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Iranian Studies Journal of The Society for Iranian Studies

VolumeVIII(1975)

Ali Banuazizi, Editor Jerome W. Clinton, Associate Editor Anna Enayat, Associate Editor

Publislhedby The Society for IranianStudies, P. 0. Box 89, Village Station, New York, New York 10014, U.S.A. Printed in the U.S.A. Copyriglht,1975, The Society for IranianStudies

The Societ) for iranian Studies COUNCIL ErvandAbralhamian Amin Banani Ali Banuazizi James A. Bill Jerome W. Clinton Paul W. Englislh Gene R. Garthwaite FarlhadKazemi, LExecutiveSecretary Ann Schulz. ex officio. Treasurer T. Cuyler Young

Address all communications concerning the Journal to the Editor, 1raniiaiiStudies, Box K-I 54, Boston College, Chestnut Hill, Masssachusetts 02167, U.S.A.

JRANIAN STUDI1)IES Society Jor Irantiani Studies 7of The oJ

Jotrnll

Contents: VolumeVIII(1975) ARTICLES IHillmann, Michael C. Hlafez's "Turk of Shiraz" Again. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Kazemi,

Economic Indicators

Farhad.

Political

Violence

in

and 1946-1968

Iran:

164-182

.

.

70-86

.

.

Sirousse. Laudor, Charles R., and Tabriztchi, A Urban Growth in Iran: Predicting Dynamic Model.

124-133

Millward, William G. The Social Psychology of Anti- Iranology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .48-69 Nouraie, Fereshteh of a Shi'ite Na'-ini . . Perry,

John R. the

Sa'edi,

Shojai,

Zonis,

Ideas M. The Constitutional Muhammad.usayn Mujtahid: a . . . . . ID . 0 .0 .. in Iran During

Forced Migration

Seventeenth

234-247

and Eighteenth

Centuries

.

.

The Wedding (translated Gholamhoseyn. . . . - . . - - . by Jerome W. Clinton) D. A. The Fatal Rage: in Modern Iranian Fiction

.

James A. Marvin,and Bill, and Iranian Politics: Elites Exchange . . . . . . . .

iii

Heroic Anger . .. . . . Classes, An . . . ..

2-47 ..

..

199-215

216-233

.

134-163

BOOKREVIEWS The School Principal (transAhmad, Jalal Al-e. lated by John K. Newton; reviewed by Jerome W. Clinton) . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191-196 Amani, Mehdi. Shahrgar&'i va Shahrnishini dar Iran (reviewed by Farhad Kazemi) .263-268 Ardalan, N., and Bakhtiar, L. The Sense of Unity: The Sufi Tradition in Persian Architecture (reviewed by Lisa Golombek and Annemarie Schimmel). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

87-104

Aslanapa, Oktay. Turkish Art and Architecture (reviewed by Andrea P. Aran) .107-109 Fasa'i,

Uasan-e. History of Persia Under Qajar Rule (translated by Heribert Busse; reviewed by Ervand Abrahamian) . . . . . . . 104-107

Frye, Richard N. Sasanian Remains from Qasr-i Abu Nasr (reviewed by Oleg Grabar) ... . Grabar, Oleg.

. 190-191

The Formation of Islamic Art (re.

P. Soucek)

view and comment by Priscilla

.

248-263

Hemassi, Mohammad. Migration in Iran: A Quanti tative Approach (reviewed by Farhad Kazemi). 263-268 Mazzaoui, Michel M. The Origins of the Safawids: Ui'ism, Siifism, and the Gulat (reviewed by Ann E. Mayer). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 268-277 Mazzaoui, Michel M., and Millward, William G. Social and Cultural Selections from Contemporay Persian (reviewed by Jerome W. Clinton. 278-280 Zonis, Ella. duction

Classical

Persian Music:

(reviewed

by Israel

J.

An Intro-

Katz)

.

.

.

.

183-190

TO THEEDITOR LETTERS Loffler, Reinhold. On "The National Integration of Boir Ahmad.11 (Letter by G. Reza Fazel) . 110-120 . . . (Reply by Reinhold Loffler) .1.1... iv

Journal of The Society for Iranian Studies

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The Society for Iranian Studies

Counicil Ervand Abrahamian, Baruch College, City University of New York Amin Banani, University of California, Los Angeles Ali Banuazizi, Boston College James A. Bill, University of Texas at Austin Jerome W. Clinton, Princeton University Paul W. English, University of Texas at Austin Gene R. Garthwaite, Dartmouth College Farhad Kazemi, New York University Ann Schulz, ex offico, Clark University T. Cuyler Young, Princeton University Executive Committee Farhad Kazemi, Executive Secretary Ann Schulz, Treasurer Ali Banuazizi, Editor

IRANIAN STUDIES Journal of The Society for Iranian Studies Ali Banuazizi, Editor Jerome W. Clinton, Associate Editor Ann Enayat, Associate Editor

Copyright, 1975, The Society for IranianStudies Printed at Geneva PrintingCompany, Boston Published in the U.S.A. US ISSN 0021-0862 Address all communications to IRANIAN STUDIES, Box K-154, Boston College, Chestnut Hill, Massachusetts02167, U. S. A.

Iranian Studies Journal of The Society for Iranian Studies Volume VIII

Winter-Spring

1975

Numbers 1-2

ARTICLES 2

THEWEDDING

Gholamhoseyn Saledi (Trans. by Jerome W. Clinton)

48

THESOCIALPSYCHOLOGY OF ANTI- I RANOLOGY

70

ECONOMIC INDICATORS AND POLITICALVIOLENCE IN IRAN:

William G. Millward Farhad Kazemi

1946-1968

BOOKREVIEWS 87

104

N. ARDALAN and L. BAKHTIAR: The Sense of Unity: The Sufi Tradition in Persian Architecture HASAN-EFASA'I: Persia

Under

History of

Lisa Golombek Annemarie Schimmel

Ervand Abrahamian

Qajar Rule

(Trans. by Heribert Busse) 107

OKTAY ASLANAPA:Turkish Art and Architecture

Andrea P. Aran

LETTERS TO THEEDITOR 110

ON "THENATIONAL INTEGRATION OF BOIRAHMAD"

G. Reza Fazel Reinhold L6ffler

THE WEDDING GHOLAMHOSEYN SA'EDI TRANSLATED BY JEROME W. CLINTON

Gholamhoseyn Saledi, also known by his pen name Gowhar Morad, is one of the two or three most prominent writers of prose fiction in Iran today. His first published work appeared in 1956, and since then he has published some twenty volumes, of short stories and plays, and several monographic studies of rural Iranian communities. Initially trained as a physician, Dr. Sa'edi has for some years now devoted himself almost wholly to writing. Most recently he edited four volumes of a new literary journal, Alifba, for the publishing house of Amir Kabir. The present story is the first in a collection of three, entitled Giir va Gahvarah ("Cradle- and Gravel"), that was first distributed some seven years ago and later confiscated.

Jerome W. Clinton is Assistant Studies, Princeton University, Iranian

Studies.

IRANIANSTUDIES

2

Professor of Near Eastern and Associate Editor of

I When we got off the bus, the old man said, "Here we are."1 There was a big rectangular square, and at each corner a long street like a hallway that stretched off into The old man leading the way, we walked down the darkness. the street across from us until we reached an open space At the foot of the bridge there and a long concrete bridge. A short chunky guy carrying were a number of wheelbarrows. a lantern was pacing around the wheelbarrows, guarding them. As we crossed the bridge, the old man began to chatter away, like someone walking down a back alley at night, talking to himself to keep his courage up. Something told me then that this was just the beginning of our journey, and that's how it turned out. We walked down a dark street and turned into another street with a few dim lights, and then into a third street, as dark as pitch, that was all dug up. The old man jumped over the trenches as nimble as you please, as though he could see better than a young man like me. And then still another dirty cluttered alley that smelled of a tannery, where we could hear a rough uneven noise that sounded to me like someone grinding bones. About the middle of the alley the old man turned around and asked, "You tired, son? It ain't much further now." I was tired, but I didn't say anything. We turned a corner, and then several more until we came to a gulley. We started down it. Whenever the old man slipped held mutter, "Watch it." I figured he was telling himself to be careful, not me. At the bottom of the gulley there was a thick stream of sewage. We just managed to jump over I looked up and saw it, then we started up the other side. a slice of the moon just peeking over the top of the mound. The old man said "Watch it," a couple more times. This time he meant it for me. At the top of the gulley there was another alley. Just at its entrance, there was a tank of fresh water with spigots at the bottom that some pious person had set up so thirsty people coming by could get a

3

WINTER-SPRING 1975

drink, and the stubs of some candles that had illuminated it. An old womanwas sitting at the foot of the water tank holding a long upright pole between her knees. As we passWe ed by her, she muttered something I didn't understand. I was really exhausted now, and my head entered the alley. I cursed the old man and mywas going round in circles. self under my breath, but it was too late to turn back now, so I had to drag myself along after him. The longer we walked the lower the walls became, and the more crooked the doorways until they hardly looked like doorways at all. light through From time to time we could see a flickering The old man was ready one of them or a hole in the wall. to drop, and I was too. We were walking very slowly now, step at a time, and then, at a turn just taking one little in the alley we came to his house. The old man coughed, then pushed the door open. He called out "Yallah" a couple I enof times to let the women know he wasn't by himself. tered after him. There was a short wide yard, bare except Befor two low dirt mounds side by side, like two graves. yond the yard there was a room lit by a kerosene lamp, and through the window I could see several people sitting on the floor. I got a guest The old man shouted, "Hey, in there! There was with me," and knocked on the door once or twice. a sudden whispering and laughing from inside the room, and the old man shouted again, "That's right, a guest!" Then he turned to me and said, "Comeon in," and pushed through the door, with me right after him. There were four women rushing around the room looking for their chadors and I said hello, snatching them up to cover themselves with. but no one answered. Instead, one of them burst out laughing.

The old man turned to me. "Welcome to our home," he said. "Won't you sit down? We're real proud to have you here." I sat down on my heels by the door. Two of the women had pulled a single chador around themselves, and the other two were standing in the far corners of the room. One of IRANIANSTUDIES

4

them, who looked to be pretty old, had pulled an old blanket over her head instead of a chador. The old man put his bundle down and caught me under the arm. "Don't sit there, come on up to the head of the room." I protested that it didn't make any difference to me, and that I was just fine where I was, but he kept tugging at my arm until I got up and moved to the far end of the room, directly opposite the door. The floor of the room was covered with a plain cotton rug and some gunny sacks, and there was a pile of blankets and quilts next to me. Over the door they'd tacked up a picture of Hazrat Ali, sword in hand, seated at the foot of a palm tree. Some other odds and ends were stored on top of an old wooden chest. The women were still standing, and as I looked up I saw four pairs of eyes staring at me from under their I blushed and looked down, fixing my eyes on the chadors. lamp. Tiny sparks were flying up from its wick and bursting in the chimney. The old man, who had sat down by the door said, "Sit down!", and the women all sat down together, as though they had been waiting for his permission. "This young man," he began, "is an apprentice builder. He is also a descendant of the Prophet, and a man of fine and upstanding character. He has honored us by his visit." The old woman, who had the blanket pulled over her head, started to chant. "May I be the sacrifice of his ancestor, the Prophet. May I be the sacrifice of his ancestor, ImamReza. May I be his sacrifice. May I...." "That's enough, granny," said one of the two under the single chador in a shrill voice, "he hasn't come here to attend a prayer meeting." "Then why has he come?" "He's a guest," the old man answered, "and guests are a blessing from God. He's come to spend the evenlng with us."

S

WINTER-SPRING 1975

The old womanmuttered "A blessing from God,"t a few The two girls burst into giggles, times and fell silent. and the old man shouted at them. "That's about enough of that. Get on your feet and bring us something to eat." "It's

Malihe's

turn tonight."

a "And just look at her sitting there, not lifting finger," the other said and pointed to the young girl sitting by the window. The old man turned to her. "Come on, get up, get a move on." The girl got up and came to the middle of the room, and bent over to pick up the bundle beside the old man. Her chador slipped aside, and I could see her face, which was round and plump. Her eyes were tired and As she was about to go out, she she looked half asleep. turned and made a face at the other two, who made even worse ones back at her. When they saw I was looking at them, they covered up their faces with the chador, all but their eyes, and stared at me. The old man said, "I bet you're worn out. Don't feel Well, you'll feel better after much like talking either. dinner, and we can have a good talk then." willing

From under her blanket the old womanmuttered, that's how it will be."

"God

That made the old man angry and he started to shout at her. "Howcome you're just sitting there anyway, woman? I bet you ain't even said your prayers yet, have you!" "No she ain't,"

said one of the two.

"Come on, then, get up, and get your prayers over with." The old woman got up and left the room, and the old and asked, "What did you say you were man lit a cigarette, doing out in the desert?" IRANIANSTUDIES

6

He knew perfectly well what I'd been doing in the He knew the whole story of my life from A to Z. desert. He knew I was single, didn't have any relatives or close friends, that I'd been working with a road crew and saved a little money, and now that the job was finished I'd come to town to see what I could turn up. I knew all about him, I knew held peddled odds and ends from village to too. village until one day he up and sold all his stock and came to town, and that now he supported his wife and three daughters on what he could make buying and selling second-hand goods. We had told each other all this in the teahouse. Hell, he'd started by selling me a pair of socks that very morning, and I'd wound up buying his lunch, too. But he went right on, just like he'd never heard the whole story before. "You haven't

said what you were doing out in the

desert." "Dumping gravel."

"That's right, you were dumping gravel. That's a good job, dumping gravel. Say, you wouldn't like some tea would you?" "Thanks anyway, but we've only just teahouse. 1

come from the

Neither of us said anything more. I lit a cigarette. Then the two girls began to whisper and giggle together. I knew they were talking about me. It made me feel funny. I mean, I was happy they were talking about me, but kind of I turned around slow and looked at them. embarrassed, too. Both were older than the girl who had gone out. One was about thirty with a long face, puffy eyelids, and buck teeth. The second was a couple of years younger. She had long straight hair, a chubby face, and small eyes. The two of them were sitting cross-legged beside each other, and both of them had left their faces uncovered. I wasn't sure whether they were just being careless or whether they wanted me to have a good look at them. 7

WINTER-SPRING 1975

The old man put his cigarette out on the base of the I better go lamp. "I haven't said my evening prayers yet. take care of that before dinner's ready." He got up and went out. I bent over and stubbed my cigarette out, too, then settled back against the wall once more. I didn't know quite what to do, so I just sat twiddling my thumbs until the older sister asked, "Say, what's your name, anyway?" "Abul

."I

"What?" the middle sister out laughing.

asked, and they both burst

"Abul, Abul Qasem, Seyyed Abul Qasem." "You got any folks

around here?"

"Nope, my parents are both dead." "How about brothers

and sisters?"

''Not a one. 1 "A wife,

The older one leaned toward me and asked very slowly, what about a wife...and kids?" "I don't have a wife, The middle sister

or kids either."

said,

"Getting kinda old,

"Still

a bachelor!"

too," her big sister

added.

I turned and looked at them. They were both sitting very comfortably chin in hand, their chadors down over their shoulders. They both had buck teeth. They were staring at me so openly that I decided not to be shy and stared right back at them. The older one asked, "Don't you think about it at all?" "What?"

"Marriage. IRANIANSTUDIES

Don't you want to get married?" 8

Her sister laughed and jabbed her in the ribs. "Yes, and wouldn't you just love to marry this prize beauty!" "Oh, to hell

with you!"

"Mymy, did I say something wrong? Okay, Abul, don't marry her then." At that, the older one slapped her sister "You bitch, you!" "Now you're disappointed,

ain't

on the head.

you?"

They both began to giggle, and I didn't know what to do. I'd never heard anyone talk like that before. I wanted to get up and go outside, but they were staring at me so hard I was afraid it would make them mad if I did. The middle one asked me, "Whydon't you ask us anything?" "What should I ask?"1 "Well you could say something, you were chewing on something else."

anyway.

It's

not like

I swallowed once or twice, and then asked what their names were. The older one answered,. "I'm Hamide, and this little bitch is Robabe. We ain't neither of us married." "Well come on," said Robabe, "ask us something else." I didn't know what else to ask, so at last, although I knew their younger sister's name was Malihe, I pretended I didn't and asked them to tell me. But before they could answer, the door opened and she came in herself. The other selves up some. the floor and set As she did so, I lot younger than head she had two

two fell silent and straightened themMalihe spread a cloth in the middle of loaves of flat bread around its edges. got another look at her face. She was a her sisters. In the middle of her foretiny wrinkles that joined her eyebrows

9

WINTER-SPRING1975

together. Her lips were so tightly pressed together you'd think she was afraid to let her teeth show.

that

When the cloth was arranged, she brought the kerosene lamp and set it in the middle. Then, just as she was about to leave the room, Robabe shouted, "Hey you bitch, this guy wants to know your name," and both started laughing. Malihe opened the door and went out without saying anything. Robabe and Hamide scooched up to the edge of the cloth and began wolfing down pieces of bread. The door opened, and the old man came in, followed by the old woman with the blanket still on her head, and both sat down by the cloth. The old man invited me to move in closer, and I did. The door opened again and Malihe came in with a plate of fried eggs. She set it in the middle of the cloth and the old man and I started in to eat. All this time Hamide and Robabe were fooling around, giggling and snatching pieces of bread out of each other's hands. When the food was all gone, the old man wiped his lips with a flap of bread and said,, "Well, Seyyed Abul Qasem, God willing, you've

had enough to eat."

"More than enough.

May your prosperity

continue."

Malihe gathered up the cloth. The old man cleared his throat. "Well, Seyyed, tell us about yourself." "Surely,

but God knows there isn't

all

that much

to...." Robabe cut me off. lot to say!"

"That's a lie.

There's a whole

The old woman snickered at that, but the old man got angry. "If you'd just shut up for a second, maybe I could hear myself think!" side.

Robabe looked sulky and dug her elbow into Hamide's Then they both got up and huffed out of the room.

IRANIANSTUDIES

10

The old man lit two cigarettes, gave me one and took He pulled the kerosene lamp closer, a puff on the other. sat back again, and asked me, "How come you ain't married and settled down yet?" "I don't rightly

know.

"Wishing won't help. and do something about it. footloose and fancy free."

I wish I was."

You got to make up your mind Course, maybe you'd rather stay

Before I could say anything, the old woman started to get up. "Did you hear that," she said, "They're calling me."i

"Old woman, you just "I can't.

stay where you're at!"

I got to let them know."

And she hurried

out. The old man shook his head. at it again!"

"God bless

me!

She's

I hadn't heard a sound, so I just sat there wondering what was going on, and staring at the sparks that were breaking off from the wick and popping in the chimney of the lamp. "Now then, as I was saying, you really got to get yourself a wife and some kids if you are ever going to Ain't that right?" have a more settled kind of life. "That's right, and I need to find someone a little bit older to help me get that all taken care of right and proper." Out in the courtyard someone whinnied, and Hamide The old man and I turned and Robabe burst out laughing. and looked out the window. Several dark shapes were rushing around in the courtyard like they were all having a Then a couple of seconds later, the fight or something.

11

WINTER-SPRING 1975

door opened and the old woman stuck her head in and crowed like a rooster, "Qu qu lu qu!" The old man was hopping mad and he picked up his match box and threw it at her. She quick pulled her head back and closed the door. "What's going on?" I asked. "Shhh.

They're about done."

I put my cigarette out on the base of the lamp. The old man turned to face me again and said, "Seyyed, you're like a son to me, alnlt that so?" "Course it is,

and you're like a father to me."

"Now, if that's He looked real pleased at that. I wouldn't want to do you wrong, would I?" "Shucks, no.

so,

Whywould you want to do me wrong?"

"That's settled then. You see, I got three daughters in the prime of their youth in the house here. Tell me which one you want, and I'll put her hand in yours and send you off with my blessing." IBut',

..l

You're a young man "They're ain't no buts about it. You need a wife in the worst possibly way." and a bachelor. I didn't know what to say. And just as I was trying to think of some answer to make, he started in on me again. "Well, what do you say?" "I got no family and no home. If I marry one of your daughters, where'll I take her?" "If you got nowhere else IRANIANSTUDIES

12

to take her, stay right

here. share

Here's your home and here's your family. alike all around. No problem there." "Well,

Share and

my God, if...."

"This ain't no time for ifs and my Gods, son, it's a time for congratulations, sincere and heartfelt yessir, Tell me now, which one of them girls congratulations. suits you best? Speak up, no need to be shy." "I'm not being

shy,

I just

need a little

time to

think."

older she'd

"If you ask me, the He slapped me on the knee. girl'd be just right for you. She's all woman and take real good care of you. Want me to call her in?"

I turned and saw Robabe with her big buck teeth and her face pushed up against the window staring at me for all she was worth. "No!" I said quickly, "Don't have her come in.t "Then I ought to give "No, if

right taken think

you'll

just

Hamide a yell, let

right?"

me...."

The old man laughed out loud. "Why don't you speak I could see from the first out, Seyyed? that you'd a real shine to Malihe. I don't Ain't that right? I'm wrong about that, nossir."1

He bent over and opened the door then, and called out for everyone to come in. The girls hurried into the room, first Robabe and Hamide under one chador, then the old woman, and finally Malihe.

Malihe's

"I got some good news. hand, and I've given

couple

The two older girls turned of whacks on the head.

This young man has asked my consent."

13

on Malihe

for

and gave her a

WINTER-SPRING1975

"Goddamyou anyway!" "Whythe hell

did you have to get in the way?."

"What's the matter with you two?" The old man said, "What's got into you?" "I always knew you were a sneaky little ter wouldn't melt in your mouth, would it?"

bitch!

But-

"Oh, leave her alone, Robabe. She didn't have nothThat's just the way things turned out." ing to do with it. Robabe and Hamide sat down together by the window, and the old womanwent back out into the yard. The old man said, "Tomorrow's the Sabbath. That's a good time for it. We'll go to Molla Ahmad's house and you two will be joined together in God's eyes, in blessedness and good fortune." Robabe smirked.

"And then we'll

have a little

cele-

bration,"

"And after, her sister added. "And then....

we'll

send you off to bed together,"

Oh my!"

"You girls ought to be ashamed of yourselves! oughtn't talk that way." Robabe made a face and screeched at him. you old dead beat!"

You

"Shut up,

That shut the old man up, all right, but you could I lit a cigarette and got up see he was ready to burst. to go. "Where you off to?"

IRANIAN STUDIES

14

"It's

late.

I ought to be going."

He got up all flustered and said, rather die than let you go now!" "And I swear to God, I really

"By God, I'd

have to."

"Where to?" "I got things "At this "It's further."

to do, and I ought to get started."

time of night?"'

bedtime,

and I don't want to impose on you any

"It's no trouble bed down right here."

for us.

"I just wouldn't feel

We'll fix things up and

right

about it."

"Look. You don't know the way. You'll and you could break your neck in that gulley."'

get lost,

"I do know the way. I won't get lost. break my neck in that gulley."

And I won't

Then he got angry. "Listen, son. It just won't look right for us. You've come to my house, a bachelor and a If you go off like this in the middle of the night stranger. people will talk. You understand?" My knees turned to water. Hamide said,

I didn't

know what to do.

"Come on, stop carrying on so and sit

down." this

"Yeah, sit down," Robabe said, "right here beside sulky bitch," and she gave Malihe a dig in the ribs. The old man said,

"We ought to spread the bedding 15

WINTER-SPRING1975

and go to sleep now. Yessir, by God, I'm right wore out and tomorrow's the Sabbath. We're going to have a lot to do." Hamide gave Robabe a push.

"It's

your turn, damn

you."

Robabe jumped up, pulling the chador off Hamide. Hamide hid herself behind Malihe. Then Robabe went off after the bedding. We could hear the sound of the old woman crowing in the yard. As Robabe was spreading the quilts, she asked the old man where she should fix a place for "his majesty, the bridegroom." At the end of the room, by the wall." Hamide laughed knowingly, as Robabe spread a tattered old quilt by the wall. "And where are you going to put that old grey head of yours?" "Right here by the door." He Robabe threw a worn army blanket at his feet. spread it on the floor and turned to me. "Stretch out and get some sleep. You look all done in." I went and sat down by the door. We stared at each other for a moment. The old man started to lie down, then the door opened and the old womanhurried into the room. "It's

finished

now, and I can rest easy."

The old man stretched some sleep."

out.

"Okay, lie down and get

Malihe picked up the lamp and set it down by the window, and Hamide bent over and blew it out. In the darkness, Robabe said, "I hope you go blind!", and Hamide answered her, "Go blind yourself!." IRANIANSTUDIES

16

A few moments later, when the room had grown quiet and my eyes had become accustomed to the darkness, I looked over toward the window and saw the stooped figure of the She was lifting up her hands and old woman standing there. gesturing with her head. The two girls were lying under a Their giggling stopped, and the quilt giggling together. I turned over and shut old womanbegan scratching herself. my eyes. The old man had started to snore, but everyone else had quieted down. I wasn't even a little sleepy and my head was full of all kinds of strange thoughts. Not that I was afraid, but I wondered just who was sleeping where, and as I was lying there trying to figure that out, a hand reached out and grabbed my arm, and a voice whispered, "You son-of-a-bitch! Whydidn't you take me?" But before I could open my mouth to answer, another hand grabbed my leg and Hamide's voice almost shouted, "And if you didn't like her, why didn't you take me?" I was afraid they would wake the old man up, and I told them to quiet down. "I don't

give a goddam if he does wake up."

"He won't wake up.

He's sleeping

real peaceful

to-

night." "For God's sake, further!"

let him sleep.

Don't shame me no

Robabe said, "Until you give me a good pinch on the arm I ain't gonna let you sleep." "And I want a pinch and a kiss!" "I can't do that." "If you don't, with you."

I'm gonna crawl in under that quilt

My heart was beating what to do.

fit

17

to burst.

I didn't

know

WINTER-SPRING1975

"Well, you going to get started

or do I come over

there?"

choice, a little

so I said okay. pinch."

I didn't have any I found Hamide's arm and gave it

"That's no pinch. That's what I like."

Harder, harder until

it hurts.

I gave her a real hard pinch, then Robabe said it was her turn and took my hand and put it on her breast. I grabbed it and really squeezed it until she cried out, then I let go and drew back. "What about a kiss," "That's a kissless

she said. kiss."

She got angry and swore at me again. Then she crawlI clamped ed over by me and bit me hard on the shoulder. my jaws tight shut so as not to yell. Then Robabe said, "What about me?" "You can goddam well kiss your own self!" Suddenly Malihe began to cry over by the window. Robabe hissed at her that if she didn't shut up she would come over and punch her silly. Malihe's crying grew still. Robabe and Hamide snuggled up together and began to laugh Their laughter was slow and monotonous, quietly together. and went on and on. It seemed to me that they went on whispering and giggling to each other until the first light of day.

IRANIANSTUDIES

18

II The next morning early, before we'd hardly had time enough to eat any breakfast, the old man hurried us out of the house. The three sisters went first, the old man and I came after, and the old womanpanted along behind us. It seemed like no time at all before we reached the end of that same alley that had seemed so long to me the night before. I saw the old womanwith the banner in her hand asleep beside the water tank. The tatters of the banner and her old black chador were flapping gently in the morning breeze. The candles had all gone out. The gulley filled with trash was right in front of us, however this time we didn't start down it but turned right instead. I asked the old man where we were going, but he just winked at me and told me to hold my horses for a second. A few steps further on we came to the door of a shop. The old man pounded on the door. A weak and trembly voice from inside cursed him and asked what the hell he wanted. "Open the door, you got a customer," he answered. A little dried-up old man with only one good eye opened the door. It was a small sweets and candy store. The owner's blankets were spread out just inside the door, and on the rickety shelves around the walls there were a number of dusty tin boxes. "Well, what do you want?" "A cone of sugar and a couple of handfuls of fruit drops and sweet rolls. We got a wedding to get ready for." He winked at me and nudged me forward. I paid for the sweets and we all set off again. The three girls and the old womanhad gotten ahead of us. The old man and I hurried up a little and we caught up with them. The sun had just come up and a few people had come out into the street and begun walking up and down beside the gulley. The old man motioned toward them. "Whenthe sun comes out,

19

WINTER-SPRING 1975

everyone begins to perk up." I didn't say anything. After we had walked on a few more steps he started up again. "The Sabbath day brings a blessing for everyone, and for you more than anyone else, ain't that right?" I didn't

answer him and we walked on a few more

steps. "Whyare you frowning anyway, Seyyed? be real happy."

You ought to

"What have I got to be happy about?" "It's your wedding day. be grinning my fool head off."

If I was in your shoes,

I'd

"You don't suppose we could put the wedding off till another day, do you?" He just looked at me. "Trying to weasel out of it, are you. Well by God, you're a grown man and you give your word. There ain't no going back on it now." Robabe started to laugh, and a butcher carrying his work clothes and bloody boots who was just passing by stopped and looked the girls slowly up and down. Hamide swore under her breath. is sure getting an eyeful." Then Robabe chimed in. was looking at you?" The old man exploded. mouths shut!"

"That son-of-a-bitch

"What makes you think he "You girls

just keep your damn

We stopped in front of a house. The old man knocked on the door. A small boy in pajama pants opened it. "Is the Molla in?" IRANIANSTUDIES

20

The boy slowly looked at us, one by one before he answered. "He's gone to the graveyard." "When'11 he be back?" "I don't know." He closed the door and the old man stood and thought for a minute. "Let's go to the graveyard," he said at last. "Okay," I said, "if we're going, then let's move on."1 And I started off at a good clip. The old man laughed. hurry."1 He came panting after "Don't worry," I said,

"It ain't

far.

get a

No need to

me and caught my arm. "I ain't

fixing

to run away."

He took the cone of sugar out from under my arm, and glared at me. "By God, don't you never even think of it!" The sun was full up now. A whole crowd of men and women with bundles and baskets and shovels were lined up As we passed by, they waiting by the edge of the gulley. all turned to stare at us. One or two salaamed the old man, but we were going so fast he didn't have a chance to reply. At the entrance of the graveyard there was an old blind seyyed wearing a big turban. When he heard us approaching, he started to sigh and complain. "Is Molla Ahmadinside?"

the old man asked him.

"He's in the mortuary," he answered. We went in. The graveyard was quite large, with tumble-down walls and untended graves worn away almost level with the ground. There were pieces of broken tile on the graves that in the sunlight seemed to be painted with a thousand colors. Further on, by the mortuary, a

21

WINTER-SPRING 1975

The old man in front and me folsmall crowd had gathered. lowing, we started to pick our way single file between the I clouds of dust. graves, our footsteps kicking up little expected every moment that a grave would open up and swallow except the old womanwho was mutme. We were all silent, tering prayers to all the Imams and saints under her breath. A little short of the mortuary, the old man spoke to the women. "You all stay right here." The women stopped and the old woman sat down on a grave. The old man gave the cone of sugar and the sweets to Robabe and turned to me. "You and me'll go on ahead. tion to pray for the dead."

A man's got an obliga-

We went on ahead. The people standing around the and stepped back to door cried out "La illaha illallah!" make way for four men who were coming up the dark stairs of the mortuary with a coffin still dripping water. They brought the coffin out and set it down on the earth in front of the crowd. The men quickly formed a line beside A it. The old man and I went over and joined the line. skinny old Molla wearing dark glasses and with his sleeves rolled up hobbled out of the mortuary on one rough crutch and stood behind the coffin opposite to us. He called out "Allahu akbar!"l in a coarse, nasal voice, and we all anexcept swered "Allahu akbar!" Then everyone fell silent, for the old molla who recited some prayer in Arabic half A young man standing next to me was under his breath. A few people threw themsobbing into his handkerchief. The young man turned to me, still selves on the coffin. sobbing, and said, "His body was still warm while they were washing him, and his mouth was opening and closing." The old man grabbed my arm and led me over to the molla, and salaamed him. "We've come to carry you off home with us, Molla. We've got a wedding to see to,." "I can't

IRANIANSTUDIES

come now, I've got this

22

corpse on my hands."

"Whencan you, then?" "Tomorrow, God willing." "Tomorrowwon't do. brings a couple luck."

Getting married on the Sabbath

He stood for a while thinking, and then took my arm. "Well, that's that. Let's go find us another molla."1 Molla Ahmadgot all excited at that. "Hold on a minute, I'll send this one off in a jiffy, and be right with you." He turned and hobbled after the line of men, who were carrying the coffin away on their shoulders. The old man beckoned for the girls to come over. The girls and the old woman, who were squatting in a circle, stood up and came toward us. The old womanwas wailing, "Did you see how they treated him? Did you see how they were carrying him?" We all old man said,

sat down by the window of the mortuary. The "It's a good day, and we've been fortunate."

Robabe took out a paper packet of sweets and began eating them. Hamide shifted around impatiently. "What are we just sitting here for?" "The Mollalll

be right back," the old man said.

"By God, I wish held go off and never come back," the old woman said, "I wish they'd wash his corpse." Someone coughed inside the mortuary. Robabe bent down and peered into the dark stairway. "There's no one there!" Malihe jumped back.

"I'm frightened."

"Oh, goddam. What are you frightened

of, you silly

bitch?"

23

WINTER-SPRING 1975

little

"My God," cried the old man, "can't we even have a peace here in the graveyard?"

After that, no one said anything. As we were sitting there waiting, a skinny sway-backed horse appeared at the far end of the graveyard. It looked all around itself first, then began to amble over toward the crowd. SuddenIt lys it stopped, raised its head, and stood stock still. seemed to have changed its mind, for it turned another way and set off again, slowly picking its way among the graves. Every few steps it stopped and sniffed at a grave. When it reached the gate, it turned and looked at us and the mortuary, then trotted off impatiently. The old woman sighed,

"Oh, God!"

Robabe gestured toward the crowd.

"He's coming."

We turned. Molla Ahmadhad sepatated himself from the crowd and, hopping spryly over the graves, had come within a few steps of us. The old man half rose as he came up. strength, Molla."1

"God give you

Molla Ahmad, his mouth open, gasping for breath, I called on the Prophet said, "There wasn't anything to it. and the Imams to guide us all, and sent him on his way." When he got right

up to us,

he dropped his

crutch

and,

with the old man helping him, sat down facing us. He still hadn't got his breath back, and was panting away just like an old dog. He took off his glasses, and I could see his eyes. They were small and close set like those of grave born babies. He wiped his nose on the sleeve of his cloak, and asked the old man where he lived. "In the alley

by the water tank."

"Where are the bride and groom?" IRANIANSTUDIES

24

"Right here in front of you." "Well, I'll.... Whydidn't makes things a whole lot easier." "Howd'you figure "Why I'll on their way."

just

That

that?"

fix

Robabe gasped.

you say so sooner?

lem up right here and send them

"In the graveyard!'"

"You got no idea what a lucky place this is. They'll be as sweet as honey to each other for the rest of their lives." Hamide laughed.

"That's the stuff,

Molla !".

The old man looked fit to be tied. "Well, Molla, if that's the way things are, let's get on with it. God give you wealth and life everlasting." He took the cone of sugar from in front of Robabe and a ten toman note from me and placed them in front of Molla Ahmad. "And here's the blessing." Molla Ahmadput on his glasses, smoothed his beard, and in that rough nasal voice said "Allahu akbar,"l and started to recite the same Arabic prayer he had recited over the corpse. When he began to pray, the old woman started in to sob. The old man cursed. "What're you blubbering for now, you old fool? Crying's for funerals, not weddings. It don't make no sense." "I'm sorry. down her sobs.

I won't do it no more."

Molla Ahmadfinished and congratulations!"

his prayer.

And she choked

"God bless

you,

"Is it over?"

25

WINTER-SPRING 1975

"Yep, all done." "These two kith and kin?" "Kith and kin, man and wife." "I hope they'll

be real happy," said Robabe.

"I hope they drop dead," said Hamide. The old man bent over, picked up a handful of sweets and poured them into Molla Ahmad's hands. "Long life to you, Molla, and God guard your children!" Molla Ahmad, his mouth full of candy, answered, "God guide your steps, and joy and good fortune to you!" And before we could get up to go, held picked up the sugar and the money and set off for the mortuary door. As he was going down the stairs he called out in a voice that didn't seem to be his, "Heads up. I'm on my way. You got that water warm yet? You got the pot boiling?" III The old womanhad taken it It was early evening. into her head to go out into the yard. She was sitting there on one of the mounds, sobbing away for no reason at all. She didn't sob, really, she whinnied like a horse. It wasn't at all clear what she was so unhappy about. We were all in the room. Hamide was sitting by the window. She had a large tambourine in her hand, and was Robabe had letting off belches one right after the other. wrapped herself up in her chador and was lying down at the foot of the room. From time to time she'd call to Hamide I couldn't figure out what Malihe was and start laughing. She was just wandering around, sometimes in the up to. room, sometimes not. The old man and I were sitting oppoThe old man kept saysite each other smoking cigarettes. ing over and over, like he was trying to get my goat or IRANIANSTUDIES

26

something, "It all turned out fine, yessir, it all turned out just fine." Then he'd laugh. Not a real laugh, he'd just kind of show his teeth. All of a sudden everyone fell silent, like a wind had come up and blown the sounds away. We all looked at each other. The old woman opened the door and came in, her eyes big and her lips trembling. She stared at me like she'd seen a ghost. Robabe burst out laughing, and Hamide shook her tambourine. I hadn't quite pulled myself together when the two of them began singing. The old man got up and brought a tray of candy and sweets out from behind a curtain and began to eat them. The girls were still singing when someone knocked on the outer door of the yard. The old man looked up, startled, "Who's that," he said, "who's knocking?" Hamide put the tambourine down and we all sat listening. Someone knocked again. Robabe opened the window and called out, "Who's there?" there,

A woman answered, laughing, Robabe?" "A wedding.

"What's going on in

A wedding sure enough!"

The old man was tugging at Robabe's skirt her who it was.

and asking

"Seyyed Khanum," she answered. They knocked on the door again and the same woman's voice called out, "Aren't you going to let us in?" The old man pleaded with Robabe not to pay them any but she wasn't having any of that. attention, "Why shouldn't we let them in? But anything you say, Daddy." And she jumped through the window into the yard. We all gathered at the window. When the door opened, a crowd of women and men pushed noisily into the yard. Then

27

WINTER-SPRING1975

they paused, and came quietly and cautiously up to the window. Hamide picked up the lamp and placed it behind the window pane. Everyone crowded together so they could all peek into the room. A shrewd looking womanwho had led the crowd in leaned forward and asked, "Is there really a wedding?"

The old man answered, "We ain't "Are you sure you ain't

given to lying."

playing a trick

on us?"

"Howyou do talk, Seyyed Khanum. Here's the groom standing right here in front of you, big as life." They all turned and stared at me, muttering "Mashallah, mashallah" under their breaths. Seyyed Khanumknotted her chador behind her neck and hauled herself through the window frame and into the room. She looked first at me and then at Hamide. "Congratulations and God bless you Then she picked up a handful of sweets both," she said. from in front of the old man and tossed them out into the yard. "It's a wedding sure enough. Eat up, there's plenty more where this came from." The people in the yard grabbed for the candy and Seyyed started laughing and shoving against each other. Khanumturned around and sat down face to face with Hamide. "Hamide, honey, why haven't you prettied yourself up any?" "Cause I'm not the bride." "Then who is?" "That sickly

Malihe."1

Seyyed Khanumlooked around her. "Malihe, Malihe, honey, where are you? Where's the bride?" She looked all "What's going on here? The bride's around the room again. The groom looks like he's in mourning. You disappeared. There isn't even any aren't singing; you aren't dancing. music." She went to the window and called out, "Jabbar! Hey, Jabbar!" IRANIANSTUDIES

28

"What is it,

Seyyed Khanum?"

"Let's hear a nightingale, whistle

you good-for-nothing."

And on the far side of the yard, Jabbar started exactly like a nightingale.

to

"That's more like it. Now put some frills on it." And he added warbles and trills to the pure notes of the nightingale's song. Seyyed Khanumbegan snapping her fingers and calling out, "Mashallah! Mashallah!" and the people in the yard started to clap and shout after her. Hamide gave a couple taps to her tambourine. Seyyed Khanum came up to me shaking her head and snapping her fingers, "What's eating you, Prince Charming? Stir your stumps a little." Then she went over to Hamide and grabbed the tambourine out of her hands. "That's sure some fine playing, that is!"' She threw the tambourine out into the yard. Two large hands reached up and caught it in mid-air, and began playing it right there above everyone's heads. It sounded completely different, more like a drum than a tambourine. Seyyed Khanumcalled for Malihe again. A man stuck his head in the window and said, "Seyyed Khanum, shall I go fetch it now?" "Yes, and don't get lost

on the way!."

The door of the room opened and Malihe came in, glancing first at Seyyed Khanumand then at me. Her chador covered her head, and she looked terribly flustered and upset. "Where have you been, Malihe? Come over here by the lamp, dear, and let me see the bride." Seyyed Khanumtook her hand and drew her down beside her in the middle of the room. "Whyhaven't you fixed yourself up any? Your face looks just awful!" she said. Then she got up and hurried over to the window and called out, "Fati! Fati!"

29

WINTER-SPRING1975

A thin womanappeared at the window. Seyyed Khanum took her head between her hands and pulled it toward her. She whispered something in her ear, and the womanturned and hurried away through the crowd. Seyyed Khanumlooked out at the people in the yard. "What are you all just sitting around staring at each other for? On your feet!" Wioever has anything to eat in the house, go fetch it!" Jabbar's whistling stopped and the tambourine fell The old man straightened up a little, silent. "That ain't right, Seyyed Khanum. It's our wedding but you all are bringing the food." I"Whatare you talking about? This bride ainlt some stranger. My neighbor's daughter is my daughter, and by God, my neighbor's wedding is my wedding!" Someone tooted a trumpet and Seyyed Khanumshouted with laughter. She shook her arms with joy and circled round the room like she was looking for someone to hug. The yard was jammed with people. They were tooting the horn and beating the tambourine together now. Several Then everypeople called out "clap, clap, clap." one began clapping and rocking back and forth together. Seyyed Khanumwasn't still for a second. She leaned out the window and yelled, "By God, whoever feels like dancing and doesn't is going to be a dried up old stick in this world and the next one, too." Then she looked over at me and the old man. "You two go take a walk. We got work to do here." "But there ain't "Out!

no room outside,"

On your feet!

the old man said.

Get moving!"

The old man grabbed a handful of sweets and stood "God protect us from Seyyed Khanum!" up, laughing. I got up too, and we went outside. The guests all greeted us and the old man found a place to sit down right I was left standing until the man with the trumpet off. IRANIANSTUDIES

30

pointed to a place by him, and I went and sat there. As I sat down, several people said salaam to me, and I replied. Seyyed Khanumpinned a black chador over the window and the yard became almost completely dark. The horn player leaned over and asked me if I had a cigarette. I took out my pack and gave him one. He lit it and had just taken a puff when Seyyed Khanumcalled out, "What's happened to that trumpet?" "A man can't He coughed and leaned over toward me again. play the horn and smoke a cigarette at the same time, now can he?" "I honestly

couldn't

He took another puff.

say." "Maybe some can, but I can't."

A barrel-chested man sitting in the middle of the crowd who was holding the tambourine up and playing in above I lit another cigeveryone's heads asked for a puff, too. arette, and a woman sitting next to me took it and stuck it between his lips. Seyyed Khanumshouted from inside, "Where's that damned Fati?" "She hasn't

come back yet."

"Damnher anyway!" The man with the tambourine lowered his arms and rested the tambourine on his knees. "Whenever you're ready on the horn, just let me know." The horn player nudged me with his elbow. "You hear that? Until you got a horn, the tambourine don't count for much." "That's for sure," I said, instrument than a tambourine."

"a horn is a lot better

"Say, how do you think I play?" "I think you play real well."

31

WINTER-SPRING 1975

"I learned in the army. For two years I played reveille and taps every day. I got this horn for nothing. I found it in the dump. I'm real careful with it. It must be worth ten or twelve tomans."1 got to,

Seyyed Khanumcalled anyway!"

out again,

"Fati!

Where've you

Fati shouted her answer from the alley. "I'm right here." And she came in the door panting, and slipped through the crowd. Even before she reached the window, the chador was pulled aside and Seyyed Khanumleaned out to snatch a bundle from her hands, and gave her a stiff whack on the head. The man with the tambourine gave a loud hoot at that, and everyone burst out laughing. Then two people came into the yard carrying a big tray and pushed their way into the middle of the crowd. The horn player asked, "What'd they bring?"

"Watermelon," several people answered, and he started playing his horn cheerfully. The tambourine player started up again, too. The tray passed from hand to hand around the yard. As it went by, hands reached up to snatch pieces from it. The old man kept up a constant cry to Jabbe empty before it gets to us." bar to "Look alive or it'll Just then two big tough-looking guys came to the door of the yard and looked in. One called out, "The groom! Where's the groom?" The tambourine player looked over at them and said in a loud voice, "Well, well! Abbas Agha! Come right on in. We're all friends here." "Much obliged, moment."

I just wanted to see the groom for a

My heart dropped. wanted with me.

I asked the horn player what they

"Don't fret yourself fine men."

none.

IRANIANSTUDIES

32

They're a couple of real

I got up and as I made my way through the yard Jabbar "Don't you want some watermelon?" asked, "Not now, thanks." As I came to the door, Abbas asked, "You the groom?" "Yes. "t

Both of them stared at me. I stood there, waiting for one of them to punch me. Then Abbas stuck his hand in mine. "How do," he said, and his friend did the same. "Won't you step in and join us," I said. "Much obliged. Me and Haydar Agha are from this neighborhood. We thought we'd step around and offer our congratulations." "That was mighty thoughtful come in for just a minute?"

of you.

Sure you won't

"No thanks, old buddy. With women and kids around it just wouldn't be proper." And he grabbed my hand and pulled me forward a couple of steps. His friend followed. I still thought they were out to get me. Haydar came a step closer. "Say, Mr. Bridegroom, would you like to wet your whistle?" "How's that?"

"I mean, you want to have a glass or not?" "Well,

of arak with us

..

He cut me off. "It's up to you, but if you've ever had a whiff before, let's go." I didn't say anything and we all three set off. We came to the end of the alley. The old womanwas asleep, 33

WINTER-SPRING 1975

We all scrunched up at the foot of the water fountain. went further on and sat down at the edge of the gulley. Abbas sighed.

"It's

sure a hell

of a world."

The moon was just coming up over the rise, and the Haydar took a half pint smell of the trash was powerful. "I'm afraid our provisions ain't bottle out of his pocket. what they ought to be." "Looks like plenty

to me," I said,

"no need to apol-

ogize." Abbas took out a shot glass, Haydar filled they both offered it to me. "After you," I said. of you.

it,

and

"Drink up, old buddy. Haydar and me are way ahead 'Sides, you're our guest."

I wished them good health, swallowed the shot, and passed the glass back to Haydar. They both drank up and continued to pass the glass back and forth until we'd had five rounds. I no longer felt the least bit tired, and I Haydar turncould see everything around me much clearer. ed to me. "Abbas Agha and me are ready to be buddies with anyone who's a real man, but we'll cut the guts out of anyAbbas Agha and me are real happy to see one that ain't. that you are a fine upstanding young man. We hope you and And, by God, if some be real happy together. your wife'll ever gives you any kind of trouble, low down son-of-a-bitch you just give us the word." "I'm mighty grateful

to you for that."

Haydar pulled out another half bottle and we had The arak didn't taste bitter to me anymore. another drink. It seemed to me that the dump I was as tight as a tick. was filled with trees and flowers. started

Haydar said, "Abbas, Agha, we're waiting,' and Abbas He had a wonderful voice and he put a to sing.

IRANIANSTUDIES

34

lot of feeling

into his song.

Haydar smiled at me. "It's really fine to drink arak with your buddies and hear Abbas Agha sing." Abbas finished his song and bowed slightly. We got up then, and Haydar turned to me. "Now what would you like to do?" "You got anything in mind?" "Sure you don't want to get back to your bride?" "No hurry." "Well, then,

let's

walk for a bit."

We set off. Haydar set the empty bottle old woman and rejoined us, laughing.

down by the

"That's a habit of his," Abbas told me, "whenever Haydar Agha drinks arak, he donates the empty bottle to charity." When we'd walked on a little where we were going.

further,

I asked Abbas

"Graveyard."

"What's going on there?" "There's never anything going on at the graveyard. We just want to look around a bit." We kept on walking, not saying a word until we came to the graveyard. It was completely silent now. The moon had come well up above the rise and was moving slowly toward the graveyard. Abbas Agha paused at the gate. "Peace upon you, 0 prisoners of the earth," he said. And then Haydar shouted out a verse from the Koran. Something leaped from the top of the wall and landed on one of the graves. Abbas

35

WINTER-SPRING1975

began to sing again. We all three set out through the graveHaydar caught me yard, lurching and stumbling slightly. firmly by the arm and whispered in my ear. "We come and When Abbas Agha sings we forget walk here every night. everything. He likes to sing here and tell the son-of-aSome people get scared, bitching world where to get off. though. They think Hashem Khan has got up out of his grave to sing." "Who's Hashem Khan?" "He was the best goddam man in the whole world. He He was a friend to every man, and was Abbas Agha's friend. my friend, too. 'Bout a year ago he packed it in and they buried him in a corner over there." We could hear a pack of dogs chasing themselves, and some strange big bird the size of a young sheep flew over our heads and lighted on the mortuary. We came to Hashem We all stood Khan's grave and Abbas Agha fell silent. staring at his gravestone and the framed picture of Hashem Then Abbas Agha sighed. "Patience, Khan stuck to it. brother." As we were returning, I saw the figure of some animal by the gate that looked in at the graveyard, then turned and disappeared. "What was that?" I asked Haydar. "A horse."i As we went out the gate, Abbas gave the wall a hard kick and cursed it and the whole world something terrible. Then we all three ambled quietly back toward the water tank. We saw a big crowd of people coming in our direcWhen they got closer, one tion, some carrying torches. shouted, "It's them! It's them!" And the old man, who was in the midst of the crowd cried, "Thank God, Thank God!" They started IRANIAN STUDIES

playing

the bugle and tambourine, and 36

Jabbar pushed up to me. "Whereld you go off to, anyway? The old man was about to have a heart attack!"1 Haydar answered, "We went off to pay our respects to the residents of the graveyard." A fat man I hadn't seen before who was shuffling around in front of the crowd piped up in a high squeaky We went and got real musivoice, "At this time of night! cians to come play for you!" JabThen everything got noisy and confused again. was on and someone pounding bar started playing his horn, the tambourine for all he was worth. Several people started chanting, "clap, clap, clap." And over all the other noise I could hear Seyyed Khanumshouting, "Come on, clap Clap your hands, I Let's hear some noise. your hands said!"'

So clapping

and singing

we all

turned back into the

alley. IV It was after midnight by the time the guests had all left. Malihe was sitting by the window. The women had made up her face and lent her some jewelry and things. Sitting there, lost in thought, she looked really beautiful. The old man was napping in his usual place, and I was sitting in the middle of the room staring at Malihe, when Robabe and Hamide came in. They also had prettied up their faces some. Hamide jabbed an elbow in my arm. "Well, sharI didn't get what she pening up your teeth?" she said. meant, and started laughing for no reason at all. Robabe turned Malihe's you don't look half bad."

face toward herself.

"Nossir,

The old man, eyes shut, whined at us that it was time to get some sleep. The old woman started crowing out

37

WINTER-SPRING 1975

in the yard, and Robabe asked, "Say, that's are we all going to sleep?" "In each others' "Sure we are. I lit

right,

where

arms,." said Hamide. Don't get your hopes up."

a cigarette.

"The two of us'll

sleep in the

yard."I "You'll freeze out there," Robabe said, and her sister added, "How the hell you going to sleep out there, anyway?"1 I motioned to Malihe to get up and we went out the half-open door. The old womanwas sitting in a corner of the yard, scrabbling at something in a tub and moaning. Malihe and I stood on one of the mounds. I was blushing like anything and so embarrassed I didn't know what to do. I wanted to take Malihe in my arms and dance her around the yard, but her mother was right there, and I could see Robabe and Hamide, their faces squashed up against the window, staring at us. I yelled, "Aren't you even gonna give us a ground cloth?" Malihe said quietly,

"I'm scared-."

It was the first time she had ever spoken to me, and "What's there to her voice couldn't have sounded sweeter. be afraid of," I said, "I'm right here, there's a full moon tonight, and there isn't anything to be afraid of,." Hamide opened the window and threw one old quilt to the yard. "What are we going to cover ourselves hollered.

in-

with," I

"This one is more than you need," she answered, and shut the window.

IRANIANSTUDIES

38

"I'm frightened," Malihe said again, and just then a cold wind came up, blowing dirt and sand into the yard from all sides. "What are you afraid

of?"

"I don't want to sleep on a grave.1' "What grave do you mean?" She pointed to the two low platforms. "Mamasays these are the graves of two young men. They cut off their heads and buried them here." "How does she know that?" "My mamaknows everything." "Well, if that's

the way it is,

let's

So we went in, the old woman following

go inside,." after

us.

Hamide asked what had happened. "We couldn't sleep outside," I said, "that wind is whipping up a dust storm." The old man opened his eyes.

"Whydon't you go to

bed?"

"We got no place to." He frowned at us and muttered, "Well whyn't you just sleep right here and be done with it." Hamide answered, "Because they want to have a wedding night, and that ain't possible in here." "Course it is," Robabe said, We'll all keep our eyes shut."

"here's

just

fine.

The old man exploded. "You ought to be ashamed of yourself, Robabe, talking like that!"

39

WINTER-SPRING 1975

"You're the one that ought to be ashamed. Here you a bridegroom into the house, and we don't have but bring one bare room." The old man chewed on his lip for a bit, then he "I got a way to fix it." looked up with a smile. "Howlre you going to fix it? another room?"

You gonna go bring us

"Nope, I'm going to make two rooms out of one." "Well, well," said Robabe, "Here you was a magician all the time and we never knew it.," In fact, "There ain't nothing magical about it. First we put a nail there ain't no trick to it at all. in this wall, okay?" "Okay. It "Then we run a string from this nail and throw a couple of chadors over it."

to that

one,

"Then what?" "Then we've made two rooms out of one,." "Then the bride and groom Robabe smirked at that. go to that side of it, and we stay on this side." "And when Robabe gets married, Hamide giggled. we'll put one nail in this wall and another in that, run throw a couple of a string from this nail to that nail, one room into three. so turn and we over chadors it, Robabe and her husband will go on that side, and we'll

stay on this

one.

"And when Robabe laughed fit to choke at that. Hamide finds a husband, we'll put one nail on this side, and another nail on that one, and with some string and a IRANIANSTUDIES

40

couple of chadors we'll turn one room into four. Hamide will come over here and the old and weary will stay over there." The old man got up, gave Hamide a dirty look, and went out of the room. Hamide waved a finger at me and Malihe. She was laughing so hard now she could hardly get her breath. "And by the time... .we finally get hitched, why...why the daughters of these two...will already be growed up...and then we'll put one nail over here...and another over there...., Robabe cut in. "We'll string a piece of wash line from this nail to that, from this wall to that." string

"We'll drive nails and string wash line and drive nails." "We'll

turn one room into

wash line;

we'll

a hundred."

"A thousand rooms." "A hundred thousand rooms." "Nine hundred and ninety

thousand thousand rooms."

"And then...."

"And then we'll all creep in and out behind the chadors, like ants, and visit back and forth." "We'll string wash line and drive nails, and string wash line."

drive nails

"We'll get all mixed up together, and do all kinds of dreadful things. We'll make babies and drive more nails and swap kisses all around. My baby's big toe will stick in Robabels baby's eye, and my husband's nose will get jammed in Malihe's husband's ear." "We'll have weddings and more weddings. We'll make babies and more babies. Then more weddings, and babies 41

WINTER-SPRING 1975

More wash line and more chadors. crying. more confusion."'

More noise and

"My husband will creep into Malihe's bed, and Robabe's husband will come visit me." Robabe suddenly jumped up and smacked Hamide. "I'll teach you to try and steal my husband. Damnyou anyway!" Hamide jumped up, too, and brought her fist down hard on Robabels forehead. "And you just keep your hands off EX husband." And the two of them started to wrestle I thought they were really angry at each back and forth. other and I was about to try to break them up when they both burst out laughing again. The old man opened the door and came in. He went directly to the opposite wall and started to drive a nail into it. Hamide yelled at him, "A little it a little further back!" "Nope.

That'll

"The tighter

further back, put

squeeze 'em in too tight."

the better,"

Robabe said.

The old man pulled the nail out and drove it in a little further back. Then he went and drove another into the opposite wall. He gave me one end of the clothesline and told me to tie it to the nail. I did, and he tied his end to the nail opposite. When we'd finished, Robabe, singing quietly to herself, threw a chador over the line, and Hamide threw another chador over the other half of it. "That'll

do just

"Just fine,

fine,"

just fine,"

the old man said. Robabe repeated after

him.

The old woman, who was crumpled up in a corner of the room, said she was hungry. The old man said, IRANIANSTUDIES

"Turn out the light." 42

Hamide turned to me. chamber."

"Off you go to the bridal

And Robabe added, "Do you want us to rattle bourine for you?"

the tam-

The old man was yawning, but he gave me a little wink and I pushed behind the chador into the small new room. I was about to sit down when they parted the chadors in the middle and threw a quilt at me. I had just spread it on the floor when Robabe and Hamide started giggling again, and then Malihe was thrust through the chadors toward me and fell thump into my open arms. I held her close and whispered into her ear. "Ain't you going to give me a kiss?"

"But they're

listening

to us," she whispered back.

"Let them do any damned thing they want." She brought her lips stand the sight of me."

close

to my ear.

"They can't

I put my lips close to her ear too and said, don't just pay them no mind."

"You

She laughed softly and brought her head forward a I kissed her twice. little and nibbled at my ear. She pushed gently on my nose with her finger, and I kissed her eyelids. We could see the shadows of Robabe and Hamide on the chador from time to time as they circled around, getting things ready for the night. The old man hollered out again, "Get yourselves settled down, dammit!" "Get your ownself settled

down."

The old womanwhimpered again, and the lamp went out. I took off my coat and lay down. Malihe lay down, too. She was next to the wall, and I had my back to the chadors. We could hear Robabe stretching and yawning. The moonlight that came in the window showed milk white on the wall above

43

WINTER-SPRING 1975

the chadors. Malihe and I could see each other in the dark. By the time the old man began to snore, the others had all I lifted my hand and placed it on Malihe's fallen silent. breast. She shifted position. Not so as to draw away, though. She rested her breast easily and comfortably in my hand and brought her head up by my ear. "Whydo you do that?" she asked, real soft. "Cause I like to do it." "Do you really?" I placed my mouth on hers and took both her breasts in my hands. A chicken clucked loudly out in the yard. I lost all control of myself and wanted to take her right I turned and looked at the chathen. But I was nervous. I slowly drew her skirt up and put my hand dors. Nothing. on her thighs. They were smooth and soft and gave me a feeling like I'd never had before. She whispered,

"What do you want to do with me?"

I placed my leg over hers and covered her mouth with mine and thrust my tongue between her lips. "That's what I want to do with you." She wiped her mouth with the back of her hand. I can't breathe." I put my hand on her stomach. She squirmed a little.

"But

"How about this?"

"That makes me all hot."

"That's great," I said, and I began to rub her stomach. It was round and soft and smooth. I was as hot I mean, I was really on fire, and Malihe was as a pistol. I hotter than I was. I didn't know what to do next. squirmed around, and I squeezed her belly, and I kissed her hard. I kept repeating her name without really knowing what I was doing.

IRANIANSTUDIES

44

She began to pant. "I do want it,"

"What do you want," she said.

I said,

"Oh, how I want it!"

She twisted around beside me and glued her mouth to mine. She was lying on her side now, pressed up against me. She put her hand on my shoulder and asked, "Do you really, truly want to?" "Yes, yes,

I really,

yes!

She sighed.

"Oh God!

truly do!"

I wish I could die!"

I didn't know what I was doing. I couldn't hold myself back anymore, and I undid my belt and kicked my pants off. God, I was worked up. I was ready to split wide open. I put my hand on her thigh again, and then moved it up between her legs. "Aren't you gonna take 'em off?" I said. "Ohhh! What are you saying?" "Well, they're "It ain't

gonna have to come off some time."

right.

I'm ashamed."

I took off my shorts and put my bare leg over hers. "See, I'm not ashamed at all." She giggled.

"Well, you just got no shame.,"

I kissed her neck and told her how much I loved her. I half rose and put both arms around her shoulders. Now she was lying directly under me. I was just easing myself between her legs when someone laughed. I whipped around and saw two heads sticking in under the chadors. As soon as they saw me they pulled back. My face was hot and my head began to ache, and I broke out in a cold sweat all over my body. I slid off to one side of Malihe.

45

WINTER-SPRING 1975

"What was it,"

she asked.

I put my hand over her mouth so she wouldn't talk. I turned my head and kept my eyes peeled to see what would The old man and the old womanwere snoring happen next. away, and, in the distance, I could hear an engine starting up. I suddenly realized my legs were bare and I skinned on my pants.

It was all

quiet

again.

I thought

I must have

imagined something and was about to put my arms around Malihe again when two hands lifted the chadors at either end, and two heads came peeping under. I pretended I was asleep and began to snore. Robabe said,

"He's asleep."

"Sure he's not just pretending?" "What do I know?" "How about Malihe?" Robabe called Malihe softly, she was asleep, and didn't answer.

but Malihe pretended

Hamide asked, "Whyare you calling

her?"

"I want to know if anything happened or not." "What are you talking

about?"

"I mean, did they have the wedding or not." "Course they did. You saw what they were doing. was the wedding, sure enough!" that Well, Malihe rolled over and lay They both fell silent. But when I breathed a sigh of relief. next to the wall. I stretched out ready for sleep, I realized that my pants I didn't all tangled up down around my knees. were still for I fear move they might couldn't know what to do. realize I wasn't asleep. IRANIANSTUDIES

46

Hamide said out loud, "My God, look at that!" Robabe laughed. put it?"

"Where's he going to find room to

"I'd be scared to death." "You'd sure like to be." Then someone stroked my leg, and I almost jumped out of my skin. Robabe and Hamide squealed in fright, and disappeared on the other side of the curtain. The old man, who'd been startled awake, called out fearfully, "Who's that? Who's there?" "It was Malihe," Hamide answered. "What are you screaming about, Malihe?" Robabe asked, "that's all part of the wedding, you know." "What a night," the old man said, "It don't look like we're going to get any sleep at all." The old woman cried out in her sleep, "If you make the pilgrimage to Kerbela and leave me behind, God strike you down!" THEEND

47

WINTER-SPRING 1975

THE SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY OFANTI-IRANOLOGY WILLIAMG. MILLWARD

Assuming that every student of the Middle East ought to be at least passingly concerned with the attitudes of and Middle Easterners towards him, the group he represents, academic endeavors, the rethe results of their collective of interest in Western "Orientalism" on cent efflorescence scholars and writers deserves the attenIranian of the part tion of all serious students of Middle Eastern culture and Insofar as this interest may be construed as an society. Yecord straight by providing attempt to set the historical of an eastern corrective to West-centered interpretations Middle Eastern history, it may also be considered a natural and logical consequence of the changing nature of interas and social conditions, particularly national political In this sense it these have obtained since World War II. can only be welcomed and applauded in the community of It is the present writer's contention scholars at large. here, however, that though this interest is reflected on and may be motivated by divarying levels of seriousness, the total phenomenon of a vergent purposes and intentions, interest in "Orientalism," or recent and rising critical Western Iranology, by Iranians must be taken as a whole scene both and related to the contemporary sociopolitical in order to be fully underlocally and internationally stood and correctly evaluated. William G. Millward, former director of the Center for Arabic Studies at the American University in Cairo, is currently a Research Associate at the same institution. IRANIANSTUDIES

48

A recent article in this same journal provides the foreign reader with an example in English of the more academic levels of a trend that has been in process for nearly academic and popular publicaa decade in Persian literary, tions.1 Among the article's stated objectives were to describe the genesis and formative period of both the Western and Soviet schools of Iranology, and to point out some of of these movements, from an Iranian viewthe deficiencies point, in their attempts to objectify and attach meaning to the Iranian content of their studies. Although it was not expressly so stated, it is clear that another more covert purpose of the article was to air its author's opinion on the implications of the historical origins of these scholastic movements for the current stage of East-West sociopolitical relations. Since I intend to take issue with the author of this article in several fundamental respects, it may be appropriate at this stage to indicate which of his arguments I agree with. There is little room for dispute that Western Iranology has to be considered against the background of "Orientalism" in general; that it has been heavily (but certainly not exclusively) preoccupied with archaeology, philology, bibliography and other "micro" studies; that critical analyses of "Orientalism" (or Iranology) have been lacking to a great extent in Iran to date, of history debates in Europe, the despite the decolonization growth of freedom movements in Asia and Africa, and the appearance of a "Third World" ideology in the late fifties; that it is not fruitful to evaluate the products of Western Iranology by reference to the alleged motives of this or that scholar, but rather, what is needed is a critical examination of both the contents and methods of their work; and that a critical study of Shilite political ideas, and behavior, are long overdue and essential to any contemporary Iranian's evaluation of his political and cultural heritage. Many of these criticisms of the Western study of Iran are still true today, though, as the author admits, to a diminishing extent. No one with a sense of fair play could object to the notion of a representative of the culture and tradition under study--of that which is or was objectified--attempting

49

WINTER-SPRING1975

a critical analysis of the results of academic inquiry into Any the nature and meaning of that tradition by outsiders. movement involving the kind of human activity under discussion here could be said to be more or less permanently in need of scrutiny and evaluation from without. Such movements, in the Western case at least, lacking any unitary institutional structure to provide them with a clear-cut definition, and without any strong sense of corporate identity, have rarely had the capacity or the inclination to take a serious critical view of themselves, and may be quite incapable, for these very reasons, of reforming themselves and making good on what are fairly obvious deficiento outsiders. Individucies and shortcomings, especially als of course do have this capacity and the worth of any such general movement may be partly assessed by the extent to which its members exercise it, and the degree of their success. Partly for this reason, and partly as a result of changing conditions and times, the deficiencies of one movehistorical period in the life of any given scholastic ment are not usually those of the next phase. It may therefore be interpreted as a healthy sign and a favorable omen for the future that some larger subdivisions of the overall movement of contemporary Western "Orientalism"--such as the Middle East Studies Association of North America--are currently attempting to provide some broader organizational focus on and impetus toward the question of self-appraisal. Most members of such subgroups would no doubt incline toward the view that it will be some time yet before the results of these efforts obtain any gentaken toeral consensus or approval. But these efforts, gether with those of other groups--such as the seminars on Afro-Asian historiography sponsored by the School of Oriental and African Studies at the University of London in the fifties be enough to show that the Western and sixties--may school of "Orientalism,"' to use its traditional designation, or Middle East Studies, is not entirely devoid of a sense The same of self-criticism beyond the individual level. claims can be made by few other scholastic movements in the world today, East or West.

IRANIAN STUDIES

50

The phenomenon of a nascent, critical anti-Orientalist spirit among Iranian scholars and intellectuals can only be partly explained as the result of a new era of officially sanctioned censure of the West in both the political and On the polemical level it raises some cultural spheres. larger questions relating to the social, political and cultural history of the Middle East and the basic attitudes and orientations of Iranians as a national group toward both their inmediate and more distant neighbors. Given the nature of contact between the East and the West in the socalled colonial period, deep-seated antagonisms toward the West by Easterners in general have been understandable in the past. The increasingly bitter and hostile tone of attacks on Western students of the Middle East by certain more colorful Iranian writers in recent years could in one sense be regarded as a logical extension of these basically antagonistic and resentful political and cultural predispositions. That the "Orientalists," as "would-be Easterners"' (mustashriqgin), a category of Westerner that had always been somewhat suspect but rarely the object of wide attention, should be singled out eventually for special treatment should not be surprising. But there are other factors of an essentially political nature--too complex to enter into here--which help to account for the persistence and flowering of this phenomenon in Iran in the contemporary period. What makes this current Iranian phenomenon, and especially its acerbic mood, all the more striking is the fact that there is little if any trace of it at the present time in the Arabic-speaking Middle East which forms part of the same cultural continuum with Iran and Turkey. On the contrary, something approximating the opposite attitude to that of the Iranians seems to prevail in most Arab countries, especially Egypt. Exceptions to this prevailing Arab outlook can obviously be evidenced but these can usually be explained as emanating from resident or transplanted Easterners with a penchant for Marxist "scientific analysis." It is only in the ranks of religious conservatism that one encounters a residual animus toward the "Orientalists" and even in this case it is rare enough to be dis-

51

WINTER-SPRING1975

Since Iran was never part of any colonial empire counted. in the same sense as Egypt, Syria or Iraq, it will seem rather strange to many observers that this particular antiWestern phenomenon should have appeared there rather than elsewhere at this juncture in the post-imperial Middle East. was a well-known The facts are that anti-Orientalism phenomenon in the Arab regions of the Middle East where colonial domination was an everyday reality until the last few decades, that it began in the nineteenth century and reached its peak in the early decades of the twentieth, and of these regions (with that with the gradual decolonization exceptions) following World War II, one or two significant this movement has declined dramatically and may now be said in the Arab world to have come of age. Anti-Orientalism It is a subject today is neither a constant nor a trend. which receives occasional outbursts of attention following Criticisms of Western scholarship a particular incident. dealing with the Middle East by Arabs are now for the most On the whole Arab scholars part restrained and temperate. are ready and willing to acknowledge the worth of Western to the study of Eastern history, languages, contributions Some are prepared to go as far-and cultures. literatures as disingenuous as it may sound--as to witness their debt to Western mentors.3 In this context it is curious to note something of an opposite trend in Iran. It should be appreciated that movement in Iran is perforce roughly the anti-Orientalist years behind its Arab counterpart. fifty to seventy-five Not only this, but it would appear to be moving in the opWhile the Arab branch of the movement posite direction. the years of this century and has since in early peaked down to relative oblivion, the Iranian movewound itself ment, beginning in the early to middle decades, has gradually gathered strength and is now building up a crescendo. This highly antithetical phenomenon in two Middle Eastern neighbors deserves to be explained. In the history of varying linguistic IRANIANSTUDIES

of the human species, when peoples and cultural heritages have come in52

to contact through force of arms, the resulting domination of one by the other has frequently left a residue of cultural antipathy that shows amazing staying power in the This is obviousfolk memory of the subdued or colonized. but dialectics, ly not an invariable law of historical there are enough examples from medieval times to the prethe point and to confirm that such antagsent to illustrate onisms and resentments tend to persist the longer when the superior to to be culturally subjected party feels itself By way of examples we may cite the conqueror or colonizer. divides Quebec the clash of cultural nationalism that still from the majority of Anglo-Saxon Canada; the constantly simmering conflict between two rather different ethnic and culof Greek and Turk; the linguistic and cultural traditions stands as a potent barrier between tural rivalry that still the Chinese and several different national groups in the Orient and South East Asia. of these culOne of the oldest and most persistent tural antagonisms is that which came into being with the Arab conquest of the Iranian plateau and Central Asia in the seventh century A.D. It is an unalterable fact of the historical record that many Iranians subsequently could rot easily accept domination and control by a people to whom Anti-Arab sentiment has superior. they felt culturally been a recurrent feature of Iranian national and cultural resurgence from the time of Ferdowsi to the twentieth cenThe works of several early modernist Iranian writers, tury. such as Akhundzadeh and Agha Khan Kermani, are redolent and culThese historical with unabashed anti-Arab bias.4 part in shaping tural antecedents still play a significant Iranian attitudes towards Arabs and other foreigners who or compromised may have overrun the country militarily Iranian independence and sovereignty in one way or another The Western student of the at various times in the past. entitled to suspect that some Middle East is legitimately and cultural animus directed towards him of the political by Iranians today, allegedly for the sins of his colonial is psychologically misplaced. forebearers, Every Western student of Islamic history

53

who has

1975 WINTER-SPRING

spent any appreciable time in Iran must have experienced personally the charge that he and his kind have been guilty of bias in shaping their vision of Islamic history and in forming an appreciation of the growth of Islamic civilizaThis vision has been formulated, so the accusation tion. goes, by exclusive or excessive reliance on Arab (and Sunni) This sources to the nearly total neglect of the Iranian. is frequently applied to the field as a whole, allegation or to various subdivisions of Oriental and Islamic studies of Islam. such as the politics So far no more than two books have appeared in English by Western scholars on the specific subject One of these, by of Islamic political philosophy. Erwin Rosenthal, contains no discussion of Shilite thought, and the other by W. Montgomery political over a dozen pages. Watt summarizes it in a little for this neglect, its Whatever the justifications can hardconsiderations connection with political ly be denied: because Sunni Islam is embraced by the vast majority of Muslims, and because Westerners have had more substantial relations historically with them, Orientalism has regarded the study of Sunnism to be of far more urgent necessity than that of Shilism.5 variations on this theme, but There are infinite resides not in the frequent factual its basic invalidity inaccuracies it contains, nor in its emotional eccentricthat ity, but in the deep-seated social sensitivities Resentment of the Westerner for approaching prompt it. Islam and Islamic history through the Arabs and their legacy appears to reflect a modern form, albeit after psya of the early Islamic shuc chological transference, sentiment. The struggle waged in the third century o the Islamic era (eighth century A.D.) "to determine the destinies of the Islamic culture as a whole" was won finally The cultural by the Arab tradition and Islamic values. of Islamic society henceforth was basically orientation Arab and Muslim, in which the Perso-Aramean contribution, Since the days for all its importance, was subordinated. IRANIANSTUDIES

54

of Ferdowsi , Persian culture, and Iranian Islam somewhat later, have taken their own related but separate course. To transfer to Westerners the Arabophobe resentments which of these facts evokes in some Iranians tothe realization quite commonand understandday is, though psychologically and irrational. The reason why able, manifestly illogical and their like today the Arab reaction to the Orientalists as it so often is on the whole not petty and recriminatory, subis amongst Iranians, seems to lie in their internalized conscious awareness that the cultural matrix of Islam, and Islam in history, is at least Arab in its main lines, and a good and sufthis provides, as it has done for centuries, ficient sense of identity and security in confronting the That part of Islamic culture which is purely outsider. to smelt out from the meld in Iranian is by now difficult which it has been assimilated and is therefore less obvious vis-a-vis With respect to the total the total structure. Iranians spectrum of Islam and its cultural elaboration, have been too much on the defensive since shucibiyya times. on Defensiveness (masked, as in this case, by belligerence) the cultural plane is by now a psychological reflex action. if any reason left But there would seem to be little for this type of outlook. Persian culture and civilization have received extensive attention in their own right by and appear to be gaining in popularity foreign specialists And Iranians are the first to insist on as time passes. their objection, and rightly so, to being broadly classified with the Arabs as Muslims. Let us admit the relative neglect of Iranian Islam (a sin of omission which is widely acknowledged nowadays by many scholars, East and West) attenand try to add to and extend the not inconsiderable tion lavished thereon by scholars like S. H. Nasr and Henry Corbin.6 Let us at the same time ask some of our Iranian colleagues to make a serious effort to divest themof these attitudes selves, as far as this may be possible, of resentment and defensiveness. What is needed is more of the spirit behind the appeal issued by Fereydoon Vahman for international cooperation in guaranteeing the future success of Iranology.7

55

1975 WINTER-SPRING

The observation that there was a temporal connection between the rise of Western Orientalism (or Iranology) and the high period of Western colonialism in the East is not It is fairly acute or meaningful. of itself particularly obvious, in fact bordering on the tautologous, that scholin the systematic and orarship and academic enterprise, ganized sense of the terms, have always, in all human been determined and promoted by a system of societies, social needs and benefits which is either conceived or Inauthority. by the political approved of, ultimately, sponsored or self-supporting whether dividual scholarship, by wealthy patronage or the support of minority communities, is only acceptable as long as it is not slanderous, sediOn covert. or else kept discreetly tious or heretical, to charge "Orithe other hand, it may be more significant entalism" (and Iranology) with having been conceived "in Most scholarly movements in academic 'sin."' political history would also, then, have to be similarly regarded, since they owed their ultimate media or communications power. Their "sin" value to the sanction of the political would thus be definable in terms of the degree to which of that authorthey were responsive to the known interests independence thereity, or could establish an ideological of former generations would no doubt from. Orientalists to be considered a special not have wanted their activities case, just as most modern Western students of the Middle and social East recognize that there are definite political of their endeavors. on the scope limitations A more important question would be to ask "Orientalism"'s accusers how they view the nature of this "sin." One could hopefully assume they would not be so sanctimonious or authoritarian as to suggest that it partakes of the nature of being original in any greater sense than the one are hardly alluded to above. In which event Orientalists It would more culpable than any other breed of scholars. be a rash a priori judgment, failing extensive study and were Orientalists to assume that traditional evaluation, more subservient or responsive to the dicsignificantly of their authorities tates or expectations of the political day than any other given body of academics. To be "stimuIRANIANSTUDIES

56

lated by" or even "nurtured in the bosom of" the general intellectual and cultural ethos of one's time political, and physical environment can hardly be regarded as a mortal sin, unless we are ready to deprive other historical scholastic movements (the Neo-Platonists, the Deists?) of divine grace as well. It is obvious that the exegesis of Western "Orientalism" remains a study which is not sufficiently advanced, either in the East or the West, to enable us to make anything more than general and rather symptomatic charges of occasional venial sin.8 Until such studies are farther along, and their results published, it would seem more reasonable to refrain from alleging the sins of the fathers and the need for their expiation. Some suggestions for action to avoid or preclude a number of the more egregious defects of former generations of "Orientalism" are given below. It does not seem to be a very serious or significant criticism of Western Iranology (in its classical configuration) that it lacked an Iranian perspective. One might ask how, in all seriousness, could such a perspective be expected of it, how acquired? Were Western Orientalist studies of Buddhism, Hinduism and Indian history any more useful or valid because the country was subjugated and ruled by generations of British imperialists, including the Oriental Joneses? This is perhaps an unintended justification for colonial domination. Humannature being what it is, we may fairly assume that most Western scholars of the East during the imperial era were committed in their attitudes before they took up their studies, whether they had the opportunity to live in the area or not. A year among the Persians in 1881 was only a pretext for one Englishman's confirming and accentuating his pre-existent bias for all things Iranian. It is an evident logical fallacy to suggest that all Western Iranology must be suspect because it had a non-Iranian viewpoint, because it grew up and matured "in the bosom of colonialism," or because it was affected and conditioned by the locally prevalent notions of history in the nineteenth and early twentieth century. Some of it, perhaps because of these factors, and perhaps not, was violently unsympathetic, and some of it, despite them, was 57

WINTER-SPRING 1975

at times obsequiously Iranophile. Few historical periods and scholarly movements have resulted in a monolithically uniform academic output. Such an expectation would appear to be contrary to the elementary canons of human reason. It will not suffice to quote Isaiah Berlin in an effort to pretend that all nineteenth and early twentieth century European historiography was constricted within the confines of "national philosophies of history." There were other European thinkers and historians in these times who wrote, many in reaction to the preceding tendencies of Romanticism and the Enlightenment, without feeling bound by the national philosophy Zeitgeist. Whatever the deformations and limitations of thinkers like Comte, Saint-Beuve, Tamne, Nietzsche and Toynbee, it can scarcely be claimed that their attitudes and writings on matters historical were ever intended by their originators to serve as a prop to any variety of National Socialism. History has been used and abused by many European and American historians writing with a variety of particular biases or to serve varying theological and philosophical purposes. European and Western historical writings in the nineteenth century might be generally described as reflecting the prevailing political, social and historical philosophies of their time and milieu. This is hardly surprising or unnatural. But these were by no means uniform, mutually compatible, or totally ethnoIf anything, nineteenth-century centric. Western historiography betrays a bewildering lack of unity. It is significant that this whole body of historical scholarly enterprise has been subjected on an ongoing basis to scrutiny and criticism from within, and that the writings of scholars like Berlin, Geyl,9 and Popper1O indicate that it may be interpreted in widely divergent ways. We should remember, too, that if the Toynbees, Spenglers and Collingwoods, as histhe early twentieth-century heirs of their imperialist torical forebearers, were inclined to acknowledge, not untheir conscious awareness of being men of the naturally, West, this did not prevent their adopting a range of vision to Europe and the West and not and focus not restricted entirely devoid of some claim to universality. In order to avoid guesswork, and rabid condemnations IRANIANSTUDIES

58

based thereon, about the deficiencies of Western Iranology as a systematic scholarly movement, it is necessary to subject both the content and methodology of the Orientalists' work to critical Condemnations of and scientific analysis. the school as a whole based on symptomatic impressions and or on its allegedly being taintvague general deficiencies, ed "with European national arrogance bolstered by a belief in the unquestionable, eternal superiority of the West over the East," sounds too much like the language of polemic to What is needed is a series of be taken very seriously. studies, monographs, and theses devoted to the works of individual scholars, placing them in their proper historical and cultural context and evaluatinf their distinctive to the field as a whole. 1 It should be speccontributions ified, and substantiating evidence cited, how and in what degree various Western Iranologists were affected by then prevailing Western philosophies and schools of thought, and how these may have deformed the results of their studies. Once such separate studies have been brought up to recent times, it ought then to be possible for some Iranian or Western scholar (or better, a combination of both) to write a definltive evaluation of the scholastic phenomenon called Western Iranology. In their contacts with Iranian colleagues and their intellectual milieu, or with educated Iranians in general, many Western students of their society and culture in recent years have found them psychologically ambivalent in their attitudes and outlook toward Western society and some of its cultural reflexes, such as technology, and now, scholIf most intellectuals arship. of the Constitutional and post-revolutionary periods were inclined to be approving and enthusiastic devotees of all aspects of the West, in the period since World War II, when the results of vigorous modernization programs have become more apparent, a greater measure of doubt as to the wisdom of this course, and even of antipathy to it, have appeared. Like all peoples of Indo-European origin, the Iranians have a long and strong tradition of cultural superiority. They at times betray envy of the West and Westerners for their alleged technological superiority and modernity, and at other times a

59

WINTER-SPRING 1975

resentment of certain reflexes of Western culture and society, perhaps out of subconscious fear of the threat that many believe modernization poses for the preservation of Iranian values and tradition. There is little likelihood that many Western students of contemporary Iran will rush forward to claim that these fears are unfounded. Western Iranology today hardly requires apology since, as a scholastic movement, there are too many people within its ranks who are acutely conscious of its shortcomings. It will certainly have to come to terms with these, as well as with the views of Iranian scholars and intellectuals on It can also be argued that the opinion rethese matters. presented by the polemics cannot be entirely discounted and will have, ultimately, to be in some way accommodated, if anything more than a narrow, scholarly rapprochement is to It is certainly true that so far Western be expected. Iranology has been preoccupied with the minutiae of philoland that large ogy, archaeology and other "micro"-studies, areas of Iranian culture and history are still relatively unexplored and neglected. There are a number of significant exceptions to these criticisms, however, in this writer's view,12 and it would seem unnecessarily suspicious and uncharitable to attribute the reasons for this neglect to a craven submissiveness on the part of former generations of Orientalists to the alleged exigencies of colonial politics. The real reasons for this situation are given far more persuasively by Professor Enayat himself. The difficulties inherent in approaching any systematic study or otherwise, are of Islamic philosophy in Iran, political indeed formidable. The linguistic apprenticeship necessary as a prerequisite for any such studies, even for most Iranians, is in itself daunting, since most of the texts were written in a highly esoteric brand of Arabic. The fact for Westerners that this training may be more difficult a defense and does not mean to acquire is not of itself that greater efforts and more attention to such priorities should not be forthcoming from foreigners and Iranians alike in the immediate future. It would seem too obvious an error to be worth IRANIANSTUDIES

60

mentioning to claim that Westerners founded the study called "Iranology."1 Westerners, by definition, could only have founded their own branch or school of that study. To believe otherwise is surely to take an extremely povertystricken view of the subject. The real founders of the study dubbed "Iranology" were obviously the Iranians themThe element of system can only be used to differselves. entiate the method or approach of one branch or school of that study from another. It is true that the original founders of this field of study, and their successors, did not bequeath a substantial legacy of autochthonous criticism (except perhaps for speculative philosophy), but this is an omission which is rapidly being compensated fbr in such fields as literature, history, social studies, etc. What is really at issue here is the question of the conceptual signification, or semantic range, of the word "Iranology" (as it is also for "Orientalism"'). From the history of the usage of these terms in Western languages it is apparent that they have meant different things to different users at different times; but the classical denotation which still commandswide acceptance, especially in Europe, is "the integrated study of the languages, literature and history of Iran (or the Middle East, or portions thereof), in the pre-modern period." Unless we are willing to banish such terms, as Claude Cahen has suggested,13 it is important to distinguish between their denotative and connotative significations. Partly to avoid confusion and ambiguity, and partly to keep pace with changing academic priorities in the West, it has become fashionable to lump all studies of these areas under more general designations. Whether we argue for the continuing relevance of the old terms on the basis of chronological or prefer new labels like Iranian or Middle justification, Eastern Studies, it should be emphasized that the humanistic approach is one and indivisible. It is a simple fallacy to suppose that the primary motivation for Western academic interest in the literature and history, languages and religions of the East is, or was, a function of whatever plans some Western states may have (had) for economic penetration and political domination of the area. Western academics and the universities that sponsor them are in-

61

WINTER-SPRING 1975

terested in the history and cultural traditions of all peoples and try on the whole to bring a general humanistic sense to their studies. Most Middle Eastern university systems have been rather sluggish in their efforts to match the scope of these interests. The principal cause for concern over the rising antiOrientalist or anti-Iranologist spirit in Iran is that it does not coincide with or complement the prevailing spirit of the times in Western academic circles, and this does not augur well for the future of Oriental studies. It is an attitude of mind which is historically anachronistic, addressing itself to problems and conditions relevant to the past. The greatest defect of this negative outlook, and the articles which reflect it, is that they are motivated by a partisan and doctrinaire construction of reality and are marred by excessive sensibility and an attitude of spite toward their subject. Abu al-Hasan Jalili believes that articles like these are of no basic significance in themselves because the reactions and criticisms they contain are bound by and couched in Western categories of thought.14 Even accepting the validity of this argument, it cannot be denied that they are nonetheless important because of the effect they have on the atmosphere that governs scholarly interaction between Eastern and Western students of the Middle East. This prejudicial effect is the more unfortunate at this stage since we are now in an era where personal contacts between Eastern and Western students and scholars, in all disciplines, are at an allIf there have been shortcomings in the past time high. from the point of view of approach,methods and results, in the study of Middle Eastern history and culture, there is now the chance to make good on these. This chance will not be enhanced by resentful recourse to the past. The possibilities now exist for the promotion of real as opposed to hypothetical fruitful collaboration between Eastern and Western scholars. In view of this situation we really ought to have better relations than the attitudes reflected by this spirit can hope to foster. At this juncture the normal reaction should be to try emphasizing the positive by suggesting what might be IRANIANSTUDIES

62

for done. Westerners will no doubt find many opportunities It may be superfluous self-criticism and self-correction. to note that thorough language control is a minimal desideratum. Some method of exposing potential scholars to the learning of Middle East languages at an1earlier age would To a linguistic base which is at least as be desirable. Orientalist should be addgood as that of the traditional ed knowledge of the modern vernacular, which would have Modern saved many a scholar many an embarrassing slip. of Arabic and Persian classics by al-Mutanabbi, translations Hafez, Sa'di and Rumi, no matter how apparently apposite their contemporary idiom in English, will not likely engender respect unless they are based on full knowledge of the grammar, syntax and poetic requirements of the original It will also help temper the Western scholar's language. perspective on his study if he spends long enough in the country or area to which they apply to acquire sufficient facility in the modern language to enable him to hold disAt the cussion and debate therein with native scholars. of same time he will absorb a sense of the particularity the cultural environment to which his studies pertain and develop a feeling for the present situation in that region. scholar is one who makes a deliberate The conscientious and continuous effort to transcend the blinkers of ethnoIf better knowledge of the languages and culcentrism. tural ethos of the East can help increase mutual understanding between Eastern and Western scholars, there is no doubt that greater effort will also have to be expended to remove the stigma of certain unsavory practices such as the in the past data-raid techniques used by some Orientalists and still cultivated by some students of the Middle East today.15 In the Iranian case, an indigenous suggestion, made originally more than two decades ago and repeated regularprospects for ly since, would seem to offer significant improving the local perspective on the West. Dr. Fakhr al-Din Shadman's exhortations to his fellow countrymen to know themselves were coupled with the proposal to establish a field of study called "Occidentalism" (farangshinisiT gharbshinasl) to match and perhaps even outstrip the Western

63

1975 WINTER-SPRING

Only by an exacting and thorough field of "Orientalism."1 can the Iranian, armed inistudy of Western civilization and cultural tially with a firm grasp of his own linguistic necessary to patrimony, make the judicious discriminations where accommodations between his own tradition distinguish and the new wave of modern life are possible and desirable. This study, in Shadman's view, would be considerably more Befaces. than the task which the Orientalist difficult cause of the dynamics of cultural contact between East and West, the onus would be on the Easterner to equip himself with the knowledge and understanding necessary to survive identity intact while adjustand to preserve his essential The obing to the changes which modern life decrees.16 and purposes which the study of "Occidentalism" jectives should serve would no doubt be a matter of some debate recommends that one Abu al-Hasan Jalili amongst Iranians. of these ought to be the attempt to add further depth to something which, he claims, their own self-awareness, It should al"Orientalism" could never do for Westerners. so include developing a sense of distance from the West, of a dividing trench between oneself and the West establishing the better to be able to focus on the various facets of and thus the more readily Western society and civilization It is a relaunderstand and appreciate its true nature. task, but one which is completely necestively difficult sary for the total activation of the Easterner's consciousIn this way he becomes more acutely aware of the ness. conflicts and oppositions in the two cultures, and at the same time, of the true nature of his own.17 If the object of Western "Orientalism" is to know the East in all of its and in all periods of its existence in order manifestations of whatever lessons this knowledge brings, to avail itself Eastern "Occidentalism" can have no lesser aims. The principal advantage on both sides would derive from breaking the spell of ethnocentrism and rendering oneself and one's knowledge more comprehensive in relation to the other. On such matters as methods, approaches, conceptual of problems, and criteria for frameworks, identification it would be naive to expect evaluation and interpretation, either protagonist to give up his heritage and acquired IRANIAN STUDIES

64

intellectual inclinations. The most that can be expected is that each side should make a greater effort to acquaint as far as this can be itself with the other's position, delineated, and, perhaps, try to see the substance of their What both sides should studies from the other's viewpoint. be doing is searching for better methods, better conceptual for analyzing and making equipment and evaluative criteria If there were a spemeaning of the facts of social life. cific Islamic methodology or Iranian ideology, a Middle Eastern philosophy or master-view of life, which would help us sharpen our analyses and aid us in better understanding our findings in modern terms, then such systems should be more widely disseminated and used. In the meantime it would seem more fruitful to proceed in a cooperative spirit, using the best equipment that can be brought to bear, in an atmosphere untainted by polemic and spite. Western students of the Middle East today, including Orientalists, are generally opposed, like the more of their predecessors, honest and scientific to the homoMore than ever they are not genization of world cultures. anxious to see Western masks placed on Eastern faces. But the old antagonisms based on relative geographical location--and who is not east or west of someone else?--have lost any real significance in modern times. Nothing can be gained by Eastern scholars attacking their Western counterparts on false grounds and for synthetic or specious reasons. The mental construct that encourages this type of error gives rise also to other types of excess, such as a recent attack on a renowned Eastern scholar by one of his own colleagues for allegedly promoting--in collusion with those evil mustashrilqyan--a falsified and popularized form of Iranian imysticism.il Criticism and selfcriticism are essential ingredients of any mature and healthy intellectual or scholastic tradition. But like the substance of that tradition these processes have to be carried on in objective terms--terms which have a recognized consensus within the tradition and which can also claim some validity in the universal sense. The modern Orientalist as Middle East historian is concerned with the scientific critical, study of a history whose validity is 65

WINTER-SPRING 1975

determined largely, though not wholly, by objective criteria. He would never claim even the possibility of complete scientific objectivity, neither for science itself nor especially for the profession of history. All historians, whatever their intellectual tradition, must write from a particular point of view and with an innate bias which may or may not be consciously acknowledged. But between the poles of relativism and objectivity, of emotion and rational judgment, there are recognized canons of method and procedure which will permit the historian, Eastern or Western, to avoid the nugatory pastimes of manipulating personal fantasies or projecting mirror images of events. At the same time, it is necessary to remind ourselves that the value of total systems of thought, such as Marxism, as a frame of reference for, say, historical exposition, has been shown to have distinct limitations. Doctrinaire approaches to the past can too often produce anachronistic and revisionist distortions of the historical record. or Western student The modern-day Orientalist of the Middle East would deliberately eschew being ideohidebound in his conceptual approach to his sublogically ject. Any set of concepts or system of thought which, afcan be shown to have heuristic ter testing and criticism, value for the problems under study should be called upon in the collective search for greater meaning and clearer mutual understanding. Scholars on both sides should be and deformations of striving to overcome the limitations their own ideologies, however dearly held, and fighting against the self-images of the age. NOTES 1.

of Iranology,"' Iranian Hamid Enayat, "The Politics Studies, Vol. VI, No. 1 (Winter, 1973), pp. 2-20; an "Siyasat-i Englished version of the Persian original, "t 7-9 Nos. Vol. R&hnemi-yi Ketib, 15, Irlnshinasi, Some other contribu(Mehr-Azar 1351), pp. 538-549. Reza Baraheni, "Tin BidCat-i tions to this trend are: Ka hin, 24 Tir, 1350 (No. 8398), Zisht -- Shar shinisi,"

IRANIANSTUDIES

66

pp. 6, 16; "Shargshinasl -- Chihrah-yi Digari az IstiCmar'," Kayhin, 14 Mordad, 1350 (No. 8416), pp. 6, 19; Daryoosh Ashoori, "Irinshin&sl Chist?", R&hnema-yi Ketab, Vol. 14, Nos. 4-6 (Tir-Shahrivar 1350), pp. 218226 and Nos. 9-12 (Azar-Isfand 1350), pp. 742-747; for further examples of the genre see footnote 5 (p. 18) of the first article cited above. 2.

A recent study of two segments of the field of Orientalism as applied to the Arab world is at least free from rancor and tendentiousness. See, A. L. Tibawi, A Critique of Their English-Speaking Orientalists: Approach to Islam and Arab Nationalism Is(Geneva: lamic Center, 1965). In another recent, three-volume study of the Orientalists, an Arab writer devotes only 13 out of some 1166 pages to the question of the value of their studies, and then only in the form of short

quotations

from earlier

Arab writers.

See, Najib al-

CAqiqi, al-Mustashriqun (Cairo: Dir al-Macirif, 1964), Vol. 3, pp. 1151-1164. Whatever one may think about Muhammadal-Bahi's al-Fikr wa al-Islami al-I)adith Bil-Isticmir to the 5ilatuh al-GharbLi, the appendices fifth of the book (Beirut: edition Dir al-Fikr, 1970 pp. 519-77) are replete with errors and insults toward the Orientalists and generally not up to the standard he tried to achieve for the body of his text. 3.

The following articles by prominent Arab scholars provide a striking contrast in both attitude and tone to most of the articles cited above in footnote 1. Mahmud al-Ghul, agallu dirayatan bi-asriri "Al-Mustashriqu al-lu&hati l Larabiyyati, al- Arab, Number 4 (Shacban 1378 - March, 1959), pp. 118-122; Salah al-Din "Mes experiences Conal-Munajjid, intellectuelles,." ference donnee au Cenacle Libanais, le 28 mai 1962, et publiee en arabe dans la serie des conferences due Cenacle. (French extract, pp. 32-33); Salah Abd alSabur, "Mati nata4arraru min Cuqati al-4ucfi?", al-

ae

Ahr&m, 5 November, 1965. 4.

For a sampling of Kermani's hostile views and the uncompromising language he used to express them, see, 67

WINTER-SPRING1975

Feridoon Adamiyat, Andisheh-hi-yi AghiKhln Kermflnl (Tehran: Tahoori Library, 1346/1967), pp. 178-82; on Akhundzadeh, see also, Feridoon Adamiyat, Andisheh-hiyi Mirz& Fathcall Akhuindzadeh [Life and Thought of Mirza Fathali Akhund-Zadeh, 1812-1878; a contribution to the history of the (sic) Iranian liberal ideas], (Tehran: Khwarazmi Publications, 1349/1970), pp. It is also worth remembering that the man 123-126. whom some critics, Eastern and Western, have acclaimed as Iran's greatest modern writer, Sadeq Hedayat, made no attempt to hide his anti-Arab feelings. See, Hassan Kamshad, Modern Persian Prose Literature (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1966), pp. 148, 159. 5.

Hamid Enayat, op. cit.,

6.

See his most recent contribution, a massive four-volume study (in seven parts) entitled En Islam iranien: Aset Ehilosophiques (Paris: Editions pects spirituels Gallimard

- nrf

pp. 12-13.

- 1971).

7.

R&hnemi-yi Ketib, Vol. 12, Nos. 1-2 (Farvardin-Ordibihisht, 1348), p. 35.

8.

A tentative beginning to this study has been made by such books as R. W. Southern, Western Views of Islam in the Middle Ages (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1962), two well-known books by N. Daniel, and for the Russian school, V. V. Bartold, Istoria izoocheinia vostoka u yevrope ie rossi: Farsi translation by Hamzeh Sardadvar, KhAvarshin&si dar Riissiyah va Urupi (Tehran: Ibn-i Sina, 1351/1972). Also iMPortant in this regard is the study by J.-J. Waardenburg, L'Islam dans le Miroir de l'Occident (ParisLa Haye: Mouton & Co. , 1963).

9.

Use and Abuse of History (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1955); Debates With Historians (New York: Meridian Books, 1958).

IRANIANSTUDIES

68

10.

The Poverty of Historicism 1957).

11.

In Cairo University, for example, two doctoral theses are currently being prepared in the Department of Arabic literature, one by an Egyptian, and the other by a French monk, assessing the contributions of the English and French Orientalists, to the respectively, study and revival of Arabic literature in modern times. Similar studies are desirable for the German, Italian, and Russian contributions.

12.

A fairly satisfactory view of the Iranian religious be had can by reference to the works of experience scholars like Bausani, Corbin, Masse and Zaehner, and to the English writings of S. H. Nasr. Professor Pope's Survey of Persian Art should also be recalled in this connection.

13.

Diogenes,

14. V

"Sharqshinasi va Jahan-i Imriiz," CUlm-i Vol. 1, No. 2, pp. 52-53.

15.

A recent egregious example of this procedure, and the justifiable resentments it creates, can be found in Muhammad Anis, Fadl44atu wathi'iqLn calaminatur alAhram, 5 October, 1973, p. 5.

16.

Basile Nikitine, "1Farangshinisi, ou 1l'Europe vue de Teheran," in Charesteria Orientalia, ed. Felix Tauer, Vera Kubickova and Ivan Hrbek (Prague, 1956), pp. 210211.

17.

Abu al-Hasan Jalili,

18.

Javad Mujabi, "Dukkin-i CIrfin Forfishi r& Bibandid," 3 Khordad 1352 (No. 14107), p. 17. Ittill'at

(Boston:

No. 49 (Spring,

Beacon Press,

1965), p. 136.

2p. cit.,

69

Ijtimaici,

p. 55.

WINTER-SPRING1975

ECONOMICINDICA TORS AND POLITICAL VIOLENCE IN IRAN: 1946-1968 FARHAD KAZEMI

Introduction between economic factors and politiThe relationship cal development has received considerable attention from scholars, historians, and social scientists.1 The classical formulation of economic factors and political violence is to be found in the much-discussed and opposing views of Alexis deTocqueville and Karl Marx. These two views explain revolutions either through economic development or economic destitute. According to deTocqueville's analysis of the French Revolution, steady prosperity and general economic improvement were responsible for the onset of the revolution.2 The Marxist interpretation of revolution in capitalof class warfare ist societies sees it as the culmination between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat--a process in inwhich the proletariat and the masses find themselves and degraded.3 creasingly impoverlshed

Farhad Kazemi is Assistant Professor Politics at New York University.

in the Department of

The author wishes to express his appreciation to Ali Banuazizi, Vahid Nowshirvani, and John Waterbury for their comments on a preliminary version of this paper.

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Numerous other studies of revolutions have elaborated or modified either the Marxist or the Tocquevillian of revolutions Crane Brinton's investigation hypotheses. indicates that revolutions tend to take place in societies then," says undergoing economic growth. "Our revolutions, economically Brinton, "clearly were not born in societies retrograde; on the contrary, they took place in societies James Davies' theory of reeconomically progressive.",4 while upholding the economic improvement thesis, volutions, maintains that "revolutions are most likely to occur when a prolonged period of objective economic and social development

is

followed

by a short

period

of sharp reversal."5

An attempt How is one to reconcile these interpretations? at synthesis of these views has been made recently by Zartman and his associates. They have pointed out that: While providing important insights into the phenothe Marxist hypothesis has menon of alienation, much of a truism (when things get unbearable, there The Tocqueville hypothesis is will be revolt). simply incomplete, and is refined by the two successors [Brinton and Davies]. Indeed, by some inBrinton and Davies may be saying the terpretation, same thing, that an upswing followed by a downswing Precisely, contributes to sociopolitical upheaval. Brinton's point is that a government in financial straits imposes sudden deprivations which economiwrong important cally cramp and psychologically parts of the population; Davies' explanation is that, after a long-term rise in material satisfactions which creates a habit of expectations rising at the same rate, an economic decline opens a disgap between hopes and gains.6 equilibrating The hypothesis that the process of economic growth is related to sociopolitical unrest has been supported by Mancur Olson. In his analysis of some of the problems that are associated with economic growth, especially when it is rapid, Olson has suggested that both gainers and losers from economic growth may act as destabilizing influences "because their position in the social order is changing."7 Furthermore, he has argued: 71

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The assumption that economic growth ameliorates social discontent is, in addition to its other shortcomings, weakened by the fact that there is no necessary connection between rapid economic growth and short-run increases in the incomes of the mass of the people. And even when the incomes of the mass of the people are increasing, it does not follow that their standard of living are increasing, for the increased rate of saving concomitant with economic growth may reduce the level of consumption.8 In general, the consensus among the researchers who have examined the relationship between economic factors and violence seems to be that the process of economic growth is more frequently associated with political unrest than economic backwardness. enBut, of course, not all societies joying economic growth are beset by political unrest and violence. Perhaps, as Huntington has maintained, "the relationship varies with the level of economic development ...[that is] among countries which have reached a relatively high level of economic development, a high rate of economic growth is compatible with political stability."9 The major problem with Davies' explanation is the difficulty of locating suitable economic indicators that would measure economic growth and reversal and could be linked to political violence.11 The most commonly used indicators for this purpose have been gross national ptoduct and per capita income.11 Although positive changes in both of these indicators are clearly related to economic growth, they are not the best measures of the economic and material satisfaction of the general population. Gross national product is affected by the discovery of "a new oil well or iron mine" and it is also "distorted by inflation, inaccurate or falsified it is reporting, and distribution; insensitive to short-run fluctuations."ll2 These problems also exist in regard to per capita income.13 A more satisfactory indicator would be one that measures, among other things, changes in income distribuIRANIANSTUDIES

72

Relative fluction for different groups in the society. tuations in income distribution coupled with an analysis of shifts in the cost of living may be a good predictor of in political potential for participation violence by different groups. Unfortunately, data on income distribution are not available for many countries over an extended time period. In the case of Iran, a statistical report issued in 1969 indicates that there is wide inequality in the of consumption expenditures of households. distribution According to this document, the highest 10 percent of the population accounted for 32.5 percent of consumption exexpenditures while the lower kOpercent accounted for only 2.5 percent of the total.14 This report, however, is not for analysis of the problem. by itself sufficient Zartman and his associates have proposed an interesting economic indicator--the balance of payments--to predict political violence. The balance of payments is dependent upon a number of external (e.g., foreign investment, loans, etc.), and domestic (e.g., production of export items, budget, etc.) factors, and thus it is a relatively sensitive measure of the economic life of a country. When the balance of payments is not at a satisfactory level, pressures (often external) are brought upon the government to restore some form of order to the balance of payments situation. The usual steps taken by the government include: increases in taxation; budgetary cutbacks, particularly development spending; ending of protective subsidies and other trade "distortions"; import and export regulations of both goods and money; and generally a global shift of the economy from an inflationary to a deflationary gap. The effect of these steps is to cut back the level of economic activity... .The end-product is unemployment, shortage of consumer goods, decreased income after taxes, decreased welfare, and a continued rise in the cost of living over the short run both because of the lag time in inflationary process and because of subsidy cutbacks and import restrictions.15

73

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In spite of these apparent advantages, Zartman and have found the balance of payments "to be his associates They have therefore proas an indicator."16 insufficient cost of posed that another related economic indicator--the living index--be used in combination with the balance of payments. It is clear that a rise in the cost of living directly affects the population because of the increase in Such increases in the price of basic goods and services. daily expenses would presumably raise the level of disconThe empirical intent and unrest among the population. of a number of by Zartman and his associates vestigation selected Middle Eastern and African countries generally unrest ocsupports their contention that sociopolitical curs "twhena peak in the cost of living is coincident with a balance-of-payments trough."117 The purpose of the present study is to explore the violence between economic growth and political relationship in Iran between 1946 and 1968. The article will assess the effect of certain economic factors in increasing the magniviolence in Iran. tude of political Methodology and Definitions The economic indicators chosen in this analysis are the balance of payments and the cost of living index. Poviolence is defined as "any mutual and collective litical system which physcoercion within an autonomous political ically damages persons or property and threatens the existing control over the organized means of coercion within is broad and includes politthe system."118 This definition coups d'etat, demonstrations, strikes, ical assassination, riots, and other similar acts.19 the chief PersianTo measure political violence, was used. The pages language daily newspaper, Ittila'at, of this newspaper were scanned for evidence of political violence for the 23 years under study. Then the GurrRuttenberg method for measuring civil violence was used to arrive at the yearly measures of magnitude of political IRANIANSTUDIES

74

violence for Iran. This procedure which is related to Pitrim Sorokin's pioneering studies of "social disturbances," violence according to measures the magnitude of political social area, number of casualthe number of participants, Using the above ties, property damage, and duration.20 violence were calmethod, the yearly measures of political culated (Table 1) and the violence scores were plotted (Figure 1). These weighted scores of magnitude of political violence run on a scale of 1 for the lowest magnitude to 64 for the highest magnitude for different years.21 TABLE 1. YEARLYMEASURESOF MAGNITUDE OF DOMESTICVIOLENCE: 1946-1968 Year 1946 1947 1948 1949 1950 1951 1952 1953 1954 1955 1956 1957

Violence

Score

Year

64.0 39.5 18.0 6.5 30.0 63.0 64.0 64.0 23.0 11.5 54.5 2.0

1958 1959 1960 1961 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968

Violence

Score

3.5 0.0 39.5 30.0 39.5 63.0 1.0 1.0 1.0 1.0 1.0

Results The basic analytical procedure of the study was to examine the relationship between a peak in the cost of living and a trough in the balance of payments, in the one hand, and political violence on the other. The results indicate that such a relationship exists between these indicators and political unrest. The multiple correlation co75

WINTER-SPRING 1975

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(R) for these variables was .50, which is moderefficient In other words, 25 percent of the variation ately high. violence can be explained by the balance of in political payments and the cost of living index. between the above two This general relationship violence in Iran may be economic indicators and political for the 1946-1968 period as described more specifically Beginning with the Second World War, the balance follows: due mostly to an of payments showed serious difficulties, Acwhich had crippled the country. extensive inflation cording to Baldwin, "the general price level rose 600-800 Bad harvest and poor inpercent over a five-year period. ternal transport combined to create food shortages serious In part, these difenough to produce sporadic rioting."22 led to the depreciation of the Iranian currency ficulties (rial) in 1941 and 1942.23 Since the value of the rial was fixed in relation to the major currencies in 1943, the figu-res for the balance of payments cannot be derived from However, from the the exchange rates after this date.24 and foreign exchange holdavailable data on gold, silver, ings, Bharier estimates that the balance of payments showin 1945.25 During ed a surplus in 1943-44, but a deficit the war, the cost of living index rose from 9.4 in 1939 to 67.9 in 1944. Sharp rises in the index were evident especially in the 1941-44 period. have been Regular balance of payments statistics issued since 1946 (Table 2). A surplus is reported for 1946; in the same year, a decline in the cost of living index from the 1945 level of 58.1 (Table 3) was also reviolence that occurred in Much of the political ported. 1946, however, was unrelated to these economic conditions. The high level of violence during that year was related to the drive for autonomy of the provinces of Azerbaijan and Kurdistan and the actions of the central government against these movements. The balance of payments showed sharp declines in 1947, 1949, and 1951, and was negative every year (with the exception of 1948) from 1947 to 1954. The cost of

77

WINTER-SPRING1975

living index rose from 1947 to 1950, and, following a decline in 1950, it increased steadily thereafter. The violence scores of 1947-1950 also point to a relatively quiet In 1951, the year of oil nationalization, period. the balance of payments troughed noticeably and the cost of living index began a period of sharp yearly increases (Figure 2). The balance of payments, however, recovered almost immediately, and a positive level was reached in 1954. Since 1954, there have been no comparably sharp TABLE 2.

Year

1946 1947 1948 1949 1950 1951 1952 1953 1954 1955 1956 1957

Balance

THE BALANCEOF PAYMENTS: 1946-1968 (In Million Rials) of Payments

Year

275 -881 1, 047 -1,272 -242 -2,600 -280 -13 60 -7 -8 36

1958 1959 1960 1961 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968

Balance

of Payments

-36 -44 -47 62 44 31 95 -55 -19 2 -91

Sources:

Iran, Bank Markazi, Annual Report and Balance Sheet, 1968. Julian Bharier, Economic Develoment in Iran: 1900-1970 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1971), pp. 124-125.

Note:

For 1953 both -13 and 1,245 are given in different It seems to me that because of the efsources. fects of oil nationalization and the general reduction in the level of foreign exchange reserves, -13 is a more accurate figure.

IRANIAN STUDIES

78

TABLE3.

THECOSTOF LIVINGINDEX: 1946-1968 (1959 100)

Year

General Index

Year

General Index

1946 1947 1948 1949 1950 1951 1952 1953 1954 1955 1956 1957

51.4 54.8 60.9 62.3 51.6 55.9 59.9 65.4 75.8 77.1 83.9 87.6

1958 1959 1960 1961 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968

88.5 100.0 107.9 109.6 110.6 111.7 116.7 117.0 117.9 118.9 120.7

Sources:

Iran, Bank Markazi, The Revised Cost of Living Index, 1962. Iran, Bank Markazi, Bulletin (November-December), 1969. Julian Bharier, Economic Development in Iran: 1900-1970 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1971), pp. 48-49.

peaks or troughs in the balance of payments. Even the depreciation of the currency in 1956 did not have any significant impact on it, possibly because the official depreciation was no more than an acknowledgment by the govern- 26 ment of the rial's actual depreciation in the early 1950s. Problems with the balance of payments were also apparent in 1958, when, after a positive balance in the preceding year, a negative level was reached. The foreign exchange reserves began a downward trend, and by 1960 "the country's foreign exchange was plagued by both internal and external imbalances."27 At the behest of the International Monetary Fund and as a precondition for a short-term loan, the government instituted a stabilization program. These 79

WINTER-SPRING 1975

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measures were successful but "only at the high cost of plunging the economy into a severe recession, which lasted until

1964.1128

The cost of living index began to rise sharply after 1958 especially between 1958 and 1961. The price of food index, for example, rose from 86 in 1958 to 112.4 in 1961. The balance of payments during this period, however, did not show as sharp a decline as expected because of the drawing on foreign reserves and the loan granted by the International Monetary Fund. The combination of economic recession in the early 1960s and the rise in the cost of living coincided with the violent events of the same period. These included a massive general strike and demonstration of teachers demanding higher salaries and better working conditions in 1961, which were preceded by election disputes, cabinet changes, and finally the violent clashes of 1963. By mid-1964, the economy had recovered from its recession and was expanding. This pattern continued until 1968, when new signs of inflationary tendencies began to appear. The balance of payments dipped and the cost of living index surged for both 1968 and 1969. Conclusion While a fairly consistent relationship between expansion and reversal of the economy and political unrest is suggested by the data, it is also clear that the two economic indicators used in this study are not always predictive of political violence. Thus, in such years of high political violence as 1946 and 1956 the cost of living index and the balance of payments did not register sharp peaks or troughs, respectively. The reverse is also true for 1949 when the surge in the cost of living index and the dip in the balance of payments corresponded to a relatively calm period as measured by the political violence indicators. Even if a time lag of one year is introduced, the results do not change in any appreciable degree. The

81

WINTER-SPRING 1975

logical conclusion from this analysis would be that economic factors, as measured by the two indicators selected correlated with political violence. here, are only partially Furthermore, it should be pointed out that the type and quantity of political violence are of course influenced by intervening variables and other factors. In the first place, a downward turn of the economy does not affect the whole population equally. The primary burden of economic hardship may be borne by those who are either least inclined to express their discontent in violent terms or do not have collective or organizational means at their disposal for such expression. Secondly, the magnitude of political violence is dependent also upon the nature of the political regime's response to economic hardship and the degree of legitimacy which it enjoys among the populaIf the regime appears to make a concerted effort to tion. remedy economic ills and is viewed by the majority as legitimate, the final magnitude of political violence is likely to be significantly less. Finally, there are certain political clashes resulting in violence which appear to For be based on political rather than economic reasons. example, the 1956 tribal clashes with the central government in Iran were probably unrelated to the economy's performance at the time. NOTES 1.

Among the more recent studies, not cited elsewhere in the following may be mentioned. the article, Irma Adelman and Cynthia Morris, Society, Politics, and Approach (BalEconomic Devel opment: A Qiantitative timore: John Hopkins University Press, 1967). Sahid Javed Burki, "Social and Economic Determinants of Political Violence: A Case Study of Punjab," Middle East Journal, 25 (Autumn, 1971), pp. 465-480. Douglas Bwy, "Political Instability in Latin America: The Cross-Cultural Test of a Causal Model," Latin American Research Review, III (1968), pp. 17-66. Ivo Feierabend, Rosalind Feierabend, and Ted Gurr (eds.),

IRANIANSTUDIES

82

Theories and Research Anzrer, Violence, and Politics: (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1972). William Flanigan and Edwin Fogelman, "Patterns of Political Violence in Comparative Historical Perspec3 (October, 1970), pp. 1tive,," Comparative Politics, 20. Douglas Hibbs, Jr., Mass Political Violence: A Cross-National Causal Analysis (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1973). Michael Hudson, "Conditions of PolitA Preliminary Test of ical Violence and Instability: Three Hypotheses," Sage Professional Papers in Comp1arI (1970), pp. 243-294. Edward Mitchative Politics, ell, "Some Econometrics of the Huk Rebellion," American Political Science Review, LXIII (December, 1969), pp. 1159-1171. Edward Muller, "A Test of a Partial Theory for Political Violence," American Political Science Review, LXVI (September, 1972), pp. 928-959. Manoucher Parvin, "Economic Determinants of Political Unrest: An Econometric Approach," Journal of Conflict Resolution, XVII (June, 1973), pp. 271-296. 2.

Alexis deTocqueville, The Old Regime and the French Revolution (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1955), pp. 8, 175-176.

3.

Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, The Communist Manifesto (New York: Appelton-Century-Crofts, Inc., 1955), pp. 16-22.

4.

Crane Brinton, The Anatomy of Revolution Vintage Books, 1965), p. 32.

5.

James Davies, "Toward a Theory of Revolution," American Sociological Review, 27 (February, 1962), p. 6.

6.

I. William Zartman, James Paul, and John Entelis, "An Economic Indicator of Socio-Political Unrest," International Journal of Middle East Studies, 2 (October, 1971), p. 295. See also RaymondTanter and Manus Mildarsky, "A Theory of Revolution," Journal of Conflict Resolution, XI (September, 1967), pp. 269-271.

83

(New York:

WINTER-SPRING1975

7.

8.

Mancur Olson, Jr., "Rapid Growth as a Destabilizing Force," Journal of Economic Histoyy, XXIII (December, 1965), p. 541. Ibid.,

p. 541.

See also Samuel Huntington,

(New Haven: &rder in Changing Societies 1968), pp. 49-53. siltyPress, 9.

pp.

Huntington,

Political

Yale Univer-

52-53.

et al.,

p. 297.

10.

See Zartman,

11.

Ted Gurr with p. 272. See Tanter and Midlarsky, of Civil Violence: The Conditions Charles Ruttenberg, University, First Tests of a Causal Model (Princeton See 1967), p. 66. Studies, Center of International 297-298. et al., pp. by Zartman, discussion also the

12.

Zartman,

13.

economic growth As McClelland points out, "expressing in per capita income terms also leads to exclusively such as that England showed no some strange results economic growth during the high point of the Industrisince income per capita did (1780-1840), al Revolution The AchievDavid McClelland, not rise at that time."l D. Van Nostrand Company, Inc., (Princeton: ing Society ReSee also P. Deane, "The Industrial 1961), p. 80. volution and Economic Growth: The Evidence of Early Economic DevelopIncome Estimates," National British ment and Cultural Change (1957), pp. 159-174.

14.

See Robert Looney, The Economic Development of Iran: to 1981 (New York: A_Recent Survey with Projections Looney reports 1973), pp. 29-30. Praeger Publishers, He of .43 for this inequality. a Gini coefficient imof strong regional also mentions the existence In Tehran, for balances in per capita income in Iran. example, per capita income is "45 percent higher than and 70 percent higher cities in the large provincial Iran, Iranian p. 32. Ibid., than in small towns."

et al.,

IRANIANSTUDIES

p.

298.

84

Statistical Center 1969 Rural and Urban Household Budget Survey. 15.

Zartman, et al., p. 299. The above discussion of the balance of payments as an indicator is based on this source.

16.

Ibid.,

p. 301.

17.

Ibid.,

p. 301.

18.

Charles Tilly and James Rule, Measuring Political Upheaval (Princeton University, Center of International Studies, 1965), p. 4. Gurr gives a similar definition of political violence. He defines political violence as "all collective attacks within a political community against the political regime, its actors--including competing political groups as well as incumbents--or its policies." See Ted Gurr, WhyMen Rebel (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1970), p. 3. See also Harry Eckstein, "On the Etiology of Internal Wars," in Studies in the Philospphy of History: Selected Essays from History and Theory, ed. by George Nadel (New York: Harper Torchbooks, 1965), p. 117.

19.

For further discussion of this issue see Farhad Kazemi, "Social Mobilization and Domestic Violence in Iran: 1946-19681" (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Michigan, 1973), Chapter I.

20.

For Gurr-Ruttenberg measures see their Civil Violence, pp. 31-36.

21.

These measures are not totally satisfactory but they give some indication of magnitude of political violence. Furthermore, problems of uneven coverage, biased reporting, and censorship are present in my primary source. It should also be noted that the sharp increase in the magnitude of political violence for 1956 is due to the 22-day armed combat of the 85

Conditions

of

WINTER-SPRING1975

government with the Javanrudi Tribes. tails see Kazemi, pp. 147-155.

For more de-

22.

George Baldwin, Planning and Development in Iran Johns Hopkins University Press, 1967), (Baltimore: p. 24.

23.

Julian Bharier, Economic Development in Iran: 19001970 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1971), p. 121.

24.

Ibid.,

p. 121.

25.

Ibid_.

p. 121.

26.

Ibid.,

p. 127.

27.

Farhad Daftary, "The Balance of Payments Deficit and the Problem of Inflation in Iran, 1955-1962,"' Iranian Studies, V (Winter, 1972), p. 4.

28.

Ibid.,

pp. 4, 11.

IRANIAN STUDIES

86

BOOK REVIEWS The Sense of Unity: The Sufi Tradition in Persian Architecture. By Nader Ardalan and Laleh Bakhtiar (with a foreword by S. H. Nasr). Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1973. xviii + 151 pp., 176 illustrations index. (15 in color), glossary, bibliography, $17.50.

LISA GOLOMBEK

The central role of Sufism in Persian literature has long been recognized, but the depth to which it penetrated the fabric of culture in a wider sense is only now coming to the fore. Sufi interpretations of images on Persian artifacts have been suggested,l but this is the first serious attempt to correlate Sufi thought with form itself. This task has awaited a combined knowledge of Persian literary, religious, and architectural history--no mean requirement. It is therefore most gratifying to see a work of this kind come from Iranian scholarship. The authors have drawn attention to numerous passages from the literary sources, mostly Sufi poetry, that demonstrate the Sufi attitude toward architecture and artifacts and the Sufi We may not fully accept their interconcept of beauty. pretation, but we cannot ignore the thesis presented in this book. Lisa Golombek is Associate Curator in the West Asian Department, Royal Ontario Museum, and Associate Professor in the Department of Islamic Studies, University of Toronto.

87

WINTER-SPRING 1975

illustrated with photographs The book is generously ones. known monuments as well as familiar of many lesser other kinds of materihas been made to introduce An effort and the ideas in als which help to place the architecture street sources of water, terrain, their natural setting: From the point of view views of cities. plans and aerial alone the book is a valuable contribuof its illustrations There are also numerous charts and tion to urban studies. of Sufi thought to the application drawings to illustrate architecture. We shall have more to say about these later. different aspects of architecThe first chapter discusses and so forth. The second deals with color, ture--shape, domes, minarets-the components of architecture--courtyards, and the third, with the city. The long "Foreword" of Seyyed Hossein Nasr sets the tone for the book, and throughout its pages his inspiration seems approIt therefore is continuously acknowledged. priate to begin with some comments on thLiS introductory We start with the premise that "Where tradition essay. or civilizasocieties namely in the traditional governs, tions which have been the rule throughout most of history, is renot least what man makes (ars), every facet of life, (p. xi). lated to the tradition's spiritual principles" therefore that "Islamic art is no more than a It follows

reflection

in the world of matter

of the form of the Quranic

And in the authors' man are crystallizations

of the spirit

revelation"

own words: of temporal

and even

(ibid.).

"The artifacts forms united

of

through

reflecting heavenly prescribed systems of relationships archetypes" (p. 79). This philosophy of art is' the foundaIn order to understand tion upon which the book is based. the meaning of any aspect of architecture (or any art) one (the must. be aware of the set of "heavenly archetypes" aspect (the microcosm) macrocosm) to which the specific In other words, whether we consider shape, corresponds. design color or architectural surface, components, such there is a Sufi as the minaret, the dome, the courtyard, to be learned for each. "iconography"

IRANIAN STUDIES

88

The nature of this iconography is rational rather than historic or judgmental, as is Christian iconography. If we are to understand the symbolism in Persian art we must first dispose of the prejudices we may have deriving from our familiarity with Western art. Both in function and in nature the symbolic system of Persian art is a different idiom. The element of history, which plays a major role in Christian art (for example, in the portrayal of the events in the life of Christ and lives of saints), is conspicuously absent from the "program" of Persian art. Even the symbol of the Cross-in Christian art derives from an historical event. The Sufi "program" is ahistorical. It is concerned with the emulation of timeless natural law (hence, Divine law) in art. Furthermore, Christian art tends to moralize. Opposites are often paired as symbols of Good and Evil, as with the colors"red" and "blue" (although there is no universal agreement about which color is assigned to which pole). Sufi thought pairs colors with natural phenomena. The four basic colors are viewed as partaking of a system that can be visualized as a circle with four quadrants, each belonging to one color. Each shares some quality of the colors tangent to it: hotness, dryness, wetness, coldness. The four colors are then associated with the four elements-red with fire, blue with earth, green with water, and yellow with air. It is the coldness of earth, not its actual color (brown or yellow), which relates it to the coolness of blue as a color. In other words, archetypes and their earthly expressions are linked through intrinsic qualities. Sufi interpretations tend to be descriptions of universal truths, physical laws, natural functions rather than didactic messages. In Islamic art as a whole we are confronted not only with an elusive set of symbols (i.e., non-figural, for the most part), but a totally different emphasis. Symbolism in Islamic art does not teach the glory of God by admonition but rather through example or imitation. These systems of relationships are amply illustrated here through charts, based, presumably, on Sufi sources (which are, most unfortunately, not always given by the To my mind they represent the most valuable authors). 89

WINTER-SPRING 1975

contribution of the book. They will provide those who study and teach Islamic architecture with a methodology that forces one to see and notice certain aspects that have generally escaped the Western eye. I feel, however, that in using these systems as presented here some caution, and in certain instances some modification, is warranted. One of the most interesting charts deals with problems of "shape." Shape is generated by numbers and geometry. Each number assumes a geometric form of static and dynamic shape, having both macrocosmic and microcosmic meaning based on the "personality" of the number (Table 1, p. 26). For example, the number "five" can be a pentagon or a pentagram and symbolizes nature (the five elements) and the five human senses. Its mathematical attribute is that it represents the first circular number. The use of the pentagon in Islamic architecture is sufficiently rare that its occasional appearance, particularly before the fifteenth century, may well have been conditioned by iconographic considerations, as for example in the north dome of the Masjid-i J&mic at Isfahan. Recent studies have demonstrated the major role played by geometry in Persian architecture and design.2 Considering the weight given to the science of mathematics and numbers in the medieval Islamic world, it seems valid to view this aspect of architecture as the repository of iconographic meaning. The Western scholar searches in vain in Islamic art for a meaningful imagery as exists in the West, the Far East, and India. But we have perhaps been chasing the wrong set of symbols. If one is to criticize the authors' treatment of one must say that their geometry in Persian architecture, points have not been made strongly enough (p. 6). Geometry is most apparent in domical structures, and it is perhaps because of its obsession with problems of the dome that Persian architecture showed a penchant for designs which were geometrically determined. Placing the dome on the square creates, in the authors' words, a "mandala," the Sanskirt term for the magic circle of the Universe. A mandala is formed through the interaction of square and If one studies the star vaults of Persian archicircle. IRANIANSTUDIES

90

tecture from the fourteenth century on, one is struck by the fascination of the architect with the possibilities of The contours of a square room are moulded this process. by it, opening out into deep niches bearing the ribs of even more complex forms of prismatic domes. The radius of the dome is proportionally related to the height of a window. All of the dimensions in the room are coordinated with the movement of square forms imposed on or inside of If we wish to view this phenomenon through the circles. authors' eyes, this is how we analyze it. But we do not know whether in fact the architect took this route or arrived at the same conclusions in less I am reminded of a conversation with the esoteric fashion. local muhandis working on a new mausoleum for the 5tiib ibn CAbbad in Isfahan. He was constructing a squinch-net in plaster which had the look of a genuine star vault of the sixteenth century. When asked how he arrived at the design, he demonstrated that you worked from each corner up, forming as many rows of rhomboids as it took to reach the ring of the dome. He had no preconceived notion of how many points the resulting star in the dome would have once all four squinch nets had been completed. This method could not have been applied in the fourteenth/fifteenth century, when star vaults first begin to appear. In the early examples the faceting of the squinch areas was built into the fabric of the vault (e.g., the mausoleum of Gawhar Shad at Herat). Were these architects consciously expressing some mystical idea which later evaporated in the architecof their successors? ture maguill6e from earliest Certainly times the Muslims architect showed a predilection for geometric design. What better example of the mandala is there than the Dome of the Rock itself? Could there be a "hidden" Muslim meaning in the design of this very "Byzantine" building which was the first "national" monument of the Faith? To this point one might mention a remarkable tradition attributed to the Prophet, quoted by our authors in another context. The Prophet describes Heaven as a "mother-of-pearl dome resting on a square, with four pillars.... The dome rested upon a square held apart by an octagon...." The authors inter91

WINTER-SPRING1975

pret this as a description of a square room, surmounted by an octagonal zone of transition, on which rests the dome. But perhaps the original text (source unfortunately not given) could be read to fit with the plan of the Dome of the Rock: a dome on four pillars, surrounded by an octagon. The use of a system of triangulation as early as the Dome of the Rock and prior to the development of Sufism raises the question as to when and where geometry in architecture began to take on symbolic meaning. Was it already present in Syria of the seventh century? If so, it is Sufism which If not, then Sufism borrows from an indigenous tradition. lends its own symbolic system to an existing formal tradition. Having established the "morphemes" of architecture (space, shape, surface, color, matter) in their respective cosmic systems the authors apply a similar approach to a set of eight "traditional forms." To extend their linguistic analogy, these forms may be thought of as the "parts of speech" of Persian architecture: garden-courtyard, socle, porch (ayvin-talar), gateway, room, sphere-dome, chahir-t&g, and column-minaret. Each of these eight forms corresponds to an "archetype." Two of the forms-the courtyard-garden and the socle --are equated with concrete images, respectively "Paradise" and the "Sacred Mountain." The equations are based on common physical properties, e.g., courtyards and gardens both being large open spaces with water, flowers, trees, etc., of Paradise. like the Quranic descriptions The remaining forms are interpreted as states of being, e.g., gateway as "hierarchic demarcation (of time and space)," chah&r-tiq as "reintegration." In these instances the architectural function of the gateway or the chahir-y?q is correlated with an aspect of spiritual It is therefore not functioning. the physical properties that are compared (as with the courtyard and socle) but their modes of operation. This inconsistency creates problems if one looks beyond the limited range of structures examined by the authors Totally neglected is the vast (mosque, madrasah, palace). IRANIANSTUDIES

92

field of funerary architecture. Here, too the image of Paradise plays an important role. Mausoleums are commonly referred

to as "gardens"

(rawjah),

not by virtue

of their

physical properties, for they tend to be small, covered structures, but because they contain holiness, the spirit of a holy man. The area closest to the Prophet's tomb in the Mosque of Medina was referred to as the "Rawdah."1 Thus the equation "Courtyard=recapitulation of Paradise" is not a true equation. Similarly, the equation "socle=Sacred Mountain" does not seem valid for the Islamic monuments given as illustraIf the "Sacred Mountions (although Persepolis might do). tain" concept survived at all into Islamic times, it is to be found once again in a set of monuments ignored by the authors--the pedestal tomb tower of Azerbaijan and the funerary platform, or "takht." One could, however, replace the very concrete image of-'Sacred Mountain" with a metaphysical concept and arrive at a more satisfactory equation. The socle may be understood as man's need "to place himself," which is indeed an idea discussed elsewhere by the authors. While I must reject the systematization of "traditional forms" and "archetypes" as presented by the authors, the identification of the traditional forms, the pairing of synonomous forms (e.g., courtyard/garden; ayv&n/tal&r), and the definition of their architectural role (e.g., transition, reintegration, etc.) will be useful concepts for the study and teaching of Persian architecture. These ideas together with others presented elsewhere (for example, the concept of "nodal space" as the courtyard, with the rooms around it seen as "dependent space") provide keys for a deeper understanding of Persian architecture, even if the role of Sufism in its evolution is not entirely clear. Part III, "Levels of Realization," treats the City Form as developing from three types of order: natural (following a river bed or clustered around an open space), geometric (the circular city of Baghdad), or harmonic (an interaction of natural and geometric). For the last form of order the authors concentrate on the example of Isfahan. 93

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and timely, perhaps the most interesting This discussion, with the literary shows a deplorable lack of familiarity errors and hence to sources, leading to grave historical false conclusions. In pre-Islamic times, the madinah, or chief town, was Jayy. It has long been thought to lie beneath the modern town of Shahristan (Persian for madinah), just east of Isfahan on the north bank of the Zayandah Riud. Excavations now in progress there have lent support to this identificaof the early history The authors' reconstruction tion.3 of Isfahan (Fig. 118, p. 97) locates Jayy in the vicinity of the QalCah Tabarak, in the southeast quadrant of the for this is given, and, to No justification present city. or textual evidence sugmy knowledge, no archaeological gests it. The authors' failure to consult the literary sources of history but also to has led not only to a distortion overlooking points which would have supported their own The sources are quite specific in their descriptheses. On the authors' map it is tion of Jayy as a round city.4 reconstructed as square. Jayy is all the more interesting because, like Baghdad, it was founded as an administrative More important, Jayy center rather than as a settlement. had four gates oriented toward the summer and winter solIn discussing the round city of Baghdad with its stices. gates the authors bemoan the fact that they were solstitial on unable to find a "major city with these configurations" the Iranian plateau (p. 88). Furthermore, the interaction between Jayy (a "geometric" urban form) and the surrounding culminating in the (which developed organically), villages the authors' formation of modern Isfahan, truly illustrates "harmonic" system of urban growth. These examples, and one could present many more, lead one to question the authors' sincerity and sense of obligation to the academic community. A rapid consultation of the sources which are conveniently gathered in the work of L. Hunarfar (Ganjinah-i Asir-i T&rikhl-i Ikfahin, Isfahan, 1344/1965-6) would have avoided many errors. IRANIANSTUDIES

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Because the historical development of Iranian cities has become extremely topical, it would perhaps be worthwhile to comment further on the pre-modern city of Isfahan, attempting again to rectify some of the conclusions arrived at in the book. At the time of the Arab Conquest there existed mostly north of the Zayandah Rfld a series of villages. The largest of these, but still smaller than Jayy, was Yahfldiyyah, occupying roughly the present quarter of Jubarah. Its borders are clearly defined by the literary sources. Early in the Abbasid period the villages were amalgamated into a town, which assumed the name of the largest one, Yahuidiyyah. When the Arab geographers of the early tenth century describe Isfahan as a double city, consisting of Yahfidiyyah and Jayy, they are referring to this situation. By the Dailamite period (945-1051) Jayy had lapsed and the city crystallized around the village of Yahidiyyah. The Dailamites walled the city, giving it a slightly ovoid shape with twelve gates. The number "twelve" has, of course, no small significance (the most important being the Signs of the Zodiac). The authors make no reference to this key event in the city's life. Yet here is a case where what we know about the aspirations of the Dailamites justifies our interpretation of this city-form as cosmic (or "geometric")5 Furthermore, it would have been interesting to study as a form of "harmonic order" the interaction between the amorphous conglomeration of pre-Dailamite and the newly imposed geometric order. villages Finally, I should like to comment on the Isfahan bazaar, which the authors maintain played a central role in the growth of the city. The bazaar underwent a far more complex development than is suggested. It began as the market area between Yahudiyyah and the Abbasid settlement to the south (Khishinin), and probably was extended in the direction of the four main gates of the city by the Buyids. One of these routes moving westward passed by the Jurgir Mosque, the second largest mosque of Buyid Isfahan. This arm of the central bazaar appeared to the authors as a "diversionary movement" (pp. 119-120), when in fact the reverse was probably true. 95

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The next phase of development was the restructuring of the administrative quarters probably by the Seljuqs (no literary evidence) around the so-called "Old Maydin" ( din-i gadim) south of the Masjid-i Jkmic (Fig. 118b). The bazaars in the quarters fed into this central grand bazaar. It was left for Shah Abbas after creating his new urban 'encounter" (the Maydin-i Shah) southwest of the old city core to connect his new bazaar to the old one. The peripheral arteries disappeared or declined. It was not the bazaar that moulded the city but the city which carried the bazaar along with it whichever way it spread. The author's treatment of residential quarters is as it challenges the commonnotion that good, particularly the Islamic city is a labyrinth, a chaotic network of winding passages and culs-de-sac. On the contrary, in the city there is a strong awareness among residents of what is a "pathway" and what is simply an access to houses. These can be quite extensive, penetrating deep into the quarter but never leading you out. The authors consider this an organic arrangement comparable to "'venation" (the archetype in Nature). I am not sure, however, that I would agree with them that the Chahar Bigh is a "super pathway" (p. 100). True, it is currently the main north-south avenue, but originally it was conceived as a park area lying between the royal precincts on the east and new suburbs on the west. It was designed as a place for strolling and habitation rather than as an expressway. It is a b&gh with direction. Most refreshing is the authors' attitude toward architectural monuments. They are seen as "encounter points" within the setting of the city. Too often we study monuments as statues in isolation. Monuments, the authors remind us, are part of the urban fabric, and occur at strategic points in the city. They are found at crossroads, at access to water, at holy places. Rarely was a site chosen simply because the real estate was the right size and the right price, as is the case in our cities today. The authors show a keen understanding of the Persian city IRANIANSTUDIES

96

as it functions today. Where traditional forces are still at work these are analyzed well. Where they are no longer in evidence, however, inadequate and irresponsible use is made of historical information. It is my hope that all those who study Persian architecture will read this book. It has serious weaknesses, but it is, as the authors themselves say, the beginning of a dialogue. Its chief virtues are twofold--that it introduces the Western scholar to the way in which the Sufi viewed his architecture and, secondly, to a series of ideas which spring from this tradition and which, for this reason, are more appropriate to the study of Persian architecture than Western methodology. Its chief weakness is that it tends to be simplistic. Other factors contributing to the formation of Persian art have been ignored--the heroic or epic tradition, the imperial tradition (particularly in the use of domes and ayv3s), and the folk tradition (e.g., in funerary architecture and its ritual). The most serious criticism that can be made, is the authors' disregard for factual material, indeed for the historical process. To what extent was the Sufi symbolic system operative at any given point in time or space? To answer this we must consider separately the questions of artistic intent and the viewer's response. To the authors, however, the response in both cases is the same. The artist was like an alchemist, whose function was not to defy natural law but to ennoble nature by transforming it, making it "a more direct and intelligible symbol of the spiritual world" (p. 63). To the Sufi art is timeless and universal. "Beauty is objective, its locus lies within the artifact and not within the viewer.. ." (p. 10). Yet were this so, would we need a text on Persian architecture written by Persian architects? NOTES 1.

G. D. Guest and R. Ettinghausen, "The Iconography of a Kashan Luster Plate," Ars Orientalis 4 (1961), pp. 2564. 97

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2.

L. I. Rempel', Arkhitekturnyi Ornament Uzbekistana (Tashkent, 1961); M. S. Bulatov, "Iskusnye Geometricheskie Priemy v Zodchestve Samarkanda kontsa XIV -nachala XVvv," Iskusstvo Zodchikh Uzbekistana 4 (1969), pp. 64-106.

3.

I am grateful to Mr. Bagher Shirazi of the National Organization for the Preservation of Historical Monuments in Iran at Isfahan for this information.

4.

The main sources for the early history of Isfahan are Abii Nucaym (K. Dhikr Akhbar I_fahjn), al-Mifarrtikht (Mab&sin I_fahMn), with brief but very important comments by Ibn Uawqal ( kurahal!-4r) and al-Muqaddasi I have (K. A4san al-Taqasim fi Macrifah al-Aq&lim). discussed the sources in further detail in "Urban Patterns in Pre-Safavid Isfahan," Iranian Studies, Vol. VII, Nos. 1-2 (Winter-Spring, 1974), pp. 18-44.

S.

C. E. Bosworth, "The Heritage of Rulership in Early Islamic Iran and the Search for Dynastic Connections With the Past," Iran 11 (1973), pp. 51-62.

ANNEMARIE SCHIMMEL

Attempts at a new evaluation of Islamic art have set in particularly in recently, along with a renewed interest, of Islam. However, it should Iran, in the Sufi traditions be kept in mind that the term Sufi as used by those concernand in particular by the authors ed with this re-evaluation,

Annemarie Schimmel is Professor of Indo-Muslim Culture at Harvard University and the Unitersity of Bonn.

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of this highly interesting book, comprises generally the Ishrlql and the theosophic post-Ibn CArabi-type of Islamic mysticism. Mawl&ndRilmi, too, is i-nterpreted in the same way, his not very friendly remarks about Ibn CArabi notwithstanding. That means that the "classical" period between 750 and 1200 is almost lost sight of. Of course, the of mystical thought by the shtykh al-akbar, systematization Ibn cArabi, and the tremendous influence he, and, on the other hand, the shayk al-ishr&g, Suhrawardi, exerted upon Persian thought justify this approach to a certain extent. The authors explain the growth of the Persian architectural tradition as based on a deep knowledge of the metaphysical roots of the world, and show with great skill how it embodies manifestations of the One eternal Truth that occur in the various patterns of life. One is reminded of books like G. Schenk, Form in Art and Nature, or of the stunning examples of macrophotography by Manfred Kage. The traditional Sufi Arc of Ascent and Arc of Descent with its seven grades, corresponding to the seven latifahs in man and the seven worlds between the world of matter and the world of the Divine Essence, form the background against which these theories are developed (p. 7, read: latifah haqqiyya, not biaglqa). With aptly chosen verses and quotations from Sufi literature, the authors provide the setting for their application of Sufi thought to archiIn many a case, one could have highlighted their tecture. ideas by even more quotations: thus the paragraph which defines the Space of Man gives an excellent illustration of what is known to Naqshbandi mystics as khalvat dar anjuman. The parallels between music and the moving architectural spaces seem, to me, very well chosen; we may think of the experiments carried out lately in order to make the wave quality of music visible in various materials (cf., Hans Jenny, Kymatik, Basle 1973), Ibn CArabils idea of the moving Divine Breath that goes incessantly through creation provides a theoretical background; cross relations with the samic, the spiritual concert, which reminds the Sufis of the primordial Divine address, could also have been drawn. 99

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man views I wonder if one can agree that "traditional The (p. 21). the One" as from emanation an all creation Islamic theologian certainly never does, but traditional the act as do other prophetic religions, rather stresses, of creatio ex nihilo in one spontaneous act of God. Fascinatlng are the paragraphs about the mathematics of proportion; one is reminded, when reading about the spiral growth of the plant, of Goethe's concept of the Urpflanze In discussing which was so central for his whole thought. the Six as the number of the body, one could have mentioned two more aspects of the Six: in its positive aspect it is the number of the letter wiw, the particle of connection praised by Ibn CArabi, and which plays such a great role on the negaof Turkish calligraphers; in the inscription tive side it evokes the concept of shishdarah, the hopeless situation in nard when there is no way out of the "prison of created space," as mystical poets would put it. (p. 31) of the There is a beautiful description Seljuq technique of developing the dome out of the square. The Karatay Madrasa in Konya, built in 1251 A.D., seems to me the most ideal example of the relation of architecture, mystical feeling and poetry; it always struck me as an almost perfect replica of REimi's Maxiavi, which was begun, in beginning that very city of Konya, only a few years later: with the Turkish triangles which contain the names of those prophets who brought a book, and of the first four caliphs in squared Kufi, it leads toward the tambour zone which carries in most exquisite floral and plaited Kufi the Throneverse, then to the dome the decoration of which consists of extremely complicated star patterns which mysteriously interlace until they reach the apex, which is open so that at night the real stars are reflected in the small pond in experience, Here, spiritual the middle of this building. symbol, and expression in matter are perfectly blended. And just as the authors' meditation about the meaning of the domed building, the "squaring of the circle," can be applied to the poetical expression of Persian and related mysticism, the statements about the surface which requires a perfect equilibrium of matter and decoration are also the zamin, the "ground" of a poem applicable to poetry: IRANIANSTUDIES

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has to be decorated with the interlacing concepts of poetiword plays, verbal arabesques, geometricalcal expressions, ly balanced rhetorical figures in various shades of meaning so as to achieve perfect harmony, as it strikes the reader in the poems of Hafiz, or else an overwhelming effect of meter and powerful wording as in the verbal edifices of the great ga5idah writers in Iran, like Khaqian or CUrfi-yi Shir&zi. about the wall, we As to the authors' deliberations may add that Mawlini Riimils verses (inspired by Plato's allegory of the cave) about the shades on the wall which are imagined to be real by those who do not know their origin fit very well into the description. The fine account on the role of calligraphy in the Muslim Persian art is, unfortunately, marred by a serious error: the two examples given on p. 44 (Fig. 64a, 64b) are but a beautiful thulth (from the by no means nastaclig, naskh family) and a late naskh in mirror form; the same error recurs in the text, where naskh and thulth, the basic forms of non-ornamental writing as contrasted to Kufi, and out of which taclig and nastaC$jq developed only in the fifteenth century are left out in the enumeration of styles. Kufi, in its oldest form, accentuates the horizontal rather than the vertical strokes due to the broad shape of the early vellum manuscripts of the Qoran. Only later did the verticals gain more importance. The chapter on Color relies heavily on the mystical meaning of the seven colors and their relations with astrology and alchemy, so beautifully reflected in Nizami's Haft Paykar. But we may also find certain color values in Persian lyrical poetry, and the predilection of poets for the use of particular colors in their verses seems, to me, more than just a convention; we may perhaps interpret them as a of their own adjacent or complementary personal realization colors or of their stages and stations on the mystical path. The discussion of the four elements mentions the water of rain as divine mercy; most mystics, at least in 101

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Turkey and Pakistan, would immediately connect this concept with the figure of the Prophet who was also sent as "mercy for the worlds" (Sura 21/107) and whose life-enhancing are manifested in the rain, as much as the puriqualities fying function of the mystical guide is symbolized in the The alchemical process and water basin, as Rumi states. the maxim that the highest is symbolized by .the lowest reminds us of the old Sufi saying al-nihayah fi'l-bidiyah, "The end is in the beginning; al-bidiyah fi'l-nihiyah: the beginning in the end.", the In the second part of the book, The Realization, idea of the garden as a replica of Paradise is presented. This idea has recently been discussed in a symposium about Islamic Gardens in Dumbarton Oaks, the findings of which The description are certainly relevant in this context. of the minaret as a huge alif with the numerical value one seems to me very apt; in fact, the most impressive minaret in the Islamic world, the Qutub Minar in Delhi, always appeared to me as an embodiment of the call to prayer Allihu Akbar in tangible space. The historian of religion and cannot judge properly the chapter on the Levels literature which deals in its main part with Isfahan. of Realization, I should like to add a few remarks about the notes, The Ode to a Garden Carpet, p. 135, cited in index, etc. the Survey of Persian Art and often quoted by Western authors when dealing with gardens or carpets, seems to be whatever its origin may be, the of doubtful authenticity; so modern Engwording is so extremely Western in feeling, lish in language, that one should draw far-reaching consequences from it only after having recourse to the origlike the correct Poems from the Mughal tradition, inal. description of Mughal gardens and paviland yet spiritual ions, as they were composed by Abi Tilib Kalim and other court poets in the seventeenth century would give a better expression of what a Persian writing poet experienced, or or at least imagined, when looking at great architecture, at any work of art. The glossary IRANIANSTUDIES

is generally 102

reliable;

still,

some

flaws may be pointed out. First of all, why are the dates of the persons in question given only in very approximate terms, so that Blrfini becomes a tenth-century scholar, although he wrote mainly after 1000 and died in 1048? Since all dates are easily available, they could have been supplied for the benefit of the reader. The notes of Jiml and Rilmi are too short; Jmil's numerous books, among which the Lawi' is one of the smallest, are all connected with Sufi themes. And Rumi' s lyrical Div&n is certainly at least as important as his Masnavi. Alif, the "first letter of the Persian alphabet," read: "Arabic." dhikr: add: "recollection of God, repeating His names or certain formulas." The derivation of Sufi from sophos has been rejected long since for philological reasons. In the discussion of nafs, we miss the Qoranic passages: nafs ammara (Sura 12/35); nafs lawwama (Sura 75/2); nafs mutma'inna (Sura 89/27). The bibliography confirms our introductory remarks about post-classical Sufism. Most of the standard works available in translations are mentioned here; but works from the pre-Ibn cArabi-period, as those of HujwLri, Kala badhi, al-Hallaj, etc., all available in translation, are not given in the list. Unfortunately, not a single German study on Sufism is mentioned although the books by Hellmut Ritter and Fritz Meier, the specialist on Najm al-din Kubr&, would have been relevant to the problems, to mention only the most outstanding names. One could discuss many features of this thoughtprovoking book. Even though the general reader may perhaps disagree with some of its premises, he will at least see that Islamic art is born out of a deeply religious experience, and his eyes will be opened toward the reality which lies behind both nature and man-made forms, or, as the Qoran says, fi'l-fg wa fi anftsihim (Sura 41/53) ("in the horizons and in themselves). And, as the ninthcentury Sufi verse says: And in everything there is a witness that points to the fact that He is One.

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We should thank the authors for having tried to follow the words of this verse in their impressive account of Persian architecture.

History of Persia Under Q&jir Rule. Translated from Hasane Fas&'ils Farsnama-ye N& erl by Heribert Busse. New York and London: Columbia University Press, 1972. xxx + 494 pp. $15. 00. ERVANDABRAHAMIAN "The past," R. H. Tawney once remarked, "reveals to the present what the present is capable of seeing."11 Tawney, of course, was not thinking of Iran when he made this comapt for twenment, but his general remark is particularly Iran. Early perceptions of nineteenth-century tieth-century peering back through the narhistorians, twentieth-century Revolution, saw in the prerow prism of the Constitutional worthy of examination but much deservvious century little religious repression, ing of summary denunciation--political More recent historioppression, and economic stagnation. ans, however, have discovered the nineteenth century to be not merely a tedious prelude for the Revolution but an age This change, no doubt, has which merits careful attention. of time, allowing a broadpassage by the been caused partly partly by nostalgia for a bygone era; parter perspective; ly by the concern that modern Iran, in rapidly transforming, in the image of the familiar West; and may recreate itself partly by the gradual awareness that nineteenth-century Iran, despite its backwardness, possessed both a highly society. intriguing polity and an extremely interesting The age which had been viewed as dishonorable has now become, if not honorable, certainly alluring for many scholars Ervand Abrahamian is Assistant Professor of History at Baruch College in the City University of New York. IRANIANSTUDIES

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not only in Iran but also in Europe, in the Soviet Union, and in North America. This increasing interest in nineteenth-century Iran is reflected in Heribert Busse's recent translation of Uasan-e FasAWi's Farsnama-ye NM-eri. The original work, written at the provincial court of Shiraz during the early 1880s, contains two major volumes: the first is a general treatise on the history of Iran, especially of Fars, from the beginnings of Islam to the contemporary period, but focusing mainly on the Qajar dynasty; the second is a detailed geography of the province supplemented with considerable historical information. The manuscript, consequently, is a gold mine of information not only on the provincial court of Shiraz, but also on the rise of the Q&j&rs, on the nature of politics under the new dynasty, on the class structure of society, and on the communal rivalries between various tribes, sects, and localities in nineteenth-century Iran. The French historian Demorgny, in writing a treatise on the tribes of Fars, relied heavily on the second volume of the Farsn&ma-ye Naseri.2 Edward Browne frequently used the first volume when compiling on the Mu;afinformation farid Period for his classic Literary History of Persia.3 And V. Minorsky, in geographical in the notes published of Islam, readily admitted his debt to that Encyclopaedia "excellent" work entitled Farsnama-ye Na&er.4 Heribert Busse, in transforming much of the first volume of the Farsnima-ye N&seri into a History of Persia Under Qajar Rule, has given us a work more important than an excellent translation of an important nineteenth-century manuscript. By dividing the somewhat unwieldy original into chapters, sub-chapters and paragraphs, he has converted it into a more readable book for both the Persian and the non-Persian reader. And he has supplemented the first volume with pertinent sections from the second added as with a succinct footnotes; bibliography of primary and secondary works on the Qajars; with an appendix on the prime ministers of Iran and the governors of Firs; and, most useful of all, with a comprehensive index of persons, places and tribes mentioned in the work.

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The readers who use the index carefully will be richly rewarded. For they will discover, among other things, cannot be explained in politics that nineteenth-century terms of a simple two-dimensional conflict between state i some society (headed by the orthodox Shilite mujtahids)--as historians have described, but must be seen in terms of a conflict between the Qijars and complex three-dimensional rival communities--such communities as tribes, villages, In Shiraz, the town quarters, and unorthodox Sufi sects. often-ignored Haydari and Nicmati sects appear to have playroles than the much-studied ed more important political Shi'ite ulama. The index is also highly useful for sorting among the especially out the complex tribal rivalries, Qashqa'is, Bakhtiy&ris, and M&miss&nlLurs. The book, like any major book, does contain some For example, the title is somewhat minor shortcomings. misleading since the Qajir dynasty survived well past 1882 into 1925. The Turkic terms ilkhani and ilbegi require more An extensive commentary is explanation than they receive. needed to describe the creation of the Khamsi tribal confederation since Fasili, being both a typical urban opponent of nomadism and a good friend of the Qavam al-Mulk family, glossed over the alliance between the Khamsi and the Qavims. has left out the second The present volume, unfortunately, volume's detailed data on the upper-class families of Shiraz. And the translation of Iran into Persia causes confusion at times: Aqa MulammadKhan, delaying his coronation until after the conquest of Georgia and Azerbaijan, is "As long as the whole population of quoted as having said: Persia does not obey my rule, it is not becoming that I call myself king" (p. 67). These shortcomings, however, are incompared to Heribert Busse's invaluable contrisignificant It bution to our better understanding of the Qajir period. is hoped that he, and others, will continue to translate both published and unpublished works from nineteenth-century Iran.

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NOTES (New

1.

R. H. Tawney, Religion and the Rise of Capitalism York: Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1926), p. 3.

2.

en Perse: D. Demorgny, "Les Reformes administratives Les tribus du Far?,"' Revue du monde musulman, Vol. XXII (1913),

pp. 85-150.

3.

E. G. Browne, A Literary History of Persia (London: Cambridge University Press, 1924), Vol. III.

4.

on Luristan, Lurs, and others by Minorsky See articles in Encyclopaedia of Islam (First Edition).

5.

For a synthesis of the data on the upper-class families of Shiraz, see A. Ashraf and H. Hekmat, "The State of the Bourgeoisie in Nineteenth Century Iran." Paper delivered at the Conference on the Economic History of the Middle East in the Nineteenth Century, Princeton June 1974. University,

By Oktay Aslanapa. Turkish Art and Architecture. $50. Praeger, 1971. 422 pp., 349 illustrations.

New York:

ANDREAP. ARAN It has already been suggested by earlier reviewers1 of Turkish-ness is that Professor Aslanapa's definition almost embarrassingly broad. His claim for a Turkish hand in the establishment and/or maintenance of almost every Islamic dynasty in the Near East and Central Asia (p. 29) can Further, a student of the undeniably hardly be credited. Andrea P. Aran is currently Edward A. Dickson Fellow in the Los Angeles. History of Art at the University of California,

107

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Turkish culture of the Anatolian Seljuks, for example, is aware that Aslanapa has neglected to mention the role of non-Turkish sources, in this case, Armenian architecture This failure to give credit where and decorative practice. credit is due recurs in other contexts with regard to ByWhile it is true that zantine and Chinese source material. of the latter is still somewhat unclear, the significance the same certainly cannot be said for another important source systematically belittled artistic and architectural by Aslanapa: the cultural heritage of Iran. A number of instances of this seemingly deliberate lack of reference to Persia could be cited. For example, in his discussion of Karakhanid caravanserais (pp. 52ff), Aslanapa is quick to point out the importance of the centralized plan consisting of a courtyard and surrounding But he iwans as a prototype for later Turkish buildings. even mention--the earlier usages neglects to discuss--or of this plan, and its apparent origin, in Persia and Central Asia. He does go very briefly into the matter in his later description of the Ghaznevid palace at Lashgar-i Bizir (pp. 57ff), but here we are told only in passing of the "primitive type" of Parthian four-iwan arrangement. Apparently one is meant to believe that symmetry is more than invention simply because the former was significant apparently accomplished by Turks and the latter was not. In fact the very argument implicit in this passage is belied by the fact that perfectly symmetrical four-iwan plans can be seen in Sasanian palace architecture, which Aslanapa once again en passant, as mere "'cruciform chamdismisses, bers." Other instances of this energetic chauvinism can be seen in the discussion of Seljuk architecture in Iran and Anatolia. One example concerns the development of the socalled kioskmosque type i-.i Iran. It is hardly revolutionary to state that the Great Seljuks were influenced, in part at least, by Sasanian fire temples existing in Persia Considerations of geography alone show that they itself. were hardly likely to have developed their kiosk-mosque upon Karakhanid and Ghaznevid type by basing it exclusively IRANIANSTUDIES

108

experiments with domed spaces, as Aslanapa claims (p. 65). In fact, the history of the Masjid-i Jumcah in Isfahan as

Aslanapa himself relates

it (pp. 65ff),

with its kiosk in-

serted by the Seljuk vizir Niz.m al-Mulk into an earlier courtyard-mosque plan, and the numerous later adjustments to the building, is absolute proof that the Seljuks in PerThey sia still had a long way to go in a relative sense. had yet to achieve on their own the "unity of space" claimed by Aslanapa as a fait accomli of the earlier dynasties, which--he implies--had only to be copied. The problem of the early domed mosques in Seljuk Anatolia, with their accompanying entrance iwans and long, rooms, is also handled without any reference barrel-vaulted to the fascinating parallels with similar formal units in such Sasanian buildings as the palace at Firuzabad. The possible development of this plan type in Central Asia is also not mentioned. The fact that a mosque of this type, such as the Great Mosque at Siirt was built in an area aswith the Great Seljuks, as Aslanapa sociated historically himself mentions (p. 94), is all the more reason to examine, or at least state, its possible relation to earlier sources in Persia. a reto illustrate These examples are sufficient gretable lack of objective consideration in a work which by its sheer size leads us to expect cQnsiderable attention The fact that non-Turkish cultures such as Iran to detail. are consistently shortchanged in this respect suggests tWit we would be wise to treat the author's conclusions with It still remains for a truly nonpartisan some skepticism. book to be written on the history of Near Eastern and Central Asian art and architecture. Hopefully this work of the future will receive the same loving attention from a publisher that the present volume was thought to merit. NOTES 1.

J. W. Allen, in Oriental Art, n.s., XVIII/4 (1972): 3945; R. Hillenbrand, "Reflections on 0. Aslanapals Turkish Art and Architecture," The Islamic Quarterly, XVII/ 1-2 (1973): 75-91; D. Gabhard, in Art Bulletin, 56/2 (1974): 292-4. 109

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LETTERS TO THE EDITOR ON "THENATIONAL INTEGRATION OF BOIRAHMAD" I read Professor Lbffler's "The National Integration of Boir Ahmad"'lwith great interest. As an anthropologist who has also done fieldwork among the Boyr Ahmad,2 I regard the article as a welcome addition to the Iranian ethnology. However, I feel compelled to offer a few brief remarks on certain aspects of my colleague's analysis. Let me begin with a note on two general historical points raised in the opening paragraphs. First, presumably in an attempt to provide a proper perspective for the "national integration" of the Boyr Ahmad, the author states that the "anarchic" conditions in existence prior to the Qajar ascendency were somehow ameliorated by the rulers of this dynasty "by appointing the local Khans as tax collectors and through interfering in their power struggles."3 are viewed as having played Second, such "interferences" a role in the emergence of dominant political figures among the Boyr Ahmad. These external factors led, ineluctably, to territorial expansion at the expense of their tribal neighbors. While the policy of holding a certain Khan responthe annual tax met with some intermitsible for collecting tent success in other tribes, the Bakhtiyari for instance, solid evidence of a comparable, enduring there is little arrangement with the Boyr Ahmad. It should be emphasized, however, that in the case of the Bakhtiyari, this took the form of an asymmetrical transaction, whereby the Ilkhan tax exemptions and huge land grants received lavish gifts, in Khuzistan, and the government got in return a nominal IRANIANSTUDIES

110

portion of the revenue and a certain number of cavalrymen to serve in its traditional army.4 Normally, the tax cola lion's share of the proceeds. Khan lecting appropriated All these structured arrangements were conspicuously absent or at best underdeveloped in the relation between the central government and the Boyr Ahmadduring the Qajar dynasty.5 and Likewise, the granting of honorific titles other symbols of office to notable leaders was relatively infrequent and on the whole ineffectual in producing a stable, centralized leadership loyal to the Crown. Moreover, it must be remembered that the central government was often neither militarily nor economically in any position to test its tenuous provincial hegemony by challenging the intensely independent Boyr Ahmad. In fact it appears that the regional administrator's exercise of political control was pretty much limited to the town of Behbahan and to some extent the Basht-e-Babui and Mamassani6--both agricultural tribes forming, along with Behbahan, the southern boundary of the Boyr Ahmadcountry. They seldom ventured beyond this relatively secure foothill belt. The mountains held strategic vantage points which were used by the Boyr Ahmad for the defense of their territory, sometimes with disastrous results for the intruders. Furthermore, rarely did Khans ask or receive military from the provincial governors in their intra- or assistance inter-tribal conflicts. There were, however, numerous instances in which the governors solicited military aid from the Boyr Ahmad, usually to quell local rebellions.7 All this should by no means be interpreted as implying that interactions in other spheres between sedentary conmunities and the Boyr Ahmaddid not exist. For the purposes of the present argument the point is that for both strategic and military reasons political integration into the larger society did not begin to take any discernible form until the middle of the 1960s following the land reform crises and the subsequent implementation of some development measures. In my view, then, despite 111

the few visible

structural

WINTER-SPRING 1975

changes, the whole process has had too short a period and has so far been too limited in scope to allow us to speak unless, of course, we choose to ascribe of "integration," an entirely different meaning to this term. The most objectionable part of Professor Ldffler's from my point of view, is not so much the speculaarticle, but, rather, the author's reconstructions, tive historical moralistic overtones and normative pronounceastonishingly ments in describing the salient features of tribal life. To put it bluntly, I am struck by the extent to which Professor Lbffler's portrayal of the Boyr Abmadleadership of his inforbetrays the personal biases and distortions consideramants who were no doubt motivated by political It is quite expected tions and ultimately self-interest. of his society reflect that an informant's conceptualization frustrations, his own cognitive assumptions, aspirations, What is not expected, however, is the uncritiand ideals. cal acceptance of a particular "native's model" as an article of faith and its incorporation into one's ethnographic exercised some initial Had the anthropologist account. skepticism and proceeded to expand the circle of his informants, he would surely have discovered that, on the whole, the image of the leaders as "oppressive". ogres was hardly a dominant view. Even MahmudBavar--one of the two sources mentioned--who can scarcely be called historical an impartial observer, in reference to the Boyr Ahmads' attitude towards their leaders, concedes that "the Khan and Kadkhudas of every tribe are the object of profound respect and veneration by their People."18 An additional and directly related point with which I find myself in fundamental disagreement is Professor and of the Boyr Ahmadpolitical Lbffler's characterization social organization as a "feudalist" system comprised of distinct classes, namely, the Khans, three hierarchically Kadkhudas ("who as landlords were in direct control of "the peaand, finally, manpower and economic resources"), sants at the bottom."9 For one thing, the system of stratwas a good deal more complex, for another, the ification is highly misleading and usage of the term "feudalistic"

IRANIANSTUDIES

112

inappropriate to depict the political and economic position of the Khan in his tribe. A. K. S. Lambton has cogently argued against the applicability of the designation "feudalistic" even to the nineteenth-century Iranian system of land assignment and the subsequent development of large land ownership.

1

In this connection it would hardly seem necessary to emphasize that a Boyr AhmadKhan, as indeed the Khavanin in other tribes, seldom abused his potential autocratic power,ll knowing full well that his very longevity in office depended, to a great extent, on his ability to establish and maintain a broad base of political support. Arbitrary exercise of power and oppressive measures were not conducive to the mobilization of the requisite political support. The same axiomatic principle of leadership applied to the hereditary office of Kadkhuda as well. To say that the Boyr Ahmadsociety or for that matter any other society is differentiated along economic and political lines does not automatically mean that the leaders exercise a monopoly on "manpower and economic resources.!' While some leaders possessed considerable wealth in land and animals, others, though certainly not paupers, could hardly qualify as wealthy "landlords." It is worth remembering that a substantial portion of the Kadkhuda's income came from the customary dah-yak (one-tenth)7oTiannual levies on grains and animals collected in his sub-tribe by the agents of the Khan. The point I am trying to establish here is that while a number of Kadkhudas could no doubt be considered wealthy by native standards (possession of large herds of 300-500 sheep and goats, and access to predictable sources of water for irrigating rice fields and orchards), on the whole, a great discrepancy based on wealth and political power did not exist between the Kudkhudas and the commoners. A similar statement can be made with respect to the paramount chiefs. What makes the analysis particularly one-sided is the lack of any mention of the complex system by which wealth was redistributed and ultimately translated into political power. 113

WINTER-SPRING 1975

It is important to bear in mind that in tribal socidoes not confer prestige upon a pereties wealth in itself son.12 The economic hiatus separating a few favored Kadkhudas and their fellow tribesmen is far greater today than The windfall increase in wealth has not brought ever before. an increment in prestige. The second issue relates to the choice of the term "peasant," in this article and elsewhere,13 in reference In order to make this purely arto Boyr Ahmadtribesmen. bitrary appellation consistent with the generally accepted of peasantry by anthropologists, Professor definition Loffler has deemed it necessary to "integrate" the Boyr Ahmadinto the larger social whole. Once "integration" was by the erstwhile leaders presented as fact, "exploitation" Loffler ("landlords") became an inescapable corollary. and assumes that the Boyr Ahmadare socially, politically, from other tribes, for example, the economically different Qashq&'L and Basseri, among others, that are seldom confused with peasant populations of southern Iran. Iranian tribesmen themselves rarely if ever obfuscate the two Thus, a further ambiguity is introduced by categories. As the unfortunate choice of the term "exploitation." and Dalton has recently observed, this word is prejudicial (perhaps unintentionalis "used by some social scientists ly) to condemn only those systems of social stratification is said they dislike and disapprove of, so that exploitation to be in peasant societies, but no such statements are made about tribal societies.... ttl4 It is of course quite legitimate and empirically dein terms of fensible to speak of systems of inequalities oreconomic and political resources in the hierarchically ganized tribal kingdoms and chiefdoms (including the Boyr transforming the lot into peaAhmad) without necessarily sants and their chiefs into feudal lords, despite the curfashionable. rent strong appeal to be ideologically While I basically agree with the outlined difficulties confronting the Boyr Ahmadin the wake of the recent fundamental changes, I have not observed the much lamented IRANIANSTUDIES

114

disorganization and widespread hopelessness. Professor Lbffler seems to adhere to a static, equilibrium model in which any structural change would tend to threaten the functioning of the entire social system. In fact many of the traditional have not been seriously affecinstitutions ted by the-recent changes. Disputes, which according to Professor Loffler "are would serve as a good example no longer settled locally," Of over one hundred cases of disputes--ranging here. from domestic household quarrels to homicides involving two unrelated groups--which I recorded in the field between 196870, less than 10 percent was referred to the local1gendarmerie, the sole law enforcement agency, and of that less than half reached the town courts for litigation. By far the largest proportion of conflicts are resolved by the time-honored method of menjigari (Persian--midnjigari), or mediation. Recourse to an outside body to seek redress is generally regarded as the measure of a fool or a desperate man and is normally met with opprobrium. The threat of court action, however, is sometimes cleverly manipulated by a disputant in the hope of wresting a more favorable settlement from the other side. To add a final note, considerable hardship and frustration, frequent indignities at the hands of gendarms, and often unsympathetic regional bureaucrats notwithstanding, the tribesmen are increasingly adapting to the demands of the new conditions with remarkable vigor and resiliency. Nevertheless, in meting out blame for the present social ills it would be less than candid not to mention, perhaps next to the parasitic urban trade partners, those Boyr Ahmadindividuals with a newly acquired prominence and influence--the so-called political brokers and entrepreneures --who often willingly sacrifice their cultural values and the interests of their fellow tribesmen for their own evergrowing cupidity.

115

WINTER-SPRING 1975

NOTES 1.

Reinhold Loffler, "The National Integration of Boir Ahmad," Iranian Studies, Vol. VI, Nos. 2-3 (SpringSummer, 1973), pp. 127-135.

2.

Field study among the Boyr Ahmadwas carried out for a period of nineteen months between 1968-70, supportof Mental Health research ed by a National Institute and grant fellowship.

3.

R. Loffler,

4.

Gene R. Garthwaite, "The Bakhtiyari Khans, the Government of Iran, and the British, 1846-1915," Int. J. Middle East Studies, Vol. 3, No. 1 (n.d.), pp. 24-44.

5.

G. Reza Fazel, "The Encapsulation of Nomadic Societies in Iran," in Cynthia Nelson, ed., The Desert and the Sown: Nomads in the Wider Society, Research series, No. 21 (Institute of International Studies, University of California, Berkeley, 1973), pp. 129-143.

6.

MahmudBavar, Kuhgiluyeh and its 1944; in Persian), p. 31.

7.

M. Bavar, 2p. cit.,

pp. 95, 98-99.

8.

M. Bavar, 2j.

p. 42.

9.

R. Loffler,

op. cit.,

cit.,

2p. cit.,

p. 127.

Tribes (Gachsaran,

p. 128.

10.

Ann K. S. Lambton, The Persian Land Reform 1962-1966 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1969), pp. 20-23.

11.

Cf. G. Garthwaite, p. cit., p. 26; and Fredrik Barth, Nomads of South Persia: The Basseri Tribe of the Khamseh Confederacy (Oslo University Press, 1961), Ch. V.

12.

Cf. Brian Spooner, "Politics, Southeast Persia," Ethnolo pp. 139-152.

IRANIANSTUDIES

116

,

Kinship, and Ecology in Vol. VIII, No 2 (1969),

13.

R. Loffler, "The Representative Mediator and the New Vol. 73, No. 5 (OctoPeasant," American Anthr1pologist, ber, 1971), pp. 1077-1091.

14.

George Dalton, "HowExactly Are Peasants Exploited?", Vol. 76, No. 3 (September, American Anthropologist, 553-561. 1974), pp. G. Reza Fazel

[G. Reza Fazel is Assistant Professor of Anthropology at the University of Massachusetts, Boston.] *

*

*

THEAUTHOR REPLIES: Professor Fazel seems to accuse me of the following: speculative history; misuse of the terms oppression, feudalistic, and peasant; and misjudging current attitudes and I shall try to clarify patterns of dispute settlement. things in this order. 1. My short statement regarding Qajar rulers and Boir A4madkhins is abundantly documented in the sources I I have collected. have quoted and in the oral histories In fact, Professor Fazel doesn't at all refute this statement as it stands. Rather, he devises a number of allegations (territorial expansion at the expense of tribal neighbors, enduring and structured arrangements between Q&jar government and Boir Ahmadkhans, granting of honorific titles, military assistance from provincial governors, etc.)--statements I have never made--and tries to prove me wrong on How little those. this strawman argumentation adds materially to the issue is evident from the fact that his "point;' when it is finally made, turns out to be a reiteration, in different phrasing, of my own note at the end of the intro-

117

WINTER-SPRING 1975

ductory paragraph. 2. Nowhere did I call the former chiefs "oppressive ogres" --another one of Professor Fazel's false insinuations --but the fact that there prevailed in the first half of this century between the landlords and peasants of Boir Ahmada mode of relationship that in Iran and elsewhere is usually designated as "oppressive" cannot be denied, no natter how unhappy Professor Fazel seems to be about it, judging by the aggressive tone he employs. Thus, he chooses to ignore the written and verbal evidence from both outside observers (Iranian as well as foreign) and the whole peasantry of Boir Ahmadthemselves. All right. But what about the refugees of Boir A.hmaddescent who have fled from their regime since the beginning of this century and now live in various communities of the Fars province? Presumably they venerated their chiefs so much that they were even kind enough to evacuate their lands? Not even the former chiefs and landlords, whose image--or rather, fictive image--Profacts. fessor Fazel wants to protect, contest the historical The ideological tenor of their historiographies is, of course, for obvious reasons, geared to safeguard their moral integrity, And, therefore, honor, and land claims. they would never describe their actions with a term like oppression" (zulm) as the peasants do--but in terms of concrete content their accounts amount to very much the same picture. In fact, these are so frank and realistic who have that I, as well as other Iranian anthropologists studied the area, feel that it is virtually impossible to publish them. To come up against that with the idyllic image of the "profoundly respected and venerated" chief (Honestly, Reza, do you really believe that?) is the kind is no longer needed. As of demagogy which, fortunately, it stands, it does not even reflect the landlord's own perit is not even a "native ception of the situation, i.e., model," at least not native to Boir Ahmad. Such a view impedes not only a realistic appraisal of history, but also the present governmental efforts to correct past injusthe Shah candidly has described tices, the very injustices in his White Revolution.1

IRANIAN

118

3. Professor Fazells dislike of the term "feudalistic" seems to be due to the particular meaning he attributes to it. The planned panel on "Society and Feudalism in Iran" at the next MESA-meeting may clarify the issue for him. 4. With respect to my use of the term "peasant," Professor Fazells remarks betray utter confusion in regard to emic and etic concepts, and the nature of the traditional sociopolitical system of Boir Atmad. He evidently fails between cashilr and to see that the Persian distinction dihati is by no means co-terminous with the anthropological The fact that the Boir concepts of "tribes" and "peasants." Ahmadi are called cashair, and that this word is customarily translated as "tribes," does not make them "tribes" in an evolutionistic sense. Rather, in this sense, they must be considered "peasants" since they are part of a state and hierarchically interconnected to its economic, politiProfessor Fazells denial of structures. cal, and religious this elementary fact after having just--a few lines above-stated the very same fact by mentioning the colimplicitly lection of annual levies by the Khdn's agents, highlights the manipulative character of his arguments, or else is total illogicality. Isn't the collection of annual levies exactly the transference of surpluses to a dominant group which is considered the determining characteristic of peasant societies?2 And, one wonders, what was the whole land reform in Boir Ahmadabout? The bestowing of title deeds The compensatory payments by peasants to the peasants? and to former landlords? The continuing disputes between the two parties which necessitated of a spethe activity cial government commission? Quite apparently, Professor Fazel has yet failed to realize that in BofrAlnad society a segmentary descent organization with chiefly lineages has been overlaid by, adapted to, combined with, or transformed into--whatever metaphor one prefers--a landlordpeasant system of the general Persian pattern. 5. The allegation that I should have described a "much-lamented disorganization and widespread hopelessness" among the people is just another example of Professor Fazel's lamentable perversion of facts. Actually I concluded my article with the depiction of an attitude whose 119

WINTER-SPRING 1975

tone is anything but hopeless. 6. My statement regarding disputes on p. 130 should better read, "Disputes tend to be no longer settled locally."1 By which I mean that (a) although local mediation is attempted, it tends not to result in lasting settlements simply because a viable enforcement agency is absent, and that (b) in the same way as Ayoub has reported it from a Lebanese village,3 if at all feasible, the choice is made in favor of court proceedings rather than local mediation. Professor Fazel's own account of disputes that are brought before the gendarmerie only serves to support this point, while it does not, of course, prove--as he wants to imply-that the rest of the disputes are indeed ever resolved by mediation. In all, Professor Fazel's comments unfortunately amount to not much more than a flood of aggressive allegations based on terminological confusions, logical errors, conand trumped-up charges, that are, regretfully, little structive. This is especially unfortunate since he preto the sumably could have made substantial contributions problems I dealt with briefly in my article. NOTES 1.

MohammedReza Shah Pahlavi, The White Revolution (Teheran: The Imperial Pahlavi Library, 1967), p. 31.

2.

E. R. Wolf, Peasants (Englewood Cliffs, 1966), pp. 3-4. tice-Hall,

3.

V. F. Ayoub, "Conflict Resolution and Social Reorganization in a Lebanese Village," HumanOrganization, Vol. 24, No. 1 (Spring, 1965), p. 15.

N.J.:

Pren-

Reinhold Loffler [Reinhold Loffler is Associate Western Michigan University.] IRANIANSTUDIES

120

Professor

of Anthropology at

PAHLAVI UNIVERSiTY DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY SHIRAZ, IRAN at for position are invited Applications include Duties level. Professor Assistant/Associate level. research and teaching at the undergraduate Ph.D. in Near Eastern History with specialties Archeology and Ancient Iranian in Islamic history, and Modern Iranian History. History, with Appointment on a two year renewable contract $16,000, to to an annual salary range equivalent $12,000 and experience. depending on qualification curriculum vitae application, Please send written from three references recommendations and confidential Pahlavi University, Shiraz, to Department of History, Iran.

121

BIBLIOTHECA ISLAMICA, INC. PUBLISHERS MINNEAPOLIS & CHICAGO STUDIES IN MIDDLEEASTERNLITERATURES 1. Jerome W. Clinton. The Divan of Manuchihri Damghani; A Critical paper $8.00 Study. ISBN 0-88297-001-0 2. Nagib Mahfuz. God's World; An Anthology of Short by Akif Stories. Translated with an introduction Abadir and Roger Allen. paper $6.75 ISBN 0-88297-006-2 3. Farouk Abdel Wahab. Modern Egyptian Drama; An cloth $12.50 Anthology. ISBN 0-88297-005-4 A Novel. 4. Jalal Al-e Ahmad. The School Principal; Translated from the Persian by John K. Newton, with an introduction and notes by Mtichael C. Hillmann. paper $5.00 ISBN 0-88297-008-9 5. Talat Sait Halman. Modern Turkish Drama; An Anthology. forthcoming ISBN 0-88297-007-0 6. Michael C. Hillmann. Unity in the Chazals of Hafez. ISBN 0-88297-010-0 forthcoming 7. Walter C. Andrews. An Introduction to Ottoman forthcoming Poetry. ISBN 0-88297-012-7 STUDIES IN MIDDLEEASTERNHISTORY 1. Robert A. McDaniel. The Shuster Mission and the Revolution. Persian Constitutional cloth $12.50 ISBN 0-88297-004-6 2. Donald M. Reid. The Odyssey of Farah Antun; A Syrian Christian's Quest for Secularism. cloth $12.50 ISBN 0-88297-009-7 3. John E. Woods. The Aqquyunlu: Clan, Confederation, forthcoming and Empire. ISBN 0-88297-011-9 ORDERS: Bibliotheca University 55414/USA

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Iranian Studies is published quarterly by The Society for Iranian Studies. It is distributed to members of the Society as part of their membership. The annual subscription rate for institutions is $ 10.00. The opinions expressed by the contributors are of the individual authors and not necessarily those of the Society or the editors of Iranian Studies. Articles for publication and all other communications should be sent to the Editor, Iranian Studies, Box K-154, Boston College, Chestnut Hill, Massachusetts 02167, U.S.A. Communications concerning the affairs of the Society should be addressed to the Secretary, The Society for Iranian Studies, P.O. Box 89, Village Station, New York 10014, U.S.A. The exclusive distributing agent for IRANIAN STUDIES in Iran is: Kharazmie Publishing & Distribution Co., 229 Daneshgah Street, Shah Avenue (P. 0. Box 14-1486), Tehran, Iran.

COVER: Soltanieh Mosque (near Zanjan) Photo courtesy of Fereydoun Safizadeh

Iranian Studies Journal of The Society for Iranian Studies

Fall 1975

Volume VIII

Number 3

The Society for Iranian Studies

Counicil Ervand Abrahamian, Baruch College, City University of New York Amin Banani, University of California, Los Angeles Ali Banuazizi, Boston College James A. Bill, University of Texas at Austin Jerome W. Clinton, Princeton University Paul W. English, University of Texas at Austin Gene R. Garthwaite, Dartmouth College Farhad Kazemi, New York University Ann Schulz, ex offico, Clark University T. Cuyler Young, Princeton University Executive Committee Farhad Kazemi, Executive Secretary Ann Schulz, Treasurer Ali Banuazizi, Editor IRANIAN STUDIES Journal of The Society for Iranian Studies Ali Banuazizi, Editor Jerome W. Clinton, Associate Editor Anna Enayat, Associate Editor

Copyright, 1975, The Society for Iranian Studies Published in the U.S.A. US ISSN 0021-0862 Address all communications to IRANIAN STUDIES, Box K-154, Boston College, Chestnut Hill, Massachusetts 02167, U.S.A.

Iranian Studies Journal of The Society for Iranian Studies Volume VIII

Summer 1975

Number 3

ARTICLES 124

PREDICTING URBAN GROWTH

Charles

IN IRAN: A DYNAMIC MODEL and Sirousse 134

CLASSES, ELITES AND IRANIANPOLITICS: AN EXCHANGE

164

HAFEZ'S "TURK OF SHIRAZ" AGAIN

R. Laudor

Tabriztchi

Marvin Zonis and James A. Bill Michael

C. Hillmann

BOOKREVIEWS 183

ELLA ZONIS: Classical Music: An Introduction

190

RICHARDN. FRYE: Sasanian Remains from Qasr-i Abu Nasr

Oleg

191

JALAL AL-E AHMAD: The School Principal (Trans. by John K. Newton)

Jerome W. Clinton

Persian

Israel

J.

Katz

Grabar

PREDICTING URBAN GROWTH IN IRAN: A DYNAMIC MODEL CHARLES R. LAUDOR AND SIROUSSE TABRIZTCHI

In developing

as in advanced

economies,

the pace

of

with the result has continued to accelerate urbanization that many less developed countries are experiencing problems in their urbanized areas which are quite similar to In Iran, increased oil revenues the advanced economies. which have aided in overall economic expansion have created imwith different growth rates in industries differential pacts on urban, as against rural growth, bringing along urban problems which require special consideration. specific In Tehran, as in the maj'or growth centers of other population was growing at an annual developing countries, Since 1969, rate of 6.6 percent in the period 1966-1969. the natural rate of growth has somewhat decreased but still remains at the high plateau of 6.1 percent per annum. 1 As the a consequence of this rapid rise in the population, of Tehran reached a level of 3.9 milnumber of inhabitants lion in 1972, according to Iranian Plan and Budget Organization estimates. The explosive

sulted

in a variety

population

growth

of socioeconomic

of Tehran has re-

and environmental

of Economics at Professor Charles R. Laudor is Assistant of New York; the City University Herbert Lehman College, of Economics at Professor is Associate Tabriztchi Sirousse of New York. State University Old Westbury College,

IRANIAN STUDIES

124

problems. Three sets of problems have assumed critical proThese include: the deterioration of the physical portions. and the pressures against environment, spatial congestion, the limited water resources of the city. In the first category, pollution has been worsened by the influx of increasing numbers of motor vehicles. It is estimated that 80 percent of air pollution is caused by in Tehran.2 transportation The manufacture of private cars in Iran has given rise to easy credit arrangements and an expanded market. In addition, relatively low costs of repair lengthen the economic life of the cars and the concentration of the higher income population in Tehran also has contributed to the rapid rise in automobile ownership. The percentage of private cars registered in Tehran as compared to the national ownership of private vehicles has expanded from 68 percent in 1971 to 76 percent in 1973.3 This has resulted in an ownership-usage concentration; while the national average is one automobile to every 91 inhabitants, for Tehran the average is 1 automobile to every 16 residents. In the second category, the density and congestion problem has been aggravated by the city's increasing number of residents, especially in its central and southern parts, where the average residential density ranges from 500 to 650 persons per hectare.4 This factor has combined with the 18 percent annual increase in car ownership and the high density of the particulates in Tehran's air to compound the environmental problems. Perhaps the most difficult problem to deal with is the increased consumption of water as a result of change in the number, the income, and the tastes of the population. The incremental cost of increasing the present supply of water is estimated to be 10 times the present average cost per cubic meter and it is estimated that it will rise as high as 25 times with the increased volume.5 According to the Fifth National Development Plan (1973-77), per capita water consumption was 65 cubic meters in 1972. It is estimated that by 1977 the per capita demand for water will have increased to 100 cubic meters per annum.6 125

SUMMER 1975

With the Fifth Plan, Iranian planners have become A sechighly conscious of the problems of urbanization. tion of the Plan has been devoted to urban planning, partiIn this cularly as it applies to the city of Tehran.7 section a simple model is promulgated, based upon the rebetween the government employment and population lationship civil servant It is assumed that each additional increase. to take employment non-government requires 1.4 additional the 5 persons, of size Given an average family place. increase thus would employee addition of one government the urban population by a factor of 12. population pressure, In order to ease the potential is recommended by employees of governmental a relocation governmental agenvarious It is suggested that the Plan. cies transfer one-half of their personnel to other regions. In this regard it is worth noting that, without a fundastructure and a greater mental change in the administrative development of the national communication network, such a The agglomeration policy will be impossible to implement. is a result in Tehran of the central government activities conintegration national and of multitudes of efficiency and activities, these A decision to relocate siderations. from resulting diseconomies thereby to reduce the external to prothem, should be made in conjunction with decisions economies external the which will create vide conditions in Tehran. available which are presently In addition to limiting the size of governmental employment in Tehran, the Plan recommends that the past of new industrial the establishment policy of prohibiting be continued. of Tehran kilometers 120 plants in a radius of in Tehran establishments of the present Also, the expansion It is projects. intensive capital should be limited to diminish will hoped that reduced employment opportunities of Tehran in comparison to attractiveness the relative the tide of migration away turn thereby and places other from capital. In order to absorb the population increment which would have accrued to Tehran in the absence of these policies, other growth centers will be created or promoted. IRANIANSTUDIES

126

Government investment will be directed to those centers in the form of low-cost credit to the directly productive esfor the creation of the or as funds allocated tablishments needed infrastructure. In addition, government purchases will be used in the regional growth centers as a sort of subsidy as well as in support of various worker training and relocation costs of migrants. model suffers from a The Fifth Plan's forecasting number of deficiencies static inherent in the essentially viewpoint used and the possible distortions which stem from For example, the using parameters of questionable accuracy. most recent survey of the Tehran population depicted the ratio of the active to total population as closer to 29.2 percent compared to 20 percent assumed in the Fifth Plan. This would imply a smaller population inflow generated by an employed individual--in the order of 7.2 persons for each active employee. Ln addition, the active population ratio is subject to a variety of contradictory forces and. a point estimate seems to sidestep this problem. For example there is evidence that holding multiple positions is of the service becoming more prevalent and the productivity sector is rising. These factors will reduce the ratio of the non-governmental to governmental employees and the active population ratio. However, increased. income, on the and increase the other hand, might imply a counter-balance ratio of the non-governmental to governmental employees. In. order to arrive at a theoretical structure which would better recognize the dynamics of change, and make more rigorous sensitivity analysis possible, the following model is suggested. This model requires a minimum amount of "hard data" and yet is founded on a set of relationships which seem rel.iable as pred.ictive tool.s on a priori grounds. The model is specifically designed for a situation where data is a fact of life. the paucity of reliable The key population and size at time t, employment plus

is that between predicated relationship employment.. It is assumed that population Pt,. is a constant multiple of the rise in the initial, population PO 127

SUMMER 1975

(1)

Pt =

k (Et-Eo)

+

PO

In the function (1), Et refers to the size of the total employment in Tehran and Eo the value of the total employment in the inception of the planning period. Total employment Et is the sum of the employment in two sectors, the national sector, Ent and the urban sector, Eut. (2)

Et = Ent + Eut

The partitioning of the urban employment into these categories is based upon consideration of the significance of transfer costs (which include transportation as well as distribution costs) in each sector. Ent represents those activities which are relatively footloose with respect to the urban center. These activities may be relocated elsewhere with possible increases in transfer costs which will not be prohibitive. of employment in those Eut consists activities, as the urban sector, which are ecoidentified is not feasible nomically urban bound and their relocation because of the extreme demand elasticity with respect to transfer costs. are Examples of the national activities the establishments the involved in national administration, national wholesale establishments, and various manufacturing establishments. Urban activities include the retail of city services stores, local postal services, varieties etc. (public or private), in each The employment in the national industries period is assumed to depend on the value of the national employment in one period earlier. (3)

Ent =

b(Ent-l)

The increase in the urban employment over each period, eut is assumed to be a constant multiple of the incremental national employment over the same period. (4)

eut

=

a(Ent-Ent-l)

The total employment in the urban industries in time m equals the sum of the increments from the onset of the IRANIANSTUDIES

128

planning period to the time m plus the initial in urban industries, Euo. m (5)

tial

Eut

e-t

_

dt + E

Finally, the three conditions state of the system are given: (6)

P

(7)

Eno = Constant

(8)

Euo

describing

the ini-

Constant

=

=

Constant

to the system of difference

The solution is provided below: (9)

employment

Ent = bt

equations

Eno

(10)

Eut = a (bt_1/b)

(11)

Et = Ent

(12)

Pt =

+

Eno+Euo

Eut

k(Et-Eno-Euo)

+ Po

The reduced system of equations (9) through (12) were used to simulate the growth of En, Eu, and P in Tehran. With respect to the initial condition of the system in 1972 the following estimates were used:8 (13)

PO

(14)

Eno

(15)

Euo

3,900,000

= =

180,000

750,000

Also, it was assumed that a may range from 1.2 to b 1.6, may range from 1.05 to 1.15 and k may range from 3 to 4.5. results of the computer simulaSome selected tion are presented in Table 1.

129

SUMMER 1975

TABLE 1 IN NATIONALAND URBAN ESTIMATES OF THE EMPLOYMENT INDUSTRIES AND THE POPULATIONSIZE FOR THE CITY OF TEHRAN, 1977

a

b

1.2 1.2 1.2 1.2 1.2 1.2 1.2 1.2 1.2 1.2 1.2 1.2 1.4 1.4 1.4 1.4 1.4 1.4 1.4 1.4 1.4 1.4 1.4 1.6 1.6 1.6 1.6 1.6 1.6 1.6 1.6 1.6 1.6 1.6

1.05 1.05 1.05 1.05 1.10 1.10 1.10 1.10 1.15 1.15 1.15 1.15 1.05 1.05 1.05 1.10 1.10 1.10 1.10 1.15 1.15 1.15 1.15 1.05 1.05 1.05 1.10 1.10 1.10 1.10 1.15 1.15 1.15 1.15

IRANIAN STUDIES

k

En5 (1000)

Eus (1000)

3.0 3.5 4.0 4.5 3.0 3.5 4.0 4.5 3.0 3.5 4.0 4.5 3.0 3.5 4.0 3.0 3.5 4.0 4.5 3.0 3.5 4.0 4.5 3.0 3.5 4.0 3.0 3.5 4.0 4.5 3.0 3.5 4.0 4.5

230 230 230 230 290 290 290 290 362 362 362 362 230 230 230 290 290 290 290 362 362 362 362 230 230 230 290 290 290 290 362 362 362 362

820 820 820 820 902 902 902 902 997 997 997 997 832 832 832 927 927 927 927 1038 1038 1038 1038 843 843 843 952 952 952 952 1079 1079 1079 1079

130

PS (1,000,000) 4.3 4.3 4.5 4.5 4.7 4.8 4.9 5.1 5.2 5.4 5.6 5.8 4.3 4.6 4.4 4.7 4.9 5.1 5.2 4.8 5.0 5.1 5.3 4.3 4.4 4.5 4.8 5.0 5.1 5.3 5.4 5.7 5.9 6.1

It may be noted that the robustness of the forecasting model was tested with respect to the estimated values of Eno and EUo. It was observed that with lower k values even a doubling of Eno and a 1/3 increase in Euo did not create a significant change in the computed values of Pt. The table clearly demonstrates that'a high rate of growth of national industries, together with a large marginal ratio of the urban to national employment and a low active population ratio, result in enormous increase in If the rate of increase in the size of the population. Tehran's population is to be reduced below 6.1 percent per year (which will result in 5.1 million population in 1977) it is essential that the response of urban to national employment rise should remain below 1.4 times and the rate should be of growth of employment in national industries reduced to less than 5 percent. In the past two decades, the growth of the national industries in Tehran has been more rapid than the national for the average growth rate and thus has been responsible above national average rate of growth in the population. In 1956, only 23 percent of government employees were in Tehran but in 1966, some 37.7 percent resided there.9 These figures underestimate the number of government employees in Tehran because they exclude those employed in the government-owned manufacturing enterprises and in the Iranian oil administration, a substantial portion of which is in Tehran. Also, the percentage share of the central region, including Tehran, increased from 44.4 to 53.3 in total manufacturing employment over the period 1964-1969.10 Comparing these measures of En with the fact that Tehran only harbored some 12 percent of the national population, the magnitude of the impact of the agglomeration of the national industries in Tehran becomes clear. Without effective and in governmental intervention the presence of the following four trends, the condition of the city may become critical. The trends are the rapid rise in the level of income and the resulting demand for a slow rise in the productivity expanded urban services, 131

SUMMER 1975

of the urban industries, the concentration of the national industrial growth in Tehran, and a decrease in the ratio of the active population. However, as was indicated, certain counter measures are being formulated. The conditions which have promoted the problem, i.e., the influx of petroleum revenues to Iran and the rapid rise in the national income may be called upon to solve the dilemma. The abundant capital which is available to the government at minimal cost may be used to effect substantial changes in the spatial pattern of economic development. For example, decentralization implies increased transportation and communication costs, a sacrifice of the proximity to developed labor markets, loss of various external economies of juxtaposition, economies of urbanization and localization, etc. The increasing of large funds availability to the government will allow it to use interim subsidies to reduce the comparative disadvantages of regional growth centers. This will permit the rise of regional growth poles which may serve to alleviate the pressures on Tehran. NOTES 1.

Fifth Imperial Government of Iran, Plan Organization, 1973-1977 Development Plan, (Tehran: 1972), p. 605.

2.

Growth Perspective Industrial Management Institute; of Tehran, Vol. 1 (Tehran: Industrial Management Institute, 1974), p. 20.

3.

Fifth

4.

Ibid.,

5.

Cost estimates based on personal and Budget Organization sources.

6.

Fifth

7.

Ibid.,

Development Plan, p. 60. p. 607.

Development Plan, p. 611. p. 613.

IRANIAN STUDIES

132

interview

with Plan

8.

For alternative estimates of Eno and Euo, see Growth Perspective of Tehran, Vol. 1, p. 15.

9.

Fifth

10.

Development Plan,

p. 613.

Imperial Government of Iran, Ministry of Economy, on Large Industrial Bureau of Statistics, Statistics of Iran in 1969 (Tehran, 1969), pp. 3 Establishments and 6. See also, Imperial Government of Iran, Ministry of Economy, Bureau of Statistics, The Yearbook of of 1964 (Tehran, 1965), pp. 3 Industrial Statistics and 10. REFERENCES

Klassen,

L. H. "Interindustry Relations: An Attraction Model," in H. Bos, International Balanced Growth: Essays in Honor of Jan Tinbergen (Rotterdam, North Holland Publishing Co., 1969).

Czamanski, S. "A Model of Urban Growth," Papers of Regional Science Association, Vol. 15, 1964, pp. 177-200. Is "A Method of Forecasting

buted Lag Analysis." Journal Vol. 5 (1965), pp. 15-50. Palinck,

Jean. Science 39.

Urban Growth by Distri-

of Regional

Science,

"Dynamic Urban Growth Models," Regional Association Papers, Vol. 24, 1970, pp. 25-

Ponsard, C.., and L. Cohen. La repartition fonctionelle de la population des ville pour et son utilisation la determination des multiplicateur d, emploi (Paris: Minister de la Construction, 1963).

133

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CLASSES,ELITESAND IRANIAN POLITICS:AN EXCHANGE

The Politics of Iran: Groups, Classes and Modernization. By James Alban Bill. Columbus, Ohio: Charles E. Merrill Publishing Company, 1972. ix + 174 pp. MARVINZONIS As in most substantial works on contemporary societhis book abounds in politics and political ties, science. For some authors, the temptation is all too often irresistof the subject country are far more enible--the politics ticing than the concerns of one's professional discipline. James Bill has managed to avoid the entrapment and the allure. His book is a well balanced blend of interest to and to those who see no farther than the disciplinarians ever expanding horizons of the Pahlavi throne. Let this reviewer remain equally as staunch and reserve his comments on the politics of Iran until later. To turn to the political science first. I was originally asked to write this review (all too many months ago) by Ali Banuazizi on the grounds that Jim Bill's book represented a fundamentally different approach to the study of whole societies than did my own work. I undertook the assignment hoping to find such a challenge. But, a careful reading of the book leaves me with no sense Marvin Zonis is Associate Professor of Political Science and the Social Sciences at the University of Chicago. IRANIANSTUFIES

1134

of confrontation or squarely drawn issues. All the more strange because elite analysis has its roots in the search of late nineteenth-century European social analysts for a response to Marxist class analysis. Elite studies were a way to structure their analysis and our understanding of whole societies without having to accept the entire Marxist baggage of dialectical materialism, historical inevitability, and proletarian invincibility. The result was a mode of analysis which avoided those pitfalls only to succumb all too often to other devastating a tendency weaknesses: to static an ignorance of fundamental economic analysis; processes; a peculiar social disjointedness whereby the non-elite seem isolated from and inconsequential to sociopolitical processes, and a vulnerability to the frequently levelled accusation that elite studies justify the existing distribution of power or are somehow inherently "antidemocratic." That many studies of an elite fall victim to these difficulties is not, however, to be taken as evidence for inherent flaws in the elite approach. The "founders" of the elite school were themselves not guilty of such intellectual myopia. Mosca, Pareto, and Michels, to name but three of the most significant early thinkers, wrote of differing social and personality types and their distribution among the elite and non-elite and the consequences of that for personal mobility, distribution group mobility, and political stability. They spoke of the rise and control of new social forces and of the crucial power resources which control of such new social forces would represent. They wrote of a variety of phenomena which could serve as the basis for political power and generally supplied a far more subtle analysis of political processes than their contemporaries who focused on the economic bases of power. The accountability of the elite and the need for reciprocities of power between elite and non-elite plays a not insignificant part in their works and should counter any anti-democratic bias emanating from Mosca's personal dissatisfaction with the operation of the Italian parliament in the early twentieth century and his accepting an appointment as senator in Fascist Italy.

135

SUMMER 1975

with a familiarity book reflects Clearly, Bill's He goes from elite writings. such concepts and theories class analysis, attemptbeyond conventional considerably ing to show the way for the use of class as an analytic concept for the student of Iran and by extension for other In this latter regard, probas well. scientists political evidence, and method hamper his lems of conceptualization, efforts. The author goes out of his way to convince the For example, after reader that classes "exist" in Iran. elite, among the political of the relationships a discussion "The elite is, of course, nurtured in a class he asserts, That statement is surely and springs from it" (p. 40). But the point is not that classes reasonable enough. "exist" and nurture the elite any more than that an elite "exists." The task is to demonstrate that conceptualizing certain problems of Iranian society in the framework of "class analysis" produces certain understandings which are for an author's given purposes than alternate more fruitful that Bill never establishes forms of conceptualization. Thus to return to the example above, the elite alpoint. so springs from a family, a geographical region, a religious decade, and community, a given historical or linguistic "nurturing" from an almost endless variety of alternative through a An examination of Iranian politics influences. would certainly careful analysis of any of those influences The question which needs to be anbe equally legitimate. swered and which the author does not help us with is why useful to think in terms of "class"-it is particularly in short, the explanatory power of the concept. to convince Another example of the author's failing powerful organizing that class analysis is a particularly of the four "groups" concept can be seen in his discussion or intelligentsia" within the "professional-bureaucratic middle class." He tells how "new class" or "professional in Shiraz (all members the faculty at Pahlavi University for example, "can be divided into the four of this class), the Maneuverers, the Technothe Followers, categories: Wrhatseems clear from crats, and the Uprooters" (p. 82). the author's subsequent analysis is that these four categories are generated by his perceptionof patterns of similar IRANIANSTUDIES

136

behaviors on the part of certain faculty members, apparently in terms of their responses to the politics of Pahlavi of his of Pahlavi University. The remainder analysis University concerns these categories of behavioral response, none of which seem determined by the class of origin of the faculty members or the class of present membership of the faculty members. The issue here, then, is why is it useful to talk of a class analysis of these faculty members rather than simply analyzing modes of behavioral responses to the life at Pahlavi University. In terms which the author employs, what is the relation of class and group? Part of the difficulty presented by this issue comes from an insufficiently precise definition of "class." Bill tells us early on that "In this study, class is defined as the largest aggregate of individuals united by similar modes of employment and possessing similar power positions to preserve, modify, or transform relationthips among such aggregates" (p. 7, footnote 9). For a detailed exposition, the reader is referred to an article by Bill which appeared in the International Journal of Middle East Studies (Vol. 4, 1972), but this reader, at least, found no further clarification of these issues in that source. As soon as I thought I had made sense of the concept, however, I came upon a discussion of "The Ruling Class" (pp. 9-11) which seems to violate the principles of the conceptualization. Bill refers to the "ruling class," here with the interchangeable "tupper class" or the "political as composed of the elite," Shah, "families of the reigning dynasty," "tribal nobility," "Native landlords," "system supporting high Ulama," and the "military elite." "other groups" have More recently, joined the upper class. These are identified as "foreign industrialists and businessmen," "a network of indigenous large and wealthy merchants, bankers, contractors, financiers, and industrialists," and the "landless, rentier Now I think it legitimate elite." to consider that certain members of these groups constitute an "upper class." But they cannot claim similar modes of employment, nor do many seem to possess "similar power positions." What seems to link them in the upper class is their wealth. On the other hand, there are many amongst them who have collected fortunes, but possess no political power. There are also 137

SUMMER 1975

the politically powerful amongst them who do not have any I am left at a loss, therefore, to accollected wealth. of all these groups in the same count for the inclusion or the reference to them as the "ruling class." class, of the difficulties engendered by the An indication discussion can be found in Bill's faulty conceptualization of the recent fortunes of two dawrahs. These are the older Guruh-i Iran-i Naw (New Iran Kanun-i Group) and the more recently established Club). Both dawrahs were made Taragqi (Progressive up of highly trained and educated middle- and upperclass members. The New Iran Group represented names such as Amuzigar, Ram, Ansari, and Farmanfarmaiyan and nearly forty percent of its membership were employed at one time by the United States Point IV program. Its members have been slowly working their high positions largely beway into the political cause their dawrah became the core of the Iran Mansur and represent names like Hubayda, Nahavandi, and Hidayati. The story of these two dawrahs highlights of informal relationships not only the significance to the constantly elite but to changing political It system as well. the entire Iranian political is also vitally important to note that both of these of the dawrahs were staffed largely by individuals middle class. Here they made close new professional contact with the upper class represented by the Mansurs and Farmanfarmaiyans and then proceeded to move themselves into the ruling class. to speak But for class analysis it is grossly insufficient of the "upper classes represented by the Mansurs and Farmanfarmaiyans." Why does the author put those names in the plural? Were there no other upper class members of either dawrah? Surely the Ansaris and the Amuzigars would is the abBut more puzzling, also have to be included. The issue is sence of any fundamental class analysis. precisely to account for the success of the one dawrah We are told that "the Progressives rather than the other. have worked faster and gained more high positions largely IRANIANSTUDIES

138

because their dawrah became the core of the Iran Novin where we seek analytical But this is precisely Party." Why did one dawrah succeed where the other clarification. Why did becoming the failed? Why did one work faster? Class seems to party lead to success? core of a political offer no explanatory power in understanding one of the central issues in recent Iranian politics. interest Or take another issue of considerable Bill and observers of both. the regime, its critics, cusses the role of students in Iran based on responses competent a survey administered by "an exceptionally (p. 89) to students at Tehran nian social scientist" National Universities.

to disto Iraand

If a person who forms part of the groups indicated in government, what below occupied a high position degree of confidence would you have that he would of the nation above those of place the interests his private interests? Answers in Percent Much Some Little Businessmen Union Leaders Leaders Religious Workers Large Industrialists Large Landowners The Military Professionals

4 12 6 8 8 6 4 64

24 34 28 28 22 14 28 8

30 24 22 30 26 24 22 8

None

No Answer

20 10 22 8 22 34 22 0

22 20 22 26 22 22 24 20

These figures show that the students place a relatively This is quite restrong trust in their own class. and cynicism markable in light of the deep distrust that characterizes Iranian youth. After the profesmost confidence is placed in the workers sionals, and union leaders while least is placed in large landowners, businessmen, and large industrialists. From this, be hypothesized it can very plausibly 139

SUMMER 1975

students place much more trust that the university in the lower classes than they do in the upper. To a question raised about "the struggle between empercent replied ployers and workers," forty-six that, in general, they thought the workers were right while six percent considered the employers right. which remains interpretation Clearly, an alternate is possible. By exrealities closer to Iranian political workers, and pressing more confidence in professionals, the students are expressing a vote of "no union leaders, They are leadership of Iran. confidence" in the existing "alienated" students do everywhere-acting as typically almost anyone who is "out" is better than anyone who is In contemporary Iran, the businessmen, industrial"in." "in" and the landowners, and military are definitely ists, But further, even if this alterother groups are "out." is false, what in the responses to the nate interpretation the notion that "the students place survey question justify For it is a relatively strong trust in their own class"? of the are members students the author who tells us that We have no data to lead us to beclass." "professional lieve that the students feel that way, nor, since the any stock in class consciousness, author places little In fact, the author other reasons for such membership. among the proceeds immediately to tell us of division students based on their classes of origin. The notion of "class of origin" is a potentially powerful one which the author does not, however, develop. class of membership, The interplay between class of origin, have been used in the social sciand class of aspiration processes. ences to understand social change and political But a systematic analysis is not to be found here. of these problems, the author Partly in recognition notions to refine his analysis introduces two additional of class relations, that of "group" and the "web system." other He defines a group as "an aggregate of individuals in varying degrees in pursuance than class who interact But the notion of a common interest" (p. 7, footnote 9). IRANIANSTUDIES

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number of proW of "group" seems to introduce a considerable of a great deal to the resolution lems without contributing by comA "group" is apparently identified other problems. middle Thus the "professional mon behavioral patterns. class" is composed of four groups on the basis of the "repower each maintains "in regard to conflicting lationship" But earlier we are told that the "upper (p. 71). patterns" or ruling class" is composed of a number of groups such as and the "native landlords" (see above). the "tribal nobility" Now it seems highly unclear to this observer that the memin pursuit of a bers of those "groups" do not interact I doubt, further, that they have a comcommon interest. sense or in terms either in an "objective" mon interest, Moreover members of different of their own perceptions. groups clearly have more in common with some members of some other groups than with members of their own group. For example, certain tribal leaders are clearly much more to the members of the Royal Family tied by common interests Their members seem than they are to other tribal leaders. and, in fact, to manifest to possess no common interests power relations. responses to existing highly differentiated The author, in fact, seems to recognize these phenomena bethem on the basis of occupacause he apparently identifies etc., and not by beelite, tion, namely, ulama, military is a grand tradition There certainly havioral response. in the social sciences of using occupation to specify beTo havioral pattern but Bill disclaims this technique. one the contrary he lets "mode of employment" constitute class of membership, of the prime bases for identifying not group. "class," produces aggreClearly, the gross category, There are subsecgates too large for coherent analysis. as well as other collectivities tions of such aggregates, which overlap class boundaries, which can be frightfully of the utility indication analyzed as separate entities--an for assigning But the criteria for the notion of "group." From what group are unclear. to a particular an individual arise? In the absence of explibases do common interests of the middle class of which cit criteria, the divisions groups only insofar the author writes seem to constitute as he has imposed patterns of behavior on their activities 1.41

1975 SUMMER

which can be "explained" by attributing to their "members." Facing up to these A further for class analysis. essential ment which the author introduces is that

a common interest. issues is, of course, conceptual refineof the "web":

The Islamic class structure in Iran has been knit together in a constant movement because of the existence of what is herein termed the "web system." The web system is composed of networks of power redue which possess profound plasticity lationships Everto the balancing nature of these tensions. inof power reciprocity, present characteristics secrecy, and insecurity formality, personalism, in a manner that has served to have interacted safety valves into the system... build persisting feed into personal antagonisms and group conflicts one another and are supported and maintained throughgroup and class conIndividual, out the society. and overlap in a manner resembling flict interlock fluctuating a gigantic web composed of continually (pp. 15networks of strands of power interactions 16). This concept seems as elusive as the ones already It appears that the author is using the notion discussed. notions of "social structo refer to the more conventional ture" or "power structure" with certain connotative addito undifficult tions. Even with such additions, it,is the "web system" from power derstand what differentiates orIs there a bureaucratic networks in other settings. system or family which cannot be or political ganization But the author's use of the consimilarly characterized? cept seems to introduce yet another impediment to the It is unclear of a class analysis. operationalization the web. Occasionally, exactly what or who constitutes the web is composed of classes or groups, but it also conas insists of roles and frequently of "personalities," are referred to here. 'As with other concepts dividuals in this study, such as class or group, it is appropriate to alter their use or even, perhaps, their meaning, but in the use and of the differences only after specification under which it is appropriate to employ one the conditions IRANIANSTUDIES

142

But here, it is never clear rather than the other usage. what is at issue and when it is useful to think of a given for example, as the person he is, or as the ocminister, or as a member of a parcupant of a ministerial position, ticular group, or as the member of a class. The three concepts--classes, groups; and the web system--on which the author's analysis of politics in Iran rests continue to present conundrums which limit their utility for other analyses. To be more explicit, the author has not managed to speak to the central impediments to a class This is not meant as any particular analysis. criticism of the author, for the task has eluded the grasp of every who has undertaken the charge. other social scientist Two other problems which have similarly limited the of class analySis are but slightly examined here. utility Their treatment gives further insight into both the difficulties of class analysis and the particular strengths and weaknesses of this book. Central to much class analysis has been the issue of mobility. While a relatively simple has been notion to conceptualize, its operationalization very difficult. Its causes and consequences have been a subject for scores of scientific papers and also of political dispute. Marx saw the downward mobility of large sections of the bourgeoisie as one of the engines of social change. Mosca argues that a judicious exercise of mobility was necessary to syplhon off the potential leadership of the masses in order to insure political stability. Pareto sees in the circulation of elites the surest safeguard for the of democracy. perpetuation Clearly then, as a political as well as a theoretical issue, mobility has been central to a considerable amount of social science theorizing. Bill's discussion of mobility is actually a very small part of his entire analysis, not at all central to his theoretical contributions. Nonetheless, that discussion raises several issues while revealing much of the tenor of the remainder of the work. For example, he writes that:

143

SUMMER 1975

Islam brought only four major class mobility channels to Iran and these have been the following groups: the Family of the Prophet, the Shi'i religious group, and the bureaucratic, and military occupational groups. None of these existed as such in the pre-Islamic Iranian empires where social class circulation was virtually unknown (p. 27). Now I am not sure what a "class mobility channel" is. Further I don't see that these four channels constitute "groups" as the author has previously defined them. To the contrary, the military, everything we now know about the clerics, the bureaucracy and the family of the Prophet is that they never pursue common interests, largely because they have never perceived, the existence of such interests, a statement which I take to be true for the clerics in the Constitutional Revolution as well as the responses of the ulama to more contemporary political events in Iran. But more puzzling is the absence of any detailed analysis of the processes of mobility which might emanate because of or through these "mobility channels." How, in fact, does "the Family of the Prophet" operate as a mobilwhat advantages accrue to ity channel? More specifically, descendants of the Prophet and how much do those advantages Most of the Prophet's descendants contribute to mobility? are clearly not in the upper- or upper-middle class. Would those same individuals find themselves in a lower class were they not able to claim special status? Bill's to Finally, theoretical analysis does little untangle that old chestnut of political analysis, power. is Not that a political scientist qua political scientist obligated to do so, but that in the case of this book, it seems so clear that issues of power underlay almost all of the author's concerns. Take, for example, a description To capture those of the "Pahlavi Web System" (pp. 39-44). relations, the author presents a circular figure with the Shah in the center surrounded by three rings, the members of the elite. Let me quote from his description: IRANIANSTUDIES

144

Figure 6 provides a diagram view of the elite netthe work as it surrounds the Shah who represents Roughly the same diagram heart of the system. could be drawn to represent any Irano-Islamic politIn figure 6 which is nonical elite at any time. names have and therefore circular, hierarchical descripand occupational been replaced by titles the The center of the diagram represents tions. Sha who is the vital power point in the system. the heads circle represents The first concentric of the various security and military organizations who have been located here because of the fact that behind them. The second they have organizations the King's closest concentric circle represents and the third encompasses the close confidants collaborators and ministers with direct periodic move back and forth The personalities access. The solid and in and out in pinwheel fashion. tension that has been lines represent conflicting documented and power moves both ways personally along these indicated lines (p. 40). The individNow clearly this is a form of power analysis. on the basis of some estiuals in the elite were selected power. Moreover, while the elites mate of their relative about the Shah, "nonhiercircles are drawn in concentric archical" that is, there is clearly a notion of power underlying the entire chart and ordering the members of the and the What does it mean to say that individuals elite. in which they are organized by the author "move categories in and out"? It would seem to suggest that their respectAgain, it is fluctuating. ive power levels are constantly not so much that a pinwheel is an inadequate physical reof the Iranian political of the relationships presentation to specify the elite. It is rather that it is essential concepts and the conditions under which certain truths Power life do or do,not pertain. about Iranian political is a theme which runs throughout this book, but it is alIf the elite move in ways implied rather than stated. pinwheel fashion, then power is perhaps the wind which propels the movement. But where does that wind come from, how strong it is, and why it does what it does are ignored. 145

SUNMMER 1975

The significance of power in this context is great indeed, for it is specifically through power that class analysis and elite analysis interface. As I have come to understand the analysis of political elites, its central task is to identify those individuals in a political system who command the greatest political power. Those individuals can then be designated "the political elite." Their relative importance to the political system, the sources of their power, the nature and consequences of their interactions, their links with the non-elite, the sources of their behaviors, these and similar issues constitute the heart of elite analysis. There is obviously no necessary incompatibility between elite and class analysis. Quite the contrary, a student of political elites may wish to determine the class of the elites (either of origin or membership) and set the elites in the context of the class structure of the society in order to determine the relations between the rulers and the ruled. That early students of political elites used that innovative approach to the study of political systems to deny the importance of class in politics does not preclude the same method being employed as an efficacious means of going beyond the limitations of class analysis. It is a triumph of the nature of politics in Iran that no theoretical For scheme can encompass its patterns. of approaches to the study of that through the diversity system, James Bill manages to construct a description of political life in Iran which does not differ appreciably from the analyses of many others. He finds a political system dominated by the Shah whose principal motivation is the husbanding of his power at the expense, if need be, of any particular ideologies or commitments to others. The political elite surrounding the Shah curry his favor while building their own networks of power and undercutting the power of others. Each political actor is the rival of every other actor and tension and insecurity are the order of the day. The regime is menaced by new social forces and challenged by demands for new forms of political life. All of this sounds familiar enough, but Bill introduces a significant new concept into Iranian politics--the or the "new class" "professional--bureaucrat intelligentsia" IRANIANSTUDIES

146

as he conceives

them.

What Bill thinks of them can perhaps be learned from a close look at the cover of his book. There are nine photographs of Iranians. The one in the center of the three rows of photographs is His Imperial Majesty. You can be sure it is HIM because he's the one with the "look who's got the last laugh" grin on his face, all the while managing to appear slightly menacing behind his dark glasses and military regalia. No one else looks happy, in the least. Now of the nine, only four are alive--the Shahanshah and his Empress. his sister Princess Ashraf, and Sayyid Hasan Imami, ImamJumcah of Tehran (the Billy Graham of Iran). The remaining five--Jalal Al-i Ahmad, Furuq Farrukhzad, Sadiq Hidayat, Dr. MuhammedMusaddiq, and Dr. Hasan Arsanjani-are dead. All were critical of the Pahlavi regime. The political message seems clear. And irrespective of their classes I gather of origin, and that did vary considerably, they would all be considered members of the "New Class" by the author. This "New Class" is divided into the same four groups as is the faculty of Pahlavi University--the "Uprooters," the "Technocrats," the "Maneuverers" and the "Followers." A further insight into the author's predilections can be found in his initial description of the "Uprooters": "Perhaps the most serious challenge to the existing Iranian political system is represented by those members of the professional-bureaucratic who can be most intelligentsia justifiably termed intellectual. These would be the best educated and most highly sensitive among writers, artists, and students" (p. 73). teachers, professors, Equating higher levels of sensitivity and intellectuality with opposition to the ongoing system is a most comforting to professional notion, especially intellectuals such as the author and this reviewer. But in order to establish the veracity of the observation and to go beyond the frequently noted phenomenon that the role of the intellectual is almost invariably one of critical opposition to the existing system, some evidence is needed. And that is not supplied. (Similarly with writers and poets who the author 147

SUMM1ER 197S

describes as having "opted out" of the system through "opiHow could the author know (p. 77). um and heroin circles" after that they "number nearly one thousand," especially job of disposing of the the author did such an effective notion that the "thousand families" run the country (p. 9). Thus we are left to accept the existence of this on the grounds of trust--something "New Class" essentially which the author reminds us is advisedly in very short supMoreover, there seems a programmatic component ply in Iran. or at least in those sections in the notion of this class, of it which offer the greatest challenge to the existing But the basic issues raised by the notion of the system. in an already considerable "New Class" have been clarified addressed here-Those issues are not explicitly debate. But of basic concern is a is puzzling. which in itself demonstration that the New Class, even if it were to beof Iran as the author come a major force in the politics difessentially would produce a form of politics predicts, Do they in fact ferent from that which already exists. wish to "reject and rip the web system" as Bill claims the "Uprooted Uprooters" would do (p. 100)? Or do they want to in the system as it now operelites replace the existing Bill seems to feel there is some incompatibility ates? nurtured through technibetween the employment of skills That cal educations and the operation of the web system. Certainly a system almost perverse in may be the case. would not sit well' with the "Technoits arbitrariness But as clearly, one can find examples of virtucrats." ally any type regime which if not built on "technocrats," as an essential prop for survival. employed their services The history of Nazi Germany, as well as many contemporary and successcommunist regimes, which seem to productively profully incorporate "Technocrats" into their service, encouragement for those who hope for signifivide little But perhaps more discourcant political change in Iran. of the aging is the lack of clear analytic significance If the range of regime types which can "New Class." one base has such diversity, emanate from a technocratic While its wonders about the analytic power of the notion. doubt that analytic power may be in doubt, there is little the regime recognizes the importance of those with higher IRANIAN STUDIES

148

James Bill describes education for its perpetuation. the steps which have been taken to deal with them. (Strangely, he fails to mention the creation of Ayandegan, a daily newswhile legitimizing the paper aimed at the intelligentsia, existing distribution of power.) The author, interestingly, sees the White Revolution as one of the regime's efforts to deal with the "New Class." the By eliminating power of the landlords while selling land to the former cultivators, the regime hopes to build a base of active the support among the peasantry--a base which will offset menace of the middle classes and which will tend to immobilize that class politically. Bill is aware of the pitfalls of such a policy and is concerned with the possibility of the land reform's contributing to the rise of a disgruntled peasantry targeting its hostility onto the regime rather than on to the landlords as may have been the case in the past. Another puzzling absence is any mention of the White Revolution's undercutting the appeal of opposition elements in the "New Class." By co-opting the rhetoric as well as policy arenas of the Technocrats, the Shah both made it easier for them to associate with regime their efforts if the consequences of such policies were policies--even distant from the goals of the Technocrats, and ultimately made it more difficult for any oppositional elements to outbid the Shah for popular support. It is certainly not a very dramatic appeal to offer the people a program similar to that propounded by the regime while promising to enact that program more efficiently. Far better to offer a program which the present regime is not in the least But as things now stand in Iran, the retalking about. gime is talking of doing just about everything. Economic is a promise difficult to development with social justice match. With a booming, frontier type economy fueled by massive oil revenues, those who cautioned the regime in the past seem increasingly isolated. With the publication of his book, James Bill stands with the rest of American political scientists writing on Iran.

149

1975 SUMMER

ELITESAND CLASSES: CONFRONTATION OR INTEGRATION JAMESA. BILL

Scholars of society and politics have over the years developed a large number of theoretical approaches to assist them in understanding their subject matter. These methodological orientations necessarily affect research findings and results. Social scientists have not always been known for their toleration of any approach that differs substanfrom their own. Some, therefore, tially harden their own approaches into doctrines while those developed by others are treated as heresies. Dogmatism triumphs over openmindedness. Practitioners of the elite approach are as prone to this malady as are any other group of theoreticians. And for some very understandable reasons. In American political science, those who adopt an elite perspective have been unfairly but consistently attacked by the "pluralists," i.e., those who adopt a group approach and in so doing disavow the existence and/or importance of elites. The attack takes on a nasty normative slant whereby elite scholars are insidiously identified as proponents of the phenomenon they study. Thus, by labelling the practitioners of the approach "elitists," the critics condemn them to the ranks instantly of the anti-democratic.1

James A. Bill is Associate Professor in the Department of Government at The University of Texas at Austin. IRANIANSTUDIES

150

The Elite

Critique

of Class Scholarship

While locked in combat with the pluralist school of group scholarship, the elite scholars have for years been attempting to protect their intellectual flank from an approach that is a close theoretical cousin of theirs, i.e., class analysis. Classical elite scholarship represented a reaction against Marxian class study but this reaction never was able to completely shake the continuing appeal of the Marxist perspective. When neo-Marxist or non-Marxist class analysis began to appear in recent years, the proponents of the elite approach were among the first to attack the new formulations. This offensive, which is oftentimes launched because of extreme intellectual defensiveness, moves along several different fronts. First, the new class analyses are condemned out of hand as Marxist and are subjected to all the old cliches that plague Marxist theory. Second, the class approach as emphasized in any particular study is stripped of its capawith other theoretical city to be integrated approaches the group and elite perspectives). The studies (e.g., a class approach integrated with other approaches utilizing are then criticized for not dealing with questions better addressed by the supplementary approaches. The logic seems to rest on the premise that because the class analysis is supplemented it is somehow inferior to those approaches with which it is integrated. Third, class studies are Terms such as "class" charged with conceptual confusion. and "power" (and "group" and "elite" for that matter) have been and always will be "elusive." The problem is compounded by the fact that social scientists are seldom satisfied with anyone else's definitions unless of course they happen to accord with one's own conceptual prejudices. Nonetheless, this is a legitimate concern and proponents of the elite approach know a good deal about it as they have been justifiably attacked for years for the conceptual chaos that dominates their own scholarship. lt i s not often that they have the opportunity to come out of hiding at others. long enough to hurl the same kind of criticisms

151

SUNMER1975

There is one final cluster of criticisms. Scholars of elite approach persuasion found themselves marching Although behavioral revolution. along with the so-called out of step due to their fundamental inalways slightly ability to answer a question as basic as who is the elite attempts to mea(not to mention the desperate but futile sure power), elite analysts could introduce a modicum of into their studies by relying sophistication quantitative upon survey research centered upon the formal questionnaire. atThis enabled them to break into the study of political It is not accidental, analysis. titudes and personality therefore, that many of the leading pioneers of political culture conelite studies are also students of political and politorientations cerned with such issues as political has led elite scholars This situation ical socialization. to quantito criticize class analysts for their inability fy their findings since they must treat social aggregations And a related point of criticism of very large proportions. concerns the primary and determining role of attitudes that students of the elite persuasion often assign to to unwillingness The class analyst's political activity. commentaccept this assumption opens him to much critical ary on the part of elite scholars. to The review article responds rather predictably of Iran as it is the reaction of a scholar The Politics an elite approach to understand much of who has utilized The major points raised all fall the same subject matter. Rather outlined above. into one of the general categories of the level at specific these arguments than discussing one book which will stand on its own capacity or incapacity to provide an understanding of contemporary Iranian politI propose to discuss them in the more ical patterns, Hopefully, approaches. general context of theoretical this will enable us to move somewhat beyond a response to one man's opinion about another man's book. It is in this Marvin Zonis, spirit that the author of the review article, begins his essay. Painting all class analysis with the brush of Marxless prevalent today than it was in the ism is a tactic it is not heritage, Considering their intellectual past. IRANIANSTUDIES

152

that elite analysts carry a strong aversion to surprising But disagreements here in no way Marxian class analysis. of non-Marxian class analysis. similar criticisms justify a scholar to Although Professor Zonis is too sophisticated he does seem deterindulge in these kinds of distortions, ) and mode of employment (p. mined to stress wealth (p. of class despite ) as the key elements in our definition statements to the effect that the key element deexplicit as fining class is power. Might this not be interpreted of economic dominance if not nudging us in the direction In any case, this first critPerhaps not. determinism? in utilized icism is by far the weakest and least-widely in the It does not show up directly elite scholarship. review.

For is more pertinent. The second point of criticism some reason, it is not cricket for class scholars to bring If so, approaches into their analysis. other theoretical The reason is very simple. at all? then why study classes the class approach Each approach carries its own strengths, Elite scholars no less than the elite or group approaches. to the presence of the group apsensitive are especially This may be traceable to proach in any class formulation. the paranoia that permeates much of the contemporary debate Whatever the reason between "pluralists" and "elitists." great concern about the might be, the book review exhibits in what is otherwise apparently presence of group analysis enough, there is no appara class approach. Interestingly of Iran also relies ent recognition that The Politics The reviewer at one heavily upon the elite approach.z point writes that "there is obviously no necessary incomWould he between elite and class analysis." patibility write that "there is obviously no necessary incompatibility between group and class analysis"?3 of Questions raised about the conceptualization thereof are important if they ideas and the definitions do not degenerate into "definitionizing" and endless debates about words. The class approach, perhaps no less than the elite approach, does suffer from conceptual difto define. The subject matter is difficult ficulties. the to upon. Furthermore, agree difficult are Definitions 153

SUMMER 1975

of Iran is not deconceptual framework for The Politics veloped in the book but is elaborated instead in an article Only Journal of Middle East Studies. in the International It is of class is presented in the book. the definition not surprising that Zonis raises questions about the preit is surprising that he "found ciseness of definitions; of these issues" in the IJMES no further clarification article.4

The true test of any conceptual framework rests in the hypotheses and analysis that develop off of this framebut work. The key is not elegant and congenial definition that foster understanding and stimulate rather conclusions of any theoThe results of the application explanation. retical approach must in the end be judged on this basis. By examining the tools to the exclusion of the final proThis is duct, one can sometimes make faulty judgments. from true if the tools happen to be different especially those one personally prefers. to sophisticated Class analysis does not lend itself study. Because the elite approach focuses quantitative it clearly does upon a universe of manageable proportions, One must remember, however, that quanhave the edge here. This once is no substitute for understanding. tification of the "misinterpreters led Robert Hutchins to criticize science" whose slogan is, "'If you can't count it, it doesn't count." He went on to point out that "social scientists can count, but cannot comprehend. "5 Despite this admoniare very important to tion, measurement and precision This does not mean to say, investigations. theoretical however, that the class approach cannot be pursued in a can be And it certainly systematic and rigorous fashion. overstatement that, "Clearcoherent despite the reviewer's 'class,' produces aggregates too ly, the gross category, This is a rather bold inlarge for coherent analysis." dictment of scholars the stature of Karl Marx, Max Weber, Ralf Dahrendorf, and Joseph Schumpeter--to name but a few. no. maybe; incoherent, Incomputable, yes; inconsistent, and the primordial emphasis upon attitudes Finally, from class separates much elite scholarship orientations IRANIANSTUDIES

154

scholarship. Part of this is traceable to the greater possibilities of researchability that inhere in the elite approach. But there is a basic difference that extends far beyond this. Political scientists who study elite as the consider attitudes and orientations personalities fundamental realities of political life. Everything else springs from here. Class analysts, on the-other hand, beare shaped by one's environment and lieve that attitudes social structure. Barrington Moore summarizes this position well when he writes that "cultural values do not descend from heaven to influence the course of history."6 And he goes on to conclude: We cannot do without some conception of how people perceive the world and what they do or do not want To detach this concepto do about what they see. tion from the way people reach it, to take it out of its historical context and raise it to the status of an independent causal factor in its own right, means that the supposedly impartial investhat ruling tigator succumbs to the justifications groups generally offer for their most brutal conduct. That, I fear, is exactly what a great deal of academic social science does today.7 The Renaissance

of Class Analysis

The study of political elites represents an important approach to the study of society and politics. It enables the researcher to cut through the formal trappings of government to discover the major wielders of power. By studyone ing the personalities and behavior of such leadership, can gain a reasonably realistic decisionview of political making in the society under scrutiny. Surely much is to be gained from the study of those who have most power and make the key decisions in society. Despite strengths such as these, the emphasis on elites exists at a heavy cost to the need to understand certain fundamental political processes. It is precisely where elite study breaks down that class analysis exhibits its greatest explanatory power.8 15S

SUMMER 1975

Elite study preoccupies itself with a small group located at the pinnacle of the societal pyramid. At best, it is a view of society from the top down; at worst, it is a glimpse of only a tiny and unrepresentative collection of individuals who cluster at the top. In the elite approach, the rest of society is relegated to a residual category portrayed as some kind of gigantic glob usually referred to in the elite literature as a "mass." This lump acquires importance only insofar as the activities of its membership impinge upon elite position and policy. This somewhat Olympian view of reality fails to confront the struggles for power and survival that dominate the lives of most individuals in society. It ignores the needs and drives of those who are embedded in the middle and lower reaches of society. And it is unconcerned with the differences and gaps that divide and separate individuals who compose the "mass." In the words of Peter Bachrach: "All elite theories are founded on two basic assumptions: first, that the masses are inherently incompetent, and second, that they are, at best, pliable, inert stuff or, at worst, aroused, unruly creatures possessing an insatiable proclivity to undermine both culture and liberty."9 A second but related problem concerns the incapacity of elite study to account for revolutionary change. Social and political transformation (whether propelled from above Alor below) must necessarily involve classes and masses. though the elite approach can grapple very well with the modifying or incremental dimensions of change usually reas reform, transforming change ferred to in the literature involves society-wide dislocations. Change of the latter variety is generally ignited from below and is marked by of wealth as a fundamental redistribution such indicators a genuine national commitand power, mass participation, ment, and a basic institutional renewal that cuts down to of society. the grassroots Class analysis is society-wide analysis that is specifically designed to address the important issue of revolutionary change. Although the class approach carries a number of weaknesses peculiar to itself, it is strong IRANIANSTUDIES

156

precisely where the elite approach is weak. T. B. Bottomore writes that "an entirely misleading view of political life is created if we concentrate our attention upon the competition between elites, and fail to examine the conflicts between classes and the ways in which elites are connected with the various social classes."?10 This argument is phrased a bit more bluntly when it is put in the Iranian context by an Iranian social scientist in a review article of Marvin Zonis's own elite study of Iran. The reviewer challenges the premise that the key to understanding a country is to understand its elite. "Such a premise implicitly accepts the Iranian elite's own contemptuous view of the masses as asses who can be safely disregarded. But, unfortunately for both elites and elite students, asses can overturn applecarts, and masses, especially in Iran, have a nasty habit of butting into politics at the most inopportune moments."111 Because of the growing contemporary need and desire to understand sociopolitical transformation and because of the inability of most theoretical approaches to account for this phenomenon, scholars are increasingly returning to class as an organizing concept. The 1969 Annual Meeting of the American Political for example, Science Association, included a panel entitled "Class Analysis as a Means for Investigating Political Change." Since 1970, there have been four panels devoted explicitly to class analysis at the annual meetings of the Middle East Studies Association. Articles and books on the Middle East in general and Iran in particular are including significant sections of class investigation. An important recent example with a strong philosophical twist is Maxime Rodinson's Marxisme et Monde Musulman (1972).12

a number in Iran reflects Contemporary scholarship of powerful class analyses. In Persian, two of the very best are Mustafa Fateh's Panjah Sal Naft-i Iran (Fifty Years of Persian Oil) and Morteza Ravandi's Tarikh-i Ijtima ci-yi Iran (The Social History of Iran). The most important recent work investigating Iranian social and political history in class terms are the writings of Leonard Helfgott. 157

SUMMER 1975

In his paper, "Tribalism as a Socio-Economic Formation in Iranian History," Professor Helfgott adopts a strong Marxian approach that enables him to develop a rigorous theoretical formulation of Iranian society. 13 Although one may not choose to accept the entire conceptual framework nor some of the assumptions that lie behind it, one cannot disnature of the argument pute the relevant and stimulating which grapples directly with the basic questions of economic and political continuity and change. analysis. It is best Class analysis is society-wide change. Elite suited to explain conflict and revolutionary study treats a more exclusive subject matter and in the proAs such, the two cess accounts well for modifying change. approaches are complementary. It was from this perspective of Iran was written. that The Politics The Politics

of Iran and an Integrated

Approach

The Politics of Iran is a study shaped by an inteClass analysis is deemgrated group-class-elite approach. theoretical tool to ened a necessary but not sufficient able one to understand power and change in the sophisticated ethnic Iranian context. Personalism, family influence, are among the and the prevalence of factionalism diversity, Patrimany considerations that demand a group perspective. and arbitrary centralization, monial monarchy, authoritarian despotism invest the elite approach to Iran with particular relevance. But studying elite policy and group movement of class analysis. does in no way negate the significance to conceptualize Quite to the contrary. It is difficult how one can study groups or elites without anchoring them in the social structure. By studying them in a vacuum, one risks vacuuous conclusions. of Iran is above all else an analysis The Politics its relationship to the other of one important social class, and its own in society and to the political elite, classes Nowhere is it indicated internal cleavages and coalitions. To that the study is to reflect only a class perspective. a loosely concriticize it in these terms is to criticize IRANIANSTUDIES

158

The most important test of any sigstructed straw horse. nificant scholarly exercise is to judge whether or not it furthers one's understanding of the subject matter under investigation. Does The Politics of Iran further our understanding of the complex and subtle Iranian political system? It is time to put aside personal pet methodologies and favored theoretical perspectives. Professor Zonis has raised some important conceptual and theoretical questions It does suffer from definitionconcerning class analysis. al haze and controversy; it carries serious problems of researchability; it sometimes overlooks the disproportionate amount of influence exercised by leaders; and it tends to obscure intra- and inter-class movements of individuals and groups. Like the elite and group approaches, therefore, class analysis needs to be buttressed by other theoretical orientations. It is this theoretical assumption upon which the analysis in The Politics of Iran rests. Although I may choose to quarrel with the reviewer' s of Iran, I in no way theoretical portrayal of The Politics place him in the category of scholars who remain dogmatically wed to a particular approach to the exclusion of all others. Professor Zonis is as sharp a critic of the elite approach as he is of the class or group approach. His final assessment of The Politics of Iran is as follows: "With the publication of his book, James Bill stands with the rest of American political scientists writing on Iran." If this is true, then I suspect that I am in very good company. NOTES 1.

An early great scholar of elite Pareto, for example, was accused "a sadistic exhibiting pleasure with mankind" to "employing the disappointed lover."

159

politics, Vilfredo of everything from in finding faults psychology of the

SUMMER1975

2.

Indeed,

the book is considered

William

Zartman in his

Elite Circulation," 1974), 465-488. 3.

review

anl elite article

study by I. "The Study

Comparative Politics,

of

6 (April,

The inherent antipathy to group study harbored by elite is reflected scholarship in Marvin Zonis's own

writing

on Iran.

In his study of the Iranian

elite,

for example, he at one point goes so far as to state that, "And, indeed, one is struck by the relative absence in Iranian life of meaningful and functioning groups other than the family. Iranian politics is not a process in which groups play an especially relevant role." See Zonis, The Political Elite of Iran (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1971), pp. 214-215. 4.

Since the entire article focuses on developing complementary of group and class definitions in the IsI cannot dismiss lamic social context, the possibility that the reviewer looked at the wrong article. The that this could have occurred possibility is lent some

credence by the fact that Professor Zonis cites the article as appearing in volume 4 of IJMES. It in fact appeared in volume 3. 5.

R. M. Hiutchins, et al., Science, Scientists, and Politics (Santa Barbara, Cal.: Center for the Study of Democratic Institutions, 1963), p. 3.

6.

Barrington Moore, Jr., and Democracy (Boston:

7.

Ibid.,

8.

One of the strenigths of Marvin Zonis's own scholarship is the forthright manner in which he admits many of the deficiencies of the elite approach which he adopts in his book on Iran. For an elaboration of this point as well as my brief evaluation of Zonis's book on Iran, see my review in The Mliddle East Journal, 26 (Autumn, 1972), 459-461.

Social Origins Beacon Press,

of Dictatorship 1966), p. 486.

p. 487.

IRANIAN STUDIES

160

9.

T. B. Bottomore, Elites Books, 1964), p. 118.

and Society

(New York:

Basic

10.

Ali Jandaghi (pseud.), "The Present Situation Monthly Review, 25 (November, 1973), 43.

11.

Peter Bachrach, The Theory of Democratic Elitism: A (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1967), p. 2. itiqu

12.

See also Jacques Berque, "L'Idee de Classes dans L' Histoire Contemporaine des Arabs," Cahiers Internationaux de Sociologie, 38 (1965), 169-184.

13.

This paper was prepared for delivery at the 8th Annual Meeting of the Middle East Studies Association, November 6-9, 1974, Boston, Massachusetts. For an expanded but more preliminary version of Helfgott's analysis, see L. Helfgott, "The Rise of the Qajar Dynasty: The Political Economy of Tribalism in 19th Century Persia" (Ph.D. dissertation, Department of History, University of Maryland, 1973).

in Iran,"

ZONIS REPLIES

To answer

our ical

(1) Yes, understanding system."

viously class

some

specific

questions:

of Iran indeed, The Politics of "the complex and subtle

I would write (2) Yes, indeed, no necessary incompatibility analysis." To clarify

some

specific

161

does further Iranian polit-

is obthat "there between group and

points:.

SUMMER 1975

(1) Conceptual chaos and methodological crudity are failings which are generally shared by most social scientists, not those who pursue any particular approach to the or society. study of politics (2) That elite analysis was conceived as a rebuttal to the "scourge" of Marxism and is still occasionally wielded as a weapon is no reason for us to deny its great strengths nor to fall into the trap of thinking that we must accept the dilemmas posed by the falsely constructed dichotomies of our ancestors (class "versus" elites), not to mention

trichotomies

(class

"versus"

elites

"versus"

groups). (3) The conceptual which confront the scholar at least as challenging to The problems of definitions, (suggested by the definition class or group analyses as

and methodological problems of elites are, unfortunately, scholars of groups or classes. boundaries, and significance of power) are as central to to the study of elites.

(4) Cultural values, attitudes, and personalities do not arise from nowhere. They are the product of conof individuals and temporary and historical experiences societies. But this observation in no sense denies that attitudes or personality may be studied as "independent causal factors." It is nonsense to argue that to do so means accepting "the justifications that ruling groups One might generally offer for their most brutal conduct." as well claim that to study classes or groups in Iran is to accept the claims of the regime that the White Revolution is a product of Shah-People links. (5) The quote from Peter Bachrach is patently on elites false, addressed primarily to the literature and incorrectly based on the American experience, suggests the faults of such analysis are inherent. that (6) Pareto and Mosca were as concerned with the problems of revolutionary change as were any students of class or group. IRANIANSTUDIES

162

To transcend

the terms of this

debate:

We ought to be able to learn something about scholarship and the world it purports to study by the fact that James Bill and I can engage in this exchange while our own works reach fundamentally similar conclusions about Iran. There is a truth about the nature of of rewards and power relations and the distribution punishments in Iran which seems to shine through any honest analysis. That seems the most important fact.

163

SUMMER 1975

HAIFEZ'S"TURKOF SHIRAZ"AGAIN

MICHAELC. HILLMANN

The most familiar of Hafez's poems in the English"Turk of Shiraz" ghazal, a speaking world is the so-called and frequently discussed poem that has been much translated A great poem, a called a number of things which it isn't: grand philosophical a unified composition and a utterance, typical Hafezian ghazal. And it hasn't been called something which it may well be: a verse-song intended for recital with musical accompaniment. In its

most popular version,

the "Turk of Shiraz"

reads :1

bL~

JfX, ?

Michael C. Hillmann is Assistant Professor in the Department of Oriental and African The Languages and Literatures, of Texas at Austin. University An earlier version of this article was presented Eighth Annual Meeting of the Middle East Studies

at the Associa-

The article embodies ssme tion in Boston (November, 1974). ideas that are more fully developed in several chapters of the author's Unity in the Ghazals of Hafez (forthcoming). IRANIAN STUDIES

164

w s

@L@L '"-L UY-D

1-

.iAs

,1 VSL?

L)~~~~ ;

..

6 Ij~~~-

,j

l

kj

-~ Ire

t b

.><

C)j 1 &

L U't1S

-L -1

~~

And literally

v

j 1

-~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~'

6 LL5- ,J J

L I;s.

1

c cD

1M~~~U A,,JI .4~~~

- L.

L,,

9.y-

6,:,1,4 J

paraphrased

in English,

the poem goes:

If that Turk (ish male/female, beloved) of Shiraz I'll gains my heart (reciprocates my affection), grant (give up) Samarqand and Bukhara (in exchange) for his/her Indian mole. 165

SUMMER 1975

2

Cupbearer, give (pour out) the remainder (the wine since leftover, immortal, immortalizing) you will not find in paradise the banks of the water of Ruknabad and the flower garden of Mu5alld.

3

(audacious, joyous, Alas that these vivacious commobeguiling, beautiful, highway-robber), have gypsies (city-disrupting) tion-inspiring from heart as just the taken (stolen) patience the Turks (take) the public banquet.

4

The beauty of the friend (beloved) is beyond as to) my (our) inneeding (self-sufficient love; what need has the complete (imperfect) face of good color and glow, a beauty beautiful (peach fuzz)? mark (mole), and eyeliner

5

beauty I knew (have known) that daily-increasing by which love brings which Joseph possessed, Zulaykha from behind the curtain of chastity (modesty, the private section of the house).

6

If you malign (me) or invoke a curse, I'm nonetheless a suppliant (praying for you); the bitsugarter answer suits the ruby (-colored), chewing (sweet) lip.

7

Heed advice, o beloved (o heart), since fortunate (happy, prosperous) youths prefer (love or like more) the advice of the wise (knowing) elder to live (the beloved, the heart):

8

Talk about (tell a story of) (the) minstrel and wine; and search less for the secret of the universe, since no one (has) opened or will open this puzzle (riddle) with (solve, disclose) philosophy.

9

You uttered (have uttered) a ghazal (ghazal poem, song) and pierced the pearl (hit the mark), o

IRANIANSTUDIES

166

Hafez; come and recite (read, sing, chant) (it) pleasantly (beautifully, joyously) because upon of pearls) the your verse (stringing, i.e., heavens (universe) scatter the necklace (constellation) of Pleiades. A first impression of the "Turk of Shiraz" is of a texture of hyperbole, paradox, a sense of the ultimate or perfection, eloquence, and seriousness, with familiar images and conceits given new vitality through new combinA comation and given form by means of verse patterning. position of nine couplets consisting of a closed couplet

followed by eight open couplets with a two-syllable feminine rhyme, the ghazal also exhibits a quantitative tetrameter of feet composed of a short syllable followed by less regular, three long syllables and a parallel, slightly accentual pentameter. But despite the strikingness of individual images and couplets, the consistent seriousness of tone, and the aural effects including regular forming patterns of rhythm and rhyme, the "Turk of Shiraz" can seem little more at of vaguely or first reading than a hodge-podge related disconnected, mostly aphoristic, couplets or, to use the famous eighteenth-century phrase from Sir William Jones' translation, "orient pearls at random strung."2 A cursory explication merely heightens this sense.

reader

In the opening with a striking

couplet or bayt, Hafez presents hyperbole. Perhaps recognizing

the the

impossibility of verbalizing in concrete terms either perfect beauty or the effect of what he may feel is perfect that should the object beauty, the poetic speaker asserts of his affection his love, he would accept or reciprocate be ready to proffer the distant, proverbially wealthy and exotic of Samargand and Bukhara in exchange for the cities

beauty mark on the beloved's

face.

The force

of the open-

of place images, ing bayt with its texture the hyperbole, and the strikingness of the whole conceit, well arouses reader attention and communicates the sense that the

speaker's

love has caused him to burst 167

into

song.

Upon

SUMMER 1975

hearing this bayt, one might anticipate that the theme of the ghazal is to be romantic love, that its tone will involve the speaker's idealized, worshipful emotion, with which the auditor is expected to sympathize, and that the imagery will naturally complement this theme and tone. But abruptly, the tour de force of bayt 1 still ringing in the hearer's ears, in bayt 2, which involves a shift in subject, tone, and address, the speaker turns to the winebearer and asks for wine, intimating that the rethat paradise, whatever quest stems from the realization bliss it may offer, will be incapable of matching the exquisiteness of the existential moment beside the Ruknabad river in the Mu5alld garden. In bayt 3, the speaker generalizes about the devastating appeal of the class of beloveds, here called luliyan or gypsies, of which it seems assumed the "Turk of Shiraz" in bayt 1 is a prime example. The allure of such beloveds is described with the image of Turkish plunderers, a simile on a par with the preceding hyperbole and paradox in terms of strikingness. In fact, the reader's impression after three bayts may be that of bombardment with "poetic" extravagance in terms of the power of the conceits and images. In bayt 4, the speaker considers the "Turk of Shiraz" as an epitomization of the perfection of beauty and attraction described in bayt 3, and depicts the beloved as not In all three bayts dealneeding the love of such as he. ing with love to this point, the speaker seems to be speaking to himself, his mood and stance vis-a-vis the beloved a conventional courtly love mode. Bayt 5 fits into the general context of love and the lover's total enthrallment in bayts 1, 3, and 4 and, through the allusion to the story of Joseph and Zulaykha, a symbolic narrative very popular with poets working in the of Sufi imagery and thought, may inspire the tradition reader to interpret the images of the beloved as an implicit description of an emotion and relationship beyond secular, romantic love and reference to a beloved only metaIRANIANSTlJDIES

168

phorically

possessed

of corporeal

6 reiterates of self-sufficiency, quality scornful aloofness, with buffs further developing

existence.

beloved's embodiment of the here demonstrated through rethe image of the beloved's the courtly love stance.

the

as perIn bayt 7 the beloved, previously portrayed is suddenly fect, aloof, reproachful, and self-sufficient, to bear in mind that youths blessed exhorted with good fortune hold dear the advice of the wise elder and cherish it, in fact, more than their own lives, hearts, or beloveds. This bayt seems to give voice to a distinct, third theme: love in bayts 1, 3, 4, 5, and 6, and carpe diem in bayt 2, and to involve a change in tone to admonishment, no transifor the shift. tional device or hint preparing of bayt 2, Bayt 8 echoes the carpe diem statement but the explicit is here different: take admotivation vantage of wine and song, and search less for the secret of things, since no one can fathom ultimate questions through ratiocination or philosophical inquiry. In view of bayt 7, wherein the value of the elder's advice is as-

serted, advice.

b

8 is most likely

And in the final

the substance

bayt the speaker

of the elder's

steps

aside

and

as he addresses himself, lauding his own poetic effort does in many ghazals, hyperbolizing on it as grandly as he did on the subject of the beloved's beauty in the opening bayt. From this explication four separate themes emerge: (1) the speaker-lover's emotion vis-a-vis the irresistible and aloof beloved; (2) the realization of the uniqueness

of the present moment and the importance of living and pondering it unteleologically; (3) the admonition to heed the knowing elder's and (4) the speaker's reflecadvice; tion on the success of his own poetic effort. The tone also is seen to range from humble abjection of the speaker's courtly love stance and awe at the beloved's perfection to philosophizing, admonishment and self-praise. And 169

SUMMER1975

the images range from a geographical, pseudo-temporal setlove imagery and the use of allusion, ting to literary what may seem to be symbol. Most readers fresh from the "Turk of Shiraz" ghazal probably share the sense of disunity which the foregoing If there is a conhas seemed to demonstrate. explication sense that some subtle warp and woof comitant paradoxical through the ghazal, a vantage point must be sought persists from which the ghazal's statements can be seen as integrated into a whole. In fact, two scholars have considered the "Turk of Shiraz" in this light, A. J. Arberry with a focus on thematic structure and G. M. Wickens with a focus on imagery.3 According Hafi;'

to Arberry,

technique

is

fundamentally

thematic;

. . .he

constructs each lyric upon the basis of a limited from a repertory which is number of themes selected and to a great extent restricted, definitely itself Having chosen his themes--as a rule conventional. not more than two or three whole themes, with fragments of others so familiar as to be immediately then proceeds to work out his recognizable--he pattern.... The "Turk of Shiraz" ...

ghazal,

has one principal

Arberry continues,

theme,

one subsidiary

theme,

"clasp" theme....The or...one and one signature, fair charmer, beautiful, theme is--the principal proud, unapproachable, the human, this wordly reof the Divine flection of the immortal loveliness Spirit. (and music) are The subsidiary theme is--wine of the lover, to compensate the sole consolation his sorrow over the incapacity of his love, and and to nature of mundane affairs, the transitory enable him to solve those mysteries of the spirit IRANIANSTUDIES

170

which baffle The first

eight

and defeat bayts,

the reason.

according

to Arberry,

... complete the statement and development of the chosen themes, to the evident and justified satisfaction of the poet: it only remains therefore to sign the poem...[with] the "clasp" theme.4 for the purpose of determining the Unfortunately sort of unity which the "Turk of Shiraz" may exhibit, Arberry fails to consider the thematic pattern itself in which the combination of themes in this ghazal are asserted to be worked out. themes. Rather, he merely lists Furthermore, his description of the themes themselves may be, in part, gratuitous. For example, in bayt 1 the beloved is not actually described as "the human, this worldly reflection of the immortal loveliness of the Divine Spirit." In bayts 2 and 8 it seems not even to be implied that "wine and music are the sole consolation of the lover, to compensate his sorrow over the incapacity of his love"; in fact the image of wine appears only in contexts not explicitly treating love. And the phrase may-e baqg vis-a-vis jannat may imply something opposite to sorrow at the transience of this world. In any case, Arberry seems to beg the essential How is the "Turk of Shiraz" unified? To argue question: that Hafez uses three themes does not answer the question, nor does the attempt to demonstrate that the poem must be understood as an expression of "mystical" love. It would seem, then, that Arberry's analysis actually proves that Hafez's technique in the "Turk of Shiraz" is not thematic. G. M. Wickens, in fact, explicitly using Arberry's as a point of departure, observes that Arconclusions berry's analysis of the "Turk of Shiraz" treats the poem's "purely thematic aspects--without touching...on... the technical manipulation of the threads of symbolic imagery with which it is woven."5 Subsequently, Wickens ex171

SUMMER 1975

pattern amines the "Turk of Shiraz" to discover "a distinct of a list of His analysis consists of symbolic allusion." items in the ghazal, which leads him to the major lexical assert that he "was able to group the various significain the all of which are suggested... tions in ten classes, And, in Wickens' view "it is diffirst major word, tork." (1) Turkficult to escape the prevalence of" five motifs: to and apparent Turkish words; (2) allusions ish allusions and the like; war, distress, violence, arrogance, cruelty, (3) stars, the heavens, the atmosphere, the calendar, and to and defects; and (5) allusions time; (4) imperfections parts of the body.6 of ten motifs, five of them major The elucidation motifs, in a poem of nine couplets would seem per se to argue to the problematic nature of the unity of that poem, especially since not even the five major motifs are mutuin a single texture of as participating ally reconcilable of motifs by Wickens, desimagery. Further, the citation of their convergence in the assertion pite his gratuitous term tork, is unaccompanied by a demonstration of how they One perforce concludes that into a whole. are integrated Wickens' analysis actually demonstrates that the patterning of imagery is not Hafez's technique in the "Turk of Shiraz" either. and But in any case the texture and allusiveness perhaps symbolic quality of vocabulary and imagery in the which "Turk of Shiraz" assuredly deserves the attention For are manifest. The possibilities Wickens argues for. example, the use of the singular demonstrative "that" toin the phrase an gether with place and race designation to a person perturk-i Shirazi may hint at an allusion and such identification identifiable, haps historically Or the characters in the poem may be has been asserted.7 there may be Or more importantly, literally symbolic. cases of double entendre or iham, that is ambivalence, characteristic argue is the essential which some critics of Hafez's style.8 In the phrase may-e bgql in bayt 2, for example, which the Turkish commentator Sudi, Hafez's as "the last and Wickens interpret English translators, IRANIANSTUDIES

172

of the wine,"9 added meaning can accrue to the word bai both in that sense, as the familiar images of durdkashi, "drinking to the very bottom of the cup," and sabuhi, "the custom of taking a drink in the morning," demonstrate and that of "permanent, immoralso in its second denotation, and "as an epithet for God."10 This second tal, eternal," sense of baq1 may join the first in creating an ambivalence for the reader's sense that he has been partly responsible transported by the poem beyond where it, on the surface, him. The phrase may-e baqg seems capable of transporting accounts as "immortal" or "immortalizing" wine logically just for the speaker's preference of Shiraz to paradise, as may-e bgql as "the rest of the wine" accounts for the in another way. It may be this instance of preference Hafezian ambivalence that explains the discrepancy between that the "Turk of Shiraz" CAli Bdmddd's assertion Muubammad is no more than a statement of secular love and Arberry's utterance.11 claim that it is a grand philosophical The fact seems to be that the sense of the whole poem lies between the two, and as a statement of love so, even romantic physical love where, as in naturally the poetry of John Donne, according to Eric Schroeder, and a constant connection "there is a changing relation The allusion between the erotic and the metaphysical."12 to Joseph and Zulaykha may seem to some to be wholly in area of the spectrum, whereas the minstrelthe spiritual in bayt 9 perand-wine image in bayt 8 and the self-praise haps can be taken only as part of the physical world. readers as more or Bayts 1, 3, and 5 may strike different or literal in import according to individuless spiritual But bayt of the demands of the context. al interpretation However, even if the critic 2 seems explicitly ambivalent. the problem accepts the ghazal as operating on two levels, of its integrity persists. Nor does Robert Rehder's comprehensive and otherin "The Unity of the Ghazals discussion wise stimulating of IJIfiz" draw the reader closer to the discovery of a of organization in "The Turk of Shiraz," desprinciple pite one's acknowledgment of such truly forming aspects, 173

1975 SUMMER

cited by Rehder, as meter, the rhyme scheme and the syntaccaused by the monorhyme, the balancing of tical regularity the rhymed opening couplet and the closing takhalluU, the maintenance of a single mood and discourse by a single figures in every bayt, speaker, the presence of rhetorical of structure in and among bayts, instances of parallelism and allusions.13 and the grouping of images, references, even with all of these forming qualiFor it is possible, ties, to frame a statement that is either incomprehensible or incoherent as a whole or that, even if coherent in terms of plain sense, is mere verse rather than poetic statement. example, if nine bayts were less hypothetical As a slightly Hafezian ghazals which extaken at random from different hibited the same meter, rhyme scheme, presence of rhetoriall cal figures, the discourse of a single speaker, etc., considered by Rehder of the so-called unifying qualities composition; but what are the would imbue the resulting a poem? (A odds that such a composition would constitute critical problem here seems to be that Rehder, and Arberry before him, fails to define what is meant by the term "unity. ") In short, the "Turk of Shiraz" seems not to be unified if, according to Webster's, by unity is meant "a com.production bination or ordering of parts in a literary.. efa whole or promote an individual such as to constitute fect";14 or if, as John Hospers puts it, ... the

unified

object

should

contain

within

itself

a large number of diverse elements, each of which of to the total integration in some way contributes the unified whole, so that there is no confusion despite the disparate elements within the object. In the unified object, everything that is necessary is there, and nothing that is not necessary is there.15 For in the case of the "Turk of Shiraz," the "combination a whole" or ordering of parts" seems neither "to constitute total effect"; rather, there nor to "promote an individual because of "the disparate eleis "confusion" precisely ments" within the poem, the reader unable to judge that IRANIAN STUDIES

174

"everything that is not necessary

is necessary is there."

is there,

and nothing

that

That the "Turk of Shiraz" is not unified leads the to a judgment, for generally speaking a successful critic poem must have unity, and generallT speaking, in Hospers' words, "Unity is a value concept." Thus one might conclude that the "Turk of Shiraz" is not a wholly successful poem precisely because it seems lacking in unity, no other aspect or feature of the ghazal having been demonstrated to compensate for this lack. After making such a judgment, however, it may strike as curious that Hafez who admirably demonstrates the critic in many ghazals an ability to produce unified poems of different sorts should produce such an obviously disjointed and undirected composition and paradoxically express extreme satisfaction with it. There seem to be at least three possible explanations of this paradox. First, unity and coherence are onwhen they occur in Hafez's ghazals because ly accidental ''pearls at random strung" was in fact the medieval Persian conception of lyric poetry and the basis of reader appreciation of "good poetry." Wickens and Rypka, among others, seem to espouse this view.17 Second, the "Turk of Shiraz" is merely a forgivable instance of a good poet's occasional failure. Third, Hafez knew what he was doing in the "Turk of Shiraz" and produced what he intended, but what he intended was not a composition with the effects ordinarily associated with lyric poetry. That unity and coherence are accidental when they are exhibited by individual Hafezian ghazals seems unlikely in view of the evidence offered by many textuall stable and demonstrably unified ghazals in Hafez's Divan. l That the "Turk of Shiraz" was a product of one of Hafez's bad days also seems unlikely in view of the poet's artful and hyperbolic note of self-praise in the final bayt. In other words, the poet was apparently very pleased with his effort in this ghazal despite its lack of the very obvious 175

SUMMER 1975

and sometimes apparently deliberate tion which many of his shah-ghazals

qualities exhibit.

of organiza-

The explanation, therefore, of the nature of the "Turk of Shiraz" vis-a-vis that of many other successful ghazals in Hafez's Dlvan lies in an appreciation of what the poet really intended and was so pleased at in this The answer seems to lie in the final or takhallus ghazal. bayt where Hafez both asserts what he has done: ghazal gufti and what should be done with the product: biya-vu khwosh bikhwan Hafez. The structural function of the takhallus is not unproblematic in the Hafezian ghazal. And the convention of including the nom de plume in a ghazal cannot be explained away by arguing that it is analogous to a signature in a painting; for in the latter art the signature is generally so placed as not to interfere with the context of the painting, whereas in the Hafezian ghazal the takhallu~ occupies a rhetorically significant position in the composition (at the end usually), often constitutes the concluding note, and becomes part of the composition's very warp and woof. As a proper name signifying an historical figure and poet, the word Hafez participates as a character in all of the ghazals in which it appears, and must be funcallusion no different tionally appreciated as an historical from al-Hallaj, Moses, or Joseph. And the word "Hafez" may or may not refer to the poetic speaker in a given case.19 Furthermore, the word has meanings apart from its signification of a particular historical figure and poet. Its primary denotation is "keeper, protector, watchman, and sentinel,"20 a common sense of the word in medieval Persian poetry, and a potential part of the texture of the a The word hafiz as in it takhallus. which context appears also denotes a person who has memorized the Koran and/or The poet Hafez one hundred thousand Islamic traditions.21 obviously chose or received this takhallus because of his mastery of the Koran, which fact he alludes to in a number of ghazals. In fact, the only occasions in which the word "Koran" appears in Hafez's ghazals are in juxtaposition IRANIANSTUDIES

176

A third with the word Hafez.22 hafiz I'll get to in a minute.

denotation

of the word

The structural function of a takhallus bayt which with or self-praise of expresses the poet's satisfaction his poetic effort is an especially problematic concern. For even if such a takhallus bat serves obviously to sigcreates a probnal the close of a ghazal, it concomitantly lem that would not exist if the takhallua bayt were deleted. That is to say, in terms of unity, the takhalluU usually introduces a theme not part of the context and thematic development of the earlier bayts and takes the reader out of the world of the poem and introduces the poet's name as a craftsman in the world outside of the poem. Thus, in a sense, many ghazals featuring a takhallu$ bayt of selfpraise are likely, as in the case of the "Turk of Shiraz," to appear disunified because of the note of selfprecisely praise. Sir William Jones entitled his impressionistic translation of the "Turk of Shiraz" ghazal "A Persian Song." His choice of the word "Persian" was appropriate both because it identified the culture and language of his model and source of inspiration and because of the exotic associations such mention of "Persia" might have for his English audience. The choice of the word "Song" was equally appropriate. First, the word ghazal, besides denoting the technical verse form by that name, means "song," and when Hafez says khwosh bikhwan" in the final bayt: "ghazal gufti...blya-vu he allows that his composition may be thought of as a song. Further, Sir William may have been struck by the "musical" of the perfectly qualities regular patterns of rhythm, rhyme, and euphony of the composition in thinking of it as a song, as well as having been affected by the longstanding tradition in English lyric poetry of compositions called, thought of, or actually used as "songs." Many such English songs feature stanzas descriptive of aspects of the poem's subject without transitional devices linking them, just as the Hafezian bayt, which is somewhat longer than the English quatrain, may not exhibit a transitional device linking it to juxtaposed bayts. 177

SUMMER 1975

But there is more to the "song" quality of the "Turk of Shiraz" than that. Both the word ghazal and the word bikhwan have a denotation relating to music: ghazal can mean song, and bikhwan can mean "sing." More significantly, the takhallus "Iafi;," in its third denotation, means mutrib or gavvdl, "minstrel" or "story-teller,"23 and Bastani Parizi argues that this sense of the word may have had as much bearing on why the poet chose or received this nom de plume as his mastery of the Koran. 24 Husayn cAll Mallah has shown how pervasive knowledge and imagery of music is in Hafez's poetry.25 In any case, the combination of the words ghazal and bikhwan and hafiz in the sense of minstrel in the takhallus bayt seems amenable to no other interpretation than this that the speaker is urging that the composition be sung. Although the "Turk of Shiraz" lacks a thematic unity or an integrity of imagery, the composition is surely of a piece in aural terms. And the constituent bayts share another quality in common. Every byt in the ghazal gives voice to an idea or feeling involving hyperbole, paradox, a sense of the ultimate, or perfection. Each of the statements is particularly striking to the auditor. It is as if the speaker has taken a grandiose stance in the ghazal. And at its conclusion, he takes a bow. A song. That A bow. That implies a performance. can only be a performance. Hafez. The word, it has been a minstrel or singer. shown, can mean a performer: The "Turk of Shiraz" seems to fail as a poem not the because of any lapses in its rhythm, sound effects, of of its or vitality its images, the freshness conceits, of -it be flawless in force those the its statementsmay of theme and imagery terms--but because its organization of the to does not conduce singleness impression which is associated with poetic statement. Even with that, that is, readdespite the lack of impression of unity, the critical er does experience a sense of being transported by the And if, in fact, Hafez composed the "Turk of composition. Shiraz" to be recited or sung with musical accompaniment IRANIANSTUDIES

178

the unity of the ghazal as a interlude, or an instrumental its other poem to be read and reread would be irrelevant, assuring its effect as qualities forming and attracting performance. NOTES MuhammadQazvini and Qasem Ghani, eds., Divan-i... Hafez (Tehran: Zavvar, 1941), no. 3. This edition referred to as QG. The variant in Nazir is hereafter eds., Dlvan-eAhmad and S. M. Reza Jalali Na'ini, Hafiz (Tehran: Sazman-i Umur-e Farhangi va KetbTkthe same numhanah'ha, 1971), p. 18, no. 7, exhibits 1 , 2, order of bayts (i.e., different ber but slightly Aya Sofya MS 3945, f. 402 1., 3, 4, 8, 5, 6, 7, 9). 1, 2, 3, 5, 6, 7, 9, features a seven-bayt variant: in "The which Robert M. Rehder presents and discusses Unity of-the Ghazals of H1fiz," Der Islam 51 (1974): 55-96; but there are many errors in Rehder's reading of both the Aya Sofya and QG texts; e.g. (with U.S. ba-dast b.l: Library of Congress transliteration), ui should ba-khal should be bi-khal, should-be bi-dast, figshould be may-i bJai; b.3: be u; b.2: mayb_b danastam should be danisthan should be faghan; b.4: khush should be am, cashq should be Cishq; b.7: khwush, ba-khwdn should be bikhwan, caqd should be ciqd; b.8 (in QG): na-gushavad u na-gushayad should In any case, bayt 4, not in be nagshud-u nagshayad. the Aya Sofya MS, does seem flat and undramatic, esits first mesrac in comparison with the pecially bayts around it; but the omission or change in position of bayt 8 seems curious if it is taken as a conand exof bayt 7 (refer to the translation tinuation As for verbal variants among the below). plication is the taZmln three sources, the most significant from Sacdi in Aya or quotation) allusion (literary Sofya 3945 and the Ahmad-Jalali edition in place of

the first

mesrac of bayt 6 in QG:

Sacdi, Divan, ed.

Ma;dher Mosaffa (Tehran: Kanun-e Macrefat, 1965), p. lament at separa582, line 3 (the ghazal is a lover's 179

SUMMER1975

tion from and mistreatment by the beloved), which reads: badam gufti-yu khursandam Cafak allah niku tfl-- "You spoke ill of me/insulted me and I'm God forgive you, you spoke well, i.e., satisfied; even your insults are like 'good' words to me." For the purpose of the present article, the conclusion to be drawn from the differing versions of the "Turk of Shiraz" ghazal is that the QG 3 text of the poem here discussed does not necessarily represent the ghazal exactly as Hafez composed or recited it, but rather represents a legitimate and old version of great popularity worth examining in vacuo on its own terms. 2.

William Jones, A Grammarof the Persian Language (London: W. & J. Richardson, 1771), pp. 137-40, preon pp. 135-36. ceded by a literal translation

3.

A. J. Arberry, "Orient Pearls at Random Strung," Bulletin of Oriental and African Studies 11 (1943): 699-712; G. M. Wickens, "An Analysis of Primary and Secondary Significations in the Third Ghazal of Hafiz," BSOAS14 (1952): 627-38, and "Intiqad al-Ictir&d" (Toronto, 1953, mimeographed) in reply to the rebuttal to "Significations" by Mary Boyce, "A Novel Interpretation of HUfiz," BSOAS15 (1953): 279-88.

4.

Arberry,

5.

G. M. Wickens, "The Persian Conception of Artistic in Other Fields," Unity in Poetry and its Implications BSOAS14 (1952): 240.

6.

Wickens, "Significations,"

7.

Qasem Ghani, Tarikh-e CAsr-e Hafez (Tehran: Zavvar, 1942), pp. 268-70 and 390, fn. 2, asserts that the "Turk of Shiraz" may have been Shah Shuj'ac's son and But this seems unlikely successor, Zayn al-CAbedin. both because the word turk can mean merely "beloved"

"Orient Pearls,"

IRANIAN STUDIES

180

pp. 706-7.

pp. 627-28.

and because the phrase turk-e shirazi was previously used by SaCdi to represent a beloved in a ghazal describing the lover's troubled state with an address of the indifferent, aloof beloved: Sacdi, Divan, p. 601,

8.

line

5.

Abdol-Hossein Ba Karvan-i

Zarrinkoob,

"Hafez, Khwdjah-yi Rindan,"

Hullah (Tehran: Arya, 1964), Mortazavi, "Iham ya Kha;I~ah-yi

p.

272;

Asli-yi Sabk-i Hafez," Nashriyah-yi Danishkadah-yi Adabiyat-i Tabriz 11 (1959/60): 193-224, 485-500, and 12 (1960/ 61): 65-84; MahmudHuman, with Esmacil Khu'i, Hafez, 2nd ed. (Tehran: Tahuri, 1968/69), p. 27.

Manuchehr

9.

Sudi, Sharh-i Sudi bar Hafez, 4 vols., 2nd ed. Tr. cEsmat Sattarzadeh (Tehran: Rangin, 1968/69), 1:26; published translations by Gertrude Bell, Herbert BickWalter Leaf, E. G. Browne, Richard le Gallienne, nell, John Payne, A. J. Arberry, Peter Avery and John HeathStubbs, and Robert Rehder; Wickens, "Significations," p. 361, cites over; baghl (having the same "baqgl, left in Persian), bagh pronunciation a garden; rebellious, a tie, a belt." (Turkish),

10.

Muhammad Mocin, An Intermediate Amir Kabir, 6 vols. (Tehran:

11.

Muhammad CAli Bamdad, Hafez-shinasi (Tehran, n.d.), 3rd ed., with Mahmud Bamdad p. 15; Hafez-shinasi, (Tehran: Ebn-e Sina, 1969), p. 28; A. J. Arberry, ed., Fifty Poems of Hafiz (Cambridge: University Press, 1962, reprinted with corrections), notes on poem no. -3, pp. 142-43.

12.

Eric Schroeder, of Near Eastern

13.

Rehder,

14.

of the Third New International Webster's Dictionary Massachu(Springfield, English Language Unabridged

setts:

"Unity,"

"Verse Studies pp.

Persian 1963-74),

Translation 7 (October

Dictionary, 1:463.

and Hafiz," 1948): 215.

Journal

71-86.

G. & C. Merriam Company, 1971), 181

p. 2501. SUNMER1975

15.

Problems of," John Hospers, "Aesthetics, 8 vols. (New York: pedia of Philosophy, and Free Press, 1967), 1:43.

16.

Ibid.,

17.

Wickens, "Persian Conception," pp. 239-41. Jan Rypka and others, History of Iranian Literature, ed. Karl John (Dordrecht, Holland: D. Reidel, 1968), pp. 91 and 102.

18.

E.g., QG 1, 26, 95, 103, 140, 152, 185, 270, 299, 309, 317 and 374.

19.

QG 270 is an example of a ghazal in which the loverspeaker cannot be identified with the character "Hafez."

20.

Lughatnamah,

21.

Ibid.

22.

Mortaza Zarghamfar, Hafez va Qur'an (Tehran: Sa'eb, 1966/67), p. 12, cites the bayts in the Divan which contain the word "Koran"; these bayts appear in ghazals QG 9, 69, 94, 154, 255, 271, 319, and 447.

23.

Lughatnamah,

24.

M. E. Bastani "Hafez-i Parizi, Chandin Hunar," Haft Band (Tehran: cAtafi, 1971), pp. 332-62.

25.

Hosayn Ali Mallah, Hafez Farhang va Hunar, 1972).

The EncycloMacmillan Co.

pp. 43-44.

IRANIAN STUDIES

h, p.

k,

p.

106.

106.

182

va Missigl

(Tehran:

Nay-i

Vizarat-i

BOOK REVIEWS

By Ella Zonis. Persian Music: An Introduction. Classical Press, 1973. xv + 233 pp. Cambridge: Harvard University $16.50. ISRAEL J KATZ

Within a few years beyond the past decade,

has

there

works dealing specifically appeared a number of significant in French (N. writing art music by scholars with Persian

Caron and D. Safvate), and E. Wilkens),

German (K. Khatchi, (H. Farhat,

and English

M. T. Massoudieh, G.

E. Gerson-Kiwi,

the numerous contriNotwithstanding Tsuge, and E. Zonis). butions made earlier by such Iranian scholars as M. Barkechli, R. Khaleqi, A. H. Saba, A. N. Vaziri, and others, the Music could not Persian of Ella Zonis' Classical appearance based not onstudy, have been more timely as a fundamental

ly upon the works of her colleagues upon her own research;es

closer

and predecessors,

but

in Iran.

a an introduction, Although the work is subtitled look at its contents reveals that it is indeed com-

with a survey of her Introduction Beginning prehensive. music in Iran (pp. 1-16), state of traditional the present music is a type (the other four comprisof which classical she music), popular and ceremonial religious, ing folk, providing (pp. 17-40), background to an historical proceeds

J. Israel University.

Katz is

Associate

Professor

183

of Music

at Columbia

1975 SUMMER

information about the country and its history which "elucidates not only the nature of the people who make and listen attitudes historical to the music, but also the significant toward music that have shaped its development in Iran" (p. 15). Dr. Zonis briefBefore turning to the music itself, her methodology, taking into account the basic ly outlines problems to be encountered when undertaking a study of nonWhile acknowWestern--in this case Middle Eastern--music. writings on Persian music, ledging the wealth of theoretical she points out that "native systems have not come to grips problem, which is with the music's primary methodological how can one analyze a music that changes with each this: ocperformer and even with the same performer on different The fact that Persian music is improcasions?" (p. 42). at least for vised, such a question demands an explanation, who if not the Persian theorist the foreign musicologist, procedure' looked upon it as "a natural and almost intuitive scheme, by which she atThen unfolds the methodological tempts to set aside the complete performance and study the [Thus] material used as a basis for improvisation. stable and unchangeable the relatively by isolating part of the performance, that is, the dastgah, or melody type, one can deal with a body of music stable beThen, after the investigator enough to analyze. it can be comes familiar with this basic material, studied within the context of the total performance. has In other words, once the model for improvisation the way the model is used in perbeen clarified, (p. 42). formance can be investigated In order to develop her scheme, the subsequent chapThe first, Chapter Two, delves ters involve three stages. into the theory of Persian art music in which the dastgah the giusheh-ha, are defined and explainand its subsections, of the controed (pp. 44-52), together with a discussion versies centering around the Persian scale (pp. 52-58), ending with a glance at the rhythmic modes, iqa'at (pp. 58IRANIANSTUDIES

184

The second stage, Chapter Three (pp. 62-97), comprises 61). a study of the radif, which is the "repertory of traditional material on which all Persian [sic! art music?] is based" (p. 44). features of each of the main Here, the salient dastgah-ha are discussed in terms of scale, arrangement and size of intervals, ist ('finalis' or 'stopping tone'), shahed ('tone of stress'), etc. With each of the dastgahha, short musical examples are given to illustrate these A careful reading of the second and third chapfeatures. ters is necessary in order to appreciate what is undoubtedly the most rewarding, and certainly the most difficult chapter on the author's part--the final stage, Chapter Three (pp. 9-125)--which deals with the practice of Persian art music: improvisation. As the author explains: ...between the radif and performance is a set of processes forming a separate layer of music theory, which may be designated the 'theory of practice.' Its counterpart in Western music would be included in composition, but since the composition of Persian music is extemporaneous, this subject may best be labeled 'improvisation' (p. 98). Thus, the performance of an extemporaneous composition is "analyzed as a series of decisions," beginning with the choice of a dastgah and its giisheh-ha, taking into account the order in which they will be played (pp. 99-104). Since the guisheh ('melodic model' or 'melodic framework') provides the basis for improvisation, the performer-composer's capacity to extemporize upon such models is infinite. The fixed elements of the guisheh are "the location and configuration of the tetrachord, the melodic function of each scale degree, the melodic shape, and characteristic cadence formulae" (p. 104). The variable elements provided by the musician are distinguished by "three primary categories of elaboration techniques: repetition and ." varied repetition, ornamentation, and centonization... (p. 105). The discussion provides both musical and visual illustrations (pp. 104-15). There follows further discussion on the techniques of elaboration (pp. 115-19); and in the summary (pp. 119-25), the formal structure and substructures of an improvised composition are explained. 185

1975 SUMMNIER

In Chapter Five (pp. 126-48), we come upon a most of rhythm and form, obtaining a presentation interesting and unmeasured pieces of the measured of the view closer Dr. Zonis includes a subsection on composed Persian radif. ('ballad')--presently music, with emphasis on the tasnif most the most popular form in Iran--the pIsh-dardmad--the recent of the composed forms--and the reng, a dance form. Thus, in terms of performance, the chapter concludes with of how the various improvised and nonimproa discussion vised forms are combined. In the following chapter, devoted to Persian musi(pp. 149-84), major emphasis is given to cal instruments music ensemble, namethe six instruments of the classical and sant-ur), kamancheh sehtar, ly the chordophones (tar, Prezarb). (nay), or (tombak and membranophone aerophone a of survey with instruments of the facing her discussion well as iconographical the early sources--archaeological, on the Zonis concentrates treatises--Dr. as theoretical development and present state of the aforemenhistorical A brief description follows of other tioned instruments. such as the surna, dahal, daypopular folk instruments, ereh, cud, cqa-nu-n,ghaychek, and chang. the author's However, to round out her presentation, to her years in final chapter (pp. 185-201) bears witness in her evaluaobserver, particularly Iran as a critical music in present-day Iran as well as tion of traditional It is quite the state of contemporary Persian music. alarming to discover the deep impact which Western music continues to have on Iran; yet, perhaps, as the author the continued changes should be better discussed suggests, Dr. Zonis' Nonetheless, under the rubric of modernization. Persian music views concerning the future of traditional should certainly and her newest contribution are optimistic, encourage Western readers to attend such performances whenas well as to take heed of the recent discoever possible graphy, which contains performances of the highest caliber. Two appendices precede the bibliography and discography, the first dealing with medieval rhythmic modes (pp. IRANIANSTUDIES

186

of an ex205-08), and the second providing a translation Bahjat al-Ruh treatise, cerpt from the thirteenth-century The ('Gladness of the Soul') by Safl al-Din (pp. 209-12). (pp. 213-27) contains 217 items in Western bibliography 54 items in Persian and Aralanguages plus an additional of medieval Arabic treatises. bic, apart from the listing Also, most useful is the discography of ten recordings (p. 228). On the whole, the work is a fine study, well-written, Harvard illustrated. carefully documented and beautifully Press certainly deserves the highest praise for University including the dust cover, producing such a handsome edition, whiclh appears to be a lovely example of ornamented Persian ceramic tile. Inasmuch as this reviewer takes pleasure in recomto Near mending this book as a most worthy contribution certain critithere are, nonetheless, Eastern musicology, which should be mencisms, additions and clarifications tioned: it would have been wise to provide a glossary First, including musical forms, of Persian musical terminology, would Here, clarifications modal and rhythmic systems. have been made for a number of Persian terms which have multiple meanings, such as avdz and naghmeh, for example. This would have proven most helpful in view of the author's statement that because "much of the terminology in music often use different is inconsistent, theorists different words for the same concept" (p. 126). to see that the author Secondly, it is interesting employs Schenkarian terms to analyze a single melodic line The recently submitted doctoral disserta(p. 115, n. 17). tion by Linda C. Burman-Hall ("Southern American Folk Fid1973) Context and Style," Princeton University, dling: utilizes to a greater degree the Schenkerian method for analyzing fiddle tunes. scenes

Thirdly, the photographs on p. 151 which depict from rock carvings at Taq-i Buistan, should be des187

StJMMER 1975

cribed as exhibiting boatloads of musicians rather than harpists alone. Especially in the lower picture, the musicians sitting in the front row are actually performing on aerophones, while the person standing at the upper left appears either to be drinking from a skin container or playing a bagpipe. Fourthly, in her brief discussion of folk music (pp. 3-6), it appears that the author has overlooked the Persian Jews as an important subculture. In a recent article on "The Jewish Musician and Music of Fars," Asian Music, IV, No. 1 (New York, 1972), Professor L. D. Loeb, while centering on the Province of Fars in southern Iran, does give an overview of the Jewish contribution to Persia's musical life, particularly that of the Jewish professional musicians. In fact, Loeb hypothesizes,-contrary to an opinion held earlier by A. Z. Idelsohn,that "there has been a direct Jewish influence on the style, structure, and motific material of the professionally performed music of Fars and, conceivably, even the folk music of the region" (Loeb, p. 11). See also A. Z. Idelsohn's HebraischOrientalischer Melodienschatz, Vol. III: Gesange der persischen, bucharischen und daghestandischen Juden (BerlinJerusalem-Vienna, 1922), and E. Gerson-Kiwi's "The Music of Kurdistan Jews," Yuval, II (Jerusalem, 1971), 59-72. A number of relevant items were omitted from the author's bibliography, namely: M. Barkechli, La Gammede la musiqu~e iranniene (Paris, 1948); 0. Chilesotti, "Le scale arabo-persiana e indu," Sammelbande der internationIII (1901/1902), alen Musikgesellschaft, 595-98; A. Christensen, "Some Notes on Persian Melody-Names of the Sasanian Period," in the Dastur Hoshang Memorial Volume (Bombay, 1918), pp. 368-77; J. Hammer-Purgstall, Literatur der arabischen und persischen musik (Leipzig, 1839); E. Neubauer, Musik am Hof der fruhen 'Abbasiden (Frankfurt a/M., 1965); III S. Niekraszowa, "O Muzyce perskiej," Studia Iranskie, (Tehran, 1945), 191-99; N. Pakdaman, "La Situation du musicien dans la societe persane," in J. P. Charnay, ed., Normes et valeurs

pp. 325-53;

dans

l'Islam

and E. Pockock,

IRANIANSTUDIES

contemporain

(Paris,

1966),

Flowers of the East (London, 188

1833), poetry

which includes and music.

an introductory

contributions, The more recent during the the author available to

sketch

on Oriental

unwhich were either final of her preparation

S. are: manuscript or have appeared after her publication, Northern Khorasan," Blum, "The Concept of the cAsheq in Asian Music, IV, No. 1 (New York, 1972), 27047; Idem., of Traditional ReperThe Cultivation Musics in Contact: Unitoire in Meshed, Iran (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, 1972); M. Caton, "The Vocal Ornament versity of Illinois, Takiya cology,

Reports in EthnomusiMusic," Selected in Persian F. Harrison, 43-53; 1974), II, No. 1 (Los Angeles,

Time, Place and Music: An Anthology of Ethnomusicological In this Observation c. 1550 to c. 1800 (Amsterdam, 1973). (pp. 127-33) of the relework can be found a translation Voyages en in Jean Chardin's passages vant musicological in the Zonis bibliocited a work already Perse... (1711), includes E. Kaempfer's Amoenitates Also, Harrison graphy. on valuable information (1712), which contains Exotica ...

Persian music (pp. 141-50); M. T. Massoudieh, "Die Melodie Kunstmusik," Orbis Musicae, I, Matnawi in der persischen No. 1 (Tel Aviv, 1971), 57-66; Idem., "Zur Melodiebildung Kunstgesangs," in in Matnawi: ein Beispiel persischen S. H. Nasr, (forthcoming); Marius Schneider-Festschrift Persian Music," "The Influence of Sufism on Traditional 1972), No. 4 (Bedfont, VI, Studies in Comparative Religion, Perof Form in the Instrumental "Aspects 225-34; B. Nettl, XVIII, No. Avaz, " Ethnomusicology, formance of the Persian Classical Music 3 (1974), 405-14; Idem., "Notes on Persian of Today: as Part of of the Hesar Section The Performance I, No. 2 (Tel Aviv, 1972), Orbis Musicae, Dastg&h Chahargah," in Nonrhythmic Solo InImprovisation 175-92; M. Sadeghi, M.A. Art Music (unpublished strumental Contemporarx Persian 1971); E. at Los Angeles, State College California thesis, Poetry and Music," between Persian "Affinities Yar-Shater, of the Near East in Honor of Studies in Art and Literature (Salt Lake edited by P. J. Chelkowski Richard Ettinghausen, City-New York, 1974), pp. 59-78; and to this must be added Jr., Daramad of and B. Foltin, Zonis' review of B. Nettl Charargah (Detroit, 1972) in Asian Music, IV, No. 1 (1972),

189

SUMMER 1975

67-68. The following recordings can be appended to the disAfghanistan et Iran, recorded by J. C. and S. cography: Lubtchansky, Countrepoint MC.20.247; Musigue persane, reCountrepoint EXTP cordings and commentaries by N. Ballif, 1033/1034; Musique persane, notes by H. Farhat, Ocora Disques, OCR57; Meyeh-Lori, Ahang-e Ruz 2014; Segah, ConsorAhang-e Ruz 2022; Shur, Iran Record Distribution Musical Sources--Iranian tium 2048; UNESCOCollection Dastgah, edited by Alain Danielou, Philips 6586-005.

Sasanian Remains from Qasr-i Abu Nasr: Seals, Sealings, Cambridge: Harvard and Coin's. Edited by Richard N. Frye. $12.50. 132 pp + 26 pp. of plates. Press, 1973. University OLEG GRABAR

This first volume of a most welcome Harvard Iranian work by R. N. Frye, J. M. Upton, G. Series is a collective Miles, and P. 0. Harper. The volume contains a brief deof the excavations carried out forty years ago scription at Qasr-i Abu Nasr, a site in Fars with continuous remains from Achaemenid to early Islamic times and particularly It has even been thought that important in Sasanian times. settlement replaced in Islamic it was the main pre-Islamic But the main part of the book is devoted times by Shiraz. First coins are discussed and include a strikto finds. to several ing Sasanian type (no. 42) which lends itself discussed on pp. 28-32 as well as a rare interpretations early Islamic (?) experimental type with two busts (no. 67). And then Prudence Harper and R. N. Frye provide a masterful

Oleg Grabar is Professor Harvard University. IRANIANSTUDIES

in the Department of Fine. Arts at 190

of the seals with lengthy and larned comments discussion on inscriptions For a variety of reaand on decoration. sons the authors conclude that most of them belong to the gray historical period of the end of the Sasanian dynasty and the beginnings of Islam. Thus we are provided with another group of essential documents for the understanding of this complicated and fascinating time, when Iran altered irreversibly the course of its cultural development. Many more publications of the quality of this one will be will be able to hypothesize necessary before historians intelligently what happened during these fateful decades. Books of the quality of this one can only help in facilitating the writing of this history. The book is handsomely produced and the excellent drawings at the end are a magnificent challenge to all of visual forms, asking from them to explain historians the formation and meaning of hundreds of symbols. Whether they can ris6 to the challenge is yet another matter.

The School Principal . By Jalal Al-e Ahmad. Translated by John K. Newton, with an introduction and notes by Michael C. Hillmann. Minneapolis, Minn.: Bibliotheca Islamica, 1974. 144 pp. $5.00. JEROMEW CLINTON At the time of his death in 1969 at the age of fortysix, Jalal Al-e Ahmad was one of the two or three most highly regarded and influential writers in Iran. The range of his writings was varied and impressive. In addition to the of short stories collections and novels for which he is best known, he also composed essays on a wide variety of subjects,

Jerome W. Clinton is Assistant Professor in the Department of Near Eastern Studies at Princeton University. 191

SUMMER 1975

including a lengthy polemic against the evils of westernization called Gharbzadegil and several monographic studies A knowledgeable student of of rural Iranian communities. works by a Al-e Ahmad also translated French literature, among them Gide, number of contemporary French writers, Sartre, and Camus. The School Principal Of his longer works of fiction, in 1958, Since its publication is easily the most popular. it has been reprinted three times, most recently in 1971-success by contemporary Iranian standards. an extraordinary Al-e Ahmad's works are esteemed as much for their sharply of contemporary Iranian society as for portraits critical The School the nervous, idiomatic quality of his prose. wedding of both these is a generally successful Principal short work--just a hundred It is a relatively attributes. of an eleconsists pages in the present translation--and narrative of his experiences during mentary school teacher's of a small new school the single year he served as principal fringe of Tehran. on the sparsely settled The year was not a happy one for him. He had sought job and accepted one, even in so remote and a principal's solely in order to free himself unpromising a location, from the drudgery and tedium of teaching, not out of a deBut the job is no sinecure, sire to further his career. are and he quickly finds that his new responsibilities The teachthan his old. and frustrating more disagreeable ers are caught up in their own concerns, the ministry is too entangled in its bureaucratic processes to be of any or reluctantly help, the community is either indifferent parents and the children's and condescendingly helpful, appear at school only when they have some complaint to make. The narrator proves to be a capable and humane principal, but a very unhappy one. He either reproaches himself harshly for mistakes that arise only from his inexor is unable to take any pleasure in his successperience, es because they involve him in compromises that erode hi s in his attempt to In the end, frustrated self-respect. of the school make some public statement of his criticisms IRANIANSTUDIES

192

system,

he resigns.

The narrator's character is imperfectly realized. The springs of his motivation remain obscure, as does the focus of his discontent. And he is hardly more appealing in his acts of humanity, since they appear to be performed grudgingly, than he is in his moments of cynical distrust. Insofar as it is the narrator's personality which holds it together, the novel has a somewhat unfinished quality. But the many incidents which make up the story, and the various characters encountered in the course of them, are vividly and persuasively realized. Taken together, they provide an insightful and believable depiction of contemporary Iranian society that more than offsets any deficiencies in the central character. The School Principal, in short, is an important work by a writer who merits introduction to an audience outside of his own country. In his introduction to the translation, Hillman says of it that "it is the best English translation of any piece of Persian, medieval or modern, that I have ever read." Even making due allowance for the admitted inadequacies of all too many English translations from Persian, and for Hillmann's pardonable wish to speak only well of his "former roommate and ever kindred spirit," this is lavish I think that few will be found to second praise indeed. it. Despite the many passages which Newton has translated both accurately and well, the work as a whole is so marred by errors and inaccuracies of every sort that it only dimly reflects the quality of the original. It is-not the extreme wrongness of any individual error that makes the translation so objectionable. Many of them are quite slight, and even gross mistranslations can be camouflaged in a skillful translation--and often are. Rather, it is the cumulative effect of renderings that are wrong or only infelicitous added to English that is too often clumsy or even ungrammatical, compounded by a rich variety of typographical and editorial mistakes. which makes it so unsatisfactory. those

The examples which follow were selected from among found in the brief space of twenty-five pages: 193

SUMMER 1975

they'd

down--just

P. 57: "They played, then fell been fed rabid dog poison [?]."

as if

and telephone record I pullP. 58: "The electricity file and read through ed out from the school's measly little them." I had to go in order

P. 58: "This was to the extent to discharge my duties."

their

the aid of an astrolobe

P. 61:

"...and

P. 63:

"They've bought [brought]

P. 64: "Go give them back their graves [?], the bastards."

[sic]..

."

the coal." receipt.

Curse on

P. 65: "I never did succeed in inhaling fresh school breaths [?] air free from the "contaminated-with-learning" of the children." P. 66: "It was obvious that by the time they got to school, they'd already cried rivers of tears, and that in their homes, learning was their sole road to salvation [calam-i sarat4 budah "there'd been a fight"] P. 71:

"...the

P. 71:

"...

the

forth servent

[sic] [sic]

grade

teacher..."

came in..."

P. 73: ""As long as your job is teaching [the] "be careful of the deductions you make abc's," I replied, [bih pa qiyas nakuni "be careful not to make such comparisons"]. P. 75: "I'd always considered [obscene photos] with the same eye that looked at a butcher's meat hook--as something to hang food for thought on." P. 83: "The former accountant had rifled the kitty in[accounts] were hopelessly and now all the accountants terlaced [dar ham shudah "confused"]" IRANIANSTUDIES

194

One could go on. Newton has found a false friend in the last chapter, translating Caraq-i sard as "cold sweat," fear or anxiety where shock and dismay are inindicating act final decisive tended, and made the school principal's The Persian system of rather puzzling as a consequence. grading students from one to twenty is sometimes presented into the American as is (p. 112) and sometimes translated system of letter grades (p. 36, 116). is burdened with far too the translation Finally, The glossary contains forty items for many Persian terms. Surely that is just a hundred pages long. a translation or explainmore of these could either have been translated than Is giveh really more satisfactory ed in the text. "cheap canvas shoes," or qanat than "well," or "underground of is the practice Even more distracting water channel"? each of these many terms, and italicizing transliterating The meanings of aqa and no matter how often it is used. nd;em, for example, are abundantly clear from the contexts are and diacritics in which they appear, but their italics always there to remind the reader that they are foreign terms. the virtual to the introduction, To turn briefly writing on Al-e Ahmad's work absence of serious critical in English makes Hillmann's informative essay on him doubly will be surprised to learn that Non-specialists welcome. he has written it with them in mind, however, since he makes no effort to relate Al-e Ahmad's works to those of any western authors, and uses other contemporary Iranian whose works are almost without exception untranswriters, I could also lated, as his frame of reference throughout. from other works of wish that the lengthy translations Al-e Ahmad which make up nearly half of the essay could have been included as appendices to it rather than being inserted into the middle. noted above, the appearance Despite the deficiencies of a work by Al-e Ahmad of the first American translation is a hopeful sign. One hopes that his works, as well as will begin to rethose by other modern Iranian writers, that they merit. ceive the attention 195

SUMMER-1975

NOTES 1.

Although suppressed by the government immediately on its appearance in 1962, Gharbzadeghi has continued to enjoy a wide underground circulation.

IRANIANSTUDIES

196

Note on the En.glishTransliteration System The system of transliteration used by IRANIAN STUDIES is based on the Persian Romanization System approved by the American Library Association, the Canadian LibraryAssociation, and the Libraryof Congress. Copies of the transliteration table may be obtained by writing to the Editor

Iranian Studies is published quarterly by The Society for Iranian Studies. It is distributed to members of the Society as part of their membership. The annual subscription rate for institutions is $10.00. The opinions expressed by the contributors are of the individual authors and not necessarily those of the Society or the editors of Iranian Studies. Articles for publication and all other communications should be sent to the Editor, Iranian Studies, Box K-154, Boston College, Chestnut Hill, Massachusetts 02167, U.S.A. Communications concerning the affairs of the Society should be addressed to the Secretary, The Society for Iranian Studies, P.O. Box 89, Village Station, New York 10014, U.S.A. The exclusive distributing agent for IRANIAN STUDIES in Iran is: Kharazmie Publishing & Distribution Co., 229 Daneshgah Street, Shah Avenue (P. 0. Box 14-1486), Tehran, Iran.

COVER: Ceramic tombstone used to mark the grave of Bint Ghulam Ali, 1056/1644 photo courtesy of Roy P. Mottahedeh

Iranian Studies Journal of The Society for Iranian Studies

Autumn1975

VolumeVIII

Number 4

The Society for Iranian Studies

Counicil Ervand Abrahamian, Baruch College, City University of New York Amin Banani, University of California, Los Angeles Ali Banuazizi, Boston College James A. Bill, University of Texas at Austin Jerome W. Clinton, Princeton University Paul W. English, University of Texas at Austin Gene R. Garthwaite, Dartmouth College Farhad Kazemi, New York University Ann Schulz, ex offico, Clark University T. Cuyler Young, Princeton University Executive Committee Farhad Kazemi, Executive Secretary Ann Schulz, Treasurer Ali Banuazizi, Editor IRANIAN STUDIES Journal of The Society for Iranian Studies Ali Banuazizi, Editor Jerome W. Clinton, Associate Editor Anna Enayat, Associate Editor

Copyright, 1975, The Society for Iranian Studies Published in the U.S.A. US ISSN 002 1-0862^ Address all communications to IRANIAN STUDIES, Box K-154, Boston College, Chestnut Hill, Massachusetts 02167, U.S.A.

Iranian Studies Journal of The Society for Iranian Studies Volume VIII

Autumn 1975

Number 4

ARTICLES John R. Perry

199

FORCEDMIGRATIONIN IRAN AND DURINGTHE SEVENTEENTH EIGHTEENTHCENTURIES

216

THE FATAL RAGE: HEROICANGER IN MODERNIRANIAN FICTION

234

Fereshteh THE CONSTITUTIONALIDEAS OF A SHI'ITE MJJTAHID: MUHAMMAD HUSAYNNA'INI

D. A. Shojai M. Nouraie

REVIEWAND COMMENT 248

Priscilla

OLEG GRABAR: The Formation of Islamlc Art

P. Soucek

BOOKREVIEWS 263

MEHDIAMANI: Shahrgar&'i Shahrnishini dar Iran

va

MOHAMMAD HEMASSI: Migration A Quantitative in Iran: Approach

Farhad Kazemi

Volume VIII

Autumn 1975

Number 4

BOOKREVIEWS(continued) 268

MICHELM. MAZZAOUI: The

Ann E. Mayer

Origins of the Safawids: 'i ' ism, Siifism, and the Gulat 278

MICHELM. MAZZAOUIAND WILLIAMG. MILLWARD: Social

and Cultural Cont empory

Selections Persian

From

Jerome W. Clinton

FORCED MIGRATION IN IRAN DURING THE SEVENTEENTH AND EIGHTEENTH CENTURIES JOHN R. PERRY

"Forced migration" is defined for the purposes of of a considerable number this study as the transportation norof a population group (whether nomadic or sedentary), mally in family units and accompanied by livestock and in a region remote to be permanently resettled chattels, from their home; and undertaken as an act of policy by the ruler or his agents. It does not refer to attempts to sedentarize nomads on lands adjacent to their pastures, or of lands without alternative proto simple dispossession vision.

Examples of forced migration have been noted in Iran to the most and its imperial appendages from the earliest recent times, chiefly as punishment of stubborn opponents monarch. or refractory subjects by a vigorous, centralizing John R. Perry is Assistant University of Chicago.

Professor

of Persian at the

A preliminary version of this paper was presented at a and rural communities in Iranian panel on I"Towns, villages history, 1500-1900"1 co-sponsored by the Society for Iranian Studies and the Middle East Studies Association, held at the eighth annual MESAmeeting in Boston, Mass. in November 1974. The author would like to thank those bodies, the organizer Thomas M. Ricks, and the other participants for that opportunity. 199

Autumn 1975

Thus on his subjugation of Barca (Barqa in Cyrenaica) in 512 B.C., the Achaemenian general Amasis--in what must surely hold the long-distance record for this exercise-forwarded the surviving citizens to Darius I at Susa, who later deported them to a city of Bactria which they renamed Barca.1 In about 1927, when Reza Shah set about sedentarizing the Lurs, the Bayranvand--who had ambushed a government detachment, killing several officers--were "decimated and exiled in their thousands to the distant province of Khorassan."v2 This form of sanction is by no means peculiar to Iranian rulers, as may readily be seen from a host of similar from Nebuchadnezzar's cases, exile of Judaean families to Babylonia in 597 B.C. up to Stalin's mass deportation of the Crimean Tatars to Central Asia in 1944. However, instances of forced migration are particularly in evidence during what is, geopolitically speaking, the formative period of modern Iran, that of the two centuries from mid-Safavid to early Qajar times (roughly 1590-1797); the reasons for these transportations are not always simply to punish, fragment or exile opponents or unruly vassals;

and they reveal, when tabulated and mapped, the broad outlines of the attempts by rulers during this period to weld Iran's disparate regions and independent peoples into a viable nation-state. A more detailed analysis would naturally have to take into account other politically-provoked populationmovements (inland flight of refugees from invasion, influx of slaves and military recruits from tributaries, emigration of refugees from internal disorder, loss by enslavement to frontier raiders), together with economic factors in regional depopulation such as famine, epidemic, and commercial decline. In sketching forced migration alone-which in some cases reinforced the voluntary movements and in others opposed them--it is not intended to attempt a census of demographic fluctuation (the available figures are inadequate), but to show how these strategic moves across the chessboard of Greater Iran illustrate the differing natures of the dispensations adopted by the three Nadir of pre-Qajar Iran: Shah Abbas Safavi, architects IRANIAN STUDIES

200

Shah Afshar,

and Karim Khan Zand.

Apart from the fact that Iran became a territorialnation state only in the ly and ideologically-defined sixteenth century, probably the main reasons why forced migration does not seem to have been studied as a factor of in Iranian empire-building are, first, the multiplicity of theregions involved, both as origins and destinations of motives displaced groups, and secondly the diversity for such transportations. This will be obvious if we compare a similar policy as implemented by the fifteenth-and sixteenth-century Ottoman sultans. In 1453 Mehmet II transported 5000 families from both Rumelia (his European possessions) and Anatolia, and resettled them in and around his newly-conquered capital of Istanbul. Thereafter he consistently pursued this same from each town he subjugated, a number of its policy: wealthy citizens, merchants and artisans were sent to live in Istanbul. Moreover, prisoners of war were settled on lands around Istanbul as imperial serfs, in order to inNot only Christians but crease the capital's food supply. Muslim Turkish families and even ulama were sent to repopulate and renew the prosperity of the ex-Byzantine metropolis, abandoned by the majority of its most useful citizens.3 This policy of constructive exile (known as surgiin) was continued by Selim, who during his Iranian campaign in 1490 transported 3000 artisans of Tabriz-mostly Armenians--to Istanbul.4 There are apparently few examples of siurgiin for other purposes, e.g., exiling rebels from Anatolia to Rumelia or vice versa. In the context of a device to Ottoman imperialism it was almost exclusively develop the capital, which was conveniently located at the nodal point of two regions with an adequate reserve of skilled and unskilled manpower. In Iran, however--which has no such single focal point, and which, as will be seen, had six different capitals and at least three differing concepts of empire was between Safavid and early Qajar times--the situation not so straightforward. Hence the map and table, which it is hoped illustrate the patterns underlying the trans201

AUTUMN1975

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AUTUMN1975

portations (kfchinldan, tabcld) undertaken by our three rulers. The routes marked on the map are, of course, schematized and the locations approximate. The table works as follows. To indicate succinctly the regions from which and to which groups were transported, Greater Iran is divided notionally into six mega-provinces: Azarbaijan (including all Transaraxian territories); Kurdistan (including Luristan and the Bakhtiari mountains); Central Iran (Isfahan, eastern CIraq-i CAjam and the Caspian litFars (including Khuzistan, Dashtist&n and Ldr); toral); Khurasan (including Gurgan and Mary, but excluding Herat); and Afghanistan (effectively Herat and Qandahar provinces). The metropolitan province of each ruler is printed in capitals. The motives for transportation, similarly oversimplified into four, are subdivided into two "reasons for removing people" (to implement a scorched-earth policy-"Sc. E"-- or to break up and banish a troublesome tribe-"E f F1"); and two "purposes in relocating people" (to repel, or absorb, raids from outside, i.e., "cossackization"1--"1Ckn."'--on the analogy of the Russian empire's promotion of cossack fortress-farms to defend its Caucasian and Ukrainian frontiers; and to develop economically a metropolitan or otherwi se favored city or province--"1RUP"). It will be obvious that often a combination of these is involved, and emphases given here may bear reexamination. Each mark in the "from"' row of the table indicates a single instance of transportation from one mega-province, and each mark on the destination row below refers to a corresponding relocation elsewhere. Numbers of individuals or families are disregarded. By "instance" is meant not necessarily a single occasion, but each relevant contingency: thus if two neighboring but ethnically distinct groups are transported on the same occasion, or if a group is distributed in two different regions on relocation, two marks are used on each line, and so on. By such gerrymandering (which will rightly horrify social scientists; but when data are sparse, drama must compensate) a specicus There is not balance of debit and credit is maintained. a one-to-one correspondence between the geonecessarily graphical entries and the "motives"t columns (the reasons IRANIANSTUDIES

204

or the "results" and purposes being sometimes multiple), column (since in some cases the subsequent history of a given group is obscure). Systematic massacres, being a form of forced migration without relocation, are indicated in the debit rows by exclamation marks. The following summary, intended to interpret the map and flesh out the skeletal simplicity of the table, makes no claims to completeness. Documentation is often as will be seen, and further sketchy and contradictory, of both written histories and popular tradiinvestigation tions will be necessary before a comprehensive picture can emerge. Shah Abbas (1587-1629) inherited a state squeezed between Ottoman Turks, expanding into the Zagros provinces, and Uzbeks, overrunning Khurasan. He bought off the former to defeat the latter, after which, in about 10089/1600, he transported thousands of Kurds (who were more likely to collaborate with the Ottomans than to oppose them) to northern Khurasan and the Atrek valley, to help keep out the Uzbeks. According to a later Afshar tradition, these included the Chamishgazak Kurds, who together with the Qirqlii Afshars were assigned summer pastures at Kuibkanand winter quarters at Darah Gaz.5 Iskandar Big Munshl, however, indicates that the Chamishgazak at least were already in the Khabiishan region,6 and Mirz& Mahdi Astarabadi claims that the Qirqlui moved (voluntarily?) to Kibkan before the reign of Shah Abbas.7 Abbas' best-known "cossackization," his redistribution of the Qajar tribe, is likewise called into question by the inadequacy of its documentation. The traditional story as given by later Qajar historians such as Riza Quli Khin Hidayat (I have been unable to trace an earlier reference to this version) is best reproduced in R. G. Watson's words, almost a literal translation:.8 ...the provinces of Karabagh, Genja, Khorassan, Merve and Astrabad, were ruled over by the two great branches of the Kajars, called Zeeadloo and Kavanloo. Their influence seems to have rendered 205

AUTUMN 1975

Shah Abbass somewhat apprehensive; and, in order to make it innocuous, he divided them into three Of these, one was sent to Merve and branches. Khorassan; another was established in Karabagh; and the third was settled at Astrabad, and on the banks of the Goorgan. In these exposed situations the Kajars soon became greatly reduced in strength, on account of their losses in the frontier wars with Lesghis, Turks, and Turkomans. As it stands this makes little sense; that the Qajars were already established in QarAbigh, Ganja, Astarabad and Marv before the reign of Abbas is confirmed by Iskandar Big,9 so at the most this move could have been no more than a of tribal contingents and governors to royal reshuffling assert responsibility for the status quo. B&klkh&naf states that Abbas moved 30,000 Qajar families from Ganja to Marv and Astar&bad. The Ziyadughlul (Ziy5dl1l) of Ganja, he adds, stayed there until 1804, when most were killed in Tsitsianov's attack and the rest fled into Iran.10 The Qajars of Marv remained at least into the reign of Nadir Shah;11 and the Quyiinlii (Qavanlil) clan of Astaribfd gave rise some two centuries later to the Qajar dynasty. Abbas also made short-range tribal redistributions to guard the northern approaches should Ganja fall to the Ottomans. During his campaign of 1012/1602 he rounded up all the tribesmen to be found in Arasb&ran (the Aras valley east of Julfa) and resettled them further east, and transferred others southward from Qaribigh to defend the Cisaraxian bank.12 In general, Abbas' routes and sites of "cossackization" define the northern boundaries of the Safavid state. He was unable, however, to hold a firm defensive line against Ottoman incursions further west, and chose earth"--to render the apthe opposite policy--"scorched proaches between Qars and Lake Van logistically inhospiThus Tahm&sbhad retreated before table to the invader. the Turkish campaign of 1534-35, destroying crops and settlements and driving refugees before him. During his campaign of 1603-5, Abbas embarked on a systematic and IRANIANSTUDIES

206

savage depopulation of Greater Azarbaijan. From Tabriz, which he probably had hopes of retaining, only a proportion of families, mostly Armenian, were sent to Isfahan; but north of the Aras and west of Urmiya the country was laid waste and the population--sometimes of whole towns, such as Aqchaqalca and Julfa--rounded up and herded "out of harm's way"13 onto the plain of Ararat. Resistance was met with massacre and mutilation; all immovable property--houses, churches, crops--was destroyed, and the whole horde of prisoners--Georgians, Armenians, Turks--was hurried south-east before the Ottomans should counterattack. Those who survived the journey were settled at New Julfa by Isfahan (to the number of 3000 families) and on lands around the capital and in the Bakhtiari foothills, where their descendants still are. Five hundred Armenian families were sent to Shiraz at the request of the governor, chiefly to engage in viticulture.4 From the Shah's point of view, the operation was a great success: the Ottoman army did not cross the Aras, being obliged by famine and consequent disaffection to turn aside and winter at Van.1s In 1024/1615 Abbas continued his depopulation of Transaraxian Azarbaij'an. Many of the settled populace (raciya) who had fled from war-torn Qarabagh and Shirvin to Georgia were extradited and sent to Mazandaran, together with both peasants and tribesmen still in Qar&bagh and Shirvan who were suspected of having collaborated with the Ottomans. Again, those who resisted--as the AMmadlii of Qar&bagh--were massacred. Some 50,000 families were thus resettled at Abbas' favorite Caspian resort of Farabibid, "tboth to develop that province and to requite their ingratitude."16 The following winter they were joined by 2-3000 Georgian and Ganja'i prisoners, survivors of Abbas' campaign against the "rebel" TahmFiras.17 Thousands more prisoners from this and other Georgian campaigns were presumably settled in the capital and elsewhere, and enrolled in the royal ghufan, as were 20,000 Armenian prisoners from Erzerum. TW Also in 1615, Abbas transferred the Qaz&qlii tribe of Qaribigh (they are also variously identified as Qaziq, 207

AUTUMN 1975

Qazaqlar and Qaraminl) to lands at Diribjird in Fars, presumably to ensure their loyalty.19 A rare case of "exile and fragmentation" running geographically counter to the rest of Abbas' transportations is that of the Bizjali tribe, whom he sent from Arik to Shirvin.20 In 1019/1610 he carried out a systematic massacre of the men of the Mukri Kurds without any accompanying transportation; though the women and children were enslaved and presumably taken back to Isfahan.21 Abbas was thus able to make much of Azarbaijan unpalatable to his enemies and to repopulate his central, metropolitan province, and to promote agriculture, trade and industry in his newly-defined realm; though this latter consideration would appear to have been incidental, or at any rate secondary to strategic requirements. He can be seen to have set two trends which Nadir Shah was to continue and expand: the depopulation of the western proof vinces (principally Azarbaijan) and the cossackization is that Abbas' transplants, Khurasan. The chief difference on the whole, remained, whereas those of Nadir did not. Nadir Shah (r. 1736-1747) has the lion's share of forced migrations to his credit, and by far the most consistent policy. It will immediately be apparent from the map alone that he devoted considerable energy towards gathering people from the far ends of Safavid Iran and concentrating them in his metropolitan province of Khurasan. Some were settled in the Atrek valley to absorb Turkman raids, others on agricultural lands around Mashhad, Nishapur, Khabfishan (Qachan) and Turbat-i Jim, to increase production; but this compulsive conqueror's principal definition of "useful population" was as manpower for his army, the bulk of which accompanied him on ceaseless campaigns and punitive forays from Baghdad to Bukhara and from Delhi to Daghistan. Thousands of his and "lacquisitions" were thus never actually relocated, figure in map and table either not at all or, under false pretenses, in Khorassan (though it is here that his field Also inducted were large army was encamped at his death). numbers of Baluch, Uzbeks, Turkman and Afghans, most of whomultimately returned home. IRANIANSTUDIES

208

A consideration of individual movements will show that Nadir's primary motive was to fragment recalcitrant in Azarbaijan and the central Zagros, tribes, particularly by sending large numbers of them where he could keep them under surveillance. During his early campaigns against the Ottomans, a continuation of the Safavid scorched-earth policy can be discerned. The secondary advantages of repopulation, increased production and a manpower pool ended with his death, when the majority of his disaffected transplants (some Kurdish groups excepted) immediately made their way back to the periphery of his erstwhile empire. Nadir's transportation even policy was initiated before his coronation. In 1141/1728 he sent the first batch of Abdili tribesmen from Herat to Jam, Langar and Mashhad in Khurasan.22 A few years later he dispatched a further 60,000 to settle at Mashhad, Nishapur and Damghan,23 and in 1151/1738, on transporting some Ghilz'll to Nishapur and Gurg&n, he even moved some of the Abdili from there ;o Qandahir to counterbalance the fragmented GhilIn 1143/1730, after ousting the Ottomans from zi,;*2 Tabriz, he transported 56,000 families of assorted tribes from Azarbaijan, the central Zagros and Fars, to Mashhad, where he reviewed them proprietorially before dispersing them to settle in the environs. According to Mirzi Mahdi they comprised 12,000 Afshar families (of which 2000 Qirqlfi), Turkman, MNuqaddam, Kurds and Bakhtiari.25 Subsequently they were joined from various parts of Greater Azarbaijan by Zly&dughli Qajars,26 6000 families of Shaqaql Kurds,27 6000 families of Georgians and 12,000 Turks from Tiflis in 1148/1735,28 and presumably the prisoners taken on other campaigns in the north-west, such as that against the Lezgins in 1741. From Greater Kurdistan went at least 13,000 families of the turbulent Bakhtiari on two occasions (1144/1732 and 1149/1736)29 and three hundred families of the Lak tribe of the Zands.30 The latter were settled on the northern marches at Nis&, Abivard and Darah Gaz, the scene of Nadir's early career. At Darah Gaz he founded a village, named Mawlidgah (or Mawlidkhanah) to commemorate his birthplace, and settled it with Iranians freed from slavery at Khiva during his Central Asian campaign of 1740.31 209

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Nadir accumulated and hoarded people as he did either practical to long-term, treasure, without putting in 1747, both were use. As a result, on his assassination Most of the treasure scattered to the winds of fortune. in Khurasan, which neverthestayed with his successors and economically bankrupt within less went politically five years. Most of the people fought their way home and dispensations at the opposite set about creating viable ends of the ex-empire.

Thus the Abd&ll contingent

returned to Qandahar

Shah--to found the Durr&ni empire, under Ahmad Khan--later heir to Nadir's Afghan and Indian conwhich not only fell

quests but for forty

years exercised

a protectorate

over

The of Mashhad. Iranian Khorassan and the former capital Bakhtiari and Zand who returned to the western marches Iran and Fars to create a truncated soon dominated central Karim Khan Zand (regent) neo-Safavid state under the vakil others who (1751-1779). Under his benevo-lfent dispensation as the Shaqiqi Kurds in 1177/1764, returned from exile, in their former homes. were encouraged to resettle with massive and Karim Khan was faced initially of his realm. The exodus of ruincontinuing depopulation from the land and the emigraed and oppressed peasantry urban classes tion of many among the wealthy and skilled to Iraq and India, which had been going on since the Afghan invasion in 1722 and which Nadir's Raubwirtschaft was if anything further increased had exacerbated, by the tribal armies led by return from Khurasan of predatory the influx of rival contenders Furthermore, for power. tribute from Georgia, the traditional Christian slaves of that former vassal kingdom even when not exacted by force of arms, was finally stopped by Erekle II.33

extended some way inOnce the vakll's jurisdiction and Azarbaijan, where he campaignto the Caspian littoral a proed between 1758 and 1763, he could have instituted gram of metropolitan repopulation by forced migration from the periphery. But this he practiced only in a limited and modified manner, which can hardly be classed as forced Various prominent chiefs migration in the strict sense. IRANIANSTUDIES

210

of Tabriz, Salmis, Qaraja-dagh and Shirv&n accompanied him as hostages, together with some of their family and retinue, From 1765 onwards to settle in his capital of Shiraz.34 he also stationed a composite standing army allegedly in and around Shiraz; 45,000 strong, with their families, several thousand families had town houses in the capital. as Karim's The majority had come--in the main voluntarily, among the tribes of the Hamadin earliest supporters--from such as the Zand, Zanganah plains and Kurdish foothills, a and Kalhur. They were augmented by 3000 Bakhtiari,'5 number of Gfirani and Ahmadavand Kurds from Kirm&nshihaJn36 and Mishmast Arabs from KhurramabMd.37 Many of the Bakhthe only case of "exile and fragmentation" attritiari--in rounded up without bloodshed in buted to the vakll--were 1178/1764; some were sent to Qumand Var&min, others to around Fas& and Kangan Fars, where Fas&li noted them still Karim is also responin the late nineteenth century.38 sible for one systematic massacre, that of the Afghans in Iran; these were the residue of Nadir's Ghilza'l contingent who had subsequently served the vakills rivals for power and by 1758 were concentrated mainly in Mazandaran.39 In general, Karim sought to repopulate his capital This he did by establishing back refugees. by attracting dead lands and proredistributing unprecedented security, so that first from ruined Isfahan, then viding subsidies; from Arab Iraq, thousands of Christian, Jewish and Muslim A bankrupt buffer state flocked to Shiraz.40 expatriates beyond the Kavlr, a weak Ottoman empire, a Russia momentarily unconcerned with Iran and a strong but friendly Georgian kingdom freed him from any need to cossackize frontier zones. Agha MuhammadKhan Qajar (fl. 1784-1797) would perhaps have renewed the policy with Nadiresque vigor, had he As it was, he contributed to the chronic lived longer. depopulation of northern Azarbaijan in his irredentist campaigns against Georgia, and began to reverse the polarty of Karim Khan's repopulation drive by transporting groups of the CAbd al-Maliki and Khw&javandfrom Fars to Mazandaran41 (they were later used by the Qajars in the He also scattered other supporters of the Russian wars). 211

1975 AUTUMN

From this time Zands in Fars, though not systematically. forth there were comparatively few long-range transportaPerhaps the Qajars, who with their Astarabadtions. axis were sited athwart the traditional Tehran-Sultiniyyah routes of forced migration (cf. map), were strategically central enough to dispense with this regional see-saw In other of human resources. approach to the distribution words, perhaps Iran--in part owing to the demographic alarums and excursions of the preceding three centuries-had found its optimum size and shape. This process can be summarized by showing how the major routes of forced migration correspond with what allomorphs of Iranian might be called the geopolitical empire as suggested by other aspects of the history of this period: 1. The Safavid empire lay along an inner-Zagros to Bandar capital, axis running from Tabriz, its initial Abbas, its principal port, with the capital Isfahan at a firm north-eastern Though it established its fulcrum. its claims to further Khurasan and Afghanistan frontier, were tenuous (both snapped loose in the course of the eighteenth century). 2. Nadir Shah's Iran may be viewed as a series of segments radiating from Mashhad along the lines of comPromoted even munication, conquest and forced migration. in Safavid times as a center of pilgrimage, Mashhad was chosen by Nadir, as being centrally placed to dominate a To Timurid-style Asiatic empire, to supersede Isfahan. and supply dumps this end he surrounded it with fortresses both material and human. 3. Karim Khan's state was a foreshortened repeat of the Safavid alignment, into which western Iran--led at slipped on the colfirst by neglected Isfahan--naturally Preslapse of the Khorassan dispensation during 1747-50. sures from competitors in the north drove the vakil at an early stage to favor Shiraz, with its port of Bushahr; the other pole of the axis was the Zand homeland in the KirNorth and east of this axis, his region. m&nsh&h-Hamad&n IRANIANSTUDIES

212

authority petered out where the remaining segments of Nadir's empire--Transaraxian Azarbaijan and the Caspian attained varying coast, Baluchistan and Afghanistan--had both the Nadirite and degrees of autonomy by resisting the neo-Safavid lines of force. NOTES 1.

A. T. Olmstead, History of the Persian go, 1948), p. 149 (citing Herodotus).

2.

Jacob Black-Michaud, "An Ethnographic and Ecological Modernization in Survey of Luristan, Western Persia: a Nomadic Pastoral Society," Middle Eastern Studies, Vol. 10, No. 2 (May 1974), p. 218.

3.

siurgiun usuli," Halil Inalcik, "Mehmet II: Vol. 7, pp. 519-20. siklopedisi,

4.

F. Tournebize, "Schah Abbas I, roi de Perse et l'emigration forcee des Armeniens de l'Ararat," Huschardaus Anlass des 100 jahrigen Bestandes zan, Festschrift in Wien (1811-1911), des Mechitaristen-Kongregation Vienna, 1911, p. 250.

5.

L. Lockhart, Nadir Shah (London, 1938), pp. 17-18; cf. P. Sykes, History of Persia (London, 1930), Vol. 2, p. 174.

6.

cAlam-dra-yi

7.

Jahdngush&-yi Nadirl cAbdullh Anvar.

8.

Rawzat al-Saf&-yi N siri (Tehran, 1339), Vol. 9, p. 5; Watson, A History of Persia (London, 1866), p. 58.

9.

cAlam-ar5.yi

10.

Empire (Chica-

Islam An-

cAbbasi (Tehran, 1350), pp. 533, 1088. (Tehran, 1341),

pp. 26-27,

ed.

CAbb5si, pp. 416, 657.

cAbb&s Qull Aqi B&klkh&nfif, Gulist&n-i 1970), p. 173; cf. Mirza Hasan Fasili, 213

Iram (Baku, FArsnima- i AUTUMN1975

Nisirl

(Tehran, 1313),

Vol. 1, p. 252.

11.

Cf. Lockhart, p. 195.

12.

CAlam-ar&, p. 643.

13.

Ibid.,

pp. 667-8.

14.

Ibid.,

pp. 668-70;

15.

CAljm-Ara, p. 669.

16.

Ibid.,

p. 881.

17.

Ibid.,

p. 913.

18.

R. M. Savory, I?CAbb&sI." Encyclopedia ed.), Vol. 1, p. 8.

19.

cAljm-fra, pp. 882-3, 1086; cf. A. K. S. Lambton, Encyclopedia of Islam (2nd ed.), Vol. 3, p. "flit," BMkikhantif, p. 173; Rawiat 1102; Savory, loc. cit.; Vol. 8, p. 380. al-Safa,

20.

Bakikh&nff, loc.

21.

cA1lm-ira-, p. 814.

22.

Jahlngfiush-yi

23.

Lockhart, p. 54 (citing

24.

Jahangusha, p. 303; Lockhart, p. 120.

25.

Jahangushl,

26.

B&kikh&niif, loc.

27.

Mujm al.-Taw&rlkh (Tehran, Abu'l-Hasan Gulistlna, K. S. Lambton, Landlord and A. cf. 1344), p. 301; Peasant In Persia (Oxford, 1953), p. 133.

IRANIAN STUDIES

Tournebize,

pp. 249-252.

of Islam (2nd

cit.

p. 95.

Nadirl,

the Zubdat al-TawArlkh).

pp. 134-5; Lockhart, pp. 51-2. cit.

214

28.

M. Brosset, Histoire de la Georgie, Vol. 2, Part 2 His(St. Petersburg, 1857), p. 29; A. Manvelichvili, toire de Georgie (Paris, 1951), p. 318.

29.

Jahangusha, pp. 189, 283; Lockhart, p. 110.

30.

Jahantush&, p. 189.

31.

Jahangush&, p. 27; Sykes, pp. 264-5.

32.

See note 27.

33.

J. Malcolm, History of Persia (London, 1815), Vol. 2, p. 213 note; cf. D. M. Lang, The Last Years of the Georgian Monarchy (New York, 1957), p. 157.

34.

Mtrz& MulammadSadiq Nami, TArikh-i Giti_gush4 1317), p. 105.

35.

F&rsnama-yi Nasirl,

36.

H. L. Rabino, Kermanshah (Persia, Diplomatic sular Reports, no. 590, May 1903), p. 40.

37.

Lambton, Landlord and Peasant,

38.

Farsnama-yi Nd?irl,

39.

See Mujmal al-Taw&rikh, pp. 322-3; Tfrikh-l gushiy pp. 89-90.

40.

A Chronicle of the Carmelites Vol. 1, pp. 662-3, 672.

41.

Lambton, "Ilat,"

(Tehran,

Vol. 1, p. 219. and Con-

p. 142.

Vol. 1, p. 215.

in Persia

Gitl-

(London, 1939),

p. 1104.

215

AUTUMN1975

THE FATAL RAGE: HEROIC ANGER 1N MODERN IRANIAN FICTION D.A. SHOJAI

When anger becomes the dominant mode of expression in a narrative context--and this to such a heightened degree that its release determines a whole series of actions-then it becomes necessary to evaluate not only its effect but also its purpose. In epic literatures dealing with heroic warfare, when a hero gets mad, a whole community These suffers: castastrophes occur on a broad scale. Gertrude Levy points out in her Sword From catastrophes, the Rock, "are always brought about by excess of pride arising from [the hero's] special gift of mana, or manas or menos": which she defines as "the heroic energy which is a sign of [the herols] divine ancestry and upon which with [his] leadership depends; now'brought into conflict the accepted loyalties of organized warfare."11 with his society, then, comes The hero, in conflict to express not just an inner resentment, but a quality of out. divine origin, which enables history to work itself If gods are to determine the course of historical events, then they are to work through their agents--the heroes. Translated into human energy, this means getting them mad. D. A. Shojai is chairman of the Comparative Literature Graduate Program at San Diego State University. This paper was presented at a joint meeting of the Society for Iranian Studies and the Middle East Studies Association held in Boston on November 7, 1974. IRANIAN STUDIES

216

Hence, the importance of anger as not just a theme but also an integral aspect of plot in epics of heroic warAs C. M. Bowra repeatedly asserts in his various fare. of the Iliad, the wrath of Achilles and the discussions In his latest book fall of Troy are parts of one process. on Homer he writes, "The poem has almost a twofold characfirst of the wrath and its consequences to ter, telling Achilles himself, his friends and his enemies, and second interwoven with of the fate of Troy, which is inextricably or his apthe absence of Achilles from the battlefield The poem is not an Achilleid but an Iliad, pearance on it. and this accounts for its scope and scale."2 My question here is, what happens when a hero gets Does his mad in the context of modern Iranian literature? I on a broader level of action? anger have repercussions of necessity, have to be made realize that distinctions, heroes of epics having, in along the lines of genres: general, much more to do with the movement of history than that the But then, my point is precisely heroes of novels. epic tradition provides a context for viewing action deIn this sense, one picted in the modern literary setting. still asks, when the hero gets mad, what is the signifiIs he a hero before he gets mad? cance of his actions? Does he become one in the process of getting mad? If he fails in carrying out his mission, does he become an antihero? And where does the release of his anger get him? Is history What effect does it have on his surroundings? by so much as or society--the world around him--affected one jot by his presence? in In other words, to use Bowra's distinction, when a hero gets mad, do we have modern Iranian fiction, an Achilleid or an Iliad? as not just a theme, but That anger is established in the an integral part of the plot structure is reflected F. M. Esfandiary, works of four major Iranian authors: I do not Buzurg cAlavi, aadiq Chiibak, and Uadiq Hiddyat. mean to suggest that in these writers and their treatment of anger we have something akin to a literary movement: we discern that here, in their sympathies and antipathies, 217

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a group reaction parallel to that of the angry young men in Britain or the Black American writers of of the fifties I merely of message.3 a literature this century--namely, suggest that their narrative styles reflect a pattern, an inquiry into which may provide us with a valid inroad into the dynamics of modern Iranian fiction. The works I mean to consider are Esfandiary's Q (his first novel), cAlavlrs "Piadang" which I of Sacrifice have translated as "The Thresher" (the first story in his Varagparah'h&-y'i zindin or Scrap Papers From Prison), Chibakk's Tangsir, and Hiddyat's Buif-i kur or The Blind Owl. In each case, the narrative is structured around a killing-In the process, the narin Chibak's, a series of killings. rator or hero comes to lose his temper--give in to his rage, much in the same sense that the Greek hero of epic and legend is overwhelmed by his menos. The result is that either he is led to commit the act of violence himself, or Either he expresses his rage in a world of such action. way, he incorporates the bond between anger and action. Finally, in all these works, the hero or narrator occupies the very center of his world--to such a degree that the other characters exist in their dependence on him. In other words, what we have here, in these four works, is features, but a corof structural not just a similarity what we see has to be seen respondence of viewpoint: through the eyes of that one person who occupies the center of the action. that central person is KiaIn The Day of Sacrifice in a Noush Aryamanesh. The story begins with him sitting room, his "back to Tehran," shut off from "the world outIt is not till the end of the novel that we find side.",4 cAlavi, out that the room is actually the cell of a prison. a novelistic but a real one. too, writes from prison--not Hid&yat's narrator is likewise shut off in his room, waitwhich point in the future, ing for the police to arrive--at Each of these he, too, will be carted off to prison. but they are not just figures inhabits an interior realm; They have ofby habit or choice. cloistered escapists fended the law. Their world is--from the standpoint of IRANIANSTUDIES

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the narrator's present--defined by a boxed-in condition. Even Mohammad,the hero of Tangs_ir, experiences this condition when he is hiding from the armed claustrophibic guards (the tufangchi'lh) in the house of his Armenian friend, Asituir: he is confined to a small room full of odd bits of furniture, in the sweltering heat--which is a throwback to his past, when he served time behind British bars. All these figures are branded as enemies of justice. KiaNoush and CAlavi are in jail: the Blind Owl is waiting to get there. Chabak's hero is conspicuously the fugitive who has been there before. Moreover, these figures are not only physically shut off; they are mentally isolated as well. KiaNoush claims that he has nothing in commonwith his younger sisters, who, having "left the parental home," are now conventionally "married and mothers."S He, by contrast--still living at home--defines himself as being "iunmarried, unattached, uninvolved in, and unconcerned with "politics and the goings-on "in the streets of Tehran.",6 The negative rhetoric is an indication of his frame of mind and the conflict within him. At the same time, Esfandiary's strong sense of irony projects itself keenly when he mixes the twin perspectives of the only son's room in the house being, in actuality, the cell of a prison. The message is clear: KiaNoush was imprisoned in his domestic condition long before he came to be imprisoned in jail. And the feeling of estrangement he subsequently develops towards society at large when in jail is established from the beginning by his detachment from the household life around him. "During the day," he says, "while my father, a minor government employee, is at work at the Ministry of the Interior, and my mother goes about our small house, invoking holy names, cleaning our few rooms, preparing the inevitable pots of fluffy rice.9nd aromatic sauces, I, their only son, sit in my room." fiance:

His sitting in his room is a veritable act of dea kind of passive resistance to the daily life

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he sees going on around him. Also, he is jobless--a former student who never finished his studies, and yet, not having finished, does not feel mentally ready to enter the working world either, despite his father's attempts to get him to. Joblessness creates a kind of status of mind in which feelings of hostility are allowed to burst out into the open. It is almost akin to freedom of spirit, except that those feelings have long been festering. The hero is as much a slave to his pent-up frustrations as he is an unconstrained agent giving vent to his spleen. In any case, a divorce from the world of routine is necessary. In Tangsir, Mohammadcloses his shop and sells all his property--thereby becoming, in the eyes of others,another jobless itinerant--before he embarks on his private vendetta. Hidayat's Blind Owl has, at best, an up-and-down, disorganized career as a painter of pen cases. He himself refers to it as "this ludicrous occupation of mine," which enables him merely "to get through the day.",8 His is a in other words, which is on a plane with that of the life, disordered spirit. from his work As for cAlavi, he, too, is dissociated and is, in prison, a careerless has person--though he still his writing. And it is important here to specify that his direction. writing, from this point on, takes a different Writing--in the sense of reminiscing, going over, as well as literally the acputting pen to paper--defines tivity of the narrator's present in three of these four works. CAlavi, KiaNoush, and Hidayat's Blind Owl are all 'writers,' in that they put down or convey what has gone on before them. At heart they are all, to varying degrees, confessionists. Mohammad,who, it is hinted, is illiterate, and who makes the only successful escape, beInstead of writing, longs to another but related order. he becomes that legendary figure about whomone writes. Chfibak, in this sense, does his writing for him: that small boy who observed him in the street on the day of his murders and who later grew up to eulogize him. IRANIANSTUDIES

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Moreover, the very act of writing conveys the effect of a new calm after the storm: a shift in mood from that The hero is now at which prompted the action of the past. The one exception to this is cAlav1, peace with himself. his examination of the inner who continues his probing: But even with CAlavi, a in society. workings of injustice peak experience is reached, and he derives no small satisfaction at having unmasked another side to the universal evil he perceives. Where these central figures part company is in what makes them angry. Angry people they all are or become, but The components they do not get angry at the same things. of their anger, the external stimuli which provoke them, as the features of their lives. are as different is still carrying out an KiaNoush at thirty-three adolescent rebellion against a father whose authority and lack of understanding have turned him, in his son's eyes, "It makes me so angry," he a tyrant." into "a dictator, should be chafes, "so very angry, that our relationship like that of a master and slave; if this is the relationship between father and son, then I say I don't want my father any more, I don't want him, I don't ever want to see him again. .'I9 He does not quite get his words out on this occasion, and these thoughts are expressed to himself and not to his father, but the time does come, at the end of the novel, when the son confronts the father with the full It is only after the stunned weight of his feelings. is father is completely rejected that a reconciliation is made between paternal tyranpossible and a dissociation ny and social injustice. The plot of the novel, in fact, is built around the father-son conflict. The story begins when KiaNoush is he is to get in given a task to carry out by his father: touch with a member of the Slaves of the Faith, a fanatical religious group, which, it is rumored, is intent on assassinating the Minister of the Interior on the Day of Sacrifice. All KiaNoush is asked to do is to bring that 221

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person--a childhood friend of his, Hussein Neekou--to his KiaNoush undertakes this errand readily enough, but house. no sooner does he step out the door than he is thwarted by obstacles of his own making. He pursues instead a Mrs. Kousha, the wife of a colonel whomhe meets at the University, and from there on it is a matter of breaking one apquest after an pointment after another in a self-defeating The action of the novel, in elusive figure. increasingly The first part deals this sense, falls into two parts. to get hold of his friend (and with KiaNoush's inability his pursuit as a lover), and the second with the steps leading up to his success (his active pursuit as a selfThe turning point comes just after the motivated seeker). shouting match, which takes place in the street, terrific one of the finest between KiaNoush and his father--surely father and son father-son clashes in Iranian fiction--when the father, end up stalking off in opposite directions: cursing, back to his house, and the son, likewise, but with carry out nowhere to go and nothing to do but, ironically, the mission, robbed of its original purpose--having failed in his father's eyes. this twoThe affair with Mrs. Kousha also reflects A A I in Shemiran Their tete-a-tete fold pattern of pursuit. bedroom experience, Mrs. having developed into a gratifying Kousha turns from a person pursued to one who pursues. She rents a small apartment where she and KiaNoush can then goes to the Ministry of the continue their trysts, to see what Interior where she seeks out his father--just he looks like, she coyly tells him. His father finds her This she reveals to KiaNoush in their new attractive. KiaNoush As a result, apartment, just before making love. From that point on Mrs. Kousha drops out loses interest. of the story. The sexual link is a crucial part of the action. KiaNoush declares at the start that his relation with In the women is confined to maids and prostitutes.10 course of the novel, he steps up to the level of wooing and winning another man's wife, and not just any man's, but that of a figure of authority, whomhe, incidentally, immediately thinks of when he enters jail for the first IRANIANSTUDIES

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time. When his mistress then provokes him with the idea that his father is also interested in her, she drops out as all else, of the picture altogether. Sexual repression, of the father. is associated with the repressiveness For KiaNoush comes Not society. This is important. to see the difference between the two. He is humiliated when his father discovers the prophylactics in his wallet (what were they doing there anyway?). When his father replaces them with money to buy a pair of socks and go after his friend, he responds by spending it on Mrs. Kousha. But the point about KiaNoush is that he does rise above his adolescent reactions. If, in the first part of the story, we see him as a frustrated, overaged juvenile, unable to control his feelings towards his father and follow through with a simple assignment; in the second, he does come to have a much broader understanding of the situation he is involved in. Not only is he finally successful in reaching his friend, but when that fails to prevent the assassination, he succeeds in informing the minister's wife of what is to happen. He succeeds, in other words, over and beyond what his father expects of him. Relieved of his anger, he is able to act better than those around him. Mrs. Ramesh, the minister's wife, and her plight come to take over in importance his relationship with Mrs. Kousha. Even his father comes to have a newfound respect for him. Where, then, does he fail? He is caught in the act of running. In a sense, one could say that KiaNoush starts his quest walking and ends up dashing at full speed. "I was so angry," he says, after his bout with his father, "so deeply inmersed in miasmic deliberations of revenge and hate, that I did not realize how briskly I had been walking."111 His bout with his father quickens his pace, and he does not let up until he is caught by the police-a fugitive from the law because of his very act of running. What drives him to run, of course, is his enormous sense of guilt. Since he has expressed anger towards his father, there can be only punishment ahead of him. After the assassination, he wills his own destruction by going to the one 223

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place where he is bound to be picked up by the authorities-the house of the assassin himself. Here he is rounded up along with the members of the Slaves of the Faith, and Esfandiary gives one last ironic twist to his plot. The man who tried most to prevent the murder from taking place is branded as the murderer's murderer. The release of anger leads to self-destruction. Is KiaNoush, in the end, a self-defeated anti-hero? Two aspects of his character prevent him from being so. The first is his relationship with others engaged in the main action. KiaNoush is flanked by two friends: one of whom is Hussein, the religious fanatic. The other, less close, is Choubineh Neelan, a political enthusiast whomhe meets at the headquarters of the Enlightened Party. The former is tragic not just in being an assassin and victim on the heels of his mission, but also in being a tool in a vaster and dehumanized network of destruction: a prey to his own feelings of hatred. The latter, on the other hand, is comic in his constant shifting of political loyalties and his blatant worship of father figures who cry out against government corruption. Both these figures (I almost said youths, but they, too, are well into adulthood) share KiaNoush's dilemma--an intense antagonism towards the system stemming from their reactions to their fathers. Yet neither is able to dissociate the one from the other. Hussein turns his back on his education and ethical viewpoint (for which he was so much admired by KiaNoush), and fanatic. like his father dies the death of a religious Choubineh remains the perpetual adolescent, shifting sympathies as casually as his vacant mind wanders from leader to leader. Unlike these two, KiaNoush is able to delve into his After the fight dilemma and make the crucial distinction. with his father, he also comes to have a positive relationship with another older man, Mr. Deldar, the leader of the Enlightened Party, and to stimulate him to have a new sense of purpose. tive

The second reason why I find KiaNoush a more affirmatype than the anti-hero has to do with his being so

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His viewpoint is in itself painfully honest with himself. a challenge to the system he is in. By the end of the novel, he has not only worked through his resentment towards his father, but has formulated a politics of dissent. This involves more than a process of maturing, it entails a sense of arriving. The novel ends on a series of questions which pose a challenge to the society he is living in:When has the law understood or interested itself in fundamentals? When has a man been judged for what he was really trying to do rather than for what he has done? When has the law paused to listen to the desperate, agonized pleas of the mutilated child within the so-called adult? When has the law been wise enough to try to correct rather than pour out its own anger and vengeance?l1 Questions one comes across in cAlavi. cAlavl is likewise a probing intellect. His presence in jail, like KiaNoush's, is an argument against the workings of social justice. Instead of focusing solely on the question "How did I get here?" however, CAlavi, the artist--as observer--shifts his view to the inmates around him: "How did they get here? Perhaps I will have a better view of my own plight if I see mine against theirs." It is a brilliant strategy for the purpose of storytelling alone, but it is also effective in that it offers a scope greater than that provided by the fixed narrative viewpoint. cAlavi in prison is a sort of Dante in the InThe figures he comes across are all those who beferno. long to the world outside, yet their presence in prison divorces them sufficiently from their worldly attributes for the writer to recognize the qualities that govern their lives. The analogy is apt in another sense, too: one does not have to have reasons for living in this world. But people in prison are there allegedly for reasons. CAlavl-the probing spirit--delves into their reasons. The people he scrutinizes are all to varying degrees souls in torment. But no anguish is more bitter, or expressed with more than the writer's own when he sees his plight in clarity, 225

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terms of that of his company. When judged against there is no reason for his being in prison.

them,

The story of "The Thresher" conveys this idea of search after nothing through its admirably constructed A mystery tale is pieced together in such a way plot. that, when all the pieces are put together, nothing is it has to do with Basically, left but the mystery itself. a murder which was said to have taken place in a village The murder victim, however, has never been in Gilan. definitely found. Neither has it ever been established who did the killing or how it was done. Nevertheless, since the matter was brought to the attention of the The the case has to be settled once and for all. police, is to say there has been no murder and admit alternative Hence, a murder is thereby that there is no justice. a murderer is found, a man is put in jail, established, and the judge can go back to his dinner. The point is the man who is labeled the murderer-CAlavi guilty or not--is given a sentence of three years. is sentenced to seven. the The story begins with this discrepancy: disparity between alleged crime and allotted punishment. How can a convicted murderer be sentenced to only three years, when cAlavi, who has not even been tried, is slapped down with a seven-year term? The question initiates a process of inquiry which ultimately establishes that, given the various facts and opinions, anything could At any have happened. Possibly a murder. Possibly not. rate, here is a system of justice which is not concerned It can convict a person on any with making distinctions. hearsay evidence, and it has thrown him, cAlavl, into He is mad. His rage is prison for seven whole years! Whomcan he of the story. provoked by the very telling His anger carries him beblame? Not just the system. It is the ignorance yond the narrow scope of the system. Ignorance breeds the kind of of people that is at fault. along with the likes that has put him in jail, injustice of a man who is there for having committed a murder that was never even established. IRANIANSTUDIES

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Hence, his own solution to the mystery, which is presented as a metaphor. If the said victim of the said murder was killed at all, then he was done in by no human He was mauled by a bear standing in the middle of being. the progressive movement of the road--that road signifying that curlife and that bear being the social limitations tail it. CAlavi keeps the solution to himself. Otherwise he might have another ten-year term tacked on. KiaNoush and CAlavi, then, emerge from their anger with a much broader grasp of social injustice. Their experiences make them much sharper observers of what goes on around them. Their anger serves a social purpose in that respect--that of awakening. With KiaNoush the awakening is internal. With cAlavi it has consequences outside him. He is writing, as he states in his preface, for the future generation. Chibak's tangsirl is a different type altogether. He has no scope or scale beyond those of his own actions. His values are his, and he lives up to them. It is a man's business to do just that. Otherwise he ends up half a man, which is to say, a moral coward. That we are to see this tangsiri as a hero before he takes on his quest is obvious from the first segment of the story, when he rescues the maddened cow from a palm grove. The cow belongs to a widow, Sakinah, and, apparently, no one else is up to tackling the task. Others would simply have the creature shot; Mohammadon the other hand--more familiar with the ways of animals than men-benignly wrestles it to the ground, and, having nursed it out of its anger, walks it quietly home. The incident has nothing to do with the plot of the rest of the story. The cow is there to be rescued, as is the widow to wring her hands and bestow her thanks on him. Only the palm grove passes into the remainder of the narrative as a place of escape, once Mohammadhas completed his mission. In Tangsir Chilbak is concerned primarily with rea local legend, with making a hero. The inconstructing cident with the cow projects Mohammadas a pahlavin.14 227

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Everything else is subordinate to that end. His robbed of his hard-earned money by four ruthless refuse to give his When those niggardly villains and, furthermore, laugh in his face, he is forced He shoots them. measures.

hero is merchants. money back; to take

In the No reference is made to a court of justice. In its place context of this book there is no justice. and uncomprodifferent there are only three distinctly there is the way of the city mising approaches to life: merchant, the way of the village tribesman, and, more reMohammad,the motely, that of the garrisoned British. who fought in the past hero of the Battle of Persepolis, alongside his brother tangsir s against the British, and who furthermore managed to kill at least fifteen militiamen before seeing his side go down, is now about to take mercantile Iranians. on the enemies of his own home soil--the So, seizing his rifle from its peg on the wall and arming himself with dagger and bayonet, he kisses his wife and children goodbye- -putting them firmly out of his mind-and enters the world of the Bushehr merchant as avenger. What follows is about as unproblematic a series of killings as any killer could wish. He simply walks up to his victims, puts a rifle to their bodies (to muffle the sound), The only opposition he and shoots them. That is all. meets with along the way comes from two women. One he When he goes kills and the other he maims with his knife. a new him and bestow applaud people street, out into the title upon him: shir Mohammad,they call him. Now he has become a lion of a man. And all those who oppose him are to his inalienable not only foolhardy, but insensible done to him has given him a license The injustice right. If people do not recognize his right--the to kill. baqq he so often lays claim to--then so much for them. The incredible thing about Mohammadis that he has Not only does absolutely no sense of his own culpability. that is chillhe dispatch human lives with a callousness for his own ing, but he takes absolutely no responsibility What was he doing, turning over all his money to folly. He had a perfectly people with reputations for stealing? IRANIANSTUDIES

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good merchant of a father-in-law to consult with. Why did he not consult him? But he did not. He simply put down his money--never mind for what purpose. Chibak is not interested in that side of the transaction. But let us say (and pardon the pun) that he would not have objected if it turned out to be a killing. But he lost instead, and so he goes for his gun. Not for the money, he claims, but in order to save his honor. And so, everyone around him looks up to him. Everyone offers his help: the Armenian vendor of spirits, who, like his father-in-law, belongs to a different order of merchants, not crafty, but ethnic, the vendor's servant, the people in his village--everyone. Even the tufangchl'ha who are out to get him acknowledge his stoutheartedness in open-mouthed wonder. And with reason. Mohammnad, the shirmard of Chtibak's South, overcomes all obstacles: the guards in Bushehr, the barracuda which attacks him while he is swimming to safety, and finally the entourage of eight inept riflemen whom he disarms at his hut wlth his one waterlogged rifle. To give these pitiful creatures some sinister aspect, Chiubakhas their leader assault Mohammad's wife just before his arrival, only to be clawed by her and driven humiliatingly out of her hut. If the story has any serious dimension at all, then I dare say it has to do with Chilbak's premise that, given social injustice, the only heroic behavior is to go back to traditional values, to wrench oneself from the city and retreat to the hills. All Mohammadhas to do, when he is cheated of his money, is to react like a true tang4ri. They are the only ones in the story with real courage anyway. The world's and life's problems are thereby instantly solved. For in reverting to the pattern of tribal behavior, he becomes that heroic personality who is no longer lost in the crowd of the city. KiaNoush and cAlavi are both city dwellers; they are both tihr&nl and have to cope with all the problems that that involves. Mohammad,on the other hand, breathes the free air of the South. He leaves Bushehr, he leaves his village, and, it is suggested, he even leaves Iran. Good luck to him--he has all the luck he needs in any case. 229

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Now, if someone were to approach him on his way out and tell him that, along with being a hero, he also has he would probably shrug phenomenal homicidal tendencies, If one were to say the him. shoot to and not even bother same thing to Chubak, he might respond with Hemingwayesque bravura. So what. He has his hero. The male ego remains firmly preserved in the iron cast of the best of all posworlds, that of folklore and legend. sible fictional But if one were to ask the same thing of Hidayat, the response would quite likely be one of his characterisghoulish laughs. tically At the beginning of this paper, I mentioned that provides a context for viewing action deepic literature I also stated that picted in the modern literary setting. it was not my intention to show that anger, as a theme, develops into a literary movement in the context of modern to qualify Now I would like, briefly, Iranian fiction. these points. Hassan Kamshadwrites in his survey, Modern Persian that "Perhaps in no other country has Prose Literature, been so closely associated the development of literature as in Persia during fluctuations with social and political that "this alliance between adds He century." present the expression was implicit from the literary and political start of the modern literary movement at the turn of the century."115 relating to Iran,is His point, as a generalization I think, demonstrably valid, and his book is more or less But rather than follow the path aimed at supporting it. I would suggest another way of looking at the he has trod, Chibak's hero, for example, I do not literature mentioned. animal no matter how hard I try, regard as a political whereas Kamshad's viewpoint would tend to project him as a tie with the past, one. The way I suggest establishes linking the figures of the present with that penultimate Rustam. Behind each of these hero of Iranian antiquity, IRANIANSTUDIES

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figures and their conflicts stands the prototypical figure of epic mold. Behind the father-son conflict of Esfandiary's novel stands the tragic clash between Rustam and Suhrib; behind the sociological conflict between individual and authority in cAlavils work stands the catastrophic encounter between Rustam and Isfandiy&r;16 and in the conscious making of a hero before he takes on any of these tragic actions, we have Chilbak's tangsiri, a reflection of the conflict between Rustam and the Akvan Div.17 What I am saying here is not all that astounding. All that this purports is that behind one hero and his actions another hero exists, and that that kind of link is what makesup a literary tradition as opposed to a sociooriented movement. However, the premise underlogically lying all this is the assumption that a writer does see heroic action as possible. What about the case of Hidayat? How does he fit into the picture? The point is, he does not. Hidayat is the one writer who firmly denies the validity of the epic experience. His idea is to get away from the heroic altogether. To create the archetypical anti-hero. Not a Satan, for a Satan becomes something grand in his rebellion, but an overwhelming depiction of negation. Not the dark, the evil, but the No. That entity is conterposed to the affirmations of life. The contrary spirit which denies its own existence--a story twice told, and in that sense not told at all, since one half destroys the other. An artist who is not an artist, but one who paints the same picture, and even that a copy. A father who creeps out of the room with the cobra reappearing as the uncle. A wife who dances the fertility dance, only to destroy with the cobra. The mother who destroys becoming the wife who is destroyed-by the foster brother who suckled the same milk, who wishes to negate her existence. His existence. Residing at the bottom of the well of anger is not the cobra, but the owl--not the active agent of killing, but the passive one which looks over death. Only this one does not even look--it is blind.

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At the heart of darkness in Iranian fiction is this figure. Living in the present, but also the past, not in Tehran or Bushehr, but in the old city of Rey, where he vies in dimension with Rustam. He is the culminating exfor he is pression of anger in the nation's literature: More, he is angry at angry at having been born Iranian. having been born. NOTES 1.

G. R. Levy, The Sword From the Rock: An Investigation into the Origins of Epic Literature and the Development of the Hero (London: Faber and Faber, 1953), p. 9.

Duckworth, 1972),

p. 98.

2.

C. M. Bowra, Homer (London:

3.

For an examination of anger as a dominant mode of expression in a literary movement in the two cases mentioned, I recommend Kenneth Alsop's The Angry Decade: a survey of the cultural revolt of the nineteen(London: Peter Owen, Ltd., 1964) and Anger1 fifties and Beyond: the negro writer in the United States, edited by Herbert Hill (New York: Harper 1 Row, 1966).

4.

Fereidoun Esfandiary, The Day of Sacrifice McDowell, Oblensky, 1957), p. 5.

5.

Ibid.

6.

Ibid.

7.

Ibid.

8.

Sadegh Hedayat, The Blind Owl, trans. (London: John Calder, 1957), p. 6.

9.

Esfandiary,

p. 67.

10.

Esfandiary,

p. 7.

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(New York:

D. P. Costello

11.

Esfandiary,

p. 67.

12.

Esfandiary,

p. 240.

13.

Sidiq Chuibak, Tangsir

14.

Chilbak, p. 55.

15.

H. Kamshad, Modern Persian Prose Literature University Press, 1966), p. 31.

16.

For a provocative treatment of the subject see Shahrokh Meskub's MuQaddimahl' bar Rustam va Isfandiyar the book has not yet Unfortunately, (Tehran, 1348). been translated into English.

18.

Chiibak makes a number of references to the ShThn&mah. The incident with the cow, for example, ends with a reference, significantly, to Rakhsh--the name of rustam's horse; and the boy who goes after the animal and is injured in the process before Mohammadarrives is called Luhrasp--the name of the king who attempted to usurp the pahlavan's rights and engineered his down-

(Tehran:

Javidan,

1968), p. 58.

(Cambridge

fall.

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THE CONSTITUTIONAL IDEAS OF A SHI'ITE MUJTAHID: MUHAMMAD HUSA YN NA 'INI FERESHTE M. NOURAIE

The Iranian constitutional movement of the early twentieth century involved various segments of Iranlan society. Intellectuals, enlightened members of the bureaucracy, religious leaders, merchants and the urban population, each to a greater or lesser extent participated in this reform movement. Naturally their political attitudes, and interests objectives, differed. The intellectuals, who were secular in outlook and influenced by liberal Western ideas, hoped for the establishment of a constitutional form of government. A small group of reformers in the government sympathized with these men and were in close contact with them. Indeed, it is difficult to distinguish between the former and the latter since most of the intelligentsia were also a part of the ruling class. Perhaps one of the best examples is Mirz& Malkam Khan NI;im al-Dawlah (18341908), who represents the attitude of a liberal thinker as well as a reformist member of the bureaucracy.1 Members of the religious class who sympathized with the constitutionalists sought to limit the absolute power of the throne and played an important part in the struggle form of governfor the establishment of a constitutional ment. Though they were influenced to some extent by secular

Fereshteh M. Nouraie is Assistant the University of Tehran. IRANIAN STUDIES

234

Professor

of History at

ideas, their basic argument about monarchical power had Islamic doctrine which doubted its origin in the Shi'ite The merchant class was, on the legitimacy of the throne. the whole, in favor of the constitution, and sided with the liberals in the hope that reform would bring new economic opportunities in the fields of banking and industry. The people, who had lived through centuries of despotism, a regime that would free them from aspired to establish injustice and oppression and provide them with personal and material security. Among these various elements, each of which propagated constitutional reform in different ways, the reand the progressive elements spective roles of the liberals of the religious class are of particular The importance.2 of the liberals as the advocates of a attitudes political parliamentary type of regime are reasonably well known. Notably, Mirz& Husayn Khan Sipahsal&r, the leading representative of the modern progressive class, defined the secular position of the liberals with regard to the separation of state and religion as follows: "The matters of as regular praying, arpurely religious character--such ranging marriage contracts, and preaching--should be left to the ulama and they should be refused [the right] to interfere in the affairs of the state. Likewise, it is highly objectionable that the ulama be permitted to act as intermediaries between the people and the state."3 This attitude was shared and strengthened by the liberals during the Constitutional Movement, and the deputies in the First Majlis claimed that while the "Quran is the source of our religion, the Constitution defines the fundamental law of the state, limiting the power of the government and protecting the rights of the people."'4 They also, quite unequivocally, stated that: "The constitution has nothing to do whatsoever with the Sharicat.115 With respect to the ulama, the liberal group of the muJtahids opposed to the traditionalists, propagated constitutionalism not on the basis of Western democracy, but in accord with the Sharicat. One of the leading mujtahids of the time declared: "Indeed the principle of constitu235

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tionalism is derived from the law of Islam."6 Another inmight be sisted that "the term mashri4ah (constitution) Islamic modern, but its content is derived from traditional principles. "7 and the liberal faction of the ulama The secularists during the early part of the popuhad a fair collaboration however, broke when the Their alliance, lar uprising. The progresMajlis set to work writing the constitution. of the state secularization sive class believed in complete while the ulama tried to secure the right of veto in legisrejecting the bills that would be considerlative affairs, Such coned incompatible with the rule of the Sharicat. troversy continued during the first phases of the Majlis and had, in fact, an echo in the process of constitutionalism. In this paper an attempt is made to present the Husayn Na1'ni (1850-1936) as ideas of H&j1 Mlrz& Muhammad of the progressive elements of the relia representative His Tanbih al-Ummah va Tanzlh al-Millah (The gious class. Enlightening of the Muslim Community and Its Purification) is one of the most important works of its kind, justifying from the point of view of the Sharicat. the constitution NA'ini wrote his book some four years after the establishfrom the regime. He benefitted ment of the constitutional of the time, and was influenced by literature political problems raised during and religious the legal, political the trial period of democratic government. Nilini was a pupil of the renowned mujtahid, Haijji leader who religious Mirz& Vasan Shirazi, the influential in of tobacco the use proscribing fatva issued the famous relia of about 1265 in N&lin (1850) was born He 1891.8 education religious gious family, received a traditional in Najaf--a major Shi'ite center outside Iran in the Ottoscholar in traditiona first-rate man territory--becoming and gaining a reputation as one of al Islamic sciences, Nalini was treated the most learned Shilite mujtahids. with great respect by the Shilite ulama until he died in Najaf in 1355 (1936). IRANIANSTUDIES

236

written in Persian and containing a The treatise, five chapters and a khatimah (appenmucaddimah (preface), form in Baghdad in dix), was first printed in lithographic 1328 (1909), and it was republished in letter press in Tehran in 1910. A third edition was published in Tehran in 1374 (1955) with added commentaries and footnotes by a learned and respected memHaji Sayyid MalmiidTiliqani, ber of the Shilite ulama. This last edition is the basis of the following discussion. The treatise sheds considerable light on the socioof the progressive members of the repolitical attitudes ligious class and is without a doubt one of the most important documents on this subject. It is highly commended by some of the respected mujtahids, like Shaykh MuhammadKazim Khurasani and Shaykh Abdullah Mazandarani, both of whom wrote commentaries on the book and approved of its content.9 Nl'lni is mainly concerned with the nature of kingabsolutism and defending a concept of ship, rejecting from the point of view of the Sharicat. constitutionalism His attitude is based on traditional Shilite theory, but at the same time it is influenced by Western secular ideas and such works as the Tab yiC al-Istibdad (The Characteristics of Despotism) by al-Kaw&kibi, which was published in Cairo in 1905.10 NVlini bases his argument on the had-is (tradition) and the sunnat (practice) of the prophet and the traditions of the Imams; but he also has certain ideas about European constitutional theory and is aware of events in the surrounding countries, referring to the Russian Revolution of 1905, for example, as a popular movement against autocracy.11 At the same time, he is conscious of Western political penetration into the Muslim countries and points out the need to resist Western aggression. Well in command of his subject, Nalini presents a powerful and scholarly argument justifying the constitution on the basis of the Sharicat. Considering the incompatibility of the Sharicat with the principles of a secular constitution, Na'ini's argument is not always convincing. Con237

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was a modern secular concept derived from stitutionalism Regarding despotism as the root Western European thought. class the progressive body of the religious of all evils, for the esjustification tried to produce a theoretical with a single objective in tablishment of a constitution mind: to curtail monarchical power and to put an end to of the The significance the despotic rule of the state. and analysis of a is both in the justification treatise secular theory in terms of religion and also in demonstrating the degree of social consciousness of its author. Ni'ini begins his discussion with a general definition of government. He argues that any social system for its survival and continuity must be based on some form of government: "whether it is founded on a single person or an assembly representing the popular will, or whether its power is derived by right or force, inheritance or elecfirst to tion."*12 The function of the state is twofold: and to preeducate the ummah (community of the faithful) serve their individual rights, and, secondly, to defend In this against its enemies. the vatan (fatherland) of government, NW'ini combines Islamic general definition and secular concepts, using the words ummahand vatan inalthough there is no concept of territorial terchangeably, state in the modern sense in the Islamic theory of government. Islam is a community the bounds of which are set His references borders. by belief and not by territorial relating Islamic to such terms provide a new interpretation theory. theory to Western political of government, After giving some general definitions one is a two kinds of authority: NalVInI distinguishes government based on arbitrary rule which he terms tamalukiwhere the ya and istibdadlyah (despotic and tyrannical), king considers the mulk (kingdom) as his personal property, for his actions, and regards the bears no responsibility Such a ruler squanders the people as his "chattels."14 country's revenues for his own personal use; raises his of power and wealth, confiscates favorites to positions and doles out jushe dislikes, of whom those the property He seeks no other aim with respect tice as he sees fit. IRANIANSTUDIES

238

to the people, but to satisfy his own private whims and pleasures. Finally, he claims to possess a divine nature of God."15 and considers himself "an incarnate manifestation condemns This kind of arbitrary rule, which N'ini as illegitimate and without basis, is doomed to decay and destruction. He considers the Ummayids, who were the first a mulk (kingdom), responsible for dynasty to establish transforming the ideal state of the Sharicat into a power In the state to fulfill their own personal interests.16 early centuries of Islam, he argues, the community was reason, and fairness in accord with ruled with justice, the Quran and traditions, and the Muslims displayed great courage and bravery in extending the realm of Islam to farflung places. With the establishment of the Ulmmayiddynasty the rulers began to neglect the conditions required for just rule, and did not concern themselves with the problem of of the community. This government and the administration lessened the authority of process of change ultimately Islam and weakened the rule of law, leading to the deterioration of the Muslim community and the abject state of Muslims in general.17 By implication N&'ini likens this general state of decline to the conditions of Iran: "ArCnd extortion by bitrary rule, misuse of power, injustice the government and its officials, has turned this country into one of the poorest and most wretched on earth."'18 The second type of rule for which Nalini expresses which he also calls (trusteeship), approval is vildyatlyah and shawraviyah mas'filah (responsible), mabdiidah (limited), Its power is based on the trust of the (consultative).19 of the pubgoverned and its aim is to serve the interests lic. In this form of limited government, N&lini argues, in political affairs and carry directly people participate The ruler governs on their besocial responsibilities. half and the officials are considered servants of the public. 20 This kind of rule is justified and is viliyat va amanat (trusteeship) government in the absence of the ideal The essence of isnaCashirl Shilism is 239

on the basis of the best type of state of the imamate. that of the imamate, AUTUMN 1975

the acknowledgment of the authority of the Imams, who are It means trust the only guarantee of the right guidance. and love of the Imams, male descendants of the Prophet a hereditary line of community through Ali who established leadership. After the disappearance of the twelfth Imam century, all governments were considerin the third/ninth ed as unrighteous by the Shilite divines, who felt no rethe power of the temporal sponsibility to legitimize government. The authority of a state based on justice, virtue, reason and fair play, however, could be recognized Since in the de facto, if not de jure, by the mujtahids. absence of the Imam, N'lini argues, "We are deprived of the virtue, and knowledge--which form the source of justice, basis of just and righteous rule, we must of necessity find other means."22 Government based on the principle of vilais still the yt, though not with legitimate authority, best when compared with arbitrary rule.23' from the imamate, and Having thus separated viliyat of temporal having paved the way for the authorization government, Na'inl argues that even this type of governis not immune from corruption ment based on trusteeship even a just and decay. As no one can claim infallibility, of his cusruler might seek to circumvent the limitations todianship. The remedy for evils and abuses is not in the existence of a just ruler, rather it is to be sought in It is not a question of who should rule, good institutions. organization that would but of how to create a political from committing abuses.24 prevent individuals Nillni suggests the creation of a nizam-namah (conand to limit monarstitution) to protect public interests and the establishment of a national conchical authority, sultative assembly for the protection of the law.25 This assembly would be composed of learned men of religion and who are to take the responsibility persons of intelligence and guarding the constitufor protecting public interests assembly tion. They would be elected to the legislative If the learned men of religion particiby popular vote. then the legitimacy of the affairs, pate in political legislative assembly and the decisions made by it cannot In fact, Ni'lini argues, constitutional be in doubt.26 IRANIANSTUDIES

240

government is very much in accord with Islamic law. For government according to the Sharicat should be based on and the welfare of the community. In justice, equality, the absence of the ideal state, constitutional government could, therefore, provide the basic elements of fair and just rule. the concept of constituticn Having assimilated with the religious law, Ni'ini then justifies the people's participation affairs by suggesting that rein political sistance to the exercise of arbitrary power by the government is a religious duty and an obligation for all Muslims. First, in order to keep the rights of Muslims intact, he applies one of the principles of Islamic jurisprudence amr-i bi macruf va nahy-i az munkar (enjoining what is good and forbidding what is evil).27 If a ruler misuses his power and neglects his duties, it is incumbent upon the community to prevent him from wrong doing and force him to carry out his responsibilities. The proper means by which such actions could be made effective is in the formulation of a constitution and the establishment of a national legislative assembly.28 Secondly, in the absence of the Imam, the mujtahid, a man of sanctity and knowledge, far above the commonrun of men, becomes responsible for administering religious duties, supervising the awqaf (religious endowments), and protecting the property of minors. Since the welfare of the community and preservation of public interests and the social order, in a sense, are of the same nature, N'lini asserts, the mujtahids should assume the leadership of the community and participate in political affairs.29 Thirdly, although power is usurped and the ruler is a usurper, some means must be contrived to limit the exercise of arbitrary power by the government. The establishment of a constitutional assembly, and supervision of the ulama, could end arbitrary rule and transfer it to a constitutional form of -government.30 A ruler then could not act without consulting with the most learned and intelligent men in the country and should accept their advice in all matters of importance.31 The establishment of a constitutional form of government is possible when people are assured of their rights 241

AUTUMN 1975

"Freedom is the source of national existand liberties. encell and despotism is its enemy. "Throughout history all national uprisings in the Christian and non-Christian worlds have been for the sole purpose of gaining freedom and putting an end to despotic rule."'32 A guarantee of equality before the law is also necessary to protect pubMuslim or non-Muslim, from the arbitrary lic interests, Within the framework of the Sharicat, a Muslim has rule. including equality before the personal rights, definite This conception law and the right to acquire property. rights," but "natural on based not was however, of rights, The intwjudicial rights." rather on legal status, i.e., dividuals who followed the precepts of religion and fulwere rewarded on equal obligations filled their religious terms. Therefore, rich or poor, elite or common, all were to be treated justly and equally according to the law of Na'ini emphasizes that equality before the the Prophet. law is to protect Muslims or non-Muslims from abuses of government. However, he states that this conception of recognized by equality does not eliminate the privileges assumes the The non-Muslim community still the Sharicat. marstatus of zimmah, and in such matters as inheritance, follow to is required tax) riage, crime, or jizyah (poll between This contradiction the law of the Sharicato3 the Sharicat and secular law, despite Na'ini's justificaand persisted as a matter of distion, remained intact, and secular members of the national pute between religious moveassembly in the early phases of the constitutional ment. of the national assembly and N&ilnlls description however, culminates in the separation of its duties, Matters of a political institutions. secular and religious of the asthe authority as within nature are recognized difmust supervise of the assembly members The sembly. ferent organs of government, regulate the budget, 3eform He the fiscal system, and eliminate abuses of power. makes it clear that the assembly is meant to conduct duties, affairs and not to carry out religious political such as holding congregational prayer (namaz-i jamdcat),or issuing fatva. 5 IRANIANSTUDIES

242

Nl'ini, in the Kh5atimah, discusses the nature of despotism and the means of combatting it. He considers despotism the root and cause of all the social ills of the to descommunity. One of the main factors contributing The existence of pseudofanaticism. potism is religious religious men, who play the role of demagogues rather than and abuse the public trust that of enlightened critics, and fear contributes to the despotic through intimidation power of government. The hypocrisy of the religious class and their fanaticism keep the public in ignorance. This interaction between religious and political despotism, N'lini emphasizes, has reduced Muslims to the stagnation backwardness, and misfortune from which they now suffer.6 The tradition of granting power to one person and the idea of one-man rule, is also another factor leading ultimately A despot, whose power is by nature arbito despotism. trary, inevitably considers any power or independence acquired by his subjects as a threat to his own.37 In the Khatimah he cites the ignorance of the masses, which has kept them completely unaware of their rights, as the main 38 cause for oppression and the continuation of despotic rule. N&'ini states that despotism, whether political or religious, is always accomplished by oppression. He refers to the events of 1908, when reactionary forces of opposition helped to destroy-the national assembly.39 The only solution to the tyranny of the state is to awaken the people to their rights and train them to carry out their civil responsibilities. The establishment of a parliament and the formulation of a constitution helps the public to exercise these rights.40 Tanblh al-Ummah va Tanzlh al-Millah is a good example of modern clerical attitudes toward classical despotism. The influence of modern Western theories can also be discerned. It represents the progressive attitude of the religious class towards the question of a modern state, and as a whole is one of the most forceful and coherent exof its kind produced during the constitutional positions period. since

Its significance lies, furthermore, in the fact that its appearance, N&lini's work has been considered a 243

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major source of reference by the progressive elements of the religious class with regard to the question of constitutionalism and in defining the rights of the ruled and the ruler. NOTES 1.

For the life and times of Mirzd Malkam Khan, see: Muhit-Tabatabai, ed., MajmfiCah-i Asar-i Muhammad Mirz& Malkam Khan (Tehran, 1948); Fereydun Adamiyat, Fikr-i Azadi (Tehran, 1963); Hamid Algar, Mirz& Malkum Khin (Berkeley, 1973); Fereshteh H. Nouraie, Tah9idar Afkar-i Mirz& Malkam Khan (Tehran, 1973).

2.

movement, see Ahmad For the history of constitutional Kasravi, TArlkh-i Mashrfitah-i Iran (Tehran, 1968); in see attitude of the liberals, regard to the political various works of Fereydun Adamiyat, such as MHrz& Xkhandzadah (Tehran, 1969), Mlrza Aq9 Khan Fat-cAll Kirmani (Tehran, 1966), and Andishah-i Tarigq; (Tehran, 1972).

3.

Cited by Fereydun Adamiyat, Andtshah-i Tarigi

4.

deputy from Rasht, SummaryRecords Vakil al-Tujjar, of the First Majlis (Tehran, 1325), p. 241.

5.

Hasan Ali Khan, deputy from Tehran, ibid.,

6.

Shaykh MuhammadKazim Khur&s&nL,in the Preface to 3rd ed. Nai ini, Tanblh al-Ummah va Tanzih al-Millah, (Tehran, 1955).

7.

Hajji MHirzaHusayn Tihrani, p. 48.

8.

In 1890 the Iranian subject a concession port of all tobacco of daily use, being company aroused the

IRANIAN STUDIES

cited

p. 179.

p. 531.

in Tanbih al-Ummah,

government had granted to a British for the purchase, sale, and exgrown in Iran. Tobacco, an item placed under control of a foreign public and brought a mass movement 244

against the concession, in 1892. cellation 9. 10.

which finally

led to its

can-

Tanbih al-Ummah, p. 1. The attitude of constitutionalists was influenced by Western European thought, which had reached the Muslim countries particularly in the second half of the nineteenth century. by al-KawaTabiyic al-Istibdad kibi is an example of a work influenced by European thought. It was first published in Cairo in 1905, and was translated into Persian by cAbdul .Husayn Mirzi, a learned Qajar prince, and was published in Tehran in 1907. He had also translated various works of Alexander Dumas, the French writer, and some Arabic works including Tabayic al-IstibdAd. There are some similarities between Tab&yic al-Istibdid and Tanbih al-Ummah. Nalini might have been influenced by Kawikibi's book which had been published prior to his own in 1905. For detai ls on Kawikib-i's work see: Sylvia Haim, Arab Nationalism: An Anthology (Berkeley, 1964), pp. 25-30, 78-80.

11.

Tanblh a-Ummah, p. 65.

12.

Ibid.,

p. 6.

13.

Ibid.,

p. 7.

14.

Ibid.,

p. 8.

15.

Ibid.,

p. 10.

16.

Ibid.,

p. 17.

17.

Ibid.

18.

Ibid.,

p. 16.

19.

Ibid.,

pp. 11-12. 245

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p. 12.

20.

Ibid.,

21.

The essence of the Shi'ite doctrine is that of imamate and acknowledgment of the authority of the Imamwho The is the only sure guarantee of right guidance. twelfth Imam, the last Imam from the House of CAli-Shilism dominant in recognized by the isnacashiri He was followed by in 260 (873). Iran--disappeared a succession of four agents, a period called "Lesser After the death of Concealment," Ghaybat-i Sughr. the fourth agent in 334 (940), the Shi'ite community entered the period of "Greater Concealment," Ghaybat-i Kubr&, which will continue until the Imamreturns to Until the return the earth as the Mahdi or saviour. of the Imamthe community leadership is bestowed upon the body of mujtahids who are learned men of religion and their studies and eminence permit them to interSince Shilite pret the law and to make decisions. divines regarded all governments in the absence of the Im&mas unrighteous, they did not leave any provision Even for the establishment of a legitimate state. religion of the after Shi'ism became the official state under the Safavids, the Shilite theory of state The temporal authority based on was not modified. a term which called for total loyalty of the vilya4t, faith ul to the Hidden Imam is considered by the mujtahids as secondary to imamate, the legitimate rule of the Imam.

22.

lTanbih al-Ummah, p. 56.

23.

Ibid.,

pp. 41-42.

24.

Ibid.,

p. 42.

25.

Ibid.,

p. 15.

26.

Ibid.

27.

Ibid.,

p. 49.

28*

Ibid.,

p. 50.

IRANIAN STUDIES

246

29.

Ibid.,

pp. 51-52.

30.

Ibid.,

p. 57.

31.

Ibid.,

p. 53.

32.

Ibid.,

p. 65.

33.

Zimmahrefers to the covenant by which Muslims undertake to safeguard the life and property of the nonMuslims who are protected by a treaty of surrender with all duties deriving from it, including-payment NVlini accepts the privileges of jizyah (poll tax). recognized by the Sharicat, assuming the status of Tanbih al-Unmah, p. 71. zimmah for the non-Muslims.

34.

Ibid.,

p. 90.

35.

Ibid.,

p. 89.

36.

Ibid.,

pp. 108-109.

37.

Ibid.,

p. 109.

38.

Ibid.,

pp. 105-107.

39.

Ibid.,

p. 119.

40.

Ibid.,

pp. 63-64.

247

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REVIEWAND COMMENT PRISCILLA P. SOUCEK

The Formation

of Islamic

Yale University

Press,

Art.

1973.

By Oleg Grabar.

233 pages;

New Haven:

131 illustrations.

In this book Professor Grabar analyzes the earliest monuments of Islamic art seeking to define the term "Islamic" when applied to the arts. He also presents a synthesis of information concerning key problems of arts in the Umayyad and Abbasid periods. Since the book was intended to serve as a general introduction to the subject and also to stimulate further discussion by those working in the field of Islamic art, this review will have two sections. First, a brief summary of the book will be presented, and second, one of the questions raised by Professor Grabar's statements will be discussed at greater length. The first major essay in the book deals with the Existresults of the Islamic conquest in various regions. ing information about the first Islamic cities and monuments is summarized beginning with Spain and moving eastward toward Iran. The earliest Islamic art in Spain is connected not with the arrival of the Muslims in the first decade of the eighth century, but with the patronage of the UmayNorth yad dynasty in the later decades of that century. Africa, although it "became a totally Muslim region" (p. 22), Priscilla P. Soucek is Associate Professor in the Department of the History of Art of the University of Michigan. IRANIAN STUDIES

248

is described as a frontier region which reflects developments elsewhere. Egypt too is described as a secondary center with the development of major artistic expression occurring only under the patronage of the local Tulunid and Fatimid dynasties in the ninth and tenth centuries. For Egypt, as well as North Africa and Spain, the major source of artistic development is located in the "Fertile and the Mesopotamian plain. Crescent," i.e., Syria-Palestine In Iraq, the primary achievements of Islam are connected and with the architecture with the building of new cities, and crafts developed in them. Syria presents a paradox in that the majority of Islamic structures were in rural regions, with only a few major religious structures placed in the cities. For Iran the information is very sparse and the general implication given is that the coherent development of Iranian art falls at a later period than that covered by the book. "The Symbolic Appropriation In the section entitled of the Land," three examples are used to show the new attitudes created by the advent of Islam: Qusair CAmrahand its wall paintings, the Dome of the Rock and its mosaics, and the original plan of Baghdad as built by al-Man~uir. The discussion of Qu5air CAmrahfocuses on a painting of six rulers acclaiming an Umayyad prince or Caliph. A longer analysis of the same monument by Professor Grabar appeared in Ars Orientalis (Vol. 1, 1954). This painting appears to show the Umayyad version of the widespread theme of the family of kings and implies that the Umayyad caliph had become the foremost of the world's rulers. The second monument, the Dome of the Rock, presents a more complex range of problems. Professor Grabar's basic position, as previously published in Ars Orientalis (Vol. 3, 1959), is that the building represents an Islamization of a place highly for both Judaism and Christianity. significant The key evidence for the building as a proclamation of the superirity of Islam over Christianity is found in its inscriptions and in a statement made by the geographer Muqaddasi. The relationship of the Dome of the Rock to Jewish traditions is more uncertain. Professor Grabar suggests that the area may have been connected with Abraham, although the evidence for this association is not as clear as that 249

AUTUMN 1975

theme. A third possiconnected with the anti-Christian buildis that the construction of a major religious bility ing in Jerusalem was part of the larger conflict between of Mekka led by the Umayyad dynasty and the aristocracy Ibn Zubair. This position does not imply that Professor Grabar is espousing the older theory about the Dome of the for the Kacba, but is an attempt to Rock as a substitute statements synthesize various apparently contradictory With reabout this building. found in Islamic historians spect to Baghdad, its unusual circular plan with a central complex is interreligious and residential administrative, The various elements in the plan preted as a palace-city. of the scheme are said to represent a symbolic re-creation of the universe thus implying that the ruler of Islam had a kind of universal power. In "Islam and the Arts," the author discusses the toward the arts in Islamic sociwhich attitudes in manner evolution in the Islamic ety may have affected artistic of pre-Islamic Arabia pretraditions world. The artistic deal with elaborate Literary traditions sent a paradox. structures found in both the region of Hira and residential that of Yemen. However, the connection between these literary themes and subsequent developments of Islamic secular archiThe religious to assess. are difficult architecture tecture of pre-Islamic Arabia appears to have been quite unpretentious and most luxury goods were imported rather than locally made. With respect to the attitude toward the arts found in the Qur'An, four passages are cited which and with the deal with the production of representations Although the worship of idols is deworship of idols. prohibition of the creation nounced, there is no explicit From this dichotomy in the Koranic of images or statues. art Professor Grabar conattitude toward representational cludes that the Islamic position that God is the unique imply a syssource of creative power did not originally Thus tematic denunciation of all images of living beings. which in 102/721 issued of Yazid II he feels that the edict ordered the destruction of images in churches reflected not his intoward the Christians, the Caliph's hostility of living creatures. nate opposition to all representations However, even though written documentation from the first IRANIANSTUDIES

250

Islamic century suggests that a clear philosophical position on the question of images had not yet been formulated, it is clear from the decorative schemes of Islamic reliof living creatures gious monuments that representations The examples of context. were not used in a religious Mshatta and the Mosque of Damascus are cited in this refor images may have affected the gard. A similar distaste institution of epigraphic coinage by CAbd al-Malik in 77/ 696-97. The fourth major section of the book deals with the tradiimpact of Islam on the development of architectural tions. Since it was expected that all adult male Muslims of a community would meet for the Friday noon prayer service it was necessary to build places of communal worship in all Muslim commun'ities. The earliest such location, the house of the Prophet in Medina was a large courtyard with two places of assembly on opposite sides of the open space. The next stage in the process was the building of mosques in the new Islamic cities of Iraq, Syria and Egypt. Evidence suggests that the earliest mosques were simple structures often no more than a rectangular roofed area adjoining an open space and a simple enclosure wall around both of these areas. Although the initial stages are represented in the mosques of Basra and Kufa, the main mosque of Damascus appears to have had a wider influence in deThe organizatermining the plan of subsequent buildings. tion of its sanctuary, the central aisle leading to the mihrab, and the corner towers of its enclosure were widely imitated in the Mediterranean regions of the Islamic world. The Great Mosque of Cordova is also discussed in some detail although its many unique features make it less useful than the Damascus structure for the history of the mosque. Few of the constructional techniques used in mosques originated in the Islamic world, and the main innovation appears to be the extensive use of inscriptions particularly those taken from the Qur'an. The basic conclusion is that mosque architecture evolved slowly, adaptforms and techniques to a new purpose. ing pre-existing Although there does not seem to have been an abstract prototype such as the Prophet's house in Medina for later evolution of developments, it is true that the parallel 251

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mosques in various regions of the Islamic world suggests contacts were important in the process. that inter-regional The development of the rib_t, or frontier post, and of the traditomb are also mentioned briefly as architectural currents. tions connected with religious In the realm of Islamic secular art two main diviart of princely courts, and the sions are observed--the Palaces constructed in the Syrian art of urban areas. countryside during the tlmayyad period comand Palestinian monly had elaborate gateways, reception areas, living quarters and mosques. The most elaborate sections of the buildings were, however, frequently bath complexes which had a large reception area adjacent to the actual bathing It was these reception areas which may have facilities. mentioned in literbeen the scene of elaborate festivities Although the general purpose ary sources of the period. of these reception areas appears clear, many aspects of Some had groups their decoration remains unintelligible. of wall paintings like Qu5air cAmrah, others had sculptural elaborate stucco patterns and complex schemes decoration, Since the specific meaning of any parof floor mosaics. ticular building is unclear Professor Grabar suggests that the motifs may have some connection with the private life owner, which has left no trace in the of the buildings' Literary sources consources of the period. historical and Samarra are at Baghdad Abbasid palaces cerning the much richer than those concerning Umayyad architecture. However, the vast ruins of these structures are difficult stress the use Descriptions to coordinate with the texts. with the and metalwork to impress visitors of textiles The Caliphs themselves appear to have wealth of the ruler. lived in the inner areas of the palaces separated from their subjects by a complex building and vast array of attendants. Despite detailed accounts of ceremonies which occurred in palaces, it is rarely possible to specify the functions of The possibility surviving elements of these buildings. that a given room could be used for different purposes on occasions may provide one reason for the lack of different between areas of the palaces. differentiation

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Among the portable objects associated with royal patronage, ivory boxes from Spain and silver objects from In neither case is it posCentral Asia are mentioned. sible to suggest the exact meaning of the decorations on It is possible that both were appreciated the vessels. more for their sumptuous appearance than for the message contained in their decoration. associated with royal Thus the art and architecture patronage shows the degree of comfort and luxury they apbut does not appear to have a close connection preciated, Islamic modes of thought or taste. with specifically Although it is possible that Islamic cities created a new type of urban center this remains to be documented. Lustre-painted ceramics are mentioned as the artistic medium best suited to the taste and economic level of the Professor Grabar feels that the Muslim urban populations. for metalwork desire to provide an inexpensive substitute was the original impetus in the development of this technique, and that it originated in the Iraqi region despite Iran, its early use on glass in Egypt. In north-eastern a key ceramic producing area, the predominant decorative abstract vegetal motifs, and themes are inscriptions, Themes birds and animals drawn from the folk repertoire. connected with courtly life are rarely used. The general conclusion of this section is that the of princely art in the Islamic themes and particularities While Islamic. that is specifically little world reflect general modes show strong influence from Sasanian royal many individual motifs may have had only a traditions, On the other hand Professor Grabar personal significance. argues that ceramic objects made for the population of exhibit a taste which is more in harmony Islamic cities with a certain reticence in Islamic society towards osliving and towards the owning of objects made tentatious from precious materials. A further discussion of these problems occurs in Professor Grabar the section "Early Islamic Decoration." concludes that the complex decorative schemes of early 253

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residences such as Qasr al-Khair West and Islamic palatial Khirbatal-Mafjar lack a core of iconographical meaning and He were created primarily for the pleasure of the viewers. specific concludes that since the decorative schemes lack a message their main importance lies in the use of ornamental themes which are frequently arranged according to a geometric system. of these conclusions about the traThe implications dition of princely art in Islam bear further examination. between the themes found in Islamic princeThe similarities ly art and those used in the Sasanian world do not in and of themselves prove that these themes lacked specific meanThe visual symbolism of royal ing for the Islamic viewers. conpictorial power frequently draws on well-established In meanings. precise and ventions and gives to them new concernevidence literary of direct addition, the absence of decorative themes found in the ing the significance imply that residences does not necessarily Syrian palatial While the themes used had only a personal significance. cert-ainly the absence of such documentation makes a definiof tive statement concerning the possible significance possible it is nevertheless these themes very difficult, by gathering informainterpretations to propose tentative tion from a variety of sources. In the hope of stimulating further inquiries into the concluding portion of this review will these questions, of some interpretation a tentative to presenting be devoted aspects of the decoration found in one of the most complinamely, Khirbat residences, cated of the Syrian palatial Within that structure attention will be focusal-Mafjar. ed on the decorative elements found in the large Bath Hall adjacent to the residence proper. It should be stated at the outset that the basic hypothesis to be examined here is that the sculptural decoration of the Bath Hall can best be understood by relating it to the legends connected with Solomon, the son of David. However, before turning to the literary evidence of the decorait is useful to provide a brief description tion of this building, drawn from the publication of the IRANIANSTUDIES

254

excavation. Sculptural decoration was concentrated in three main areas of the bath complex: the facade of the of that entrance principal entrance, the domed vestibule and a small room on the north-west side of the large cenWhile the exact relationship of the sections tral hall. of the facade decoration remains uncertain, the largest element was a male figure standing on a platform decorated with two lions. This figure carried a sword and had a ring on his left hand. In addition, the facade was decorated as with one or more rows of kneeling animals identified "bearded rams or ibexes."11 The most curious group of There sculpture is that found in the bath porch vestibule. the pendentives of the dome were decorated with male figures who were portrayed as supporters of dressed in loin-cloths the dome above them.2 Although the decoration of the dome itself was badly damaged in the collapse of the superstructure of the building, the upper levels apparently contained another row of animals, this time probably sheep and gazelles, a series of human figures standing in niches and a row of birds. The figures standing in niches were mainly women nude to the waist and carrying bunches of flowers, but the group included at least one soldier and more figures dressed in loin-cloths.3 The sculptural decoration of the small north-west chamber was apparently located in the dome which covered the main part of the room. The pendentives were decorated with winged horses while the upper section had a row of birds and a curious circular motif at the top of the dome composed of six human heads and six acanthus leaves arranged so that the heads appear to be peaking through pairs of leaves.4 By the advent of Islam the legends surrounding Solomon had become very complex, and the exact history of their development is not yet known. However, the presence of numerous references to Solomon in the Qurlan itself must have stimulated the curiosity of Muslim scholars to learn As an example of more about this extraordinary figure. his wisdom the Qur'&n gives a dispute involving sheep. According to Solomon's decision the owner of a field whose crops were destroyed by the sheep was allowed to keep wool and milk from the animals until the value of the lost crops was equated. Then the sheep were returned to their original 255

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Solomon also had special knowowner (Surah 21: 77-78). ledge which allowed him to understand the language of birds. His personal entourage included therefore birds in addition Solomon's personal conto men and Jinn (Surah 27: 15-16). trol over the Jinn was such that he could force them to Another miracudive into the ocean or to build buildings. lous power of his was the ability to transport his entire entourage over great distances with great speed by means of a wind which carried them the distance of a journey of two months in only one day (Surah 34; 12-13, 38: 35-36). Professor Grabar cites one of these passages (Surah 34: 12-13) dealing with the work of the Jinn for Solomon: And of the jinn

some worked before

him

ing for him whatsoever he would, places statues, porringers like water-troughs, cooking pots (p. 81).

.

. . . fashion-

of worship, and anchored

Among his observations on this verse Professor Grabar suggests it shows "the provision of aesthetic quality to comHowever, he does not suggest an mon daily items" (p. 82). to each explanation for the relation of these possessions other or to the other aspects of the Solomonic legend. While the evidence is admittedly fragmentary it is of objects was understood as possible that this collection establishment and that the amenities of a large palatial some residences built during the Islamic period may have extended the analogy by using in their decoration elements making a compariwhich recalled the Solomonic legends--thus son between the owner of the palace and Solomon. While all of the terms used in this passage present problems of inQur'anic commentators understood the expresterpretation, sion which Professor Grabar has translated as "porringers like water-troughs" to mean pools of water, and the "anchored cooking pots" to be cauldrons so large that they could not be easily moved.5 The suggestion that all these features were thought by Muslim to comprise a single entity is shown indirectly authors in their use of the term tiMalcab Sulaiman,"1 "SoloIRANIANSTUDIES

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mon's Resort" to describe large complexes of ruins such as For example the Syrian geographer Ba'albak and Persepolis. Muqaddasi says of Persepolis: One (it and a jid .

farsakh from Istakhr is Malcab Sulaiman, has) statues (tamithil) and sanctuaries (majrib) in the manner of the Syrian malcabs. curiosities . Among the columns is the bath (hammam)and Masof Sulaim&n.6

While the term Masjid Sulaiman, the Sanctuary of Solomon, often referred to the Temple in Jerusalem, Islamic authors also felt that Solomon had built religious structures in other locations such as Persepolis and the Yemen. The literary tradition concerning the Bath of Solomon is more obscure. However, the 10th century Syrian author Mutahhar ibn Thhir al-Maqdisi says that Solomon "built Baths. t"7 The eleventh century Persian author BalCami lists of Solomon which "hot Baths" as one of the five possessions no ruler had had previously,8 and al-Hamdnl connects Solomon with a hot spring at Ussly in the Yemen. Also the twelfth century Persian author al-Harawi claims that the lO baths found in the city of Tiberias were built by Solomon. While these references do not provide details about the origin of the association of Solomon with the construction of baths they do suggest that such a legend was in circulation during the early centuries of Islam. Furthermore Muqaddasils description of Persepolis as containing a "bath" suggests that Solomon's palatial establishments were thought to include this feature. Muqaddasi's citation of terms from Sura 34; 13 to describe Solomon's "resort" suggests that this passage was thought to describe such a residence. While this chain of evidence is admittedly weak, these clues may lead to other texts which will further elucidate this problem. Within the decorative system of the Khirbat al-Majfar bath hall, the section most clearly linked to the Solomonic tradition is the vestibule of the bath porch. There caryatid figures supported animals, birds, women, at least one soldier and further figures in loincloths resembling 257

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While no convincing explanation for this the caryatids. grouping of figures has yet been proposed, if the caryatids are understood to be the jinn controlled by Solomon then the whole assemblage could be interpreted as the enthat his host tourage of Solomon. The Qur'&n specifies included men, jinn and birds, and other versions of the Solomonic legend provide further details of his attendants. According to a source quote by Tabarl in his Qurl'nic commentary, Solomon had a wooden platform on which he collectWhen this platform men and jinn. ed his courtiers--both was at rest it was supported by those jinn who were subservient to Solomon. When Solomon wished to transport this assemblage he summonedthe wind which he also controlled. states that his entourage included an Another tradition This group was army of men, jinn, animals and birds. transported by the wind on a wooden platform along with 600 wives and 700 female slaves.12 The elaborately decorated north-west chamber of the bath hall also contains decorative themes which can be unForemost derstood in terms of the Solomonic tradition. among these are the winged horses which decorate the pendentives of the dome. As has been documented, the winged horse was associated with rulers in both the Romanand In Islamic culture, however, the wingSasanian worlds.13 as a vehicle of great speed and horse mainly ed appears appears to be primarily a tangible method of representing a wind. The connection between the wind and horses is made by Masciidi who describes how God created horses from of the south wind.14 Also in the story of the a fist-full as cited Prophet Muhammad'sNight Journey, Uasan al-Basri, by Ibn Isshiq, describes the Prophet's vehicle as a white equine creature with wings on its feet which covers great The most conclusive distances with astonishing speed.15 and wind comes from horse the winged connection between He describes a portrait of Solomon supposedly Dinawari. preserved in Constantinople: He brought out the portrait of a handsome man riding This is on a horse which had two wings, and said: Solomon and this is the wind which carries him.16 IRANIANSTUDIES

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While the textual tradition suggests that the medallions with winged horses may contain a further allusion to the legends concerning Solomon's magical powers, the significance of the group of heads and leaves found at the top of to ascertain. the north-west chamber dome is more difficult One of the popular legends concerning Solomon was his ability to communicate with birds. Birds were said to protect him from the sun while he walked or sat by extending their wings to form a canopy over his head.17 It is possible that the group of heads and leaves represents a version of this protective canopy. In later periods paintings showing Solomon enthroned sometimes show angelic figures holding a canopy over his head, while in other instances the sky above his head is shown to be full of birds. 18 These two variations would suggest that the angelic figures and the birds had an equivalent function in the minds of the artists. With respect to the outer facade of the bath hall, its main sculptural decoration was a standing male figure supported by two lions, carryiflg a sword and wearing a ring. It is generally assumed that this figure must represent the owner of this palatial establishment. While the symbolism is not as clear here, this group may also contain references to the Solomonic tradition in the ring worn by the man and the pair of lions underneath his feet. According to legends, Solomon's control over the jinn originated from a seal which he wore in a ring. When this seal was taken from him by one of the jinn, Solomon was evicted from his own kingdom and remained powerless until he managed to recover the seal from the usurper.19 Another of Solomon's famous possessions was his throne guarded by animals. Various Islamic authors describe this throne as having lions guarding its steps. While Solomon's lion throne appears in later texts and paintings, it is not certain that this tradition was known in the Umayyad period.20 Until that question is decided it is impossible to decide the significance of the pair of lions found on the facade of this Bath Hall. Although some aspects of the documentation are incomplete, it can still be suggested that the sculpture of 259

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referthe Khirbat al-Mafjar bath hall contains pictorial ences to Solomon's large entourage of man, and jinn, birds and also possibly to and animals, wives and slave girls, his esoteric powers. This latter implication would derive from the ring worn by the ruler depicted on the building's facade, by the jinn supporting his entourage in the porch and from the decoration of winged horses and vestibule, flying creatures found in the north-west audience chamber. Although the loss of key sources for the understanding of the early phases of the Solomonic tradition in Islam, such as the Kitab al-Mubtadal of Wahb ibn Munabbih, makes statement about Khirbat al-Mafjar impossible, a definitive with later uses of the the monument has curious parallels The most well-known instance is that Solomonic legends. of Mardawij ibn Ziyar who compared himself and his attendants to Solomon and the jinn 1 A more revealing parallel is however given by the story of cAzud al-Dawlah the Buyid In a tradition preserved by Mirkand the Byzantine envoy. hwand in Rawtat al-Safa cAzud al-Dawlah agrees to meet the envoy of the Byzantine emperor in the evening near a pool When, as expected, the croaking of the filled with frogs. frogs interrupts the audience, cAzud al-Dawlah orders an When the attendant to tell the frogs to remain silent. the frogs by pouring something into the attendant silences water while repeating CA;ud al-Dawlah's command, the Byzantine envoy assumes that his order has been obeyed by the frogs, saying to himself: He is such a marvelous and powerful ruler that even the creatures in the river bottom can't disobey him. His orders are like the commands of Solomon.22 it is possible that the use Judging from these parallels of Solomonic imagery at Khirbat al-Mafjar was intended to owner by presenting bolster the prestige of the building's a visual evocation of Solomon's magical powers. If this theory can be accepted then perhaps the bath hall of Khirbat al-Mafjar may have been an Umayyad version of Hammam SulaimfAn. If so, then the decorative schemes used in other Umayyad residences may also have had a more specific purpose than providing "visual pleasure" to their IRANIANSTUDIES

260

owners. In this book, series of stimulating In so Islamic art. resolved enigmas in review was intended of these questions.

Professor Grabar has presented a essays on various aspects of early doing he has pointed out the many unThe later section of this this field. to aid the further understanding of one

NOTES 1.

R. W. Hamilton, Khirbat al-Mafjar, Oxford, 1959, pp. 98-103, fig. 52, pl. LV; L,5; CVII.

2.

Ibid.,

fig.

3.

Ibid.,

pp. 92-98,

pl.

4.

Ibid.,

pp. 63-67,

figs.

S.

Muliammadibn Jarlr al-Tabarl, 1954, vol. 22, pp. 71-72.

6.

b. Ahmadal-Muqaddasi, Alsan al-Taaiasim fi Mubammad ed. de Goeje, 2nd ed., Leiden, Macrifat al-Aqillm, 6-10. 1906, p. 444:

7.

Mutahhar ibn Tahir al-Maqdisi, Kitib al-Bad' T5lrikh, Paris, 1903, vol. III, p. 106.

8.

Balcami, Th'rikh-i Tabarl, MuIanmnad Paris, 1958, vol. I, p. 442.

9.

al-Hasan ibn Ahmadal-Hamdini, South Arabia, trans. N. Faris,

50. LVI, CVIII. 25, 26, pls.

11.

Tabari,

261

vol.

trans.

Cairo,

wa alZotenberg,

of The Antiquities Princeton, 1938, p. 50.

cAll Al-Harawl, Kitab al-Isharat Ziy&rat, ed. J. Sourdel-Thomine, al-Bayan,

LIV, LVI.

J&mic al-Bayan,

10.

Jmic

LIII,

ila Macrifat alDamascus, 1953, p. 21.

22, p. 69. 1975 AUTUMN

12.

Tabarl, T&'rtkh al-Rusul wa al-Mulfik, ed. de Goeje, Leiden, 1881-82, vol. I, pt. 2, p. 575:2-11.

13.

R. Ettinghausen, From Byzantium to Sasanian Iran and the Islamic World, Leiden, 1972, pp. 11-16.

14.

CAll b. al-Husain al-MasCtidi, Muruii al-Dhahab, Barbier de Meynard, Paris, Pavet de Courteille vol. 4, p. 23.

15.

Ibn Ishaq/ Ibn Hisham, Sirat Vol. II, p. 6.

al-Nabi,

16.

Atmad ibn DV'ud al-Dinawari, 1970, p. 19:9-10.

Akhbar al-TiwAl,

17.

Tabarl, Ti'rikh, 576:2.

18.

For a canopy supported by angels, see B. Fares, "Figures Magiques," fig. 2, in Aus der Welt der Islamischen Kunst, ed. R. Ettinghausen, Berlin, 1959; for a bird canopy see I. Stchoukine, Les Peintures des Manuscrits Safavis, Paris, 1959, pl. LXV.

19.

both cases Tabarl gives two versions of this story--in Solomon loses the ring because he entrusts it to one The ring of his wives who gives it to the usurper. a fish. of stomach the from is eventually recovered 594:3. vol. I, 2, pp. 589:18, pt. T'lrikh,

20.

see Abti CAll al-Fadl alFor a detailed description, Tabarsi, Majmac al-Bayan, Cairo, 1955, vol. 22, pp. The figure of Solomon (discussed by B. Fares) 191-192. See also L. cited in note 18 is supported by lions. Binyon, J. V. S. Wilkinson, B. Gray, Persian Miniature Painting, Oxford, 1933, pl. XVI B.

21.

Ibn Miskawaih, TajArib al-Umam, ed. and trans. H. Amedroz and D. Margoliouth, Oxford, 1921, vol. I, pp. 162163, vol. IV, pp. 182-183.

IRANIANSTUDIES

vol.

I, pt.

262

Cairo,

2, p. 573:1-2,

ed. 1914, 1971, Cairo,

575:11

22.

Mlir Muhammadibn Sayyld Burhan al-Din Khwavand Shah known as Mirkhwand, T'lrlkh Raw;At al-Safd, Tehran, 1339, vol. IV, p. 154.

BOOK REVIEWS FARHADKAZEMI Shahrgari'li va Shahrnishini dar Iran (bih InAimam-i Muq4C lyyat va Nagsh-i Tehran). By Mehdi Amani. Tehran: University of Tehran, Institute for Social Studies and Research, 1350/1971. 80 pp. No price indicated. Migration in Iran: A Quantitative Approach. By Mohammad Hemmasi. Shiraz: Pahlavi University Publications #48, 1974. 144 pp. 15ORls.

The rapid growth of the population of Iran, particularly its urban population in the past two decades has caused concern and interest in many quarters. The two nation-wide censuses of 1956 and 1966 have allowed a number of scholars and interested parties to analyze systematically the trends in the growth of the population or other A handful of studies of this aspects associated with it. type have appeared in the wake of these two censuses as well as the 1964 survey of manpower problems conducted by the Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs. The above books are two representative samples of studies based mainly on the Iranian census data. Dr. Amani, an associate professor of demography in the University of Tehran, is well-known for his previous monographs and

Farhad Kazemi is Assistant Professor Politics at New York University. 263

in the Department of 1975 AUTUMN

on the population of Iran. He has been a pioneer articles in Iran in his analysis of population issues and descrip(See, for example, tion of methods of demographic analysis. Dr. Jamciyyat shinasL, 1970.) his Ravish'ha-yi Talill-yi preis who geographer a and Hemmasi is a younger scholar senting his first systematic work in the field of population studies. account of some Amani's book is a straightforward outstanding features of the population of Iran. A few introductory pages are devoted to the rate of growth of the the numurban population and the methods for calculating These are interspersed with ber of migrants to the cities. tables, graphs, and comments about certain peculiar features The next several pages discuss of Iran's urban population. of the urban population and those cities the distribution Then a sewhich have either sent or attracted migrants. lective social profile of the urban dwellers (such as the use of fertility, economic activity, rate of literacy, etc.) is contrasted with that of the basic utilities, The final chapter is an account of rural population. Tehran's role as a key pole in the urban growth of Iran. results emerge from Amani's analySome interesting sis of the period from 1956 to 1966. For example, relatively speaking, the larger cities have grown more populous The annual while the smaller cities have become smaller. to of 250,000 of cities rate of growth of the population the as as more than twice rapid 500,000 has been slightly This sugrate for Tehran (12.6 percent vs. 6.1 percent). gests that there are important poles other than Tehran which attract migrants. Tehran's population has increased 22 times between points emerge from a 1861 and 1966. Other interesting comparison of Tehran's population with Iran's other urban Tehran appears to have a high concentration residents. (over 25 percent), of those urban dwellers who are literate live alone (33 percent), and live unmarried (33 percent), in rented households (over 35 percent).

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Although a useful study, Amani's monograph suffers from a number of deficiencies. In the first place, there are no hypotheses or guiding theories in the book. We are simply presented with a series of observations drawn sefrom the census data. lectively Why, for example, should as much space be given to the construction material of buildings in the cities as to the type and form of economic of the urban residents? activity Furthermore, even when attempts at comparison or refutation of certain commonly held notions are made, the author's conclusions do not always appear to be consistent with his data. For instance, we are told that Theran's population growth (22 times in 105 years) has not been all that spectacular in comparison with other great cities of the world. However, we are soon presented with a table which indicates that the population of London has grown 10 times in 100 years, of Paris 13 times in 157 years, of Lyons 6 times in 149 years, of Calcutta 7 1/2 times in 75 Clearly all years, and of Shanghai 9 times in 58 years. these cities have had slower rates of population growth than Tehran. The only two cities in Amani's table which support his contention are New York and I)usseldorf. In contrast to Amani's study, Migration in Iran has a basic theoretical concern. Hemmasi discusses several existing theories and hypotheses in migration studies and attempts to test a few major hypotheses in the context of Iran. The objective of the study, as pointed out by the author, "is to examine and explain the determinants of internal migration in Iran as an example of such phenomena in the less-developed nations" (p. 17). The organization of the book is guided by three major interests: (a) the effect of "push" factors in migration to Tehran, (b) the effect of "pull" factors of destination in migration, and (c) the causes and patterns of inter-provincial migration in Iran. In each case, one primary and a few secondary hypotheses are examined and tested. Each of the three major chapters of the book include a brief useful summary of the conclusions. There is also a bibliography of 14 pages of primary and secondary sources. 265

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section of the book is Perhaps the most interesting chapter three which deals with the determinants of migration to Tehran. Here Hemmasi attempts to test the validity of the hypothesis that migration to Tehran is due to socioof townships which send migrants economic characteristics He then the "push" factors. to the capital city, i.e., selects 18 variables related to education, economy, demoof 118 townships in 1956. graphy, and service facilities The variables are factor analyzed and three basic dimensions are extracted from them. The factor scores and two additional variables of distance and information are then used in a regression model to assess the determinants of migration to Tehran. The author concludes from the preceding analysis that the "push" factor explanations of migration are not generally supported by the data. In the succeeding chapter, Hemmasi analyzes a few key "pull" factors in migration to Iranian urban centers. between urban structure and These include the relationship factors which attract the migrants acurban in-migration, cording to age and sex and factors responsible for long as Correlation and reopposed to short distance migration. gression methods are used to arrive at some of the answers. The overall conclusion is that the tendency is to migrate to large and dynamic cities where better "services and amenities" are available. The following chapter deals with forces that influSome explanaence migration from one province to another. as labor force in manufacturing, urtory variables such population density, and distance are used by banization, way of multiple regression to analyze the problem. After Hemmasi impact of these variables, assessing the relative points out that economic factors play a leading role in migration. inter-provincial The strength of Hemmasi's study lies in his concern with theory and his attempts at testing various hypotheses A number of problems, however, are dealing with migration. evident in this book. Perhaps the most important among conclusions are ever reached in these is that no definite this study. The concluding remarks in each section and the IRANIANSTUDIES

266

final summarizing chapter are qualified to the point where one is rarely certain about the major forces contributing For example, we are told in chapter three to migration. that "push" factors do not seem to contribute to migration. In the next chapter this point is modified by the statement that "pull" forces of destination are reinforced by "push" forces at the place of origin (p. 86). Furthermore, Hemmasils analysis is based exclusively on data drawn from the 1956 census. This reviewer is not convinced that the author's data support his conclusion that "push" factors are not instrumental in migration. This opinion is buttressed by Hemmasi's report of the Iranian Government survey of 1964 where 63.7 percent of those questioned stated that they "were dissatisfied with various aspects of life" at the place where they migrated from (p. 111). Moreover, Tehran's "services and amenities" are hardly adequate or sufficient to act as force in attracting the migrants. These problems have arisen in part because Hemmasi does not distinguish among the various migrants to Tehran or other large Iranian cities. Those migrants who are well-off economically and who can easily find a niche for themselves among the wealthier echelons of Tehran's population, may find Tehran a city where "services and amenities" are adequate. The same cannot be said for a good portion of the migrants who are of lower-class background and find themselves residing in the southern sections of Tehran employed in menial jobs. To them Tehran may well be the farthest thing from a place with adequate "services and amenities." For most of these migrants the primary force of migration is likely to be "push" factors at the place of origin. Although there are apparent shortcomings in the above two books, in many ways both are pioneering studies. The authors deserve credit,for their efforts. It is hoped that these beginning efforts (not to mention the works of the French scholar Fredy Bemont and others) would be supplemented by other studies in the future.

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The Origins of the ?afawids: 9iCism, jtfism, and the Gulit. By Michel M. Mazzaoui. Wiesbaden: Steiner Verlag, 1972. viii + 85 pp. DM28.00. ANN E. MAYER The general purpose of this book is to give "a tenta"why is it that after so many tive answer" to the question: siCism of the itnaCasar1 peryears of dormant existence, suasion appeared all of a sudden as a religion and as a Virtually no scholarstate in the world of Islam?" (p. 4). to this very important problem, ly work has addressed itself and for this reason, Mr. Mazzaouils book deserves careful He begins with a chapter that discusses the consideration. relation between religion and government under some of the dynasties of the period between the Mongols and the Safavids, including the Timurids, the Qara-qoyunlus, and the The next chapter describes the intellectual Aq-qoyunlus. life of several major thinkers of this periand political Ibn Taimlya and alod, including Na?ir al-Din al-Tilsi, chapter, he last substantive Baid&wl. In the third and devotes his attention to the evolution of the Safavid Sufi order at Ardabil from its origins to the time of Shah Ismalil. There is a brief conclusion and an extensive bibliography. Mr. Mazzaoui does not understand the Unfortunately, terms of the problem he has set himself and has a very imperfect idea of the methodology necessary to its resolution. The very first and most central term which he misFor example, he appears to understands is Shi'ism itself. of Shilite belief like of fundamental aspects ignorant be On page 25 the ugdl or principal tenets of the faith. to ex(note 4 of p. 24), he states that "it is difficult plain" why Nasir al-Din al-Tfisi calls imamate the third Ann E. Mayer, who is presently (1975-76) studying Islamic Law in London, is a Ph.D. candidate in history at the University of Michigan. IRANIANSTUDIES

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pillar of the pufl of religion, since "With ?'i's, im&ma is considered second only to nubuwwa."1 Surely the majority of Shilites have always considered the first pillar of the usul of religion to be tawhid--the affirmation of God's unity, or, more generally, a discussion of God's attributes. Moreover, he renders the text that he quotes from al-Tiisi on the imamate in a sense which runs counter to the fundamental belief of the overwhelming majority of ithn&casharl Shilites. That is, he has al-Tilsi say that "Some said that there was no need for the imam at all. Others maintained that the people should (among themselves) appoint an imfm. And others believed that the appointment of the imim is a duty from God. Enough has been said to prove the correctness of those who hold to the last view and the error of the others" (p. 25). If al-Tfisi had said this, the second and third groups which he describes would be practically indistinguishable, since the second group would presumably have appointed the imam as a duty from God. What al-Tiisi in fact says is that the third group believes that it is God's obligation (not man's) to establish an imim, and the prbof that this obligation is incumbent on God (wujiibuhu Cala allah in this text) forms a basic and widely discussed element in ithn5cashari belief. Even more surprising is Mr. Mazzaoui's understanding of nass in a text which he quotes from the Iqa_q of Shuishtari. Doubtless, the basic Shi'ite doctrine of nass (specific designation) lies behind the quotation (given on p. 34): "All the imamls have agreed that the method of appointment of the im&mis...by a text from God or his prophet, or by an imim whose imamate has been established textually...." Na5U can, of course, mean text, but it is also the term universally used by Shi'ites to indicate that the im&m should not be chosen by, for example, a consultative shuira, but by designation. Mr. Mazzaouils lack of clarity in his treatment of the fundamental beliefs of the Shi'ites is, unfortunately, matched by some confusion in his discussion of religious history immediately before the rise of the Safavids. In his third chapter, Mr. Mazzaoui discusses four scholars who are taken "to represent the religious c limate during the high Mongol period." This period, he states, "was 269

AUTUMN 1975

but at the controversies; marked with tremendous religious of the various same time it was a period of co-existence amounted almost This co-existence views. Muslim religious and reciprocal tolerabeliefs to a freedom of religious However, his discussion does not support tion" (p. 38). With respect to al-Baid&wl, Mr. Mazzaoui this statement. has offered no specifics about his beliefs other than a comment that his Qur'an commentary is "latitudinarian" is a revision of Zamakhshari made (not altogether true--it The incluelements). to excise the offensive Multazilite he lived under sion of Ibn Taimlyah is not appropriate: the Mamluiks, who imprisoned him several times because of and is not to be associhis version of Hanbalite belief, climate under the Mongols. Nasir ated with the religious al-Din al-Tiisi is quoted on page 26 as saying that "The themselves from the Seveners [IsmiacHiIs] have dissociated by their beMuslim community" (kh&rijiin can al-millah) Nothing is (Hardly an expression of toleration.) liefs. quoted from the fourth scholar, Ibn Mutahhar al-Hilli, and a brief look which even faintly hints at toleration; at the end of the chapter on jihad in his small compendium shows that the author on law, Tabjlr&t al-Mutacallimin, shares the stern view of most Shi'ite jurists on heretics: (bughat), and there are those who "As for the rebellious arise in opposition to a just im&m, they must be fought This suggests until they return to obedience." against.. phenomenon that may a turning away from co-existence--a have had some bearing on the rise of the Safavids. Mr. Mazzaoui concludes this section by a remark which seems to indicate that he feels that ithna cashari scholars were not the shapers of the succeeding events which resulted in the formation of the Safavid state. Rather, he leans to the view that "thg s?ifi oders as well as the gulat stole the show and used siCism, in its more garbs, for their own purposes" popular and folk-Islamic (p. 40). In the next chapter, Mr. Mazzaoui discusses the history of the Sufi order which was led by the Safavids at Descent from CAll, Sufism, ithna casharl Shi'ism, Ardabil. (ghulat) and folk-Islam beliefs of the so-called extremists IRANIANSTUDIES

270

Were are treated as somehow similar and friendly entities. An they? Maybe so, but not on Mr. Mazzaoui's evidence. admiration for CAl! and a special respect for his descendThe large ants is a common feature of Sunnite literature. number of such references which Mr. Mazzaoui has collected, tell us next to nothing about their authors' therefore, attitudes towards Shi'ism (aside from indicating that they On page 60,Mr. Mazzaoui refers to were not Kharijites). the "excessive Suifi views of Hazrat-i CAll?? in one of the poems of Jalal al-Din al-Rilmi. On page 61,he then finds it "odd" that in the thirteenth century the followers of Jalal al-Din "actively" opposed the Bib&'i revolt in Anatolia, which was allied to "extreme" Shi'ism (in ways Mr. It would have been Mazzaoui has not chosen to specify). "odd" had his followers done otherwise, for a few ecstatic words about cAll do not demonstrate that Jalal al-Din was a Shilite. Even though true Sufism may be true Shi'ism, as M. Corbin has suggested, the correlation is not always a simple one. For example, in what sense did Sufis like the two staunch Hanbalites al-Ansari and cAbd al-Qidir alNot only does Mr. Jllini regard themselves as Shi'ites? of these inMazzaoui neglect to sort out the complexities but he himself adduces evidence of the terrelationships, in varyfamiliar fact that Shilites were often anti-Sufi ing degrees. On page 42 (note 3) he quotes in Arabic the "Every rank and staShilite Taftaznil's statement that: tion which saintly men have attained, prophets have attainis not the case, as the foolish among ed to perfection--it the Sufis (al-jahalah min al-mutajawwifah) claim, that the saintly man is better than the prophet." The reader has similar problems in understanding and "folkwhat Mr. Mazzaoui means by "extremist/excessive" Islamic." These terms are employed by him as virtual synonyms, but neither is unambiguous. Some Sunnites saw all Shi'ites (except the Zaidis) as "extremists" (ghulAt). (except the Zaidis, Ithn&casharis saw all other Shi'ites as ghulat. All Muslims felt and, sometimes the Ismailis) free to label "extremists" the adherents of gnostic and/or Mr. Mazcabalistic movements of which they disapproved. zaoui's frame of reference for these terms is nowhere 271

AUTUMN 1975

he means those bePerhaps by "folk-Islamic" clarified. thinkers of the the systematic liefs that are not based on Yet some of the ghulAt--such as the IsIslamic tradition. mailis and a large number of gnostic thinkers--would not fall within "folk-Islam" by this standard, because they Furthermore, have elaborately developed systems of belief. there is no necessary connection between "folk-Islam" and For example, cAli seems to play a relatively Shilism. of the Ahl-i Haqq, here desminor role in the beliefs cribed as "folk-Islamic." Neither is it accurate to characas Mr. Mazzaterlze all Sufi movements as "folk-Islamic," oui seems to be using the term, nor can one say that "folkIslamic" movements such as the Druzes and Nusairis which give CAll an important place in their beliefs have practices which are really very close to Sufi ones. Mr. Mazzaoui is at times tempted, on very weak eviinto the constellation dence, to drag ithnacasharl Shi'ites On page 68, for example, he writes of ideas he has created. scholar Ibn Fahd "is described in that the ithnicashari sic! biographical works as having himself entertained unIn supnature." conventional Uifi ideas of folk-Islamic port of this statement Mr. Mazzaoui quotes in a note Shiishtar! (in Persian) as saying that Ibn Fahd was a Sufi, who had acquired an inner exercises, devoted to religious state (through his Sufism) (sfliy _va-murt4;, va spiritual a1.iib-i Lawg)." And, Mr. Mazzaoui says, the biography by But all that Bahr&nl "says it more clearly." the Shi'ite the Arabic quote from Bahr&nl says is that Ibn Fahd "was faqih, a pious and ascetic and Goda learned and excellent to fearing mujtahid, except that he had an inclination Where is Sufism which he voices in some of his writing." leanings and his unthe confirmation of his folk-Islamic conventional Sufism? Had Mr. Mazzaoui defined his cateof the perhaps no such distortion gories more precisely, sources would have occurred. atAfter surveying (a) the largely unsuccessful (b) to convert post-Mongol dynasties, tempts by Shilites movements in Anatolia, and (c) the begin"folk-Islamic" nings of the Sufi order at Ardabil prior to its becoming Mr. Mazzaoui concludes that: Shi'ite, 272

1975 AUTUMN

one can safely state Broadly speaking therefore, that, during the period of the gost-Ilkh&nid dynasties, there were signs that SiCism was the favored form of Islam. These signs extended from simple reverence of the Prophet's family to open rafd and extreme views. However, no formal total adherence to itn&casarl gicism can be noted; and perhaps the following general statement by M. Jean Aubin is a good summation of the way many of the rulers of these dynasties chose to win over the of their subjects; "La question se pose allegiance de savoir quelle pouvait etre l'attitude des dynasties turkmenes devant la montee du chiisme. Esperant pouvoir canaliser cette force, les souverains ne la heurtaient que lors qulelle devenait un peril. Le probleme n'etait pas pour les Qara Qoyunlu ou les Aq Qoyunlu de se montrer hostiles ou favorables au chiisme, mais d'adopter une politique qui leur garantit un large support parmi leur sujets" (p. 66). In fact, however, Mr. Mazzaoui has not shown that Shilism had become "the favored form of Islam." It was not favored by the rulers, since, as Mr. Mazzaoui has pointed out, even some of the kings loosely supposed to be Shi'ites are not properly termed such. -M. Aubin supposes, as most scholars have, that there were an increasing number of Shi'ites in this period. This is a reasonable supposition, even if the evidence necessary for comparing this period with the preceding one has not been assembled; but Mr. Mazzaouils use of the above quote is puzzling, because it does not really fit in with the point he is making. Far from stating that Shilism had become the favored form of Islam, M. Aubin appears to be saying that these dynasties ruled over a population whose religious loyalties were divided, so that they faced a challenge in keeping popular support in the face of the progress of Shilism. What role should be assigned to Shii'ism in the origins of the Safavids? In the Conclusion, he tells us at page 83:

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273

The religious

history

of this

period,

.

. . was

of Sfifism and folkmarked by an efflorescence high Islamic ideas at the expense of traditional Islam both in its SunnY synthesis and its itnaFolk Islam naturally knew no asarl sici variety. and we have seen how a suflf order limitations, like that of Saih Safl ad-Din of Ardabil developed into an extreme sicl movement of the gulat type became the dominant power in Adarandradually baigan and slowly assumed control of the rest of Iran. In the previous chapter, he has reported that according to Khunji, a Sunnite author and the only source Mr. Mazzaoui quotes for this, the followers of the Safavid Shaikh Junaid called him a God and called his son a "Son Then, on page 80 (note 9), he quotes from of God" (p. 71). the Arabic of two sixteenth century authors who say that (i.e., Shah Isma'il, the grandson of Junaid, became a r?fi!z only when he went to Gil&n, a tradisome kind of Shilite) Shi'ite area, for, as al-Nahrawali adds, "his tionally fathers

were Sunnites

. . . and none except

Shah Isma'il

Some links between the argument and the had shown rafz." evidence seem to be missing here. Mr. Mazzaoui does an about face. In his conclusion, He takes the position that all these currents of religious so widespread as he had led us thought were not, really, to believe (p. 83): and religiously, Both politically however, the people of Ir&n, Iraq, and Anatolia appear to have lost most if not all of their "freedoms" by the end of the century; and the rise of the Safawid state fifteenth was in essence a successful attempt at imposing a and religious system which was quite alipolitical en to the indigenous population of this part of the Muslim world. the description of Shi'ism of reconciling The difficulties system with the earlier claims that as an alien religious it was becoming "the favored form of Islam" must disturb 274

1975 AUTUMN

any reader. A subsidiary theme in the book is the role of Arab, Persian,and Turkish identity in the politics of the period. On page 13, Mr. Mazzaoui writes: "One of the [trends and developments] is the important observation that progressively during this period Arab ascendancy in the context of the Abbasid caliphate was gradually giving way to a PersoTurkish culture that was fast replacing it." The speeds involved in this development are confused in this sentence, as are the time periods. Mr. Mazzaoui is speaking of the two and one half centuries between the fall of Baghdad and the rise of the Safavids. The anachronism is a dramatic one, since it is difficult to conceive of how the Abbasids could be considered representatives of "Arab ascendancy" even several centuries before the period in question began. Later, Mr. Mazzaoui proposes that if the establishment of the capital at Baghdad made the Islamic empire, in Margoliouth's words "the heir to the ancient empires of the East," then, "moving the capital still further eastward to Adarmade the whole of that empire more Perbaigan, therefore, sian" (p. 44). What empire is being made more Persian, and in what sense? Is Mr. Mazzaoui suggesting that the Safavids are the direct successors of the late Abbasids? In another discussion of ethnic motivation, Mr. Mazzaoui makes the puzzling statement: "The attraction of the Arab tribes in southern Iraq to the Muishacshac movement is a curious thing in itself (since Sicism was not the sole domain of the Iranians)" (p. 69). If Shilism was not the sole domain of the Iranians, why should it be curious that the Arabs were attracted to it? Is the point indeed worth making? In this reviewer's opinion, Mr. Mazzaouils attempts to explain complex events in such simplistic ethnic terms consistently obscure his understanding of the history of the period. Another of his themes is the role of ghaza in the Safavids' rise to power, to which he attaches great importance. Thus, on page 73:

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From contemplative sufism under gaih Safi ad-Din to open heresy of the kulat type under &naid and Haidar is a long way and a far cry. The only explanation that could be offered (and this is only by looking at the consequences rather than at the causes) is that by assuming this super-human and divine role, the new-type leaders of the Order could rally their followers and lead them to gazA and conquest.

.

.

. In other

change was simply a pretext

words,

the religious

for political

ends.

The sources Mr. Mazzaoui uses do not, however, offer much support for the notion that ghaza was a central feature of the Safavids' campaign for hegemony. He tells us tbat even in AdarbaigAn before Shaikh Junaid, "the Aaz& activity against the Christians of Georgia has also been observed" The evidence he offers is that in the time of (p. 73). Qutb al-Din, Shaikh Safi's grandson, the Georgians plundered Ardabil, and that in the time of Shaikh Sadr al-Din shows up again and the Georgians, we are "'g&zl activity told, carried away the door of the mosque of Ardabill" (p. in the face of Georgian incursions Should passivity 54). be designated as ghaza? Other difficulties

arise

with respect

to other as-

and the of the Safavids treatment pects of Mr. Mazzaouils than the conclusion. ghaza, but nothing is more puzzling themselves ghazi considered As proof that the Safavids and that this role was important to their followleaders, career ers, Mr. Mazzaoui says that when Shah IsmaCills Ismacil conquered in 1500, "in true 'Azi fashion, started Even for specialBaku before turning to Tabriz" (p. 77). to be intelliis too telegraphic this description ists, Even One might ask who held Baku at this point. gible. unbelievers, assuming that it were a major center of defiant campaigns of Ismalills why were the overwhelming majority Why did his ghazi Muslim communities? directed against to "rally" to a leader whose main concontinue supporters How their Muslim co-religionists? cern was warfare against rethe theory that the Safavids' does this evidence affect by their need to enhance their policy was dictated ligious of ghaza activities? as leaders status 276

AUTUMN1975

Until now it has been the consensus among scholars of the Safavid period that Shilism was increasing in the and that the Safavid claim to 14th and 15th centuries, cAlid descent and leadership of a Sufi order was very imIt is also clear that some of portant to their followers. the claims of the early Safavids sound more like the claims of ghulat leaders than those of adherents to ithnacashari Shilism. Mr. Mazzaoui apparently sought to marshal the detail which would raise these intelligent guesses of other scholars to the level of real historical theories. He has failed to do so. Unhappily, no one with a basic knowledge of Shilism, and of the kind of Persian and Arabic texts he uses,was able to protect him from making mistakes which will inevitably prejudice his readers against his more general conclusions. And regardless of how the sources are used, if someone had pointed out the contradictions Mr. Mazzaoui between his various general conclusions, might have been able to present the kind of sustained historical argument which would make this book of interest I hope that Mr. Mazzaoui will to the general historian. return to this subject with just such advice. He has entered a jungle, and if he can cut a path through it, he will have done more than his predecessors have been able to do.

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From Contemporary Persian. Social and Cultural Selections word list by and an alphabetical With notes, exercises, Delmar New Michel M. Mazzaoui and William G. Millward. York: Caravan Books, 1973. xi + 128 pp. $7.50. JEROMEW. CLINTON

This reader of contemporary Persian newspaper prose of which are several passages, separate sixteen contains IV, and X) and, in one into two or more parts (III, divided as two separate selections case, a longer piece is treated vary in length from under The selections (VII and VIII). befalling lines with the majority twenty to over sixty is preEach selection lines. and twenty-five tween sixteen of its conand description ceded by a brief introduction extensive by a glossary, tents in English, and followed of and a section and grammatical notes to the text, lexical at the vocabulary There is also a comprehensive exercises. end of the volume. have all been taken from Tehran's These selections and Kayhfn, and, as the two major evening papers, Itplricat title they are all focused on contemporary conpromises, VI "Why V "Why can't women too be lawyers?", Thus: cerns. have you moved to Tehran?", and XIII "Telephone nuisances." it does so as an adjunct to the Where the past intrudes, the preservation pride: as in XIV "Our national present, of old buildings." to prepare such a reader, Mazzaoui and In deciding than it a task more difficult Millward have set themselves of language By a common convention appear. may at first to be only one "newspaper prose"t is considered teachers, in a gramor two degrees more difficult than the exercises One wonders whether this is ever true or is it mar book.

Jerome W. Clinton is Assistant Professor in the Department of Near Eastern Studies at Princeton University. IRANIANSTUDIES

278

of newspapers makes simply that the wide distribution it appear to be? In either event, the convention certainly doesn't hold for the prose of contemporary Iranian newspapers, particularly that of the sort of topical pieces that are represented here. Iranian journalese is excepfor the beginner. difficult tionally It is a hodge-podge of styles--colloquial, dense literary, bureaucratic--and with neologisms and borrowings from French and English. It does, as the authors say, reflect the usage of "contemporary, educated F&rsi-speaking Iranians," but in an extreme form. They characterize and this style as "direct, lively, about its virtues than vigorous,," and are more enthusiastic I am, but tastes differ. However, to speak of it as "simple and straightforward," is downright misleading. Yet there is no question that it is a style of writing which any student of modern Iran must eventually master. The present reader does an admirable job of smoothing one's way toward that mastery. The lessons are well and carefully done for the most part. The glossaries and notes for the individual selections are convenient, detailed, and generally reliable. There are glosses that are wrong or inexact, and grammatical explanations that one might quarrel with, but they are few compared with the very many that are accurate and dependable. So also a number of the drills and exercises, in the early lessons, are more time-consuming particularly than instructive, but there is a good variety of exercises offered for the teacher to choose from, and most provide useful drill on the vocabulary of the less on, at least. In a book so carefully prepared, it is distressing to find real lapses. The occasional use of hamza over the initial alif, for example, may be the rule in Arabic but it is exceedingly rare in written or printed Persian. The pronunciation of words is indicated neither in the glossary for each section, nor the accompanying notes, but only in the final vocabulary. And in my copy of the text, the final vocabulary has been badly scrambled--a serious handicap to the beginning student.

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AUTUMN 1975

Yet as I have already said, both in its format and in the care with which it has been written and printed, improvement over those althis reader is a substantial ready available.

A NOTEON TRANSLITERATION In manuscripts submitted for publication, which do words need be transliterated those only not appear in the third edition of Webster's New The system of transDictionary. International used by IRANIANSTUDIESis the Persian literation Romanization developed for the Library of Congress and approved by the American Library Association Copies of and the Canadian Library Association. this table (Cataloguing Service - Bulletin 92) may be obtained from the Editor or by writing directly to the Library of Congress.

IRANIANSTUDIES

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Iranian Studies is published quarterly by The Society for Iranian Studies. It is distributed to members of the Society as part of their membership. The annual subscription rate for institutions is $10.00. The opinions expressed by the contributors are of the individual authors and not necessarily those of the Society or the editors of Iranian Studies. Articles for publication and all other communications should be sent to the Editor, Iranian Studies, Box K-154, Boston College, Chestnut Hill, Massachusetts 02167, U.S.A. Communications concerning the affairs of the Society should be addressed to the Secretary, The Society for Iranian Studies, P.O. Box 89, Village Station, New York 10014, U.S.A. The exclusive distributing agent for IRANIAN STUDIES in Iran is: Kharazmie Publishing & Distribution Co., 229 Daneshgah Street, Shah Avenue (P. 0. Box 14-1486), Tehran, Iran.

COVER: Detail of an eleventh century silk textile from Iran. Photo courtesy of The Cooper-Hewitt Museum of Decorative Arts and Design, Smithsonian Institution.

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