, 75, 86, 103–4, 108, 112, 113, 117, 121, 134, 138, 142, 179 see also possession songs musicians, 57, 59, 65, 112, 142, 149, 151, 156, 163, 165, 179 narratives of conversion, 31, 88, 89, 90–2, 159, 175, 181 Ngô Dức Thịnh, 41, 66, 69, 73 northern Vietnam, 2, 6, 10, 12–13, 15, 25, 27, 28, 33, 34–5, 43, 47, 67, 74, 75, 108, 109, 128, 133, 138, 145, 148–50, 156–7, 161, 164, 173, 196, 200 parafocus, 95, 129 personality, 60, 86–7, 126 petitions, 36, 57–9, 108, 142, 165 Phan, 17–19, 24, 26, 87, 93, 96, 99, 100, 102, 108, 117, 125, 135, 139–41, 176 Phủ Giậy, 41, 44, 49, 53, 73, 196, 200

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Phủ Tây Hồ, 41, 53 pilgrimages, 8, 41, 55, 71–2, 137, 145 police, see local officials portability, 9, 179, 184 possession group, 50, 62, 75, 156–7, 159 kinds of, 42, 60, 157 order of descending spirits, 60–1 and performance, 31, 56, 62, 65–7, 72, 73, 75, 157, 167 spontaneous, 32, 80, 83, 85, 120, 126, 127, 130, 149, 155, 156, 159, 167, 177, 183 Vietnamese terms for, 42 see also lên đồng rituals possession songs (chầu văn), 2, 16, 42, 56, 61, 68, 69, 103, 108, 124, 125, 127, 134, 135, 136, 138, 142–3 see also music poverty, 55, 84, 90, 96, 115, 140, 141, 143, 145, 151, 164, 178, 180 Prince spirits, 43, 45–6, 50, 61, 86, 195, 197, 201 Seventh Prince, 22, 41, 50, 60, 63, 81, 87, 94, 109, 150 Ninth Prince, 50, 109, 120, 134, 177 Tenth Prince, 41, 42, 43, 50, 87, 150, 179 Princess spirits, 43, 46, 51, 61, 62, 92, 105, 149, 197, 198 Little Dark Princess, 32, 109, 120, 123, 130, 131, 134 Third Princess, 1–4, 10, 16, 51, 60, 84, 94, 97, 109, 120, 131, 185 Ninth Princess, 51, 81, 87, 91, 94, 120, 134, 135 prohibition, 6, 23, 67–70, 142, 148 and reactions to, 23, 24–5, 57, 68 see also legality punctuated gradualism, 7, 183, 193

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INDEX

Quân Âm, see Buddhist Goddess of Mercy red veil, 59, 60, 87, 88–9 setting down the red veil, 92–4 refugees escape from Vietnam, 35, 96–8, 100 return to Vietnam descriptions of first returns, 138–42 fears and expectations, 7, 140–1, 142, 144–5, 147–8, 155, 183 reasons for return, 142–3, 145, 155, 183 see also Silicon Valley regional variation, 32, 33, 37, 51, 52, 53, 74–5, 108, 115, 145, 168, 194–5, 197 see also lên đồng rituals religions popular, 40–1, 172, 173, 176, 180–1, 184 and syncretism, 33, 39, 171 religious knowledge, 9, 40–2, 92, 94, 108–9, 127, 132, 134, 176, 178, 179 religious persecution, see prohibition Renovation (Ðổi Mới), 6, 7, 8, 68, 70, 72, 110, 112, 138, 139, 143, 180, 181, 183, 194 research methods, 17–38 early research, 18, 20–6 first meetings of the authors, 10–11 perspectives of the authors, 12–14, 31–2, 33 transnational research, 26–38, 172–4 see also collaborative research revitalization, 71, 72, 75, 110–12, 144, 181 ritual assistants, 59, 62, 63, 65, 73, 99, 109, 115, 117, 127, 148, 151, 152, 156, 176–7, 179

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ritual foods, 40, 59, 63, 64, 88, 94, 198–9 ritual goods, 8, 13, 26, 99, 104, 113–14, 138, 143, 144, 148–9, 165, 184 see also altars, incense bowls, statues ritual specialists, (thầy cúng), 20–1, 39, 56, 58, 71, 79, 83, 93, 105, 108, 112, 127, 179 rituals to change fate, 39–40 đồi bát nhang (carrying incense on the head), 87, 121, 123 to “make-up” a funeral, 78 for the New Year, 169–70 see also initiation, lên đồng rituals Saigon, see Hồ Chí Minh city Sapa, 19, 95, 165, 169, 170–2 Seventh Prince, see prince spirits Silicon Valley, 5, 12, 18, 19, 22, 25, 26, 28, 29–35, 74, 96, 99–136, 141–68, 173, 177, 184, 194, 201 snake spirits, 43, 47, 51–2, 81, 97, 105, 126–7, 128, 191, 195 social science research in Vietnam, 8–9, 72–3 social support, 102, 115–16, 117 sorcery, 33, 36, 127, 152–3, 176, 182 southern Vietnam, 6, 74, 108, 113, 138, 141, 148, 145, 148, 151, 196 spirit clothing, 1, 11, 43, 49, 50, 51, 53, 56, 59, 67, 73, 87, 88, 98, 105–6, 124, 142, 148, 149, 170, 178, 179, 196, 197 spirit dances, 1, 22, 32, 43, 49, 50, 51, 60, 62, 63, 66, 86, 117, 124, 150, 157, 159, 170, 183, 198 spirit root, 22, 80, 82–6, 90, 93, 98, 119, 121, 174–5, 179 see also spiritual debt

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spirits evil or harmful, 52, 58, 164, 196, 199 ranking of, 109, 125 transnational, 95–107, 180 see also Ðạo Mẫu: pantheon spiritual debt, 82–3, 93, 101 see also spirit root spiritual path, 80–2, 93, 94, 97, 121 spiritual punishment, 68, 84, 85, 92, 110, 153 spontaneous possession, see possession statues, 23, 32, 40, 42, 54–5, 68, 75, 98, 99, 104, 105, 111, 113, 126, 127, 128, 144, 153, 154, 162, 165, 178 stereotypes, 13–14, 103, 145 suicide, 93, 122, 124 Tania, 1, 17, 19–20, 27–8, 30, 32–3, 35, 36, 81, 95, 97–8, 100, 107, 109, 112, 115, 118–19, 120, 123, 126, 127–8, 130, 132–5, 137–8, 146–55, 158–9, 160–9, 170, 176–7, 181 Taoism, 39, 43, 47, 54, 67 Taylor, Philip, 8, 9, 13, 172, 183 technology, 7, 111, 138 see also Internet temples, 8, 12, 15, 20, 24, 26, 27–8, 30, 32–3, 37, 40, 41–3, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53–6, 57, 62, 64, 67, 68–9, 71–3, 75, 85–6, 93, 97, 98, 99–106, 107–13, 115–18, 127, 133, 135–6, 142–6, 149, 161, 164, 175–6, 177–9, 182–4, 193, 196, 200, 201 see also Silicon Valley Tenth Prince, see prince spirits Thầy cúng, see ritual specialists Third Princess, see princess spirits Three Palaces, 53, 146, 170–1

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see also Trần Hưng Ðưo Tiffany, 33, 81, 100, 118, 119–20, 125, 126, 127, 128, 134, 148–50, 154, 155, 156, 158, 159, 160, 165, 170 tiger spirits, 43, 47, 51–2, 74, 105, 126–7, 128, 149, 195 Trầ n Hư ng Ð ạo, 52–3, 54, 68–9, 72, 75, 80, 83, 95, 104, 135, 146, 169, 195, 196, 197, 198, 200 trance, see possession transnational impact of ritual transnationalism, 143–4, 145, 165–8, 182–4 perspective, 5–6 reasons for transnational travel, 138, 142–4, 145, 155 relations, 8, 144, 146–67 religious or ritual, 1–8, 137–8 transnationalism from above and below, 5–6, 179–80, 182 video, 4, 27, 31, 35, 36, 73, 112, 127, 138, 143, 147, 152, 160–1, 171 Vietnamese-Americans and communities in Silicon Valley, 22, 25–6, 29–31, 99–136 terms for, 27, 29–30, 32, 34 and transnationalism, 137–68 see also Silicon Valley votive offerings, 8, 29, 57, 64, 72, 88, 137, 142, 145–6, 147–9, 150, 154, 199 war, 6, 7, 34, 35, 77–8, 96, 100, 133, 139, 141, 142, 144, 155, 161, 167, 180, 181 war dead, 35, 78–80, 181, 200 water metaphor, 2–3, 6–8, 15–16, 74–5, 175, 181, 184, 185, 193

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INDEX

wealth differences in, 113, 115, 116, 144, 148, 149, 151, 178–9 pursuit of, 13, 85, 93–9, 114–15 as a spirit gift, 86, 90, 91, 113–14 women, 41, 52, 67, 97, 107, 152

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as spirit mediums, 72, 87–8, 94–5, 99–100, 102, 118, 107, 175 see also gender world intangible cultural heritage, 73–4, 193 YouTube, see Internet Young Princes, see Cậu spirits

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